RAVEL TO DISCOVER THE SOURCE OF THE NILE. tar TRAVEL TO DISCOVER THE SOURCE OF THE NILE, the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771? I772> an^ 1773- IN FIVE VOLUMES. BY JAMES BRUCE OF KINNAIRD, ESQ, F. R. S. VOL. II. Vixcre fortes ante slgamemnona Mult'if fed omnes iUacbrymcibiki Urgentur ignotique lougd No&e, carent quia vate facro. Ho rat. EDINBURGH: PRINTED BY J. RUTHVEN, TOR G. G. J. AND J. ROBINSON, PATERNOSTER-ROW, LONDON. m.dcc.xc. 1L CONTENTS of the SECOND VOLUME. BOOK III. ANNALS OF ABYSSINIA. Tranflated from the Original. containing the history of the aeyssinians, from the restoration of the line of solomon to the death of socinios, and the downfall of the romish religion. ICON AMLAC. From 1268 to 1283. Line of Solomon rejlored under this Prince—He continues the Royal Rtfidcncc in Shoa—Tecla Haimanout dies—Rcafonsfor the Fabrication of the fuppofed Niccne Canon, P. 1, IGBA SION. From 1283 to 1312. Quick Siicceffon of Princes—Memoirs of thefe Reigns deficient, 1 4 Vol. II. a A M D A A M D A SION. From 1312 to 1342. licentious beginning of this King's Reign—His rigorous Conduct with the Monks of Dcbra Libauos—.His Mahometan Subjecls Rebel_Mara and Add declare War—Are defeated in feveral Battles, andfubmit, , P. 5 S A I F A R A A D. From 1342 to 1370. This Prince enjoys a peaceable Reign—P rot eels the Patriarch of Cophts at Cairo from the Pcrfecution of the Soldan, 60 WED EM ASFERL From 1370 to 1380. Memoirs of this and the following Reign defcclive* 62 DAVID II. From 1380 to 1409. 63 THEODORU S. From 1409 to 1412. Memoirs of this Reign, though held in great Efleem in Abyjfinia, dc~ fcclivc, probably mutilated by the Ecclefiafics, 64 ISAAC. From 1412 to 1429. No Annals tf this, nor the four folk wing Reigns, 65 AN- ANDREAS I, on AMDA SION, P. 66 T E C L A MARIAM, or HASEB N A N Y A. From 1429 to 1433. 67 SARWE YASOUS, ib. AMDA YASOUS, ib. Z A R A JACOB. From 1434 to 1468. m Sends Ambaffadors from yerufdem to the Conned of Florence—Firft Entry of the Roman Catholics into Abyfftnia, and Difpate about ■ Religion—King perfecutcs the Remnants of Sabaifm and Idolatry —Mahometan Provinces rebel, and are fubducd—The King dies, 68 B (E D A MARIAM. From 1468 to 1478, Revives the Banifhment of Princes to the Mountain—War with Adel-~Dcath of the King—Attempts by Portugal to d'feover Abyf finia and the Indies, 78 ISCANDER, or, ALEXANDER. From 1478 to 1495. Ifcandcr dec I ires War with Adel—Good Conducl of the King—Betrayed and Murdered by Za Saluce, 114 NAOD, From 1495 to 1508, Wife Conducl of the King—Prepares for a War with the Moor:~— Concludes an Honourable Peace with Add, 120 a 2 DAVID DAVID III. From 1508 to 1540. David, an Infant, fuccecds—Queen fends Matthew Ambcffador tot Portugal—David takes the field—Defeat of the Moors—Arrival of an Embaffy from Portugal—Dfafrous War with Adel, P. 114; CLAUDIUS, or ATZENAF SEGUED. From 1540 to 1559* Profperous Beginning of Claudius's Reign—Chr'flopher de Gama lands in Abyfftnia—Prevented by the Rainy Seafon from joining the King—Battle of Ainal—Battle of Of ah—Chriftopber de Gama Slain—Battle of Ifaacs Bet—Moors defeated, and their General Slain—Abyffinian Army defeated—Claudius Slain—Remark-rnarkable Behaviour of Nur, Governor of Zeyla General of the Moors, 173 M E N A S, or ADA MAS SEGUED. From 1559 to 1563. Baharnagajh rebels, proclaims Tafcar King—Defeated by the King-Cedes Dobarwa to the Turks, and makes a League with the Bafha of Mafuah, 206 S E R T ZA DENGHEL, or MELEC SEGUED. From 1563 to 1595. King crowned at Axum—Abyffinia invaded by the Galla—Account of that People—The King defeats the Army of Adel—Beats the Falq/ha, and kills their King—Battle of the Mareb—Bafha flain, and Turks expelled from Dobarwa—King is poifoncd—Names Za Denghel bis Succejfor, 214 ZA ZA DENCHF-tr From tj95 to t$&# Za [Dcngbcl dethraned-~~jacob a Mhnr fitJcecds^Zd Vinghel U Rejlored-~Banifyss Jacob to Narea—Converted to the Rotofi Rd* tig'm—Batik ofilarkbo, and Death f;kt j£ing¥ ft 338 .. .J AO Oft i From 1604 to 1605. Makes Propofals to Soclnios, which are r/jcckd+~¥akcs the field** Bad Conducl and Defeat of Za SeLp—Battle tf Debra Zed— Jacob defeated and Slain, 2$l SOCINIOS ok MELEC SEGUED, From 1605 to 1632. Socintos embraces the Romi/h Religiotf-~4Var with With the Shepherds—Violent Conducl of the Romif) Patriarch—Lajla rebels—Defeated at Wainadega—Sociniot rflores the Alexandrian Religion-~~Refgns his Crown to his Eldcjl Son, 2f)i BOOK IV. continuation of the annals, from the death of SO" cinios, till my arrival in abyssinia. FACILIDAS or SULTAN SEGUED. From 1632 to 1665, 72 i Patriarch and Mijfonarics are BanifiedSeeh the Protection of a Rebel—Delivered up to the King, andfait to Mafuab—Prince Claudius Claudius rebels—Sent to Wechne—Death and Character of the King, P. 4°* HANNES I. or GELAFE SEGUED. From 1665 to 1680. Bigotry of the King-~Dfgufs his Son Tafous, whofiies from Gondar, 423 YASOUS I. From 1680 to 1704. Brilliant Expedition of the King U Wechne—Various Campaigns againjl the Agows and Galla—Comet appears—Expedition againjl Zeegam and the Eajlcrn Shangalla—Poncet"s Journey—Marat's Embafy—Du Route's Embaffy—Du Roule murdered at Sennaar »~Tbe King is ajfajfinated, 425 TECL h H AIM ANOUT I. From 1704 to 1706. Writes in Favour of Du Roule-~Dcfeats the Rebels—Is AJfaffmatcd' while Hunting, 517 T I F I L I S. From .1706 to 1709. Diffembles with his Brother s AffaJJins—Execution of the Regicides—533 Rebellion and Death of Tigi, 0 U S T A S. From 1709 to 1714. Vfurps the Crown—Addicted to Hunting--Account of tbe Shangalla —Aftivc and Bloody Reign—Entertains Catholic Brief s privately —Falls ftck and dies, but how, uncertain, 538 DAVID DAVID IV. From 1714 to 1719. Convocation of the Clergy—Catholic Brief s executed—- A Second Convocation—Clergy info It the King—J lis fiver e Punifoment— King dies of Poifon, P. 577 BACUFFA, From 1719 to 1729, Bloody Reign—-Exterminates the Oonfpirators-*-Counterfeits Death"" Becomes very Popular, 595 YASOUS II. or, ADIAM SEGUED. From i 729 to 1753. Rebellion in the Beginning of this Reign—King addicted to hunting— To budding, and the Arts of Peace—Attacks Sennaar—ljfes his Army—Takes Samayat— Receives Baady King of Scunaar under bis Protection, 60S J O A S. From 1753 to 1769. This Prince a favorer of the Galla his Relations-—Great di[Petitions on bringing them to Court—War of Begcmder—Ras Michael brought Jo Gondar-—Defeats Ayo—-Mariam Barea refifes to be aecejfary to his Death—King favours Waragna Fafil—Battle of A&aj&o—King A [[affiliated in his Palace, 660 FI A N N E S IT. 176.9. ffannes, Brother to Bacuffa, chofen King—brought from Wechne— Crowned at Gondar—-His horrid Behaviour—Refufes to march agahifl Fafd—Is poifoncd by Order of Ras Michael, 707 TECLA TECLA HAIMANOUT II. 1769. Succeeds his Father Hatines—His Character and prudent Behaviour —-Cultivates Michael's Friend/hip—Marches willingly againjl Fqftl—Defeats him at Fagitta—Defcription of that Battle, 709 TRAVELS TRAVELS TO DISCOVER THE SOURCE OF THE NILE. BOOK III. ANNALS OF ABYSSINIA, TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL: containing the history of the abyssinians, from the restoration of the line of solomon to the death of socinios, and the downfall of the romish religion. ICON AMLAG From 1268 to 1283. Line of Solomon njlorcd under this Prince—lie continues the Royal Re-fidence in Shoa—Tecla Ilaima'nout dies—Reafns for the Fabrication of the fuppofed Nicene Canon. ALTHOUGH the multiplicity of names afmmed by the kings of Abyflinia, and the confufion occafioncd by this cuftom,has more than once been complained of in the foregoing facets, we have here a prince that is an exception Vol. II. A to to this practice,, otherwife almoft general. IconAmlac is the only name by which we know this firft prince of the race of Solomon, reftored now fully to his dominions, after a long exile his family had fullered by the treafon of Judith. The fignification of his name is, " Let him be made our fo-vereign," and is apparently that which he took upon his inauguration or acceflion to the throne ; and his name of baptifm, and bye-name or popular name given him, are both therefore loft. Although now reftored to the complete poneftion of his ancient dominions, he was too wife all at once to leave his dutiful kingdom of Shda and return to Tigre. He continued to make Tegulat, the capital of Shoa, his feat of the empire, and there reigned fifteen years. In the 14th year of the reign of this prince, his great benefactor, Abuna Tecla Haimanout, founder of the Order of Monks of Debra Libanos, and reftorer of the Royal family, died at that monaftery in great reputation and very advanced age. He was the laft Abyflinian ordained Abuna; and this fufhxiently fhews the date of that canon I have already fpoken of, falfely faid to be a canon of the council of Nicea, Though Le Grande and fome others have pretended to be in doubt at what time, and for what reafon, this canon could have been made, I think the reafon very plain, which fixes it to the time of Tecla Haimanout, as well as mews it to be a forgery of the church of Alexandria, no doubt with the council and advice of this great ftatefman Tecla Haimanout, Egypt was fallen under the dominion of the 4 Sara* Saracens; the Coptic patriarch, and all the Chriftians of the church of Alexandria, were their {laves or fervants ; but the Abyflmians were free and independent, both in church and ftate, and a mortal hatred had followed the conqueft from variety of caufes, of which the perfecution of the Chriftians in Egypt was not one of the leaft. As it was probable that thefe reafons would increafe daily, the confequence which promifed inevitably to follow was, that the Abyflinians would not apply to Alexandria, or Cairo, for a metropolitan fent by the Mahometans, but would choofe a head of their own, and fo become independent altogether of the chair of St Mark. As they were cut off from the reft of the world by feas and deferts almoft inaccefiiblc, as they wanted books, and were every day relaxing in difcipline, total ignorance was likely to follow their feparation from their primitive church, and this could not end but in a relapfe into Pagan-ilm, or in their embracing the religion of Mahomet. This prohibition of making any of their countrymen Abuna, fecured them always a foreigner, and a man of foreign education and attachments, to fill the place of Abuna, and by this means afTured the dependence of the Abyflinians upon the patriarch of Alexandria. This is what I judge probable, for I have already invincibly llrewn, that it is im-poflible this canon could be one of the firft general Council* and its being in Arabic, and conceived in very barbarous terms, fufficiently evinces that it was forged at this period. IGBA CTfiaa^g^ea—s^-----flg; IGBA SION. From 12S3 to- 1312, Quick Succeffton of Princes—Memoirs of thefe Reigns deficient. TO Icon Amlac fucceeded Igba Sion, and after him five other princes, his brothers, Bahar Segued, Tzenaf Segued, Jan Segued, Hafeb Araad, and. Kedem Segued, all in. five years. So quick a fucceflion. in fo few years feems to mark very unfettled times. Whether it was a civil war. among thcmfelves that brought thefe reigns to fo* fpecdy a. conclufion, or whether it was that the Moorifh Mates in, Adel had grown in power, and fought mccefsfully againfl them, we do not know. One thing only we are certain of, that no moleftation was offered by the late royal family of Lafta, who continued in peace, and firm in the observation of their treaty. I therefore am inclined to think, that a civil: war among the brothers was the occafion of the quick fucceflion of fo many princes ; and that in the time when the kingdom was weakened by this calamity, the ftates of Adel, grown rich and powerful, had improved the occafion,, and feized upon all that territory from Azab to Melinda,. and cut off the Abyflinians entirely from the fca-coaft, and from an opportunity of trading directly with India from the ports fituated upon the ocean; And my reafon is, that, in a reign which fpeedily follows, we find the kingdom of Adel Aid incrcafed greatly in power, and Moorifli princes from Arabia eftablifhed in little principalities, exactly correfpond-ing with the fouthern limits of Abyllinia, and placed between them and the ocean ; and we fee, at the fame time, a rancour and hatred firmly rooted in the breads of both nations, one of the caufes of which is conftantly alledgcd by the Abyflinian princes to be, that the Moors of Adel were anciently their fubjects and vaflals, had withdrawn them-felves from their allegiance, and owed their pre fent inde-. pendence to rebellion only.. To thefe princes fucceeded Wedem Araad, their youngeft brother, who reigned fifteen years, probably in peace, for in this ftatc we find the kingdom in the days of his fuccel-fof; but then it is fuch a peace that we ice it only wanted any fort of provocation from one party to the other, for both,to break out into very cruel, long, and bloody wars*. A M D A S I O N. From 1312 to 1342. licentious beginning of this Kings Reign—His rigorous Conducl iviih the Monks of Debra IJbanos—His Mahometan SidjeHs rebel—Mara and Adel declare War—Arc defeated infeveral Battles, and fubmit. A M D A Sion fucceeded his father, Wedem Araad, who Jl\ was youngeft brother of Icon Amlac, and came to the crown upon the death of his uncles. He is generally known* by by this his inauguration name; his Chriilian name was Guebra Mafcal. His reign began with a fcene as difgrace-ful to the name of Chriilian as it was new in the annals of Ethiopia, and which promifed a character very different from what this prince prefcrved ever afterwards. He had for a time, it feems, privately loved a concubine of his father, but had now taken her to live with him publicly; and, not content with committing this fort of inceft, he, in a very little time after, had feduced his two fillers. Tegulat * (the capital of Shoa) was then the royal refi* dence ; and near it the monaftery of Debra Libanos, founded by Tecla Haimanout reflorer of the line of Solomon. To this monaftery many men, eminent for learning and religion, had retired from the fcenes of war that defolated Palefllne and Egypt. Among the number of thefe was one Hono-rius, a Monk of the firft character for piety, who, fince, has been canonized as a faint. Honorius thought it his duty firft to admoniiTi, and then publicly excommunicate the king for thefe crimes. It fhould feem that patience was as little among this prince's virtues as chaftity, as he immediately ordered Honorius to be apprehended, ftripped naked, and feverely whipped through every ftreet of his capital. That fame night the town took fire, and was entirely confumed, and the clergy loft no time to perfuadc the people, that it was the blood of Honorius that turned to fire whenever it had dropt upon the ground, and fo had burnt the city. The king, * The city of Wolves, or Hyxnas. king, perhaps better informed, thought othcrwife of this, and fuppofed the burning of his capital was owing to the Monks themfelves. He therefore banifhed thofe of Debra Libanos out of the province of Shoa. The mountain of Gefhen had been chofen for the prifon wherein to guard the princes of the male-line of the race of Solomon, after the mafTacre by Either *, upon the rock Damo in Tigre. Geshen is a very fteep and high rock, in the kingdom of Amhara, adjoining to, and under the jurifdiction of Shoa. Hither the king fent Philip the Itchegue, chief of the monaftery of Debra Libanos, and he fcattered the reft through Dembea, Tigre, and Begemder,(whofe inhabitants were mod-ly Pagans and Jews), where they greatly propagated the knowledge of the Chriftian religion. This inftance of feverity in the king had the effect to make all ranks of people return to their duty; and all talk of Honorius and his miracles was dropt. The town was rebuilt fpeedily, more magnificently than ever, and Amda Sion found time to turn his thoughts to correct thofe abufes, to efface the unfavourable impreffion which they had made upon the minds of his people at home, and which, bcfldcs, had gained confiderablc ground abroad. It has been before mentioned, and will be further inculcated in the courfe of this hiftory as a fact, without the remembrance of which the military expeditions of Abylll-nia cannot be well understood, that two oppofitc feafons prcvail * She had feveral name*, as I have before kid, Judith in Tigtc, and is Am!i?.ra EJlh;r, prevail in countries feparatcd by a line almoft imperceptible ; that during our European winter months, that is, from October to March, the winter or rainy feaibn prevails on the coaft of the ocean and Red Sea, but that thefe rains do not fall in our fummer, (the rainy feafon in Abyftinia), which was the reafon why Amda Sion faid to his mutinous troops, he would lead them to Adel or Auffa, where ft did not rain, as we lliall prefently obferve. The different nations that dwell along the coaft, both of the Red Sea and of the ocean, live in fixed huts or houfes. We fhall begin at the northmott, or neareft Atbara. The firft is Ageeg, fo named from a fmall iiland on the coaft, op-polite to the mountains of the Habab, Agag, or Agaazi, the principal diftrict of the noble or governing Shepherds, as is before fully explained, dliferent in colour and hair from the Shepherds of the Thcbaid living to the northward. Then follow the different tribes of thefe, Tora, Shiho, TaItal,Azimo, and Azabo, where the Red Sea turns eaftward, towards the Straits, all woolly-headed, the primitive carriers of Saba, and the perfume and gold country. Then various nations inhabit along the ocean, all native blacks, remnants of the Cu--fhite Troglodyte, but who do not change their habitations with the feafons, but live within land in caves, and fome of them now in houfes. In Acid andAufla the inhabitants are tawny, and not black, and have long hair; they are called Gibbertis, which fome Trench writers of voyages into this country fay, mean Slaves, from Guebra, the Abyifmian word for Have or fer-vant. But as it would be very particular that a nation like thefe, fo rich and ib powerful, who have made themfelves 2 inde- ■ independent of their ancient mailers the Abyllinians, have wrefted fo many provinces from them, and, from the difference of their faith, hold them in fuch utter contempt, ihould neverthelefs be content to call themfelves their flaves5 fo nothing is more true, than that this name of Gibberti has a very different import. Jabber, in Arabic, the word from which it is derived, fignifies the faith, or the true faith; and Gibberti confequently means the faithful, or the orthodox, by which name of honour thefe moors, inhabiting the low country of Abyifinia, call each other, as being conflant in their faith amidfl Chriftians with whom they are at perpetual war. There is no current coin in AbyiTmia. Gold is paid by Weight; all the revenues arc chiefly paid in kind, viz. oxen, flicep, and honey, which arc the greateft neceffaries of life. As for luxuries, they are obtained by a barter of gold, myrrh, coffee, elephants teeth, and a variety of other articles which arc carried over to Arabia; and in exchange for thefe is brought back whatever is commiflioned. Evert great man in Abyffmia has one of thefe Gibbcrtis for his factor. The king has many, who are commonly the flirewdeft and moft intelligent of their profcllion. Thefe were the firft inhabitants of Abyflinia, whom commerce connected with the Arabians on the other fide of the Straits of Babelmandeb, with whom they intermarry, or with one another, which preferves their colour and features, rcfem-bling both the AbyfTinians and Arabians. In Arabia, they are under the protection of fome of their own countrymen, who being fold when young as flavcs, arc brought up in the Mahometan religion, and enjoy all the principal polls Vol< II. B under under the SherrhTe of Mecca and the Arabian prince s. Thefe are the people who at particular times have appeared in Europe, and who have been ftraightway taken for, and treated as Ambafladors. More fouthward and weftward are the kingdoms of Mara; Worgla, and Pagoma, fmall principalities of fixed habitations by the fea, at times free, at others dependent upon Adel; and, to the fouth of thefe, in the fame flat country, is Hadea, whofe capital is Harar, and governed by a prince, who is a Gibberti likewife; and who, by marrying a Sher-riifa, or female descendant of Mahomet, is now reckoned a Sherriffe or noble of Mahomet's family, diftinguiflicd b^ his wearing habits, for the molt part green, and above all a grafs-green turban, a mark of hatred to Chriflianity. The Gibbertis, then, are the princes and merchants of this country, converted to the Mahometan faith foon after the death of Mahomet, when the BaharnagalTi (as we have already Hated) revolted from the empire of the Abyllinians, in whofe hands all the riches of the country are centered. The black inhabitants arc only their fubjects, hewers of wood and drawers of water, who fervc them in their families at home, take care of their camels when employed in caravans abroad, and who make the principal part of their forces in the field. But there are other inhabitants ftill befides thefe Gibbertis and native blacks, whom we muft not confound with the indigenous of this country, how much foever they may refemble them. The firft of thefe are by the Portuguefe hiilorians called Moors, who arc merchants from the well of Africa, Africa. Many of thefe, expelled from Spain by Ferdinand and Ifabella, fixed their refidence here, and were afterwards joined by others of their Moorifh brethren, either exiles from Spain, or inhabitants of Morocco, whom the defire of commerce induced firft to fettle in Arabia, till the great op, prcilions that followed the conqueft of Egypt and Arabia, under Sclim and Soliman, interrupted their trade, and Scattered them here along the coaft. Thefe are the Moors that Vafques de Gama* met at Mombaza, Magadoxa, and Me-linda; at all places, but the laft of which, they endeavoured to betray him. Thefe alfo were the Moors that he found in India, having no profeilion but trade, in every fpecies of which they excelled. The fourth fort are Arabian merchants, who come over occafionally to recover their debts, and renew correfpon-denccs with the merchants of this country. Thefe are the richeft of all, and are the bankers of the Gibbertis, who f urnilh them funds and merchandife, with which they carry on a molt lucrative and extenfive trade into the heart of Africa, through all the mountains of AbylTinia to the weft-em fea, and through countries which arc inaccerfible to camels, where the afs, the mule, and, in fome places, oxen, are the only beafts ufed in carriage. There is a fifth fort, almoft below notice, unlcfs it is for the mifchicf they have conftantly done their country; they are the Abyflinian apoftatcs from Chriftianity, the mod inveterate enemies it has, and who arc employed chiefly as foldiers. While in that country they are not much efteem- B 2 ed, * Conquctcs cle Portuguis par Lafuan, vol. I. liv. ii. p. 90. Id. ibid. p. 144. ed, though, when tranfported to India, they have conilantly turned out men of confidence and trufl, and the bell troops thofe eaftern nations have. There is a fixth, flill lefs in number than even thefe, and not known on this Continent till a few years before. Thefe were the Turks who came from Greece and Syria, and who were under Selim, and Soliman his fon, the inftrumcnts of the conqueft of Egypt and Arabia; fmall garrifons of whom were everywhere left by the Turks in all the fortreffes and confiderable towns they conquered. They are an hereditary kind of militia, who, marrying each others daughters, or with the women of the country, continue from father to fon to receive from Constantinople the fame pay their forefathers had from Selim. Thefe, though degenerate in figure and manners into an exact, refemblance to the motives of the countries in which they fmcc lived, do flill continue to maintain their fuperiority by a conftant ikill and attention to fire-arms, which were, at the time of their firft appearance here, little known or in ufe among either Abyf-finians or Arabians, and the means of firft eftablifhing this preference. It has been already obferved, that the Mahometan Moors and Arabs poilefTed all the low country on the Indian Ocean, and oppofite to Arabia Felix; and being, by their religion, obliged to go in pilgrimage to Mecca, as alfo by their fole profeffion, which was trade, they became, by confequence, the only carriers and directors of the commerce of Abyf-fmia. All the country to the eaft and north of Shoa was polfcffcd and commanded chiefly by Mahometan merchants appointed appointed by the king; and they had cftablifhed a variety of marts or fairs from Ifat, all the way as far as Adel. Adel and Mara were two of the moll powerful kingdoms which lie on the Indian Ocean ; and, being constantly fupported by foldiers from Arabia, were the firft to withdraw thcmfelves from obedience to the king of Abyflinia, and feldom paid their tribute unlefs when the prince came to raife it there with an army. Ifat, Fatigar, and Dawaro, were indeed originally Chriilian provinces; but, in weak reigns, having been ceded to Moorifh governors for funis of money, they, by degrees, renounced both their religion and allegiance; From what has been obferved, the reader will conceive, that where it is faid the king, from his capital in Shoa, marched down into Dawaro^ Hadea, or Adel, that he then defcended from the higheft mountains down to the flat country on the level with the fea. That this country, from Hadea to Dawaro, having been the feat of war for ages, was, partly by the foldicr for the ufe of the camp, partly by the hufbandman for the necefTaries of life, cleared of wood, where the water flood conftantly in pools throughout the year; and, being all compofed of fat black earth, which the torrents bring down from the rainy country of Abyf-finia, was fown witli millet and different kinds of grain in the drieft ground,, while, nearer the mountains, they paflured numerous herds of cattle. Notwithftanding, however, the country was poffeffed of thefe advantages, the climate was intenfely hot, feverifli, and unhealthy, and, for the moft part, from thefe circmnftances, fatal to ftrangers, and hated by the Abyifinians. Againj Again, when it is laid that the king had marched to Samhar, it is meant that he had palled this fruitful country, and is come to that part of the zone, or belt, (nearcft the fca) compofed of gravel; which, though it enjoys neither the water nor the fruitfulnefs of the black earth, is in a great meafure free from its attendant difeafes, and here the cities and towns arc placed, while the crop, oxen, and cattle, are in the cultivated part near the mountains, which in the language of the country is called Mazaga, llgnifying black mould. Lastly, when he hears the army murmuring at being kept during the rainy feafon in the Kolla below, he is to remember, that all was cool, pleafant, and fare in Upper A-byfTmia. The foldiers, therefore, languifhed for the enjoyment of their own families, without any other occupation but merriment, fcflivity, and every fpecies of gratification that wine, and the free and uncontrolled focicty of the fe-malc-fcx, could produce. Having now fuiliciently explained and defcribed the various names and inhabitants, the fituation, foil, and climate of thofe provinces about to be the theatre of the war, I fhall proceed to declare the occafion of it, which was nothing more than the fruit of thofe prejudices which, I have already faid, the loofc behaviour of the king in the beginning of his reign had produced among his neighbours, and the calamities which had enfeebled the kingdom in the preceding reigns. It happened that one of thofe Moorifh factors, whom I have already defcribed, having in charge the commercial i intercfts intcrefts of the king, had been affailinated and robbed in the province of Ifat, when the King was bulled with Honorius and his Monks. Without complaining or cxpoflula-ting, he fuddenly afTemblcd his troops, having ordered them to rendezvous at Shugura upon the frontiers, and, to fhew his impatience for jrevenge, with feven * horfemen he fell upon the nearefl Mahometan fettlemcnts, who were perfectly fecure, and put all he found in his way to the fword without exception. Then placing him (elf at the head of his army, he marched, by a long day's journey, flraight to Ifat, burning Hungura, Jadai, Kubat, Fadifc, Calife, and Argai, towns that lye in the way, full of all forts of valuable mer-chandife, and, finding no where a force afTemblcd to op-pofe him, he divided his army into fmall detachments, fending them diilerent ways, with orders to Jay the whole countries, where they came, waflc with fire and fword, while he himfelf remained in the camp to guard the fpoil, the women, and the baggage. The Moors, aftonifhed at this torrent of defolation, which fo fuddenly had broken out under a prince whom they had coniidered as immerfed in pleafure, flew all to arms'; and being informed that the king was alone, and fearccly had foldicrs to guard his camp, they aflembled in numbers under the command of Hak-eddin, governor of Ifat, who had before plundered and murdered the king's fervant. They then determined to attack Amda Sion early in the morning, but luckily two of his detachments had returned to the camp to his alfrflance, and joined him the very night before. It * It lias been imagined that this number {Tionld be increafed to feventy, bet 1 have foliqv> «d the text 3 there would be little difference in the rafhrx-fs of the udiwi:. It was fearccly day when the Moors prefented thcmfelves; but, far from furpriiing the Abyftmians buried in lleep, they found the king with his.army ranged in battle, who, without giving them time to recover from their furprife, attacked them in pcrfon with great fury ; and fingling out Der-dar, brother to Hak-eddin, animating his men before the ranks, he (truck him fo violently with his lance- that he fell dead among his horfe's feet, in the fight of both armies; whijft the Abyflinian troops prefling every where brifkly forward, the Moors took to flight, and were purfued with great (laughter into the woods and faflneffes. After this victory, the king ordered his troops to build huts for thcmfelves, at lead fuch as could not find houfes ready built. He ordered, likewife, a great tract of land contiguous to be plowed and fown, meaning to intimate, that his intention was to If ay there with his army all the rainy feafon. s The Mahometans, from this meafurc, if it mould be carried into execution, faw nothing but total extirpation before their eyes ; they, therefore, with one confent, fubmittcd to the tribute impofed upon them; and the king having removed Hak-eddin, placed his brother Sabcr-cddin in his Head, and the rainy feafon being now begun, difmiffed his army, and returned to Tegulat in Shoa. Thouch the pcrfonal gallantry of the king was a quality fufficient of itfelf to make him a favourite of the foldicrs, his liberality was not lefs ; all the plunder got by his troops in the field was faithfully divided among thofe who had fought for him ; nor did he ever pretend to a fliare him- 3 feif, felf, unlcfs on occafions when he was engaged in perfon, and then he fharcd upon an equal footing with the principal officers. When returned to the capital, he fhewed the fame difin-tercftednefs and generofity which he had done in the field, and he diftributed all he had won for his fliare among the great men, whom the neceilary duties of government had obliged to remain at home, as alfo amongll the poor, and pricfts for the maintenance of churches ; and, as well by this, as by his zeal and activity againft the enemies of Christianity, he became the greater! favourite of all ranks of the clergy, notwithftanding the unpromifing appearances at the beginning of his reign. The rainy feafon in Abyffinia generally puts -an end to the active part of war, as every one retires then to towns and villages to fcreen thcmfelves from the inclemency of the climate, deluged now with daily rain. The foldier, the hufbandman, and, above all, tirewomen, dedicate this feafon to continued feflivity and riot. Thefe villages and towns are always placed upon the higheft mountains. The valleys that intervene arc foon divided'by large and rapid torrents. Every hollow foot-path becomes a flream, and the valleys between the hills become fo miry as not to bear horTe ; and the waters, both deep and violent, are too apt to ihift their direction to fitter any one on foot to pafs fafelyD All this feafon, and this alone, people ileep in their houfes in fafety; their lances and (Melds arc hung upon the fides of their hall, and their faddles and bridles taken off their horfes ; for in Abyliinia, at other times, the horfes are always bridled, and are accudomed to eat and drink with this Vol. If C incumbrance. incumbrance. It is not, indeed, the fame fort of bridle they ufe in the field, but a fmall bit of iron like our hunting-bridles, on purpofc merely to preferve them in this habit. The court, and the principal officers of government, retire to the capital, and there adminifler juflice, make alliances, and prepare the neceflary funds and armaments, which the prefent exigencies of the itate require on the return of fair weather. Amda Sion was no fooner returned to Tegulat, than the Moors again entered into a confpiracy againft him. The principal were Amano king of Hadea, Saber-cddin, whom the king had made governor of Fatigar, and privately, without any open declaration, Gimmcl-cddin governor in Dawaro. Cut this confpiracy could not be hid from a prince of Amda Sion's vigilance and penetration. He concealed, however, any knowledge of the matter, left it fhould urge the Moors to commence hoflilities too early. He continued, therefore, with diligence, and without oflcntation of any particular defign, to make the ordinary preparations to take the f eld on the approaching feafon. This, however, did not impofe upon the enemy. Whether from intelligence, or impatience of being longer inactive, Saber-cddin began the fill hoflilities, by furprifmg fome Chriilian villages, and plundering and fetting fire to the churches before the rains had yet entirely ceafed. Those that have written accounts of Abyffinia feem to agree in extolling the people of that country for giving no belief to the exiflcnce or reality of witchcraft or forcery. Why they have fixed on this particular nation is hard to determine. But, as for me, I have no doubt in aflcrting, that there is not a barbarous or ignorant people that I ever knew of which this this can be truly laid ; but certainly it never was lefs true than when faid of Abyflinians. There is fcarce a monk in any lonely monaftery, (fuch as thofe in the hot and un-wholefome valley of Waldubba), not a hermit of the many upon the mountains, not an old prieft who has lived any time fequeflered from fociety, that does not pretend to pof-fefs charms oiTenfivc and defenfrve, and fevcral methods by which he can, at will, look into futurity. The Moors are all, to a man, perfuaded of this: their arms and necks are loaded with amulets againll witchcraft. Their women are believed to have all the mifchievous powers of faf-cination; and both fexcs a hundred fccrets of divination. The Falafha are addicted to this in flill a greater degree, if poflible. It is always believed by every individual Abyflinian, that the number of hysenas the fmell of carrion brings into the city of Gondar every night, are the Falafha from the neighbouring mountains, transformed by the effect and for the purpofcs of i nchantment. Even the Galla, a barbarous and flranger nation, hoflile to the Abyf-finians, and differing in language and religion, flill agree with them in a hearty belief of the poflibility of practifing witchcraft, fo as to occafion ficknefs and death at a very great diflance, to blafl the harvefts, poifon the waters, and render people incapable of propagating their fpccies. Amano, king of Hadea, had one of thefe conjurers, who, by his knowledge of futurity, was famous among all the Mahometans of the low country. The king of Hadea himfelf had gone no further than to determine to rebel; but whether he was to go up to fight with Amda Sion in Shoa, or whether greater fuccefs would attend his expecting him in Hadea, this was thought a doubt wholly with* C 2 in in the province of the conjurer, who affured Araano, tm mailer, that if he did remain below, and wait for Amda Sion-in Hadea, that prince would come down to him, and in one battle lofe his kingdom and his life. The king, whofe principal view was to prevent the conjunction of the confederates, and, if poilible, to fight thcm> Separately, did not llay till his whole army was ajfemblcd, but, as foon as he got together a body of troops fumciem: no make head againll any one of the rebels, lie fent that body immediately on the fervicc it was dcilined for, in order to difappoint the general combination. A large number of horfe and Foot (whofe poll was in the van of the royal army when the king marched at the head of it) was the firft ready, and, without delay, was fent = againll Amano into Hadea, under the command of the general of the cavalry. This officer executed the fcrvice on which he was fent with the greater! diligence poflible, having the befl horfes, and flrongcfl and mofl active men in the army; by long marches, he came upon the king of Hadea, furprifed him before his troops were all afTemblcd, gave him an entire defeat, and made him prifoner. However ill the conjurer had provided for the king's fafety,. he feems to have been more attentive to his own; great fearch was made for him by order of Amda Sion, but he was not to be found, having very early, upon the firft fight of the king's troops, fled and hid himfelf in Ifat.. The next detachment was fent agaihfl Saber-cddin in latigar. The governor of Amhara commanded this, with orders orders to lay the whole country wade, and hy all means provoke Saber-cddin to riik a battle, either before or after the junction of the troops which were to march thither from Hadea. But when the king was thus bufy with the Moors, news were brought him that the Falafha had rebels led, and were in arms, in very great numbers. The king ordered Tzaga Chrillos,governor of Begemder, to alTemble his troops with thofe of Gondar, Sacalta, and Damot, and march a:»ainil thefe rebels before they had time to ruin the country; and having thus made provifion againll all his enemies, Amda Sion proceeded with the remainder of his army to Dawaro. Hydar was governor in this province for the king, who, though he the wed outwardly every appearance of duty and fidelity, was, notwithstanding, deep in the confpiracy with Sabcr-eddin, and had clofe corrcfpondcnce with the king of Adel, whofe capital, Aulfa, was not at a great diilance from him.. The king kept his Eafter at Gaza, immediately upon the verge of the defert; and, being willing to accuilom his troops to action and hardfhip, he left his tents and baggage behind with the army ; and, fecretly taking with him but twenty-fix horfemcn, he made an incurfion upon Samhar, deftroying all before him, andflaying all night, tho' he had no provifions,in the middle of his enemies, without fo much as lying down to flccp, flacking his belt, or taking off any part of his armour.. The king was no foonergone than the armymifU'd him, and was all in the greater! uproar. But, having fmimed. his expedition, he joined them in the morning, and encamped camped again with them. On his arrival, he found waiting for him a melTenger from Tzaga Chriflos, with accounts that he had fought fuccefsfully with the Falafha, entirely defeated them, ilain many, and forced the rcfl to hide them-felvcs in their inacceilible mountains. Immediately after this intelligence, Tzaga Chriflos, with his victorious army, joined the king alio. These good tidings were followed by others equally profperous from Hadea and Fatigar. They were, that the king's army in thofe parts had forced Saber-eddin to a battle, and beaten him, taken and plundered his houfe, and brought his wife and children prifoncrs; and that the troops had found that country full of merchandife and riches of all kinds; that they were already laden and incumbered with the quantity to fuch a degree, that they were all fpeaking of difbanding and retiring to their houfes with riches fiiflicicnt for the rcfl of their lives, although a great part of the country remained as yet untouched, and, therefore, it was rcqueiled of the king in all diligence to enter it on his fide alio, and march fouthward till both armies met. Immediately upon this meffage, the king, having re-frefhed his troops, and informed them of the good profpects that were before them, decamped with his whole a*rmy, and entered the province of Ifat. When Saber-cddin faw the king's forces were joined, that he had no allies, and that it was, in the fituation of Ins army, equally dangerous to flay or to fly, he took a rcfolu-tion of fubmitting himfelf to the king's mercy; but, firft, he endeavoured to foften his anger, and obtain fome ailii- ranees ranees through the mediation of the queen. The king, however, having publicly reproved the queen for offering to intermeddle in fuch matters, and growing more violent and inflexible upon this application, there remained no alternative but that of furrendcring himfelf at difcretion. Whereupon Saber-edtlin threw himfelf at the king's feet. The foldiers and by-ftandcrs, far from being moved at fuch a fight, with one voice earneflly befought the king, that the murderer of fo many priefls, and the profaner and deflroyer of fo many Chriilian churches, mould inflantly meet the death his crimes had merited. The king, however, whofe mercy fcems to have been equal to his bravery, after having reproved him with great afperity, and upbraided him with his cruelty, prefumption, and ingratitude, ordered him only to be put in irons, and committed to a clofe prifon. At the fame time, he difplaccd Hydar, governor of the province of Dawaro, of whofe trcafon he had been long informed ; and he invcfled Gimmel-cddin, Sabcr-eddin's brother, with the government of the Mahometan provinces, who, as he pretended, had not been prcfent at the beginning of the war, but had preferved his allegiance to the king, and dif-fuaded his brother from the rebellion. While the king was thus fettling the government of the rebellious provinces, he received intelligence that the kings of Adel and Mara had refolvcd to march after him into Shoa when he returned, and give him battle. At this time the king was encamped on the river Hawafh, at the head of the whole army, now united. This news of the liolliie intentions of the kings of Adel and Mara, fo exafper; - 4 ted ted him, that he determined to enlarge his fcheme of vengeance beyond the limits he had firrt prefcribed to it. With this view, lie called the principal officers of his army together, while he himfelf flood upon an eminence, the foldiers furrounding him on all fides. Near him, on the fame eminence, was a monk, noted for his holinefs, in the habit in which he celebrated divine fervice. The king, in a long fpeech pronounced with unufual vehemence, defcribed the many offences committed againfl him by the Mahometan Hates on the coaft. The ringleaders of thefe commotions, he declared, were the kings of Adel and Mara. He enumerated various inflanccs of cruelty, of murder, and facrilege, of which they had been guilty; the number of pricils that they had flam, the churches that they had burned, and the Chriilian women and children that they had carried into flavcry, which was now become a commerce, and a great motive of war. They, and they only,had ilirred up his Mahometan fub-jeets to infefl the frontiers both in peace and war. He laid, that, confidering the immenfe booty which had been taken, it might fecm that avarice was the motive of his being now in arms, but this, for his own part, he totally dif-claamed. He neither had nor would apply the fmallcfl portion of the plunder to his own ufe, but confidercd it as unlawful, as being purchafed with the blood and liberty of his fubjects and brethren, the meanefl of whom he valued more than the blood and riches of all the infidels in Adel. He, therefore, called them together to be witnehes that he dedicated himfelf a foldicr to Jefus ChriHand he did now fwcar upon :thc holy cuchariil, that, though but twenty of his army ihould join with him, he would not turn his back upon A-*Lcl or Mara, till he had either forced them to tribute and 2 fubmiilion, fubmiflion, or extirpated them, and annihilated their religion. He then entered the tent-door, and took the facrament from the hands of the monk, in prcfence of the whole army. All the principal officers did the fame, and every individual of the army, with repeated fhouts, declared, that they acceded to, and were bound by, the oath the king then had made. A violent fury fpread in this inflant through the whole army; they confidcred that part of the king's fpeech as a reproach, which mentioned the fpoils they had taken to have been bought by the blood of Chriftians, their brethren. Every hand laid hold of a torch, and, whether the plunder was his own or his fellow-foldiers, each man fet fire, without interruption, to the merchandife that was next him. The whole riches of Ifat and Hadea, Fatigar and Dawaro, were confirmed in an inflant by thefe fanatics, who, fatisficd now that they were purged from the impurity which the king had attributed to their plunder, returned poor to their fland-ards, but convinced in their own conscience of having now, by their facrament and expiation, become the foldiers of Chrifl, they thirflcd no longer after any thing but the blood of the inhabitants of Adel and Mara. Soon after, Amda Sion heard that the Moors had attacked his army in Ifat two feveral nights, and that his troops had fufTered greatly, and with difficulty been able to maintain thcmfelves in their camp. The king was then upon his march when he heard thefe difagrceable news; he haflen-ed, therefore, immediately to their relief, and encamped at night in an advantageous poll, fhort of his main army, with a view of taking advantage of this fituation, if the Moors, Vol. II. D as as he expected, renewed their attack that night for the third time. The Abyffinians, to a man, are fearful of the night, unwilling to travel, and, above all, to fight in that feafon, when they imagine the world is in poffeflion of certain genii, averfe to intercourfe with men, and very vindictive, if even by accident they are ruffled or put out of their way by their interference. This, indeed, is carried to fo great a height, that no man will venture to throw water out of a bafon upon the ground, for fear that, in ever fo fmall a fpace the water Ihould have to fall, the dignity of fome elf, or fairy, might be violated. The Moors have none of thefe appre-henfions, and are accuftomed in the way of trade to travel at all hours, fometimes from neceility, but often from choice, to avoid the heat. They laugh, moreover, at the fupcrfti-tions of the Abymnians, and not unfrcquemly avail them-felves of them. A vcrfe of the Koran, fewed up in leather, and tied round their neck or their arms, fecures them from all. thefe incorporeal enemies; and, from this known advantage, if other circumftanccs are favourable, they never fail to fight the Abyllinians at or before the dawn of the morning, for in this country there is no twilight. The Moors did not, in this inflance, difappoint the king's expectation; as they, with all poiliblc fecrecy, marched to the attack of the camp, while the king, having refrefhed his troops, put himfelf in motion to intercept them; and they were now arrived, and engaged in fcveral places with very great vigour. The camp was in apparent danger, though vigorously defended. At this moment the king, with his freih troops, fell violently upon their rear; and, it . * i being being known to the Moors that this was the king, they withdrew their army with all pomble fpeed, carrying with them a very confiderable booty. The fuccefs which had followed thefe night expeditions, above all, the fmall lofs that had attended the purfuit, even after they were defeated, from the perfect knowledge they had of the country, infpired them with a refolution to avoid pitched battles, but to diitrefs and harrafs the king's army every night. They accordingly brought their camp nearer than ufual to the king's quarters. This began to be felt by the army, which was prevented from foraging at a great dif-tancc; but provifions could not be difpenfed with. The king, therefore, detached a large body of horfe and foot that had not been engaged or fatigued. The grcatell part of the foot he ordered to return with the cattle they fhould have taken, but the horfe, with each a foot-foldier behind him, he directed to take poll in a wood near a pool of water, where the Moor-iih troops, after an affault in the night, retired, and took re-frcflimcnts and flecp by the time the fun began to be hot. The Moors again appeared in the night, attacked the camp in fevcral places, and alarmed the whole army; but, by the bravery and vigour of the king, who every where animated his troops by his own example, they were obliged to retreat a little before morning, more fatigued, and more roughly handled, than they had hitherto been in any fuch expedition. The king, as if equally tired, followed them no further than the precincts of his camp ; and the Moors, fearccly comforted by this forbearance after fo great a lofs, retreated to receive fuccour of freLh troops as ufual, and enjoy their rcpofe in the neighbourhood of Ihaclc and water. They had, how- D 2 ever, ever, fcarce thrown ancle their arms, difpofed of their wounded in proper places, and begun to afiiiage their thirfY after the toils of the affault, when the Abyilinian horfe, breaking through the covert, came fwiftly upon them, unable either to fight or to fly, and the whole body of them was cut to pieces without one man efcaping. The king, upon return of his troops, began to confider; and, by combining various circumflances in his mind, to fufpect ftrongly, that, from the Moors attacking him, as they had for fome time lately done, always in the moil unfavourable circumflances, there mull be fome intelligence between his camp and that of the enemy. Upon examine ing more particularly into the grounds of this fufpicionj three men of Harar(who had long attended the army asfpies) were difeovered, and being convicted, were carried out, and their heads cut off at the entrance of the camp ; after which the king, who now found himfelf without an enemy in thefe parts, flruck his tents, and returned to Gaza in Da^ ware. Tins movement of Amda Sion's had more the appearance of opening a campaign than the clofmg of one, and occa-fioned great difcontcnt among the foldiers, who had done their bufinefs, and were without an enemy, juil at that time that the rains fall fo heavy, and the country becomes fo un-wholefomc as to make it unadvifable to keep the field. They, therefore, remonflrated by their officers to the king, that they mull return to their houfes for the fcveral months of winter which were to follow; and that, after the fatigues, dangers, and hardfhips they had undergone for fo many 3 mouthy. months, to perfiil in flaying longer at fuch a feafon in this country was equal to the condemning them to death. Gimmel-eddin, moreover, the new-appointed governor^ infifled with Amda Sion, that he was able enough himfelf to keep all the tributary provinces in peace, and true allegiance to the king; but if, on the contrary, the king chofe to cat them up with a large army living conflantly among them, as well as upon every pretence laying them wafle with the fword in the manner he was now doing, he could not be anfwerable for, nor did he believe they would be able to pay him, the tribute he expected from them. But the king, who fawT the motives both of his officers and of the Moorifh governor, continued firm in his refolutions. He fliarply reproved both Gimmel-eddin and his army for their want of difcipline,and defire of idlencfs, and ordered the officers to acV quaint their men, that, if they were afraid of rains, he would carry them to Adel, where there were none; that, for his parr^ he made a refolution, which he would keep mofl flcadily, never to leave his camp and the field while there was one. village in his own dominions that did not acknowledge him for its fovereign.. Accordingly on the 13th day of June 1316, immediately, after this declaration, he flruck his tents, and marched into Samhar, to difappoint, if poflible, the confederacy that fome of the principal Moorifh Hates had entered into againfl him, which were agreed, one by one, to hafcrafs his camp by night, and, after having obliged him to retreat to Shoa indiforder,to give him battle there before he had time to refrcfh his troops., The. authors of this confpiracy were feven in number, Adel, Mara, Mara, Tico, Agwama, Bakla*, Murgar, and Gabula, and they had already collected a confiderable army. The king, who faw they perfifted in their nightly attacks, rode out, thinly accompanied, to choofe a poll for an encampment that was to give him the grcateft advantage over his enemy ; and, whilft thus occupied, he was fuddenly furrounded by a body of troops of Adel lying in ambufh for him. A foldier (in appearance an Abyflinian) came fo clofe to the king as to ftrike him with his fword on the back with fuch violence that it cut his belt in two, and, having wounded him thro' his armour, was ready to repeat the blow, when the king pierced him through the forehead with his lance, upon which his party fled. But the Moors, for five fuccefllvc nights, did not fail in their attempts upon his camp, which wearied and greatly contributed to difcontent his men; and the more fo, becaufe the enemy declined coming to any general engagement, though the king frequently offered it to them. Amda Sion, therefore, decamped the 28th of June, and, leaving this dif-advantageous ftation, advanced a day's march nearer Mara, pointing, as it were, to the very center of that kingdom. But here, again, he was flopt by the difcontent of his fol-dicrs, who abfolutely rcfufed to go farther, or fpend the whole feafon in arms, in this inclement climate, while the reil of his fubjects, in full enjoyment of health and plenty, were rioting at home. This difpofition of his army was no fooncr known to the king than he called the principal of them together, and, * A tribe of the Shepherds; all the reft, but the two firft, unknown in AbyiTmia at this day. and, planting himfelf on a rifing ground, he began to harangue his foldiers with fo much eloquence and force of reafoning, that they who before had only learned to admire their king as a foldier, were obliged to confefs that, as an orator, he as much excelled eveiy man in his Hate, as he did the lowefl man of his kingdom in dignity. He put his foldiers in mind, " that this was not a common expedition, " like thofe of his prcdeceilors, marching through the coun-" try for jthe purpofe of levying their revenue ; that the in-" tention of the prefent war was to avenge the blood of fo " many innocent Chriftians Ilain in fecurity and full peace, " from no provocation but hatred of their religion: that they " were inflruments in the hand of God to revenge the " death of fo many pricfls and monks who had been wan-" tonly. offered as Sacrifices upon their own altars : that " they were not a common army, but one confederated up-" on oath, having fworn upon the facrament, at the pall-*' age of the river Hawafli, that they would not return in-* to Abyffinia till they had beat down and ruined the 44 ftrength of the Mahometans in thofe kingdoms; fo that u now, when every thing had fucceeded to their wifhes, " when every Mahometan army had been defeated as foon " as it prefented itfelf, and the whole country lay open to " the chaflifemcnts they pleafed to inflift, to talk of a re-" treat or forbearance was to make a mockery at once of " their oath, and the motive of their expedition. He fhew-" ed, by invincible reafonings, the great hardfhips and dan-" ger that would attend his retreat through a country al-w ready walled and unable to maintain his army; what " an alarm it would occafion in Shoa, to fmd him return-" ing with an enemy at bis heels, following him to his u very capital ; that fuch, however, mull be the confe- " quence; a quence ; for it was plain, that, though the enemy decli-" ned fighting, yet there was no pofhbility of hindering them *■ from following him fo near as to give his retreat every " appearance of flight, and to bring an expedition, begun " with fuccefs, to an ignominious and a fatal end. " He upbraided them with his own example, that early " their prophets had foretold he was a prince fond of lux-" ury and eafe, which, in the main, he did not deny, but " confefTed that he was fo; and that they all mould have " an attachment to their pleafures and enjoyments, he " thought but reafonablc. He defired, however, in this, " they would do as much as he did, and only fufpend their " love of eafe and reft as long as their duty to God, to their " country, and their murdered brethren, required ; for, till " thefe duties were fulfilled, eafe and enjoyment to a Chrif-" tian, and efpecially to them bound by oath to accomplifli " a certain purpofc, was, in his eyes, little fliort of apofla-" cy." A loud acclamation now followed from the whole army. They declared again, that they renewed their facrament taken at the paflage of the Hawafh, that they were Chrifl's foldiers, and would follow their fovcreign unto death. Though the great perfonal merit of the king, and the grace, force, and dignity with which he fpoke, had, of thcmfelves, produced a very fudden change in the mind of the foldiers, yet, to the incrcafe of this good difpofition it had very much contributed, that a monk, of great holincfs and auflerity of manners, living in a cell on the point of a lleep rock, had come down from Shoa to the camp, declaring that he had found it written in the Revelation of St John, that this year the religion of Mahomet was to be utterly utterly extirpated throughout the world. Full of this idea, on the feafl of Ras Werk, in the month of July, the army paired the Yafs, a large river of the kingdom of Mara, and encamped there. The troops were alarmed, the night after their arrival, by a piece of intelligence which proved a falfehood. A woman, whofe father had been a Chriftian, laid, that ihe had very lately left the Moorifh camp ; that the enemy wereatnogrcat diftance, andonly waited a night of norm and rain to make a general attack upon the king's army ; and the clouds threatening then a night of foul weather, it was not doubted but the engagement was thereupon immediately to follow. It blew, then, fo violent a llorm, that the king's tent, and moil of thofe in the camp, were thrown down, and the foldiers were in very great confufion, imagining, every moment, the Moors ready to fall on them. But whether the ilory was a falfehood, or the florin too great for the Moors to venture out, nothing happened that night, nor, indeed, during their Hay in that nation. At this time a number of pricfts and others came out of curioiity to fee their king making conquells of provinces and people till then unknown to them even by name : fc-veral large detachments of frefh troops from Abyflinia alfo arrived, and joined the army. Upon this, Amda Sion advanced a day's journey farther into Mara, and took a flrong poll, refolving to maintain himfelf there, and, by detachments, lay the whole country defolate. This place is called Dajfi. There was neither river, however, nor fpring near it, but only water procured by digging in the land, being what comes down from the fides of the mountains in the rainy Vol. If. E feafon, feafon, and, having filtered through the loofe earth, reached the find and gravel, where it ttagnatcs, or find-ilowly its level-to the lea. Here the king was taken dun>,~ gcroudy ill with the fever of the Kolla. The altercations between Amda Sion and his foldiers.) and the refolutions taken in coniequence of thefe, were faithfully carried to the king of Adel. The march of the king forward at fuch a feafon of the year, the now pace with which he advanced towards the very heart of the country, the care he took of providing all necellaries for his army, and his reinforcing it at fuch a feafon, ali .mewed this was no partial, hidden incurfion, but that it was meant as a decifive blow, fatal to the independence of thefe petty fovcreigns and Hates, To this it may be -added, that Gimmel-eddin, whom the king had releafed from piifon, and fet over the Moorifh provinces of Abyflinia, conveyed to them, in the mod direct manner, that fuch were the king's purpofes. He told them, moreover, this march into their country was not either to increafe their tribute, or for the fake of plunder, or to force them to be his fubjccTs ; that , Amda Sion's main defign was againft their religion, which. he and his foldiers had vowed they were to deftroy *, that it was not their time to think of peace or tribute upon any terms; for, were they even to fell their wives and children, the price would not be accepted, unlefs they forfook the religion of their fathers, and embraced Chriftianity. He further added, that bis refolution was already taken, that he would die firm in the faith, a good Mahometan, as he had lived; not tamely, however, but in the middle of his enemies ; and that he was now making every fort of preparation to refill to the latefl breath* No No iooncr was this intelligence from Gimmcl-ccldia publiihed, than a kind of frenzy feized the people of Adel; they ran tumultuoufly to arms, and, with fhrieks and adjurations, demanded to be led immediately a^ gainfl the Abyifmians, for they no longer defired to live ■upon fuch terms. There was among the leading men of the Moors one Salch, chief of a fmall diftrict called Calli, by birth a Sher-rifle, u e. one of the race of Mahomet, and who, to the nobility of his birth, joined the holinefs of his character. He was Imam, as it is called, or high pricfi of the Moors, and, for both thefe reafons, held in the grcatcll eltimation among them. This man undertook, by his perfonal influence, to unite all the Moorifh flates in a common league. For it is to be ob-ferved, that, though religion was very powerful in uniting thefe Moors againft the Chriftians, yet the love of gain, and jealoufies of commerce, perpetually kept a party alive that favoured the king for their own intereftyin the very heart of the Moorifh confederacies and ^councils. To overcome this was the object of Salch, and he fucceeded beyond expectation, as fixteen kings brought 40,000 men into the field under their feveral leaders; but the chief command was given to the king of Adel. I must put the reader in mind that I am translating an Abyilinian hiftorian. Thefe, then, whom this chronicle flilcs Kings, mufl be confide red as being only hereditary and independent chiefs, not tributary to Abyflinia. Their names are Adel, Mara, Bakla, Haggara, Fadifc, Gadai, Nagal, Zuba, Harlar, Hobal, Hangila,Tarihilh, Ain, Ilbiro, Zeyla, and Efte. Now, when wc coniider that thefe fixteen kings brought E 2 only only 40,000 men, and that they were commanded under thefe fixteen by 2712 leaders, or governors of diilricts, all which are fet down by name, we mull have a very contemptible opinion of the extent and populoufncfs of thefe newly-creeled kingdoms. It appears to me unneceiTary to repeat, after my hif-torian, the names of each of thefe villages, which probably do not now exill, and are, perhaps, utterly unknown. I mail only obfervc in palling, that here we find Tarfhis, or Tar-fliifh, a kingdom on the coafl of the ocean, directly in the way to Sofala ; another flrong prefumption that Sofala and Ophir were the fame, and that this is the Tarflrifh where Solomon's fleet llopt when going to Ophir. Amda Sion's fever hindering him to march forward, and being unwilling to rifle a battle where he was not able himfelf to command, he continued clofe in his flrong camp at Dalit, waiting his recovery ; but, in the mean time, he made conliderablc detachments on all fides to lay the country waflc around him, till he fhould be able to advance farther into it. Of all the royal army, as it Hood upon the cflabliflimenr, the king had only with him the troops from the provinces of Amhara, Shoa, Gojam, and Damot, and thefe were what compofed the rear, when the whole, called the royal army, was affembled ; all his troops were regularly paid, well armed, and cloathed, and were not only provided with every ncccifary, hut were become exceedingly rich, and, therefore, the more carclefs of difeipline, and difficult to manage, on account of the repeated conqucils that had followed one another another ever fince the king had crofFed the river Hawafh, and come into the defert kingdom of Mara, unfruitful in its foil, but flourifliing by trade, and rich in India commodities. The foldiers had here fo loaded thcmfelves with fpoils and mcrchandife, that they began rather to think of returning home, and enjoying what they had got, than of pufhing their conquefts ftill farther to the dcltruc"tion of Adel and Mara. The putrid Hate of the water, in this fultry and unwholefomc climate, had afflicted the king with the fever of the country, which he thought not by any means to remedy or prevent. No confidcration could keep him from expofing himfelf to the moft violent fun-beams, and to the more noxious vapours of the night; and it was now the feventh day his fever had been incrcafing, although he neither ate nor drank. The army expecting, from the king's illnefs, a fpcedy order to return, convcrfed of nothing clfe within their camp, with that kind of fecurity as if they had already received orders to return home. The Mahometan army had afTemblcd, and no news had been brought of it to the king. Saleh's influence had united them all ; and the king's ficknefs had made this caficr than it otherwife would have been. It happened, then, that, the king's fever abating the ninth day, he fent out to procure himfelf venifon, with which this country abounds, and which is believed, by people of all ranks in Abyflmia, to be the only proper food and rcilorativc after ficknefs. After having killed fufficiently for the king's immediate ufe, the huntfmeh returned; two only remained, who continued the purfuit of the game through the woods, till they were four days journey diflant from their camp, when, being in fearch of water for their dogs, they met a Moor engaged in in the fame bufincfs with thcmfelves, who-mewed them his army encamped at no confederal)le dillanec, and in very great numbers. Upon this they returned in all halle to the king to apprize him of his danger,and he lent immediately fome horfe to difeover the number, fituation, and defigns of the enemy; above all, if pofiible, to take a priibner, for the huntfmen had put theirs to death, that he might be no incumbrance to them upon their return. The king's fever was now gone, but his flrength was not returned ; and, the neccllity of the cafe requiring it, he attempted to rife from his bed and put on his armour, but, fainting, fell upon his face with weaknefs, while his fcr-vant was girding his fword. The horfe now returned, and confirmed the tidings the huntfmen had brought; they had found the Moorifh army in the fame place it was firft difcovered, by the water-fide ; but the account of their number and appearance was fuch that the whole army was flruck with a panic. The king's wives (as the hillorian fays, by which it fhould appear he had more than one) endeavoured to perfuade him not to riik a battle in the weak flare of health he then was, but to retire from this low, unwholcfomc country, and occupy the panes that lead into Upper Abyilinia, fo as to make it im-poilihle for the enemy to follow him into Shoa. The king having wafhed and refrefhed himfelf, with a countenance full of confidence, fat down at the door of his tent: whilft officers and foldiers -crowdcd about him, he calmly, in the way of con'verfation, told them,—" That, being " men of experience as they were, he was furprifed they 2. « ihould w mould be liable, at every in-taut, to panic and defpon-" dency, totally unworthy the character of a veteran army. " You know," faid he,." that I came againft die king of Adel, " and to recover that province, one of the old dependencies "of my crown. And though it has happened that, in " our march, you have loaded your (elves with riches, which " I have permitted, as well out of my love to you, as becaufe. " it diitrclTes the enemy, yet my object was not to plunder " merchants,. If .in- battle to-morrow I be beaten, for God " forbid that.I fhould decline it when offered, I fhall be the " firft to fct you the example how. to die like men in the " middle of your enemies.. But while I am living, it never " mail be laid that I fullered ,the ftandard of Chriil to fly " before the profane enfigns of infidels. As to what regards *': our prefent circumftances, my ficknefs, and the number " of the Moorifh troops, thefe make no alteration in my good " hopes that I fhall tread upon the king of AdcFs neck to-"' morrow. For as it was never my opinion that it was my " own ftrength and valour, or their want of it, which has fo " often been the means of preferving me from their hands, " fo I do not fear at prefent that my accidental weaknefs iC will give them any advantage over me, as long as I trull. " in God's ftrength as much as ever 1 have done." The army, hearing with what confidence and firm nefs the king fpake, began to look upon his recovery as a miracle. They all, therefore, with one accord, took to their arms, and dcfired to be led forward to the enemy, without waiting till they fhould come to them. They only befeech-ed the king that he would not expofe his perfon as ufual,, but truft to the bravery of his troops, eager for action, with* out being lavifh of that life, the lofs of which would be to the the Mahometans a greater victory than the regaining all he had conquered. The king hereon, bidding his troops to be of good courage, take reft and refrefhmcnt, fent away the women, children, and other incumbrances, to a fmall convent on the fide of the mountain, called Debra Martcl*; and, being informed of the fituation of the country in general, and the particular polls where he could get water in greater plenty, he advanced with his army by allow march towards the enemy. The next day he received intelligence by a Moor, that the Mahometans had not only thrown poifon into all the wells, but had alfo corrupted all the water in the front of the army by various fpclls and inchantments; that they were not advancing, but were waiting for troops from fome of the fmall diitric~ts of Adel that had not yet joined the army. Hereupon the king ordered his Fit-Auraris to advance a day before him, and fent a pricft, called Tecla Sion, with him, that he might blefs and confecrate the water, and thereby free it from the inchantments of the Moors. He himfelf followed with his army, and fat down by a fmall river a fhort way diftant from the enemy. The Fit-Auraris is an officer that commands a party of men, who go always advanced before the front of an Abyf-finian army, at a greater or fmaller diftance, according as circumflances require. His office will be defcribed more at large in the fequel. The king being arrived at the river, the army began to bathe thcmfelves, their mules, and their horfes, in the fame 4 manner * Mountilin of the Tcitimony. manner as is ufual throughout all Abyfhnia on the fcaft of the Epiphany. This luflration was in honour of Tecla Sion, who had confecrated the water, broken all the magic fpclls, and changed its name to that of the fiver Jordan. But, while they were thus employed, the Fit-Auraris had come up with a large party of the enemy, and, with them, a number of women, provided with drugs to poifon and inchant the water; and this numerous body of fanatics had fallen fo rudely on the Fit-Auraris that it beat him back on the main body, to whom he brought the news of his own defeat. A violent panic immediately feizcd the whole AbyfTinian army, and they refufed to advance a Hep farther. The tents had been left Handing on the fide of the river they firft came to, and they then paffed to the other fide. But, upon fight of the Fit-Auraris, they returned to the tents, that, having the river on their front, they might fight the enemy with more advantage if they came to attack them. They did not continue long in this refolution ; the greatefl part of them were for leaving their tents, and retiring to A-'byflinia for afTTftance, and, when the numbers fhould be more upon an equality, return to fight the enemy. The Moorifh army at this inflant coming in fight, increafed the number of converts to this opinion. The king, in the utmofl agony, galloping through the ranks, continued to life all manner of arguments with his mutinous foldiers. He told them, that retiring to their camp was to put thcmfelves in prifon; that, being moflly compofed of horfe, their advantage was in a plain like that before them; that retreating to join the main body, at fuch a the fame. -H 2 Tut. The third particular to be obferved here is, that, in this prince's reign, the king's foils were not imprifoncd in the mountain, for Saif Araad was prefent with his father at tire defeat of Saleh king of Mara, and yet the mountain of Gcfhen was then let apart as a prifon. For the Itchcgue of Debra Libanos was banifhed there; from which I infer, that after the maflacrc of the royal family by Judith, on the mountain of Damo, and the flight of the prince Del Naad, to Shoa, the king's children were not confined, nor yet till long after their reiteration and return to Tigre, as will appear in the fequel. Amda Sion died of a natural death atTegulat in Shoa, after a reign of 30 years, which were but a continued feries of victories, no inflance being recorded of his having been once defeated. *3 SAIF ARAAD. From 1342 to 1370. This Prince enjoys a peaceable Reign—Protects the Patriarch ofCophts at Cairo from the Perfection of the Soldatu SAIF ARAAD fucceeded his father Amda Sion; and it fhould fcem that, in his time, all was peaceable on the fide of Adel, as nothing is mentioned relative to that war. 3 Indeed, Indeed, if the increafc of trade and power in that corner of Abyflinia arofe from the troubles and want of fecurity which the merchants laboured under in Arabia, we cannot but fufpect, from a parity of reafoning, that the violent manner in which war had been carried on by Amda Sion, mull have occaiioned a great many inhabitants to repafs the Straits, and return to their own homes. At this time, news were brought from Cairo, that the Soldan had thrown the Coptic patriarch, Marcus, into prifon. There was then a conffant trade carried on between Cairo and Abyflinia, through the defert; and alfo from Cairo and Suakem on the Red Sea. Befides, great caravans, formerly compofed of Pagans, now of Mahometans, palled from well to call, in the fame manner as in ancient times, to buy and difperfe India goods through Africa, Saif Araad, not having it in his power to give the patriarch other ailiflancc, fcized all the merchants from Cairo, and fent horfe to interrupt and terrify the caravans. As the caufc of this was well known, and that the patriarch was in prifon for the fake only of extorting money from him, people on all fides cried out upon the bad policy of the Soldan, who thereupon ordered Abuna Marcus to be fet at liberty, without any other condition, than that he ihould make peace with Saif Araad on the part of Egypt, which was done through the mediation of that prelate. WEDEM ^5 WEDEM A S F E R I. From 1370 to 1 380. Memoirs of ibis and the following Reign defective* WE know nothing of this prince, only that he fucceeded his father Saif Araad, and reigned ten years; yet his name, which fignifies lover of war, feems to indicate an active reign. It is remarkable, that in this reign is firfl mentioned an xra of Ahyfllnian chronology, which has very much pttzzled fcveral learned writers, and the origin of which is not, perhaps, yet fully known. This is that epoch, called that of Maharat, or Mercy, which Scaligcr and Ludolf have called the a:ra of grace. Scaligcr fays, he has toiled much before he found out what it was ; and I doubt his toil has not been blciTed with all the fuccefs we could wifh. That it is not the asra of redemption, is plain upon a hundred trials, nor of the converfion, nor of Dioclcfian. What it alludes to we know not, but it is firfl quoted in the Abyf-ilinian hiflory in this reign, and anfwers to the year 1348 of Chrifl; but from what event it had its origin we cannot pofitively fay, nor further, than that all which Scaligcr has faid concerning it is merely vifionary. r DAVID DAVID II. From 1380 to 1409. WEDEM ASFERI was fucceeded by his brother David, Saif Araad's fecond fon. This prince's reign is remarkable in the annals of the church of Abyflinia, becaufe, at this time, a piece of the true crofs, on which our Saviour died, was brought hither from Jcrufalem; and, in memory of this great event, the king ordered the facerdotal vcfl, of capa, which was before plain, to be embroidered with flowers. Tins king, after reigning twenty-nine years, one day viewing a favourite, but vicious horfe, received fo violent a kick upon his head that it fractured his fkull,fo that he died upon the fpot, and was buried in the great ifland of Dek in the lake Dembca, or Tzana. THEODORUS. THEODORUS, From 1409 to 1412. Memoirs of this Reign, though held in great Efieem in Abyfjinia, defective ; probably mutilated by the Eccltfuflics* DAVID was fucceeded by his elded fon Theodorus. He is called Son of the Lion, by the poet, in the Ethi-opic encomium upon him, Hill extant in the liturgy. A miracle is mentioned to have happened, (which would lead us to fufpect that he was a faint), during the celebration of his feftival, by his mother, who is called Mogeffa * This lady had contented herfelf with providing great quantity of Hem for the feafl; but, to make it more complete, the heavens in a mower fupplied it with flore of fine fifh, ready roaflcd. He was buried in the church of Tedba Mariam in Am-hara, after having reigned three years. There muff have been fomething very brilliant that happened under this prince, for though the reign is fo fhort, it is before all o-thers the moft favourite epoch in Abyflinia. It is even confidently believed, that he is to rife again, and to reign in Abyflinia * Probably Magwas, or Berhan Magwafs, the Glory of Grace a name often ufed by queens; for Mogeffa has no bonification, that I know, in any of the languages of Ethiopia, AbyiTmia for a thoufand years, and in this period all war is to ceafe, and every one, in fulnefs, to enjoy happinefs, plenty, and peace. Foolifh as thefe legends are, and dif-tant the time, this one was the fource of great trouble and perfonal danger to me, as will be feen in the fequel. What we know certain in this prince's hiftory is, that he abrogated the treaty of partition made by Icon Amlac in favour of the Abuna Tecla Haimanout and his fuccelfors, by which one third of the kingdom of AbyfTinia was for ever to be fet apart as a revenue for the Abuna. This wife prince modified fo excefftve a provifion, referving to the Abuna for his maintenance a fufficient territory in every province of the kingdom. It is flill judged immoderate, and has fuf-fered many defalcations under later princes, who, perhaps, not acting upon the principles of Theodorus, have not been commended by poflerity in the manner he has been. •-xu-----1 i,,- . mj&gBmi ■ •—--*a ISAAC. From 141210 1429. No Annals of this nor the four following Rclgiis* THEODORUS was fucceeded by Ifaac his brother, feco'nd fon of David. In his reign the Falafha, who, fince their overthrow in the time of Amda Sion, had been quiet,broke out into rebellion. We do not know the particulars, but Vol. II. I apprehend apprehend fome injuflice was at that time done, or attempted, againft the Jews ; for 24 Judges, 12 from Shoa and 12 from Tigre, (the number haying been doubled when there were two kings reigning *), were of a different opinion, and would not comply with the king's will, who thereupon deprived them all of their office. The king, coming upon the army of the Falafha in Woggora, entirely defeated them at Koflbgue, and, in memory thereof, built a church on the place, and called it Debra Ifaac, which remains there to this day. Isaac reigned near 17 years, was a prince of great piety and courage. The annals of his reign, probably during the troublefome time that followed, have been loll, and with, ;hem great parr of his atchievements. ANDREAS I. or AMDA SION,. Isaac was fucceeded by his fon Andreas, who reigned only feven months, and they were both buried at Tedba Mariam. TECLA * That is while the family of Zague reigned in Tigr£, and that of Solomon in Shoa,, ^pfpre the reftoration. TECLA MARIAM, or HASEB NANYA. From 1429 to 1433' Tins prince was third fon of David, and fucceeded his nephew. He reigned four years, and took for his inauguration name, Hafeb Nanya. SARWE YASOUS. This prince was fon of Tecla Mariam, he reigned only four months ; his inauguration name was Maharak Nanya. He has been omitted in fome of the lifts of kings. g%irif...... ■ it. ■ AMDA YASOUS, Sarwe Yasous was fucceeded by his brother Amda Ya-fous, whofe inauguration name was Badel Nanya. He was fecond fon of Tecla Mariam, and reigned nine months. I2 Z A R A ZARA JACO B.'. From 1434 to 1468, Sends AmbaJJadorsfrom ferufalcm to the -Courted of Florence—Firfl Entry of the Roman Catholics into Abyffmia, and Difpuie about Religion— King perfecutcs the Remnants of Saba'fm and Idolatry—Mahometan Provinces rebel, and are fubdued—The King dies*. THESE very llrort reigns were followed by one of an extraordinary length. Zara Jacob,, fourth fon of David II. fucceeded his nephew, and reigned 34 years, and, at his inauguration, took the name of ConfTantine. He is looked upon in AbyfQnia to have been another Soiomon; and a model of what the belt of fovereigns fhould be. From what we know of him, he feems to have been a prince who had the bed opportunity, and with that the greatefl inclination to be mitru&ed in the politics, manners,and religion of other countries. A convent had been long before this eflabliihed at Jcru-ialem for the Abyiunians, which he in part endowed, as appears by his letters ftill extant written to monks of that convent, * Vitl. Ludolf, lib. 3, No. 29. I have this letter at length prefixed to the large volume of Cantos and Councils, a. copy of v.hkh. was fent by Zara Jacob to the monks [$? ruialera. convent. He alfo obtained from the Pope * a convent for the Abyilinians at Rome, which to this day is appropriated to them, though it is very fcidom that either there, or even at Jerufalem, there arc now any Abyfiinians. By his defire, and in his name, ambaffadors (h e. pricfts from Jerufalem) were fent by Abba Nicodemus, the then Superior, who affifled at the council of Florence, where, however, they adhered to the opinion of the Greek church about the proceeding of the Holy Ghofl, which created, a;fchifm between the Greek and Latin churches. This embaily was thought of confequence enough to be the fubjecT of a painting in the Vatican, and to this picture wc owe the knowledge of fuch an embaffy having been fent. The mild reign of the laft Soldan,of Egypt feems greatly to have favoured the difpofition of Zara Jacob, in maintaining an intercourfe with Europe and Alia. And it is for the firfl time now in this reign-that we read of a difpute upon religion with the Franks, or Frangi, a name which afterwards became more odious and fatal to whomfoever it was applied. Abba George is faid to have difputed before the king upon fome point of his religion, and. to -have confuted his opponent even to .conviction. We are not informed of the name of Abba George's antagonist, but he is thought to have been a Venetian painter f, who lived many years after in Abyflinia, and, it is believed, died there. From this time, however, in almoft every reign, there appear marks of a party formed in favour of the church of Rome, which probably had its firfl rife from the Ahyflinian embaffy to the council of Florence. Altiioug 11 ** St Stcfaoo in Rotondis. f Francifco de Branca Leon. Although the eftablifhcd religion in Abyflinia was that of the Greek church of Alexandria, yet many different fu-perditions prevailed in every part of the country. On the coaft of the Red Sea, as well as the Ocean, that is in the low provinces adjoining to the kingdom of Adel, the greater! part of the inhabitants were Mahometans ; and the conveni-encies of trade had occafioned thefe to difperfe themfelves through many villages in the high country, efpecially in Woggora, and in the neighbourhood of Gondar. Dembea on the fouth, and the rugged diftrict. of Samen on the call, were crowded with many deformed fecfts, while the people of the low valleys, towards Nubia, the Agows at the head of the Nile, and thofe of the fame name, though of a different nation and language, at the head of the Tacazze, in Lafla, were, for the greatcfl part, Pagans, /. e. of the old religion of Sabeans, worfhipping the planets, ftars, the wind, trees, and fuch like. But a more abominable worfliip than this feemed efpecially predominant among fome of the Agows at the fourcc of the Nile, and the people bordering upon Nubia, as they adored the cow and ferpents for their gods, and fuppofed that, by the latter, they could divine all that was to happen to them in futurity. Whether it was that a long war had thrown a veil over thefe abufes, or whether (which is more probable) a fpirit Of toleration had ftill prevailed in this country, which had at firft been converted to Chriftianity without blood-lhed, it is not eafy at this time to fay. Only their hiftory does not mention, that, before the reign of this prince, idolatry had been confidercd as a capital crime, or judicially inquired into, and tried as fuch. An accufation, however, at this time, being brought againft fome families for worfhipping the 4 cow cow and the ferpent, they were, by the king's orders, feized and brought before himfelf fitting in judgment, with the principal of his clergy, and with his officers of ftatc, with whom he aflbciated fome flrangers, lately come from Jeru-falem ; a cullom which prevails to this day, Thefe criminals were all capitally convi&ed, and executed. A proclamation from the king followed, declaring, That any perfon who did not, upon his right hand, carry an amulet, with thefe words, I renounce the devilfor Chr'fl our Lord, fhould forfeit his perfonal eflate, and be liable to corporal punifhmenr. It has been the cullom of all Pagan nations to wear amulets upon their arms, and different parts of their bodies. From the Gentiles this ufage was probably firft learned by the Jews. Amulets were adopted by the Mahometans, but, till now, not worn in Abyflinia by any Chriftians. These executions, which at firft confiflcd of feven people only, began to be repeated in different places, and at different times. The perfon employed as inquifitor, and the manner this examination was made, tended to make it flill more odious. Amda Sion, the Acab Saat, was the man to whom this perfecution was committed. He was the king's principal confident; of very auftere manners: he neither fhaved his head nor changed his cloaths; had no connection with women, nor with any great man in court; never law the king but alone, and, when he appeared abroad, was conftantly attended by a number of foldiers, with drums and trumpets, and other equipage, not at all common for a clergyman. He had under him a number of fpies, who brought him intelligence of any flcps taken in idolatry or treafon ; and, after being, as he fuppofed, well informed, he v. ii. i, n. wenc went to the houfe of the delinquent, where he firft refre$k ed himfelf and his attendants, then ordered thofe of ther houfe he came for, and all that were, with them, to he exe-cuted in his prefence. Among thofe that fullered were the- king's two fons-in-law, married to his daughters Medehan Zamidu, and Bcr-han Zamidu, having, been accufed by their wives* the one/ of adultery, the other of inccft: they were both put to death in their own houfes, in a very private and fufpicious manner. This execution being afterwards declared by the king in an aflembly of the clergy and Rates, certain priefts, or o-thers, from Jerufalem, in public, condemned this procedure, of the king, as contrary to law, found policy, and the firft. principles of juilice, which feems to have had fuch an effect that we hear no more of thefe perfecutions, nor of Amda-Sion the perfecutor, during the whole of this reign. The king now turned his thoughts upon a nobler object* which was that of dividing his country into fcparate go* vernments, affigning to each the tax it fhould pay, at what, time, and in what manner,' according to the fituation and, capacity of each province. The profperity of the Moorifh* ltates^from the extenfive trade conftantly carried on there,, the bad ufe they made of their riches by employing them, in continual rebellions, made ic necelTary that the king, mould fe£ and inquire into each perfon's circumflances, which he propofed to do, as was ufual, before the time ofc their feveral inveuitures« The chief of the rich diftricT of Gadai, was the firft calk ed on by the king, as it is on this occafion that confiderablc. p.refeno. prefents (fcldom lefs than two years rent of the province) are given, about one half to the king, the other among his courtiers. There was, at this period, a Moorifh woman of quality in court, called the queen of Zeyla. She had been brought to the palace with a view that the king fhould marry her, but he difliking her for the length, as is faid, or fome other defect, in her foreteeth, had married her to a nobleman. This injury had funk very deep in the brcafl of the queen of Zeyla, though fhe was only nominally fo, having been expelled from her kingdom before her coming into Abyflinia. But it happened that fire was filler to Mihico fon of Mahomet, chief of Gadai, whom flic earneflly per-fuaded to flay at home, and flic fucceeded fo far, as not only to prevail upon him to be abfent, but alfb to withdraw himfelf entirely from his allegiance. At this very time, the king was informed by a faithful fervant, a nobleman of Hadea, that the chief of Gadai had long been meditating mifchief, and endeavouring to prevail with the king of Adel to march with his army, while great part of the principal people of Hadea, whom he had fedu-ced, were to fall, on the oppofite fide, upon Dawaro and Bali. The king, however, received certain accounts from A-dcl, that all was quiet there ; and inquiring who of his Moorifh fervants were of the confpiracy in Hadea, he found them to be Goodalu, Alarea, Ditho, Hybo, Ganze, Saag, Gi-dibo, Kibbcn, Gugule, and Haleb. As there were flill forces enough in the province to refill this confederacy, the Vol. II. K king. king, inflead of levying an army againft them, thought the proper way was to fend them a governor, who mould divide the intereft and ftrength of the enemy. There was then an uncle of Mihico remaining in exile at Dcjan *, whither he had been fent formerly into banifhmcnt at the inflance of his nephew, but he flill preferved the command of a fmall diftricr. called Bomo, as well as the good inclinations of his own fubjects of Gadai, who held his memory in great veneration. The king, therefore, fent for this governor of Bomo, and, fctting before him the behaviour of his nephew, he gave him the invcfliture of his government, with many prefents both ufeful and honourable ; and, having ordered fome troops from Amhara to attend him, he difmifTed him, to punifh and expel his nephew from the province of Gadai, The fair of Adel was nigh, and thither all the inhabitants of Bali and Dawaro go. It was at this time the confpira-tors of Hadea had agreed to fall upon the provinces; while, probably, thofe at the fair had been likewife deflined to cut off the inhabitants which might be found there. To coun-rcracl thefe defigns, the king, by proclamation, exprefsly forbade any of the inhabitants of Bali or Dawaro to go to the fair, but all to join the governor of Bomo, who no fooner prefented himfelf in his diilricl, than the people of all ranks flocked to him and fubmittcd, Mihico law himfelf undone by this addrefs of the king, of which he was quite uninformed. He fled immediately with * One of the fteep mountains ufed for piifons. with his family, endeavouring, if polTible, to reach Adel; and having come the length of Bawa Amba, a high mountain, where is one of the narroweft and molt difficult paiTes between the high country and the Kolla, here he ftrowed about, in different places, all the riches that he had brought along with him, in hopes that his purfuers, wearied by the time they came there, ihould, by the difficulty of the ground, and the booty everywhere to be found, be induced to proceed no further. But this ftratagem did not fuccecd ; for he was fo clofely followed that he was overtaken and flam, his head, hands, and feet were cut off, and immediately fent to the king, who, after public rejoicings, gave the government of Gadai to the perfon who firft informed him of Mi-hico's confpiracy, and confirmed the governor of Bomo in the province of Hadea likewife, which he made hereditary in his family. In order alfo to be more in readinefs to fup-prefs fuch infurrections for the future, he gave his Chri-ftian foldiers lands adjacent to each other, forming a line all along the frontiers of the Mahometan provinces of Bali, Fatigar, Wadge, and Hadea, that they might be ready at an inftant to fupprefs any tumult in the provinces themfelves, or refill any incurfions from the kingdom of Adel. The king now fet about fulfilling another duty of his reign, that of repairing the fcveral churches in Abyflinia which had been deftroyed in the late war by the Mahometans, and of building new ones, which it is their conflant cuftom to vow and to erccl; where victories had been obtained over an infidel enemy. While thus employed, news were fent him from the patriarch of Alexandria, that the church of the Virgin had been deftroyed at that city by fire. Full, therefore, of grief for this misfortune, he imme- K 2 diatcly found him at the watering-place unfufpcdling an enemy; and, before he could put his army in order, he was furrounded, Ilain, and his head fent to the king, who rejoiced much at the fight, it being brought him on ChrifTmas day. After this the king collected his dead, and buried them with great honour and fhew of grief. He then fum-moned the governor of Hadea, who profeffed himfelf willing to fubmit his loyalty and conducl: to the ftricteil inquiry. Above all the reafons which hindered him from attending the king, one was known to be, that the queen was not without reafon ftlfpeet ed to favour the Mahometans, being originally of that faith herfelf, and, therefore, for fear of revealing his fecret to the enemy, the king did not choofc to make her father, the governor of Hadea, partaker in his expedition, but, from jcaloufy to the queen, ordered him to Hay at home. Notwithftanding which it was found, that all in his government were in their allegiance, and ready to march upon the fhorteft notice had the king required it; therefore he extended his command over the conquered provinces, in room of the rebel governors whom he had removed. B£DA B^DA MARIAM. From 1468 to 1478. Revives the Banljhment of Princes to the Mountain—War with Adel—* Death of the King—Attempts by Portugal to difcover Abyjfinia and the Indies, BiEDA MARIAM fucceeded to the throne (as his hiftorian fays) againft his father's inclination, after having received much ill ufage during the earlier part of his life, of which this was the occafion. His mother took fo violent and irregular a longing to fee her fon king, that Hie formed a fcheme, by the ftrength of a party of her relations and friends, truiling to the weaknefs of an old man, to force him into a partnerfhip with his father. Examples of two kings, at the fame time, and even in this degree of relation, were more than once to be found in the Abylfmian annals, but thofe times were now no more. A ftrong jealoufy had fucceeded to an unrcafonable confidence, and had thrown both the perfon and pretcnfions of the heirs-apparent of this age to as great a diltancc as was poffible. The queen, whofe name was Sion Magafs, or the Grace of Sion, firft began to tamper with the clergy, who, though 1 they they did not abfolutely join her in her views, (hewed her, however, more encouragement than was itrktly coniillent with their allegiance. From thefe flie applied to ibnic of the principal officers of Hate, and to thofe about the king, the belt affected to her fon and his fucceflion. Thefe, aware of the evil tendency of her fcheme, firfl advifed her, by every means, to lay it afide; and afterwards, feeing me ltill periiilcd, and afraid of a difcovcry that would involve her accomplices in it, they difclofed the matter to the king himfelf, who rcfented the intention fo licinoufly, that he ordered the queen to be beaten with rods till fhe expired. Her body afterwards was privately buried in a church dedicated to the Virgin Mary, not far from Debra Berhan *. Nothing had hitherto appeared to criminate the young* prince. But it was foon told the king, that, after the death of the queen, her fon Bacda Mariam had taken frankincenfe and wax-tapers from the churches, which he employed, at ffated times, in the obfervation of the ufual folcmnities over his mother's grave. The king, having called his fon before him, began to queflion him about what he had heard; while the prince, without hefitation, gave him a full account of every circumflance, glorying in what, he faid, was his duty, and denying that he was accountable to any man on earth for the marks of affection which he lliewcd to his mother. The king, confidering his fon's juftification as a reproach made to himfelf for cruelty, ordered the prince, and, with him, * Another church on a hill, one of the quarters of Gondar. It fignifics the Hill of Glory, or Urightnefs. him, his principal friend Mchcrata Chriflos, to be loaded with irons, and banifhed to the top of a mountain; and it is hard to fay where this punifhment would have ended, had not the monks of Debra Koffo and Debra Libanos, and all thofe of the defert, (who thought themfelves in fome meafure accomplices with his mother), by exhortations, pretended prophecies, dreams and vifions, convinced the king, that Providence had decreed unalterably, that none but his fon, fkeda Mariam, fhould fuccced him. To this ordinance the old king bowed, as it gave him a pro-fpe fent to Banla Mariam from Dancali did nor make a great figure, when compared with thofe of Adel.. They con lilted of one horfe, a*.mule, a fhield of elephants hide, a poifoned lance, two fwords, and fome dates. Poor; as thefe prefcn.ts were, they were much more rcipee"ted than thofe of Adel, becaufe they came from El loyal ho.irt ; while the others were from a nation uiflitiguilbcd every year by fome premeditated aelion of treachery and bloodfhed.. The king, having firfl fent for the Abuna, ..lmaranha Chriflos, and called the ambafladors of Dancali and Adel into his prc-fence, declared to them, that neither of thefe flates was to be the fcene of war, but that he was inllantly to march agaiitft the Dobas *, whofe conflant inroads into his conntry3 and repeated cruelties, he was refolved no longer to fuffer, He required the ambafladors to warn their mafters to keep a-Uriel: neutrality, orhcrwife they would be infallibly invoU ved in the fame calamities with that nation. Lent being now near, the king returned to Ifras, there to, keep his fall, and diflributed his horfe on the fide of Amba-fanet, having fent orders to the governor of - Amhara to join him immediately, who was then at Salamat befieging a< party of rebels upon Mount Gchud, which fignifies the Mountain of [Manifefatimu It was the intention of the king, that the troops of Amhara, Angot, and Tigre mould prefs upon the enemy from the high country, while he with his own troops (chiefly horfe) fhould cut off their retreat to the plains of fait; and it was here that the king of Dancali was afraid that they would interfere with his frefh water. This * A race of very barbarous people, all fhepherds,-having great fubftance, and jamch lefem-bl ngthe nations of Galla. They are Pagans.. This prince kept ftriclly his promifc of fecrecy made to Bxda Mariam, while the king of Adel obferved a very different line of conducl; for he not only difeovcrcd the king's intention, but he invited the Dobas to fend their wives, children, and effects into Adel, while his troops Ihould cut off the king's provifion, and fight him wherever they faw that it could be done with advantage. The plan was fpeedily embraced. Twelve clans of. Dobas marched, with their cattle, as privately as poliible, for Adel ; but the king's intelligence was too good, and his motions too rapid, to allow their fchemes to be carried into execution. With a large body of horfe, he took poffeflion of a flrong pafs, called Kendera ; and when that unhappy people, fatigued with their march, and incumbered with baggage, arrived at this fpot, they were cut to pieces without refinance, and without dillinclion of age or fex. The king, at the beginning of this campaign, declared,, that his intention was not to carry on war with the Dobas as with an ordinary enemy, but totally to extirpate them as a nuifance ; and, to flicw himfelf in earncii in the declaration, he now-made a vow never to depart from the country till he had plowed and fown the fields, and ate the crop on the fpot with his army. He, therefore, called the peafants of two fmall neighbouring diflricls, Wadgc and Ganz, and ordered them to plow and fow that part ; which having feen done, the king went to Axum, but returned again to the Dobas, by the feafl of the Epiphany. That cruel,, reliefs nation, faw now the king's real intent was their utter deftruction, and that there was no pombility of avoiding it but by,fubmiffion. This prudent conducl they immediately adopted ; and, great part of them renouncing the Pagan . 2... religion,. religion, they fo fatisfied Baida Mariam that he decamped from their country, after having, at his own expence, reftored to them a number of cattle equal to that which he had taken away, having alfo given up, untouched, the crop which had been fown, and recompenfed the peafants of Wadge and Ganz for their corn and labour. Having rcfolved to chaftife the king of Adel for his treacherous conducl:, he retired fouthward into the provinces Dawaro and [fat; and, as if he had had no other views but thofe of peace, he crofted over to Eegemder, where he directed the Abuna to meet him with his young fon Ifean-der, of whom his queen, Romana Werk*, had been lately delivered. From this he proceeded to Go jam, everywhere leaving orders with the proper officers to have their troops in readinefs againft his return; and having delivered the young prince to Ambafa David, governor of that province, he proceeded to Gimbota, a town lying on the banks of the Nile, which, in honour of his fon's governor, he changed to David Harafa ]\ Having thus fettled the prince to his mind, he lent orders to the army in Tigre and Dawaro to advance into the fouthernmoft frontier of Adel. He himfelf returned by the way he went to Gojam, and collecting the troops, and the nobility who flocked to him on that occafion, he marched ftraight for the fame country. Whilst the king was occupied in thefe warlike preparations, a violent commotion arofe among his clergy at home. In the reign of Zara Jacob, a number of flrangers, after the council The pomegranate of gold. -J- The Ration of David- council of Florence, had come into AbylTinia with the Abuna Imaranha Chriflos. Among thefe were fome monks from Syria, or Egypt, who had propagated a herefy which had found many difciples. They denied the con fub ft ami a-lity of Chrift, whom they admitted to be perfect God and likcwife perfect man, but maintained that what we call his humanity was a precious fubftance, or nature, not compofed of flefh, blood, and arteries, (like ours), but infinitely more noble, perfect, peculiar to, and only exifling in himfelf. An afTembly of the clergy was called, this herefy condemned, and thofe who had denied the perfect manhood of our Saviour were put to death by different kinds of torture. Some were fent to die in the Kolla, others expofed, without the ncceffarics of life, to pcrifh with cold on the tops of the, higheft mountains.. There was another motive of difcontent which appeared in that affcmbly, and which affected the king himfelf. A Venetian, whofe name was Branca Leon, was one of the flrangers that arrived in Ethiopia at the time above, mentioned. He was a limner by profefllon, and exceedingly favoured by the late king, for whom he had painted, with great applaufe, the pictures of Abyflinian faints for the decoration of the churches. It happened that this man was employed for an altar-piece of Atronfa Mariam ; the fubject was a common one in Italy, Chrift in his mothers arms ;, where the child, according to the Italian mode, is held in his mothers left arm. This is directly contrary to the u-fage of dtc Eaft, where the left hand is referred for the pur-pofe of wafiring the body when needful, and is therefore looked upon with dithonour, fo much, indeed, that at table--he right hand only is put into the plate. 4 T'Lf i>8 TRAVELS TO DISCOVER The fanatic and ignorant monks, heated with the la-R difputCjWcre fired with rage at the indignkywhich they fup-pofed was offered to our Saviour. But the king, ft ruck with the beauty of the picture, and thinking blood enough had been already fhedupon religious fcruples, was refolved to humour the fpirit of persecution-no farther. Some of the ringleaders of thefe disturbances privately ■difappcaring, the reft faw the necellity of returning to their duty; and the picture was placed on the altar of Atronfa Mariam, and there prefcrved, notwith(landing the devailation of the country by the Moors under the reigns of David III. and Claudius, till many years afterwards, together with the church, it was deftroyed by an inroad of the Galla. In the mean time, the army from Dawaro had entered the kingdom of Adel under Betwudet * Aciber Yafous, and, expecting to find the Moors cpaite unprepared, they had begun to watte every thing with fire and fword. But it was not long before they found the inhabitants of Adel ready to receive them, and perfectly inftrueted of the king's intentions, from the moment he left Dawaro, to go to meet his fon in Gojam. Indeed, it could not be other wife, from the multitude of Moors conilantly in his army, who, though they put on the appearance of loyalty, never ceafed to have a warm heart towards their own religion and countrymen. Advanced parties appeared as foon as the Abyffmian army entered the frontiers; and thefe were followed by the main body in good order, determined to fight their enemy before they had time to ravage the country. A battle * Betwudet is an officer that has nciulv the f.mic power :is R,is; there were two of rlicTe, and both being ilain at one buttle, as we ihall fee in the fefluel, the oilice grew into difuft as uofoctunatc A battle immediately followed, very bloody, as might be expected from the mutual hatred of the foldiers, from the equality in numbers, and the long experience each had in the other's manner of fighting. The battle, often on the point of being loft, was as often retrieved by the perfonal exertion of the Moorifh officers, upon whom the lofs principally fell. Sidi Hamet, the king's fon, the chiefs of Arar, Nagal, Telga, Adega, Hargai, Gadai, and Knmo, were ilain, with feveral other principal men, who had either revolted from the king of Abyflinia, or whom friendfhip to the king of Adel had brought from the oppofite coaft of Arabia. The king was flill advancing with diligence, when he was overtaken by an exprefs, informing him that his queen Romana was delivered of another prince, chriflened by the name of Anquo Ifrael. Upon which good tidings he halted at once to reft and feaft his army; and, in the middle of the feftivity, an exprefs from Adber Yafous brought him news of the complete vietory over the Moors, and that there was now no army in Adel of confequence enough to keep the field. Hereupon the king detached a fufficient number of troops to reinforce Adber Yafous in Adel, and continued himfelf recruiting his army, and making greater preparations than before, that, during the firfl of the feafon, he might utterly lay wafle the whole Moorifh country, or fo difable them that they might, for many years, be content to enjoy peace under the condition of becoming his tributaries. While planning thefe great entcrprifes, the king was feiz--ed with a pain in his bowels, whether from poifon or other-Vol. If .M wife wife is not known, which occauoncd his death. Having, a few moments before he died, recollected that his face was turned on a different fide from the kingdom of Adel, he ordered' himfelf to be fhifted in his bed, and placed fo as to look directly towards it, (a token how much his heart was fet upon its deftruetion) and in that pofture he expired. He was a prince of great bravery and conduct; very mew derate in all his pleafures; of great devotion; zealous for the eftablifhed church, but Heady in refifling the monks and other clergy in all their attempts towards perfecution, innovation, and independency. Many {lories have been propagated of his inclination to the Catholic religion, and of his averfion to having an Abuna from Egypt; and it is faid, that, during his whole reign, he obftinately perfrfted in refilling to fuffer any Abuna in his kingdom. But thefe are fables invented by the Portuguefe priefls, who came into Abyflinia fome time afterwards, and forged anecdotes to fervc their own purpofes; for, unlefs we except the ftory of the Venetian, Branca Leon, there is not a word faid of any connection Bxda Mariam ever had with the few Catholics that then were in his country, and even that was a connection of his father's. And as to the other ftory, we find in hiftory, that the Abuna had been in the country ever fmce his father Zara Jacob's time; and that, at his defire, the Abuna, Imaranha Chriflos, came and received, in the field of battle, large donations in gold, almoft as often as the king gained a victory. Brcda Mariam died at the age of forty, after reigning ten years, which were fpent in conti-' nual war; during the whole courfe of which he was fuc-cefsful, and might (if he had lived) have very much weakened the Moorifh ftates, and prevented the terrible retaliation tion that fell afterwards from that quarter upon his country.—It will be proper now to look back into the tranfadlions in Europe, which are partly connected with the hiftory of this kingdom. The conqueft of the north part of Africa followed the reduction of Egypt, and the whole coaft of Barbary was crowded with Mahometans, from Alexandria to the weftern ocean, and from the Mediterranean to the edge of the de-fert. Even the defert itfelf was filled with them; and trade, fecurity, and good faith, were now everywhere diffemina-ted in regions, a few years before the feat of murder and pillage. Tarik and his Moors had invaded Spain; Mufa followed him, and conquered it. The hiftory of Count Julian is in every one's hand; unfortunate in having had the provocation, flill more fo in having had the power to revenge it, by facrificing at once his fovereign, his country, religion, and life, to the private injuries done to his daughter. As often as I have read the hiftory of this cataflrophe, fo often liave I regretted to fee with how little ceremony this young lady hath been treated by authors of all languages and nations. They call her Caaba, with the fame eafe and indifference as they would have called her Anne, or Margaret. This mufl be from mere ignorance, Caaba could not be the name of the daughter of Count Julian before her feduction. Caaba means Harlot, in the broadeft way pofhble to exprefs the term, and very cruelly and improperly, it feems to be given her, even after her misfortune ; for fire was a daughter of the firfl family in Spain, of unexceptionable virtue. M 2 She She was not fcduccd, but forced by the king, while in the palace, and under protection of the queen. A great influx of trade followed the conqueft; and the religion, that contained little reftraint and great indulgence, was every where embraced by the vanquifhed, who long had been Chriftians in name only. On the other fide, the conquerors were now no longer that brutifh fet of madmen, fuch as they were under the Khalifat of the fanatic Omar. They were now men eminent for their rank and attainments in every fpecies of learning. This was a dangerous crifis for Chriftianity, and nothing elfe was threatened than its total fubverfion. The whole world, without the help of England, had not virtue enough to withftand this torrent. That nation, the favourite weapon in the hand of Heaven for chaftifing tyranny and extirpating falfe religion, now lent its ailiftancc, and the fcale was quickly turned. At that time Europe faw with furprife an inconfiderable number of fimermcn, very inconveniently placed at the farther!: end of the Adriatic Gulf, applying themfelves with unwearied care and patience to cultivate, gather together, and improve the remnants and gleanings of the Indian trade by Alexandria, under all the cruelties and oppreflions of thofe ignorant and barbarous conquerors the Turks, whom no profpect of gain, no change of place, no frequency of commerce, could ever civilize or fubjeft to the rules of justice. Venice became at once the great market for fpices and perfumes, and confequently the moft confiderable maritime power that had appeared in Europe for ages. Genojv. Genoa followed, bur funk, after great efforts, under the power of her rival; while Venice remained miflrefs of the fea, of a large dominion upon the continent, and of the Indian fpicc trade, the origin and fupport of all her great-nefs. Rhodes, and the mips of the Military Order of St John of Jerufalcm, to whom that ifland belonged, greatly harrafTed the maritime trade carried on by the Moors in their own veflels from Alexandria, who were every day more difcou-raged by the unexpected progrefs of thefe once petty Chriilian Hates. Trade again began to be carried on by caravans in the defert. Large companies of merchants from Arabia, pafTed in fafety to the weftern ocean, and were joined by other traders from the different parts of Barbary while paffmg to the fouthward of them, and that with fuch fe-curity and expedition, that the Moors began to fet little va*-lue on their manner of trading by fea, content now again with the labours and conveniencies of their ancient, faithful friend, and fervant, the camel. Ormus, a fmall ifland in the Perfian Gulf, had, by its convenient fituation, become the market for the fpice trade, after the difcouragements it had received in the Mediterranean. All Afia was fupplied from thence, and veffels, entering the Straits of Babelmandeb, had renewed the old refort to the temple of Mecca. From hence all Africa, too, was fe'ved by caravans, that never fince have forfaken that trade, but continue to this day, and crofs the continent, in various directions. JbHN John I. king of Portugal, after many fuccefsful battles with the Moors, had at lail forced them to crofs the fea, and return vanquifhed to their native country. By this he had changed his former difhonourable name of bajtard to the more noble and much more popular one of John the avenger. This did not fatisfy him. AfUfted by fome Englifh navigators, he pafTed over to Barbary, laid fiege to Ceuta, and fpecdily after made himfelf mailer of the city. This early connection with the Englifh arofe by his having married Philipina of Lancaster, filter of Henry IV. king of England, by whom he had five fons, all of them heroes, and, at the taking of Ceuta, capable of commanding armies. Henry, the youngeft, fcarcc twenty years of age, was the firft. that mounted the walls of that city in his father's prefencc, and was thereupon created Matter of the Order of Chrift, anew inftitution, whofe fole end and view was the extirpation of the Mahometan religion. Although every thing promifed fair to John in the war of Africa, yet it early occurred to prince Henry, that a fmall kingdom like Portugal never could promife to do any thing effectual againft the enormous power of the Mahometans, then in ponefTion of cxtenfrve dominions in the richer! parts of the globe. The hidden rife of Venice was before his eyes, and almoft happened in his own time. By applying to trade alone, flic had acquired a power fuflkient to cope with the floutcft of her enemies. Portugal, fmall as it was, merited quite another degree of refpect; but poverty, ignorance, pride, and idlenefs prevailed among the poor people ; even agriculture itfelf was in a manner abandoned fince the expulfion of the Moors. Prince Prince HeENRV, from his early years, had been partion-atcly addicted to the ftudy of what is generally known by the name of mathematics, that is, geometry, aflronomy, and confequently arithmetic. He was of a liberal turn of mind, devoid of fuperftition, haughtinefs, or paffion ; the Arab and the Jew were admitted to him with great freedom, as the only mailers who were capable of inftructing him in thofe fciences. It was in vain to attempt to rival Venice in poffeflion of the Mediterranean trade: no other way remained but to open the commerce to India by the Atlantic Ocean, by failing round the point of Africa to the market of fpices in India. Full of this thought, he retired to a country palace, and there dedicated the whole of his time to deliberate inquiry. The ignorance and prejudices of the age were altogether againft him. The only geography then known was that of the poets. It was the opinion of the Portuguefc, that the regions within the tropics were totally uninhabited, fcorched by eternal fun-beams, while boiling oceans walked thefe burning coafls ; and, therefore, they concluded, that every attempt to explore them was little better than downright madnefs, and a braving, or tempting, of Providence. But, on the other hand, he found great materials to comfort him, and to make him pcrfiil in his refolution. For Greek hittory, to which he then had accefs, had recorded two inilances, which fhewed that the voyage was not only poffible, but that it had been actually performed, firfl by the Phoenicians, under Necho king of Egypt, then by Eudoxus, during the time of Ptolemy Lathyrus, who, after doubling the fouthcrn Cape of Africa, arrived in fafety at Cadiz. Han-no, too, had failed from Carthage through the Straits, and i reached reached to 250 of north latitude in the Atlantic Ocean. In more modern times, even in the preceding century, Macham, an Englifhman, returning from a voyage on the weft coaft of Africa, was fhipwrecked on the ifland of Madeira, together with a woman whom he tenderly loved. After her death he became weary of folitude; and having conftructed a bark, or canoe, with which he paddled over to the oppofite coaft, he was taken by the natives, and prefented to the Caliph as a curiofity. And the Normans of Dieppe had, as a company, traded in 1364, not fourfcore years from prince Henry's time, as far as Sierra de Leona, only f from the Line. The prince's humanity to his Moorifh prifoncrs had like-wife been rewarded by fubftantial information; they reported that fome of their countrymen of the kingdom of Sus had advanced far into the defcrt, carrying their water and pro-vifions along with them on camels ; that, after many days travel, they came to mines of fait, and, having loaded their cargoes, they proceeded till they came within the limits of the rains ; there they found large and populous towns, inhabited by a people totally black and woolly-headed, who reported that there were many countries even beyond them, occupied by numerous and warlike tribes. To complete all, Don Pedro, Henry's brother, returning from Venice, brought along with him from that city a map, on which the whole coaft of the Atlantic Ocean was diftindtly traced, and the fouthern extremity of Africa was reprefented to be a cape furrounded with the fea, which joined with the Indian Ocean. No fooncr was the prince thus fatisficd of the pofubility of a pallage to India round Africa, than he fet about con- 3 ftrucling ft.ruct.ing the ncccfTary inftruments for navigation. Ho corrected the folar tables of the Arabs, and made fome alterations in the aftrolabe : For, ftrange to tell! the quadrant was not then known in Portugal, though, a hundred years before, Ulughbeg had meafured the funs height at Sa-marcand in Perfia, with a quadrant of about 400 feet radius, the larger!: ever conltru&ed, if, indeed, the fize of this be not exaggerated. Henry, who, by his liberality and affability, had drawn together the molt learned mathematicians and abler!: pilots of the age, now propofed to reduce his fpeculations to practice. Many fliips had failed in the courfe of his difquiii-tions, and ten years had now elapfed before the prince, after all his encouragement, could induce the captains to proceed farther than Cape Non, or, thirty leagues further, to Cape Bojador. To this their courage held good; after which, the fear of fiery oceans reviving in their minds, they returned exceedingly fatisficd with their own pcrfevcrance and abilities. Henry, though greatly hurt at this behaviour, diilcm-bled the low opinion which he had formed of both. He contented himfelf with propoiing to them different rcafons and rewards ; and urged them to repeat their voyages, which, however, conftantlv ended in the fame difappoint-mcnt. And it is probable a much longer time might have been fpent in thefe mifearriages, had not accident, or rather » providence, flept in to his alliltance. John Consalez and Triflan Vaz, two gentlemen of his bed-chamber, feeing the imprellion this behaviour had made on the prince, and having obtained a fmall Ihip from him, refolved to double Cape Bojador, and difcover the coaft Vol, II, N bcyon 1 9S TRAVELS TO DISCOVER yond it. Whether the fiery oceans might not have prefentcd themfelves to thefe gentlemen, I know not; but a violent florm forced them to fea. After being tolled about in perpetual fear of fhipwreck for feveral days, they at laft landed on a fmall ifland, which they called Port Santo. Thefe two navigators poffeffed the true fpirit of difcovery. Far from giving thcmfelves up for loft in a new world, or content with what they had already done, they let about making the molt diligent obfervation of every thing remarkable in this fmall fpot. The ifland itfelf was barren ; but, examining the horizon all around, they obferved a black fixed fpot there, which never either changed its place or dimcnfions. Satif-ficd, therefore, that this was land, they returned to the Infant with the news of this double difcovery.. Three veiTels were fpeedily equipped by tlic prince; two of them given to Vaz and Arco, and the third to Bartholomew Pereftrcllo, gentleman of the bed-chamber to Don John his brother. Thefe adventurers were far from difappoint-ing his expectations; they arrived at Port Santo, and proceeded to the fixed fpot, which they found to be the ifland of Madeira, wholly covered with wood ; an ifland that has ever fmce been of the greateft ufe to the trade of both Indies, and which has remained to the crown of Portugal, after the greateft part of their other conqucfts in the call are loft. John I. was now dead, and Edward had fucceeded: him. The infant Henry, however, (till continued the pur-fuit of his difcoveries with the greateft ardour. Giles D'Anez, ftimulatcd by the fuccefs of the Jaft adventures, put to fea with a relblution to double Cape Boja-dor clofe in more, foas to make his voyage a foundation- 2. for for pufhing farther the difcovery; and,being lucky in good weather, he fairly doubled the Cape; and, continuing fome leagues farther into the bay to the fouth of it, he returned with the fame good fortune to Portugal, after having found the ocean equally as navigable on the other fide as on this; and that there was no foundation for thofe monftrous appearances or difficulties mariners till now had expected to find there. The fuccefsful expedition round Cape Bojador being foon fpread abroad through Europe, excited a fpirit of adventure in all foreigners; the moft capable of whom reforted immediately to prince Henry, from their different countries, which further increafed the fpirit of the Portuguefe, already raifed to a very great height. But there flill was a party of men, who, not fufceptible of great actions thcmfelves, dedicated their time with fome fuccefs to criticifing the enterprises of others. Thefe blamed prince Henry, becaufe, when Portugal was cxhaufled both of men and money by a neceffary war in Africa, he mould have chofen that very time to launch out into expenecs and vain difcoveries of countries, in an immenfe ocean, which mufl be ufelefs, be-caufe incapable of cultivation. And though they did not advance, as formerly, that the ocean was boiling among burning fands, they flill thought thcmfelves authorifed to affert, that thefe countries mufl, from their fituation under the fun, be fo hot as to turn all the difcovercrs black, and alio to deflroy all vegetation. Futile as thefe reafons were, at another time they would have been fuflicicnt to have blafled all the defigns of prince Henry, had they made half the impreflion upon the king that they did upon the minds of the people, Portugal was then only growing to the pitch N 2 of r of heroifm to which it foon after arrived, their fpirit being continually fottered by a long fucceflion of wife, brave, and well-informed princes. Edward, the reigning prince, difdained to give any an-fwer to fuch objections, otherwife than by doubling his re-fpect and attention for his uncle Henry. To encourage him flill further, he conferred upon him for life the fove-rcignty of Madeira, Port Santo, and all the difcoveries he Ihould make on the coafl of Africa; and the fpiritual jurif-diction of the ifland of Madeira, upon his new Order of Chrifl, for ever. These voyages of difcovery were conflantly perfevered in. Nugno Triftan doubled Cape Blanco, and came to a fmall river, which, from their finding gold in the hands of the natives, was afterwards called Rio del Oro; and here a fort was afterwards built by the Portuguefe, called Argidm. I would not, however, have it fuppofed, that gold is the produce of any place in the latitude of Cape Blanco. It was brought here from the black nations, far to the fouthward, to purchafe fait from the mines which are in this defert near the Cape. The fight of gold, better than any argument, ferved to calm the fears, and overcome the fcruples, of thofe who hitherto had been adverfaries to thefe difcoveries. In the year 1445, Denis Fcrnandes firfl difcovered the great river Senega, the northern banks of which are inhabited by Afenagi Moors, whofe colour is tawny, while the fouthern, or oppofite banks, belong to the Jalofles, or Negro nation, the chief market for the gum-arabic. Paffing this rivcv he difcovered Cape Verde; and, to his inexprcflible Satisfaction* fatisfact.ion, though now in the midft of the torrid zone, he found the country abounded with large rivers, and with the moft luxuriant verdure. He found a civil war in the nation of JalofTes. Bemoy, a prince of that nation, had, in a minority, intruded himfelf into the throne of his brothers, (to whom he was but half blood), by the addrefs of his mother. The eldeil of the three brothers preferved the fliadow of government, and feemcd to favour the ufurpa-tion. Bemoy had improved that interval by cultivating the Portuguefe friendfhip to the uttcrmofl. He promifed every thing; a place to build their city on the continent, which the king very much dcfircd ; and to be a convert to Chrif-tianity, the only thing the king wifhed Hill more. His eld-ell brother dying, the king was brifkly preiTed by the two younger, and fteadily fupportcd by the Portuguefe, from whom he had borrowed large funis; but Hill appearing to trifle with the day of his converfion, and the day of his payment, the king ordered the Portuguefe to withdraw from his country, and leave him to his fortune. The lofs of a battle with his brothers foon reduced him to the neccffity of flying acrofs the defcrts to Arguim, and thence to Portugal, with a number of his followers. He was received by the king of Portugal with all the honours due to a fovercign prince, and baptifed at Lifbon, the king and queen being his fponfors* Great fcflivals and illuminations were made at this ac-quifition to Chriflianity ; and Bemoy appeared at thofe fcflivals as the great eft ornament of them, performing feats of horfemanfhip never before pracfifed in Portugal. The modefly and propriety of his eonverfation and behaviour in private, and the great dignity and eloquence which he 4- difplaycd difplaycd in public, began to give the Portuguefe a very different idea of his clan from that which they had formerly entertained. In the mean time the king went rapidly on with the preparations that were to eftablifh Bemoy in his kingdom; and the feftivals were no fooner terminated, than Bemoy found a large army and fleet ready to fail with him, the command of which, unhappily for him and the expedition, was given to Triflan d'Acugna, a foldier of great experience and courage, but proud, paflionate, and cruel ; the dif-agreeable name of Bifagudo * had already been fixed upon him by his countrymen. The fleet performed the voyage, and the troops landed happily. They were, by their number and valour, far from any apprehenfion of oppofition. The general began immediately to lay the foundation of a fort, without having fuf-ficiently attended to its unhealthy fituation. The fpot which was chofen being low and marfliy, fevers began early to make havock among his men, and the work of courfe went on proportionably flower. The murmurs of the army againft his obftinacy in adhering to the choice of this place, and his fear that he himfelf mould be left alone governor of it, made D'Acugna defperate ; when one day, taking his pleafure on board a fhip, and having had fome ' words with Bemoy, he ftabbed him. with his dagger to the heart, fo that he fell dead without uttering a word. The fort was abandoned, and the army returned to Portugal, after *The literal tranflation of this is, dottb^Jhmf, wjharp to a fault; a character he ha4 gained in Portugal. ter having cofl little lefs than all prince Henry's difcoveries together had done. But Heaven rewarded the wifdom of the king by a difcovery, the confequences of which more than overpaid him, in his mind, for his lofs. Prince Henry's principal view was to difcover the way to India by the fouthern Cape of Africa; but this as yet was not known to be poiiible. In order to remedy a disappointment, if any fuch happened in this fea-voyagc, another was attempted by land. Wc have feen that the common track for the Indian trade was from the eaft to the well fea, through the defert, the whole breadth of Africa. Prince Henry had projected a route parallel to this to the fouthward, through a Chriilian country : For it had been long reported by the Chriftians from Jerufalcm, that a number of monks reforted thither, fubjc&s of a Chriilian prince in the very heart of Africa, whofe dominions were faid to reach from the eaft to the well fea. Several of thefe monks had been met at Alexandria, whofe patriarch had the fole right to fend a.metropolitan into that country. Thefe facts, though often known, had been as-often forgot by the weltern Chriftians. Marco Paulo*, a Venetian traveller, had much confufed the ftory, by faying he had met, in his travels through Tartary, with this prince,, who they all agreed was a prieft, and was called Joannes Prefbyter Prcte Janni, or Prefter John. The king of Portugal, therefore, chofe Peter Covillan and; Alphonfo de Paiva for his ambafladors., Covillan was a man qualified! * Set Marco Paulo's Tiy.vt.ls into Turtury. 104 TRAVELS TO DISCOVER qualified for the undertaking. He had feveral times been employed by the late king in very delicate affairs, out of which he extricated himfelf with great credit by his addrefs and fecrecy. He was, befides this, in the vigour of his age, bold, active, and perfectly mailer of all forts of arms; modefl and chearful in converfation, and, what crowned all, had happily a great readinefs in acquiring languages, which enabled him to explain himfelf wherever he went, without an interpreter; an advantage to which, above all others, we arc to afcribe the fuccefs of fuch a journey. It was at the court of Bemoy that the firfl certain account of the exiftence of this Chriilian prince was procured. This people, on the well coafl of Africa, reported, that, inland to the caflward, were many powerful nations and cities, governed by princes totally independent of each o-thcr; that the eaflermofl of thefe princes was called prince of the Mofaical people, who were neither Pagans nor Idolaters, but profeffed a religion compounded of the Chriflian and Jcwifh. It fecms plain that this intelligence mufl have been brought by the caravans; or, indeed, the cafe may have been that the language of the Negroes had, of old, been a dialect of AbylTinian. The black Ethiopians above Thebes arc reported to have beftowed much care upon letters; and they certainly reformed the hieroglyphics, and probably invented the Syllabic alphabet, which we know is ufed in A-byflinia to this day, and which was probably the firfl among the nations. Be that as it will, the various names which the Senega went by were all Abyffmian words. Senega comes from Afenagi, which is Abyilinian, and fignifles carriers, riersy or caravans; Dengui, a Jlone, or rock; Angucah, a tree of that name ; Anzo, a crocodile; and, at the fame time, all thefe are names of Abylfinian rivers. It was at Benin, another Negro country, that the king again received a confirmation of the exiltence of a Chriilian prince, who was faid to inhabit the heart of Africa to the fouth-cafl of this Hate. The people of Benin reported him to be a prince exceedingly powerful; that his name was Ogane, and his kingdom about 250 leagues to the eaftward. They added, that the kings of Benin received from him a brafs crofs and a ftafF as their invefliture. It mould feem that this Ogane is but a corruption of Jan, or Janhoi, which title the eailern Chriftians had given to the king of Abyf-finia. But it is very difficult to account for the knowledge of Abyflinia in the kingdom of Benin, not only on account of the diftance, but likewife, becaufe feveral of the molt fa-vage nations of the world, the Galla and Shangalla, occupy the intervening fpace. The court of Abyflinia, as we fhall fee afterwards, did, indeed, then refide in Shoa, the fouth-eaft extremity of the kingdom, and, by its power and influence, probably might have pufhed its dominion through thefe barbarians, down to the neighbourhood of Benin on the weftcrn ocean. But all this I mufl confefs to be a fimple conjecture of mine, of which, in the country itfelf, I never found the fmalleft confirmation. Amha Yasous (prince of Shoa) being'at court, on a vifit to the king at Gondar, in the years 1770 and 1771, and the ftricteft friendfhip fubfifling between us, every endeavour Vol. II. O poffibJe pofliblc was ufed on my part to examine this affair to the bottom. A number of letters were written, and melTengcrs fent; and, at this prince's defire, his father directed, that all the records of government mould be confulted to fatisfy me. But never any thing occurred which gave room to. imagine the prince of Shoa had ever been fovcreign of Benin, nor was the weftern ocean, or that ftate, known to them in my time. Yet the country alluded to could be no other than Abyilinia; and, indeed, the crooked ftaff, as well as the crofs, corroborate this opinion, unlefs the whole was an invention of the Negroes,, to natter the king of Portugal. That prince was refolved no longer to delay the difco* very of the markets of the fpice-trade in India, and the paf-fage over land, through Abyilinia, to the eaftern ocean. He, therefore, as has been before faid, difpatched Covillan and de Paiva to Alexandria, with the neceffary letters and credit. They had likewifc a map, or chart, given them, made under the direction of prince Henry, which they were to correct, or to confirm, according as it needed. They were to enquire what were the principal markets for the fpice, and particularly the pepper-trade in India; and what were the different chancels by which this was conveyed to Europe ; whence came the gold and filver, the medium of this trade ; and, above all, they were to inform themfelves di-ftinetly, whether ft was poffible to arrive in India by failing round the Tout hern promontory of Africa, Erom Alexandria thefe two travellers proceeded to Cairo, mence to Suez, the port on the bottom of the Red Sea, where pining a caravan of we Hern Moors, they continued their i route route to Aden, a rich trading town, without the Straits of , Babclmandeb. Here they feparated: Covillan fet fail for India, De Paiva for Suakcm, a fmall trading town and ifland in Barbaria, or Barabra of the ancients. What other circumflances occurred we know not, only that De Paiva, attempting his journey this way, loll his life, and was never more heard of. Covillan, more fortunate, pafTed over to Calicut and Goa in India ; then crofled the Indian Ocean to Sofala, to in-fpect the mines ; then he returned to Aden, and fo to Cairo, where lie expected to meet his companion De Paiva; but here he heard of his death. Flowever, he was there met by two Jews with letters from the king of Abyflinia, the one called Abraham, the other Jofeph. Abraham he fent back with letters, but took Jofeph along with him again to Aden, and thence they both proceeded to Ormus in the Perfian Gulf. Here they feparated, and the Jew returned home by the caravans that pafs along the defert to Aleppo. Covillan, now folely intent upon the difcovery of Abyflinia, returned to Aden, and, erolling the Straits of Babclmandeb, landed in the dominions of that prince, whofe name was Alexander, and whom he found at the head of his army, levying contributions upon his rebellious fubjects. Alexander received him kindly, but rather from motives of curiofity than from any expectation of advantage which would remit from his embaffy. He took Covillan along with him to Shoa, where the court then refided. Covillan returned no more to Europe. A cruel policy of Abyflinia makes this a favour conflantly denied to ft ran-gers. He married, and obtained large pofleflions; conti- O 2 nued nued greatly in the favour of feveral fucceeding princes, and was preferred to the principal offices, in which, there is no doubt, he appeared with all the advantage a polifhed and inflructed mind has over an ignorant and barbarous one. Frequent difpatches from him came to the king of Portugal, who, on his part, fpared no expcnce to keep open the correfpondence. In his journal, Covillan defcribed the feveral ports in India which he had feen; the temper and difpofition of the princes ; the fituation and riches of the mines of Sofala: He reported that the country was very populous, full of cities both powerful and rich ; and he exhorted the king to purfue, with unremitting vigour, the paffage round Africa, which he declared to be attended with very little danger; and that the Cape itfelf was well known in India. He accompanied this defcription with a chart, or map, which he had received from the hands of a Moor in India, where the Cape, and cities all around the coaft, were exactly reprefentcd. UroN this intelligence the king fitted out three fhips> under Bartholomew Dias, who had orders to inquire after the king of Abyffinia on the weflern ocean. Dias paffed on to lat. 24~deg. fouth, and there fet up the arms of the king of Portugal in token of poifelfron. He then failed for the harbour of the Hcrdfmen, fo called from the multitude of cows feen on land; and, as it fhould feem, not knowing whither he was going, came to a river which he called Del Infante, from the captain's name that firfl difcovered it, having, without dreaming of it, paffed that formidable Cape, the object fo much defired by the Portuguefe. Here he was tolled for many days by violent florms as he came near land, being-more and more in the courfe of variable winds, but, obfli- 3 nately nately perfifting to difcover the coaft, he at laft came within light of the Cape, which he called the Cape of Tempefis, from the rough treatment his veffel had met in her paiTage round it. The great end was now obtained. Dias and his companions had really fullered much, and, upon their return, they did not fail to do ample juftice to their own bravery and perfeverance; in doing this, they had conjured up fo many ftorms. and dreadful fights, that, all the remaining life of king John, there was no more talk but of this Cape: Only the king, to hinder a bad omen, inftead of the Cape of Tem-pefts, ordered it to be called the Cape of Good Hope, Although the difcovery now was made, there were not wanting a confiderable number of people of the greateft confequence who were for abandoning it altogether; one of their reafons was curious, and what, if their behaviour afterwards had not been beyond all inftance heroic, would have led us to imagine their fpirit of. religion and conqueft had both cooled fince the days of prince Henry. They were, afraid, left, after having difcovered a paiTage to India, the depriving the Moorifh Hates of their revenues from the fpice-' trade, Ihould unite thefe powers to their deftruction. Now, to deftroy their revenues effectually, and thereby ruin their power, was the very motive which let prince Henry upon the difcovery, as worthy the Grand Mailer of the Order of Chrilt; an order founded in the blood of unbelievers, and devoted particularly to the extirpation of the Mahometan religion,.. Don Don Emmanuel, then king, having no fuch apprchen-fions, refolved to abide the confequences of a meafure the moll arduous ever undertaken by any nation, and which, though it had coll a great deal of time and expence, had yet fucceeded beyond their utmoft expectations. It was not till after long deliberation that he fixed upon Vafques de Gama, a man of the firil diftinction, remarkable for courage and great prefence of mind. Before his departure, the king put into his hands the journal of Peter Covillan, with his chart, and letters of credit to all the princes in India of whom he had obtained any knowledge. The behaviour of Vafques de Gama, at parting, was far from being characterise of the foldier or great man : his proceflipns and tapers favoured much more of the oilenta-tious devotion of a bigotted little-minded priell, and was much more Calculated to deprefs the fpirits of his foldiers, than to encourage them to the fervice they were then about to do for their country. It ferved only to revive in their minds the hardfhips that Dias had met off the Terrible Cape, and perfuadc them there was in their expedition much more danger than glory. I would not be undcrftood as meaning to condemn all acts of devotion before military expeditions, but would have them always fhorr, ordinary, and uniform. Every thing further infpires in weak minds a fenfc of danger, and makes them defpond upon any feri-ous appearance of difficulty. 'Tb^li.'*'>xr/ .d in ?o "bo'ir f x-)d> nf b5ln%*&$i *t3.Mot:a.jrh:a.) July 4th, 1407, Vafques, with his fmall fleet, failed from Lifbon ; and, as the art of navigation was confiderably improved, he flood out to fea till he made the Canary Iilands, and then thofe of Cape de Verde, where he anchored, took in In water and other refreshments. After which he was four months flruggling with contrary winds and blowing-weather, and at lad obliged, through perfect fatigue, to run into a large bay called St Helena*, in lat. 3z° 32' foutli. The inhabitants of this bay were black, of low (feature, and their language not understood, though it afterwards was found to be the fame with that of the Cape. They were cloathed with fkins of antelopes, which abounded in the country, iince known to be that of the Hottentots ; their arms were the horns and bones of beads and fifh.es, for they had no knowledge of iron. The Portuguefe were unacquainted with the trade-winds in thofe fouthern latitudes ; and Vafques had departed for India, in a mod unfavourable feafon of the year. The i6th of November they failed for the Cape with a fbuth-weil wind ; but that very day, the weather changing, a violent dorm came on, which continued increafing ; fo, although on the 18th they difcovered their long-defircd Cape, they did not dare or attempt to pafs it. Then it was feen how much dronger the impreffions were that Dias had left imprinted in their minds, than thofe of duty, obedience, and refigna-tion, which they had fo pompouliy vowed at the chapel, or hermitage. All the crew mutinied, and refufed to pafs. farther; and it was not the common failors only ; the pilots and maders were at their head. Vafques, fatisfied in his mind that there v/as nothing extraordinary in the danger, perfevered to pafs the Cape in fpite of all difficulties ; and the officers, animated with the fame ardour, feized the mod. * On the weft fide of the pcniafula on the Atlantic; ■mod mutinous of their matters and pilots, and confined them clofe below in heavy irons. Vasques himfelf, taking hold of the rudder, continued to fleer the fhip with his own hand, and flood out to fea, to the aflonifliment of the bravell feaman on board. The rtorm lafled two days, without having in the leafl lhaken the refolution of the admiral, who, on the 20th of November, faw his conflancy rewarded by doubling that Cape, which he did, as it were, in triumph, founding his trumpets, beating his drums, and permitting to his people all forts of paflimes which might banilh from their minds former apprehenfions, and induce them to agree with him, that the point had very aptly been called the Cape of Good Hope* On the 25th they anchored in a creek called Angra de Saint Btaze. Soon after their arrival there appeared a number of the inhabitants on the mountains, and on the fhore. The general, fearing fome furprife, landed his men armed. But, firfl, he ordered fmall brafs bells, and other trinkets, to be thrown out of the boats on more, which the blacks greedily took up, and ventured fo near as to take one of them out of the general's own hand. Upon his landing, he was welcomed with the found of flutes and fmging. Vafques, on his part, ordered his trumpets to found, and his men to dance round them. All along from St Blaze, for more than fixty leagues, they found the coafl remarkably pleafant, full of high and fair trees. On Chriftmas day they made land, and entered a river which they called the river of the kings; and all the 4iflance difiance between this and St Blaze they named Terra de Natal The weather being mild, they took to their boats to row along the fhore, on which were obferved both men and women of a large flature, but who feemed to be of quiet and civil behaviour. The general ordered Martin Alonzo, who fpoke feveral languages of the Negroes, to land; and he was fo well received by the chief, or king, that the admiral fent him feveral trifles, with which he was wonderfully plcafcd, and offered, in return, any thing he wanted of the produce of his country. On the 15th of January, in the year 1498, having taken in plenty of water, which the Negroes, of their own accord, helped them to put on board, they left this civil nation, fleering pafl a length of coaft terminated by a Cape called the Cape of Currents. There the coafl of Natal ends, and that of Sofala begins, to the northward of the Cape. At this place, Gama from the fouth joined Covillan's track from the north, and thefe two Portuguefe had completely made the circuit of Africa. Vol. II. P ISCANDER ISCANDER, or ALEXANDER, From 1478 to 1495, Tfcandcr declares War with Adel—Good Conducl of the King—Betrayed and murdered by Za Sa luce. AS foon as the king Baxla Mariam was dead, the hiftory of Abyflinia informs us, that a tumultuous meeting of the nobles brought from the mountain of Gcfhen the queen Romana, with her fon Ifeandcr, who upon his arrival was crowned without any oppofition.. It is to be obferved in the Abyffinian annals, that very frequent minorities happen. A queen-mother, or regent,, with two or three of the greateft intcreft at court, are, during the minority, in poffeffion of the king's perfon, and govern in his name. The tranfactions of this minority, too, are as carefully infertcd in the annals of the kingdom as any other part of the fubfequent government, but as the whole of thefe minorities arc but one continued chain of quarrels, plots, and treachery, as foon as the king comes of age, the greateft part of this reign of his miniflers is cancelled, as being the. acts of fubjects, and not worthy to -be infertcd inferted in their hiftories; which they entitle Kebra Za Ne-gxji, the greatnefs. or atchicvements of their kings. This, however political in itfelf, is a great difadvantage to hiftory, by concealing from poftcrity the firft caufe of the mod important tr an factions. For feveral years after Ifcandcr afcended the throne, the queen his mother, together with the Acab Saat, Tesfo Gcor-gis, and Betwudet Amdu, governed the kingdom defpotical-ly under the name of the young king. Accordingly, after fome years fufferancc, a confpiracy was formed, at the head of which were two men of great power, Abba Amdu and Abba Hafabo, but the confpirators proving unfucccfsful, fome of them were imprifoned, fome put to death, and others banifhed to unwholcfome places, there to perifh with hunger and fevers. The king from his early age had flrcwn a paflionate de-frre for a war with Adel, and that prince, whofe country had been fo often defolatcd by the Abyffmian armies, omitted no opportunity of creating an intcrcft at that court, that Ihould keep things in a quiet Hate. In tlris, however, he was much interrupted at prefent by a neighbouring chief of Arar, named Maffudi. This man, exceedingly brave, capable of enduring the greateft hardfhips, and a very great bigot to the Mahometan religion, had made a vow, that, every Lent, he would fpend the whole forty days in fome part of the Abyiiinian kingdom ; and to this purpofe he had railed, at his own expence, a fmall body of veteran troops, whom he infpircd with the fame fpirit and refolu-tion. Sometimes he fell on one part of the frontier, fomc-times upon another; flaying, without mercy, all that made P 2 reliilancc, rcfillance, and driving off whole villages of men, women, and children, whom he lent into Arabia, or India, to be fold as flaves. It was a matter of great difficulty for the king of Adel to pcrfuade the AbylTinians that Maffudi acted without his mitigation. The young king was one who could not dif-tinguifh Adel from Arar, or Mahomet's army from Maffudi's. He bore with very great impatience the cxcclles every year committed by the latter; but he was over-ruled by his nobility at home, and his thoughts turned as much as poflible-to hunting, to which he willingly gave himfelf up ; and, tho' but fifteen years of age, was the perfon, in all Abyf. finia, molt dexterous at managing his arms. At latt, being arrived at the age of feventecn, and returning from having obferved a very fuceefsful expedition made by Maffudi a-gainlt his territories, he ordered ZaSaluce, his firft minifler, commander in chief, and governor of Amhara, to raife the whole forces to the fouthward, while he himfelf collected the nobility in Angot and Tigre. With thofe, as foon as the rainy feafon was over, he defcended into the kingdom of Adel. The king of Adel had been forced into this war, yet, like a wife prince, he was not unprepared for it. He had advanced, directly towards the king, but had not palled his frontiers. Some inhabitants of a village called ^7™, all Mahometans, but tributary to the king of Abyflinia, had murdered the governor the king had let over them.. Ifcandcr marched, directly to deftroy it, which he had no fooner accomplifhcd, than the Moorifh army prefentcd itfelf. The battle was maintained obftinately on both fides, till the troops under * Za Salucc withdrew in the heat of the engagement, leaving the king in the midft of his enemies. This treafon, however, fecmed to have infpired the fmall army that remained with new courage, fo that the day was as yet dubious, when Ifcander, being engaged in a narrow pafs, and feeing himfelf clofe preflcd by a Moor who bore in his hand the green ftandard of Mahomet, turned fuddenly upon him, and flew him with a javelin; and, having wrefted the colours from him as he was falling, he, with the point of the fpear that bore the enfign, ftruck the king of Adel's fon dead to the ground, which immediately caufed the Moors to retreat. The young prince was too prudent to follow this victory in the ftatc the army then was ; for that of Adel, though it had retreated, did not difperfe. Za Saluce was returning by long marches to Amhara, exciting all thofe in his wray to revolt; and it was high time, therefore, for the king to follow him. But, unequal as he was in ftrength to the Moors, he could not reconcile it with his own honour to leave their army mailers of the field. He, therefore, firft confulted the principal officers of his troops, then harangued his men, which, the hiilorian fays, he did in the moll pathetic and mafterly manner ; fo that, with one voice, they defircd inftantly to be led to the Moors. The king is faid to have ranged his little army in a manner that ailoniiheel the oldeit officers. He then fent a defiance to the Moors,, by feveral prifoncrs whom he rcleafcd. They, however, more dcfirous to keep him from ravaging the country than to light another battle, continued quiet in their tents; and the king, after remaining on the field till near noon, drew oil' his troops in the pretence of his enemy, making a retreat: treat which would not have been unworthy of the hero whofe name he bore. The king, in his return to Shoa, left his troops, which was the northern army, in the northern provinces, as he paffed ; fo that he came to Shoa with a very fmall retinue, hearing that Za Saluce had gone to Amhara. This traitor, however, had left his creatures behind him, after inflruc"t-ing them what they were to do. Accordingly, the fecond day after Ifcander's arrival in Tcgulat, the capital of Shoa, they fet upon him, during the night, in a fmall houfe in Aylo Meidan, and murdered him while he was fleeping. They concealed his body for fome days in a mill, but Taka Chriflos, and fome others of the king's friends, took up the corpfc and cxpofed it to the people, who, with one accord, proclaimed Andreas, fon of Ifcander, king; and Za Saluce and his adherents, traitors. In the mean time, Za Saluce, far from finding the encouragement he expected in Amhara, was, upon his firfl appearance, fct upon by the nobility of that province ; and, being deferted by his troops, he was taken prifoner; his eyes were put out, and, being mounted on an afs, he was carried omiclfl the curfes of the people through the provinces of Amhara and Shoa. Iscander was fucceeded by his fon Andreas, or Amda Sion, an infant, who reigned feven months only. A wonderful confufioii fecms to be introduced at this time into hiftory, by the Portuguefe writers. Ifcander is faid to die in the 1490. Lie began, as they fay, to reign 4 in in 1475, and this is confirmed by Ludolf; and, on all hands, it is allowed he reigned 17 years, which would have brought the laft year of his reign to 1492. It fcems alfo to be agreed by the generality of them, that Covillan faw and converted with this prince, Ifcander, fome time before his death: this he very well might have done, if that prince lived to the 1492, and Peter Covillan came into AbylTmia in 1490, as Galvan fays in his father's memoirs. But then Tellez informs us cxprefsly, that Ifcander was dead 6 months before the arrival of Peter Covillan in that country : If Peter Covillan arrived 6 months after the death of Ifcander, it mull have been in the end of his fon's reign, Amda Sion, who. was an infant, and reigned only 7 months, Alvarez omits this king, Amda Sion, altogether, and lb' does Tellez ; and there is a heap of miflakes here that fhew thefe Portuguefe hiftorians paid very little attention to the chronology of thefe reigns. They call Alexander the father of Naod, when he was really but his brother ; and Helena, they fay, was David's mother, when, in faet, fhc was his grandmother, or rather his grandfather's wife; for Helena, who was Itcghc in the time of David the III. had never cither fon or daughter. So that if I differ, as in fact I do, 4 years,, or thereabout, in this account, I do not think in thofe remote times, when the language and manner of accounting was fo little known to thefe flrangers, that I,, therefore,, ihould reject my own account and fervilely adopt theirs, and. the more fo, becaufe, as we mail fee in its proper place, by the examination and comparifon made by help of an eclipCe of the fun in the 13th year of Claudius' reign in the 1553, ana* counting from that downwards to my arrival in Abyilinia,. and backwards to Ifcander, that that prince mud have begun i gun his reign in 1478, and reigning 17 years, did not die till the year 14.9^, and therefore mull have feen Peter Covillan, and converfed with him, if he had arrived in Abyilinia fo early as the 1490. N A O D. From 1495 to 1508. Wife Conducl of the King—Prepares for a War with the Moors—Concludes an honourable Peace with AdeL AFTER the unfortunate death of the young king Alexander, the people in general, wearied of minorities, unanimoufly chofe Naod for their king. He was Alexander's younger brother, the difference of ages being but one year, though he was not by the fame mother, but by the the king's fecond wife Calliope. He was born at a town called Gabarguc, the day the royal army was cut off in his father's time, when both the Betwudets perifhed. From this circumftance, the Emprefs Helena and her party had ufed fome underhand means to fet him afide as unfortunate, and in his place to put Anquo Ifrael, Bada Mariana's youngefl fon, that they might govern Irim and the kingdom during his non-age. But Taka Chriflos, their man of confidence, being, on his firft declaration of fuch intentions, cut off by the army in Dawaro, Naod was immedi- 2 atcly ately proclaimed, and brought from the mountain of Ge-men. Although Naod was in the prime of life, and vigorous both in body and mind, yet fuch were the circumflances of the kingdom at his acceffion, that it feemed a talk too arduous for any one man. The continual intrigues of the emprefs, the quantity of Mahometan gold which was circulating on every occafion throughout the court, the little fuccefs the army had in Adel, as alfo the treachery of Za Saluce, and the untimely end of the young prince, who feemed to promife a remedy to the misfortunes, had fo dif-united the principal people in the government, that there did not fecm a fufficient number of men worthy of trufl to allift the king with their councils, or fill, with any degree of dignity, the places that were vacant. Naod was no fooner feated on the throne than he published a very general and comprehenfive amnefly. By proclamation he declared, " That any perfon who mould up-" braid another with being a party in the misfortunes of " pall times, or fay that he had been privy to this or to that " confpiracy, or had been a favourite of the emprefs, or a " partizan of Za Saluce, or had received bribes from the 7 Moors, fhould, without delay, be put to death." This proclamation had the very bell effect, as it quieted the mind of every guilty perfon when he faw the king, from whom he feared an inquiry*, cutting oil* all poflible means by which it could be procured againfl him. Andreas a monk, a man of quality, and of very great confequence in that country, a relation of the king by his mother, having affected to talk lightly of the proclamation, the king fent for* Vol, II. 3 him. him, and ordered the tip of hi& tongue to be cut off in his prefence. This man, whofe fault feems only to have been in his tongue, and of whom a very great character is given, lived in the fucceeding reign to give the king a very diftin-guifhed proof of his attachment to his family, and love of his country, Naod having thus prudently quieted diflufbanccs at home, turned his thoughts to the war with Maffudi; for the king of Adel himfelf had made his peace through mediation of the emprefs Helena ; and this king, more politic than Alexander his brother, was willing to diffemble with the king of Adel, that he might fight his two adverfaries iingly : He, therefore, prepared a fmallcr army than was u-fual for the king to head, without fuffering a Moor, of any kind to ferve in it. It was known to a day when Maffudi was to enter upon? his expeditions againft Abyilinia. For near thirty years he had begun to burn the churches, and drive off the people and cattle on the firft day of Lent; and, as Lent advanced, he with his army penetrated farther up the country. The-Abyflinians arc the ftricteft people in the world in keeping fafts. They are fo auftere that they taile no fort of animal food, nor butter, eggs, oil, or wine. They will not, though ever fo thirfty, drink a cup of water till fix o'clock in the evening, and then are contented, perhaps, with dry or four leaven bread, the beft of them only making ufe of honey ; by which means they become fo weak as to be unable to bear any fatigue. This was Maffudi's reafon for invading the country in Lent, at which time fcarce a Chriilian, iihrough farting, was able to bear arms.. i NaoDj Naod, like a wife prince who had gained the confidence of his army, would not carry with him any man who did not, for that time, live in the fame free and full manner he was ufed to do in fcftivals. He himfelf fet the example ; and Andreas the monk, after taking upon himfelf a vow of a whole year's failing for the fucccfs of the army, declared to them, that there was more merit in faving one Chriilian village from flavery, and turning Mahometan, than in falling their whole lives. The king then marched againft Maffudi; and having taken very flrong ground, as if afraid of his army's weak-nefs, the Moors, contrary to advice of their leader, attacked the king's camp in the molt carclefs and prefumptuous manner. They had no fooner entered, however, by ways left open on purpofe for them, than they found the king's army in order to receive them, and were fo rudely attacked, that molt of thofe who had penetrated into the camp were left dead upon the fpot. The king continued the pur-fuit with his troops, retook all the prifoncrs and cattle which Maffudi was driving away, and advanced towards the frontiers of Adel, where ambafladors met him, hoping, on tire part of the king, that his intention was not to violate the treaty of peace. To this the king anfwered, That, fo far from it, he would Confirm the peace with them, but with this condition, that they mufl deliver up to him all the Abyffmians that were to be found in their country taken by Maffudi in his lafl expedition, adding, that he would flay fifteen days there to expect his anfwer. The king of Adel, defirous of peace, and Q 2 not not a little terrified at the difafter of Maffudi, hitherto reckoned invincible, gathered together all the flaves as foon as poffible, and returned them to the king. Naod having now, by his courage and prudence, freed himfelf from fear of a foreign war, returned home, and fee himfelf like a wife prince to the reforming of the abufes that prevailed everywhere among his people, and to the cultivation of the arts of peace. He died a natural deathj after having reigned 13 years. Mill I ■ "'Vj^ffifeft ■ I,.. ■ DAVID ILL From 1 jo8 to 15 ;o.. David,.an Infant, fitcceeds—S^ueen fends Matthew Ambaffador to Porta* gal—David takes the Field—Defeat of the Moors—Arrival of an Embaffy from Portugal—Difafrous War with Adel THE vigorous reign of Naod had at leafl fufpended the fate of the whole empire j and, had it not been that they ftill perfifled in that ruinous and dangerous meafure, of following minority with minority, by the election of children to the throne, it is probable this kingdom would have efcaped the greateft part of thofe difmal calamities that that fell upon it in the fequel. But the Iteghe Helena, ami the Abuna Marcos, (now become her creature) had intercil enough, notwithstanding the apparent neceflitics of the times, to place David fon of Naod upon the throne, a child of eleven years old, that they might take upon themfelves-the government of the kingdom ; whereas Anqno Ifrael (third fon of B#da Mariam) was of an age proper to govern, and whom they would have preferred to Naod for the famo reafon, merely becaufe he was then a child. Besides the dcfire of governing, another motive operated, which, however good in itfelf, was very criminal from the prefent circumflances. A peace with Adel was what the emprefs Helena conflantly defired; for flie could not fee with indifference the deflruction of her own country, far lefs contribute to it. She was hcrfelf by origin a Moor, daughter of Mahomet, governor for the king in Dawaro; had been fufpected, fo early as her hufband's time, of preferring the welfare of her own country to that of the kingdom of Abyflinia. This princefs, perfcurnt Abba Samuel, then went down into Mazaga the borders of Sennaar to a conference with Muchtar, one of his confederates, when it was refolved that they lliould fight the king wherever they could meet him, and attach themfelves to his perfon alone. Gragne by forced marches overtook the king upon the Nile at Delakus, the 6th of February, and offered him battle, knowing the proud fpirit of David, that he would not refufe, however great the difpro-portion was. The event was fuch as "might be expected. Fortune again declared againft the king. Ncgade Yafous, Acab Saat, and many others of the nobility periflied, fighting to the laft, in the fight of their fovereign. In this bat- X 2 tic tic the brave monk, Andreas *, much advanced in years, was flain, behaving with the greateft gallantry, unwilling to fur-vivc the ruin of his country. The Moors now found it unneceffary to keep together an army. They divided into fmall parties, that they might more effectually and fpeedily ruin the country. Part of Gragne's army was detached to burn Axum; the other under Simeon continued in Amhara to watch the king's motions ; and, while he attempted to relieve Axum, difperfed his army% on winch the town was burnt, and with it many of the richeft churches in Abyflinia, Hallelujah, Banquol, Gafo, Debra Kerbe, and many others. And, on the 7th of April, Saul, fon of Tesfo Yafous, fought another detachment of the Moorifli army, and was cut to pieces,. The 28th year of his reign, 1536, the king croffed the Tacazze, and had many difaftrous encounters with the people of Sire and Serawe. Tesfo l'Oul, who commanded in this latter province for the king, furprifed a Turkifh party under Adli, whom he flew, and met with the fame fate himfelf from Abbas, Moorifh governor of Serawe, when a great many of the principal people of that province were there ilain. Galila, a large ifland in the lake Tzana, was plundered, and the convent upon it burnt. It was one of the principal-places where the Abyflinian* hid their treafure, and a great booty was found there, In the following year, Gragne, in a mcflage rcprefentcd tp him, that he might fee he was fighting againft God, exhorting * It was he who, as we have feen, uYw the Moor MaiFudi in (ingle combat in the beginning horting him to be wife, and make his peace in time, which he fhould have upon the condition of giving him his daughter in marriage, and he would then withdraw his ai my, otherwifc he would never leave AbyiTinia till he had reduced it to a condition of producing nothing but grafs. But the king, nothing daunted, returned him for anfwer, That he was an infidel, and a blafphcmer, ufed as an inflrument to chaftifejiim and his people for their many fins; that it was his duty to bear the correction patiently; but that it would foon happen, when this juft purpofc was anfwered, that he would be deftroyed, and all thofe with him, as fuch wicked inftruments had always been; that he the king, and Abyflinia his kingdom, would be prefcrved as a monument of the mercy of God, who never entirely forfook his people, though he might chaftife them. Indeed, the condition of the country was now fuch that a total deftruction feemed to be at hand; for a famine and plague, its conftant companion, raged in Abyflinia, carrying off thofe that the fword had fpared. Gideon and Judith, king and queen of the Jews, in the high country of Samen, after having fullered much from Gragne, had at laft rebelled and joined him; and the king, who it feems continued to fhew an inclination to the Catholic church, which he had imbibed during the cmbafTy of Don Roderigo, by this had occafioned many to fall off from him, he and the court obferving Eafter according to the Roman kalendar, while the reft of the clergy and kingdom continued firm to that of Alexandria. 41 At At this time Ofman of Dawaro, Jonadab, Kefla, Youfef, and other rebel Abyffmians, part of Ammer s army, one of Cragne's generals, furprifcd the king's eldcft fon, Victor, going to join his father the yth day of March ; flew him, and difpcrfed his army. Three days after, the king himfelf came to action, with Ammer at Zaat in Waag, but he was there again beaten, and his youngefl fon Menas was taken pri-foner. The king had fcarce now an attendant, and, being almoll alone, he took refuge among the rocks and bufhes in a high mountain called Tfilcmy in the diftricl: of Tfalamet. But he had not remained above a day there, when he was followed by Joram, (rebcl-maflcr of that diftricf) and narrowly efcaped being taken as he was crofling the Tacazze on foot and alone ; whence he took refuge on mount Tabor, a very high mountain in Sire, and there he paffed the winter. The amazing fpirit and conllancy of the king, who a-lone feemed not to forfake the caufe of his kingdom, who now, without children or army, flill fingly, made war for the liberty of his country, alloniflied all Abyflinia as well friends as enemies. Every veteran foldier, therefore, that could efcapc the fmall parties of the Moors which furrounded the king, joined him at Tabor, and he was again at the head of a very fmall, but brave body of troops, though it was fearccly known in what part of the kingdom he was hid. When Aehmet-cddin, lieutenant of Ammer, palled through Sire', loaded with the fpoils of the churches and towns.he had plundered, the king, finding him within his reach, defeended from the mountain, and, by a hidden march, furprifed and flew him with his own hand, leaving the greatcrlpart of his army dead on the field. After which he diitrmutcd the buOty among his fmall .army. Ammer, Ammer, the king s mortal enemy, who had taken upon himfelf the deltruction of the royal family, defcended into the province of Sire, and neighbourhood of Tabor, and there-indulged himfelf in the moll wanton cruelties, torturing and murdering the priclts, burning churches and villages, hoping by this the king would lofe his temper, and leave his ftrong-hold in the mountain. But hearing at the fame time, that a large quantity of plate, and other treafure, belonging to the church Debra Kerbe, had been carried into an ifland in the lake Tzana for fafety, he left the king, and feized his booty in the lake to a very great amount. However, he there fell ill of a fever; but, on his return? was fo far advanced in his recovery as to refume his fchemes of deftroying the king ; when, the night of the 10th of Fe-ruary 1538, while he was fleeping in bed in his tent, a common foldier, from what quarrel or caufe is not known, went fecretly and flabbed him feveral times in the belly with a two-edged knife, fo that he died inllantly, to David's great relief, and much to the fafety of the whole kingdom.. If was now 12 years fince Don Roderigo de Lima had failed from Mafuah, carrying with him Zaga Zaab ambaffador from'the king of Abyflinia., This embaffy arrived fafe in Lilbon, and was received with great, magnificence by king John ; but, as the circumllanccs of the kingdom when he left Mafuah were really flouriifiing, and as the treatment he met in Portugal was better than he had, probably, ever experienced at home, he feems to have been in no hafle to put an end to this embaffy. On the other fide, the king of Portugal's affairs in India were arrived at that. 2. degree degree of prosperity and power, that little ufe remained for fuch an ally as the king of Abylfmia. The Moorifh trade and navigation to India had already received a fatal blow, as well from the Portuguefe themfelves, as from the fall of the Mamalukes in Egypt; and So-liman, and his fervant Sinan Bafha, by their conqueft, and introducing foldiers who had not any idea or talent for trade, but only plunder and rapine, had given a finifhing ftroke to what the difcovery of the Cape of Good Hope began. The filling Arabia with fire-arms and Turks was now of confe-quence to none but to David ; and of fuch a confcqucnce it had been, that, as we have feen, in the courfe of 12 years it had left him nothing in Abyflinia but the bare name of king, and a life fo precarious that it could not be counted upon from one day's end to the other. David had detained in Abyflinia two Portuguefe, one called Mafter John, the other Lazarus d'Andrad a painter, being two of Don Roderigo's train that came from the Indies with him. The Abuna (Mark) was become old and incapable, and, fincc the Turkifh conqueft of Egypt, very indifferent to, and unconnected with, what paffed at Cairo. Before he died, at the king's defire he had appointed John his iucccf-for, and accordingly ordained him Abuna, as well as having firft given him all the inferior orders at once ; for John was a layman and ftudent in phyfic; a very fimple creature, but a great bigot; and we mail from henceforward call him JohiT Bcrmudcs. John very willingly confented to his ordination, provided the pope approved of it; and he fct out for Rome, not not by the ufual way of India, but through Arabia and E-gypt; and, arriving there without accident, was confirmed by Paul III. the then pope, not only as patriarch of Abyflinia, but of Alexandria likewife; to which he added, as Ber-mudes fays,the moft unintelligible and incomprehenfible title of Patriarch of the Sea. Bcrmudes, to this variety of charges, had this other added to him, of ambalfador from King David to the court of Portugal; and for this he was certainly very fit, however he might be for his ecclcfiaftical dignities ; for he had been now 12 years in Abyflinia, knew the country well, and had been witnefs of the variety of diftref-fes which, following clofe one upon another, had brought this country to its then ftatc of ruin. While thefe things paffed in the north of Abyflinia, a terrible cataftrophe happened in the fouth. A Mahometan chief, called Vizir Mudgid, governor of Arar, having an opportunity from his fituation to hear of the riches which were daily carried from churches, and other places, for fafety into the mountain of Gefhen, took a refolution to attempt that natural fortrefs, though in itfelf almoft impregnable, and ftrengthened by an army conflantly encamped at the ibot of it. "AVhen Mudgid arrived near the mountain he found it 'was forfaken by the troops deftined to guard it; and led by a Mahometan, who was a menial fervant to the princes a-bove, he afcended with his troops without oppofition, putting all the royal family that were prifoners, and indeed every individual of cither fcx refidcnt there, indifcriminatcly -to the fword. Vol. II. y The The mcafure of David's misfortunes feems to have been now full, and he died accordingly this very year 1540. It will be neceffary here to remind the reader, that Alvarez, the chaplain and hiftorian of the firfl Portuguefe embaffy, was (as he faid) on his return appointed by king David to make his fubmiflion to the pope. Leaving Zaga Zaab, therefore, in Portugal, he proceeded to Bologna, where the emperor Charles V. was then in perfon, before whom and the pope himfelf he delivered his credentials framed by Peter Covillan, and afterwards, in a long fpcech, the rea-fons of his embaffy. The pope received this fubmiflion of David with infinite pleafure, at a time when fo many kingdoms in the well were revolting from his fupremacy. lie coniidered it as a thing of the greateft moment to be courted before the emperor by fo powerful a prince in Africa. But as for the emperor himfelf, though he was then preparing for an expedition againft the Mahometans, and though it was his favourite war, he feems to have been perfectly indifferent either to the embaffy itfelf, or to the perfon that fent it; a great proof that he believed there was nothing real in it. Many other people have doubted whether this embaffy, or that of John Bermudes* actually came from the Abyflinian court, as the king would fcarcely have abandoned the form of the Alexandrian church in which he had been brought up by Abuna Mark, then alive. Abuna Mark, moreover, could fcarcely be believed to have promoted cm-baflies which were intended to flrikc at the root of his own 3 rchgion, , religion, and the patriarchal power with which he was endowed. But to this it is eafily anfwered, That the Abyflinian hiftorian of David's reign, through the whole courfc of it, readily admits his con flant attachment to the fee of Rome. He gives a ftriking example of it during the war with Gragne, when the king celebrated Eafter after the manner of the Roman Catholics, though it was to have this certain effect, of dividing his kingdom, and alienating the minds of his fubjecTs, of whofe afliftance he was then in the utmoft need. And as for the Abuna, we are to confider that Cairo had been taken, and the government, which Abuna Mark owned for the lawful one, had been overturned by the Turks who then poffefFed it, and were actually perfecuting the Alexandrian church. The Abuna, then, and the king alfo,hadthe fame reafon for not applying to Cairo, the feat of the Turks their enemies; and, therefore, they more readily accommodated matters with a people from whom only their afliftance could come; and without whom, it was probable, that both the Chriilian religion and civil government of Abyflinia would fall together. It has been faid of this king by the European writers who have touched upon the hiftory of his reign, that he was a prince who had began it in the moft promifing manner, but after the death of the emprefs Helena, he had abandoned himfelf to all fort of debauchery, and efpecially that of women ; infomuch, as Mr Ludolf fays, he fuffer-ed his concubines to have idols in his palace. This I take Y 2 to to be a calumny copied from the Portuguefe priefts, who never forgave him the denial of his writing the letters by Matthew, in which it was faid he gave the Portuguefe, or rather king of Portugal, one-third of the kingdom ; for he fucceeded to the crown at n years of age, defeated and flew Maffudi when he was about fixteen ; and, when Don Roderigo and the Portuguefe embalfy were with him, he was then fomething more thantwenty, a very devout, prudent prince, according to the account Alvarez, an eye-wik-nefs, gives of him ; and all this time emprefs Helena, was alive. Again, the very year after the Portuguefe embalfy left Abyflinia, that is, in the year 1526, the king was dcfeau cd by the Moors, and, from that time to his death, was hunted about the country like a wild bearl, from rock to rock, very often alone, and at all times llcnderly attended,, ill he died, in 1540, at the age of 46; fo there is no period during his life in which this, calumny can be juilly fixed upon him. As for the idolatry he is accufed of fulfcring in his palace among his Pagan mill relies, I cannot recollect any plaee in the adjoining nations from which he could have brought thefe idolatrous rites or miitrefles. The Pagan countries a-round him profefs a remnant of ill-undcrftood Sabaifm, worfhipping the liars, the moon, and the wind ; but I do not, as I. fay, recollect any of thefe bordering on Abyilinia who worth ip idols- CLAUDIUS-, CLAUDIUS, or ATZENAF SEGUED. From i540 to 1559. Prcfp erous Beginning of Claudius's Reign-~Chriflophcr de Gama lauds in Abyffinia—Prevented by the rainy Seafon from joining the King-Battle of Ainal—Battle of Ojfalo—Cbriflopher de Gama fain—Battk of Ifaac's Bet-—Moors defeated^ and their General fain—Abyffiidau Army defeated—Claudius fain—Remarkable Behaviour of Nnr, Gor> vernor of Zeyla^ General of the Moors. CLAUDIUS fucceeded his father David III. being yet young, and found the empire in circumftances that Would have required an old and experienced prince. But, though young, he poffelTed thofe graceful and affable manners which, at firfl fight, attached people of all forts to him; He had been tutored with great care by the emprefs Helena, was expert in all warlike exercifes, and brave beyond his years.—So fay the Abyflinian annals ; and though I have not thought myfelf warranted to depart from the letter of the context, yet it is my duty to the reader to fhew him how this could not be. Claudius was born about the 1522 ; the emprefs Helena died in 1525. From this it is plain, the firft three years ' I. his 1 his life was all that he could he under the tutelcge of the emprefs Helena; and, at fo early a period, it is not poiliblc he could receive much advantage. The princefs, to whom he was indebted for his education, was Sabel Wenghel, celebrated in the Abyflinian hiflory for wifdom and courage equal to the emprefs Helena herfelf. She was relict of David. We fhall hereafter fee her called Helena likewife upon another occafion ; but the reader is defired to have in mind, that this confufion of perfons is owing only to that of names to be met with almoft in every reign in the Abyf-finian hiflory. Claudius is faid likewife in thefe annals to have been a child at the time of his acceflion ; but, having been born in the 1522, and fucceeding to the throne in 1540, he mufl have been eighteen years of age ; and this cannot be called childhood, efpecially in Abyflinia, unlefs, as I have before faid, this obfervation of age was relative to the arduous talk he had in hand, by fucceeding to a kingdom arrived at the very eve of perdition. The Moors, notwithflanding the conflant fuccefs they had againft David, flill feared the confequences of his long experience and undaunted rcfolution in the mofl adverfe fortune. They were happy, therefore, in the change of fuch an enemy, however unfortunate, for a young man fcarcely yet out of the influence of female government, which had always been favourable to them, and their religion. A general league was formed without delay among all the Mahometan chiefs to furround Claudius, and fall upon him Iiim before he was in a fituation to defend himfelf, and by one llroke to put an end to the war. They accordingly fet about collecting troops from all quarters, but with a degree of inattention and prefumption that fufficicntly ihewed they thought themfelves in no danger. But the young king having good intelligence that vizir Afa, Ofman, Debra Yafous, and Joram, (who had fo nearly taken his father prifoner in the mountain Tfalem) had their quarters near him, and neglected a good look-out, fell upon them, without their knowing what his force was, entirely defeated them, difperfed their army, and flruck a panic into the whole confederacy by the manner this victory was followed up; the king himfelf on horfeback continued the pur-fuit all that day and night, as alfo the next day, and did not return to his camp till the fecond evening after his victory, having Ilain without mercy every one that had fallen into his hands, either in the flight, or in the field of battle. Claudius's behaviour, on this firfl occalion, raifed the. fold iers confidence to a degree of enthufiafm. Every man that had ferved under his father repaired to him with the greateft alacrity. Above all, the Agows of Lafta came down to him in great troops from their rugged and inacceflible mountains, the chief of that warlike nation being related, to him by his mother. The king in perfon at the head of his army became now an object of fuch consideration as to make die Mahometan chiefs no longer retire as ufual to winter in Adel, but canton themfelves in the feveral diftricts they had conquered in Abyflinia, and lay afi.de the thoughts of farther wafting the. country,, country, to defend themfelves againft fo active and fpirited an alfailant. They agreed then to join their whole forces together, and march to force the king to a battle. Ofman of Ganze, vizir Mudgid who had fettled in Amhara, Saber-cddin *, and all the leiTcr rebel officers of Sire and Serawe, effected a junction about the fame time without oppofition. Jonathan alone, a rebel of great experience, had not yet appeared with his troops. The king, on the other hand, did not fecm over anxious to come to an engagement, though his army was every day ready for battle; and his ground was always taken with advantage, fo that it was almoft def-perate to pretend to force him. Jonathan at laft was on his way to join the confederates ; but the king had as early intelligence of his motions as his friends : and, while he was yet two days march diftant from the camp, the king, leaving his tents Handing and his fires lighted, by a forced march in the night came upon him, (while he thought him blocked up by his rebel allbciates at a diftance) and, finding Jonathan without preparation or defence, cut his whole army to pieces, flew him, and then returned to his own tents as rapidly as he went, having ordered fmall detachments to continue in the way between him and his camp, patroling left fome ambufh ihould be laid for him by the enemy, who, if they had been informed of his march, though they were too late to prevent the fuccefs of it, might flill have attempted to revenge it. But * Conflant In the faith. But intelligence was now given to the Moors with much lefs punctuality and alacrity than formerly. So generally did the king poflefs the affections of the country-people, that no information came to the confederate army till the next day after his return, when, early in the morning, he difpatched one of the Moorifh prifoners that he had taken three days before, and fpared for the purpofe, carrying with him the head of Jonathan, and a full account of the havock to which he had been a witnefs. Tins meffenger bore alfo the king's defiance to the Moors, whom he challenged, under the odious epithets they defended, to meet him; and then actually to flrew he was in earner!, marched towards them with his army, which he formed in order of battle. But tho* they flood under arms for a confiderable time, whilfl feveral invitations to fmgle combat were fent from the Chriilian horfemen, as their cuf-tom is, before they engage, or when their camps are near each other, yet the Moors were fo aflonifhed at what had happened, and what they faw now before them, that not one officer would advife the rifking a battle, nor any one foldier accept of the challenge offered. The king then returned to his camp, diilributed the whole booty among his foldiers, and refrefhed them, prefcrving a proper flation to cover the wounded, whom he fent off to places of fecurity. The king was in the country of Samen in the neighbourhood of Lafia. He then decamped and paffed the river Ta-cazze, that he might be nearer thofe diflriets of which the Turks had poffeffed themfelves. In this march all forts of people joined the victorious army. Thofe that had revolted, and many that had apoflatized, came without fear and fur- Vol. II, Z rendered rendered themfelves, trailing to the clemency of the prince. Many of the Moors, natives of Abyilinia, did the fame, after having experienced the difference between the mild Chrif-tian government, and that of their new mailers, the Moors and Turks of Adel. The king encamped at Sard, there to pafs his Eafter; and, as is ufual in the great fcflivals, many of the nobility obtained leave to attend the religious offices of the feafon at home with their families. Ammer, governor of Ganze, who knew the cuflom of the country, thought this was the time to furprife the king thinly attended ; and it might have fucceeded, if intelligence of the enemy's dcfigns had not been received almoft as foon as they were formed. Claudius, therefore, drawing together fome of the bell of his forces, placed himfelf in ambufh in Ammcrs's way, who, not fufpecting, fell into it with his army, which was totally deftroyed on the 24th of April 1541. After which the king left his own cmarter at Sard and came to Shame.. While things were taking this favourable turn in Abyflinia, the ambafiador, John Bermudes, had palled from Rome to Lifbon, where he was acknowledged by the king as patriarch of Alexandria, Abyflinia, and, as he will have it, of the Sea. The firfl thing he did was to give the Portuguefe a lample of Abyflinian difcipline, by putting Zaga Zaab in irons for having wafted fo much time without effecting any of the purpofes of his embaffy; but, by the inter-poiition of the king, he was fet at liberty in a few days. Bermudes then fell roundly to the fubject of his embalfy, and drew fuch a pieture of the diftreffes of Abyflinia, and infilled in his own blunt way fo violently with the king of 3 Portugal,. Portugal, and the nobility in general, that he procured an order from the king for Don Garcia de Noronha, who was then going out viceroy of the Indies, to fend 400 Portuguefe mufqueteers from India to the relief of Ab} flinia, and to land them at Mafuah. John Bermudes, to fecure the afliftance promifed, refol-ved to embark in the fame fleet with Don Garcia; but he fell iick, from poifon given him, as he apprehends, by Zaga Zaab, and this delayed his embarkation a year. The next year, being recovered of his illnefs, he arrived fafely at India. In the interim Don Garcia died, and Don Stephen de Gama, who fucceeded him, did not embrace the fchcme of the intended fuccour with fuch eagernefs as Bermudes could have wifhed. After fome delay, however, it was refolved that Don Stephen mould himfelf undertake an expedition from India, to burn the Turkifh gallies that were at Suez. In this, however, Don Stephen was clifappointed. Upon intelligence of the intended vifit,thc Turkifh gallics had been all drawn afhorc. He came after this to the port of Mafuah, where the fleet intended to water; and, for that purpofe, their boats were fent to Arkeeko, a fmall town and fortrefs upon the main-land, where good water may be found. But the Moors and Turks from Zeyla and Adel were now mailers there, who took the 1000 webs of cotton-cloth the captain had fent to exchange for water and provifions, and fent him word back, that his mailer, the king of Adel, was now king of all Ethiopia, and would not fuffer any further trade to be carried on, but through his fubjecTs; if, therefore, the captain of the fleet would make peace with him, he mould re ft ore the cotton- Z 2 webs webs which had been taken, fupply him plentifully with provifions, and make amends for the fixty Portuguefe Ilain on the coafl near Zeyla: For, upon the fleet's entering the Red Sea, this number of Portuguefe had run away with a boat; and, landing in the kingdom of Adel, where they could, procure no water, they were decoyed to give up their arms, and were then all maffacrcd. The captain, Don Stephen, faw the trap laid for him by the Moors, and, refolving to pay them in their own coin, he returned this anfwer to their mefTage, " That he was very willing to trade with the Moorifh officer, but did not demand reflitution of the clothes, as they were taken in fair war. As for the fixty Portuguefe, they had met the death they deferved, as being traitors and defcrtcrs : That he now fent a thoufand more clothes, defiring water and provifions, e-fpecially live cattle ; and that, as it was now the time of their feflival, he would treat with them for peace, and bring his goods afhore as foon,as the holidays were over." Tins being agreed to on both fldesj with equal bad faith* and intention towards each other, and Don Stephen having obtained his rcfrefhments, he firi&ly forbade any further communication with the fhorc. He then felcctcd a body of fix hundred men, the command of whom he gave to Martin Correa, who, in light boats, without fhewing any fire, landed undifcoveretl below Arkeeko, and took poffef-iion of the entrances to the town, putting all that they met to the fword. Nur, governor of the province for the king of Adel, fled as foon as he had heard the Portuguefe were in the town : He was already in the fields, when Martin Correa fhot him with a mufquct, and cut off his head; which which was fent before them to the queen, Sabel Wcnghcl, then in a flrong-hold of the province of Tigre, and with her Dcgdeafmati (which, in common difcourfe, is called Kafmati) Robel. This was the perfon of that name who had met Don Roderigo in his journey to find the king, and who was now governor of the province. The queen received the Moorifh general's head with great demonflrations of joy, confidering it as an early pledge of future victories. In the mean time, Don Stephen de Gama, captain of the fleet, began to inrol the men deflined to march to join. Claudius. Four hundred and fifty mufqueteers was the number granted by the king to Bermudes ; but an ardent defire of glory had feized all the Portuguefe, and every one flrove to be in the nomination for that enterprife. All that Don Stephen could do was to choofe men of the firfl rank for the officers ; and thefe, of ncccflity, having many fervants whom they carried with them, greatly, by this means, encrcafed the number beyond the 450. Don, Chriflopher de Gama, Don Stephen's youngcll brother, a nobleman of great hopes, was chofen to command this fmall army of heroes. A very great murmuring, neverthelefs, prevailed among thofe that were refufed, which was fcarcely kept in due bounds by the prefence and authority of the governor Don Stephen himfelf. And from this honourable emulation, and the difcontent thefe brave foldiers who were left behind mew?, ed, the bay where the galley rode in the harbour of Mafuah* on board which this council was held, is called to this day Bahia dos Jgravados, the Bay of Wronged, or Injured People, fometimcs mifinterpreted the Bay of the Sick The The army under Don Chriflopher marched to Arkeeko, where the next day came the governor Don Stephen, and the principal officers of the fleet, and took leave of their countrymen ; and, after receiving the bleffing of Don John Bermudes, Patriarch of the Seay the governor and reit of the Portuguefe embarked, and returned to India. Don Christopher, with the greater! intrepidity, began his march towards Dobarwa, the eafiefl entrance into Abyflinia, though flill over rugged and almoft inacceffible mountains. The Baharnagafh had orders to attend him, and furnifh this little army with cattle both for their provifion and carriages; and this he aetually performed. But the carriages of the fmall train of artillery giving way in this bad road, and there being nobody at hand to aflifl them with frefh ones in cafe the old failed, Gama made certain carriages of wood after the pattern of thofe they had brought from Portugal ; and, as iron was a very fcarce commodity in Abyflinia, he made them fplit in pieces fome barrels of old and ufelefs firelocks for the wheels with which they were to draw their artillery. The queen, without delay, came forward to join Don Chriilopher; who, hearing flic was at hand, went to meet her a league from the city with drums beating and colours flying, and faluted her with a general difcharge of fire-arms, which terrified her much. Her two fillers accompanied her, and a number of attendants of both fexes. Don Chriflopher, at the head of his foldiers, paid his compliments with equal gallantry and rcfpecT. The queen was covered from head to foot, but lifted up her veil, fo that her face could be feen by him, and he, on the other hand, appointed a hundred mufquctccrs mufquetcers for her guard; and thus they returned to Dobarwa mutually fatislied with this their firfl interview. Don Christopher marched from Dobarwa eight days through a very rugged country, endeavouring, if pofiiblc, to bring about a junction with the king. And it was in this place, while he was encamped, that he received a mef-fage from the Moorifh general, full of opprobrious expref-fions, which was anfwrered in much the fame manner. Don Chriflopher continued his march as much as he could on account of the rains; and Gragne, whofe greateft defire was to prevent the junction, followed him into Tigre. Neither army defired to avoid the other, and they were both marching to the fame point; fo that on the 25th of March 1542, they came in fight of each other at Ainal, a fmall village in_ the country of the Baharnagafh. The Moorifh army confiftcd of rooo horfemen, 5000 foot,, $o Turkifh mufqueteers, and a few pieces of artillery. Don Chriflopher, befides his 450 mufqueteers, had about 12,000 Abyffmians, moftly foot, with a few bad horfe commanded -by the Baharnagafh, and Robel governor of Tigre. Don Chriflopher, whofe principal view was a junction with the king, though he did not decline fighting, yet, like a good officer, he chofe to do it as much as poffible upon his own terms; and, therefore, as the enemy exceeded greatly in the number of horfe, he polled himfelf fo as to make the bell of his fire-arms and artillery. And well it was that he did fo, for the Abyffmians fhewed the utmofl terror when the firing began on both fides. Gragne, Gragne, mounted on a bay horfe, advancing too near Don Chriflophcr's line that he might fee if in any part k was accefliblc to his cavalry, and being known by his drefs to he an officer of diflinetion, he was mot at by Peter de Sa, a Portuguefe markfman, who killed his horfe, and wounded the rider in the leg. This occafioned a great confufion, and would probably have ended in a defeat of the Moors, had not the Portuguefe general alfo been wounded immediately after by a mot. Don Chriflopher, to fhew his confidence of victory, ordered his men forthwith to pitch their tents, upon which the Moors retired with Gragne (whom they had mounted on another horfe) without being purfued, the A-byflinians having contented themfelves with being fpecta-tors of the battle. Don Christopher, with .his army and the emprefs, now entered into winter-quarters at Aflalo ; nor did Gragne depart to any dillance from him, but took up his quarters at Zabul, in hopes always to fight the Portuguefe before it was pofiiblc for them to effect a junction with the king. The winter palled in a mutual intercourfe of correfpondence and confidence between the king and Don Chriflopher, and in determining upon the bcfl fcheme to purfue the war with fuccefs. Don Chriflopher and the queen were both of opinion, that, confidering the fmall number of Portuguefe firfl landed, and their diminution by fighting, and a flrange climate, it was rifking every thing to defer a junction till the winter was over. The Moorifh general was perfectly of the fame opinion*, therefore, as foon as the king began his march fromDembea, Gragne advanced to Don Chriflophcr's camp, and placed him- i 1 felf felf between the Portuguefe army and that of the king, drawing up his troops before the camp, and defying the Portuguefe to march out, and fight, in the mofl opprobrious language. Don Chriflopher, in a long catalogue of virtues which he pofTeffed to a very eminent degree, had not the fmallell claim to that of patience, fo very neceflary to thofe that command armies. He was brave to a fault; rafh and vehement; jealous of what he thought military honour; and obflinate in his refolutions, which he formed in confequencc. The defiance of this barbarian, at which an old general would have laughed, made him utterly forget the reafons he himfelf frequently alledgcd, and the arguments ufed by the queen, which the king's approach daily flrengthencd, that it was rifking every thing to come to a battle till the two armies had joined. Fie had, however, from no other motive but Gragne1 s infolcncc, formed his refolution to light, without waiting a junction ; and accordingly the 30th of Auguft, early in the morning, having chofen his ground to the bell advantage, he offered battle to the Moorifh army. Gragne, by prefents fent to the bafha of Tabid, had doubled his number of horfe, which now confifled of 2000. He had got likewife 100 Turkifh mufqueteers, an infinite number of foot, and a train of artillery more numerous and complete than ever had been feen before in Abyflinia. The queen, frightened at the preparation for the battle, fled, taking with her the Portuguefe patriarch, who feemed to have as little inclination as fhe had to fee the ifliic of the day. But Don Chriflopher, who knew well the bad effects this example would have, both on Abyflinians and Portuguefe, fent twenty horfe, and brought them both back; telling the patriarch it was a breach of duty he would not fuf- Vol. II. A a fer, fer, for him to withdraw until he had confefled him, and' given the army absolution before the action with the In-fields. The battle was fought on the 30th of Auguil with great fury and obllinacy on both fides, lire Portuguefe had ilrew-ed, early in the morning, all the front of their line with gun-powder, to which, on the approach of the Turks, they let fire by trains, which burnt and difabled a great many of them; and things bore a profperous appearance, till the Moorifh general ordered fome artillery to be pointed againil the Abyffmians, who, upon hearing the lirtl explofion, and feeing the effect of fome balls that had lighted among them, fled, and left the Portuguefe to the number only of 400,. who were immediately furrounded by the Moorifh army.. Nor did Gragne purfue the fugitives, his affair being with, the Portuguefe, the fmallnefs of whofe number promifed they would fall an eafy and certain facrifice. He therefore, attacked their camp upon every fide with very little fuccefs, having loll moil of his bell officers, till, unfor-tunately,Don Chriflopher, fighting and expofing himfelf everywhere, was finglcd out by a Turkifh foldier, and fhot through the arm. Upon this all his men turned their thoughts from their own prefcrvation to that of their general, who obftinatcly refufed to lly, till he was by force put upon a litter, and lent off, together with the patriarch, and queen. Night now coming on, Don Chriflopher had got into a wood in which there was a cave. There he ordered himfelf to be fet down to have his wounds dreffed; which, being done, he was urged by the queen and patriarch to continue his his flight. But he had formed his refo'lution, and, without deigning to give his reafons, he obftinately refufed to retreat a ftep farther. In vain the queen, and thofe that knew the country, told him he was juft in the tracT of the 'Moorifh horfemcn, who would not fail foon to furround him. He repeated his refolution of flaying there with fuch a degree of frrmnefs, that the queen and patriarch, who had no great deflre for martyrdom, left him to his fate, which pre-femly overtook him. In one of Don Chriflopher's expeditions to the mountains, he had taken a very beautiful woman, wife to a Turkifh officer, whom he had flain. This lady had made a mew of converfion to Chriftianity; lived with him afterwards, and was treated by him with the utmoft tendernefs. It was faid, that, after he wTas wounded and began to fly, this woman had given him his route, and promifed to overtake him. with friends that would carry him to a place of fafety. Accordingly, fome fervants left by the queen, hidden among the rocks, to watch what might befal him, and a-iiifl him if pofiiblc, faw a woman, in the dawn of the morning, come to the cave, and return into the wood immediately, whence there rufhed out a body of Moorifh horfe, who went ftraight to the cave and found Don Chriflopher lying upon the ground forely wounded. Upon the firft queftion that was alked him, lie declared his name, which fo overjoyed the Moors, that they gave over further purfuit, and returned with the prifoncr they had taken. Don chriflopher was brought into the prefenceof the Moorifh general, Gragne, who loaded him with reproaches; to which lie replied with fuch a fhare of invectives, that the Moor, in the violence of his paflion, drew his fword and cut A a 2 off off his head with his own hand. His head was fent to Con-ftantinople, and parts of his body to Zibid and other quarters of Arabia. The Portuguefe camp was now taken, and all the wounded found in it were put to death. The women, from their fear, having retired all into Don Chriflopher's tent, the Turks began to indulge themfelves in their ufual exceffes towards their captives, when a noble Abyflinian woman, who had been married to a Portuguefe, feeing the mocking treatment that was awaiting them, fet fire to feveral barrels of gunpowder that were in the tent, and at once deftroyed herfelf, her companions, and thofe that were about to abufe them. The queen and the patriarch, after travelling through moft difficult ways, and being hofpitably entertained where-ever they paffed, at laft took up their refidencc in the Jews mountain, a place inaccefhble in point of ftrength, having but one entrance, and, that very difficult, being alio defended by a multitude of inhabitants who dwell on a large plain on the top of that mountain, where there is plenty of fpace to plow and fow, and a large ftream of water that runs through the whole of it. Here they ftaid two months, as well to repofe themfelves as to give the king time to re. lieve them. After hearing that he was in motion, they left the mountain of the Jews, and met him on. his march towards them. Claudius fliewed great figns of forrow for the death of Don Chriflopher, and mourned three days. He then fent 3000 ounces of gold to be divided among the Portuguefe^, who, in the place of Don Chriflopher, had elected Alphonfa Caldeyra< Caldcyra for their captain. Thefe all flocked about the king, demanding that he would lead them to battle, that they might revenge the death of Don Chriflopher. Soon after which, Alphonfo Caldeyra, exercifing a horfe in the field, was thrown off and died of the fall. In his place was elected Arius Dias, a Portuguefe, born at Coimbra, whofe mother was a black ; he was very much favoured by the king, who now began to cultivate particular parties a-mong the Portuguefe, in order to divide them, and loo-fen their attachment for their patriarch, religion, and country. The king marched from Samen to Shawada, where the Moorifh army came in full force to meet him. They were not, however, thofe formidable troops that had defeated and taken Don Chriflopher: For the Turkifh foldiers, who were the ftrength of the army, expecting to have fhared a great fum each for Don Chriftopher's ranfom, thought themfelves exceedingly injured by the manner in which he was put to death; and they had accordingly all to a man returned into Arabia, leaving Gragne to fight his own batttles for his own profit. Nor was Claudius ignorant of this ; and having collected all his army he gave the Moors battle on the 15th of November in a plain called Woggora, on the top of Lamalmon, in which the Moors, notwithstanding their recent victory, were not long in yielding to the fuperiority of the king's troops.. The lofs of the day was not inconfiderable. Mahomet,. Ofman, and Tali!, three Moorifh leaders, famous for their fucceiles fucceffcs againft David the king's father, were this day flain in the field. Claudius now defcended into the low country of Derfegue, a very plentiful province, to which the Moors always retreated to ftrengthen themfelves after any misfortune. This the king utterly deftroyed; while Gragne did the fame with thofe countries in Dembea that had been recovered by the king. Claudius then returned to Sha-wada, and Gragne to Derfegue. After that the king marched to Wainadega, and Gragne, leaving Derfegue, advanced fo near the king's army, that the outpofts were nearly in fight of each other. In fuch a polition of two fuch armies a battle became inevitable. Accordingly, on the ioth of Feb. 1-43, in the morning, the king, whofe quarters were at Ifaac's Bet, having well refreshed his army, marched out of his camp, and oifercd the enemy battle. The Portuguefe, ever mindful of Don Chrif-topher, fought with a bravery like to defperation, and the prefence of the king keeping the Abyffmians in their duty, the van of Gragne's army was pufhed back upon the center, and much confufion was like to follow, till Grairne ad-vanced alone before them, waving and beckoning with his hands to his men that they mould follow; and he was already come fo near the Portuguefe line as to be caiily known and diiiinguiihed by them. Peter Lyon, a man of low ftaturc, but very active and valiant, who had been valet-dc-chambrc to Don- Chriflopher, having crept unfeen along the courfe of a river a considerable fpace nearer, to make his aim more certain, fhot Gragne with with his mufquet, fo that the ball went through his body in the moment that both armies joined. Gragne, finding that his wound was mortal, rode afide from theprcifurc of the troops towards a fmall thicket, and was clofely followed by Peter Lyon, who faw him fall dead from his horfe; and, defirous flill to do further fervice in the battle, he would not incumber himfelf with his head, but, cutting off one of the ears, he put it in his pocket, and returned to the action. The Moorifh army no fooncr miffed the pre fence of their general, than concluding all loft, they fell into con-fufion, and were purfued by the Portuguefe and Abyflinians with a great flaughter, till the evening. The next morning, in furveying the dead, the body of Gragne was found by an Abyflinian officer, who cut his head off, and brought it to the king, who received him with great honour and promifc of reward. Peter Lyon Hood a filent fpectator of the impudence of his competitor; but A-rius Dias, who knew the fact, defircd the king's attention ; faying, at the fame time, " That he believed his majefty knew Gragne well enough to fuppofe that he would not fuffer any man to cut off his ear, without having it in his power to fever his head alfo ; and confequently, that the ear mufl be in poffeflion of a better man than he that had brought his head to the camp." Upon this, Peter Lyon pulled the ear out of his pocket, and laid it at the king's feet,, amidfl the acclamations of all prefent, for his bravery in revenging his old mailer's death, and his modefty in being; content with having done fo, without pretending to any other reward,, 2- In this battle, a fon of Gragne was taken prifoner, with many other confiderable officers; and Del Wumbarea, wife of Gragne, with Nur fon of Mudgid, and a few troops, were obliged to throw themfelves, for fafety, among the wilds and woods of Atbara, thereby efcaping with great difficulty. The king had now ample revenge of all the Moorifh leaders who had reduced his father to fuch extremities, excepting Joram, who had driven the king from his hiding-place on mount Tfalcm, and forced him to crofs the Tacazze on foot, with equal danger of being drowned or taken. This leader had, much againft his will, been detained from the laft battle, but, hoping to be flill in time, was advancing by forced marches. The king, informed of his route, detached a party of his army to meet him before the news of the battle could reach him. They having placed them ] felves in ambulh, he fell into it with his army, and was cut to pieces: this completed Claudius's account with his father's enemies. During the late war with Gragne, the provinces of Tigre and Sire had been the principal feat of the war. They were immediately in the way between Dembea, Mafuah, and the other Moorifh polls upon the Red Sea; the enemy had croffed them in all directions, and a proportionable devaluation had been the confequence, Gragne had burnt Axum, and deftroyed all the churches and convents in Tigre. The king, now delivered from this enemy, had applied ferioufiy to repair the ravages which had been made in the country. For this purpofe he marched with a fmall army towards Axum, intending afterwards an expedition againft the Galla. 4 It It was in the 13th year of the reign of Claudius, while he was at Sire, that there happened a very remarkable eclipfe of the fun, which threw both court and army into great eonflernation. The prophets and diviners, ignorant monks of the defert, did not let Hip fo favourable an opportunity of increafing their confequence by augmenting this panic, and declaring this eclipfe to portend nothing lefs than the renewal of the Moorifh war. The year, however, paffed in tranquillity and peace. Two old women, relations of the king, are faid to have died; and it was in this great calamity that thefe diviners were to look for the completion of their prophecies. It is from this, however, that I have taken an opportunity to compare and rectify the dates of the principal tranfactions in the Abyflinian hiflory. Sire, where the king then reftded, was a point very favourable for this application; for, in my journey from Mafuah to Gondar, Iliad fettled the latitude and longitude of that town by many obfervations. On the 22d of January 1770, at night, by a medium of different paflages of flars over the meridian, and by an observation of the fun the noon of the following day, I found the latitude to be 14° 4' 35" north, and the evening of the 23d, I obferved an emerfion of the firfl fatellite of Jupiter, and by this I concluded the longitude of Sire to be 380 o' 15" eafl of the meridian of Greenwich, The 13th year of the reign of Claudius falls to be in the 1553, and I find that there was a remarkable eclipfe of the fun that did happen that fame year on the 24th of January N, S. which anfvvcrs to the 18th of theEthiopic month Teir. The.circumflances of this eclipfe were as follow: Voi. Ik B b Beginning, H. M. Beginning, 7 21 0 a. M. Middle, 8 40 o End IO i o The quantity of the fun's difkobfcured was io digits ; fo that this was fo near to a total eclipfe, it mull have made an im-preflion on the fpectators minds that fumciently accounts for the alarm and apprehenfions it occalioned. In the month of January, nothing can be more beautiful than the Iky in Sire ; not a cloud appears ; the iky is all of a pale azure, the colour lighter than an European Iky, and of inexpreffible beauty. The manner of applying this eclipfe I fhall mention hereafter. Eclipses of the moon do not feem to be attended to in Abyflinia. The people are very little out in the night, infomuch that I do not find one of thefe recorded throughout their hif. tory. The circumflances of the feafon make even thofe of the fun feldomcr vilible than in other climates, for in the rainy feafon, from April to September, the heavens are conflantly ovcrcall with clouds, fo that it is mere accident if they can catch the moment it happens. But in the montli of Teir, that is December and January, the iky is perfectly fe-rcne and clear, and at this time our eclipfe above mention? , cd happened. The king now took into his confideration the Hate of the church. He had fent for an Abuna from Cairo to fucceed Abuna Marcus, and he was now in his way to Abyilinia, while Bermudes, not able to bear this flight, on the other 3 hand, hand, publicly declared to the king, that, having been ambaffador from his father, and made his fubmiflion to the Roman pontiff, for himfelf and for his kingdom, he now expected that Claudius would make good his father's engagements, embrace the Roman Catholic religion himfelf, and, without delay, proclaim it as the eftablifhed religion in Abyflinia. This the king pofitively rcfufed to do, and a convcrfation enfued, which is repeated by Bermudes himfelf, and fufliciently fhews the moderation of the young king, and the fiery, brutal zeal of that ignorant, bigotted, ill-mannered prieil. Hitherto the Abyffmians heard the Portuguefe mafs with reverence and attention; and the Portuguefe frequented the Abyflinian churches with complacency. They intermarried with each other, and the children feem to have been chriflened indifferently by the priefts of either church. And this might have long continued, had it not been for the impatience of Bermudes. The king, feeing the danger of connecting himfelf with fuch a man, kept up every appearance of attachment to the Alexandrian church. Yet, fays the Abyflinian hiitorian who writes his life, it was well known that Claudius, in his heart, was a private, but perfect convert, to the Romifh faith, and kept only from embracing it by his hatred to Bermudes, the conflant perfuafion of the emprefs Sabel Wenghel, and the recollection of the misfortunes of his father. Upon being required publicly to fubmit himfelf to the See of Rome, he declared that he had made no fuch promife; that he confider-ed Bermudes as no patriarch, or, at bell, only patriarch of the Franks; and that the Abuna of Abyflinia was the chief prieil acknowledged by him. Bermudes told him, that he was accurfed and excommunicated. Claudius anfwered, that B b 2 he, he, Bermudes, was a neflorian heretic, and worfhipped four gods. Bermudes anfwered plainly, that he lied; that he would take every Portuguefe from him, and return to India whence he came. The king's anfwer was, that he wifh-ed he would return to India; but as for the Portuguefe, neither they, nor any other perfon, mould leave his kingdom without his permifllon. Accordingly, having perfectly gained Arius Dias, he gave him the name of Marcus, with the command of the Portuguefe, and fent him a llandard with his own arms, to ufe inffead of the king of Portugal's. But the Abyfhnian page being met, on his return, with the Portuguefe llandard in his hand, by James Brito, he wrefled it from him, felling him to the ground with a blow of his fword on the head. From expoflulations with the king, the matter of religion turned into difputes among the priefls, at wdrich the king always afRfled in perfon. If we fuppofe they were no better fuflaincd on the part of the Abyflinians than they were by the patriarch Bermudes, wdio we know was no great divine, we cannot expect much that was edifying from the arguments that either of them ufed. The Portuguefe priefls fay*, that the king,, {truck with the ignorance of his own clergy, frequently took the difcuflion upon himfelf, which he managed with fuch force of reafoning as often to put the patriarch to a Hand. From verbal difputes, which terminated in nothing, Bermudes was refolved to appeal to arguments in writing ; and, with the help of thofe that were with him of the fame faith, a fair flate of the differences in queflion was made in a fmall book, and prefentcd to the king, who read it with fo much pleafure that he kept it conflantly by him. This gave very great offence to the Abyflinian * Tellez, hb. 2. tap. 27; Abyflinian clergy; and the Abuna being now arrived, the king delired of him liberty to read that book, which he refuting, put the young king into fo violent a paflion that he called the Abuna Mahometan and Infidel to his face. Things growing worfe and worfe between the Portiu gucfc and Abyflinians, by the incendiary fpirit of the bru-tifh Bermudes, from reproaches they came to blows; and this proceeded fo far, that the Portuguefe one night affault-ed the king's tent, where they llcw fome, and grievoufly wounded others. Upon this, the king, defirous to eitrange him a little from the Portuguefe, fent Bermudes to the country of the Gafats, where he gave him large appointments, in hopes that the natural turbulence of his temper woul4 involve him in fome difficulties. And there he ftaid feven months, opprefling the poor ignorant people, and frightening them with the noife of his lire-arms. During this period, the king went on an expedition againft the Galla ; Bermudes then returned to court, where he found that Arius Dias was dead, and a great many of the Portuguefe very well attached to the king. But he began his old work of differs tion, infomuch that the king determined to banilh him to a mountain for life.. Gaspar de Suza now commanded the Portuguefe inftead' of Arius Dias, a man equally beloved by his own nation and the king. By his perfuafions, and that of Kafmati Robc!v the banifhment to the mountain was laid alide ; but Bermu* des was privately perfuaded. to embark for India while it was yet time ; and accordingly he repaired to Dobarwa, where he remained two years, as it fhould feem, perfectly quiet, neglected, and forlorn ; faying daily mafs to ten Portuguefe. tuguefc who had fettled in that town after the defeat of Don Chriflopher. He then went to Mafuah, and the mon-foon being favourable, he embarked on board a Portuguefe vcffel, carrying with him the ten Portuguefe that were fettled at Dobarwa, who all arrived fafely at Goa. St Ignatius, founder of the Order of Jefuits, was then at Rome in the dawn of his holincfs. The converfion of A-byflinia feemed of fuch confequence to him, that he re-folved himfelf to go and be the apoille of the kingdom. But the pope, who had conceived other hopes of him and his Order more important and nearer at hand, abfolutcly refufed this offer. One of his fociety, Nugnez Barctto, was, however, fixed upon for patriarch, without any notice being taken of Don John Bermudes. By him Ignatius fent a letter addreffed to Claudius, which is to be found in the collections *. It does not, I think, give us any idea of the ingenuity or invention of that great faint. It feems moflly to beg the queflion, and to contain little elfe than texts of fcripture for his future miffionarics to preach and write on, relative to the difference of tenets of the two churches. With this letter, and a number of priefls, Barctto came to Goa. But news being arrived there of king Claudius's Heady avcrfion to the Catholic church, it was then thought better, rather than rifk the patriarchal dignity, to fend Andrew Oviedo bifhop of Hierapolis, and Melchior Carneyro bifhop of Nice, with feveral other priefls, as ambaffadors from the governor of India to Claudius, with proper credentials. They arrived fafely at Mafuah in 1558, five days before the Turkifh bafha came with his fleet and army, and took poffellion __ of ♦Dated at Rome 16th Feb. 1555. See Tellez, lib. 2. cap. iz, of Mafuah and Arkeeko, though thefe places had been occupied by the Turks two years before. % When the arrival of thefe Portuguefe was intimated to Claudius, he was exceedingly glad, as he confidered them as an accefhon of ftrength. But when, on opening the letter, he faw they were priefls, he was very much troubled, and faid, that he wondered the king of Portugal Ihould meddle fo much with his affairs ; that he and his predeceffors knew no obedience due but to the chair of St Mark, or acknowledged any other patriarch but that of Alexandria ; never-thelefs, continued lie with his ufual goodnefs and moderation, fince they are come fo far out of an honeft concern for me, I lhall not fail to fend proper perfons to receive and conduct them. This he did, and the two bifhops and their companions were immediately brought to court. It was at this time that the difpute about the two natures began, in which the king took fo confiderable a part. He was ftre-nuous, eloquent, and vehement in the difcuflion ; when that was ended, he flill prefcrved his ufual moderation and kind-nefs for the Portuguefe priefls.. Nugnez died in India, and Oviedo fucceeded him as pa-triarch to Abyflinia, it having been fo appointed by the pope from the beginning of their million.. Claudius had no children ; a treaty was therefore fet on foot, at the inftance of the emprefs Sabcl Wcnghel, for ran-foming the prince Menas who had been taken prifoncr in his father David's time, and ever fince kept in confinement among the Moors, upon a high mountain in Adel. The The fame had happened to a fon of Gragne likewife, made prifoncr at the jbattle of Wainadcga, when his father was Ilain by Claudius. The Moors fettled in Abyilinia, as well as all the Abyflinian rebels who had forfakcn their allegiance or religion during the war, were to a man violently againft letting Menas at liberty, for he was the only brother Claudius had, and a difputed fucceflion was otherwifc probable, which was what the Moors longed for. Befides this,Menas was exceedingly brave, of a fevcre and cruel temper, a mortal enemy to the Mahometans, and at this time in the flower of his age, and perfectly fit to govern. It was not, then, by any means, an eligible meafure for thofe who were naturally the objects of his hatred, to provide fuch an afliflant and lucceffor to Claudius. Del Wu mb are a thought, that, having loft her hufband, to be deprived of her Ion likewife, was more than fell to her fharc in the . common caufe. She, too, had therefore applied to the bafha of Mafuah, who looked no farther than to a ranfbm, and cared very little what prince reigned in Abyflinia. He, therefore, undertook the management of the matter, and declared that he would fend Menas to the Grand Signior, as foon as an anfwer fhould come from Con-flaminoplc, while Claudius proteiled, that he would give up Gragne's fon to the Portuguefe, if the ranfom for his breather was not immediately agreed on. This rcfolution, on both fides, quickly removed all objections. Four thoufand ounces of gold were paid to the Moors and the bafha ; Menas was releafcd and fent home to Claudius, who thereupon, in his turn, fet Ali Gcrad, fon of Gragne by Del Wumbarea, at liberty, and with him Waraba Guta brother of the king of Adel, and this fmifhed the tranfaction. I I MUST I must here obferve, that what Bermudes * fays, that Del Wumbarea was taken prifoner and given in marriage to Arius Dias, was but a fable, as appears both from the beginning and fequcl of the narrative. Del Wumbarea having thus obtained her fon, took a very early opportunity of fhewing fhe had not yet forgot the father. Nur, governor of Zeyla, fon of Mudgid, who had flain the princes imprifoned upon the mountain of Gcflien, was deeply in love with this lady, and had defcrved well of her, for he had aflilted her in making her efcape into Atbara that day her hufband was flain. But this heroine had conflantly refufed to liflen to any propofals; nay, had vowed fhe never would give her hand in marriage to any man till he fhould firfl bring her the head of Claudius who had flain her hufband. Nur willingly accepted the condition, which gave him few rivals, but rather feemed to be referved for him, and out of the power of every one elfc. Claudius, before this, had marched towards Adel, when he received a meffage from Nur, that, though Gragne was dead, there flill remained a governor of Zeyla, whofe family was chofen as a particular inllrument for fhedding the blood of the Abyflinian princes; and defired trim, therefore, to be prepared, for he was fpecdily to fet out to come to him, Claudius had been employed in various journies through different parts of his kingdom, repairing the churches which Gragne and the other Moors had burnt; and he was then rebuilding that of Debra Werk f when this menage of Vol. II. C c Nur * Sec Bermudes's uccount of thefe times, printed at Lifbon by Francis Correa, A. D. t$6a. ■\ The Mountain of Gold. Nur was brought to him. This prince was of a temper never to avoid a challenge ; and if he did not march againft Nur immediately, he Itaid no longer than to complete his army as far as poflible. He then began his march for Adel, very much, as it is faid, againft the advice of his friends. That fuch advice fhould be given, at this particular time, appears ftrange ; for till now lie had been conflantly victorious, and his kingdom was perfectly obedient, which was not the cafe when any one of the former battles had been fought. But many prophecies Avere current in the camp, that the king was to be unfortunate this campaign, and was to lofc his life in it. Thefe unfortunate rumours tended much to difcourage the army, at the fame time that they feemed tq have a contrary effect on the king, and to confirm him in his rcfolution to fight. The truth is, the clergy, who had feen the country delivered by him from the Mahometans in a manner almoft miraeulous, and the conftancy with which he withftood the Romifh patriarch, and fruftrated the dcfigns of his father againft the Alexandrian church, and who had experienced his extreme liberality in rebuilding the churches, had wrought his young mind to fuch a degree of enthufiafm that he was often heard to fay, he preferred a death in the middle of an army of Infidels to the longefl and moft profperous life that ever fell to the lot of man. It needed not a prophet to have foretold the likely iffue of a battle in thefe circumflances, where the king, carelefs of life, rather fought death than victory ; where the number of Portuguefe was fo fmall as to be incapable, of thcmfelves, to effect any thing; where, even of that number, thofe that were attached to the king were looked upon as traitors by thofe of the party of the patriarch ; and where 4 the the Abyffmians, from their repeated quarrels and difputes, heartily hated them all. The armies were drawn up and ready to engage, when the chief prieil of Debra Libanos came to the king to tell him a dream, or vifion, which warned him not to fight; but the Moors were then advancing, and the king on horfe-back made no reply, but marched brifkly forward to the enemy. The cowardly Abyflinians, upon the firft fire, fled, leaving the king engaged in the middle of the Moorifh army with twenty horfe and eighteen Portuguefe mufqueteers, who were all flain around his perfon; and he himfelf fell, after fighting manfully, and receiving twenty wounds. His head was cut off, and by Nur delivered to Del Wumbarea, who directed it to be tied by the hair to the branch of a tree before her door, that fhe might keep it conflantly in fight. Here it remained three years, nil it was purchafed from her by an Armenian merchant, her firft grief, having, it is probable, fubfided upon the ac-quifition of a new hufband. The merchant carried the head to Antioch, and buried it there in the fepulchre of a faint of the fame name. Thus died king Claudius in the 19th year of his reign, Who, by his virtues and capacity, might hold a firfl place among any ferics of kings we have known, victorious in every action he fought, except in that one only in which he died. A great flaughter was made after this among the routed, and many of the firft nobility were flain in endeavouring to efcape ; among the rcfl, the dreamer from Debra Lebanos, his vifion, by which he knew the king's death, not having extended fo far as to reveal his own. C c -2 The The Abyffmians immediately transferred the name of this prince into their catalogue of Saints, and he is called St Claudius in that country to this day. Though endowed with every other virtue that entitled him to his place in the kalendar, he feems to have wanted one—that of dying in. charity with his enemies. This battle was fought on the 22d March 1559 ; and the-victory gained by Nur was a complete one. The king and molt of his principal officers wrcre Ilain ; great part of the army taken prifoners, the reft difperfed, and the camp plundered ; fo that no Moor ill 1 general had ever returned home with the glory that he did. But afterwards, in his behaviour, he exhibited a fpccTaclc more memorable, and that did him more honour than the victory itfelf; for, when he drew near to Adel, he clothed himfelf in poor attire like a common foldier, and bare-headed, mounted on an ordinary mule, with an old faddlc and tattered accoutrements, he forbade the fongs and praife with which it is ufual to meet conquerors in that country when returning with victory from the field. He declined alio all mare in the fuc-cefs of that day, declaring that the whole of it was due to Cod alone, to whofe mercy and immediate interpolition he owed the deflruetion of the Chriilian army.. The unworthy and unfortunate John Bermudes having arrived in Portugal from India, continued there till his death ; and, in the infeription over his tomb, is called only Pub larch of Alexandria. Yet it is clear, from the hiftory of thefe times, that he was firft ordained by the old patriarch Marcus ; and that the pope, Paul III. only confirmed the ordination of this heretical fchifmaticai prelate, though wre have. 2 Rated ftatcd that he was ordained by the pope, according to his own aflertion, to be patriarch of Alexandria, Abyilinia, and the Sea. Bermudes lived many years after this, and never reiigncd any of his charges. H6wever, on his arrival in Europe, feveral fuppofed well-meaning perfons at Rome began to difcourfc among themfelves, as if the converfion of Abyflinia had not had a fair trial when milled in the hands of fuch a man as Bermudes. Scandalous florics as to his moral character were propagated at Rome to ftrengthen this. He was faid to have ilolen a golden cup in Abyilinia*; but this does not appear to me . in any fhapc probable, or like the manners of the man. Fie was a fimple, ill-bred zealot, exceedingly vain, but in no-wife coveting riehes or gain of any fort. Sebaftian king of Portugal, hearing the bad poilure of the Catholic religion in Abyilinia, and the fmall hopes of the converfion of that country, befought the pope to fend all the millionaries that were in that kingdom to preach the gofpel in Japan : but Ovicdo flated fuch llrong reafons in his letter to Rome, that he was confirmed in the million of Ethiopia. * Purch. vol. 2. MENAS* Cl1 1 ^*SK*'M 5» MENAS, or ADAMAS SEGUED. From 1559 to 1563. JBaharnagafj rebels, proclaims Tafear King—Defeated by the King--* Cedes Dobarwa to the Turks, and makes a League with the Bajha of Mafuah. MENAS fucceeded his brother Claudius, and found his kingdom in almoft as great confufion as it had been left by his father David. His firft campaign was againft Radact the Jew. The king attacked him at his ft rongeft poft in Samen, where he fought him with various fuccefs; and the enterprife did not feem much advanced, when a hermit, refiding in thefe mountains, probably tired with the neighbourhood of fuch troublefome people, came and told the king, it had been revealed to him that the conqueft of the Jews was not allotted to him, nor was their time yet come. While the king feemed difpofed to avail himfelf of the hermit's warning, as a decent cxcufe to get rid of an affair that did not fucceed to Iris mind, an accident happened which determined him to quit his prefent undertaking. Two men, fhepherds of Ebenaat in Peleffen, from what injury is not known, engaged two of the king's fervants, who were were their relations, to introduce them into Mcnas's tent while llceping, with a defign to murder him in his bed. "While they were preparing to execute their intention, one of them Humbled over the lamp that was burning, and threw it down. The king awakening, and challenging him with a loud voice, the affamn ffruck at him with his knife, but fo feebly, from the fright, that he dropt the weapon upon the king's cloak without hurting him. They fled immediately out of the tent, but were taken at Ebenaat the 'next day,and brought back to the king,who gave orders to the judges to try them: they were both condemned, tire one to be thrufl through with lances, the other to be Honed to death; after which, both their bodies were thrown to the dogs and to the beafls of the field, as is practifed conflantly in all cafes of high-treafon. The fecond year of the reign of Menas was ufhered in by a confpiracy among the principal men of his court, at the head of which was Ifaac Baharnagafh, an old and tried fervant of his brother Claudius. This officer had been treated ill by Menas in the beginning of his reign; and, knowing the prince's violent and cruel difpofition, he could not pcrfuadc himfelf that he was yet in fafety. Menas, to fupprefs this rebellion in its infancy, fent Zara Johannes, an old officer, before him, with what forces he could collect in the inflant; but Ifaac, informed of the bad flate of that army, and confequently of his own fuperiori-ty, left him no time to flrengthcn himfelf, but fell furi-oufly upon him, and, with little refiflancc, difperfed his army. This lofs did not difcouragc the king ; lie had afTemblcd a very confidcrable force, and, defiious flill to encrcafe it, he was advancing flowly that he might collect the featured remains of the army that had been defeated. The Bahamao-ah\ though victorious, faw with fome concern that he could not avoid the king, whofe courage and capacity, both as a foldier and a general, left him every thing to fear for his fuccefs. . Ever hncc the mafTacre of the princes upon mount Ge-fhen by vizir Mudgid, in the reign of David III. none of the remains of the royal family had been confined as heretofore. Tafcar, Mcnas's nephew, was then at liberty, and, to flrcngthen his caufe, was proclaimed king by the Baharnagafh, foon after the defeat of Menas's army under Zara Johannes. He was a prince very mild and all able in his manners, in all refpects very unlike his uncle then reigning. Tt was on the ill of July 1561, that the king attacked the Baharnagafh in the plain of Woggora; and, having entirely routed his army, Tafcar was taken prifoncr, and ordered by the king his uncle to be carried to the brink of the high rock of Lamalmon, and, having been thrown over the deep precipice, he was dallied to pieces. Ifaac himfelf efcaped very narrowly, flying to the frontier of his government in the neighbourhood of Mafuah. The Baharnagafh comprehended diilincHy to what a dangerous fituation he was now reduced. No hopes of fafety remained but in a peace with the bafha. This at firft appeared not eafily obtained; for, while Ifaac remained in his duty in the reign of Claudius, he had fought with the bafha, and loft his brother in the engagement. But prefent ncceility overcame the memory of pafl injuries. Samur Samur Bafha was a man of capacity and temper; he had been in poffeflion of Mafuah ever fince the year 1558. He faw his own evident interefl in the mcafure, and appeared full as forward as the Baharnagafh to complete it. Ifaac ceded Dobarwa to the bafha, and put him into immediate poffeflion of it, and all the low country between that and Mafuah. By this acquifition, the Turks, before mafters of the fea-coaft, became poifeffed of the whole of the flat country correfpon-ding thereto, as far as the mountains. Dobarwa is a large trading town, fituatcd in a country abounding with provifions of all kinds which Mafuah wanted, and it was the key of the province of Tigre and the high land of Abyflinia. Menas, at his acceflion, had received kindly the compliments of congratulation made by the Portuguefe patriarch, Oviedo. But hearing that he flill continued to preach, and that the effect of this was frequent divifions and animo-fities among the people, he called him into his prefence, and ftrietly commanded him to defift, which the patriarch pofitively refufmg, the king loft all patience, and fell violently upon him, beating him without mercy, tearing his clothes and beard, and taking his chalice from him, that he might prevent him from faying mafs. He then banifhed him to a defert mountain, together with Francis Lopez, where for feven months he endured all manner of hardships. The king, in the mean time, published many rigorous proclamations againft the Portuguefe. He would not permit them to marry with Abyflinians. Thofe that were already married he forbade to go to the Catholic churches with their hufbands; and, having again called the patriarch Vol. II. D d into into his prefencc, he ordered him forthwith to leave his kingdom upon pain of death. But Oviedo, who feems to have had an ambition to be the proto-martyr, refufed abfo-lutely to obey thefe commands. He declared that the orders of God wrerc thofe he obeyed, not the iinful ordinances of man; and, letting flip his cloak from his moulders, he offered his bare neck to the king to itrike. This anfwer and gef-ture fo incenfed Menas, that, drawing his fword, he would have very foon put the patriarch in poffeflion of the martyrdom he coveted, had it not been for the interpofitioh of the queen and oilicers that Rood round him. Oviedo, after having been again foundly beaten, wa& banifhed a fecond time to the mountain ; and in this fen-tencc were included all the red of the Portuguefe priefls, as well as others. But the bifhop would not fubmit to this punifhmcnt, but with the Portuguefe, his countrymen, joined the Baharnagafh, who had already completed liis treaty with Samur Bafha. Isaac, before the Portuguefe priefls, had fhewn a defire of becoming Catholic, and of protecting, 01 even embracing, their religion ; and they, on their part, had allured him of a powerful and fpecdy fuccour from India, which was juft what he wanted; and with this view he had placed himfelf to the greateft advantage, avoiding a battle, and awaiting thofe auxiliaries, of the arrival of which the king was very apprehenfive. But the feafon of mips coming from India had paffed without any appearance of Portuguefe, and the king was refolvcd to try his fortune without expecting what another feafon might produce. On the other hand, Ifaac, ftrengthencd by his league with the bafha, thought himfelf fifcjifisM in a condition to take the field, rather than to leflen his reputation by conflantly declining battle. In thefe difpofitions both armies met, and the confederates were again beaten by the king, with very little lofs or refiilance. This battle was fought on the 20th of April 1562. Immediately after this victory the king marched to Shoa, and fent feveral detachments of his army before him to fur-prife the robbers called Dobas, and drive off their cattle. What he intended by retiring fo far from his enemies, the Baharnagafh and Bafha, is what we do not know. Both of them were yet alive, but probably fo weakened by their lall defeat as to leave no apprehenfions of being able to moleil the country by any incurfions. The king, being advanced into the province of Ogge, was taken ill of the Kolla, or low-country fever, and, after a few days illnefSjhedied there on the 13th of January 1563, leaving three fons, Sertza Denghel, who fucceeded him, Tafcar, and Lcfana Chriflos. Some European hiflorians * have advanced that Menas was defeated and flain in this lafl engagement juft now mentioned. This, however, is exprefsly contradicted in the annals of thefe times, which mention the death of the king in the terms I have here related; nor were either of the chiefs of the rebels, the Bafha or Baharnagafh, flain that day. The rebellion flill continued, Ifaac having proclaimed a prince of the name of John to be king in place of Tafcar, his deceafed brother. D d 2 Menas * *Ludolf, lib. 2. cap, Menas was a prince of a very morofe and violent difpo-* fition, but very well adapted to the time in which he lived -brave in his perfon, active and attentive to the affairs of government. He was fober, and an enemy to all forts of pleafure ; frugal, and, in his drefs or Rile of living, little different from any foldier in his army. These qualities made him feared by the great, without being beloved by the common foldiers accuftomed to the liberality and magnificence of Claudius; and, this want of popularity gave the Romifh pricils an opportunity to blacken his character beyond what in truth he deferved. Thus, they fay, that he had changed his religion during his imprifon-ment, and turned Mahometan, and that it was from the Moors he learned that ferocity of manners. But to this the anfwer is eafy,That the manners of his own countrymen, that is of mountaineers without any profeflion but war and blood, in which they had been exercifed for centuries, were, probably of thcmfelves, mueh more fierce and barbarous than any he could learn among the people of Adel, occupied from time immemorial in commerce and the purfuit of yiches, and ncccflarily engaged in an honeit intercourfe, and practice of hofpitality, with all the various nations that tra^-ded with them. Befides, were this otherwife, he. never had any focicty with thefe Moors. Banifhment to the top of a mountain * would have been his fate in Abyflinia, had he lived a few years earlier or later than he did. Yet the mountain upon which the royal family was confined had not yet produced one of fuch favage manners ; and it is nos probable *To Gcflicn or Wechne, probable that he was more ftricTly guarded in Adel than he would have been in his own country. As to his religion, we can only fay that he abhorred the Romifh faith, from the behaviour of thofe that profefled it; and, that he had abundant reafon fo to do, we need only appeal to their conduct in the preceding reign, according to the accounts given by the Catholics themfelves. Let any man conlider a king fuch as Claudius was; feated on his throne in the midft of his courtiers and captains; curled and excommunicated; called heretic and liar to his face by an ignorant peafant and flranger, inch as John Bermudes ; attacked in the night, and forced to fly for his life by a body of Itrangers who depended upon him for their daily bread : Next conlider Menas, at his firft acccilion, defiring their patriarch to defift from preaching a religion that was fatal to the quiet of his kingdom by lowing diffentions a-mong it as it had done in the two preceding reigns ; and then figure a fanatic prieft, declaring that he would neither depart nor obey tlicfe orders ; then fay what would have been done to ilrangers in France, Spain, or Portugal, that had behaved in this manner to the fovereign or miniftcrs of thefe countries. Add to this, that all the Portuguefe to a man appeared in the army of a rebel fubjeel: in the laft battle, fupporting the caufe of a pretender to his crown. If, upon a fair review of all this, it is any matter of furprife that he fhould be avcrfe to fuch people and behaviour, 1 am no judge of the fair feelings of man, and the duty a prince owes to himfelf or poftcrity, his country or dignity. As to his inclination to the Mahometan religion, the fact is, that he oppofed it even with his fword during his whole I reign,. reign, and never fwerved from his attachment to the church of Alexandria, or his friendfhip and refpecf to the Abuna Youlef, to the end of his life, as far as we can learn from hiflory. And leafl, of all people in the world, does it become the Roman Catholics to accufc him of being Mahometan, becaufe a letter is flill extant to Menas from pope Paul III *, wherein the pope fliles him beloved fon in Cbrift% and the mofl holy of priefs. SERTZA DENGHEL, or MELEC SEGUED. From 1563 to 1595. King crowned at Axum—Abyffinia invaded by the Galla—Account of that People—The king defeats the Army of Adel—Beats the Falafha^ and kills their King—Battle of the March—Bafha fain, and Turks expelled from Dobarwa—King is poifoned—Names Za Denghel his SucceJ/br. MENAS was fucceeded by his fon, Sertza Denghel, who took the name of Melee Segued. He was only twelve yc old when he came to the throne, and was crowned at Axum with all the ancient ceremonies. The beginning of 3 his * See Le Grande's Hiftory of Abyflinia. his reign was marked by a mutiny of his foldiers, who, joining themfelves to fome Mahometans, plundered the town, and then dilbanded. A mifunderftanding alfo happened with Ayto Hamelmal, fon to Romana Werk, daughter of Hatze Naod, which threatened many misfortunes in its confequenccs. Tecla Asfadin, governor of Tigre, was ordered by the king to march againft him; and the armies fought with equal advantage. But Hamelmal dying foon after, his party difperfed without further trouble. Fafil, too, his coufm, who had been appointed governor of Damot, rebelled foon after, and was defeated by the king, who this year (the fourth of his reign) commanded his army for the firft time in perfon, and greatly contributed to the victory, though he was but then fixteen years of age. The fixth year of his reign he marched againft a clan of Galla, called Aze, whom he often beat, flaying in the country two whole years. Upon his return, he found the Baharnagafh, Ifaac and Harla, and other malcontents, when a fort of a pacification followed ; and having received, from the rebels confiderable prefents, he fat down at Dobit, a fmall town in Dcmbea, where he paffed the winter.. All this time Oviedo and the Portuguefe did not appear at court. The king, however, did not moleft the priefls in their baptifms, preachings, or any of their functions. He often fpake favourably of their moral characters, their fo* briety, patience, and decency of their lives; but he condemned dccifively the whole of their religious tenets, which he pronounced to be full of danger and contradiction, and dc- ftructivc ftructivc of civil order and monarchical government. At this period the Galla again made an irruption into Gojam. It is now time we fhould fpcak of this nation, which has contributed more to weakening and reducing the Abyflinian empire, than all their civil wars, and all the foreign enemies put together. When I fpoke of the languages of the feveral nations in Abyilinia, I took occafion merely to mention the origin of thefe Galla, and their progrefs north* ward, till their firft hoftile appearance in Abyilinia. I fhall now proceed to lay before, the reader what further I have collected concerning them. Many of them were in the king's fervice while I was in Abyflinia ; and, from a multitude of convcrfations I had with ali kinds of them, I flatter myfelf I bave gathered the beft accounts regarding thefe tribes. The Galla are a very numerous nation of Shepherds, who probably lived under or beyond the Line. What the caufe of their emigration was we do not pretend to fay with certainty, but they have, for many years, been in an uniform progrefs northward. They were at firft all infantry, and faid the country they came from would not permit horfes to breed in it, as. is the cafe in if north of the Line round Sennaar. Upon coming northward, and conquering the Abyflinian provinces, and the fmall Mahometan diftficts bordering on them, they have acquired a breed of horfes, which they have multiplied fo induftrioufly that they are become a nation of cavalry, and now hold their infantry in very little eftcem. As \ As under the Line, to the fouth of Abyflinia, the land is exceedingly high, and the fun feldom makes its appearance on account of the continual rains, the Gall a oe consequently of a brown complexion, with long black hair. Some, indeed, who live in the valleys of the low country, are perfectly black. Although the principal food of this people at firft was milk and butter, yet, when they advanced into drier climates, they learned of the Abyffmians to plow and fow the fields, and to make bread. They feem to affect the number feven, and have divided their immenfe multitude threefold by that number. They all agree, that, when the nation advanced to the Abyflinian frontiers, they were then in the centre of the continent. The ground beginning to rife before them, feven of their tribes or nations filed off to the eaft towards the Indian Ocean ; and, after making fettlements there, and multiplying exceedingly, they marched forward due fouth into Bali and Dawaro, which they firft wailed by conftant incurfions, then conquered and fettled there in the reign of David III. in 1537. Another divifion of feven tribes went off to the weft a-bout the fame time, and fprcad thcmfelves in another femi-eirclc round the fouth fide of the Nile, and all along its banks round Gojam, and to the eaft behind the country of the Agows, (which are on the eaft fide of the Nile) to that of the Gongas and Gafats. The high woody banks of this river have hitherto been their barrier to the fouthv/ard; not but that they have often fought for, and often conquered, and flill oftcner plundered, the countries on the Abyflinian fide of that river; and, from this reign downwards, the fcenc of action with the Abyflimans has conflantly been on the call fide of the river. All 1 mean is, they have never made a fet- Vol. II, E e tlemcnt tlcmenton the Abyflinian fide of the Nile, except fuch tribes of them as, from wars among themfelves, have gone over to the king of Abyflinia and obtained lands on the banks of that river, oppofite to the nation they have revolted from, a-gainft which they have ever after been the fecureit bulwark. A third divifton of feven tribes remained in the center, due fouth of the low country of Shoa ; and thefe are the kail known, as having made the feweft incurfions. They have, indeed, pofleiTed Walaka, a fmall province between Amhara and Shoa; but this has been permitted politically by the governor of Shoa, as a barrier between him and A-byflinia, on whofe fovereign he fcarcely acknowledges any dependence but for form's fake, his province being at preT fentan hereditary government defcending from father to fon,. All thefe tribes of Galla gird Abyflinia round at alt points from call to weft, making inroads, and burning and murdering all that fall into their hands. The privities of the men they cut off, dry, and hang them up in their houfes. They arc fo mercilefs as to fpare not even women with child, whom they rip up in hopes of deftroying a male. The weftern part of thefe Galla, which furrounds the pe-ninfula of Gojam and Damot, are called the Borcn Galla; and thofe that are to the eaft are named Bertuma Galla, though this laft word is feldom ufed in hiftory, where the. v Galla to the weftward are called Boren ; and the others Galla merely, without any other addition. All thefe tribes, though the moft cruel that ever appeared in any country, are yet governed by the ftricteft difcipline at home, where the fmalleft broil or quarrel among individuals is taken cognizance of, and receives immediate pimiihrnent. 2 Each Each of the three diviilons of Galla elect a king, that is, there is a king for every feven tribes. There is alfo a kind of nobility among them, from whofe families alone the fo-vereign can be chofen. But there are certain degrees of merit (all warlike) that raife, from time to time, their plebeian families to nobility, and the right of fulfrage. No one of thefe nobles can be elected till pall forty years of age, unlefs he has Ilain with his own hand a number of men which, added to his years, makes up forty. The council of each of the feven tribes firfl meets fepa-rately in its own diflrict: Here it determines how many are necelfary to be left behind for the governing, guarding, and cultivating the territory, while thofe fixed upon by molt votes go as delegates to meet the reprefentatives of the Other nations at the domicil, or head-quarters of the king, among the tribe from which the fovereign of the laft feven years was taken. Here they fit down under a tree which feems to be facrcd, and the god of all the nations. It is called U'anzey*; has a white flower, and great quantity of foliage, and is very common in Abyflinia, After a variety of votes, the number of candidates is reduced to four, and the Suffrage of fix of thefe nations go then no farther ; but the Seventh, whofe turn it is to have a king out of their tribe, choofe, from among the four, one, whom they crown with a garland of Wanzey, and put a Sceptre, or bludgeon, of that Wood in his hands, which they call Buco. F: e 2 The * See the article Wanzey in the AppemUv. The king of the weflern Galla is fliled Lubo, the other Mooty. At this aflcmbly, the king allots to each their fcene of murder and rapine; but limits them always to fpeedy returns in cafe the body of the nation Ihould have occafion for them. The Galla are reputed very good foldiers for fur-prife, and in the firft attack, but have not conftancy or per-feverance. They accomplifh incredible marches ; fwim rivers holding by the horfes tail, (an exercife to which both they and their horfes are perfectly trained;) do the utmoft mifchief poflible in the fliorteft time; and rarely return by the fame way they came. They are excellent light horfe for a regular army in an enemy's country. Iron is very fcarce among them, fo that their principal arms are poles lharpened at the end, and hardened in the fire, which they ufe like lances. Their fhields are made of bulls hides of a fingle fold, fo that they are very, fubject to warp in heat, or become too pliable and foft in wet weather. Notwithftanding thefe disadvantages, the report of their cruelty made fuch an imprcllion upon the Abyilinians, that, on their firft engagements they rarely flood firmly the Gal-la's firft onfet. Befides this, the fhrill and very barbarous noife they arc always ufed to make at the moment they charge, ufed to terrify the horfes and riders, fo that a flight generally followed the attack made by Galla horfe. These melancholy and frantic howls I had occafion to hear often in thofe engagements that happened while I was in Abyifinia. " The Edjow, a body of Galla who had been in the late king Joas's fervice, and were relations to him by his mother, who was of that clan of fouthern Galla, were conflantly in the rebel army, and always in the moft clif- 4 affected affecTed part, who, with the troops of Begemder and Lafla, attacked the king's houfehoid, where he was in perfon; and, though they behaved with a bravery even to rafhnefs, moil of them loft their lives, upon the long pikes of the king's black horfe, without ever doing any notable execution, as thefe horfes were too-well trained to be at all moved with their fhrieks, when they charged, though their bravery and fidelity merited a better fate. The women are faid to be very fruitful. They do not confine themfelves even a day after labour, but wafh and return to their work immediately. They plow, fow, and reap. The cattle tread out the corn, but the men arc the herdfmen, and take charge of the cattle in the fields. Both fcxes arc Something lefs than the middle fize, exceedingly light and agile. Both, but efpecially the men, plait their hair with the bowels and guts of oxen, which they wear likewife, like belts, twilled round their middle; and thefe, as they putrify, occafion a terrible flench. Both copioufly anoint their heads and bodies with butter, or melted grcafc, which is continually raining from them, and which indicates that they came from a country hotter than that which they now pollers. They greatly rcfemble the Hottentots in this filthy tafle of drefs. The reft of their body is naked; a piece of fkin only covers them before; and they wear a goat's fkin on their moulders, in fhapc of a woman's handkerchief, or tippet. It has been faid*, that no religion was ever difcovercoi anions Q9H * Jacrae Lobo Hill, of Abyilinia ap. Le Grands, \ among them. I imagine that the facts upon which this o-pinion is founded have never been fufficiently invefli gated. The Wanzey-trcc, under which their kings are crowned, is avowedly worfhipped for a god in every tribe. They have certain floncs alfo, for an object of their devotion, which I never could fufficiently underfland to give further defcrip-tion of them. But they certainly pay adoration to the moon, efpecially the new moon, for of this I have frequently been a witnefs. They likewife worfhip certain flars in particular pofitions, and at different times of the year, and are, in my opinion, flill in the ancient religion of Sabaifm. All of them believe that, after death, they are to live again; that they are to rife with their body, as they were on earth, to enter into another life they know not where, but they arc to be in a flate of body infinitely more perfect than the prefent, and arc to die no more, nor fuller grief, ficknefs, or trouble of any kind. They have very obfeure, or no ideas at all of future pumfhmcnt; but their reward is to be a moderate flate of enjoyment with the fame family and perfons with which they lived on earth. And this is very nearly the fame belief with the other Pagan nations in A-frica with which I have convcrfed intimately; and this is what writers generally call a belief of the immortality of the foul. Nor did I ever know one favage that had a more dillinet idea of it, or ever feparated it from the immortality of the body. The Galla to the fouth are moflly Mahometans; on the cad and well chiefly Pagans. They intermarry with caeh other, hut fuffer no llrangcrs to live among them. The Moors, however, by courage, patience, and attention, have found out the means of trading with them in a tolerable degree degree of fafety. The goods they carry are coarfe Surat blue cloaths, called marowty; alfo myrrh and fait. This latt is the principal and moll valuable article. The Galla Sometimes marry the Abyflinian women, but the iiTue of thofe marriages are incapable of all employment. Their form of marriage is the following : The bridegroom, Handing before the parents of the bride, holds graft in his right hand and the dung of a cow in his left. He then fays, "May this never enter, nor this ever come out, " if he does not do what he promifes ;" that is, may the grafs never enter the cow's mouth to feed it, or may fhe die before it is difcharged. Matrimonial vows, moreover, arc very fimple ; he fwears to his bride that he-fhall give her meat and drink while living, and bury her when dead. Polygamy is allowed among them, but the men arc commonly content with one wife. Such, indeed, is their moderation in this refpecT, that it is the women that Solicit the men to incrcafe the number of their wives. The love of their children feems to get a fpeedy afccndcncy over paf-fion and pleafure, and is a noble part of the character of thefe favages that ought not to be forgot. A young woman, having a child or two by her hufband, intreats and folicits him that he would take another 'wife, when fhe names to him all the beautiful girls of her acquaintance,., efpecially thofe that fhe thinks likeliefl to have large families. After the -hufband has made his choice, fhe goes to the tent of the young woman, and fits behind it in a Supplicant poflure, till fhe has excited the attention of the family within. She then, with an audible voice, declares who flie is; that fhe is daughter of fuch a one ; that her hufband: has 1 has all the qualifications for making a woman happy; that fhe has only two children by him ; and, as her family is fo fmall, flie comes to folicit their daughter for her hufband's wife, that their families may be joined together, and be flrong ; and that her children, from their being few in number, may not fall a prey to their enemies in the day of battle; for the Galla always fight in families, whether a-gainil one another, or againft other enemies. When flie has thus obtained a wife for her hufband, flic carries her home, puts her to bed with her hufband, where, having left her, flie feafts with the bride's relations. There the children of the firft marriage are produced, and the men of the bride's family put each their hands upon thefe children's heads, and afterwards take the oath in the ufual manner, to live and die with them as their own offspring. The children, then, after this fpecies of adoption, go to their relations, and viiit them for the fpacc of feven days. All that time the hufband remains at home in poffeftion of his new bride ; at the end of which he gives a feaft, when the firft wife is fcated by her hufband, and the young one ferves the whole company. The firft wife from this day keeps her precedence; and the fecond is treated by the firft wife like a grown up-daughtcr. I believe it would be very long before the love of their families would introduce this cu«. Horn among the young women of Britain. When a father dies and leaves many children, the eldcft Succeeds to the whole inheritance without di vifion; nor is he obliged, at any time, or by any circumfiance, to give his brothers a part afterwards. If the father is alive when the fon firft begins to lhavc his head, which is a declaration of manhood, manhood, he gives two or three milk-cows, or more, according to his rank and fortune. Thefe, and all'their produce, remain the property of the child to whom they were given by his father; and thefe the brother is obliged to pay to him upon his father's death, in the fame number and kinds. The eldefl brother, is moreover, obliged to give the filler, whenever flic is marriageable, whatever other provi-fion the father may have made in his lifetime for her, with all its increafe from the day of the donation. When the father becomes old and unfit for war, he is obliged to furrender his whole effects to his eldefl fon, who is bound to give him aliment, and nothing elfc ; and, when the eldell brother dies, leaving younger brothers behind him, and a widow young enough to bear children, the youngefl brother of all is obliged to marry her; but the children of the marriage are always accounted as if they were the eldefl brother's; nor docs this marriage of the youngefl brother to the widow entitle him to any part of the deceafed's fortune. The fouthern Galla are called Elma Kilelloo, Elma Goo-deroo, Elma Robali, Elma Doolo, Elma Bodena, Elma Hor-reta, and Elma Michaeli; thefe arc the feven fouthern nations which the Mahometan traders pafs through in their way to Narea, the fouthernmofl country the Abyflinians ever conquered. The weflern Galla for their principal clans have the Djawi, Edjow or Ayzo, and Toluma, and thefe were the clans we principally fought with when I was in Abyflinia. They are chiefly Pagans. Some of their children, who were left Vol. II. F f young young in court, when their fathers fled, after the murder of the late king their mafler, were better Chriftians and better foldiers than any Abyninians we had. It is not a matter of fmall curiofity to know what is their food, that is fo eafy of carriage as to enable them to traverfe immenfe deferts, that they may, without warning, fall upon the towns and villages in the cultivated country of Abyflinia. This is nothing but coffee roafted, till it can be pul-vcrifed, and then mixed with butter to a confiftency that: will fuffer it to be rolled up* in balls, and put in a leather bag. A ball of this compofition, between the circumference of a milling and half-a-crown, about the fize of a billiard-ball, keeps them, they fay, in ftrength and fpirits during a whole day's fatigue, better than a loaf of bread, or a meal of meat. Its name in Arabia and Abyflinia is Bun3 but I apprehend' its true name is Caffc, from Caifa the fouth; province of Narea, whence it is firft faid to have come ; it is white in the bean. The coffee-tree is the wood of the country, produced fpontancoufly everywhere in great a^ bundanee, from Caffa to the banks of the Nile. Tnus much for this remarkable nation, whofe language is perfectly different from any in Abyflinia, and is the fame throughout all the tribes, with very little variation of dialect.. This is a nation that has conquered fome of the fineft provinces of Abyflinia, and of whofe inroads we fhall here-* after have occafion to fpeak continually ; and it is very difficult to fay how far they might not have accomplifhcd the conqueft of the whole, had not providence interpofed in a manner little expected, but more efficacious than a thoufand; armies,, and all the inventions of man. Tiis The Galla, before their inroads into Abyflinia, had never in their own country feen or heard of the fmali-pox. This difeafe met them in the Abyflinian villages. It raged among them with fuch violence, that whole provinces conquered by them became half-defert; and, in many places, they were forced to become tributary to thofe whom before they kept in continual fear. But this did not happen till the reign of Yafous the Great, at the beginning of the prefent century, where we fhall take frefh notice of it, and now proceed with what remains of the reign of Sertza Denghel, whom we left with his army in the 9th year of his reign, rending at Dobit, a fmall town in Dembea, watching the motion of the rebels, Ifaac Baharnagafh, and others, his confederates. The tenth year of his reign, as foon as the weather permitted him, the king went into Gojam to oppofe the inroads of the Djawi, a clan of the wellern or Boren Galla, who then were in polfeflion of the Buco, or royal dignity, a-mong the feven nations. But they had repaffed the Nile upon the firfl news of the king's march, Without having time to wafle the country. The king then went to winter in Bizamo, which is fouth of the Nile, the native country of thefe Galla, the Djawi. If this nation, the Galla, lias deferved ill of the Abyfli-nians by the frequent inroads made into their country, they mull, however, confefs one obligation, that in the end they entirely ruined their ancient enemy, the Mahometan king of Adel, and reduced him to a flate of perfect infignifi-cance* f f 2 The Sertza Denghel then returned with his army into Dem-bea, where, finding the militia of that province much difaffec -ted by communication with the Moorifh foldiers fettled among them from Gragne's time to this day, and that moll of them had in their hearts forfaken the Chriilian religion, and were all ready to fail in their allegiance, he aflcmbled the greateft part Of them without their arms, and, Surrounding them with his Soldiers, cut them to pieces, to the number of 3000 men. In the 13th year of his reign, Mahomet king of Adel marched out of his own country with the view of joining the Bafha and Baharnagafh. But the king, ever watchful over the motions of his enemies, furprifed the Bahama-gafh before his junction cither with Mahomet or the bafha, and defeated or difperfed his army, obliging him to fly in difguifc, writh the utmoft danger of being taken pri-foner, to hide himfelf with the bafha at Dobarwa. He then appointed Darguta, governor of Tigre, an old and experienced officer, giving him the charge of the province, and to watch the bafha ; and, leaving with him his wounded, (and in their place taking fome frefli foldiers from Darguta) he, by forced marches, endeavoured to meet Mahomet, who had not heard of his victory over Ifaac ; and being informed that the king of Adel was encamped on the hither tide of the river Wali, having paffed it to join Ifaac, the king, by a hidden movement, crofted the river, and came oppofite to Mahomet's quarters, who was then Unking his tents, having juft heard of the fate of the Baharnagafh. Mahomet and his whole army were ftruck with a panic at this unexpected appearance of the king on the oppofite f de of the river, which had cut off his retieat to Adel. fearing, however, however, there might Ml be an enemy behind him, and that he fhould be hemmed in between both, he refolved to pafs, but did it in To tumultuous a manner that the king's army had no trouble but to flaughtcr thole who arrived at the oppofite bank. Great part of the cavalry, feeing the fate of their companions at the ford, attempted to pafs a-bovc and below by fwimming: but, though the river was deep and fmooth, the banks were high, and many were drowned, not being able to Scramble up on the other fide. Many were alfo deftroyed by floncs, and the lances of Sert-za Denghcrs men, from the banks above; fome pafTed, however, joining Mahomet, and leaving the reft of the army to attempt a paflage at the ford, croflcd with the utmoft fpeed lower down the river without being purfucd, and carried the news of their own defeat to Adel. The whole Moorifh army perifhed this day except the horfe, either by the fword or in the river; nor had the Moors received fo ieverc a blow fince the defeat of Gragne by Claudius. The king then decamped, and took poll at Zarrodcr, on the frontiers of Adel, with a defign to winter there and lay wafle the country, into which he intended to march as foon as the fair weather returned. But it was the misfortune of this great prince, that his enemies wrcre Situated at the two moll diftant extremities of the kingdom. For the Galla attacked Gojam on the weft, at the very time he prepared to enter Adel on the call. Without lofs of time, however, he traverfed the whole kingdom of Abyflinia, and came up with the Boren Galla upon the river Madge, but no action of confcqucnce followed. The Galla, attempting the king's camp in the night, and finding themfelves too weak to carry it, retreated immediately into their own country. While While returning to Dcmbca, he met a party of the Falafha* called Aba i, at Wainadcga, and entirely deftroyed them, fo that not one efcaped. The king was now fo formidable that no army of the enemy dared to face him, and he obliged the Falafha to give up their king Radaet, whom he banffhed to Wadge; and the four following years he fpent in ravaging the country of his enemies the Galla, in Shat and Bed, and that of the Valaiha in Samen and Serke, where he beat Caliph king of the Falafha, who had fucceeded Radaet. The Galla, in advancing towards Gojam and Damot, had over-run the whole low country between the mountains of Narea and the Nile. The king, delirous to open a communication with a country where there was a great trade, efpecially for gold, crofted the Nile in his way to that province, the Galla flying everywhere before him. He was received with very great joy by the prince of that country, who looked upon him as his deliverer from thofe cruel enemies. Here he received many rich prefents ; more particularly a large quantity of gold, and he wintered at Cuthcny in that province, where Abba Redar his brother died, having been blown up with gun-powder, with his wife and children. The Nareans defired, this year, to be admitted to the Chriilian faith ; and they were converted and baptifed by a million of priefls fent by tl^e king for that purpofe. At the time he was refcuingthc kingdom of Narea, Cad-ward Bafha, a young officer of merit and reputation, lately come from Conftantinoplc to Dawaro as balha of Mafuah, had begun his command with making inroads into Tigre, i and and driving on a number of the inhabitants into flavery. The king, ncceflarily engaged at a diilancc, fullered thefe injuries with a degree of impatience ; and, after having provided for the fecurity of the feveral countries immediately near him, he marched with his army directly for Woggora, committing every degree of excefs in his march, in order to provoke the Falafha to defcend from their heights and offer him battle. A frugal ceconomical people, fuch as the Jews are, could not bear to fee their cattle and crops deftroyed in fo wanton a manner before their very faces. They came, therefore, down in immenfe numbers to attack the king, one of the moil excellent generals Abyilinia ever had, at the head of a fmall, but veteran army. Gefhcn, brother of the famous Gideon, was then king of the Jews, and commanded the army of his countrymen. The battle was fought on the plain'of Woggora on the 19th of January 1594, with the fuccefs that was to be expected. Four thoufand of the Jew-ilh army were Ilain upon the fpot; and, among them, Gefhcn, their unfortunate king and leader. After this victory, Sertza Denghel marched his army into Kuara, through the country where the Jews had many flrong-holds, and received everywhere their fubmiflion. Then turning to the left, he came through the country of the Shangalla, called Woombarea, and fo to that of the A-gows. There he heard that new troubles were meditating in i.-amot; but the inhabitants of that province were not yet ripe enough to break out into open rebellion. v, ii. f f That That he might not, therefore, have two enemies at fuch a diftance from each other upon his hands at once, this year, as foon as the rains were over, he determined to march and attack the baflia. The balha was very foon informed of bis deiigns, and as foon prepared to meet «hem; fo that the king found him already in the field, encamped on his own fide of the Mareb, but without having committed, till then, any act of hoflility. fie marched out of his camp, and formed, upon feeing the royal army approach ; leaving a Sufficient field for the king to draw up in, if he mould incline to crofs the river, and attack him. This confident, rather than prudent conduct of the hatha, did not intimidate the king, who being ufed to improve ever) advantage coolly, and vyithout bravado, embraced this very opportunity his enemy chofe to give him.. He formed, therefore, on his own fide of the Mareb, and paffed it in as good order as pofiiblc, confulermg it is a hvift flream, and very deep at that feafon of the year. He halted feveral times while Ins men were in the water, to put them again in order, as if he had expected to be attacked the moment he landed on the other fide. The bafha, a man of knowledge in his profeifion, who faw this cautious conduct of the king, is faid to have cried out, 11 flow unlike he is to what 1 have " heard of his father !" alluding to the general rafh behaviour or the late king Menas whilil at the head of his army. Sertza Denghiu, having left all his'baggage on the other fide, and palled the river, drew up his army in the fame deliberate manner in which he had crofled the Mareb, and formed oppofite to the balha 5 as if he had been acting un-2 dcr der him, and by his orders, availing himfelf with great attention of all the advantages the ground could afford him. The bafha, confident in the fuperior valour of his troops, thought, now he had got the king between him and the river, that he would eaiily that day finifh Scrtza DenghePs life and reign. The battle began with the moft determined refolution and vigour on both fides. The Abyflinian foot drove back the Turkifh infantry; and the king, difmounting from his horfe, with his lance and fhield in his hand, and charging at their head, animated them to prcferve that advantage. On the other hand, the bafha, who had foon put to flight part of the Abyflinian horfe with whom he had engaged, fell furioufly upon the foot commanded by the king, the Turks making a great carnage among them with their fabres, and the affair became but doubtful, wdien Robcl, gentleman of the bed-chamber to the king, who commanded the pike-men onhorfeback,partoftheking'shoufehold troops, feeing his mailer's danger, charged the Turkilh horfe where he faw the baflia in perfon, and, clearing his way, broke his pike upon an officer of the bafha who carried the llandard immediately before him, and threw him dead at his feet. Being without other arms, he then drew the fliort crooked knife which the Abyffmians always carry in their girdle, and, pufhing up his horfe clofe before the balha could recover from his furprife, he plunged it in his throat, fo that he expired inftantly. So unlooked-for a fpccTacle ftruck a panic into the troops. The Turkilh horfe firft turned their backs, and a general route followed. Vol. II, G g The The bafha's body was carried upon a mule out of the field, and flruck a terror into all the Mahometans wherever it paffed. It no fooner entered Dobarwa than it was obliged to be carried out at the other end of the town. Sertza Denghel was not one that numbered upon a victory. He entered Dobarwa fword in hand, putting all the Pagans and Mahometans that fell in his way to death, and, in this manner, purfucd them to the frontiers of Mafuah, leaving many to die for want of water in that defert. The king, in honour of this brave action performed by Robel, ordered what follows to be writ in letters of gold, and infertcd in the records of the kingdom: " Robel, fer-" vant to Sertza Denghel, and fon to Menetcheli, flew aTurk-" ifh baflia on horfeback with a common knife." Sertza Denghel, having thus delivered himfelf from the moft formidable of his enemies, marched through Gojam again into Narea, extirpating, all the way he went, the Galla that obftructcd his way to that flate. He left an additional number of priefls and monks to inflruct them in the Chriilian religion; though there are fome hiflorians of this reign who pretend that it was not till this fecond vifit that Narea was converted. However this may be, victory had everywhere attended his Heps, and he was now preparing to chaflife the malcontents at Damot, when he was accofled by a priefl, famous for his holinefs and talent for divination, who warned him not to undertake that war. But the king, expreff-ing his contempt of both the meffagc and mcflenger, declared his fixed refolution to invade Damot without delay. The The pried is faid to have limited his advice flill further, and to have only begged him to remember not to eat the fifh of a certain river in the territory of Giba in the province of Shat. The king, however, flufhed with his victory over the Boren Galla, forgot the name of the river and the injunction; and, having ate fifh out of this river, was immediately after taken dangeroufly ill, and died on his return. The writer of his life fays, that the fatal effects of. this river were afterwards experienced in the reign of Yafous the Great, at the time in which he wrote, when the king's whole army, encamped along the fides of this river, were taken with violent ficknefs after eating the fifh caught in it, and that many of the foldiers died. Whether this be really fact or not, I will not take upon me to decide. Whether fifh, or any other animal, living in water impregnated with poifon-ous minerals, can prefcrve its own life, and yet imbibe a quantity of poifon fufficicnt to deflroy the men that fhould eat it, feems to me very doubtful. Something like this is faid to happen in oyflers, which are found on copperas beds, or have preparations of copperas thrown upon them to tinge a part of them with green. I do not, however, think it likely, that the creature would live after this metallic dole, or prefcrve a tafle that would make it food for man till he accumulated a quantity fuflicient to deflroy him. Sertza Denghel was of a very humane affable difpofi-tion, very different from his father Menas. He was fledfafl in his adherence to the church of Alexandria, and feemed perfectly indifferent as to the Romifh church and clergy. In converfation, he frequently condemned their tenets, but always commended the fobriety and fanctity of their lives. G g 2 He He left no legitimate fons, but many daughters by his wife Mariam Sena ; and two natural fons, Za Mariam and Jacob. He had alfo a nephew called Za Denghel, fon of his brother Lefana Chriflos. It is abfolutely contrary to trudr, what is faid by Telle/, and others, that the illegitimate fons have no right to fuc-cccd to the crown. There is, indeed, no fort of difference, as may be feen by many examples in the courfe of this, hiftory. Sertza Denghel at firfl feemed to have intended his nephew, Za Denghel, to fucceed him, a prince who had every good quality ; was arrived at an age fit for governing, and had attended him and diftinguifhed himfelf in great part of his wars. But, bemg upon his death-bed, he changed his mind-, probably at the infligation of the queen and the ambitious nobles, who defired to have the government in their own hands during a long minority. His fon Jacob, a boy of feven years old, was now brought into court, and treated as heir-apparent, which everybody thought was but natural and pardonable from the affection of a father. At laft when he found that he was fick to death, the in* tercfl and love of his country feemed to overcome even the tics of blood; fo that, calling his council together around his bed, he defigned his fucceffor in this laft fpeech: * As * I am fenfiblc I am at the point of death, next to the care of 1 my foul, 1 am anxious for the welfare of my kingdom. My 4 firft idea was to appoint Jacob my fon to be fucceilbr; and 41 had done fo unlefs for his youth, and it is probable nci- * thcr you nor I could have caufe to repent it. Confidering, a. *-however., * however, the flate of my kingdom, I prefer its intereft to * the private afFe&ion I bear my fon ; and do, therefore, hcre-1 by appoint Za Denghel my nephew to fuccecd me, and be 1 your king; and recommend him to you as fit for war, ripe * in years, exemplary in the practice of every virtue, and * as defcrving of the crown by his good qualities, as he is by 4 his near relation to the royal family.' And with thefe words the king expired in the end of Auguft 1595, and was buried in the illand Roma. As foon as Sertza Denghel died, the nobility refumcd their former refolutions. The very reafons the dying king had given them, why Za Denghel was fitted to reign, were thofe for the which they were determined to reject him ; as they, after fo long a reign as the lall, were perfectly weary at being kept in their duty, and delired nothing more than an infant king and a long minority: this they found in. Jacob. gjg^----------S^f^ffiUL^^ Z.A za denghel From 1595 to 1604. Za Denghel dethroned—facob a Minor fuccccds—Za Denghel is rejlo-red—Bani/hes jfacob to Narea—Converted to the Romiflj Religion— Battle of Bartcho, and Death of the King. SERTZA DENGHEL had feveral daughters, one of whom was married to Keila Wahad, governor of the province of Tigre, and another to Athanafius, governor of Amhara. Thefe two were the moll powerful men then in the kingdom. The emprefs and her two fons-in-law faw plainly, that the fucceflion of Za Denghel, a man of ripe years, poflefled of every rcquilite for reigning, was to exclude them from any fhare in government but a fubaltern one, for which they were to Hand candidates upon their own merits, in common with the red of the nobility. AccoRDiNGLY,nofooner was ScrtzaDenghcl dead, perhaps fome time before, but a confpiracy was formed to change the order of fucceflion, and this was immediately executed by order of this triumvirate, who fent a body of foldiers and feized Za Denghel, and carried him clofc prifoncr to 4 Dek, Dek, a large illand in the lake Tzana, belonging to the queen, where he was kept for fome time, till he efcaped and hid himfelf in the wild inaccelliblc mountains of Gojam, which there form the banks of the Nile. They carried their precautions ft ill further; and fubfequent events after fhewed, that thefe were well-grounded. They fent a party of men at the fame time to furprifeSocinios, but he, fufficiently upon his guard, no fooner faw the fate of his coufin, Za Denghel, than he withdrew himfelf, but in fuch a manner that fhe wed plainly he knew the value of his own pretentions, and was not to be an unconcerned fpectator if a revolution was to happen. In order to underftand perfectly the claims of thofe princes, who were by turns placed on the throne in the bloody war that followed, it will be neceffary to know that the emperor David III. had three fons: The cldcft was Claudius, who fucceeded him in the empire ; the hiflory of whofe reign we have already given : The fecond was Jacob, who died a minor before his brother, but left two fons, Tafcar and Facilidas : The third fon was Menas, called A-damas Segued, who fucceeded Claudius his brother in the empire; whofe reign we have likewife given in its proper place. Menas had four fons; Sertza Denghel, called Mclcc Segued, who fucceeded his father in the empire, and whole hiftory we have juft now finifhed; the fecond Aquieter ; the third Abate; and the fourth, Lcfana Chriflos ; whofe fon was that Za Denghel of whom we were laft fpcaking, appointed to fucceed to the throne by his uncle Sertza Denghel, when on his death-bed. Tascar Tascar, the fon of Jacob, died a minor; he rebelled a-gaiufl his uncle Menas, in confederacy with the Baharnagafh, as we have already feen ; and his army being beat by his uncle and fovereign, he was, by his order, thrown over the fleep precipice of Lamalmon, and dallied to pieces. Facilidas, the fecond remaining fon of the fame minor Jacob, lived many years, poffefled great eflates in Gojam, and died afterwards in battle, fighting againft the Galla, in defence of thefe poffeflions. This Facilidas had a natural fon named Socinios, who inherited his father's poileilions; was nephew to Sertza Denghel, and coufin-german to Za Denghel appointed to fuc-ceed to the throne; fo that Za Denghel being once removed, as Jacob had been poftponed, there could be no doubt of Socinios's claim as the neareil heir-male to David III. commonly called Wanag Segued. Socinios, from his infancy, had been trained to arms, and had undergone a number of hardlhips in his uncle's wars. Part of his eltate had been feized, after his father's death, by men in power, favourites of Sertza Denghel; and he hoped for a complete rcftitution of them from Za Denghel his coufin, when he fhould fucceed, for thefe two were as much connected with each other by friendfhip and affection, as they were by blood. Nor would any flep, fays the hiltorian, have ever been taken by Socinios towards mounting the throne, had Za Denghel his coufin fucceeded, as by right he ought. In In the mean time, he was at the head of a confiderable band of foldiers; had affifled Fafa Chriltos, governor of Go-jam, in defeating the Galla, who had over-run that province; and, by his courage and conduct that day, had left a flrong impreffion upon the minds of the troops that he would foon become the moll capable and active foldier of his time. The queen and her two fons-in-law being difappointed in their attempt upon Socinios, were obliged to take the only flep that remained in their choice, which was to appoint ' the infant Jacob * king, a child of feven years old, and put him under the tutelage of Ras Athanafius. The emprefs Mariam Sena, and her two fons-in-law, had gained to their party Za Selaffe, a perfon of low birth, native of an obfcure nation of Pagans, called Gurague, a man efleemcd for bravery and conduct, and beloved by the foldiers; but turbulent and feditious, without honour, gratitude, or regard, either to his word, to his fovereign, or the intereils of his country. Jacob had fuffercd patiently the direction of thofe that governed him, fo long as the excufe of his minority was a good one. But being now arrived at the age of 17, he began to put in, by degrees, for his fhare in the direction of affairs; and obferving fome fleps that tended to prolong the government of his tutors, by his own power he banifhed Za Selaffe, the author of them, into the diilant kingdom of Narea. Vol. II. Hh This * The name of infant-king feems to have been given as a nick-name in Abyilinia, and is pre* Served Jo this day, ^ Tins vigorous proceeding alarmed the emprefs and her* party. They faw that the meafure taken by Jacob would preiently lead all good men and lovers of their country to fupport him, and to annihilate their power. They refolded I not to wait till this took place, but inilantly to reilore Za Denghel, whom, with great difficulty, they found hid in the mountains between Gojam and Damot. And, to remove every fufpicion in Za DengheTs brcall, Ras Athanafius repaired to the palace, giving Jacob publicly, even on the throne, the moft abufive and fcurriious language,calling him an obflinate, flubborn, foolifh boy; declaring him degraded from being king, and announcing to his face the coming of Za Denghel to fupplant him. Jacob's behaviour on fo . unexpected an occafion was not fuch as Athanafms's rafh fpcech led to expect:. He gave a cool and mild reply to thefe invectives; but, finding himfelf entirely in his enemy's powrer, without lofing a moment, he left his palace in the night, taking the road to Samen, not doubting of fafety and protection if he could reach his mother's relations among thofe.: high, rocky mountains, Fortune at firfl feemed to favour his endeavours. Fie arrived at a fmall village immediately in the neighbourhood of the country to which he was going; but there he was difcovered and made prifoner; carried back and delivered to Za Denghel his rival, whom he found placed on his throne. In all thefe cafes, it is the invariable, though barbarous s practice of Abyflinia, to mutilate any fuch pretender to the throne, by cutting off his nofc, ear, hand, or foot, as they fhall be inclined the patient fhould die or live after the oper- 2 axion, ation, it being an eftablifhed law, that no perfon can fuc~ cccd to the throne, as to the priefthood, without being per-feci: in all his limbs. Za Denghel, as he could not adopt fo inhuman a procedure even with a rival, contented himfelf with only banilhing Jacob to Narea. Ever fince that period of Menas's reign, when Samur, balha of Mafuah, had been put in poffeilion of Dobarwa in virtue of a treaty with Ifaac Baharnagafh, then in rebellion, the Catholic religion was left deflitute of all fup-port, the fathers that had remained in Abyflinia being dead, and the entry into that kingdom fhut up by the violent ani-mofity of the Turks, and the cruelties they exercifed upon all miflionaries that fell into their hands. The few Catholics that remained were abfolutely deprived of all afliftance, when Mclchior Sylvanus, an Indian vicar of the church of St Anne at Goa, was pitched upon as a proper perfon to be fent to their relief. Flis language, colour, eaflern air and manners, feemed to promife that he would fucceed, and bailie the vigilance of the Turks. He arrived at Mafuah in 1597, an(^ entered Abyflinia un-fufpedted; but the power of the Turk being much leilened by the great defeat given them by Sertza Denghel, who flew CadwardBafha, and retook Dobarwa and all its dependencies, as has been already mentioned, a very coniiderable part of their former dangers, the millionaries might now hope to efcape. But there flill remained others obflrucfing the communication with India, which, however, were furmount-ablc, and gave way, as moil of the kind do, to prudence, courage, and perfevcrance. H h 2 Accordingly^ Accordingly, in the year 1600, Peter Paez, the moft capable, as well as moft fuccefsful miftionary that ever enter-' ed Ethiopia, arrived at Mafuah, after having fuffercd a long imprifonmcnt, and many other hardfhips, on his way to that ifland ; and, taking upon him the charge of the Portuguefe, relieved Melchior Sylvanus, who returned to India. Paez, however, did not prefs on to court as his predecef-fors, and even his fuccefTors conflantly did, but, confining himfelf to the convent of Fremona in Tigre, he firft fet himfelf by an invincible application to attain the knowledge of the Geez written language, in which he arrived to a degree of knowledge fupcrior to that of the natives themfelves. He then applied to the inflructlon of youth, keeping a fchool, where he taught equally the children of the Portuguefe, and thofe of the Abyffmians. The great progrefs made by the fcholars fpeedily fpread abroad the reputation of the mailer. Firft of all, John Gabriel, one of the moft diftinguifh-ed officers of the Portuguefe, fpoke of him in the warmed terms of commendation to Jacob, then upon the throne, who fent to Paez, and ordered his attendance as foon as the rainy feafon mould be over. In the month of April 1604, Peter, attended only by two of his young difciples, prefented himfelf to the king, who then held his court at Dancaz, where he was received with the fame honours as are bellowed upon men of the firfl rank, to the great difcontent of the Abyflinian monks, who eafily forefaw that their humiliation would certainly follow this exaltation of Petros; nor were they miflaken. In a dif-pute held before the king next day, Peter produced the two boys, as more than fuflicient to hTence all the theologians in in Abyilinia. Nor can it ever be doubted, by any who know the ignorance of thefe brutifh priefls, but that the victory, in thefe fcholailic difputes, would be fairly, cafily, and completely on the fide of the children. Mass was then faid according to the ufageof the church of Rome,which was followed by a fermon (among the firft ever preached in Abyflinia,) but fo far furpalling, in elegance and purity of diction, any thing yet extant in the learned language, Geez, that all the hearers began to look upon this as the firft miracle on the part of the preacher. Za Denghel was fo taken with it, that, from that inflant, he not only refolved to embrace the Catholic religion, but declared this his refolution to feveral friends, and foon after to Paez himfelf, under an oath of fccrccy that he fhould conceal it for a time. This oath, prudently exacted from Peter, was as imprudently rendered ufelefs by the zeal of the king himfelf, who being of too fanguine a difpofition to temporize after he was convinced, publifhed a proclamation, forbidding the religious obfervation of Saturday, or the Jewilh fabbath, for ever after. He likewife ordered letters to be wrote to the pope Clement VIII. and to Philip III. king of Spain and Portugal, wherein he offered them his friendfhip, whilfl he requeflcd mechanics to aflifl, and Jefuits to inflruct his people. These fudden and violent meafures were prefently known ; and every wretch that had, from other caufes, the feeds of rebellion fown in his heart, began now to pretend they were only nourifhed there by a love and attachment to the true religion. Many Many of the courtiers followed the king's example ; fome as courtiers for the fake of the king's favour, and meaning to adhere to the religion of Rome no longer than it was a fafhion at court, promoted their interelt, and expofed them to no danger; others, from their firm attachment to the king, the rcfolution to fupport him as their rightful fovc-rcign, and a confidence in his fupcrior judgment, and that he befl knew what was moll for the kingdom's advantage in its prefent diffracted flate, and for the confirmation of his own power, fo intimately connected with the welfare of his people. Few, very few it is believed, adopted the Catholic faith, from that one difcourfe only, however pure the language, however eloquent the preacher. A hundred years and more had pafTed without convincing the AbyfTinians in general, or without any material proof that they were prepared to be fo. However, the Jefuits have quoted an inflance of this inflantaneous converfion by the fermon, which, for their credit, I will not omit, though no notice is taken of it in the annals of thofe times, where it is not indeed to be expected, nor do I mean that it is lefs credible on this account. An Abyflinian monk, of very advanced years, came forward to Peter Paez, and faid in a loud voice before the king, " Although I have lived to a very great age, without a doubt of the Alexandrian faith, I blefs God that he has fpa-red me to this day, and thereby given me an opportunity of choofing a better. The things we knew before, you have fo well explained, that they become Hill more intelligible ; and we are thereby confirmed in our belief. Thole things that were di(lieult,and which we could hard lyunderiland,you have have made fo clear, that we now wonder at our own bhndnefs in not having feen them plainly before. For thefe benefits which I now confefs to have received, I here make my declaration, that it is my lledfall purpofe, with the afliftance of Almighty God, to live and die in the faith you prof eft, and have now preached.'1 Among thofe of the court moll attached to the king was -Eaeca Mariam, the infeparable companion of his good and bad fortune, who had followed his matter from principles of duty and affection, without dcfigning to throw away a conlideration upon what were likely to be the confequences to himfelf. He was reputed, in his character and abilities as a foldier, to be equal to Za Sclaffe, but a very different man, compared to him in his qualities of civil life ; for he was fober in his general behaviour, fparing in difcourfe, and much more ready ts do a good office than to promife one ; very affable and courteous in his manner, and of fo humble and unaffuming a deportment, that it was thought impoffible to be real in a man, who had fo often proved his fuperiority over others upon trial. This man, a true royalift, was one of thofe that embraced the Catholic religion that day, probably following the example of the king ; and this, in the hands of wicked men their enemies, became very foon a pretence for the murder of both; for Za Selalfe, impatient of a rival in any thing, more efpecially in military knowledge, began to hold fedi~ -tious aflemblies, and efpecially with the monks, whom he taught to believe what the king's conducl: daily confirmed, that the Alexandrian faith was totally reprobated, and no religion religion would be tolerated but that of the church ot Rome. Gojam, a province always inveterate againft any thing that bore the fmalleft inclination to the church of Rome, declared againft the king; and, before he went to join his allbciates, the traitor, Za Selalfe, in a conference he had with the Abuna Pctros, propofed to him to abfolve Za Denghel's fubjects and foldiers from their oaths of allegiance to their fovereign. The Abuna, a man of very corrupt and bad life, very hearty in the caufe, and an enemy to the king, was ftaggered at this propofal; not that he was averfe to it, be-caufe it might do mifchief,but becaufc he doubted whether any fuch effect would follow it as Za Selalfe expected; and he, therefore, afked what good he expected from fuch a novelty ? when this traitor allured him, that it would be moft efficacious for that very reafon, becaufe it was then firft introduced : the Abuna forthwith abfolvcd the foldiers and fubjects of Za Denghel from their allegiance, declaring the king excommunicated and accurfed, together with all thofe that fhould fupport him, or favour his caufe. I must here obfervc, that, though we are now writing the hiflory of the 17th century, this was the firft example of any priefl excommunicating his fovereign in Abyilinia, except that of Honorius, who excommunicated Amda Sion for the repeated commiffion of inceft. And the doubt the zealot Abuna Petros had of its effect as being a novelty, which fact the Jefuits themfelves atteft, fhews it was a practice that had not its origin in the church of Alexandria. Neither had thefe curfes of the Abuna any vifible effect, till Za Selalfe had put himfelf at the head of an army raifed in Gojam. 4 The The king was prepared to meet him, and ready to march from Dancaz. Za Denghel immediately marched out into the plain of Bartcho, and in the way was deferted, firft by Ras Athanafi-us, then by many of his troops ; and, by this great defertion in his army, found the firft effects of the Abuna's curfes, infomuch, that John Gabriel, a Portuguefe officer of the firft diflinction, advifed the king to retire in time, and avoid a battle, by flying to ftrong-holds for a feafon, till the prefent deluiion among his fubjects fhould ceafe. But the king, thinking himfelf diflionoured by avoiding the defiance of a rebel, rcfolved upon giving Za Selafle battle, who, being an able general, knew well the danger he would incur by delay. It was October 13th 1704 that the king, after drawing up his army in order of battle, placing 200 Portuguefe, With a number of Abyflinian troops, on the right, took to himfelf the charge of the left, and called for Peter Paez to give him abfolution; but that Jefuit was occupied at a convenient diftance in Tigre, by his exorcifms deflroying ants, butterflies, mice, locufts, and various other enemies, of much more importance, in his opinion, than the life of a king who had been blindly, but directly conducted to flaughtcr by his fanatical preachings. The battle began with great appearance of fuccefs. On the right, the Portuguefe, led by old and veteran officers, deftroyed and overturned every thing before them with, their fire-arms: but on the left, where the king commanded, things went otherwife, for the whole of this divifion Vol. II, I i fled, fled, excepting a body of nobility, his own officers and companions, who remained with him, and fought manfully in his defence. Above all, the king himfelf, trained to a degree of excellence in the ufe of arms, flrong and agile in body, in the flower of his age, and an excellent horfeman, performed feats of valour that feemed above the power of man : but he and his attendants being furrounded by the whole army of Za Selafle, and decreafmg in number, were unable to fupport any longer fuch diiadvantagc. Laeca Mariam, folicitous only for the king's fafety, charging furioufly every one that approached, was thrufl through with a lance by a common foldicr who had approached him unobferved. The king, defirous only to a-vengc his death, threw himfelf like lightning into the oppofite fquadron, and received a ftroke with a lance in his bread, which threw him from his horfe on the ground. Grievous as the wound was, he in Handy recovered himfelf, and, drawing his fword, continued to fight with as much vigour as ever. He was now hemmed in by a ring of foldiers, part of whom, afraid of encountering him, remained at a diftancc, throwing miffile weapons without good direction or ftrength, as if they had been hunting fome fierce wild beait. Others, wifhing to take him prifoncr, abilain-cd from flriking him, out of regard to his character and dignity ; but the traitor, Za Selafle, coming up at that inflant, and feeing the king almoft fainting with fatigue, and covered with wounds, pointed his lance, and, fpurring his horfe, furioufly ftruck him in the middle of the forehead* which blow threw the king fenfelefs to the ground, where he was afterwards flain with many wounds. The The battle ended with the death of Za Denghel; many faw him fall, and more his body after the defeat; but no one chofe to be the firft that Ihould in any way difpofe of it, or care to own that they knew it. It lay in this abject Rate for three days, till it was buried by three pcafants in a corner of the plain, in a little building like a chapel (which I have feen) not above fix feet high, under the fhade of a very fine tree, in Abyilinia called Jaffa: there it lay till ten years after, when Socinios removed it from that humble maufoleum, and buried it in a monaftery called Daga, in the lake Dembea, with great pomp and magnificence. The grief which the death of Za Denghel occafioncd was fo univerfal, and the odium it brought upon the authors of it fo great, that neither Za Selaffe nor Ras Athanaiius dared for a time take one ftep towards naming a fucceffor, which the fear of Za Denghel, and the uncertainty of victory, had prevented them from doing by common confent before the battle. There was no doubt but that the election would fall upon Jacob, but he was far off, confined in the mountainous country of Caffa in Narea. The diftancc was great; the particular place uncertain ; the way to it lay through cleferts, always dangerous on account of the Galla, and often im-pailable. li a JACOB. JACOB, From 1604 to 1605. Makts Propofals to Sociniost which are rejected—Takes the Field—Dad" Conducl and Defeat of Za Selajfc—Battle of Debra Zed—'Jacob defeated and fain. DURING the interim, Socinios appeared in Amhara, not as one offering himfelf as a candidate to be fupportcd by the ftrength and intcrefl of others, but like a conqueror at the head of a fmall but well-diiciplincd army of veteran troops, ready to compel by force thofe who Ihould refufc to fwcar allegiance to him from conviction of his right. The firfl flep he took was to fend Bcla Chriflos, a nobleman of known worth, to Ras Athanalius then in Gojam, Rating to him his pretentions to fucceed Za Denghel in the kingdom, defirmg his afliilancc with his army, and declaring that he would acknowledge the fervieedonc him as foon as it was in his power. Without waiting for an an-fwer, at the head of his little army he paffed the Nile, and entered Gojam. He then fent a fecond meffagc to Ras A-thanafius, acquainting him that he was at hand, and ordering him to prepare to receive him as his fovereign. This This abrupt and confident conducl of Socinios very much difconcerted Ras Athanafius. He had as yet concerted nothing with his friend Za Selaffe, and it was now late to do it. There was no perfon then within the bounds of the empire that folicited the crown but Socinios, and he was now at hand, and very much favoured by the foldiers. For thefe reafonsj he thought it bell to put a good face upon the mat-ter in his prefent fituation. He, therefore, met Socinios as required, and joined his army, as if it had been his free choice, and faluted him king in the midil of repeated chcar-ful congratulations of both armies now united. Having fucceeded in this to his wifh, Socinios loll no time to try the fame experiment with Za Selafle, who was then in Dcmbca, the province of which he was governor. To him he fent this melfage, " That God by his grace having called him to the throne of his anceflors, he was now pn his march to Dembea, where he requefled him to prepare his troops to receive him, and difpofe them to deferve the favours that he was ready to confer upon all of them." Za Selaffe remained for a while as if thunder-flruck by fo peremptory an intimation. Of all mailers he moll wifh-cd for Jacob, becaufe, from experience, he thought he could govern him. Of all mailers lie moll feared Socinios, becaufe he knew he poffelfed capacity and qualities that would naturally determine him to govern alone. After having concerted with his friends, lie lent Socinios anfvver, ? That not having till now known any thing of his claims or intentions, he had fent an invitation to Jacob into Narea, whofe anfwer he expected ; but that, in cafe Jacob did not appear, he then would receive Socinios with every mark of duty and affection, and hoped he would grant him the 1 fhort fhort delay to which he had inadvertently, though innocently, engaged himfelf." This anfvvcr did in no fhapc plcafc Socinios, who dif-patched the mcflengcr immediately with this declaration, " That he was already king, and would never cede his right to Jacob, who was depofed and judged unworthy to reign ; no nor even to his father Melee Segued, though he fhould rife again from the grave, and claim the throne he had fo long fat upon." Za Selasse, eafily penetrating that there was no peace in Socinios's intentions, firfl: imprifoned the mefTenger, and, in-ffead of another anfwer, marched inftantly with his whole army to furprife him before he had time to take his mea-furcs. And in this he fucceeded. For Socinios being at that inflant overtaken by ficknefs, and not knowing what trull to put in Athanafius's army, retired in haffe to the mountains of Amhara ; while Athanaiius alio withdrew his troops till he fhould know upon what terms he Hood both with Za Selaffe and the king. Still no return came from Jacob. The winter was nearly pad, and not only the foldiers, but people of all ranks began to be weary of this interregnum, and heartily wifhed for their ancient form of government. They faid, That fince Jacob did not appear, there could be no reafon for excluding Socinios, whofe title was undoubted, and who had all the qualities necefTary to make a good king. Za Selasse feeing this opinion gained ground among his troops, and fearing they might mutiny and leave him alone, 3 made made a virtue of neceflity : lie difpatehed an ambafTador to acknowledge Socinios as his fbvereign, and declare that he was ready to fwear allegiance to him. Socinios received this embaffy with great apparent complacency. Fie fent in return a monk, in whom he confided, a perfon of great worth and dignity, to be his reprefentative, and receive the homage of Za Selafle and his army. On the news of this monk's approach, Za Selaffe fent on his part ten men, the moil refpcetable in his camp, to meet this reprefentative of the king, and conducl; him into the camp, where Za Salelle, and all his troops, did homage, and fwore allegiance to Socinios. Feaits and prefents were now given in the camp, as is ufual at the acccfllon of a new king to the throne, and. all the army abandoned themfelves to joy. These good tidings were immediately communicated both to Socinios and Ras Athanafius. But, in the midfl of this rejoicing, a mcflengcr came from Jacob, informing Za Selalfe that he was then in Dembea; that he had conferred upon him the title of Ras and Betwudet, that is, had made him the king's lieutenant-general throughout the whole empire. Za Selafle, in poffeffion of the height of his wifheSj and making an ample diflribution among his troops, determined immediately to march and join Jacob in Dembea ; but firft he wrote privately to tiie ten men that had accompanied the monk to Socinios, that they mould withdraw themfelves as fuddenly and privately as poiliblc before the coming of Jacob was known. Eight of thefe were lucky c-nough to do fo; two of them were overtaken in the flight and brought back to Socinios, who ordered them to immediate execution. | Ras Ras Atiianasius, feeing the profperous turn that Jacob's affairs had taken, renounced his oath to Socinios, and repaired to Jacob at Coga, while Socinios retired into Amhara at the head of a very refpcetable army, waiting an opportunity to repay Jacob for his ambition, and Athanafius and Za Selalfe for their treafon and perjury towards him. Although Jacob was now again fcated on the throne, furrounded by the army and great officers of the empire, his mind was always difturbed with the apprehenfion of Socinios. In order to free himfelf from this anxiety, he employed Socinios's mother in an application to her fon, with an offer of peace and friendfhip; promifmg, befides, that he would give him in property the kingdoms of Amhara, Wal-aka, and Shoa, and all the lands which his father had ever poifeifed in any other part of Abyffinia. Socinios fliort-ly anfwered, " That what God had given him, no man could take from him ; that the whole kingdom belonged to him, nor would he ever relinquifh any part of it but with his life. He advifed Jacob to conlider this, and peaceably rcfign a crown which did not belong to him; and the attempting to keep which, would involve him and his country in a fpeedy dcflruclion." Upon this defiance, feeing Socinios implacable, Jacob took the field, and was followed by Za Selafle. But this proud and iniblent traitor, who never could confine himfelf within the line of his duty, even under a king of his own choo-fmg, would not join his forces with Jacob, but vain-glorioufly led a feparate army, fubject to his orders alone. In this manner, having feparate camps, drooling different ground, and fometimes at a considerable diflance from each other, they they came up with Socinios in Begemder. Jacob advanced fo near him that his tent could be diftinctly feen from that of Socinios, and, on the morrow, Jacob and Za Selalfe, drawing up their armies, offered Socinios battle. That wife prince faw too well that he was overmatched ; and, though he defired a battle as much as Jacob, it was not upon fuch terms as the prefent. He declined it, and kept hovering about them as near as poflible on the heights and uneven ground, where he could not be forced to light till it perfectly fuited his own interelt. This rcfufal on the part of Socinios did but increafe Za Selaffe's pride. He defpifed Jacob as a general, and thought that Socinios declining battle was owing only to the ap-prchcnlion he had of his prefence, courage, and abilities. He continued parading with the feparate army, perfectly intoxicated with confidence and an imaginary fuperiority, neglecting all the wholcfome rules of war rigidly adhered to by great generals for the fake of discipline, however diftant they may be from their enemy. It was not long before this was told Socinios, who foon faw his advantage in it, and thereupon refolved to fight Za Selalfe fingly, and watch attentively till he fhould find him as far as pofiiblc from Jacob. Nor did he long wait for the occafion ; for Za Selaffe, attempting to lead his army through very uneven and flony ground, called the Pafs of Mount Defer, and at a confiderable diftance from Jacob, Socinios attacked him while in the pafs fo rudely, that his army, entangled in broken and unknown ground, was furrounded and almoft cut to pieces. Za Selalfe, with a few followers, Vol.11, Kk faved fitvcd thcmfelves by the goodnefs of their horfes, and' joi.. -ed the king, being the firfl mefTengers of their own defeat. Jacob received the news of this misfortune without any apparent concern. On the contrary, he took Za Selafle roundly to talk for having loll fuch an army by his mifconduct; and from that time put on a coolncfs of carriage towards him that could not be bruiked by fuch a character. He made direct propofals to Socinios to join him, if he could be affured that his fervices would be well received. Socinios, though he repofed no confidence in one that had changed fides fo often, was yet, for his own fake, defirous to deprive his rival of an officer of fuch credit and reputation with the foldiers. He therefore promifed him a favourable reception; and, a treaty being concluded, Socinios marched, into Gojam, followed by Jacob, and there was joined by Za Selaffe whom Jacob had made governor of that province. Jacob,not knowinghowfarthisdefertionmightextend, and to fhewSocinios the little value he fet upon his newacquifition*. immediately advanced towards him, and offered him battle,. This was what Socinios very earncflly wifheclfor; but, as his army was much inferior to Jacob's, he feemed to decline it from motives of fear, till he had found ground proper for. his army to engage in with advantage. Jacob, fenfiblc of the great fupcriority he had, (hiflorians fay it was nearly thirty to one) grew every day more impatient to bring Socinios to an engagement, fearing he might retreat, and thereby prolong the war, which he had no doubt would be finilhcd by the firfl action. Therefore he 3.. was was anxious to keep him always in fight, without regarding the ground through which his eagcrnefs led him. Several days the two armies marched fide by fide in fight of each other, till they came to Debra Tzait, or the Mountain of Olives. There Jacob halted; he then advanced a little further, and feeing Socinios encamped, he did the fame in a low and very difadvantageous poll on the banks of the river Lebart. Socinios having now obtained his dcfire, early in the morning of the ioth of March 1607 fell fuddenly upon Jacob cooped up in a low and narrow place, which gave him no opportunity of availing himfelf of his numbers. Jacob foon found that he was over-reached by the fuperior genc-ralfhip of his enemy. Socinios's troops were fo flrongly polled, that Jacob's foldiers found themfelves in a number of ambufh.es they had not forefecn, fo that, fighting or flying being equally dangerous to them, his whole army was nearly deftroyed in the field, or in the flight, which was moft ardently and vigoroufly followed till night, with little lofs on the part of Socinios, This battle, decifive enough by the route and difperfion of the enemy, became flill more fo from two circumflances attending it: The firft was the death of his competitor, who fell unknown among a herd of common foldiers in the beginning of the action, without having performed, in his own perfon, any thing worthy of the character he had to fuflain, or that could enable any fpectator to give an account in what place befell; the confequenccof which was, that he was thought to be alive many years afterwards. The fecond was the death of the Abuna Pctros. This prict K k 2 had had diftinguifhed himfelf in Za Denghel*s reign, by abfol-ving the king's fubjects and foldiers from their oaths of allegiance, which was followed by the unfortunate death of Za Denghel in the plain of Bartcho. Vain of the importance he had acquired by the fuccefs of his treafon, he had purfued the fame conducl with regard to Socinios, and followed Jacob to battle, where, trufting to his character and habit for the fafety of his perfon, he neglected the danger that he ran amidfl a flying army. While occupied in uttering vain curfes and excommunications againfl the conquerors, he was known, by the crucifix he held in his hand, by a Moorifh foldier of Socinios, who thrufl him through with* a lance, then cut his head off, and carried it to the king. The Abyflinian annals Rate, that, immediately after fee**-ins the head of Abuna Peter, Socinios ordered a retreat to be founded, and that no more of his enemies fhould be-flain. On the contrary, the Jefuits have faid, that the pur-fait, was continued even after night; for that a body of horfe, among whom were many Portuguefe belonging to the army of Jacob, flying from Socinios's troops, fell over a very high precipice, it being fo dark that they did not difcovcr it; and that one foldier, called Manuel Gonfalcz, finding his horfe leave him, as it were flying, lighted luckily on a tree, where, in the utmoll trepidation, he fat all night, not knowing where he was. This fear was greatly encreafcd in the morning, when he beheld the horfes, and the men who were his companions, lying dead and dallied} *o pieces in the plain below, Ras Athanasii>s, who had followed the party of Jacob, narrowly efcaped by the fwiftnefs of his horfe, and hid fui-aiilf in the monaftery of Dima> at no great diflance from the the field of battle ; and Peter Paez, from remembrance of his former good offices, having recommended him to Sela Chriflos, Socinios's brother-in-law, he was pardoned ; but lofing favour every day, his effects and lands having been taken from him on different occafions, he is faid at laft to have died for want, juflly defpifed by all men for unlleadinefs in allegiance to his Sovereigns, by which he had been the occafion of the death of two excellent princes, had frequently endangered the life and flate of the third, and had been the means of the flaughter of many thoufands of their fubjects, worthier men than himfelf, as they fell in the difcharge of their duty. But before his death he had flill this further mortification, that his wife, daughter of Sertza Denghel, called Melee Segued, voluntarily forfook his bed and retired to » fingle life. Q3&*J----u^g-j-ju?^--„, SOCINIOS, SOCINIOS, or MELEC SEGUED. From i6oj to 1632. Soci?iios embraces the Romi/h Religion—War with Sennaar—With the Shepherds—Violent Conducl of the Romi/h Patriarch—J^afa rebels —Defeated at Wainadega—Socinios re/lores the Alexandrian Religion—Refgns his Crown to his chief Son. SOCINIOS, now univerfally acknowledged as king, began his reign with a degree of moderation which there was no reafon to expect of him. Often as he had been betrayed, many and inveterate as his enemies were, now he had them in his power, he fought no vengeance for injuries which he had fuffered, but freely pardoned every one, receiving all men gracioufly without reproach or reflections, or even depriving them of their employments. Being informed, however, that one Mahardin, a Moor, had been the firfl to break through that refpect due to a king, by wounding Za Denghel at the battle of Bartcho, he ordered him to be brought at noon-day before the gate of his his palace, and his head to be there (truck off with an axv as a juft atonement for violated majefty. The king, now retired to Coga, gave his whole attention to regulate thofe abufes, and repair thofe loffes, which this long and bloody war had occafioned. He had two brothers by the mother's fide, men of great merit, Sela Chriflos, and Emana Chriflos, deftined to fhare the principal part in the king's confidence and councils. Bela Christos, a man of great family, who had been attached to him fince he formed his firft prcteniions to the crown, was called to court to take his fhare in the glory and dangers of this reign, which it was eafy to fee would be a very active one ; for every province around was full of rebels and independents, who had fhaken off the yoke of government, paid no taxes, nor lhewed other refpect to the king than juft what at the moment confifled with their own intereft or inclination. The Portuguefe foldiers, remnants of the army which came into Abylfinia tinder Chriflopher de Gama, had multiplied exceedingly, and their children had been trained by their parents in the ufe of fire-arms. They were at this time incorporated in one body under John Gabriel a veteran officer,, who feems to have conflantly remained with the king, while his foldiers (at leaft great part of them) had followed the fortune they thought moft likely to prevail ever fence the time of Claudius. Menas did not eftcem them enough to keep them in his army at the expence of enduring the feditious. converfations. of of their priefls reviling and undervaluing his religion and government. He therefore banifhed them the kingdom ; but, inflead of obeying, they joined the Baharnagafh, then confederated with the Turks and in rebellion againfl his fovercign, as we have already mentioned* Sertza Denghel feems to have fcarcely fet any value upon them after this, and made very little ufe of them during his long reign. Upon the infant Jacob's being put upon the throne they all adhered to him ; and, after Jacob's banifhment, part of them had attached themfelves to Za Denghel, and behaved with great fpirit in the battle of Bartcho. Upon Jacob's refloration they had joined him, and with him were defeated at the decifive battle of Lebart, being all united againfl Socinios; fo that, on whatever fide they declared themfelves, they were conflantly beaten by the cowardice of the Abyffmians with whom they were joined. Yet, tho' they had been fo often on the fide that was unfortunate, their particular lofs had been always inconfiderable; becaufe, whatever was the fate of the refl of the army, none of the country troops would ever fland before them, and they made their retreat from amidfl a routed army in nearly the fame fafety as if they had been conquerors; becaufe it was not, for feveral reafons, the interefl of the conquerors to attack them, nor was the experiment ever likely to be an eligible one to the affailants. Socinios followed a conducl oppofite to that of Menas. He determined to attach the Portuguefe wholly to himfelf, and to make them depend upon him entirely. For this reafon he made great advances to their priefls, and fent for Peter Paez to court, where, after the ufual difputes upon the 4 pope's pope's fuprcmacy, and the two natures in Chrifl, mafs was faid, and a fermon preached, much with the fame fuccefs as it had been in the time of Za Denghel, and with full as great offence to the Abyflinian clergy. The province of Dembea, lying round the lake Tzana, is the moll fertile and the moft cultivated country in Abyf-finia. It is entirely flat, and feems to have been produced by the decreafe of water in the lake, which, from very vifible marks, appears to have formerly been of four times the extent of what it is at prefent. Dembea, however fruitful, has one inconvenience to which all level countries in this climate are fubjecT: A mortal fever rages in the whole extent of it, from March to Heder Michael, the eighth day of November, when there are always gentle fhowers. This dangerous fever Hops immediately upon the falling of thefe rains, as fuddenly as the plague does upon the firfl falling of the nutta, or dew, in Egypt, On the fouth fide of this lake the country rifes into a rocky promontory, which forms a peninfula and runs far into the lake. Nothing can be more beautiful than this fmall territory, elevated, but not to an inconvenient height, above the water which furrounds it on all fides, except the fouth. The climate is delightful, and no fevers or other difeafes rage here. The profpecT of the lake and diftant mountains is magnificent beyond European conception, and Nature feems to have pointed this place out for pleafure, health, and retirement. Paez had alked and obtained this territory from the king, who, he fays, gave him a grant of it in perpetuity. The manner of this he defcribes : " A civil officer is fent on the part of the king, who calls together Vol. II. E 1 ail all the proprietors of the neighbouring lands, and virus tlic bounds with them ; they kill a goat at particular diflances, and bury the heads under ground upon the boundary line of this regality; which heads, Paez fays, it is felony to dig up or remove; and this is a mark or gift of land in perpetuity." Without contradicting the form of burying the goats heads, I fhall only fay, I never faw or heard of it, nor is there fuch a thing as a gift of land m perprtnum known in Abyflinia. All the land is the king's ; he gives it to whom he pleafcs during pleafure, and rcfumcs it when it is his will. As foon as he dies the whole land in the kingdom (that of the Abuna excepted) is in the difpofal of the crown; and not only fo, but, by the death of every prefent owner, his poffcflions, however long enjoyed, revert to the king, and do not fall to the eldefl: fon. It is by proclamation the pof-feffion and property is reconveyed to the heir, who thereby becomes abfolute mailer of the land for his own life or pleafure of the king, under obligation of military and other ferviees ; and that exception, on the part of the Abuna, is not in refpecT to the fanctity of his perfon, or charge, but becaufe it is founded upon treaty* and is become part of the conllitution. The Abyffmians faw, with the utmofl aftoniihrncnt, the erection of a convent llrongly built with Rone and lime, of which before they had no knowledge, and their wonder was flill incrcafed, when, at delire of the king, Paez undertook * We have mentioned this treaty in the reign of Icon Amlac. took, of the fame materials, to build a palace for him at the fouthmofl end of this peninfula, which is called Gorgora. It was with amazement mixed with terror that they faw a houfe rife upon houfe, forfo they call the different floreys. Paez here difplaycd his whole ingenuity, and the extent of his abilities. He alone was architect, mafon, fmith, and carpenter, and with equal dexterity managed all the inflru-ments ufed by each profeffion in the feveral flages of the work. The palace was what we fhall call wainfeoted with cedar, divided into Rate-rooms, and private apartments likewife for the queen and nobility of both fexes that formed the court, with accommodations and lodgings for guards and fervants. As the king had at that time a view to attack the rebels, the Agows and Damots, and to check the inroads of the Galla into Gojam, he faw with pleafure a work going on that provided the mofl commodious refidence where his occupation in all probability was chiefly to lie. His principal aim was to bring into his kingdom a number of Portuguefe troops, which, joined to thofe already there, and the converts lie propofed to make after embracing the Catholic religion, might enable him to extirpate that rebellious fpirit which feemed now univcrfally to have taken poffeffion of the hearts of his fubjects, and efpecially of the clergy, of late taught, he did not feem to know how, that moll dangerous privilege of curfing and excommunicating kings. He had not feen in Peter Paez and his fellow-priefls any thing but fubmiflion, and a love of monarchy ; their lives and manners were truly apoflolical; and he never thought, till he came afterwards to be convinced upon proof, that L12 the the patriarch from Rome, and the Abuna from Cairo, tho' they differed in their opinion as to the two natures in Chrift, did both heartily agree in the defire of erecting eccle* fiaftical dominion and tyranny upon the ruins of monarchy and civil power, and of effecting a total lubordination of the civil government, either to the chairs of St Mark or St Peter. In the winter, during the ceffation from work, Socinios called Paez from Gorgora to Coga, where he enlarged the territory the Jefuits then had at Fremona. After which he declared to him his rcfolution to embrace the Catholic religion ; and, as Paez fays, prefented him with two letters-, one to the king of Portugal, the other to the pope : the firfl dated the ioth of December 1607, the latter the 14th of October of the fame year. Thefe letters fay not a word of his intended converfion, nor of fubmiflion to the fee of Rome ; but complain only of the diforderly flate of his kingdom, and the conftant inroads of the Galla, earneflly rcquefling a number of Portuguefe foldiers to free them from their yoke, as formerly, under the conduct of Chrifloi-pher de Gama, they had delivered Abyflinia from that of the Moors. While thefe things paffed at Coga, two pieces of intcllU gence were brought to the king, both very material in themfelves, but which affected him very differently. The firft was, that the traitor Za Selaffe, while making one of his incurfions into Gojam, had fallen into an ambuih laid for him by the Toluma Galla, guardians of that province on the banks of the Kile, and that thefe Pagans had flain him and cut off his head, which they then prefented to the 3 king. king, who ordered it to be expofed on the lance whereon it was fixed, in the moll confpicuous place in the front of his palace. This was the end of Ras Za Selaffe, a name held in dc-tefhation to this day throughout all Abyflinia. Though his death was jufl fuch as it ought to have been, yet, as it was in an advanced time of life, he flill became a hurtful example, by fhewing that it was poffible for a man to live to old age in the continual practice of murder and treafon. He was of low birth, as I have already obferved, of a Pagan nation of Troglodytes, of the lowell elleem in Abyilinia, employed always in the mcanelland moll fervile occupations, in which capacity he fervcd firfl in a private family. Being obferved to have an active, quick turn of mind, he was preferred to the fervice of Melee Segued, upon whofe death he was fo much efleemed by his fon Jacob, for the expert nefs and capacity he flic wed in bufmefs, that he gave him large poffeffions, and appointed him afterwards to feveral ranks in the army ; having regularly advanced through the fubordinate degrees of military command, always with great fuccefs, he was made at laft general ; and being now of importance fuflicient- to be able to ruin his benefactor, he joined Ras Athanafius, who had rebelled againfl Jacob, by whom he was taken prifoncr, and, being mercifully dealt with, only banifhed to Narea. From this difgraccful fituation he was freed by Za Denghel, who conferred upon him the moll lucrative important employment in the Hate. In return, lie rebelled againfl Za Denghel; and at Bartcho deprived him of his kingdom and life. Upon Jacob's accellion he was appointed Betwudet, the firfl place. place in Ethiopia, after the king, and governor of Go-jam, one of the larger! and richefl provinces in Abyilinia, But lie foon after again forfook Jacob, fwore allegiance to Socinios, and joined him. Not content with all this, lie began to form fome new dcfigns while with the court at Coga; and, having faid to fome of the king's fervants, over wine, that it was prophe-fied to him he mould kill three kings, which he had verified in two, and was waiting for the third, this fpcech was repeated to Socinios, who ordered Za Selalfe to be apprc-hended ; and, though he moft juftly defcrved death, the king mercifully commuted his puniihment to baniihmcnt to the top of Ource Amba,which fignifies the Great Mountain upon the high ridge, called Gufman, near the banks of the Nile; and, though dole confined in the caves on the top of that mountain, after a year's imprifonment he efcaped to Wal-aka, and there declared himfelf captain of a band of robbers, with which he in felted the province of Gojam, when he was Ilain by a peafant, and his head cut off and fent to Socinios, who very much rejoiced in the prefent, and dif-pofed of it as we have mentioned. The fecond piece of intelligence the emperor received was that in the mountains of Habab, contiguous to Mafuah, where is the famous monaftery of the monks of St Euftathi-us, called Bt/an; a perfon appeared calling himfelf Jacob, fon of Sertza Denghel, and pretending to have efcaped from the battle of Lebart; thus, taking advantage of the circumilance of Jacob's body not having been found in the field among the dead after that engagement, he pretended he had been fo grievoufly wounded in the teeth and face that it was not not poiTible to fuffef the deformity to appear ; for which reafon, as he faid, but, as it appeared afterwards, to conceal the little rcfemblancc he bore to Jacob, he wrapped about his head the corner of his upper cloth, and fo concealed one fide of his face entirely. All Tigre haflened to join this impoftor as their true fovereign ; who, finding himfelf now at the head of an army, came down from the mountains of Bifan, and encamped in the neighbourhood of Dobarwa upon the Mareb, where he had a new accefhon of ftrength. The fhape of the crown in Abyffinia is that of the hood* or capa, which the priefls wear when faying mafs. It is compofed of filver, fometimes of gold, fometimes of both metals, mixed and lined with blue filk. It is made to cover part of the forehead, both cheeks, and the hind-part of the neck likewife to the joining of the moulders. A crown of this fhape could not but be of great fervicc in hiding the terrible fears with which the impoflor's face was fuppofed to be deformed. He had accordingly got one made at Mafuah, beat very thin out of a few ounces of gold which he had taken from a caravan that he had robbed. He wore it conflantly upon his head as a token that he was not a candidate for the crown, but real fovereign, who had worn that mark of power from his infancy. The news of this impoftor, with the ufual exaggeration of followers, foon came to Sela Chriflos, governor of Tigre, who, feeing that the affair became more ferious every day, refolved to attempt to check it. He conceived, however, he had little truft to put in the troops of his province, who all * of of them were wavering whether they fhould not join the rebel. His fole dependence, then, was upon the troops of his own houfehold, veteran foldiers, well paid and cloathed, and firmly attached to his perfon, and likewife upon the Portuguefe. Above all, being himfelf a man of confum-mate courage and prudence, he was far from judging of the power of his enemy by the multitude of rabble which com-pofed it. As foon as the armies came in prefence of each other, Jacob offered the governor battle. But no fooner did the impoflor's troops fee the cagernefs with which the fmall but chofen band ruflied upon them, than they fled and difper-fed ; and though Sela Chriflos had taken every precaution to cut off the pretended Jacob from his ufual fculking places, it was not pofiiblc to overtake or apprehend him ; for he arrived in fafety in one of the highefl and moft inacceflible mountains of the diftricf, whence he looked down on Sela Chriflos and his army without apprchenfion, having behind him a retreat to the more diftant and lefs known mountains of Kamazen, fhould his enemies prefs him further. As long as Sela Chriflos remained with his little army in that country, the impoftor Jacob continued on the higher! part of the mountains, accompanied only by two or three of his moft intimate friends, who being people whofe families dwelt in the plain below, brought him conftant intelligence of what paffed there. Sela Christos, wifhing by all means to engage the enemy, marched into a confiderable plain called Mal-aqud; but, feeing on every fide the top of each mountain guarded by troops troops of foldiers, he was afraid he had advanced too far; and, apprehenfive left he mould be inclofcd in the midft of a multitude fo polled, he began to think how he could bell make his retreat before he was furrounded by fo numerous enemies. But they no fooner faw his intention by the movement of his army, than, leaving their leader as a fpectator above, they fell on all fides upon Sela Chriftos's troops, who, having no longer any fafety but in their arms, began to attack the hill that was next them, which they flormed as they would do a caftle. Finding the fmall refinance that each of thefe pods made, the governor divided his fmall army into fo many feparate bodies, leaving his cavalry in the plain below, who, without fighting, were only employed in flaughtering thofe his troops haddiflodged from their feparate polls. The day after, the impoftor affembling his fcattered troops, retreated towards the fea into the territory of Hamazen, between the country of the Baharnagafh and the mountains of the Habab. Sela Christos, finding that, while he purfucd his victory in thefe diftant parts, the fpirit of rebellion increafed nearer home, refolved to inform the king his brother of the un-promiiing flate of his affairs in Tigre, and the great necef-fity there was of his prefencc there. Nor did Socinios lofe a moment after receiving this intelligence from Sela Chriflos, although it had found him, in one rcfpccT, very ill prepared for fuch an undertaking; for he had fent all his horfe from Coga upon an expedition againft the Shangalla and Gongas, nations on the north-weft border of this kingdom ; fo that, when he marched from Wainadcga, his ca- Yol, II. M m valry valry amounted to 530 men only, befides a fmall reinforcement brought by Emana Chriflos, governor of Amhara. It was at Aibo the king turned off the road to Tigre to-wards Begemder, and that day encamped at Wainadega. From Wainadega he advanced to Davada ; and, crofling the Reb, he turned off by the way of Zang, and encamped at Kattame. He then proceeded to Tzame, and arrived at Harder. At this place fome fpies informed him that an advanced party of the Galla Marawa were flrongly lodged in a hill not far off. Upon receiving this notice, Socinios ordered his army to rcfrefh thcmfelves, to extinguish all lights, and march with as little noife as poffible. While it was fcarce dawn of day, a flrong detachment of the king's army furrounded the hill where the Galla were, and found there a fmall number of thefe favages placed like piquets to give the alarm and prevent furprife. Eleven Galla were flain, and their heads cut oil and carried to the king, the firfl fruits of his expedition. Resolving to profit by this early advantage, focinios followed with all diligence, and came in fight of the army of the enemy, without their having taken the ffnallefl alarm. They were lying clofely and fecurely in their huts that they had made. A large ravine full of trees and flumps divided the two armies, and in part concealed them from each o-ther. The king ordered Emana Chriflos, and Abeton Wrel-leta Chriflos, to pafs the ravine with the horfe, and fall upon the Galla fuddenly, throwing the heads of thofe of the advanced guard they had cut off on the ground towards them* Bltore Before the king's horfe had pafTed the ravine, the Galla were alarmed, and mounted on horfeback. As they never fight in order, it required no time to form; but they received the king's cavalry fo rudely, that, though Emana Chriflos and the young prince behaved with the utmofl courage, they were beat back, and obliged to fly with confi-derable lofs, being entangled in the bufhes. No fooncr did the king obferve that his horfe were engaged, than he ordered his troops to pafs the ravine to fupport them, and was defirous to bring on a general engagement. But a panic had feized his troops. They would not flir, but feemed benumbed and overcome by the cold of the morning, fpec-tators of the ruin of the cavalry. Emana Christos, and thofe of the cavalry that had e-fcapcd the maffacre, had repaffed the ravine, and difperfcd themfelves in the front of the foot; while the victorious Marawa, like ignorant favages, pufhed their victory to the very front of the king's line. Socinios, ordering all the drums of the army to beat and trumpets to found, to excite fome fpirit in his troops, advanced himfelf before any of his foldiers,-and flew the firfl Galla within his reach with his own hands. The example and danger the king expo-fed himfelf to, raifed the indignation of the troops. They poured in crowds, without regarding order, upon the Marawa, great part of whom had already palled the ravine, and all that had paffed it were cut to pieces. The Galla, unable to Hand this lofs, fled from the field, and immediately after left Begemdcr. The want of horfe on the king's part laved their whole army from the deflruc-tion which would infallibly have been the confequence of M m 2 a vi- a vigorous purfuit, through a country where every inhabitant was an enemy. The king after this returned to his palace at Coga to finifh the bufinefs he had in hand. In the mean time, a report was fpread through all Tigre, that die king had been defeated by the Galla, and that Ras Sela Chriitos had repaired to Gondar in confequence of that difafter. The impoftor Jacob loft no time in taking advantage of this report. He defcended from his natural for-trefs, and, in conjunction with the governor of Axum, flew feveral people, and committed many ravages in Sire. The Ras no fooner learned that he was encamped on plain ground, than he prefented himfelf with the little army he had before; and, though the odds againft him were excef-live, yet by his prefence and conducl:, the rebels, though they fought this time with more than ordinary obftinacy, were defeated with great lofs, and their leader, the fup-pofed Jacob, forced again to his inacceilible mountains.. Socinios having now finifhed the affairs which detained him at Coga, and being informed that the fouthern Galla, refenting the defeat of the Marawa, had entered into a league to invade Abyflinia with united forces, and a complete army to burn and lay wafte the whole country between the Tacazze and Tzana, and to attack the emperor in his capital of Coga, which they were determined to deflroy, fent orders to Kafmati Julius, his fon-in-law, to join him immediately with what forces he had, as alfo to Kclla Chriflos ; and, being joined by both thefe officers and their troops, he marched and took poll at Ebcnaat in the dif-tricf. of Bclcflen, in the way by which the Galla intended to pafs to the capital, and he refolved to await them there. 3 The The Galla advanced in their ufual manner, burning and deftroying churches and villages, and murdering without mercy all than were fo unfortunate as to fall into their hands. The king bore thefe excefTes of his enemy with the patience of a good general, who faw they contributed to his advantage. He therefore did not offer to check any of their diforders, but by not refilling rather hoped to encourage them. He had an army in number fupcrior, and this was fcldom the cafe ; but in quality there was no comparifon, five of the king's troops being equal to twenty of the enemy, and this was the general proportion in which they fought. He, therefore, contented himfelf with choofing proper ground to engage, and improving it by ambufhes. fuch as the nature of the lield permitted or fuggeff ed. It was the 7th of January 1608, early in the morning, that the Galla prefented themfelves to Socinios in battle, in a plain below Ebenaat, furrounded with fmail hills covered with wood. The Galla filled the whole plain, as if voluntarily devoting themfelves to deftruction, and from the hills and buflies were deftroyed by fire-arms from enemies they did not fee, who with a flrong body took poffeffion of the place through which they entered, and by which they were to return no more. Socinios that day, for what particular reafon docs not appear, diftinguifhed himfelf among the midft of the Galla, by fighting like a common foldier. It is thought by the hiftorians of thofe times, that he had received advice while at Coga, that his fon-in-law Julius intended to rebel, and therefore he meant to difcourage him by comparifon of their perfonal abilities. This, however, is not probable; the king's king's character was eftablifhed, and nothing more could be added to it. However that may be, all turned to the disadvantage of the Galla. No general or other officer thought himfelf entitled to fpare his perfon more than the king; all fought like common foldiers; and, being the men heft armed and mounted, and moft experienced in the field, they contributed in proportion to the flaughter of the day. About 12,000 men on the part of the Galla were killed upon the fpot; the very few that remained were deftroyed by the pcafants, whilft 400 men only fell on the part of the king, fo it was a maffacre rather than a battle. Socinios now refolved to try his fortune againft the impoftor Jacob, and with that refolution he croffed Lamal-mon, defcending to the Tacazze in his way to Sire. Here, as on the frontiers of his province, he was met by Sela Chri-ftos, who brought Peter Paez along with them. Both were kindly received by the king, who encamped in the large plain before Axum, in confequcncc of a refolution he had long taken of being crowned with all the ancient ceremonies ufed on this occafion by former kings, while the royal refidence was in the province of Tigre. It was on the 18th of March, according to their account, the day of our Saviour's firft coming to Jerufalcm, that this feftival began. His army confifted of about 30,000 men. All the great officers, all the officers of ftate, and the court then prefent, were every man drefTcd in the richeft and gay-eft manner. Nor was the other fex behind-hand in the fplendour of their appearance. The king, dreffed in crimfon damafk, with a great chain of gold round his neck, his head bare, mounted upon a horfe richly caparifoned, advanced 1 at at the head of his nobility, paffed the outer court, and came to the paved way before the church. Here he was met by a number of young girls, daughters of the umbarcs, or fu-preme judges, together with many noble virgins Handing on the right and left of the court. Two of the noblefl of thefe held in their hands a crimfon cord of filk, fomewhat thicker than common whip-cord, but of a loofer texture, flretched acrofs from one company to another, as if to fhut up the road by which the king was approaching the church. When this cord was prepared and drawn tight about breaft-high by the girls, the king entered, advancing at a moderate pace, curvetting and fhcwing the management of his horfe. He was flopped by the ten-lion of this firing, while the damfels on each fide afking who he was, were anfwered, " I am your king, the king of " Ethiopia." To which they replied with one voice, " Yotl w fhall not pafs; you are not our king," The king then retires fome paces, and then prefents himfelf as to pafs, and the cord is again drawn acrofs his way by the young women fo as to prevent him, and the queflion repeated, " Who are you ?" The king anfwered, " i am your " king, the king of Ifrael." But the damfels refolvcd, even on this fecond attack, not to furrender but upon their own terms; they again anfvver, " You fhall not pafs; you are not " our king." The third time, after retiring, the king advances with a pace and air more determined; and the cruel virgins, a-gain prefenting the cord and afking who he is, he an-fwers, " I am your king, the king of Sion f and, drawing his his fword, cuts the fiik cord afunder. Immediately upon this the young women cry, " It is a truth, you are our king; " truly you are the king of Sion." Upon which they begin to fing Hallelujah, and in this they are joined by the court and army upon the plain ; fire-arms are discharged, drums and trumpets found ; and the king, amidft thefe acclamations and rejoicings, advances to the foot of the Hair of the church, where he difmounts, and there fits down upon a Rone, which, by its remains, apparently was an altar of Anu-bis, or the dog-liar: At his feet there is a large flab of free-flone, on which is the inscription mentioned by Poncet, and which fhall be quoted hereafter, when I come to fpeak of the ruins of Axum. After the king comes the ncbrit, or keeper of the book of the law in Axum, fuppofed to reprefent Azarias the fon of Zadock ; then the twelve umbares, or fupremc judges, who with Azarias accompanied Menilek, the fon of Solomon, when he brought the book of the law from Jcrufalem, and thefe are fuppofed to reprefent the twelve tribes. After thefe follow the Abuna at the head of the priefls, and the Itchcgue at the head of the monks ; then the court, who all pafs through the aperture made by the divifion of the filk cord, which remains flill upon the ground. The king is firfl anointed, then crowned, and is accompanied half up the ileps by the finging priells, called Dep-tcras, chanting pfalms and hymns. Here he flops at a hole made for the purpofe in one of the fleps, and is there fumigated with incenfe and myrrh, aloes and caffia. Divine fei vice is then celebrated; and, after receiving the facrament, he returns to the camp, where fourteen days ihould regularly larly be fpent in feafting, and all manner of rejoicing and military exercife. The king is, by the old cuftom, obliged to give a number of prefents, the particulars of which are Rated in the deftar, or treafury-book, the value, the perfon to whom they are due, and the time of giving; but a great part of thefe are gone into defuetude fmce the removal of the court from Tigre, as alio many of the offices are now fuppreffed, and with them the prefents due to them. The nobles and the court were likewife obliged to give prefents to the king upon that occafion. The prefent from the governor of Axum is two lions and a fillet of filk, upon which is wrote, " Mo Anbafa am Nhikt Solomon am Ncgade « yucle—The lion of the tribe of Judah and race of Solomon " hath overcomethis ferves as a form of invefiitiire of lands that the king grants, a ribband bearing this inferip-tion being tied round the head of the perfon to whom the lands are given. This governor was then in rebellion, fo did not afTift at the ceremony. Notwithstanding the difference of expence which 1 have mentioned, by fupprefling places, prefents, and dues, the king Tecla Haimanout told me at Gondar, that when he was in Tigre, driven there by the late rebellion, Ras Michael had fome thoughts of having him crowned there in contempt of his enemies; but, by the moft moderate calculation that could be made, not to turn the ceremony into ridicule by parfimony, it would have coft 20,000 ounces of gold, or L. 50,000 Sterling; upon which he laid afidc the thoughts of it, laying to the king, " Sir, Vol, II. N n truft trull in me, 20,000 ounces of Tigre iron. fhall crown-you-.-better; if more is wanted, I will-bcftow.it upon your enemies with pleafure till they are fatisfied;" meaning the iron balls with, which his foldiers loaded their muf-qucts. After the coronation was over, the king paffed the March, defuing to finifh his campaign by the death of his competitor Jacob; but that impoftor knew too well the superiority of his rival, and hid himfelf in the in moft receffes, without other attendants than a few goats, who furnilhed hini with their milk, as well as their fociety. Socinios.left the alfair of the rebel Jacob to be ended by Amfala Chriflos, an oilicer of great prudence, whom he made governor of Tigre; and, taking his brother Ras Sela Chriflos along with him, returned to Coga*. Amfala Chriflos being feized with a grievous ficknefs, faw how vain it was for him to purfue the fuppreilion of* a rebellion conducted by fuch. a head as this impoftor Jacob, and therefore fecrctly applied to two young men, Zara Johannes and Amha Georgis, brothers, and fons of the Shum Welled Georgis, who had committed murder, and were outlawed by Socinios, and, keeping hid in the mountains, had joined in fcllowfhip with the impoftor Jacob. These, gained by the promife of pardon given them by Amfala Chriflos, chofe an opportunity which their intimacy gave them, and, falling upon Jacob unawares in his retirement,. * Then the metropolis upon the Luke Tzana„ merit, they ilew him, cut his head off, and fent it to the king at Coga, who received it very thankfully, and returned it to Tigre to Amfala Chriilos, to he expofed publicly in all the province to undeceive the people ; for it now appeared, that he had neither fears in his face, broken jaw, nor lofs of teeth, but that the covering was intended only to conceal the little refemblance he bore to king Jacob, Ilain, as we have feen, at the battle of Lebart; and he was now found to have been a herdfman, in thofe very mountains of Bifan to which he had fo often fled for refuge while his rebellion lailed. The king, in his return from Tigre, palling'by Fremona, fent to the Jefuits there thirty ounces of gold, about L. 75 Sterling, for their immediate exigency; teftifying, in the moft gracious manner, his regret, " That the many affairs in which he was engaged had prevented him from hearing mafs in their convent, as he very fincereiy wifhed to do; but he left with them the Abuna Simon, to whom he had recommended to ftudy their religion, and be a friend to it." In this he fhewed his want of .penetration and experience ; for though he had leen wars between foldier and foldier, who, after having been in the moft violent flate of enmity, had died in defence of each other as friends, he was not aware of that degree of enmity which reigns upon difference of opinion, not to fay religion, between prieft and prieil. It was not long, however, before he faw it, and the example was in the perfon of his prefent friend the Abuna Simon. N n 2 While While Socinios was yet in Tigre, news were brought m Coga from Woggora to Sanuda Tzef Leham * of Dembea, who could not accompany the king to Tigre on account of ficknefs, but was left with the charge of the capital and palace during the king's abfence, that Melchizedec, one of the mcaneft and lowcft fervants of the late king. Melee Segued, had rebelled, and was collecting troops, confining of foldiers, fervants, and dependents of that prince, and had, Ilain fome of Socinios's fervants. Sanuda was a brave and active officer ; but, being without troops, (the king having carried the whole, army to Tigre) immediately fet out from Maitfha to the town of Tchelga, one of the frontiers of A--byffinia, poffeffed by Wed Agceb prince of the Arabs.. It is here to be obferved, that though the territorial right of Tchelga did then, and does flill appertain to the kingdom of Abyflinia,. yet the poffeflion of it is ceded by agreement to Wed Ageeb, under whofe protection the cara*-vans from Egypt and Sennaar, and thofe from Abyflinia to Sennaar and Egypt, were underflood to be ever fince they were cut off in the lafl century by the baflia of Suakem, for this purpofe, that a cvdlomhoufc might be erected, and the duties divided between the two kingdoms equally. The fame is the cafe with Serke,. a town belonging to Sennaar, ceded for the fame purpofe to the king of Abyflinia. It happened that Abdclcadcrf, fon of Ounfa, late king of Sennaar, or of Fungc, as he is called in the Abyflinian annals, had been depofed by his fubjects in the 4th year of his * Regifter of the cattle ; fo the governor of Dembea is called. 6sc the Hillory of the rife of this monarchy in my return through Sennaar. his reign, and remained at Tchelga under the mutual protection of Wed Agech and the emperor of Abyflinia, a kind of prifoner to them both; and had brought with him a number of foldiers and dependents, the partakers of his former good fortune, who, finding fafety and good ufage at Tchelga, were naturally well-affected to the king. Thefe, ready mounted and armed, joined Sanuda immediately upon his declaring the exigency ; and with thefe he marched Rraight to Coga, to the defence of the palace with which he had been intrufled. Melchizedec, whofe defign was againfl Coga, no fooner heard Sanuda was arrived there than he marched to furprife him, and a very bloody and obflinate engagement followed. The Funge, piqued in honour to render this ferviee to their protector, fought fo obflinately that they were all flain, and Sanuda, mounted that day upon a fleet horfe belonging to Socinios, efcaped with difficulty, much wounded. As foon as Socinios heard of this misfortune, he fent Ras Emana Chriflos, who marched flraight to Woggora, creating Zenobius, fon of Imael, governor of that diflrict; and there he found Sanuda Zenobius and Ligaba Za Denghel together, in a place called Deberaffo. - As foon as the rebel Melchizedec heard Emana Chriflos was come, and with him the fore-mentioned noblemen, he fet himfelf to exert the utmofl of his power to draw together forces of all kinds from every part he could get them, and his army was foon increafed to fuch a degree as, 4 not with- notwithftanding the prcfencc of Emana Chriflos, to flrike terror into all the territory and towns of Dembea. Nothing was wanted but a king of the royalrace for whom to fight. Without a chief of this kind, it was evident that the army, however often fuccefsful, would at laft difperfc. They, therefore, brought one Arzo, a prince of the royal blood, from his hiding-place in Begemder. Arzo, in return for a throne, conferred the place of Ras upon Melchizedec. Za Chriflos, fon of Hatzir Abib, was appointed to the command of the army under him; and, having finifhed this and many fuch neceffary preparatives, they marched flraight to meet Emana Chriflos, with a better countenance than rebel armies generally bear. It was the 9th of March 1611, at 9 in the morning, when the two armies were firll in fight of each other, nor did they long delay coming to an engagement. The battle wras very obftinate and bloody; Melchizedec re-eftablifhed his character for worth, at leafl as a foldier; the fame did Za Chriflos. Of the competitor Arzo, hiflory makes no mention ; his blood, probably, w as too precious to rifk the fpilling of it, being fo far-fetched as from king Solomon. After a mofl obflinatc reiiftance, part of Za Chriftos's army was broken and put to flight; but it rallied fo often, and fold the ground it yielded fo dear, that it gave time to Emana Chriflos to come up to his army's alliflance. The Ras, who was as brave a foldier as he was a wife and prudent general, faw it was a time when all fhould be rilked, and threw himfelf into the mid ft of his enemies; and he was now arrived near the place where Melchizedec fought, when that rebel, feeing him advancing fo fall a- 2 mong mong his flaughtercd followers, guelling his intention, declined the combat, turned his horfe and fled, while affairs even yet appeared in his favour. This panic of the general had the effect it ordinarily has in barbarous armies. Nobody confidcred how the profpect of the general iffue Mood ; they lied with Melchizedec, and loft more men than would have fecurcd them victory had they flood in their ranks. A body of troops, joined by fome peafants of Begcmdcr, purfued Melchizedec fo clofely that they came up with him and took him prifoner, together withTenfa Chriflos, a very active partizan, and enemy to Emana Chriflos. Having brought them to the camp, before the Ras returned to Coga, they were tried and condemned to die for rebellion, as traitors, and the fentenec immediately executed, after which their heads were fent to the king. Very foon after this, Arzo, and his general Za Chriflos, were taken and lent to the king, who ordered them to be tried by the judges in common form, and they underwent the fame fate.. The king was employed in the winter feafon while he refined at Coga, in building a new church, called St Gabriel. But the feafon of taking the field being come, he marched out with his army and halted at Gogora, fending Emana Chriflos and Sela Chriflos againft the rebels; thefe were not in a particular clan, or province, for all the country* was in rebellion, from the head of the Nile round, caftward, to the frontiers of Tigre. Part of them indeed were not in* arms, but refufed to pay their quota of the revenue ; part of them were in arms, and would neither pay, nor admit a governor from the.king among them ; others willingly fub- miitcd. mittcd to Socinios, and were armed, only thereby to exempt themfelves from payment. Sela Christos fell upon the inhabitants of the mountainous diftricT of Gufman, on the Nile, whofe principal ftrong-hold, Ouree Amba, he forced,killing many,and carrying away their children as Haves, which, upon the inter-ceffion of Peter Paez, were given to the Jefuits to be educated as Catholics. The next attempt was upon the Gongas, a black Pagan nation, with which he had the fame fuccefs ; the reft were the Agows, a very numerous people, all confederates and in arms, and not willing to hear of any compofition. The king ordered one of thefe tribes, the Zalabaffa, to be extirpated as far as pofiiblc, and their country laid wafle. But iiotwithflanding this example, which met with great interruption in the execution, the Agows continued in rebellion for feveral years afterwards, but much impoverifhed and lellcncd in number by variety of victories obtained over them The two next years were fpent in unimportant fkirmifn-es with the Agows of Damot, and with the Galla, invaders - of Gojam. In 1615, the year after, Tecla Georgis made governor of Samen, and Welled Hawaryat, flmm of Tfalemat', were both fent againft a rebel who declared himfelf competitor for the crown. His name was Amdo. He pretended to be the late king Jacob, fon of Melee Segued ; and this character he gave himfelf, without the fmallefl communication * A low territory at the foot of Lnm:tlraon. cation with the relations or connections of that prince. As foon as Aifera Chriflos and Tecla Garima, fervants of Welled Hawaryat, heard of this adventurer, they furprifed him in Tfalemat, and, putting him in irons, confined him in the houfe of Affera Chriflos. Gideon, king of the Jews, whofe refidcnce was on the high mountain of Samen, upon hearing that Amdo was prifoner, fent a body of armed men who furprifed Affera Chriflos in his own houfe in the night, and killed him, bringing with them his prifoner Amdo to Samen, and delivered him to Gideon there; who not only took him into protection, but aflifled him in raifing an army by every means in his power. There were not wanting there idle vagabonds and lawlefs people enough, who fled to the llandard of a prince whofe fole view feemed to be murder, robbery, and all fort of licentioufnefs. It was not long till Amdo, by the afiiflance of Gideon, found himfelf at the head of an army, flrong enough to leave the mountain, and try his fortune in the plain below, where lie laid wafle Sha-wada, Tfalemat, and all the countries about Samen which perfevered in their duty to the king. Socinios, upon this, appointed Julius his fon-in-law governor of Woggora, Samen, Waag, and Abbergale, that is, of all the low countries from the borders of the Tacazze to Dembea. Abram, an old officer of the king, defirous to flop the progrefs of the rebel, marched towards him, and offered him battle; but that brave officer had not the fuccefs his intention deferved, for he was defeated and flain; which had fuch an effect upon Julius, that, without hazarding his fortune farther, he fent to befeech the king to march Vol. II, O 0 againfl i againfl Amdo with all pofTiblc expedition, as his affairs were become defperate in that part of his dominions. The king hereupon marched flraight to Woggora, and joined Julius at Shimbra-Zuggan ; thence he defcended from Samen, and encamped upon Tocur-Ohha, (the black river) thence he proceeded to Dcbil, and then to Sobra ; and from this lafl flation he fent a detachment of his army to attack a flrong mountain called Mefliraba, one of the natural for-trefles of Gideon, which was forced by the king's troops after fome refiftance, and the whole inhabitants, without dill met ion of age or fex, put to the fword, for fuch were the orders of the king. Tins firfl fuccefs very much difheartened the rebels, for Meiliraba was, by nature, one of the llrongefl mountains, and it, befides, had been fortified by art, furnifhed with plenty of provifions, and a number of good troops. The next mountain Socinios attacked was Hotchi, and the third Am-ba Za Hancaffe, where he had the like fuccefs, and treated the inhabitants in the fame manner; thence he removed his army to Seganat, where he met with a very flout refirlance : but this mountain, too* was at lafl taken, Gideon himfelf efcaping narrowly by the bravery of his principal general^ who, fighting defperately, was flain by a mufquetcer. The conflant fuccefs-of the king, and the bloody manner In which he puriued his victory, began to alarm Gideon, left the end fhould be the extirpation of his whole nation. He, therefore, made an overture to the king, that, if he would pardon him and grant him peace, he would deliver the rebel Amdo bound into his hands. The The king affentcd to this, and Amdo was accordingly delivered up; and, being convicted of rebellion and murder, he was fentenced to be nailed to a crofs, and to remain there till he died. But the terrible cries and groans which he made while they were fixing him to the crofs, fo much mocked the ears of the king, that he ordered him to be taken down, and his head ftruck off with an ax, which was executed in the midfl of the camp. Socinios after this retired to Dancaz, and ordered Kefla governor of Gojam, and Jonaelhis mailer of the houfehold, to march fuddenly and furprife Belaya, a country belonging to the Gongas and Guba, Pagan nations, on whom, every year, he made war for the fake of taking flaves for the ufe of the palace. Thefe two officers, with a large body, mofl-ly horfe, fell unawares upon the favages at Belaya, flaying part, and bringing away their children. But not content with doing this, they likewife attacked the two diuricts of Agows, Dengui and Sankara, then in peace with the king, and drove away an immenfe number of cattle, which the king no fooner heard, than he ordered a flricl fearch to be made, and the whole cattle belonging to the Agows to be gathered together, and reflorcd to their refpectivc owners ; a piece of juflice which foftcned the hearts of this people -more than all the feveriries that had been hitherto ufed; and the good effects of which were foon after feen upon the Agows, though it produced fomething very different in the conduct of Jonacl. The king this year, i6i6,left his capital at the ufual time,in the month of November, and ordered his whole houfehold to attend him, His intention was againfl the Galla on the O o 2 weft well: of Gojam, efpecially the tribe called Libo. But this campaign was rendered fruitlefs by the death of the king's eldefl fon, Kennaffcr Chriflos, a young prince of great hopes, efteemed both by the king and the people. He had an ex-cellent underftanding, and the moll affable manners pofiiblc, to thofe even whom he did not like; was very fond of the foldiers; merciful, generous, and liberal; and was thought to be the favourite of the king his father, who buried him with great pomp in the church of Debra Roma,, built by king Ifaac, in the lake Tzana. In the midfl of this mourning, there came a very bloody order* from the king. Hiflory barely tells us the fact, but does not aflign any other reafon than the wanton manner in which Gideon king of the Jews had endeavoured to difturb his reign and kingdom, which was thought a fufficient ex-cufe for it. However this may be, the king gave orders to Kafmati Julius, Kafmati Welled Hawaryat, Billetana Gueta Jonael, and Fit-Auraris Hofannah, to extirpate all the Fala-r fha that were in Foggora, Janfakara, and Bagenarwe, to the borders of Samen ; alfo all that were in Bagla, and in all the diflricts under their command, wherever they could find them ; and very few of them efcaped, excepting fome who fled with Phineas. In this maflacre, which was a very general one, and executed very fuddenly, fell Gideon king of that people ; a man of great reputation, not only among his fubjects, but through--out all Abyffinia, reputed alfo immenfely rich. His trea- fures, * It was probably part of the fruits of the new religion, and the work of his new relig'ou? advifers. fures, fuppofed to be concealed in the mountains, are the objects of the fearch of the Abylfmians to this day. The children of thofe that were flain were fold for Haves by the king; and all the Falafha in Dembea, in the low countries immediately in the king's power, were ordered upon pain of death to renounce their religion, and be bap-tifed. To this they confented, feeing there was no remedy ; and the king unwifely imagined, that he had extin-guifhed, by one blow, the religion which was that of his country long beforeChriflianity,by the unwarrantable butchery of a number of people whom he had furprifed living in fecurity under the affurance of peace. Many of them were baptifed accordingly, and they were all ordered to plow and harrow upon the fabbath-day. The king next fent orders to Sela Chriflos, and Kefla governor of Gojam, that, affembling their troops, they fhould transfer the war into Bizamo, a province on the fouth fide of the Nile, called alfo in the books a kingdom. Through this lies the road of the merchants leading to Narea. It is inhabited by feveral clans of Pagans, which together make the great divifion of thefe nations into Boren* and Bertuma Galla *. The army paffed the Nile, laying wafle the whole country, driving off the cattle, collecting the women and children as Haves, and putting all the men to the fword; without thefe people, though they make conflant inroads into 3 Gojam, * The words, Borer), and Bcrtxxa Galla, have no meaning in the Ethiopic Gojam, appearing anywhere in force to Hop the defolation of their country. The whole tract between Narea and the Nile was now cleared of enemies, and a number of prieffs at that time fent to revive drooping Chriltianity in thofe parts* In the year 1617, a league was again made among the Boren Galla, that part of them mould invade Gojam, while the others (namely the Marawa) Ihould enter Begemder. Upon hearing this, the king in haffe marched to Begemder, that he might be ready in cafe of need to ailiil Tigre. He then fixed his head-quarters at Shima, but from this he fpeedily removed ; and, palling Emfras, came to Dobit, a favourite reiidence of the emperor Jacob, where he held a council to determine which of the two provinces he mould firft affift. It was the general opinion of his officers, that to march at that time of the year into Tigre by Begemder, was to deflroy the army, and diilrcfs both provinces; that an army, well provided with horfe, was nccefPary for acting with fuccefs againfl the Galla, and that, in effect, though the royal army at prefent was fo appointed, yet there was no grafs at that time of the year in all that march for the fubfiflence of the cavalry, and very little water for the ufc of man or bcafl, an inconvenience the Galla themfelves mull experience if they attempted an invafion that way. It was, moreover, urged, that, if the king mould march through Woggora and Lamalmon, they might get more food for their beafls, and water too; but then they would throw themfelves far from the place where the Galla had entered, and would be obliged to fail into the former road, with the in- v conveniencics already flated. The confequcncc of this deliberation Jiberation was, that it was with very great regret the good of the commonweal obliged them to leave Tigre to the protection of Providence alone for a time, and haflcn to meet the enemy that were then laying Gojam waile. With this view the king left Dobit, and came to the river Gomara in Foggora. He then palled the Nile near Da-ra, and came to Selalo, where he heard that the Djawi had pafTed the Nile from Bizamo, and entered Gojam at the oppofite fide to where he then was. He there left his baggage, and, by a forced march, advancing three days journey in one, he came to Bed, upon the river Sadi; but, inflcad of finding the enemy there, he received intelligence from Sela Chriflos, that he had met the Galla immediately after their paifmg the Nile ; had fought them, and cut their army to pieces, without allowing them time to ravage the country. Upon this good news the king turned off on the road to Tchegal and Wainadaifa, and ordered Bela Chriflos to af-iemble as great an army as he could, and fall upon the Djawi and Galla in Walaka and Shoa, as alfo Ras Sela Chriflos, to pafs the Nile and join him there. That general loft no time, but marched flraight to Am-ca Ohha, or the river Amca, where he found the Edjow, who fled upon his coming, without giving him any opportunity of bringing them to an engagement, abandoning their wives, children, and fubflancc, to the mercy of the enemy. Sela Chriflos, having finifhed this expedition as he intended, returned to join the king, whom he found encamped upon the river Suqua, near Debra Werk, guarding thofe provinces in the abfence of Sela Chriilos. From this 1 the- the king, retreating towards Dembea, palled the Nile near Dara, and encamped at Zinzenam, whence he marched round the lake into Dembea to his palace at Gorgora. This village, whofe name fignifies rain upon rain, affords us a proof of what I have faid in fpeaking of the caufe of the overflowing of the Nile, in contradiction to the Adulitic infeription, that no fnow falls in Abyflinia, or rather, that though fnow may have fallen in the courfe of centuries, it is a phenomenon fo rare as not to have a name or word to exprefs it in the whole language, and is entirely unknown to the people in general, at leaf! to the well of the Tacazze. The Abyflinian hiflorian, from whom thefe memoirs are compofed, fays, " That this village, called Zinzenam, ha* its name from an extraordinary circumfiance that once happened in thefe parts, for a fhower of rain fell, which was not properly of the nature of rain, as it did not run upon the ground, but remained very light, having fcarce the weight of feathers, of a beautiful white colour like flour ; it fell in fhowers, and occafioned a darknefs in the air more than rain, and likcr to mill. It covered the face of the whole country for feveral days, retaining its whitenefs the whole time, then went away like dew, without leaving any fmcll or unwholefomc effect behind it. This was certainly the accidental phenomenon of a day; for, notwithstanding the height of the mountains Taranta and Lamalmon, fnow never was feen there, at leafl for ages pall; andLalla, in whofe mountains armies haveperilhed by cold, as far as a very particular inquiry could go, never yet had fnow upon them ; and Zinzenam is not in thefe mountains, tains, or in any elevated fituation. On the contrary, it is adjoining to the plain country of Foggora, near where it borders upon Begemder, not above 20 miles from the fecond cataract, or 40 miles from Gondar; fo that this muft have been a fhort and accidental change of the atmofpherc, of which there are examples of many different kinds, in the hiilories of all countries. As foon as the weather permitted, the king left his palace at Gorgora in the way to Tocuffa, where he Raid feveral days; removed thence to Tenkcl, where he continued alfo four days, and proceeded to Gunke, where he halted. From his head-quarters at Gunke, the king, meditating an expedition againfl Atbara, fent a meflenger to Nile Wed Ageeb, prince of the Arabs, defiring a meeting with him before he attacked the Funge, for fo they call the fubjects of the new monarchy, lately eflablifhed at Sennaar by the conqueft of the Arabs, under Wed Ageeb, a very confidcrable part of whofe territory they had taken by force, and now enjoyed as their own pofleflions. Abdelcader, fon of Ounfa, was the ninth prince of the race of Funge then reigning; a weak, and ill-inclined man, but with whom Socinios had hitherto lived in friendfhip, and, in a late treaty, had fent him as a prefent, a nagarcet, or kettle-drum, richly ornamented with gold, with a gold chain to hang it by. Abdelcader, on his part, returned to Socinios a trained falcon, of an excellent kind, very much cfleemed among the Arabs. Soon after this, Abdelcader was depofed by his brother Adelan, fon of Ounfa, and fled to Tchelga, under protection Vol. II. P p of of the king of Abyilinia, who allowed him an honourable maintenance; a cuftom always obferved in fuch cafes in the Eait, by princes towards their unfortunate neighbours. Baady, fon of Abdelcader, an active and violent young prince, although he depofed his uncle Adel an, took this protection of his father in bad part. It was likewife fuggelled to him, that the prefent fent by Socinios, a nagarcet, or kettle-drum, imported, that Socinios confidered him as his vaf-fal, the drum being the fign of invefliture fent by the king to any one of his fubjects whom he appoints to govern a province, and that the return of the falcon was likely to be confidered as the acknowledgement of a vafTal to his fupe-rior. Baady, upon his acceflion to the throne, was refolved to rectify this too great refpect ihewn on the part of his father, by an affront he refolved to offer. With this view, he fent to Socinios two old, blind, and lame horfes. Socinios took this amifs, as it was intended he fhould, and the (light was immediately followed by the troops of Atbara, under Nile Wed Ageeb, fent by Baady to make an inroad into Abyflinia, to lay wafle the country, and drive off the people, with orders to fell them as flaves. Among the moft active in this expedition, were thofe of the town of Serke. When Baady complained that his father and rival was protected in his own town of Tchelga, it had been anfwered, That true it was, Tchelga had been ceded and did belong to Sennaar, for every purpofe of revenue, but that the fovereignty of the place had never been alienated or furrendered to the king of Sennaar, but remained now, as. cver, veiled in the king of Abyflinia. Serke flood precifely in the fame fituation with refpect to AbylTinia, as Tchelga did to Sennaar, when Socinios demanded fatisfaction for the violence committed againft him by his own town of Serke. The fame anfwer was given him, That for all fifcal purpofes Serke was his, but owed him no allegiance; for, being part of the kingdom of Sennaar, it was bound to aihft its fovereign in all wars againft his enemies. Socinios, deeply engaged in the troubles that attended the beginning of his reign, paffed over for a time both the affront and injury, but fent into Atbara to Nile Wed Ageeb, propofing a treaty with him independent of the king of Sennaar. There were, at this time, three forts of people that inhabited the whole country from lat. 130 (the mountains of Abyf-Tmia) to the tropic of Cancer (the frontiers of Egypt.) The lirfl was the Funge, or negroes, cftablifhed in Atbara fince the year 1504, by conqueft. The fecond, the old inhabitants p£ that country, known in very early ages by the name of Shepherds, which continues witii them to this day ; and thefe lived under a female government. The third, the Arabs, who came hither after the conqueft of Egypt, in an army under Caled Ibn el Waalid, or Saif Ullah, the Szvord of God, during the Khalifat of Omar, deflincd to ftibdue Nubia, and, Rill later, in the time of Salidan and his brother. These Arabs had aflbciatcd with the firft inhabitants, the Shepherds, from a fimilarity of life and manners, and, by treaty, the Funge had eltablifhed a tribute to be paid them from both ; after which, thefe were to enjoy their former habitations without further moleflation. P p 2 This This prince of the Arabs, Nile Wed Ageeb, embraced the offer of the king of Abyffinia very readily; and a treaty was accordingly made between Socinios and him, and a territory in Abyflinia granted him on the frontiers, to which he could retire in fafety, as often as his affairs were embroiled with the flate of Sennaar. It happened foon after this, that Alico, a Mahometan* governor of the Mazaga for Socinios, that is, of Nara and Ras el Feel, a low country, as the name imports, of black earth-, revolted from his mafler, and fled to Sennaar, carrying with him a number of the king's horfes. Socinios made his complaint to the king of Sennaar, who took no notice of it, neither returned any anfwer, which exafperated Socinios fo< much that it produced the prefent expedition, and was a caufe of much bloodihed,. and of a war which, at leafl in intention, lafls to this day between the two kingdoms.. Wed Ageeb, upon Socinios's firfl fummons, came to Gunke, his head-quarters, attended by a number of troops*, and fome of the bell horfe in Atbara. Upon his entering the king's tent, he proflratcd himfelf, (as is the Abyffinian cuftom) acknowledged himfelf the king's vaffal,*and brought prefents with him to a very confiderable value. Socinio3 received him with great marks of diflin&ion and kindnefs. He decorated him with a chain and bracelets of gold, and gave him a dagger of exquifite workmanfhip, mounted with, the fame metal; clothed him in filk and damafk after the Abyflinian fafhion, and confirmed the ancient treaty w itli him. The fruit of all this was prefently feen ; the king and his new ally fell fuddenly upon Serke, put all the male inhabitants to the fword, fold the women and children as. a Haves,, Haves, and burned the town to the ground. The fame they did to every inhabited place on that fide of the frontier, well to Fazuclo. After which, the king, having fent a farcaflic compliment to Baady, returned to Dancaz, taking Wed Ageeb with him. Socinios had only ravaged the frontier of the kingdom of Sennaar to the weftward, from Serke towards Fazuclo. This was but a part of the large fcheme of vengeance he had refolved to execute progreflivcly from Serke, in reparation of the affront he had received from the king of the Funge. But he delegated what remained to the two princes his fons, and to the governor of Tigre. Welled Hawarvat, at the head of the Koccob horfe, and another body of cavalry reckoned equal in valour, called Maia, and the greater!: spart of the king's houfehold troops, were ordered to fall upon that part of the frontier of Sennaar which the king had left from Serke eaftward. Melca Chriffos, with the horfe of Sire and Samen, was appointed to attack the frontier flill farther eaft, oppolite to the province of Sire. Tecla Georgis, governor of figre, was directed to lay wafle that part of the kingdom of Sennaar bordering upon the frontiers of his province.; The whole of this expedition fucceeded to a wifh ; only Mclea Chriflos, in palling through the country of Shangalla, was met by a large army of that people, who, thinking the expedition intended againft them, had attacked him in his paiTage, with fome appearance of advantage; but by his own exertions, and thofe of his troops alarmed at their prince's danger, he not only extricated himfelf from the the had fituation he was in, but gave the Shangalla fo en-tire an overthrow, that one of their tribes was nearly exterminated by that day's flaughter, and crowds of women and children fent Haves to the king at Dancaz, The delay that this occafioned had no bad effect upon the expedition. The victorious troops poured immediately into Atbara under Melca Chriflos, and completed the deflruo-tion made by Welled Hawaryat, and the governor of Tigre. All Sennaar was filled with people flying from the conquerors, and an immenfe number of cattle was driven away by the three armies. Baady feems to have been an idle fpec-tator of this havock made in his kingdom ; and the armies returned without lofs to Dancaz, loaded with plunder. Still the vengeance of Socinios was not fatisftcd. The Baharnagafh, Guebra Mariam, was commanded to march againfl Iatima queen of the Shepherds, called at that time Negufla Errum, queen of the Greeks. This was a princefs who governed the remnant of that ancient race of people, once the fovcreigns of the whole country, who, for feveral dynaflies, were mailers of Egypt, and who Hill, among their ancient cuiloms, preferved that known one, of always placing a woman upon the throne. Her refidence was at Mendera* on theN. E. of Atbara, one of the largefl and moft populous towns in it; a town, indeed, built like the red, of clay, ftraw, and reeds, but not lefs populous or flourifh-ing on that account. It was in the way of the caravans from Suakem, both to Abyffinia and Sennaar, as alfo of thofe large caravans to and from Sudan, the Negro country upon the Niger, which then came, and flill ufe that road in their way to Mecca. Its female fovereign was confidered as guardian * See the Map. guardian of that communication, and the caravans palling it. The Baharnagafh had in orders from Socinios to purfue this queen till he had taken her prifoner, and to bring her in that condition into his prefencc. The enterprife was by no means an eafy one. Great part of the road was without water; but Guebra Mariam, the Baharnagafh, was an active and prudent officer, and perfectly acquainted with the feveral parts of the country. With a fmall, but veteran army, he marched down the Mareb, between that river and the mountains, deftroying all the places through which he paffed, putting the inhabitants unmercifully to the fword, that no one might approach him, nor any report be made of his numbers, which were everywhere magnified by thofe that efcaped, and who computed them from the greatnefs of the defolation they had occafioned. On the 13th day he came before Mendera, and fent a. fummons to the queen Fatima to furrender. Being told that fhe had fled on his approach, he anfwered, That he cared not where fhe was; but that, unlefs fhe furrendered hcr-felf prifoner before he entered Mendera, he would firfl let the town on fire, and then quench the flames by the blood: of its inhabitants.. Fatima, though old and infirm, was too great a lover of her people to rifle the fulfilling this threat from any confi-deration of what might h.ppen to her. She furrcnderccl herfelf to Guebra Mariam, with two attendants; and he,, without lofs of time, marched back to his own country, ab-ftainiog from every fort of violence or excels in his way,. £ from.' from rcfpcet to his female prifoner, whom he brought i* triumph before Socinios to Dancaz, and was the firft meffen-ger of his own victory. Socinios received this queen of the Greeks on his throne ; but, in confideration of her infirmities, difpenfed with the ceremony of proilration, conflantly obferved in Abyffinia on being introduced to the prefence of the king: feeing that fhe was unable to Hand during the time of her interrogation, he ordered a low ftool to be fct for her on the ground ; a piece of confideration very rarely fhewn to any ftranger in Abyflinia, however great their dignity and quality. Socinios flernly demanded of his prifoner, " Why fhe and her prcdeceffors, being vaffals to the crown of Abyffinia, had not only omitted the payment of their tribute, but had not even fent the cuftomary prefents to him upon his acceflion to the throne|" To this the queen anfwered with great franknefs and candour, " That it was true, fuch tributes and prefents were due, and were alfo punctually paid from old times by her anceflors to his, as long as protection was afforded them and their people, and this was the principal caufe of paying that tribute ; but the Abyffmians having firft fullered the country to be in great part conquered by the Arabs, and then again by the Funge, without ever interfering, fhe had concluded a peace with the Funge of Sennaar, and paid the tribute to them, in confequencc of which they defended her from the Arabs: That fhe had had no foldiers but fuch as were employed in keeping a llrict watch ever the road through the defert to Suakem, which was anciently trufled to to her; that the other part of her fubjccls was occupied in keeping and rearing great herds of cattle for the markets of Sennaar and other towns, as well as camels for the caravans of Mecca, Cairo, and Sudan, both employments being of public benefit; and, therefore, as fhe did harm to none, Ihe had a greater reafon to wonder what could be his motive of fending fo far from home to feck her, and her harmlcfs fubjects, in the defert, with fuch elFuiion of innocent blood." The king hearing this fagacious anfwer, which was followed by many others of the kind, was extremely pleafed ; but afTured her, " That he intended to maintain his ancient right both over her fubjecT:s,and the Arabs under Wed Ageeb, who was now his vaffal, in all the country from Fazuclo to Suakem; that he confidered the Funge as ufurpers, and would certainly treat them as fuch." After this Socinios dif-mifled the queen, and gave her affuranccs of protection, having firfl cloathed her as his vaflal in filk and damafk, after the fafhion of women in her own country. But it was not long before this train of fuccefs met with a confidcrable check. Very foon afterwards, the king being in Gojam, a mcffige was brought to him from the principal people of Narea, informing him plainly, " That Benero, having become cruel and avaricious, put many people to death Wantonly, and many more for the fake of their money ; having taken from them their wives and daughters, either for his own pleafure, or to fell them as Haves to the Galla—they had at laft murdered him, and chofen a man in his room diftinguifhed for his virtue and goodnefs." Vol. II. Qjl The The king was very much cxafperated at this mcffage. He told them, however bad Benero might have been, he confidered his murder as an infult done to himfelf, and had, therefore, difpatched Muff apha Balha with fome troops, and given command to all the Mahometans in Narea to affifl him* and to inquire into the death of Benero, and the merit of his fucceffor. At the fame time, the Galla made an inroad into Begemder; and Welled Hawaryat, affembling what troops he could, in hafle, to Hop the defolation of that province, and having come in fight of the enemy, he was forfaken by his army, and flain, together with the Cantiba of Dembea, Amdo, and Nile Wed Ageeb prince of the Arabs, after fighting manfully for the king. Socinios, upon the arrival of this news, gave himfelf up to immoderate forrow ; not fo much for the lofs of his army which had mif behaved, as for the death of Welled Hawaryat his favourite fon, and Amdo and Nile, the two bell officers in his army. It will now be neceffary that we look back a little to the Rate of religious affairs in Abyffmia, which began from this time to have influence in every mcaftire, and greatly to promote the troubles of that empire; though they were by no means their only caufe, as fome have faid, with a view to throw greater odium upon the Jefuits, who furcly have enough to anfwer for, without inflaming the account by any exaggeration. Paez, in the courfe of building the palace at Gon2;ora> had defervedly aflonifhcd the whole kingdom by a difplay cf his univcrfal genius and capacity. If he was affuluous i and and diligent in railing this fabric, he had not neglected the advancing of another, the converfion of Abyflinia to the obedience of the fee of Rome. Ras Sela Christos (if we believe thefe miflionarics) had converted himfelf, by reading with attention the Abyflinian books only. Being about to depart from Gojam to fight a-gainft the Galla, he wanted very much to have made his renunciation and confeflion in the prefence of Peter Paez. But, as he was bulled at Gorgora building a convent and palace there, he contented himfelf with another Jefuit, Fran-cifco Antonio d'Angelis ; and, being victorious in his expedition, he gave the fathers ground and a mm of money to build a monaftery at Collela, which was now the third in Abyflinia belonging to the Jefuits. As for the king, though probably already determined in his own mind, he had not taken any flep fo dccifive as could induce the compliance of others. Difputes were conflantly maintained, for the moft part in his prefence, between the miflionarics and the Abyflinian monks, chiefly concerning the long-agitated queftion, the two natures in Chrift, in which, although the victory declared always in favour of the Jefuits, if we may credit their rcprefentations, no conviction followed on the part of the adverfaries. At laft Abuna Simon complained to the king, that unufual and irregular things had been permitted without his knowledge; that difputes upon articles of faith had been held without calling him, or his being permitted to give his clergy the advantage of his fupport in thefe controvcrfics. Qjl 2 The / The kinp\ who did not helievc that the Abuna's elo-qucnce or learning would make any great alteration, ordered the difputations to be held a-new in the Abuna's prefence. That pricfVs ignorance made the matter worfe ; and the king, holding this point as now fettled, made his firft public declaration, that there were two natures in Chrift, perfect God and perfect man, really diftinct between themfelves, but united in one divine perfon, which is the Chrifh. At this time, letters came by way of India, both;from the king of Spain, Philip II. dated in Madrid the 15th of March 1609, and from the pope Paul.V. of the 4th of January 1611. Thefe letters contain nothing but general declamatory exhortations to Socinios to perfevere in the Chriflian faith, alluring him of the afliftance of the Holy Spirit, inftcad of thofe Portuguefe regiments which he had folicited. However, the affair of the converfion being altogether fettled between the king and Paez, it was thought proper to make the renunciation firft, and then depend upon the king of Spain and the pope for fending the foldiers, if their prayers were not cffeetual.. It was neceffary that Socinios mould write to the pope, notifying his fubmiflion to the fee of Rome. But letters on fuch a fubject were thought of too great confequence to be fent, as former difpatehes to Europe had been, without being accompanied by proper perfons, who, upon occafion, might affumc the character of ambaifadors, and give any af* furancc or explanation needful. It was at the fame time confidered, that the way by Mafuah was fo liable to accidcnts,the intermediate province of Tigre Tigre being flill as it were in a Hate of rebellion, that it would be eafy for the enemies of the Catholic faith to intercept thefe meflengers and letters by the way, fb that their contents might be publifhed amongil the king's enemies in AbyfTinia, without ever being made known in Europe. Some propofed the longer, but, as they apprehended, the more fe-eure way, by pamng Narea and the provinces fouth of the frontiers of that kingdom, partly inhabited by Gentiles, partly by Mahometans, to Melinda, on the Indian Ocean, where they might embark for Goa. Lots were call among the miflionarics who of their number fhould undertake this long and dangerous journey. The lot fell upon Antonio Fernandes, a man of great prudence, much cflccmed by the king, and by the general voice allowed to be the propcrefl of all the fociety for this undertaking. He, on his part, named Fecur Egzie (beloved of the Lord) as his companion, to be ambafiador to the king of Spain and the pope. This man had been one of the firil of the Abyffmians converted to the Catholic faith by the Jefuits, and he continued in it flcadily to his death. He was a perfon of tried courage and prudence, and of a pleafant and agreeable converfation., It was the beginning of March 1613 Antonio Fernandes* fetout for Gojam, where was Ras Sela Ghriflos. Fecur Egzie had fet out before, that he might adjufl his family affairs, and took with him ten Portuguefe, fix of whom were to go 3 no * See the provincial letters of the Jefuits in Tellez, lib. iv. cap. 5. no farther than Narea, and return, the other four to embark with him for India. The governor detained the fmall company till he procured guides from among the Shats and Gallas, barbarous nations near Narea, and eailward of it, from whom he took hoftages for properly protecting this caravan in their way, paying them well, as an encouragement for behaving ho-neilly and faithfully. On the 15th of April they had fet out from Umbarma, then the hcad-qyarters of Sela Chriflos, who gave them for guards forty men armed with fhields and javelins. Nor was it long before their difficulties began. Travelling about two days to the well, they came to Senaffe, the principal village or habitation of the Pagan Gongas, very recently in rebellion, and nearly deftroyed, rather than fubducd. To the firft demand of fafe conduct;, they anfwered in a manner which fliewed that, far from defending the travellers from others, they were refolved thcmfelves to fall upon them, and rob or murder them in the way. One Portuguefe offered himfelf to return with Fernandcs to complain of thefe favages to Sela Chriflos; who, upon their arrival, dispatched three officers with troops to chaftife thefe Pagans, and convey the ambaffador and his attendants out of their territory and reach. The Gongas, being informed that a complaint was fent to Sela Chriflos, which would infallibly be followed by a detachment of troops, gave the ambafiador the fafeguard he demanded, which carried him in three days to Mine** This * Which figniilcs the PaflTage. This is the name of fome miferable villages, often rebuilt, and as often delfroyed, upon a ford of the Nile, over which is the ordinary paiTage for the Mahometan merchants into Bizamo, the way to the mountainous country of Narea and CafFa. As the rains had begun to fall here with violence, when Fernandes and his companions arrived, they were obliged to pafs the river on fkins blown full of wind. The diffance from Mine to Narea is 50 leagues due fouth, with little inclination to well. The road to it, and the places through which you pafs, are very diflinctly fet down in my map, and, I believe, without any material error; it is the only place where the reader can find this route, which, tilt now, has never been publifhcd. The next day our travellers entered the kingdom of Bizamo, inhabited by Pagan Galla. Thefe people came in crowds with arms in their hands, infilling upon being paid for liberty of paffing through their country; but, feeing the company of the ambalfador take to their arms likewife, they compounded for a few bricks of fait and coarfe cotton cloaths, and thereupon fulfcred them to pafs. The fame day, the guide, fent from Narea to conduct them by crooked and unfrequented paths out of the way of the Pagan Galla, made them to enter into a large thicket through which they could fcarcely force themfelves ; after which they came to a river called Mfl% when it was nearly night. Next day they could find no ford where they could pafs. They now entertained a fufpicion, that the guard from Na-rca had betraved them, and intended to leave them in thefe woods to meet their death from the Galia, The The day after, they found the ford, and pafTed it without difficulty; and, being on the other fide, they began to be a little more compofcd, as being far from the Pagans, and now near entering the territory of Narea. After afcending a high mountain, they came to Gonca, where they found a garrifon under one of the principal officers of that kingdom, who received them with great marks of honour and joy, on account of the warm recommendation Sela Chriflos had given them, and perhaps as much for a confiderable prefent they had brought along with them. Narea, the fbuthmofl province of the Abyflinian empire, is flill governed by its native princes, who are called the Bcneros; its territory reached formerly to Bizamo. The Galla have quite furrounded them, efpecially on the fouth-eafl and north. What is to the well is a part of Africa, the moft unknown. The people of Narea have a fmall trade with Melinda on the Indian Ocean, and with Angola on the wcflern, by means of intermediate nations. Narea is abundantly fupplied with gold from the Negro country that is nearefl them. Some have, indeed, faid there is gold in Narea ; but, after a very diligent inveiligation, I find it comes chiefly from towards the Atlantic. The kingdom of Narea Hands like a fortified place in the middle of a plain. Many rivers, rifing in the fourth and fifth degrees of latitude, fpread themfelves, for want of level, over this flat country, and ilagnate in very extenfive marines from fouth by eaft, to the point of north, or north-weft. Th£ The foot of the mountains, or edge of thefe marfhes nearefl Narea, is thick overgrown with coffee-trees, which*, if not the only, is the largejl tree known there. Then comes the mountainous country of Narea Proper, which is interfperfed with fmall, umvholcfomc, but very fertile valleys. Immediately adjoining is the more mountainous country of Caffa, without any level ground whatever. It is faid to be governed by a feparate prince : they were converted to Chriitianity in the time of Melee Segued, fome time after the converfion of Narea. The Galla, having fettled therm-felves in all the flat ground to the very edge of the marfhes, have, in great meafure, cut off the communication with Abyffinia for many years together; fo that their continuance in the Chriilian faith feems very precarious and uncertain, for want of books and priefls to inftruct them. The Narcans of the high country are the lighted: in colour of any people in Abyflinia; but thofe that live by the borders of the marfhes below are perfect, blacks, and have the features and wool of negroes : whereas all thofe in the high country of Narea, and Hill more fo in the flupendous mountains of Caffa, are not fo dark as Neapolitans or Sicilians. Indeed it is faid that fnow has been feen to lie on the mountains of CafFa, as alfo in that high ridge called Dyre and Tegla ; but this I do not believe. Hail has probably been feen to lie there; but I doubt much whether this can be faid of a fubflance of fo loofe a texture as fnow. There is great abundance both of cattle, grain, and all forts of proviiions in Narea, as well in the high as in the low country. Gold, which they fell by weight, is the medium of commerce within the country itfelf; but coarfe Vol. II. R i' cotton cotton cloths, flibium, beads, and incenfe, are the articles with which their foreign trade to Angola, and the kingdoms on the Atlantic, is carried on. The Nareans are exceedingly brave. Though they have been conquered, and driven out of the low country, it has been by multitudes—nation after nation pouring in upon them with a number of horfe to which they are perfect ifrangers: But now, confined to the mountains, and furrounded by their marfhes and woods, they defpife all further attempts of the Galla, and drive them from their frontiers whenever they approach too near. In thefe lkirmifhes, or in fmall robbing parties, thofe Nareans are taken, whom the Mahometan merchants fell at Gondar. At Conflantinople, India, or Cairo, the women are more ellcemcd as flaves than thofe of any other part of the world, and the men are reckoned faithful, active, and intelligent. Both fexes are remarkable for a chearful, kind difpo-fition, and, if properly treated, foon attach themfelves inviolably to their mailers. The language of Narea and Caffa is peculiar to that country, and is not a dialect of any neighbouring nation* Antonio Fernandes in this journey, feeking to go to India by Melinda in company with Fecur Egzie ambalfador, palled through this country ; but none of the Jefuits ever went to Narea with a view of converting the people, at which I have been often furprifed. There was enough of gold and ignorance to have allured them. That foftnefs and iimplicity of manners for which the Nareans arc remarkable,, their affection for their mailers and fuperiors, and firm at- 4 tachmen* tachment to them, would have been great advantages in the hands of the fathers. Every Abyflinian would have encouraged them at the beginning of this miflion ; and, if once they had firmly eftablifhcd themfelves in a country of fo difficult accefs, they might have bid defiance to prince Facilidas, and the perfecution that deftroyed the progrefs of the Catholic faith in that reign. From Gonea, in fix days they came to the refidence of Benero, the fovereign of the country; fince the conqueft and converfion under Melee Segued, he is called Shum. The ambaffador and Fernandes were received by the Benero with an air of conftraint and coolnefs, though with civility. They found afterwards the caufe of this was the in-finuation of a fchifmatic Abyflinian monk, then at the court of that prince, who had told him that the errand of the ambaffador and miflionary to India was to bring Portuguefe troops that way into Abyffinia, which wrould end in the de-flruction of Narea, if it did not begin with it. Terrified at a danger fo near, the Benero called a council, in which it was refolved that the ambaffador fhould be turned from the direct road into the kingdom of Bali, to a much more inconvenient, longer, and dangerous one; and, the ambaffador hefitating a little when this was propofed, the Benero told him plainly, that he would not fufTcr him to pafs further by any other way than that of Bali. Bali was once a province belonging to Abyflinia, and was the firft taken from them by the Galla. It is to the north-call of Narea, to the weft of the kingdom of Adel, R r 2 which which fcparatcs it from the fea; of which ample mention has been already made in the beginning of this hillory. This was to turn them to Cape Gardcfan, the longefl journey they could poifibly make by land, and in the middle of their enemies; whereas the direction of the coaft of the Indian Ocean running greatly to the weftward, and towards Melinda, was the Ihorteft journey they could make by land. Melinda, too, had many rich merchants, who, though Moors, did yet traffic in the Portuguefe fcttlements on the coaft of Malabar, and had little intelligence or concern with the religious difputes which raged in Abyflinia. However, Every much doubt whether this ncareft route could be accomplilhed, at leall by travellers, fuch as fecur Egzie, Fernandes, and their companions, all ignorant of the language, and, therefore, conflantly at the discretion of interpreters, and the malice or private views of different people through whofe hands they mull have palled. The Benero,. having thus provided againfl the dangers with which his flate was threatened, if our travellers went by Melinda, made them a prefent of fifty crufades of gold for the neceifaries of their journey ; and, as their way lay through the fmall flate of Gingiro, and an ambaffador from the fovereign of that flate was then at Narea, he difpatched that miniflcr in great haile, recommending the Portuguefe. to his protection.fo long as they fhould be in his territory.. Fecur Egzie and his company fet out with the ambafiador of Gingiro in a direction due eaft; and the firll day they arrived at a poll of Narea, where was the officer who was * to to give them a guard to the frontiers; and who, after fome delay, in order to fee what he could extort from them, at lail gave them a party of eighty foldiers to conducl them to the frontiers. f After four long days journey through countries totally laid walle by the Galla, keeping fcouts conflantly before them to give advice of the firft appearance of any enemy, that they might hide themfelves in thickets and bullies; at mid-day they began to defcend a very ftccp craggy ridge of mountains, when the ambalfador of Gingiro, now their conductor, warned them, that, before they got to the foot of the mountain, they Ihould enter into a very thick wood to hide thcmfelves tilLnight, that they might not be difcovered by the Galla fhepherds feeding their Hocks in the plain below ; for only at night, when they had retired, could thofe plains be palled in fafety. At four o'clock in the afternoon they began to enter the wood, and were lucky in getting a violent Ihowcr of rain, which dillodged the Galla fooner than ordinary, and fent them and their cattle home to their huts. But it was, at the fame time, very difagreeable to our travellers on account of its exceffive eoldnefs. Next day, in the evening, defending another very rugged chain of mountains, they came to the banks of the large river Zebee, as the Portuguefe call it; but its true name is Kibbce, a name given it by the Mahometan merchants, (the only travellers in this country) from its whitenefs, approaching to the colour of melted butter, which that word fignifies.. The: The river Zebee, or Kibbee, furrounds a great part of the kingdom of Gingiro. It has been miflaken for the river El Aice, which runs into Egypt in a courfe parallel to the Nile, but to the weft of it. Narea feems to be the higheft land in the peninfula of Africa, fo that here the rivers begin to run alternately towards the Cape of Good Hope and Mediterranean ; but the defccnt at firfl is very fmall on either fide. In the adjoining latitudes, that is 40 on each fide of the Line, it rains perpetually, fo that thefe rivers, though not rapid, are yet kept continually full. This of Zebee, is univerfally allowed by the merchants of this country to be the head of the river Quilimancy, which, palling through fuch a tracT of land from Narea to near Melinda, mufl have opened a very confiderable communication with the inland country. This territory, called Zindero, or Gingiro, is a very fmall one. The father and fecur Egzie relied the fixth day from their fetting out from Narea. The river Zebee, by the deicription of Fernandes, feems to incline from its fource in a greater angle than any river on the north of that partition. He fays it carries more water with it than the Nile, and is infinitely more rapid, fo that it would be abfo-lutely impaffable in the feafon of rains, were it not for large rocks which abound in its channel. The paiTage was truly tremendous; trees were laid from the fhore to the next immediate rock; from that rock to the next another tree was laid ; then another that reached to to the ihore. Thefe trees were fo elaftic as to bend with the weight of a fingle perfon. At a great diftancc below ran the foaming current of the river, fo deep an abyfs that it turned the heads of thofe who were palling on the moveable elaflic fupport or bridge above. Yet upon this feeming inconvenience the exiftence of that country depended. The Galla that furrounded it would have over-run it in a month, but for this river, always rapid and always full, whofe ordinary communication by a bridge could be deftroyed in a moment; and which, though it had one ford, yet this was ufelefs, unlefs paffengers had af-fiftance from both fides of the river, and confequently could never be of fervicc to an enemy. The terrible appearance of this tottering bridge for a time flopped the ambaffador and miffionary. They looked upon the paffing upon thefe trembling beams as certainly incurring inevitable deftructaon. But the reflection of dangers that preffed them behind overcame thefe fears, and they preferred the refolution to run the rifk of being drowned in the river Zebee, rather than, by flaying on the other fide all night, to Hand the chance of being murdered by the Galla. But, after all the men only could pafs the bridge,, they were obliged to leave the mules on the other fide till the next morning, with inftructions to their people, that, upon the firft appearance of the Galla, they fhould leave them, and make their befl way over the bridge, throwing down one of the trees after them. The next morning, two peafants, fubjects of Gingiro, fhewed them the ford, where their beafls paffed over with great difficulty and danger, but without lofs. It It was ncceftary now to acquaint the king of Gingiro of their arrival in his kingdom, and to beg to be honoui d with an audience. But he happened at that time to be employed in the more important bufmefs of conjuration and witchcraft, without which this fovereign does nothing. This kingdom of Gingiro may be fixed upon as the firft on this fide of Africa where we meet with the ftrange practice of divining from the apparition of fpirits, and from a direct, communication with the devil: A fuperftition this which likewife reaches down all along the weftern fide of this continent 011 the Atlantic Ocean, in the countries of Congo, Angola, and Benin. In fpite of the iirmeft foundation in true philofophy, a traveller, who decides from the information and inveftigation of facts, will find it very difficult to treat thefe appearances as abfolute fiction, or as owing to a fuperiority of cunning of one man in over-reaching another, for my own part, I confefs I am equally at a lofs to allign reafons for diihelieving the ftctum on which their pretentions to fome preternatural information arc founded, as to account for them by the operation of ordinary caufes. The king of Gingiro found eight days neceffary before he could admit the ambafiador and fernandes into his prefence. On the ninth, they received a pcrmiflion to go to court, arid they arrived there the fame day. When they came into the prefence of the king he was feated in a large gallery, open before, like what we call a balcony, which had Heps from below on the outfide, by which he afcended and defcended at pleafure. When the letter which the ambafiador carried was intimated to him, he came down from the gallery to receive it, a piece of re- fpecT which he fhewed to the king of Abyffinia, though he was neither his fubject. nor vaffal. He inquired much after the. king's health, and Rood a little by the ambalfador and Fernandes, fpeaking by an interpreter. Afterwards he a-gain returned to his balcony, fat down there, read his letter, and then correfponded with the ambalfador by mef^ ages fent from above to them below. It is impoffible to conceive from this, or any thing that Fernandes fays, whether the language of Gingiro is peculiar to that country or not. The king of Gingiro read So-cinios's letter, which was either in the Tigre or Arabic language. Fernandes underilood the Arabic, and Fecur Egzie the Tigre and Amharic. It is not poilible, then, to know what was the language of the king of Gingiro, who read and underflood Socinios's letter, but fpoke to Fecur Egzie by an interpreter. At laft the king of Gingiro told them, that all contained in the king of Abyffmia's letter was, that he ihould ufe them well, give them good guard and protection while they were in his country, and further them on their journey; which he (aid he would execute with the greateft pleafure and rjuncluality. The next day, as is ufual, the ambaffador and miflionary carried the king's prefent, chints, calicoe, and other manufactures of India, things that the king eltccmcd moft. In return to Fernandes he fent a young girl, whom the father returned, itnOt being cuftomary, as he faid, for a Chriilian pricft to have girls in his company. In exchange far the girl, the good-natured king of Gingiro fent him a Have of Vol. II. S f the the other fcx, and a beautiful mule. With ail fefpecT to the fcruples of the father, I think it would have baeri fair to have kept the beautiful mule, and given the young female Gingcrite to his companion in the journey, Fecur Egzie,, who could have had no fcruples, Febnandfs fays he received the boy from the only view of faving his foul by baptifm. I wonder, fince Providence had thrown the girl firfl in his way, by what rule of charity it was he coniigned her foul to perdition by returning her, as he was not certain at the time that he might not have got a mule or camel in exchange for the girl; and then, upon his own principles, he certainly was author of the perdition of that foul which Providence feemed to have conducted by an extraordinary way to the enjoyment of all the advantages of Chriilianity ; furcly the care of Neophytes of the female fex was not a new charge to the Jefuits in Abyilinia. It feems to be ridiculous for Fernandes to imagine that the fovereign of this little flate called himfelf Gingiro, knowing that this word fignified a monkey. His enemies might give him that name ; but it is not likely he would adopt it himfelf. And the reafon of that name is Rill morg, ridiculous; for he fays it is becaufe the gallery is like a monkey's cage. If that was the cafe, all the princes in Congo and Angola give their audiences in fuch places. Indeed, it feems to me that it is here the cufloms, ufed in thefe lafl-mentioned parts of Africa, begin, although Gingiro is nearer the coafl of the Indian Ocean than that of the Atlantic. The colour of the people at Gingiro is nearly black, Rill il is not the black of a negro; the features are fmall and nraight as in Europe or Abyflinia. All matters in this flate are conducted by magic; and we may fee to what point the human underltanding is de-bafed in the diitance of a few leagues. Let no man fay that ignorance is the caufe, or heat of climate, which is the unintelligible obfervation generally made on thefe occaiions. For why fhould heat of climate addict: a people to magic more than cold ? or, why mould ignorance enlarge a man's powers, fo that, overleaping the bounds of common intelligence, it fhould extend his faculty of converting with a new fet of beings in another world ? The Ethiopians, who nearly furround Abyflinia, are blacker than thofe of Gingiro, their country hotter, and are, like them, an indigenous people that have been, from the beginning, in the fame part where they now inhabit. Yet the former neither adore the devil, nor pretend to have a communication writh him: they have no human facrifices, nor are there any traces of fuch enormities having prevailed among them, A communication with the fea has been always open, and the Have-trade prevalent from the earlicll times ; while the king of Gingiro, fhut up in the heart of the continent, facrifices thofe Haves to the devil which he has no opportunity to fell to man. For at Gingiro begins that accurfed cuflom of making the fhedding of human blood a neceflary part in all folemnities. How far to the fouthward this reaches I do not know; but I look upon this to be the geographical bounds of the reign of the devil on the north fide of the equator in the peninfula of Africa. This This kingdom is hereditary in one family, but does not defcend in courfe to the eldell fon, the election of the particular prince being in the nobles; and thus far, indeed, it feems to refcmble that of their neighbours in Abyilinia. When the king of Gingiro dies, the body of the deceafed: is wrapped in a fine cloth, and a cow is killed. They then put the body fo wrapped up into the cow's fkin. As foon as. this is over, all the princes of the royal family fly and hide themfelves in the bullies; while others, intrufled with the election, enter into the thickets, beating everywhere about as if looking for game. At lafl a bird of prey, called in their country Liber, appears, and hovers over the perfon deilincd to be king, crying and making a great noife without quitting his Ration. By this means the perfon deflined to be elected is found, furrounded, as is reported, by tigers, lions, panthers, and fuchlike wild beafls. This is imagined to be done by magic, or the devil, elfe there are everywhere enough of thefe beafls lying in the cover to furnifh materials for fuch a tale, without having recourfe to the power of magic to aflemble them.. As they find their king, then, like a wild bcafl, fo his behaviour continues the fame after he is found. He flics upon them with great rage, refilling to the laft, wounding and killing all he can reach without any confideration, till, overcome by force, he is dragged to a throne, which he fills in a manner perfectly correfponding to the rationality of the ceremonies of his inflalment.. Although there are many that have a right to feck after this king, yet, when he is difcovered, it does not follow, a. that that the fame perfon who finds him fhould carry him to his coronation; for there is a family who have a right to difpute this honour with the firfl pofTelfor; and, therefore, in his way from the wood, they fet upon the people in whofe hands he is, and a battle enfues, where feveral arc killed or wounded ; and if thefe lafl, by force, can take him out of the hands of the firfl finder, they enjoy all the honours due to him that made him king. Before he enters his palace two men are to be flain ; one at the foot of the tree by which his houfe is chiefly fupported ; the other at the threfhold of his door, which is befmeared with the blood of the victim. And, it is faid, (I have heard this often in Abyflinia from people coming from that country) that the particular family, whofe privi-ledge it is to be flaughtered, fo far from avoiding it, glory in the occafion, and offer themfelves willingly to meet it.— To return to our travellers— The father and the ambaffador, leaving the kingdom of Gingiro, proceeded in a direction due eaft, and entered the kingdom of Cambat, depending flill on the empire of Abyflinia, and there halted at Sangara, which feems to be the principal place of the province, governed at that time by a Moor called AmclmaL On the left of Cambat are the Guragues, who live in fome beggarly villages, but moflly in caves and holes in the mountains. The father was detained two days at Sangara, at the perfuafion of the inhabitants there, who told him there was a fair in the neighbourhood, and people would pafs in numbers to accompany him, fo that there would would be no danger. But, after flaying that time at San-gara, he found that the intention of this delay was only to give time to fome horfemen of the Guragues to alTemble, in order to attack the caravan on the road, which they did foon after; and, though they were repulfed, yet it was with lofs of one of the company, a young man related to Socinios, who, being wounded with a poifoned arrow, died fome days after. In the mean time, an Abyflinian, called Manquer, overtook their caravan. As he was a fchifmatic, his intention was very well known to be that of difappointing their journey ; and he prevailed with Amelmal fo far as to make him fuipect that the recommendations which the ambafiador brought were falfe. He, therefore, infilled on the ambalTa-dor's Haying there till he fhould get news from court. Amelmal, Manquer, and the ambafiador, each difpatched a mef-fengcr, who tarried three months on the road, and at laft brought orders from the king to difpatch them immediately. As Amelmal now faw the bad inclination of Manquer, he detained him at Cambat that he might occafion no more difficulties in their way. He gave the ambafiador likewife feven horfes, which were laid to be the beft prefents to the princes or governors that were in his road, and difpatched the travellers with another companion, Baharo, who had brought the letters from the king. From Cambat they entered the fmall territory of Alaba, independent of the king of Abyflinia, whofe governor was called Aliko, a Moor. This man, already prejudiced againft the the miflionary and the ambaflador, was Rill hefitating whether to allow them to proceed, when Manquer, who fled from Amelmal, arrived. Aliko, hearing from this incendiary, that the father's errand wras to bring Portuguefe that way from India to deflroy the Mahometan faith, as in former times, burft into fuch violent rage as to threaten the father, and all with him, with death, which nothing but the reality of the king's letters, of which lie had got affurance from Baharo, and fome regard to the law of nations, on account of the ambaflador Fecur Egzie, could have prevented. In the mean time, he put them all in clofe prifon, where feveral of the Portuguefe died. At laft, after a council held, in which Manquer gave his voice for putting them to death, a man of fuperior character in that country advifed the fending them back to Amelmal, the way that they came ; and this meafure was accordingly adopted. They returned, therefore, from Cambat, and thence to Gorgora, without any fort of advantage to themfelves or to Us, only what arifes from that opportunity of rectifying the geography of the country through which they paffed ; and even for this they have furniihed but very fcanty materials, in comparifon of what we might rcafonably have expected, without having occaftoned any additional fatigue to thcmfelves... We have already faid, that though Socinios had not openly declared his refolution of embracing the Catholic . faith, yet he had gone fo far as to declare, upon the dif-pute held between the Catholic and fchifmatic clergy, in bis own prefence and that of the Abuna, that the Abyflinian 2 difputants difputants were vanquimed, and ought to have been convinced from the authority of their own books, efpecially that of Haimanout Abou, the faith of the ancient fathers and doctors of their church received by them from the beginning as the undoubted rule of faith : That the doctrine of the Catholic church being only what was taught in the Haimanout Abou concerning the two natures in Chriff, this point was to all intents and purpofes fettled ; and, therefore, he fignified it as his will, that, for the future, no one Ihould deny that there arc two natures in Chrift, dillinct in themfelves, but divinely united in one perfon, which was Chrift; declaring at the fame time, that in cafe any perfon fhould hereafter deny, or call this in doubt, he would chaftife him for feven years. The Abuna, on the contrary, fupported by the half-brother of the king, Emana Chriflos, (brother to Ras Sela Chrif-tos) publilhed a fentence of excommunication, by affixing it to the door of one of the churches belonging to the palace, in which he declared all perfons accurfed who Ihould maintain two natures in Chrift, or embrace or vindicate any of the errors of the church of Rome. The king had received various complaints of the Agows, who had abufed his officers, and refilled payment of tribute, He had fct out upon an expedition againft them, intending to winter in that country; but, hearing of the rafh conduct of the Abuna, and the leagues that were in con-fequence everywhere forming againft him, he returned to Gorgora, and fent to the Abuna, that unlets, without delay, he recalled the excommunication he had publilhed, he ihould be forthwith punillied with lofs of his head. This language was was too clear and explicit to admit a doubt of its meaning; and the Abuna, giving way for the time, recalled his excommunication. A conspiracy was next formed by Emana Chriflos, the eunuch Kefla VVahad matter of the houfehold to the king, and Julius governor of Tigre, to murder Socinios in his palace ; for which purpofe they defired an audience upon weighty affairs, which being granted by the king, the three confpirators were admitted into his prefence. It was concerted that Julius fhould prefent a petition of fuch a nature as probably to produce a refufal; and, in the time of the altercation that would enfue, when the king might be off his guard, tire other two were to flab him. Just before the converfation began, he was advifed of his danger by a page, and Julius prefenting his petition, the king granted it immediately, before Emana Chriftos could come up to aflifl in the difpute which they expected ; and tliis confpirator appearing in the inflant, the king, who had. got up to walk, invited them all three up to the terrace. Tliis was the mod favourable opportunity they could have wifhed. They, therefore, deferred aflaulting him till they fhould have got up to the terrace : The king entered the door of the private flair, and drew it hallily after him. It had a fpring-lock made by Peter Paez, which was fixed in the infide, and could not be opened from without, fo that the king was left fecurc upon the terrace. Upon this the confpirators, fearing themfelves difcovered, retired, and from cent to maintain a large garrifom The Ras, feeing that force availed nothing, had recourfe to the ufual trap thefe rebels fall into. Weary of confinement on the mountain, fenfible that he was by himfelf too weak to leave it, while fuch an enemy expected him below, he accepted the friendfhip of the neighbouring Galla, who offered to join him in fuch numbers as to enable him to defcend from the mountain, and try his fortune in a battle* The treaty was concluded, and the junction no fooner effected, than the faithlefs Galla, before gained by the Ras, fell upon the fon of Gabriel with their clubs, and killed him on the fpot, having fo mangled his body that fcarce a piece was rcferved to fend to his enemy* The joy this victory occafioned at court met with a great addition by the arrival of the Romifh patriarch. It has been before obferved, that the king had himfelf wrote letters to the pope and king of Spain, declaring his intentions to turn Catholic. Peter Paez, Antonio Fernandes, and the other 4 pricfts, priefls, had given a much more favourable profpecT of religious affairs than had as yet been conveyed to Rome; the wifer part of the conclave, however, had doubted. But now, the king had voluntarily made his recantation, it was no longer thought time for delay, and accordingly Alphonfo Mendez, a Jefuit doctor of divinity, a man of great learning* by birth a Portuguefe, was ordained at Liibon the 25 th of May 1624. From thence he proceeded to India by the way of Goa, attended by feveral frefh miflionarics; and finding there letters from Socinios, and a paffport from the king of Dancali, a Mahometan prince in alliance with the Abyffmians, he arrived at Bilur, an open bay in the fmall and barren Rate of Dancali, on the fecond of May 1625, and was received, by the brother of the reigning prince, with every token of friendfhip that fo poor a flate and fovereign could afford ; the king of Dancali himfelf was at the diftance of fix days journey, in a place where there was greater plenty of water and provifions. The following day the king fent four mules for the fathers to join him, and received them in a room of a round figure, furrounded and covered with bundles of flraw, but fo low they fcarcc could raifc themfelves after having made their bows. In this mifcrable kingdom, which I fhall not defcribe, as, fince that period, it has been conquered by the Galla, the patriarch and fathers Raid almoft in want of ncccilaries for fixteen days. At laft they fet out, having, with much difficulty, muflered fufficienr beafls of burden to carry their baggage. The road lay through part of the country wherein are the mines of foifile-falt, hot, barren, and abfolutely without without water, and expofed greatly to the incurfions of the Galla. After two days journey, they arrived in the morning of the third, at the foot of Senaffe, where there was water. It is the frontier (as the name imports) of the province of Enderta, now united to the government of Tigre. It is part of that ridge of mountains which feparates the fcafons, occaftoning fummer on the one fide, while rain and cold prevail on the other. On the night before they came to the mountain, while dubious of their way, a ftar of more than ordinary magnitude, and of furprifmg brightnefs, appeared over the patriarch, giving ib itrong a light that it illuminated the heavens down to the horizon. It was not, in its place or manner of appearing, like a common ftar, but Rood Rationary, in the way leading to Senaffe, for above fix minutes, and difappearcd *. This Rar, the patriarch and his followers modeftly fay, was probably the fame that conducted the Magi to the cradle of Chrift, and was now fent to fliew them the way into Abyilinia. While they were at the foot of this mountain, the Muleteers, all Mahometans, thought the occafion a proper one to plunder them, by obliging them to pay an additional hire for their beafts, which they pretended were not able to afcend fo flecp a mountain. The camels certainly could not pafs; but mules and affes have a more practicable road, for the fake of carrying the fait. They infilled to leave the company till they Ihould bring them frefh mules. The caravan confiftcd of the patriarch and fix ecclefiaftics, priefls, and friars, and thirteen laymen, three of whom were mufi- cians. * Tellez., lib. iy. cap. 38. THE S O U RCE OF THE NILE. 3 1 cians. It was very probably their intention to have fent to them people who would very f >ori have put a fatal period to the million, had not Emanuel Baradas, with a number of Abyffmians, and officers, and plenty of all things nccef-fary, joined the patriarch on the 16th of June 1625; while their late conductors, confeious ofmifbehaviour, tied with* out feeking their hire. In five days they came to Fremona, where they Raid till November ; and, in December, arrived at Gorgora, where they were introduced to the king in his palace. Socinios ordered the patriarch to be placed on a feat equal in height to his own, on his right hand ; and' at that very auTlicncc, which was on the 1 ith of February 1626, it was fettled that the king fhould take an oath of fubmiflion to the fee of Rome. This ufelefs, vain, ridiculous ceremony, was accordingly celebrated on the nth of February, with all the pageantry of a heathen feflival or triumph. The palace was adorned with all the pomp and vanity that the church of Rome, and efpecially that part of it, the Order of the Jefuits, had folemnly abjured. The patriarch, as a mark of his fuperiority over the Abunas, preached a fermon in the Portuguefe language upon the primacy of the chair of St Peter, full of Latin quotations, which is faid to have, had a won- ■ derful effect upon the king and Sela Chriflos, neither of whom undcrflood one word either of Latin or Portuguefe. , That part of the patriarch's difcourfe, which was applf. cable to Socinios's converfion, was anfwered by Melca Chriftos, governor of Samen, (himfelf a fchifmatic) in the language of Amhara, which neither the patriarch nor his re- 2 tinue tinue undcrftood, and concluded with thefe words, " That as the king thought himfelf obliged to fulfil thofe prom of fubmitting himfelf to the fee of Rome which his prede-ceffors had made, the time was now come in which he Ihould do that, if fuch was his pleafure. Thefe laft words of the orator feem not to have fatisfied the zeal of Socinios. He interrupted Melca Chriftos by faying, that it was not now, but a long time fince, that he had fubmitted to the church of Rome, as true fuccclfor of St Peter; and the prefent occafion was only a confirmation of what he had formerly profeffed." The patriarch anfwered by a few words, prudently and fenfibly, I fuppofe to fave time, feeing that, fhort or long, his difcourfe would not be undcrftood. But proceeding to facts, he opened a new tcftament, while Socinios, upon his knees, took the following oath : " We, fultan Segued, emperor of Ethiopia, do believe and confefs that St Peter, prince of the apoftlcs, was conftituted, by Chrift our Lord, head of the whole Chriftian church, and that he gave him the principality and dominion over the whole world, by faying to him, Ton are Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church; and J will give you the keys of the kingdom of heaven. And again when he faid, Keep my fheep. Alfo we believe and confefs, that the pope of Rome, lawfully elected, is the true fuccef-for of St Peter the apoflle, in government; that he holdeth the fame power, dignity, and primacy, in the whole Chriftian church: and to the holy father Urban VIII. of that name, by the mercy of God, pope, and our lord, and to his fuccef-for in the government of the church, we do promife, offer, and fwcar true obedience, and fubject, with humility at his feet, our perfon and empire: fo help us God and thefe holy gofpels gofpcls before us."—After this, each man fwore perfonal o-bediencc, officers, priefts, and monks, according to their feveral orders or conditions. The prince royal Facilidas, purely and (imply in the form prescribed, took this ^ath, without any addition or alteration. But Ras Sela Chriftos, heated with zeal, after repeating the formula, drawing his fword in violent paflion, uttered thefe words, " What has palfed let it be paft; but, from this day forward, he that falls from his duty this fhall be his judge*." This hafty fpcech, not well underftood, was thought by fome to reflect, on thofe he had difcovered to be in the confederacy with the rebel fon of Gabriel. As the court was full of parties and difcontent, every one applied the threat to himfelf, and all joined in a league to undo Sela Chriftos, who had fo wantonly declared himfelf the leader and champion of pcrfecution* To this oath of obedience to the pope, he likewife added one to the king, and to the prince his fucceffor, Facilidas, with a ft range claufe, or qualification, which made what he faid formerly flill worfe:—" I likewife fwear to the prince, as heir of his father in this empire, as long as he fhall hold favour, and defend the holy Catholic faith ; and if he fhall fail in this, I hereby fwear to be his greateft enemy." This extravagant addition he infilled fhould be impofed upon all the officers of date, and of the army then at court, and Vol. IL y Y therefore * It is apparently a fpeech in a paffion, for this Seta Chriftos was one of the moft learned of the Abyffmians; yet the words themfelves, if literally tranflated, are fcarcely intelligible. therefore did moft defervedly feal his own condemnation and punifhmcnt, which overtook him in the end, though it did not follow till long afterwards. To thefe violent proceedings were added others ftill more violent. A folemn excommunication was,pronounced a-gainft all fuch as did not keep that oath, and a proclamation was forthwith made, " That all people, in the line of being ordained priefts, fhould firft embrace the Catholic religion upon pain of death; that all fhould obferve the form of the church of Rome in the celebration of Eafter and Lent, under the fame penalty ; and with that the ceremonies of the day ended. Temfius erit cum magno op I aver it emptum, htaclum Pallot} ta* It was a day ever to be marked with black, not only in the-annals of Ethiopia, but in thofe of Rome. Although the arrival of the patriarch at Bilur had been happily eflect.cd, both as to himfelf and thofe that attended him, it was not fo with fome of his brethren fent to affift him in that mifhon. Two Jefuits, Francifco Machado and Bernard Pereira, had received the king's letters in India for their fafe conducl; to Bilur in Dancali. Whether by malice,, or inadvertency, the king's fecretary, inilead of Bilur, had mentioned Zeyla in the letter. Zeyla, an illand belonging to the king of Adel, was of all other places that where the people were moft inveterate againft the Catholic religion. No fooner did the Shekh know , the THE SOURCE OF' THE NILE. the quality and errand of thefe mimonaries, than he confined them to clofc prifon, where, after great fullering, they were both put to death ; and, to aggravate this, a letter was written to Socinios fligmatizing him with the name of apoflate from the religion of his forefathers, and applying to him many opprobrious names. This letter, at another time, would not have failed to have been followed by the chaftifemcnt it deferved. But Adel, formerly a flourifhing and commercial kingdom, was now fallen, and reduced to a multitude of banditti. Trade had left it. A garrifon of nominal janizaries, fince the reign of Sultan Selim, had kept the little illand of Zeyla for the pretended purpofe of a cuRomhoufe ; but, in fact, it was a poft of robbers, who only maintained themfelves there for the fake of plundering merchants who came by fea ; while the Galla poured in numbers upon the prince from the continent, and of the ancient kingdom of Adel, had left him nothing but Auffa the capital, a town fituated upon a rock, on the banks of the river Hawafh, Azab, and Raheeta, and a few other miferable villages upon the fea; and even part of thefe were daily falling into the hands of that enemy, deflincd very foon to over-run them all. This abject Rate to which they had been reduced, we may fuppofe, was the only reafon that protected them from the vengeance of a high-fpiritcd prince, fuch as Socinios certainly was. This violent conduct of Socinios in his abjuration was followed by that of the patriarch Alphonfo Mendes, perfectly in the fame fpirit. The clergy were re-ordained, their churches confecrated anew, grown men as well as children again baptifed, the moveable feafts and feftivals reduced to Y y 2 the the forms and times of the church of Rome; circumcifion, polygamy, and divorce were abrogated for ever; and the many queftions that thereupon arofe, and which were undcrftood to belong to the civil judge, the patriarch called to his own tribunal exclulively. All the tenets of the church of Alexandria, whether of faith or difeipline, were rejected; and it was not known how far the patriarch intended to.fubject the civil jurisdiction of the judges to the ecclefiaftical power. Two fteps that he took, the one immediately after the other, feemed to give great reafon of fear upon this head. In order to underftand the firft of thefe cafes,.it will be neceffary to know, that it is a fundamental conftitution of the monarchy of Ethiopia* that all lands belong to the king ; and that there is no fuch tiling as church-lands in this country. Thofe that the king has given for the maintenance of churches or monafteries are returned, every day, at the inftance of, and for the convenience of individuals, and new ones granted in their ftead fometimes of a greater value, fometimes of a lefs. Nor have the priefls or monks any property in thefe lands. A lay-officer, appointed by the king, divides to each monk or prieft, his quota of the revenue, applying any overplus to other ufes, which is, w.e may fuppofe,,often, putting it, into his own pocket.. There was a nobleman of great diftinction for his family and rank at court, for his age, and the merit of his fervice,; he had occupied fome of the lands belonging to a monk v4ro happened to be a Catholic. This man, had he been an Alexandrian, could have, had no rccourfc to the Abuna his patriarch, and the caufe muft have been tried before the civil judge. But Mendes was of another opinion. He ordered the nobleman to make his defence before the ecclefiaftical tribunal; and, upon his rcfufing this as a novelty to which he was not bound, he condemned him immediately to rcftorc the lands to the monk, This, too, was refufedon the part of the prefent poffeffor, who being one day attending the king at church, the patriarch, without preamble, pronounced againft him a formal fentence of excommunication, by which he gave him over, foul and body, to the devik Such procedure was, till then, unknown in Abyilinia. The nobleman, though otherwife brave, was fo much affected with the terms of his fentence as to faint, imagining himfelf already in the clutches of Satan, and it was with difficulty he was recovered, the king making interccilion with the patriarch to take off this cenlurc, or rather this curfe.. Sudden as it was, however, in the inflicting, and cafy in the removal, it made very lafting and ferious impreftions on the minds of men of all ranks, greatly to the disadvantage of the patriarch and the profeifors of his new religion, in the excrcife of which they did not difcover that degree of charity, mceknefs, mercy, and long-fullering, that they had been taught were the very cifcntials of ir. The next inftance was this: There had been an Itchegue, that is, the fuperior of the monks of Debra Libanos, an Order inftituted by Abba Tecla Haimanout, the laft AbyiFmian Abuna, not more celebrated by the church than the ftate, I tvs_ as being the reftorer of the line of Solomon, for many years banifhed to Shoa ; and this fupcrior, befides the dignity of his office, was remarkable for an innocent, pious, and holy life. It happened that a Catholic monk officiated in a church where this Itchegue had been buried under the altar ; the patriarch declared the church defiled by the burial of that heretic and fchifmatic, and fufpended the celebration of divine fervice till the body was raifed and thrown out of the church in a molt indecent manner. Univerfal difcontent feized the minds of all men; and, from that time, it feemed the friends of the old religion began again to recover ftrength, and the Catholics to be looked upon, if not with hatred, yet with terror. And every trifle now contributed towards the one or the other. The Jefuits, following practices or cuftoms of their own, had thought fit to exhibit a kind of religious plays or farces. The devil in thefe pieces is always the buffoon ; he plays harlequin and flight-of-hand tricks, fires fquibs and gun-powder, very little confiftent with the decency of the other per-fons who compofe the drama. This continued to be prac-tifed in feveral Catholic countries in.Europe, while that learned company exifted*. It happened to be neceffary to introduce figures of this kind blacked all over, and in mafks, with cloven feet, &c. The firft exhibition of thefe figures fo furprifed and terrified the Abyflinian audience, that they lied immediately upon their appearance, crying out, Alas! alas! thefe Franks have brought devils into our country with them! This * I have feen them often at Madrid. This great extenfion of civil jurifdicTion, and the large ftrides it took to annihilate the civil power, the encroachments it made upon the prerogative of the king, till now fu-premc in all caufes ecclefiaftical and civil, the more than regal, the more, if pollible, than papal pride of the patriarch, began to be felt univerfally, and it was feen to be intended to lelfen every order of government, from the king to the loweil officer in the province. From this time, therefore, we date the decline of the Catholic intereft in Abyilinia. The firfl blow was given it by the king himfelf, not with a view to deflroy it, for he was a finccrc Catholic upon principle, but to controul and keep it within fome bounds,, as he found there was no order could otherwifc be maintained. He defired the patriarch to permit the itfe of the ancient liturgies of Ethiopia, altered by himfelf in every thing where they did not agree with that of the church of Rome. With this the patriarch was obliged to comply, becaufe there was in it an appearance of reafon that men fhould pray to God in a language that they undcrftood, and which was their own, rather than a foreign tongue of which they did not underftand one word. This was thought fo obvi-ous in Ethiopia as not to admit any doubt. But the order and practice of the church of Rome was juft the contrary; and this wound was a mortal one; for no fooner was the permillion giveirto ufe their own liturgies, than all the A-byilinians embraced them to a man, and went on in their old prayers and fervices without any of the patriarch's alterations, To To thefe events, not important in themfelves, but only from the effect, they had upon the minds of mankind, fucceeded tragedies of a more ferious nature. I have already obferved, in fpeaking of the Galla, that they were divided into three principal divifions, thofe on the eaft of Abyflinia were called Bcrtuma Galla, thofe on the fouth called Tolu-ma, and thofe on the weft Boren Galla ; each of thefe were divided into feven, and thefe again fubdivided into a number of tribes. Each of thefe feven nations choofe a king once in feven years called Lubo; and it is ufually the firft act of the new king's reign to over-run the neighbouring provinces of Abyflinia, laying every thing wafle with fire and fword for this year, even if they had no provocation, but had been at peace for feveral years before. The Abyffmians remained long in ignorance of this caufe of thefe invafions, and, while that was the cafe, they could take no rneafures to be prepared againft, and rcfift them. But after, when the cuftoms of the Galla were better known, their periodical invafions were watched and provided a-gainft, fo that though they were flill continued, they were generally repelled with the daughter and defeat of the invaders. It happened that the prefent year, 1627, was the feafon of electing the king, and of the invafion. Though the time of the expedition was known, no intelligence had been given of the manner in which it was to be executed* In paft times, the nations, or tribes of Galla, affaultcd each the oppofite province in whole frontiers they were fettled ; but this year it was agreed among them to choofe one produce, Gojam, which, by uniting their whole force, they were the source of the nile. 36t Were to devote to deftrucTion, or, if pofiiblc, keep pofTeflion Pf it. Buco was governor of Gojam ; the king had fent Sela ChriRos to his affiftance, and was intending to follow with another army himfelf. In the mean time, the paffes through which the Galla ufed to enter were all lined with men, and every preparation made to receive them. These barbarians advanced to the Nile in multitudes never feen before; and, finding the province perfectly on its guard, they feigned a panic, or difagreement among themfelves, retired in feeming confufion, and difperfed, fome, as it was faid, to their own homes, and fome to an expedition againft Narea, This in reality had often happened; but now it was only a flratagem ; for they all afTemblcd in their own country Bizamo, of which the Abylii-nians had no intelligence. Buco, thinking he was free of them for that year, difbanded his troops, or detached them to other fervices; Sela Chriftos did the fame; neither did Socinios advance with his army. In that interval of weaknefs, news were fent to Buco that the Galla had paffed the Nile. Upon which he advanced with iogo foot and 200 horfe, believing that it was fome fmall part of that army which he thought had fome time before been difperfed. After hearing mafs with great devotion, and receiving the facrament, in palling through a thick wood he was affaulted by the Galla. Being a man, brave in his own perfon, and exceedingly well-trained to arms, he fought fo fuccefsfully, and fo encouraged his men by his example, that he cut that body of Galla cm* Vol. II. Z Z tircly tirely to pieces; and, as he thought the whole matter then ut an end, he ordered his drums to beat, and his trumpets to found, in token of victory. The red of the Galla, who w'erc now difperfed through the province, but at no great diitancc, burning and destroying, as their cuflom is, and who left this body behind them only to fecure their retreat acrofs the river, returned all to their colours, upon hearing the drums and trumpets of Kafmati Buco, whom they did not know to be fo near ; and, as foon as he came in fight, defpifmg his fmall number, they furrounded them on every fide. Buco immediately faw that he was a loll man ; but, confidering the multitude of the enemy, and the unprepared Rate of the province, he thought his own life and thofe of his followers could not be better employed than by obftinately fighting to difablc the enemy, fo as to put it out of their power to purfue the ruin of the country further; throwing himfelf furioufly into the thiekcR of the Galla, he, at lirRonfet, killed four of the moR forward of their leaders, and made himfelf a lane through the troops oppofmg him; and he was now got without their circle* when fome of his officers feeing him, cried to him to make the beft of his way, as affairs were defperate, and not to add by his death to the misfortunes of that day. UroN this he paufed, as recollecting himfelf for a mo* ment; but, difdaining to furvive the lofs of his army, he threw himfelf again among the Galla, where his men were Rill fighting, carrying victory wherever he went. His horfe was at laft wounded, and, being otherwifc young and untrained, became ungovernable. It was neceffary to quit him; when, drawing his fword, and leaping upon the ground, he continued Continued the fight with the fame degree of courage, till the Galla, who did not dare to approach him near, killed him by a number of javelins thrown at a diftance. The news of the defeat and death of Buco reached Sela Chriftos, then in march to join him; nor did the misfortune that had already happened, nor the bad profpeeT of his own fituation, alter his refolution of attacking the enemy : But he firft wrote to the king his brother, telling him his fituation, and the probable confequences of doing his duty as he had determined, laying all the blame upon the malice of his enemies, who, to gratify their own private malice, had left him without alfiftance, and occafioned misfortunes fo detrimental to the common-weal. Sela Christos paffed this night upon a riling ground, and in the morning early defcended into the plain, with a view of attacking the Galla, when, to his great furprife, that barbarous people, content with the flaughter of Kafmati Buco and his army, and not willing to rifk a large quantity of plunder with which their whole army was loaded, had repaifed the Nile, and returned home. Tecla Georgis was fon-in-law to Socinios, and then governor of Tigre, but at variance with his father-in-law upon fome quarrel with his wife. Determined on this account to rebel, he aflbciated with fome noblemen of the firft rank and power in Tigre, particularly Guebra Mariam and John Akayo, declaring to them, that he would no longer fuffer the Roman religion, but defend the ancient church of Alexandria to the utmoft of his power. And, to convince all the Abyffmians of his fincerity, he tore off the figures of Z z 2 crucif xes crucifixes, and all church-ornaments and images of faints that were in relief, and burned them publicly, to make his reconciliation with the king impolfible. He then called before him Abba Jacob his Catholic chaplain, and, having flripped him of his pontificals, killed him with his own hand. There was no method he could devife of bringing his quarrel fooner to an iffue than this which he had adopted. But he did not feem to have taken equal pains to pro* vide for his defence, as he had done to give provocation. Socinios, upon the firft intelligence of this murder and treafon, ordered Keba Chriftos to march againft him with the troops that he had at hand. This general, equally a good foldier, fuhject, and Catholic, being convinced of the necef-fity of punifhing fpeedily fo monftrous a crime, paffed by forced marches through Sire to Axum, thence to Fremona; and, having appointed Gafpar Paez to meet him there, he confeffed himfelf, and received the facrament from that Je-fnifs hands. From Fremona he continued with the fame fpeed, making three ordinary days marches in one, being defirous of preventing the poffibility of Tecla Georgis's col-le&ing troops, and taking refuge on a mountain called Majba, which, he heard to be his defign. It was the 12th of December 1628 that news were brought him of the fituation of the enemy ; upon which he ordered his baggage to be left behind, and every foldier to carry two loaves, and to march without refting till he came up with Tecla Georgis, In the morning of the day following, two horfemen, 011 the fcout before him, difcovered five of the rebel foldiers UpOH; Upon the look-out likewife. Thefe, upon feeing Keba Chri-ftos's horfemen, returned immediately to their mailer, and told him that they had feen armed men, and conceived them to be the foldiers of Keba Chriftos. To this intelligence Tecla Georgis anfwered, That Keba Chriftos was in the king's palace at Dancaz the 15th of November, and that it was impoftible he then could be fo near with an army, if he had even wings to fly; but that the men they had feen were probably reinforcements that he expected. Keba Christos, on the contrary, hearing that the enemy was at hand, drew up his army in three diviiions. The firft confifted of his own houfehold, the fecond of a body of horfe of the king's houfehold, called the Koccob Horfe, or Star Cavplry, from a fdvcr ftar which each of them wears on the front of his helmet; and the third, of the people of Tigre who had joined him. In this order he came in fight of his enemy polled upon a fmall height, divided only from him by a narrow plain. Tecla Georgis, convinced now that it was Keba Chriftos, formed his army into two divifions; the one compofed of a body called Tcheraguas, the other of a body called Sultan ba Chriftos; with thefe was a large corps of Galla; which had lately joined them. Keba Christos, now turning to his troops, briefly faid, f. My children, I will not wafte my time nor yours in difcourfe, or in telling you what you are to do. You have all arms in your hands ; you are good Chriftians; and I can po-fitively affure you there is not before you one of your enemies that is not alfo an enemy to Chrift." Then, placing himfelf before the Koccob horfe, he pulled off his helmet and gave it to his fervant, faying, " By my naked face you mall fhall know me to-day, that I am not going in the midft of you as general or commander, but foot for foot along with you like a common foldier." Upon having uncovered his head, he was quickly known by Tecla Georgis, from whole troops a number of mufkets was fired at him. But this had fo little effecl: upon this gallant officer, that, changing his place, (which then was at the head of the fecond divifion) he placed himfelf flill nearer the enemy in the front of his own houfehold troops, which were the firfl; and the Galla charging them in that inflant, he flew their leader with his own hand. Upon the death of their commamlcr, thefe barbarians immediately lied, as is their cullom, while Keba Chriflos endeavoured to make his way to where Tecla Georgis was employed keeping his troops from following fo bad an example. But fo foon as that rebel faw his enemy approach him, he and his wdiole army joined the Galla in their flight; tho' he narrowly efcaped, by the fwiftnefs of his horfe, a light javelin, thrown b} Keba Chriflos, which ilruck him behind, but fo feebly, by reafon of the diflance, that it did not pierce his armour. The king's troops purfucd vigoroufly, and foon brought to their general the mule, the fword, and helmet of Tecla Georgis, with the heads of 300 flain in the battle, moft of them Gallas, and with them 12 heads of the moft turbulent rebellious monks of Tigre. With thefe they alfo brought Adera, lifter to Tecla Georgis, wrounded in the throat, who had inftigated him very ftrongly to commit the violences againft the profeilbrs of the Catholic religion. Tafa, too, Iris mailer of the houfehold, was taken prifoner ; and it being made known to Keba Chriftos that this man had af- 2 fitted fitted at the murder of Abba Jacob, he ordered him directly to be put to death. Tecla Georgis, aided by the ftrength of his horfe and knowledge of thecountry,cfcapedandconcealcdhimfclffrom his purfuers for four days ; but, on the Saturday that followed the victory, he was found in a cavern with his great confidents, Woldo Mariam, and a fchifmatic monk-whofe name was Sebo Amlac. Tecla Georgis was carried alive to Keba Chriftos, who fent him to the king, his two companions being ilain as foon as found, and their heads accompanied their living matter, which, on their arrival at Dancaz, the king ordered to be hung upon a tree. Tecla Georgis being convicted of facrilcgc as well as murder, having burnt the crucifixes and images of the faints, was condemned to be burnt alive, and a lime-kiln was immediately prepared in which he was to fuller. Upon hearing this, he defircd a Catholic confeffor, as wifhing to be reconciled to the church of Rome, and for this purpofe he fent a requcft to the patriarch, who was at three leagues diftancc, and who difpatched AmonioFernandcs with full powers to abfolve from all maimer of fins, and at the fame time gave him orders to intercede ftrongly with the king to pardon the criminal. Tecla Georgis confeffed publicly at the door of the church, and abjured the errors o£ the church of. Alexandria. Apter this, the father Fernandes applied to the king,, pleading ftrongly for his pardon. To which the king anfwered, " Many rcafons there are why I fhould defire to pardon Tecla Georgis. To fay no more, he has been mar-j ricd i ricd to two of my daughters, and he has by them two fons, both good foldiers and horfemen, who actually ride before me, and accompany me in battle. I have therefore pardoned him all the aifronts and injuries he has done to me. But, were I to take upon myfelf to pardon the affronts and infults he has offered the Divine MajcRy, I fhould turn the punifhmcnt of his fins upon myfelf, my family, and kingdom ; and, therefore, I refufe your petition, and order you to return forthwith to Gorgora." After the departure of the father, in confideration that Tecla Georgis had again embraced the Catholic religion, the king altered his fentence of being burnt, into that of being hanged privately in the houfe where he was then in prifon ; and, for that purpofe, the executioner had brought with him the cord with which Tecla had ordered the feet of Abba Jacob to be tied. No fooner did he perceive that there were no hopes of pardon, by their beginning to tie his hands, than he again, with a loud voice, renounced his confcffion, declaring that he died an Alexandrian, and that there was but one nature in Chrift. The executioner endeavoured to flop his further blafphemies, by drawing him up on the beam in the room; but he refilled fo ftrongly, that there was time to inform Socinios of his abjuration: upon which the king ordered that he mould be hanged publicly upon a pine-tree; and he was accordingly taken down, half-ftrangled, from the beam in the houfe, and hung upon the tree before the palace. Adera, his filler, was next examined ; and it being clearly proved that fhe had been a very active agent in the nun-dcr of Abba Jacob, fhe likewife was condemned to be hang- cd upon the fame tree with her brother, fifteen days after-Wards. All that interval, the queen and ladies at court employed their utmoR intereft with the king to pardon Adcra, for they looked upon it as a difgraceful thing, both to their fex and quality, that a woman of her family fhould be thus publicly executed. All the ladies of the court having joined, therefore, in a public petition to the king while on his throne, he is faid to have anfwered them by the following ill or t parable :■— 11 There was once an old woman, who being told of the death of an infant, faid, with great indifference, Children are but tender; it is no wonder that they die, for any thing will kill a child. Being told of a youth dying, flie 'Obferved, Young people are forward and rafh; they are always in the way of fome difafler; no wonder they die ; it is impoffible it mould be otherwife. But being told an old woman was dead, fhe began to tear her hair, and lament, crying, Now the world is at an end if out women begin to die, fearing that her turn might be the next. In this manner all of you have feen Tecla Georgis die, and alfo feveral of his companions, and you have not faid a word. But now it is come to the hanging of one woman, you arc ali alarmed, and the world is at an end. Do not then deceive vourfelvcs, but be affured that the fame cord which tied the feet of Abba Jacob, flill remains fuflicient to hang that fow Adcra, and all thofe that fhall be fo wicked as to behave like her, to the difgracc of your fex, and their own rank and quality.1' Vol. II. The The effects of thefe oftentatious acts of reformation foon produced confequences which troubled their joy. The A-gows of Lafta, called Tcheratz Agow, who live at the head of the Tacazze, rebelled. The country they occupy is not cxtcnfivc, but exceedingly populous, and was fuppofed at that time to be able to bring into the field above 50,000 fighting men, befides leaving behind a fufheient number to defend the paffes and ftrong-holds of their country, which are by much the moft difficult and inacceftible of any in Abyflinia. They are divided into five clans, Waag, Tettera, Dehaanah, Gouliou, and Louta, each having an independent chief. They are exceedingly warlike ; and, though the country be fo rude and rocky, they have a confiderable number of good horfes; and are in general reckoned among the braveft and moft barbarous foldiers in Abylfinia. Their province abounds with all forts of provifions, and they rarely can be forced to pay any thing to government in the name of tax, or tribute. Tecla Georgis was now dead, but the caufe of the rebellion flill fubftlled. While governor of Begemder, he had connived at many abufes of his officers who occupied the polls neareft to Lafta. Thefe being young men, from wan-tonnefs only, without provocation, had made many different inroads, driving away cattle, and committing many other ex-cefles. The Agows carried their complaints to the governor, who, far from hearing or redreffmg their wrongs, juftifted the conduct of his officers, by making inroads himfelf immediately after ; but coming to an action in perfon with that people, he was fhamcfully beat, and a great part of his army left dead upon the field. This This misfortune very much affected Socinios. Nor did the Agows themfelves doubt, but that a fpeedy chaftifemcnt was to follow this victory over Tecla Georgis. There was a youth dcfccndcd of the royal family, who, to prefcrve the freedom of his perfon, lived among the Galla, in expectation of better times. His name was Mclca Chriflos. To him the Agows applied, that, with this prince of the houfe of Solomon at their head, they might wipe off the odium of being reputed rebels, and appear as fighting under a lawful fovereign for reformation of abufes. The renunciation of the Alexandrian faith, forcibly obtruded upon them by Socinios, fcrved as caufe of complaint. The Roman Catholic writers in the hiflory of this million, fay this was but a pretext, in which I conceive they are right. I have lived among the Agows of Lafla, and in intimacy with many of them, who are not, to this day, fo anxious about Chriftianity as to afcend one of their hills for the difference between that and Paganifm ; and I am fatisficd, for thefe 300 years laft paft there has been fcarcely a common layman in Lafta that has known the diftinction between the Alexandrian and the Roman church. In the beginning of February 1629 the king marched from Dancaz towards Gojam, where he collected an army of 30,000 men, which, with the baggage, fervants, and attendants, at that time very great and numerous, amounted to above 80,000 men. Socinios detached a number of fmall parties to enter Lafta at different places. On the other hand, Melca Chriftos afTemblcd his troops on the moft inacceffiblc rocks; whence, 3 A 2 when when he fpied occafion, he came fuddenly down and furprifed the enemy below. Among all the rude, high, and tremendous mountains of which this country confdls, there is one efpecially, called by the name of Lafta* It is in the territory of Waag, ftrongly furrounded with inacceflible precipices, having a large plain on the top, abounding with every thing necelfary, and watered by a fine ftrcam that never fails. The manner in which the Agows remained fecure in this ftrong poll was mifconftrucd into fear by the king's army, which, in two divifions, advanced to the attack of the mountain. That on the right had with fome difficulty fcrambled up without oppofition ; but, being now arrived to the ftcep part of the rock, fuch a number of large floncs was rolled down upon them from above, that this divifion of the army was entirely deftroyed. The number of Hones on the brink of the precipices was inexhauftiblc; and, once put in motion, purfued the fcattered troops with unavoidable fpeed, even down to the plains below. Among the ilain was Guebra Chriftos, the king's fon-in-law, dallied to pieces by the fragment of a rock. The left divifion was upon the point of fuffcring the fame misfortune, had not Keba Chriftos come to their relief and drawn them off, juft before the enemy had begun to difcharge this irrefiilible artillery a-gairift them. The king, thus fhamefully beaten, retired to Dancaz, leaving the entrances from Lafta ftrongly defended, left thefe mountaineers fhould, by way of retaliation, fall upon the province.of Begemder. But the late ill-fortune had difpi- ritcd the troops, and caufed an indifference about duty, a want want of obedience, and a relaxation in difcipline in the whole army. Each of the detachments, therefore, one after the other, left their poft from different excufes, and returned home. The bad confequence of this was now experienced. The Agows entered Begemder fpreading defolation every, where. Melca Chriflos, no longer fculking among the rocks of Lafta, planted his llandard upon the plain, within live days march of the capital where the king was refiding. The jealoufies that had arifen between Socinios and his brother-in-law Sela Chriflos, had been fo much aggravated fince the oath adminiflered by the patriarch, that the king had again deprived him of Gojam, fuffering him to live in obfeurity in Damot, and among the Agows, occupied, as the Jefuits fay, in the converfion of that Pagan people, by deftroying their idols, which they reprefent to be a fpecics of cane or bamboo*, and in-forbidding the ceremonies of adoration and devotion, which at Rated times they paid to the river. No remedy could be propofed, but the prefence of Sela Chriftos, who, upon the firft warning, joined the king, and coming fuddenly upon the army of Lafta occupied in laying wafle the low country of Begemder, gave them fuch an overthrow that fufficiently compenfated the firft lofs of the king, and forced them again to take refuge among their ilrong-holds in Lafta* Amis- * Called by the Agows, Krihaha, * A misfortune of another kind followed this victory: Laeca Mariam, a near relation to the king, was appointed governor of Begemder; but no fooner did he fee himfelf veiled with that government, than he meditated making off his allegiance to Socinios. The king, after his laft battle with the Agows, had named his fon Facilidas commander in chief of his forces ; and, to fecurc him a powerful and able affiftant, he had firfl reftored Sela Chriftos to his government of Gojam, then fent him with an army to join Facilidas, and command under him. The fuccefs was anfwcrablc to the prudence of the mca-fure ; for, immediately upon their arrival, they obliged Laeca Mariam to feck for refuge in the mountains of Amhara, and, without giving him time to recollect himfelf there, forced their way to the mountain to which he had retired, and from which he and his followers had no way to efcape, but by venturing down a flecp precipice; in attempting this, Laeca Mariam fell, and was dallied to pieces, as were many others of his followers; the rcfl were flain by the army that purfued them. At this time, Facilidas began to attract, the eyes of the nation in general. Befides perfonal bravery, lie had fliewn great military talents in the former campaign of Lafta. Though young, he was in capacity and refolution equal to his father, but lefs warm, more referved in his temper and difcourfe. lie was thought to be an enemy to the Catholic religion, becaufe he did not promote it, and neither exceeded nor fell fhort of what his father commanded him. Yet, he lived with the Jefuits on fuch an even footing, that they confefs they did not know whether he was their friend or enemy : he kept one of their number, called Father Ange-lis, conftantly in his houfehold, where he was much favoured, and conftantly in his prefence. He was thought to be an enemy to Sela Chriftos, though he never had fhewn it. Facilidas received a flattering meffage from Urban VIII. but did not anfwer it; nor does it appear his father ever defrred him ; for, through the whole courfe of the life of So-nios, as his enemies are forced to confefs, he paid to his father's will, the moft paflive obedience in every thing. The tyranny, however, of church-government began to appear unmafked ; and it is probable that the king, though refolved to die a Roman Catholic from principles of con-fcience, was indifferent about forging for his fon the chains he had himfelf worn with pain. However this may be, the laft ftep of placing Facilidas at the head of the army was conftrued as another ftroke of humiliation to the Catholics, efpecially as it was followed with the removal of Keba Chriftos (the fupport of that religion) from court, where he had been appointed Billetana Gueta. It is true he was removed by what, in other times, would have been called preferment; but things had now changed their qualities, and places were not cftimated, as formerly, by the confequence they gave in the empire, but by the opportunities they afforded of conftant acccfs to the king, and occafion of joining in councils with him, and defeating thofe of their enemies. Keba Keba Christos being fent governor to Tigre, was to enter Lafta from that quarter on the N. E. He is faid to have received his appointment with a great degree of concern, and to have told his friends, that he forefaw he never was to return from that expedition, which he did not regret, becaufe lie was convinced, by living much longer, it would be made his duty to ailill at the fall of the Catholic religion. After having performed his devotions at Fremona, this general advanced through Gouliou, a territory rnoflly inhabited by Galla, and deftitute of any fort of provifions; after which he took poffeflion of the mountains of Lafla, with a view to cover the march of the young prince Facilidas, whom he every day expected. But that prince not appearing in time, and provifions becoming fcarce, no meafure remained but making his retreat to Tigre ; and, although he formed the beft difpolition for that purpofe, the people of Lafta obferving his intention in time, on his firft movement attacked his rear-guard while he was defcending the mountain, and put it to flight: being thereby mailers of the higher ground, they had the command of the cowardly foldiers below them, who could not infurc their deftruc-tion more certainly than by the indecent manner in which they were flying. Keba Christos, defcrted by all except a few fervants, continued couragcoully fighting ; and, although it was very poflible for him to have efcaped, he difdained to furvive the lofs of his army. Receiving at that time a wound from a javelin, which paffed through his belly, and judging the flroke to be mortal, he gave up all further refiftancc, tcH- upon his knees to prayer, and was again wounded by a - flone, fione, which Rruck him to the ground. Two of the mountaineers immediately came up to him, one of whom did not know him, and contented himfelf with ftripping the body; but the orher remembering his face, cut his head off, and carried it to the rebel Melca Chriftos. The misfortune was followed by another in Gojam, great to the nation in general, and greater ftill to the Catholic caufe in particular. At the time that Sela Chriftos was in Begemder with prince Facilidas, the Galla from Bizamo, fuppofing the province of Damot without defence, paffed the Nile, laying the whole province wafle before them. Fecur Egzie, lieutenant-general under Sela Chriftos, although he had with him only a fmall number of troops, did not hefi-tate to march againft thofe favages, to endeavour, if poflible, to Hop their ravages. The Galla, furprifed at this, thought it was Sela Chriftos, and fled before him. He had now pur-fucd them almoft alone, and lighted in a low meadow to give grafs to his horfe, when he was furrounded and (lain by a number of the enemy that lay hid among the bullies, and difcovered how ill he was attended. He was reputed a man of the beft underftanding, and the moft liberal fentiments of any in Ethiopia ; a great orator, excelling both in the gracefulnefs of manner and copioufnefs and purity of his language. He was among the firft that embraced the Catholic religion, even before the king or Sela Chriftos, and was the principal promoter of the tranilations of the Portuguefe books into Ethiopic, ailifted by the Jefuit Antonio de Angel is. We have feen, in the year 1613, tne great efforts he made in the embaffy to India by the coaft of Melinda. He was an excellent horfeman, but more violent Vol. II. 3 B and and rafh in battle than could have been expecled from a man of fuch mild manners. There happened at this time another novelty. The king brought the patriarch from Gorgora to Dancaz this year, at Eafter, to hear that feaft celebrated, with the Ethiopic fervice amended, of which we have already fpoken abundantly. This countenance, fo unneceffarily given to an innovation that produced every day fuch very bad effects to the Catholic intereft, joined to many other circumflances, feemed clear* ly to indicate a change in that prince's mind. The patriarch having made but a iliort flay at Dancaz, it was currently reported a difagreemcnt had happened, and that the king had fent him prifoner to Gorgora; and this falfe report affecTied greatly the weight the Catholics were fuppofed before to have had at court. But the tranfaction that followed was of a nature to promife much more com* fequcnces, Socinios had a daughter called Ozoro Wengelawtt, which* means the Evangelical, a name fhe certainly dcfeivcd not from her manners. This lady was firfl married to Bela Chriflos, a man of rank at court, from whom fire had been divorced. She was next married to another, and then (her two-former hufbands being flill alive) to Tecla Georgis, who had: before married her filler, another of the king's daughters. During this marriage flie had openly lived in adultery witfi Za Chriflos, wrho had been married toiler filter, a third daughter of the king. Za Chriflos had been happy enough in preferving this lady's eileem longer than any other of her huibands, arid nothing would content her now but a marriage Tiage with her lover folemnly and publicly. For which purpofe fhe applied to the patriarch to difpenfe with the affinity between her and Za Chriflos, arifing from his having been married before to her filler. It is not to be fuppofed that the patriarch would have refitted, if nothing had Rood in the way except the affinity: but weighty impediments prefented themfelves befides; for either the firft marriage was valid, or it was not. If it was Valid, then Wengelawit could not marry Za Chriftos or any one elfe, becaufe her hufband was alive ; nor could flie marry her fecond, nor Tecla Georgis, her third. If the firft marriage was not valid, then the fecond was, which hufband was flill alive; and, yi this cafe, a licence to marry was giving her liberty of having three hufbands at one time. The patriarch, for thefe reafons, refufed his authority to this manifold adultery and ineeft; nor could he, notwithftand-ing the intcrceflion of the whole court, ever be brought to comply. His nrmnefs (however commendable) greatly in* creafed the hatred to his perfon, and averfion to the church of Rome, One day when the king was fitting in his apartment, a monk entered the room, crying with a loud voice, " Heat " the ambaffador of God and of the Virgin Mary!" The king, upon firft fight of the man, expecting fome improper libcrty might be taken, ordered his attendants to turn him out at the door, and, being removed from his prefence, to bring word what he had to fay, which was to tliis effect.: " It is three days fince I rofe from the dead. One day when I was Handing in paradife, God called me, and fent, me with this meffagc to you:—O emperor! fays God, it is now many years 3 B 2 that that I hoped you would amend of the great Tin, the having1 forfaken the fakh of your ancerlors. All this time the Virgin Mary was kneeling before her bleiled Son,.befeecli-ing him to pardon you ; and, upon the whole, it was agreed^ that, unlefs you repent in a fortnight's time, you mould be punitlied in fuch a maimer.that you will not forget it.pre-fcntly." Socinios defired them to afk,the man, " How it was pof* fible that, having fo lately left.the grave, his body fhould have fo little of the emaciated appearance of one long buried, and be now in fuch good cafe, fat and fair ?** To this he anfwered, " That, in paradife, he thanked God there was abundance of every thing; and people were very well ufed there, for he had lived upon good bread, and plenty of good wine, bifkets, and fweetmcats.'! To which Socinios anfwer* cd, " Tell him, after the pains he had taken, it would be wrong in me to keep him long from fo good a place as this his paradife. Let him go and acquaint the perfon who fent him, I fhall live and die.in .the Roman Catholic faith ; and* in order that he may deliver the meflage quickly in the other world, fpeed him inftantly out of this, by hanging him upon the tree before the palace-gate." The love of the wine, fweetmeats, and other celcfhal food; feemed to have forfaken the ambalfador. Upon hearing this meffage he recanted, and was pardoned at the joint petition of thofe of the court that were prefent, who concurred with the monk in thinking, that the meffage of the emperor was an indecent one, and ought not to be delivered; that hat ving been in paradife once, was as much as fell to the lot of any one man, and that he fhould therefore remain upon earth, earth. The intended cataftrophe, then, of this fmgular ambaffador was remitted; but the truth of his million was believed by the populace, and railed great fcruples in every weak mind. The many misfortunes that had lately befallen the troops of the king were accounted as fo much increafe of power to the rebel Mclca Chriftos, who, encouraged by the corre-fpondencc he held with the chiefs of the Alexandrian religion, began now to take upon him the flate and office of a Icing. His firft effay was to fend, as governor to the province of Tigre, a fon of that great rebel Za Selafle, whofe manifold treafons, we have already feen, occaiioned the death of two kings, Za Denghel and Jacob. Asc a Georgis was then governor of Tigre for Socinios, a man of merit and valour, but poor, and though related to the king himfelf, had very few foldiers to be depended on^ excepting his own fervants, and two bodies of troops which the king had fent him to maintain his authority, and to keep his province in order* The new governor, fent by the rebel Melca Chriftos, had' with him a coniiderable army ; and, knowing the weaknefs of Afca Georgis, he paraded through the province in the utmoft fecurity. One Saturday which, in defiance of the king's edict, ho was to folemnize as a fcftival equal to Sunday, he had refolved on a party of pleafure in a valley, where, much at his eafe, he was preparing an entertainment for hi§, troops and friends, and fuch of the province as came to offer their 2 obedience*:.\ obedience. Intelligence of this party came to three Shums, commanders of fmall diftricts, two of them fons-in-law of the king, the third a very loyal fubject. Thefe three fent to Afca Georgis, to propofe that, at a Rated time, they fhould, each with his own men, fall feparately upon the fon of Za Selalfe, and interrupt his entertainment. This was executed with great order and punctuality. In the height of the feflival, the rebels were furrounded by an unexpected enemy. To think of fighting was too late, nor was there time for flight. The greateft part of the army was cut to pieces with little refiftance. The new governor faved himfelf among the reft by the goodnefs of his horfe, leaving Billctana Gucta, or chief mailer of the houfehold of the rebel Melca Chriftos, dead upon the fpot, with about 4000 of his men. Among the plunder were taken 32 kettle-drums, which alone were evidence fufficicnt of the greatnefs of the flaughtcr. Although the happy turn Socinios's affairs had taken had given him leifure to pafs this winter at home, and in greater quiet than he had done in former ones, yet the calm which it had produced was of very fhort duration. The people of Lafta, perceiving fome of the prince's army bufy in de-flroying their harveft when almoft ripe, came down fuddenly upon them from the mountain, and put them to flight with very great flaughtcr. The blame of tliis was laid upon Sela Chriftos, who might have prevented the calamity; and this accufation, with many others, were brought againfl him to the king by Lefana Chriftos. This This man had been condemned to die for an offence, fome time before, by Ras Sela Chriflos; but having fled to the king, who heard his caufe, the fentence was reverfed. Some time after this he fell into the hands of the Ras„ who put him to death upon his former fentence, without regarding the late pardon of the king. This violent act became the foundation upon which his enemies built many accufations, moftly void of truth. The king upon this took from him the government of Gojam, and gave it to a young nobleman whofe name was Serca Chriftos, fuppofed to be a friend and dependent upon the prince Facilidas. Serca Chriftos was no fooner arrived in his government than he refolved to rebel, and privately folicited the young prince Facilidas to take up arms and make a common caufe againft the king his father, in favour of the Alexandrian church. At the time that the young man departed to his government, Socinios had earneftly recommended to him, and he had moft fo-lemnly promifed, to protect the Catholic religion in his province, and feemingly for this purpofe he had taken with him a J.efuit named Francifco de Carvaiho. Another affair which the king particularly charged him with was,, the care of a caravan which once a-year came from Narea. This, befides many other valuable articles for the merchant, brought 1000 wakeas of gold as tribute to the king, equal to about 10,000 dollars, or crowns of our money : its whole way was through barbarous and lawlefs nations of Galla till they arrived at the Nile; then through Gafats and Gongas, immediately after having palled it. Serca Christos, in his march, was come to a fcttlement of thofe laR-mentioned favages, where Gafats, Agows, and Damots, all in peace, pallured immcnfc flocks of cattle together. There are no where, I believe, in the world, cattle fo beautiful as thofe of the Gafats, nor in fuch numbers. Large plains, for many days journey, are filled fo full of thefe that they appear as one market. Serca Christos halted here to give grafs to his horfes ; and, while this was doing, it entered into his young head, that making prize of the cattle was of much greater con-fequence than protecting the caravan of Narea. Affem-bling then his cavalry, he fell upon the poor Gafats and Damots, who feared no harm ; and, having foon put them all to flight, he drove off their cattle in fuch numbers, that, at Dancaz, it was faid, above 100,000 had reached that market. The king, much mocked at this violent robbery, ordered Serca Chriflos to give tip the cattle, and furrender himfelf as prifoner. This melfage of the king he anfwered in terms of duty and obedience ; but, in the mean time, went to the prince, and propofed to him to declare himfelf king and champion of the church of Alexandria. Facilidas received him with fliarp reproofs, and he returned home much difcontentcd. However, as. he had now declared himfelf, he refolved to put the befl face upon the matter; and, in order to make it generally believed that the prince and he undcrftood each other, he lent him publicly word, " I have done what your highnefs ordered me; come and take pof-fellion of your kingdom." Upon which the prince ordered his mellenger to be put in irons, and fent to Dancaz to the king his father. AfTER After this, Serca Chriftos ordered proclamation to be made that prince Facilidas was king, at the palace of the governor of Gojam, which Sela Chriftos had built near the convent of Collela. As one article of it was the abo-iifhing the Roman faith, the fathers ran precipitately into the convent, and fhut the doors upon thcmfelves, fearing they ihould be infulted by the army of fchifmatics: but a number of the Portuguefe, who lived in the neighbourhood, being brought into the church with them, and there having been loop-holes made in the walls, and abundance of fire-arms left there in depolit by Sela Chriftos, the rebel governor did not choofe to attempt any thing againft them at that time. On the contrary, he fent them word that he was in his heart a Roman Catholic, and only, for the prefent, obliged to diffemble; but he would protect them to the utmoft, defiring them to fend him the fire-arms left there by Sela Chriftos, which they abfolutely refufed to do. Serca Christos, apprehending that his army (if not acting under fome chief of the royal family) would forfake him on the firft appearance of the prince, had recourfe to a child of the blood-royal, then living in obfeurity among his female relations, and this infant he made king, in hopes, if he fucceeded, to govern during his minority. There were many who expected the prince would reconcile him to the king, efpecially as he had yet prefcrved a fliadow of refpect for the Jefuits, and this he imagined was one caufe why the fchifmatics had not joined him in the numbers necef-fary. In order to fhew them that he defigncd no reconciliation with the king, and to make fuch agreement impofli-blc, he adopted the fame facrilegious example that had fo * ill fucceeded with Tecla Georgis. Vol. II. 3 C Za Za Selasse, a prieft of Selalo, had been heard to fay, when Serca Chriftos was appointed to tire government of Gojam, " There is an end of the Catholic faith in this province." Being now called before the governor, he was forbid to fay mafs according to the forms of the church of Rome. This the prieft fubmittcd to ; but, being ordered to deny the two natures in Chrift, he declared this was a point of faith which he would never give up, but always confefs Chrift was perfect. God and perfect, man. Upon this Serca Chriftos ordered him to be Ilain ; and he was accordingly thruft through with many lances, repeating thefe words, God and man ! God and man ! till his laft breath* Serca Christos had now drawn the fword, and thrown away the fcabbard. Upon receiving the news, the king ordered the prince, who waited but his command, to march againft him. The murder of Za Selaffe bad procured an acceilion of fanatics and monks, but very few foldiers ; fo that as foon as he heard with what diligence the prince was advancing, he left his whole baggage, and fled into thofe high and craggy mountains that form the banks of the Nile in Damot. The prince prelTed clofely upon him, notwithftanding the difficulty of the ground ; fo that no fafety remained for him but to pafs the Nile into the country of the Galla, where he thought himfelf in fafety. In this, however, he was miftaken. He had to do with a general of the moft active kind, in the perfon of Facilidas, who crofted the Nile after him, and, the third day, forced him to a battle on fuch ground as the prince had chofen, who was likewife mlic^ his fuperior in number of troops. But there was no longer any any remedy; Serca Chriftos made the beft that he could of this neceflity, and fought with great obftinacy, till his men being for the moft part flain, he was forced, with the few that remained, to take refuge on a high hill, whence the prince obliged him to deliver himfelf up to his mercy without condition. Facilidas immediately difpatched news of his victory to court, and fifteen days after, he followed himfelf, bringing Serca Chriftos, with fix of his principal officers and coun-fcllors, loaded with heavy chains. Being interrogated by the judges, What he had to anfwer for his treafons ? the prifoner denied that he had any occafion to anfwer, becaufe he had already received pardon from the prince. This excufe was not admitted, the prince having difowncd it abfolutely. Upon which he was fcntcnccd to death; and, though he appealed to the king, his fentence was confirmed. It was too late to execute the fentence that night, l>ut next morning the feven prifoners were put to death. One of the principal fervants of Serca Chriftos being afked to confefs and turn Catholic, abandoned himfelf to great rage, uttering many curfes and blafphemics againft the king, who, therefore, ordered him to be faflencd upon a hook of iron, where he continued his curfes till at laft he was flain by lances. Serca Christos, coufm to Socinios, was treated with more refpecr. He, with feeming candour, declared, that he would die a Catholic; and the king, very dcfirous of this, gave orders to Diego de Mattos, a prieft, to attend him conflantly in prifon. After which, one night he fent five of his con- 3 C 2 fidential / fidcntial fervants, who killed him privately, to prevent his recantation. Socinios had again taken Gojam from Sela Chriftos; which laft difgrace fo affected him, that he defired to retire and live as a private man in that province. The king, having now no other enemy, all his attention was employed in preparing for a campaign againft Melca Chriftos of Lafta. But, as he found his army full of difaffec-ion, it was propofed to him, before he took the field, to content them fo far as to indulge the Alexandrians in fome rites of the old church ; and a proclamation was accordingly made by the king, " That thofe who chofe to obfervc " the Wednefday as a faft, inftead of Saturday, might do it;" and fome other fuch indulgences as thefe were granted, which: were undcrftood to affect the faith. As foon as this came to the ears of the patriarch, he wrote a very fharp letter to the king, reproving him for the proclamation that he had made ; adding, that it was an encroachment upon the office of the priefthood, that he, a layman, fhould take upon him to direct in matters merely ecclefiaftical. He warned the king, moreover, that God would call him to the very ftricteft account for this prefump-rion, and reminded him of the words of Azarias the chief prieft to kingUzziah, and of the punifhmcnt of leprofy that followed the king's encroachment on the ecclefiaftical function ; and infilled upon Socinios contradicting his proclamation by another, Socinios Socinios fo far complied, that the alteration made by the laft proclamation was confined to three articles. Firft, that no liturgy, unlefs amended by the patriarch, was to be ufed in divine fervice. Secondly, that all feafts, excepting Eafter and thofe that depended upon it, Ihould be kept according to the ancient computation of time. And, thirdly, that, whoever chofe, might faft on Wednefday, rather than on the Saturday. At the fame time, the king exprelfed himfelf as greatly offended at the freedom of the application of the ftory of Azarias and Uzziah to him. He told the patriarch plainly, that it was not by his fermons, nor thofe of the fathers, nor by the miracles they wrought, nor by the defire of the people, but by his edicts alone, that the Roman religion was introduced into Ethiopia; and, therefore, that the patriarch had not the leaft reafon to complain of any thing being altered by the authority that firft eftablifhcd it. But, from this time, it plainly appears, that Socinios began to entertain ideas, at leaft of the church difcipline and government, very oppofite to thofe he had when he firft embraced the Romifh religion. The king now fet out in his campaign for Lafta with a large army, which he commanded himfelf, and under him his fon, the prince Facilidas. Upon entering the mountain, he divided his army into three divifions. The firft commanded by the prince, and under him Za Mariam Adebo his mafter of the houfehold, was ordered to attack, fcale, and lodge themfelves on the higher! part of the mountain. The fecond he gave to Guebra Chriftos, governor of Begemder; and in this he placed the regiment, or body of troops, called 3 Inaches, » Inaches, veteran foldiers of Sela Chriftos, and a fmall, but brave body of troops containing the fons of Portuguefe: Thefe he direct ed to occupy the valleys and low ground. In the center the king commanded in perfon. The rebel chief and his mountaineers remained in a Rate of fecurity ; for they neither thought to be fo fpeedi-ly attacked, nor that Socinios could have raifed fo large an army. They abandoned, therefore, the lower ground, and all took polls upon the heights. The prince advanced to the iirft entrance, and ordered Damo, his Billetana Gueta, to force it with four companies of good foldiers, who afcended the mountain with great perfeverance; and, notwithftanding the obftinate defence of the rebels, made themfelves mafter of that poft, having killed two of the bravelt officers Melca Chriftos had, the one named Bil-lene, the other Tecla Mariam, firnamed defender of the faith, becaufe he was the firft that brought Galla to the affiftance of Melca Chriftos. There were likewife Ilain, at the fame time, fourpriefts and five monks, after a defperate refiftancc ; one of whom, calling the king's troops Moors, forbade them to approach for fear of defiling him, and then, with a book in his hand, threw himfelf over the rock, and was dafhed to pieces in the plain below. Here the prince met with an enemy he did not expect: The cold was fo exceflive, that above fifty pcrfons were frozen to death. The top of the mountain, which was the fecond entry into Lafta, was occupied by a flill larger body of rebels, and, tjherefore* neceffary to be immediately ftormed, clfe thofe i below below were in imminent danger of being dallied to pieces by the large Rones rolled down upon them. The prince divided his army into two parties, exhorting them, without lofs of time, to attack that poft; but the rebels, feeing the good countenance with which they afcended, forfook their Ration and fled ; fo that this fecond mountain was gained with much lefs lofs and difficulty than the firil. Behind this, and higher than all the reft, appeared the third, which ffruck the affailants at firft with terror and defpair. This was carried with flill lefs lofs on the part of the prince, becaufe he was aififted by the Inaches and Portuguefe, who cut off the communication below, and hindered one mountain from fuccouring the other. Here they found great ftore of arms, offeniive and defeniivc ; coats of mail, mules, and kettle drums ; and they penetrated to the head-quarters of Melca Chriftos, which was a fmall mountain, but very flrong in fituation, where a Portuguefe captain, feized the feat which ferved as a throne to the rebel; and, had not they loft time by falling to plunder, they would have taken Melca Chriftos himfelf, who with difficulty efcaped, accompanied by ten horfe.. To this laft mountain Socinios repaired with the prince, and they were joined by the governors of Amhara and Tigre, who had forced their way in from the oppofite fide. Hitherto all had gone well with the king ; but when he had detached Guebra Chriftos, governor of Begemder, with the Inaches and Portuguefe, who were at fome diftance,to deflroy the crop, the mountaineers, again affcmblcd on a high hill hill above them, faw their opportunity, and fell fuddenly upon the fpoilers, and cut all the foldiers of Begemder to pieces. A confiderable part of the Inaches fell alfo; but the reft, joining themfelves with the Portuguefe in one body, made good their retreat to the head-quarters. The deftruction of the corn everywhere around them, and the impoflibility of bringing provifions there, as they were fituated in the midfl of their enemies, obliged the king to think of returning before the rebels Ihould collect themfelves, and cut off his retreat. And it was with great difficulty, and flill greater lofs, he accomplifhed this, and retired to Dancaz, abandoning Lafta as foon as he had fub-dued it, but leaving Begemder almoft a prey to the rebels whom he had conquered in Lafta. SocrNios being now determined upon another campaign againft Lafta, and for the relief of Begemder, ordered his troops to hold themfelves in readinefs to march as foon as the weather fhould permit. But an univerfal difcontent had feized the whole army. They faw no end to this war, nor any repofe from its victories obtained with great bloodfhed, without fpoil, riches, or reward ; no territory acquired to the king, nor nation fubdued ; but the time, when they were not actually in the field, filled up with executions and the conftant effufion of civil blood, that feemed to be more horrid than war itfelf. They, therefore, pofitivcly refilled to march againft Lafta; and the prince was deputed by them to inform the king, that they did not fay the Roman faith was a bad one, as they did not underftand it, nor defire to be inftructed; that this was an affair which entirely regarded themfelves, and no one would pretend to fay there was any any merit in profefling a religion they did not understand or believe : that they were ready, however, to march and lay down their lives for the king and common-weal, provided he reftored them their ancient religion, without which they would have no concern in the quarrel, nor even wifh to be conquerors. Whether the king was really in the fecret or not, I fhall not fay; but it is exprefsly mentioned in the annals of his reign, that Socinios did promife by his fon to the army, that he would reltore the Alexandrian faith if he mould return victorious over Lafta; and the fudden manner in which he executed this muft convince every other perfon that it was fo. The army now marched from Dancaz, upon intelligence arriving that the rebels had left their ftrong-holds in Lafta, and were in their way to the capital to give the king battle there. It was the 26th of July 1631 the king difcovered, by his fcouts, that the rebel Melca Chriftos was at hand, having with him an army of about 25,000 men. Upon this intelligence he ordered his troops to halt, and hear mafs from Diego de Mattos; and, having chofen his ground, he halted again at mid-day, and confeffed, according to the rite of the church of Rome, and then formed his troops in order of battle. It was not long till the enemy came in fight, but without fhewing that alacrity and deiire of engaging they ufed to do when in their native mountains. The king, at the head of the cavalry, fell fo fuddenly and fo violently upon them, that he broke through the van-guard commanded by Melca Chriftos, and put them to flight before his foot could come up. The reft of the army followed the example of the lead- Vol, IE 3d cr. 3m T R A V K L 3 TO D I 3 C O V li R cr, and the enemy were everywhere trodden down and deftroyed by the victorious horfe, till night put an end to th.3 purfuit, Mflca Ciiui-stos, in the beginning of; the engagement; faved himffelf by tf*t fwiftnels of his horfe; ■but.8aoo of tha mountaineers were ilain upon the ipot, among whom was liicane, general to Melca Chriftos, an- excellent oibcer both for council and the iield, and feveral.other confiderable perfons, as well inhabitants of Lafta as others, who had ta~. ken that fide from dillike to the king and his .nicafures* ; Next morning the king went out with his fon to fee the field" of battle, where the prince Facilidas is faid to have fpoke to this effect- in name of the army: " Thefe men, whom you fee ilaughtered on the ground, were neither Pagans nor Mahometans at whole death we mould rejoice— they were Chriftians, lately your fubjects and your countrymen, fome of them your relations. This is not victory which is gained over ourfelves. In killing thefe you drive the fword into your own entrails. How many men have you flaughtered ? How many more have you to kill ? We arc become a proverb even among the Pagans and Moors for carrying on this war, and for apoftatizing, as they fay, from the faith of our anceftors,"—The king heard this fpeech. without reply, and returned manifeftly difconfolate to Dancaz ; though many times before he had feaiied and triumphed for the gaining of a ieffer victory*. After his arrival at Dancaz, he had a conference with the patriarch Alphonfo Mendes, who, in a long fpecch, up* braided him with having defertcd the Catholic faith at the time time wlicn the victory obtained by their prayers gave him an opportunity of eftablifhing it. The king anfwered, with fceming indifference, that he had done every thing for the Catholic faith in his power; that he had ihed the blood of thoufands, and as much more was to be fired ; and Rill he was uncertain if it would produce any effect; but that he mould think of it, and fend him his rcfolutions to-morrow. The next day Socinios made a declaration by Za Mariam to the patriarch, to this purport: "When wc embraced the faith of Rome, we laboured for it with great diligence, but the people flie wed no affection for it. Julius rebelled out of hatred againfl Sela Chriftos, under pretence of being defender of the ancient faith, and was flain, together with many of his followers. Gabriel did the fame. Tecla Georgis, likewife, made a league to die for the Alexandrian faith, which he did, and many people with him. The fame did Serca Chriftos the preceding year; and thofe pcafants of Lafta fight for the fame caufe at this day. The faith of Rome is not a bad one; but the men of this country do not underftand it. Let thofe that like it remain in that faith, in the fame way as the Pomigucfe did in the time of At/enaf Segued; let them eat and drink together, and let them marry the daughters of Abyftinians. As for thofe that are not inclined to the Roman faith, let them follow their ancient one as received from the church of Alexandria/' Itpon this declaration, delivered by Za Mariam, the patriarch inquired if it came from the king, heing anfwered that it did ; after a little paufe, he returned this anfwer by Emanuel Almeyda, " That the patriarch undcrftood that both religions mould be permitted in the kmgdom, and that 3D a the the Alexandrians were to have every indulgence that could be wifhed by them, without violating the purity of the Catholic faith ; that, therefore, he had no difficulty of allowing the people of Lafla to live in the faith of their anceilors without alteration, as they had never embraced any other; but as for thofe that had fworn to perfift in the Catholic faith, and had received the communion in that church, by no means,, without a grievous fin, could it be granted to them to renounce that faith in which they had deliberately fworn to live and die." The king, upon this anfwer, which he undcrftood well, and expected, only replied, " What is to be done ? I have no longer the power of government in my own kingdom — and immediately ordered a herald to make the following proclamation :■— " Hear us ! hear us !' hear us ! Firft of all we gave you the Roman Catholic faith, as thinking it a good one ; but many people have died fighting againft it, as Julius, Gabriel, Tecla Georgis, Serca Chriftos, and, laftly, thefe rude pcafants of Lafta, Now, therefore, we re (lore to you the faith of your anceftors; let your own priefls fay their mafs in their own churches; let the people have their own altars for .the facrament, and their own liturgy, and be happy. As for myfelf, I am now old and worn out with war and infirmities,, and no longer capable of governing ; I name my fon Facilidas to reign in my place." Thus, in one day, fell the whole fabric of the Roman Ca* tholic faith, and hierarchy of the church of Rome, in Abydi- ;.iia: firft regularly eftablifhed, as I muft always think, by Po- ter ier Paez, in moderation, charity, perfeverance, long-fuf-fering, and peace ; extended and maintained afterwards by blood and violence beyond what could be expected from heathens, and thrown down by an exertion of the civil power in its own defence, againft the encroachments of prieft-hood and ecclefiaftical tyranny, which plainly had no other view than, by annihilating the conftitution under its native prince, to reduce Abyflinia to a Portuguefe government, as had been the cafe with fo many independent ftates in India already. This proclamation was made on the 14th of June 1632. After this Socinios took no care of public affairs, He had been for a long time afflicted with various complaints, c-fpccially fince the laft campaign in Lafta; and affairs were now managed by prince Facilidas in his father's place, though he did not take upon him the title of King. E-mana Chriftos, brother of Sela Chriftos, a ftcady Alexandrian, and Guebra Chriftos, were then made governors of Lafta and Begemder ; but no fteps were taken in this interval againft the Jefuits. On the 7th of September the king died, and was buried with great pomp, by his fon Facilidas, in the church of Ga-neta Jcfus, which he himfelf had built, profciling himfelf a Roman Catholic to the laft. The Portuguefe hiftorians deny both his refignation of the crown, and his perfeverance in the Roman Catholic faith to his death, but this apparently for their own purpofes. He was a prince remarkable for his ftrength of body ; of great courage and elevation of mind; had early learned the 4 exercife excrcife of arms,patiencc,pcrfevcrancc, and every military virtue that could be acquired; and had paffed the firft of his life as a private perfon, in the midft of hardfhips and dangers. He is celebrated to this day in Abyftinia for a talent, which feems to be the gift of nature, that of choofing upon the firft view the proper ground for the camp or battle, and embracing, in his own mind in a moment,all the advantages and difadvantages that could rciult from any particular part of it. This talent is particularly recorded in feveral fhort proverbs, or military adages, fuch as the following: " Blind him firft, or you lhall never beat him." This moft material qualification feemed to have been in part tranfmitted to Ras Michael, the great general in my time, defcended from Socinios by his mother; and, by this fuperiority alone over the other commanders oppofed to him, he is faid to have been victorious in forty-three pitched battles. Socinios embraced the Catholic religion from conviction, and ftudied it with great application, as far as his narrow means of inllruclion would allow him; and there can be no doubt that, under the moderate conduct of Peter Paez, who converted him, he would have died a martyr for that religion ; and there Jccms as little reafon to doubt, confeienti-ous as he was, if he had been a young man he would have quiticd it for the good of his country, and from his inability to fuller the tyranny of the patriarch Alphonfo Mcndes, and his continual encroachment upon civil government. Being, in the laft years of his life, left without one foldier to draw his fword for the Catholic caufe, he kept his religion, and abandoned his crown ; and having been, lt ihould feem, for fome time convinced that the government ef t-hc church of Rome, in fuch hands as lie left it, .was in-compatible with monarchy, he took, no pains to change Facilidas's known fentiments, or to render him favourable to the Roman faith, or to name another of his fons to fuc-ceed him whom he found to be more fo. The Jefuits, considering only the catafuophc-, and urs mindful of the llrenuous efforts made to eflablifh their religion during his whole reign, have traduced.his character as that of an apoftate, for giving way to the univerfal dgJ mand of his people to have their ancient form of worlhip reilorcd when his army had deferred him, and he himfelf was dying of old age. But every impartial man will admit, that the fhep he took, of abdicating his fovcreignty over a people who had abjured the religion he had introduced among them, wasv in his circumflances, the nobleil action of his life, and juil.thc reverie of apoflacy.. This rcfignation of the crown* an*} hrs tenacious perfe-^ vering in the Catholic faith, together with the moderation of his fon, the prince Facilidas, in appointing a regency to govern, rather than to mount the throne himfelf during his father's life, are three facts which we know to be true from the Abyflinian annals, and which the Jefuits have endeavoured to fupprefs, that they might the more eaiily blacken the character both of the father and. the fon. They have pretended that it was the queen, and other ladies at court, who by their influence fedticed the king from the Catholic religion. But, Socinios was then pad feventy, and the queen near fixty, and he had no other wives or millrefH esa. To judge, moreover, by his behaviour in the affair of Adera, fifter to Tecla Georgis, the voice of the women at court feems to have had no extraordinary weight with him. In a word, he never varied in his religion after he embraced that of Rome, but Red faftly adhered to it, when the pride and bad conduct of the Jefuits, its profeflbrs, had fcarcely left another friend to it in the whole kingdom; and, therefore, the charge of apoftacy is certainly an unmerited falfehood. As it is plain the Portuguefe, from the beginning, believed their religion could only be eftablifhcd by force, and were perfuaded fuch means were lawful, the blame of fo much bloodfhcd for fo many years, and the total mifcar-riage of the whole fcheme at laft, lay at the door of their fovereign, the king of Spain and Portugal; who, having fucceeded to his wifh in his conqueft of India, feems not to have had the fame anxiety the patriarch had for the converfion of Abyflinia, nor even to have thought further of fending a body of troops with his priefts to the fuccour of Socinios, whom he left to the prayers of Urban VIII. the merit of Ignatius Loyola, and the labours of his furious and fanatic difciples. TRAVELS TRAVELS TO DISCOVER THE SOURCE OF THE NILE. BOOK IV. ANNALS OF ABYSSINIA, translated from the original. continuation of the annals, from the death of socinios till my arrival in abyssinia. FACILIDAS, or SULTAN SEGUED. From 1632 to 1665. The Patriarch and MiJJlonarics arc bani/hcd—Seek tlje Protection of a Rebel—Delivered up to the King, and fent to Mafuah—Prince Claudius rebels—Sent to Wechne—Death and Char abler of the King. AS foon as the prince Facilidas had paid the laft honours to his father, he fet about compofing thofe diforders which had fo long diffracted the kingdom by reafon of the difference of religion. Accordingly he wrote to the patri-Vol II, 3 E arch, arch, that, the Alexandrian faith being now reftored, his leaving the kingdom had become indifpenfible: that he had lately undcrftood, that an Abuna, fent for by his predeceffor and by himfelf, was now actually on the way, and only deferred his arrival from a refolution not to enter the kingdom till the Romifh patriarch and his priefls ihould have left it; and, therefore, he commanded the patriarch and fathers, affembled from their feveral convents in Gojam and Dembea, to retire immediately to Fremona, there to wait his further pleafure. The patriarch endeavoured to parry this, with offering new conceffions and indulgencies ; but the king informed him that he was too late; and that he wifhed him to be advifed, and fly, while it was time, from greater harm that would otherwife fall upon him. It was not long before the patriarch had revenge of Facilidas for this intimation of the expectation of a fucceffor in the perfon of the Abuna. For on that very Eaftcr there did arrive one, whole name was Sela Chriftos, calling himfelf Abuna, who performed all the functions of his office, dedicated churches, adminiftered the facrament, and ordained priefls. After continuing in office fome months, he was detected by a former companion of his, and found to be a man of very bad character, from Nara, the frontier of Abyf-fmia, and that by profcffion he had been a dealer in horfes. Facilidas then ordered his uncle,. Sela Chriftos, to be brought before him, received him kindly, and offered him again his riches and employments. That brave man, Chrif- tian in every thing but in his hatred and jealoufy againft his his fovereign and nephew, refufed abfolutely to barter his faith to obtain the greateft good, or avoid the greateft pm nifliment, it was in the power of the king to inflict. After repeated trials, all to no purpofe, the king, overcome by the inftigation of his enemies, banilhed him to Anabra in Shawada, a low, unwholefome diftrict amidft the mountains of Samen. But hearing that he ftill kept correfpon-dence with the Jefuits, and that their common refolution was to folicit Portuguefe troops from India, and remembering his former oath, he fent orders to his place of exile to put him to death, and he was in confcquencc hanged upon a cedar-tree. Tellez, the Portuguefe hiftorian, in his collection of martyrs that died for the faith in Abyflinia, has defervedly inferted the name of Sela Chriftos ; but profefles that he is ignorant of the time of his death, and under what fpccies of torment he fuffered. The only information that I can -give is what I have juft now written. It was in the beginning of the year 1634 he was carried to Shawada in chains, and confined upon the mountain Anabra; but no mention is made of any other hardfhip being put upon him than his being in irons, nor is more ufual in that kind of banifh-ment. It was at the end of that year, however, that he was executed in the manner above mentioned, being fufpected of having correfponded with the patriarch and Jefuits, and afterwards of inciting his nephew Claudius to rebel, as, it appears, he had meditated long before, and actually did very foon after. The 9th of March 1633, me king ordered the patriarch to leave Dancaz, and, with the reft of the fathers, to proceed im- 3 E 2 mediately mediately to Fremona, under the conduct of four people of the firft confideration, Tecla Georgis, brother of Keba Chriftos, Tecla Saluce, one of the principal perfons in Tigre, and two Azages, men of great dignity at court. Thefe were joined by a party of foldiers belonging to Claudius, brother of the king, fuppofed to have been in the confpiracy with Sela Chriftos his uncle, to fupplant his brother Facilidas by the help of the Jefuits and Portuguefe troops from India. But as foon as the patriarch had fallen into difgrace, and Sela Chriftos loft his life, that prince returned to the church of Alexandria, as did all the other fons of Socinios ; after which9, Claudius feized to his own ufe all the lands and effects that he found in Gojam, and was now by the king made governor of Begemder. Under this cfcort the patriarch and his company arrived at Fremona in the end of April 1633, having been often robbed and ill-treated by the way, the guards that were given to defend them conniving with the: banditti that came to rob them. if However ftrictly the fathers ob&rvcd the precepts of fcripture on other occafions, in this they did not follow the line of conduct prefcribed by our Saviour—" And whofo* " ever fhall not receive you, nor hear your words, when you " depart out of that houfe or city, fhake off the dull of your w feet." They were not fheep that went patiently and dumb to the flaughter; and, if their hearts, as they fay, were full of love and charity to Abyflinia, it was ftrangely accompanied with the refolution they had taken to fend Jerome Lobo, the moft famous, becaufe the moft bigotted Jefuit of the whole band, firft to the viceroy of India, and then to Spain, to folicit an army and. fleet which were to lay all this kingdom, in blood. The The king was perfectly advifed of all that palfed. As he faw that the patriarch endeavoured to gain time, and knew the reafon of it; and, as the fathers among them had a considerable quantity of fire-arms, he fent an officer to the patriarch at Fremona, commanding him to deliver up the whole of thefe, with gun-powder and other ammunition, and to prepare, at the fame time, to fet out for Mafuah. This at firft the patriarch refufed to do. Nor did Facilidas punifli this difobedience by any harfher method than convincing him mildly of the imprudence and inutility of fuch rcfu-fal, and the bad confequences to themfelves. Upon which the patriarch at laft furrendered the articles required to the officer fent by the king, but he refolved very differently as to the other injunction of carrying all his brethren to Mafuah. On the contrary, he determined by every means to fcatter them about the kingdom of Abyflinia, and leave them behind if he was forced to embark at Mafuah, which he, however, refolved to avoid and refill to the utmoft of his power. In order to do this, it was refolved that he fhould folicit die Baharnagafh (John Akay, then in rebellion) to take them under his protection, and for that purpofe to fend a number of armed men, on a night appointed, to meet them near Fremona, and carry them in fafety from any purfuit of the governor of Tigre. This project, extraordinary as it was, fucceeded. Akay promifed them his protection. The patriarch and priefls, deceiving the guard the king had fet upon them, efcaped in the night, and joined the foldiers of John Akay, commanded by Tecla Emanuel, who was ready to receive them: They took refuge at Addicota, the foldiers of the guard, though alarmed, not daring to purfue them in the night, as not: not knowing the number and power of their protectors, and fearing they might fall into fome ambufh. It may not be amifs here to take notice, that this John Akay was the very man with whom Tecla Georgis had af-fociated for the murder of Abba Jacob. He was a fhrewd man, and had great power by living in the neighbourhood of Sennaar, to which country he could retreat when occafion required. He received the patriarch with great kind-nefs. Addicota is an inacceflible rock, perpendicular on all fides, excepting where there is a narrow path by which was the entrance. Here the patriarch thought he could continue in Abyilinia, in defiance of Facilidas, till he mould procure fuccours from India. It was not, however, long before he found how little dependence there was upon this new protector ; for, in the midfl of all his fchcmes, he received orders to remove from Addicota, under pretence that they were not there enough in fafety ; and Akay transferred them vexatioufly from place to place, into hot and unwholefome fituations, always under the fame pretence, till he had deftroyed their healths, and exhaufted their ftrength and patience. There is but one way of difpofing fuch people to grant a favour, and it was furprifing the patriarch did not find this out fooncr. Jerome Lobo was fent with a fmall prefent in gold, defiring they might have leave to continue in their old habitation, Addicota. Lobo found John Akay very much taken up in a purfuit that fome ignorant monks had put hit ion to name feveral of the heft-qualified, perform of both parties, who, in the prefence of the Itche-gue and Abuna, might mfpccT. die books, and from them fettle fome premifes that might be hereafter accepted audi admitted ab data hy both." Tins being affentcd to, the very next year he ordered two of the priefls of Debra Libanos then at oonclar, togcthet with Abha Tcbcdin, Cofmas of Aruana, the Abuna Sanuda, and the Irchcgue, forthwith to repair to Debra Mariam, an illand in the lake Tzana, where, fcquellcred from the world, they might difcufs their feveral opinions, and fettle fome points admiftiblc by both fides. After which, without giving any opportunity for rcpl), he tlillolved the ailembly,. and took the field with his army. The The king, though perfectly informed of the part that the whole province of Damot had taken in the rebellion of Ifaac, as alfo great part of the Agows, but moft of all that tribe called Zeegam, yet had fo well diffcmbled, that moft of them believed he was ignorant of their fault, and all of them, that he had no thoughts of punilhing them, for he had returned through Damot, after the defeat of Ifaac* without (hewing any mark of anger, or fuffering his troops to commit the fmalleft hollility. He now paffed in the fame peaceable manner through the country of Zeegam, intending to attack the Shangalla of Geefa and Wumbarea. These two tribes arc little known. Like the other Shangalla they are Pagans, but worfhip the Nile and a certain tree, and have a language peculiar to themfelves. They are woolly-headed, and of the deepeft black ; very tall and ftrong, ftraighter and better-made about the legs and joints than the other blacks; their foreheads narrow, their check-bones high, their nofes flat, with wide mouths, and very fmall eyes. With all this they have an air of chcarfulncfs and gaiety which renders them more agreeable than other blacks. Their women are very amorous, and fell at a much greater price than other blacks of the fex. This country is bounded on the fouth by Metchakel; on the weft by the Nile; the eaft by Serako, part of Guefgue and Kuara; and, on the north, by Belay, Guba, and the Hani idgc * of Sennaar. They make very frequent inroads, and * A name of the black Pagans bordering on Sennaar to the fouih-weft. and furprife the Agows, whofe children tin •. fell at to the Mahometans, who traffic there for g II and and get iron and coarfe cotton-cloths, in return. Their country is full of woods, and their manner of life the lame as has been already defcribed in fpeaking of the other tribes. The Geefa live clofe upon the Nile, to which river they give their own name. It is alfo called Geefa by the Agows, in the fmall diRricT of Geefh, where it rrfes from its fource.-They never have yet made peace with Abyflinia, are governed by the heads of families, and live feparatcly for the fake of hunting, and, for this reafon, are eafily conquered. The men are naked, having a cotton rag only about their middle. The nights are very cold, and they lie round great fires ; but the fly is not fo dangerous here as to the eaft-ward, fo that goats, in a fmall number, live here. Their -arms are bows, lances, and arrows; large wooden clubs, with4 knobs, nearly as big as a man's head, at the end of them ; their fhields are oval. They worfhip the Nile, but no other river, as I have faid before ; it is called Geefa, which, in their language, fignifies the firft Maker, or Creator. They imagine its water is a cure for moft difeafes. East of the Geefa is Wumbarea, which reaches to Belay.. The king fell firft on the Geefa, part of whom he took* and ■ the reft he difperfed. He then turned to the right through, Wumbarea,: and met with fome refiftance in the narrow r pafTes in the mountains, in one of which Kafmati Kofle* (one of his principal officers) a man of low birth, but raffed byy his merit to his prefent rank, was flain by an arrow. This' The king then repalTed the Agows of Zeegam, in the fame peaceable manner in which he came, and then marched on without giving any caufe of fufpicion, taking up his quarters at Ibaba. It was here he had appointed an aflembly of the clergy to meet, before whom the feveral delegates, chofcn to confider the controverted points, and find fome ground for a reconciliation, were to make their report. The Abuna, Itchcgue, and all thofe who, for this purpofe, were fliut up in Debra Mariam, appeared befcre the king. But, however amicably things had been carried on while they were flrut up in the illand, the ufual warmth and violence prevailed before the aflembly. Ayto Chriftos, Abba Welled Chriftos of Debra Libanos, on one fide, and Tebedin and Cofmas on the other, fell roundly, and without preface, upon a difpute about the incarnation, fa that the affair from argument was likely to turn to fe-dition. The turbulent Tebedin, leaving the matter of religion wholly apart, inveighed vehemently againft the retirement to Debra Mariam, which he loudly complained of as banifhment. Ras Anaftafius and Abuna Sanuda reproved him fharply for the freedom with which he taxed this meafure of the king, and in this they were followed by many of the wifer fort on both fides. Immediately after the aflembly, the king ordered Tebedin to be put in irons, and fent to a mountainous prifon. He then returned to Gondar. This year, the 9th of Yafous reign, there appeared a comet, remarkable for its fize and fiery brightnefsof its body, and for the prodigious length and diftincTnefs of its tail. It was was firft taken notice of at Gondar, two days before the fcaft of Sc Michael, on which day the army takes the field. A fight fo uncommon alarmed all forts of people ; and the prophets, who had kept themfelves within very moderate bounds during this whole reign, now thought that it was incumbent upon them to diftinguifli themfelves, and be ft-leht no longer. Accordingly they foretold, from this phenomenon, and publilhed everywhere as a truth infallibly and immutably pre-ordained, that the prefent campaign was to exhibit a fcene of carnage and bloodfhcd, more terrible and more cxtenfive than any thing that ever had appeared in the annals of Ethiopia. That thefe torrents of blood, which were everywhere to follow the footfteps of the king, were to be flopped by his death, which was to happen before he ever returned again to Gondar; and, as the object of the king's expedition was flill a fecret, thefe alarming prefages gained a great deal of credit. But it was not fo with Yafous, who, notwithftanding he was importuned, by learned men of all forts, to put off his departure for fome days, abfolutely refufed, anfwering always fuch rcquefts by irony and derifion: " Pho ! Pho! " fays he, you arc not in the right ; we muft give the co-" met fair play ; ufe him well, or he will never appear again, " and then idle people and old women will have nothing 8 to amufc themfelves with." He accordingly left Gondar at the time he had appointed; and he was already arrived at Amdaber, a few days diftance from the capital, when an exprefs brought him word of his mother's death, on which he immediately marched back to Gondar, and buried her in the ifland of Mitraha with all Vol. II. 3 K pofiiblc poffible magnificence, and with every mark of fincerc grief. Though the prophets had not juft fucceeded in what they foretold, they kept neverthelefs a good countenance. It is true that no blood was fhed, nor did the king die before he returned to Gondar; but his mother died when he was away, and that was much the fame thing, for they contended that it was not a great miftake, from the bare authority of a comet, to err only in the fex of the perfon that was to die ; a queen for a king was very near calculation. As for the bloody ftory, and the king's death, they faid they had miftaken the year in computing, but that it ftill was to happen (when it pleafed God) fome other time. Every body agreed that thefe explanations were the bell poifible, excepting the king, who perceived a degree of malice in the foretelling his death and certain lofs of his army juft at the inftant he was taking the field. But he difgui-fed his refentment under flrong irony, with which he attacked thefe diviners inceffantly. He had inquired accurately the day of his mother's death r " How is it, fays he to his chaplain, (or kees hatze) that this comet fhould come to firetel my mother's death, when fhe was dead four days before it appeared ?" Another day, to the fame perfon he faid, " I fear you do my mother too much honour at the cxpence of religion. Is it decent to fuppofe that fuch a liar, the moft remarkable appearance at the birth of Chriftr fhould now be employed on no greater errand than to foretel the death of the daughter of Guebra Mafcal ?" Thefe, and many more fuch railleries, accounted by thefe vifion- aries^. \ aries, as little Ihort of impiety, fo mortified Kofte (the kees hatze,) a great believer in, and protector of the dreamers, that he refigned all his employments, and retired among the hermits into the defert of Werk-leva towards Sennaar, to Rudy the afpects of the Rars more accurately, and more at leifure. Though we neither pay this comet the fuperftitious reverence the idle fanatics of Abyflinia fhewed it, nor yet treat it with that contempt which this great king's good fcnfe prompted him to do, we fhall make fome ufe of it, acknowledging our gratitude to the hiftorian who has recorded it. We fhall hereby endeavour to eftablifh our chronology in oppofition to that of the catholic writers, relating to the date of fome tranfactions with which they were not cotemporaries, and only relate from hearfay, as happening before the arrival of the miffionaries in this country, Yasous the Great, of whom we are now writing, came to the throne upon the death of his father Hannes in 1680; the 9th year of this reign then was 1689, Hedar is the 3d month of the Abyffinians, andanfwers to part of our November; and the 12th of that month, Hedar, is the feaft of St Michael the archangel, or 8th day of our month November, N. S. Gondar is in lat. 120 34' 30" N. and in long. 370 33' o" E. from the meridian of Greenwich. By the fiery appearance of the nucleus, or body of the comet, it certainly then was very near the fun, and either was going down upon it to its 3 K 2 perihelion, perihelion, or had already pafTed it, and was receding to its aphelion ; but by its increafing tail, hire ad y at a great length, we may conjecture it was only then going down to its conjunction, and was then near approaching to the fum Erom this we fhould conclude that this comet muft have been feen, however rapidly it did move, fome time before the 6th of November, or two days before the feaft of St Michael. But this depends on the circumflances of the climate ; for though the tropical rains ccafe the firft of September, the cloudy weather continues all the month of October ; at the end of thefe fall the latter rains in gentle fhowcrs, which allay the fevers in Dembea, and make the country wholefome for the march of the army, and thefe rains fall moftly in the night. From this it is probable that the comet, having at firft little light and no tail, as yet at a diftance from the fun, was not very apparent to the naked eye, till by its increafed motion and heat it had acquired both tail and brightnefs, as it approached its perihelion.. 9111 A^r *iS4*** WWH-i iJ y)' ■■' » *j ^ » -<• t*~ -. ■ in JZf .-■ ■ r ' Now. we find by our European accounts *, that, in the year 1C89, there did appear a c< met, the orbit of which was calculated by M. Pingre. And this comet arrived at its perihelion on the ill day of December 1689, fo was going down much inflamed, and with a violent motion to the fun, the 6th of November, when it was obferved at Gondar, being but 25 days then from its perihelion. As thefe circumflances are more than fufficicnt to con-flitute the identity of the comet, a phenomenon too rare to rifk * AArommi. de M. de La Landc, liv. 19. p. 366. rifk being confounded with another, we may hardty conclude the 9th year of Yafous the Firft to.be the year 1689 or Chrift, fuch as our chronology j drawn from the 'Abyflinian annals, ftatcs it to be ; oiyat leotil; if there is any error, it muft be fo fmall as to be of no fort of confequence to any fort of readers, or influence upon the narrative of any tranfactions. The 10th'year began with a fudden and violent alarm, which fpread itfelf in an inftant all over the kingdom without any certain authority. The Galla with an innumerable army were faid'to have entered Gojam, at feveral places, and laid wafte the whole province, and this was the more extraordinary, as the Nile was now in the height of its inundation. On his march, the king learned that this ftory arofe merely from a panic ; and this formidable army turned out no more than a fmall band of robbers of that nation, who had paffed the river in their ufual wav, part on horfebackjiwhile the foot were dragged over, hanging at the horfes tails, or riding on goats fkins blown, up with wind. This final! party had furprifed fome weak villages, killed the inhabitants, and immediately returned acrofs the river. But the alarm continued, and there were people at. Gondar who were ready to fwear they faw the villages and churches on lire, and a large army of CJalla in their march, to Ibaba, at the fame time that there was not one Galla on, the Gojam fide of the river, . . The king, however, cither confidering this fmall body of Galla coming at this unfeafonable time, and the panic that was fo artificially fpread, as a feint to throw him off his. guard when a real invafion might be intended, or with a 3 view view to Cover his own defigns, fummoned all the men of the province of Gojam to meet him in arms at Ibaba the 7th day of January, being the proper feafon for preparing an expedition into the country of the Galla. He himfelf in the mean time retired to Dek, an ifland in the lake Tzana, there to Ray till his army Ihould be collected. While the king was in the illand, a number of the malcontents among the monks, who had, in the feveral af-fcmblies, been banilhed for fedition with Tebedin, came to him there, defiring to be heard before an affembly; and they brought with them Area Denghel, of Debra Samayat, to fupport their petition. The king anfwered, that he was ready to call an alfcmbly, provided the Abuna defired, or would promife to be prefent; but that the Abuna was then at Debra Mariam, where they might go and know his mind. The Abuna, who forefaw little good could be expected from fuch meetings, and knew how difagreeable they were to the king, abfolutely refufed to attend. On this they returned again to the king, defiring that, of his own mere prerogative, he would call their affembly without confult-ing further the Abuna. To this the king anfwered boldly, That he knew it was his right to call his fubjeets together, without any other reafon for fo doing but his will; yet, when the avowed caufe of the meeting was to canvafs matters of faith, he had made it a rule to himfelf, that the Abuna fhould always be prefent, or at leaft confent to the meeting. And with this anfwer he ordered them all to depart immediately. Mant Many of the principal people about the king advifed him to put thefe turbulent people in irons, for daring to come into his prefence without leave. But Yafous was contented to remand each to the place of his banifhment from whence he came. He then removed from Dek to Ibaba, on the ioth of January, the journey being no more than two eafy days; but, whether it was that the Galla did not intend another invafion, or whether they were overawed by the king's preparations and prefence, and did not think themfelves fafe even in their own country, none of them this year pafTed the Nile, or gave any uneafinefs either to Gojam or Damot. Though the whole nation believed that the king's attention was entirely engaged in the various expeditions againR the Galla and Shangalla, which he executed with fo much diligence and fuccefs, yet there was Rill a principal object fuperior to all thefe, which remained a fecret in his own breafl, after the parties concerned had abfolutely forgot it. All his campaigns againR the Shangalla were only deftgncd to lull aileep thofe he confidered as his principal enemies, that he might make the blow he aimed at them more certain and effectual. Six years had now paffed fince the Agows, and particularly the moft powerful tribe of them, the Zeegam, had, with thofe of Damot and the Galla, confpired to put the crown upon the head of the rebel prince Ifaac, who had loft his life in the engagement which followed on the other fide of the Nile. It will be remembered alfo, that the country of the Agows is in general open, full of rich plains, abundantly watered by variety of fine ftreams; in other parts, gentle I rifings rifings and dcfcents, but without mountains, faving that, almoft in every tribe, Nature had placed one rugged mountain to which thefe people retired upon the approach of their neighbouring enemies the Galla and Shangalla. This defcription does, in a more extenlive manner, belong to the country^f the Zeegam, the moft powerful, rich, and trading tribe of the whole nation. t /V/ciovo ;: rv/ (iff; 'lotlw&Vr to yfiofts/r; i other**; bail Not one lingie mountain, but a confidcrable ridge, divides the country nearly in the middle, the bottom of which, and nearly one-third up^is covered with brufli-rwood, full of ft iff bamboos and canes, bearing prickly fruit, with aloes, acacia very thorny, and of feveral dwarf fhrubby kinds, interfperfed with the kaiituila *, a beautiful thorn, which a-lone is conlidercd, where it grows thick and in abundance, as a fufficicnt impediment for the march of a royal army. Through thefe are paths known only to the inhabitants thcmfelves, which lead you to the middle of the mountain, where are large caves, probably begun by Nature, and afterwards enlarged by the induflry of man. The mouths of thefe arc covered with bullies, canes, and wild oats, that grow fo as to conceal both man and horfe, while the tops of thefe mountains are flat and well-watered, and there they ftrw their grain out of the reach of the enemy. Upon the firft alarm they drive the cattle to the top, lodge their wives apd children in the caves, and, when the enemy approaches near, they hide the cattle in the caves likewife, fome of which cavities arc fo large as to hold 500 oxen, and all the people to which they belong. The men then go down to the See the article kav.tufu in the Appendix. the lcvweft part of the mountain, from whofe thickets they fally, upon every opportunity that prefents itfelf, to attack the enemy whom they find marauding in the plains. The king had often aiTembled his army at Ibaba, only four days march from Zeegam. He had done more; he had paffed below the country, and returned by the other fide of it, in his attack upon Geefa and Wumbarea; but he had never committed any act of hoftility, nor fhcwn himfelf discontented with them. To deceive them Rill farther, he ordered now his army to meet him at Efte in Begemder; and fent to Kafmati Claudius, governor of Tigre, to join him with all his forces as foon as he fhould hear he was arrived at Lama, a large plain before we de-fcend the fteep mountain of Lamalmon, which Rands not far from the banks of the river Tacazze. He privately gave orders alfo to Kafmati Claudius, Kafmati Dimmo Chriftos of Tigre, and to Adcra and Quaquera Za Menfus Kcdus, to inform themfelves where the water lay below, and wdrether there was enough for his army in Bctcoom, for fo they call the territory of the eaftern branch of Shangalla adjoining to Sire and Tigre. By this manoeuvre the enemy was deceived, as the moft intelligent thought he was to attack Lafta, and the others, that knew the fecret of the water, were fure his march was againft the Shangalla. The king began his march from Ibaba, and croffed the Nile at the fecond cataract below Dara, where there is a bridge ; and, entering Begemder, he joined his army at Efte, which was going in a route direetly from Agow and Damot towards Lafta. But no fooner was he arrived at Efte, than, that very night, he fuddenly turned back the way he Vol, II. 3 L came,. came, and, marching through Maitfha, hecroffcd the Nile,, for the fecond time, at Gout to, above the firft cataract. The morning of the 3d of May, the fixth day of forced marches, without having encampctl the whole way, he entered Zeegam at the head of his army. He found the country in perfect fecurity, both people and cattle below on the plains and in the villages; and having put all to the fword who firR offered themfelves, and the principal of the confpirators being taken prifoners, he fold their wives and children at a public auction for flaves to the higheft bidder. He then took the principal men among them along with him for fecurity for paying fix years tribute which they were in arrears, fined them 6000 oxen, which he ordered to. be delivered upon the fpot; and then collecting his army, he fent to the chiefs of Damot to meet him before he entered their territory, and to bring fecurity with them for the fine he intended to lay upon them, otherwife he would deftroy their country with fire and fword ; and he advanced the fame day to Affoa, fouth of the fources of the Nile, divided only from Damot by the ridge of mountains of Amid. Amid. The people of Damot, inhabiting an open level country without defence, had no choice but to throw themfelves on the king's mercy, who fined them 500 ounces of gold and too oxen, and took the principal people with him in irons as hoitages. He then returned, leaving the fources of the Nile on his right, through Dengui, Fagitta, and Arooli; croffed the river Kelti, having the Agow and Atcheffer on his left, and returned turned to Gondar by Dinglebcr. He then gave 2000 cattle to the churches of Tecla Haimanout and Yafous, being near-eft the king's palace, to the Itcheguc Hannes, the judges and principal fervants of his houfehold, to all a fhare, without referving one to himfelf. And the rains being now very conflant, (for it was the 25th of June) he refolved to continue the reft of the winter in Gondar to regulate the affairs of the church. Tins year the king returned his expedition againft the Shangalla, towards which he had taken feveral preparatory fteps, while he was projecting the furprifc of the Zeegam. Thefe are the Troglodytes on the eaftern part of Abyflinia, towards the Red Sea, fouth of Walkayt, Sire, Tigre, and Baharnagafh, till they are there cut off by the mountains of the Habab. Thefe, the moft powerful of all their tribes, arc comprehended under the general name of Dobcnah; the tribe Baafa, which we have already fpoken of as occupying the banks of the Tacazze, are the only partners they have in the peninfula formed by that river and the Mareb. Their country and manner of life have been already abundantly defcribed. It is all called Kolla, in' oppofition to Daga, which is the general name of the mountainous parts of Abyilinia. The king, being informed by Kafmati Claudius that there was water in great plenty at Betcoom, marched from Gondar the 29th of October to Deba, thence to Koffogue, after to Tamama. Fie then turned to the left to a village called Sidre, nearer to the Shangalla. From this ftation he forbade the lighting fires in the camp, and took Jhe road leading to the March; then turning to the left, the ill of December he furprifed a village called Kunya. The king 3 L 2 was was the firft who began the attack, and was in great dan* ger, as Mazmur, captain of his guard, was killed by a lance at his fide. But the foldiers ruining in upon fight of the king's fituation, who had already Ilain two with his own hand, the village was carried, and the inhabitants put to the fword, refufing all to liy, and fighting obRinately to the laft gafp. From Kunya the king proceeded rapidly to Tzaada Am*.. ba% the largeft and moft power! 1 fettlement of thefe favages. They have no water but what they get from the river Mareb, which, as I have clfcwhere obferved, rifes above Dobarwa, and, after making the circle of that town, lofes itfelf foon after in the fand for a fpace, then appears again, and, after a fhort courfe, hides itfelf a fecond time to the N. E. near the Taka, whofe wells it fupplies with frefh wa^ ter. But in. the rainy months it runs with a full ftream, in a wide and deep bed, and unites itfelf to the Tacazze, with it making the northmoft point of the ancient illand of Me-, roe. The king met the fame fuccefs at Tzaada Amba that he-had before experienced at Kunya, at which laft village he paffed the feaft of the epiphany and benediction of the wa-tcrs; a ceremony annually obferved both by the Greek and; Abyffinian church, the intent of which has been ftrangely, miftaken by foreigners. From; * The white mountain- From Kunya, his head-quarters, Yafous attacked the feveral nations of which this is, as it were, the capital, Zaco-ba, Fade, Qualquou, and Sahale, and he returned again to Tzaada Amba, rcfolvi'ng to complete their deftrucTion. The remains of thefe mifcrablc people, finding refiftance vain^ had hid themfelves in inacceflible caves in the mountains, and the thickeft parts of the woods, where they lay perfectly concealed in the day-time, and only Role out when thirft obliged them at night. The king, who knew this, and that they had no other water but what they brought from the Mareb, formed a flrong line of troops along the banks of that river, till the greateft part of the Shangalla of Tzaada Amba died with thirft, or were taken or Ilain by the army. His next enterprize was to attempt Betcoom, a large habitation of Shangalla eaft of the Mareb, whofe number, ftrength, and reputation for courage, had hitherto prevented the Abyffmians from molefting them, never having touched, unlefs the fartheft fkirts of their country. The names of their tribes inhabiting Betcoom are, Baigada, Dade, Ketfe, Kicklada, Moleraga,Megaerbe, Gana,Sele, Ham-ta, Shalada, Flmfi, and Lente. The fmall river of Lidda falling from a high precipice, when fwelled with the winter rains, hollows out deep and large refervoirs below, which it leaves full of water when the rains ceafe, fo that thefe people are here as well fupplicd with water as thofe that dwell on the large rivers the Mareb and Tacazze. This was a circumftance unknown, till this fagacious and provident king ordered the place to be reconnoitred by Kafmati. Claudius, then marched and encamped on the river 4, Lidda Lidda, which, after a fhort but violent courfe, falls into the Mareb. The Shangalla of Betcoom did nothing worthy of their reputation or numbers. They had already procured intelligence of the fate of great part of their nation, and had difperfed themfelves in unknown and defolate places. The king, however, made a confidcrable number of Raves of the younger fort, and killed as many of the reft as fell into his hands. Leaving Betcoom, the army proceeded flill eaftward ; paffed through the mountains of the Habab, into the low level country which runs parallel to the Red Sea, at the bafe of thefe mountains, where he fpent feveral days hunting the elephant, fome of which he flew with his own hand, and turned then to the left to Amba Tchou * and Taka. The Taka are a nation of Shepherds living near the extremity of the rains. They are not Arabs, but live in villages, and were part formerly of the Bagla, or Habab ; they fpeak the language of Tigre, ami are now reputed part of the kingdom of Sennaar. While the king was at Taka, he received the difagrec-able news, that, after he had left the Shangalla on the Mareb, Muftapha Gibberti, a Mahometan foldier in the fervice of Kafmati Fafa Chriftos of Dedgin, had, with a fmall number of men, ventured down, thinking that he ihould fur- prife * The mountain cf fait. prife the Shangalla of Tzaada Amba, before they recovered from their late misfortune. This Muflapha had ilain two or three Shangalla with fire-arms; and at firft they flood aloof as fearing the king. But finding foon that it was no part of his army, and only a fmall body of adventurers, the Shangalla 'now collected in numbers, furrounded Muftap'ia and his party, whom they cut off to a man; and, purfuing their advantage, they entered and took Dedgin, wounded Kafmati Fafa ChriRos, and put the inhabitants of the town to the fword.. News of this misfortune were carried fpeedily to Kafmati Claudius, governor of Tigre: Caflem, a Mahometan, led the Gibbertis, the people of that religion in the province ; and, as he was an advanced party, came fpeedily to blows with the Shangalla, and was clofely engaged, with great appearance of fuccefs, when Claudius came up with an army that would foon have put an end to the con ted. But no fooner wTas his army engaged with the Shangalla, than a panic feized him, and he founded a retreat; which, in an inflant, became a moil fhameful flight. Caifem and his gibbertis fell, fighting to the lall man in the middle of their enemies. The Shangalla followed their advantage, and great part of the Abyllinian army perifhed in the flight; Claudius, tho* he efcaped, left his ftandard, kettle-drums, and his whole province in poffeffion of the enemy. The king, upon hearing this, returned haflily into Sire;, and his prefence eRablifhed order and tranquillity in that province, already half abandoned for fear of the Shangalla. From Sire the king proceeded to Axum, where he celebrated 2 his his victories over the Shangalla, by feveral days of feafling and thankfgiving. In the midft of this rejoicing, news were brought that Murat, a fervant of the king, whom he had difpatchea to India with merchandife, to bring fuch commiffions as he Rood in need of, was arrived at Mafuah, where Mufa the Nay be, or Turkifh governor of the illand, had detained him, and feized his goods, under fome vexatious pretences. There is not indeed a more mercilefs, thievifh fet or mrf-creants, than in that government of Mafuah. But the king knew too well the few refources that ifland had, to be long in applying a remedy, without moving from Axum; after being fully informed of the affair, in all its circumitances, by Murat, he fent to Abba Saluce, Guebra Chriftos, and Za-rabrook of Hamazen, the governors of the diftric~ts, that as it were furround Mafuah, prohibiting all, upon pain of death, to fuffer any provifions to be carried by any perfon whatever into the ifland of Mafuah. A severe famine inftantly followed, which was to terminate in certain death, before any relief could come to them, unlcfs from Abyflinia. The Naybe Mufa, therefore, found into what a terrible fcrapc he had got; but hunger did not leave him a moment to deliberate. No third way remained, but either he mufl fee the king, or die ; and without heiitation he chofe the former. He, therefore, fet out for Axum, bringing with him Murat and all the merchandifes he had feized, as alfo feveral very confiderablc prefents for Yafous himfelf, who accepted them, received his fubmiflion, and ordered the communication with Abyflinia to be open as as before. This done, he difmifTed the Naybe, who returned tq; Mafuah in peace. The next affair that came before the king was that of Kafmati Claudius, (governor of Tigre) who was accufed and found guilty of having fled while the battle with the Shangalla was yet undecided, leaving his Randard and kettledrums in the power of the enemy. Befides his prefent mifbehaviour, flrong prejudice exiftcd againft him, drawn from his former character; for it was averred, from very credible authority, that on one occafion, upon a very flcndcr appearance of fedition, he ordered his troops to fire upon feveral priefls of Axum, fome of whom were killed on the fpot. Befides which, in the reign of Hatze Hannes, he was found guilty of capital crimes committed at Emfras, condemned to die, and was already hanging upon the tree, when a very fcafonable reprieve arrived from the king, and he was thereupon cut down whilft yet alive. Yafous contented himfelf with depriving him of his employment, and afterwards fending him to perpetual banifhment. The next brought to their trial were Za Woldo, and A-dera and his fons. Thefe laft were very near relations to the king, for they were fons of Ozoro Kcdufct Chriftos, daughter of Facilidas. They were accufed of having dc-ferted their country and left it wraftc to be over-run by wild hearts, and a rendezvous for the Shangalla, who thence extended their incurfions as far as Waldubba. Of this there was ample proof againft them, and they were therefore'fen-tenced to die, but the king commuted their punifhmcnt in-Vol. If. yM to to that of being imprifoned for life in a cave in the ifland of Dek. As For the province of Sire itfelf, he declared all the inhabitants and nobility, degraded from their rank, and all lands, whether feus from the king, or held by any other tenure, were confifcated, rcfumed by, and re-united to the crown. He then reduced the whole province from a royal government to a private one, and annexed it to the province of Tigre, whofe governor was to place over it a ihum, or petty officer, without any enfigns of powrer. And, laft of all, he gave the government of Tigre to the Ras Feres, or mailer of the horfe, in room of Kafmati Claudius degraded and banifhed, The many ftriking examples which the king had lately given, one clofe upon the other, of his own perfonal bravery, his impartial juftice, his fecrecy in his expeditions, and the certain vengeance that followed where it was deferved, his punifhment of the Zeegam, his expedition againft the Shangalla, his affair with the Naybc Mufa, and his behaviour to the cowardly Claudius and daftardly nobility of Sire, fully convinced his fubjects of all degrees, that neither family, nor being related to the crown, nor the ftrength of their country, nor length of time fince they offended, nor indeed any thing but a return to and continuance in their duty, could give them fecurity under fuch a prince. Thus ended the campaign of the Dobenah, fpoke of to this day in AbyI'll nia as the greateft warlike achievement of any of their kings. Twenty-fix thoufand men are faid to have perifhed by thirft when the king took poffeflion of the water at Tzaada Amba, And yet, notwithftanding the fmalhpox which, which, in fome places, exterminated whole tribes, the Dobc-nah have not loft an inch of territory, but feem rather to be gaining upon Sire. Yasous arrived at Dancaz on the 8th of March 1692, having difmiffed his army as he paffed Gondar. From Dancaz he went to Lafta, and after a fhort flay there, came to Arringo in Begemder. At this place the king received accounts that far exceeded his expectations, and gratified his warmeft wifhes. He had long endeavoured to gain a party among the Galla to divide them ; and, though no marks of fuccefs had yet followed, he flill had continued to ufe his endeavours. On his arrival at Arringo, he was met by a chief of the fouthern Galla, called Kal-kend, who brought him advice that, while he was bufy with the Shangalla, an irruption had been made into Amhara by the Galla tribes of Liban and Toluma; that they, the king's friends, had come up with them at Halka, fought with them, and beat them, and freed Amhara entirely from all apprehenfion. The king, exceedingly rejoiced to fee his moft inveterate enemies become the defenders of his country, ordered the governor of Amhara to pay the Kal-kend 500 webs of cotton-cloth, 500 loads of corn, and efcort both the men and the prefent till they were fafely delivered in their own country. The 30th of June the king arrived at Gondar from Arringo, and immediately fummoned an affembly of the clergy to meet and receive a letter from the patriarch of Alexandria, brought by Abba Mafmur of Agdc, and Abba Diof-curos of Maguena, who were formerly fent to Egypt to 3 M 2 afk afk the patriarch why he clifplaced Abuna Chriftodulus, and appointed Abba Sanuda in his room, and defiring that Abba Marcus Ihould be made Abuna, and Sanuda depofed. The clergy met very punctually, and the patriarch's letter was produced in the affembly, the feal examined, and declared to be the patriarch's, and unbroken. The letter being opened by the king's order, it contained the patriarch's mandate to depofe Abba Sanuda, and to put Marcus Abuna in his place, which was immediately done by command of the king. While Yafous was thus bufied in directing the affairs of his kingdom with great wifdom and fuccefs, both in church and flate, a matter was in agitation, unknown to him, at a diftance from his dominions, which had a tendency to throw them again into conf ufton.. Towards the end of the laft century, there was fettled at Cairo a number of Italian miflionarics of the reformed Order of St Francis, who, though they lived in the fame convent, and were maintained at the cxpencc of the fathers of the Floly Land, yet did they flill pretend to be independent of the guardian of Jcrufalem, the fuperior of thefe latter. THM expence of their maintenance, joined with their pretentions to independence, gave great oflence to thofe religious of the Holy Land, who thereupon carried their complaints to Rome, offering to be at the whole charge of the million of Egypt, and to furnifh from their own focicty fubjects capable of attending to, and extending the Chril-nan faith. This offer met with the defircd fuccefs at Rome. The million of Egypt, to the exclufion of every other other Order, was given to tire fathers of Jerufalcm, or the Holy Land, whom we fhall henceforth call Capuchin friars. Thefe capuchins loll no time, but immediately dif-miffed the reformed Francifcans, whom we fliail hereafter diflinguifh by the name of Francifcans, fullering only t\v 1 of that Order to remain at Cairo. The Francifcans, thus banifhed, returned all to Rome, and there, for feveral years together, openly defended their own caufe, infilling upon the juflice of their being replaced in the cxercife of their ancient functions. This, however, they found abfolutcly impoflible. They were a poor Order, and the intereR of the capuchins had flopped every avenue of the facred college againfl them. Finding, therefore, that fair and direet means could not accompli(h their ends, they had rccourfc to others not fo commendable, and by thefe they fucceeded, and obtained their purpofe. They pretended that, when the Jefuits were chafed out of Abyflinia, a great number of Catholics, avoiding the perfecution, had fled into the neighbouring countries of Sennaar and Nubia; that they flill remained, mod meritorioufly prefer-ving their faith amidfl the very great hardfhips inflicted upon them by the infidels ; but that, under thefe hardfhips,. they mufl foon turn Mahometans, unlets fpirittial allillanee was fpeedily fent them. This reprcfentation, as totally void of truth as ever fable, was, was confirmed by the two Francifcans, who flill remained at Cairo by pcrmiflion of the capuchins, or fathers of the Holy Land ; and, when afterwards publilhed at Rome, it excited the zeal of every bigot in Italy. AH imcrciled thcmfelves in behalf of thefe imaginary ( h, I'liaris of Nu- i hi a 3 bia; and pope Innocent XII. was fo convinced of the tru th of the ftory, as to eftabliih a coniiderablc fund to fupport the expence of this, now called the Ethiopic million, the fole conduct of which remains ftill with the reformed Francifcans. To take care of thefe fugitive Chriftians of Nubia, though it was the principal, yet it was not the only charge committed to the fathers of his million. They were to penetrate into Abyilinia, and keep the feeds of the Romifh faith alive there until a proper time mould prefent itfelf for converting the whole kingdom. In order to this, a large convent was bought for them at Achmim, the ancient Panopolis in Upper Egypt, that here they might be able to afford a refrefhment to fuch of their brethren as Ihould return weary and exhauftcd by their preaching among the Nubian confeiTors ; and, for further afliftance, they had permiflion to fettle two of their Order at Cairo, independent of the fathers of the Holy Land, not-withftanding the former cxclufion. Such is the flate of this million at the prefent time. No Nubian Chriftians ever cxiftcd at the time of their eftabliih-ment, nor is there one in being at this day. But if their profelytes have not increafed, their convents have. Achmim, Furfhout, Badjoura, and Negade are all religious houfes belonging to this million, although 1 never yet was able to learn, that either Heretic, or Pagan, or Mahometan, was fo converted as to die in the Chriilian faith at any one of thefe places; nor have they been much troubled with relieving their brethren, worn out with the toils of Abyflinian Abyffinian journics, none of them, as far as I know, having ever made one itep towards that country ; nor is this indeed to be regretted by the republic of letters, becaufe, befides a poor flock of fcholaftic divinity, not one of them that I law had either learning or abilities to be of the fmallcR ufe either in religion or difcovery. It was now the moft brilliant period of the reign of Louis XIV. almoft an Auguftan age, and generally allowed fo, both in France ami among foreigners. Men of merit, of all countries and profeffions, felt the effects of the liberality of this great encouragcr of learning ; public works were undertaken, and executed fuperior to the boafted ones of Greece or Rome, and a great number and variety of noble e-vents conftituted a magnificent hiftory of his reign, in a feries of medals. Religion alone had yet afforded no hint for thefe. His conduct in this matter, inftcad of that of a hero, fhewed him to be a blind, bloody, mcrcilcfs tyrant, madly throwing down in a moment, with one hand, wdiat he had, with the afliftance of great miniftcrs, been an age in building with the other. The Jefuits, zealous for the honour of the king, their great protector, thought this a time to ftep in and wipe away the flain. With this view they fet upon forwarding a fcheme, which might have furnhhed a medal fuperior to all the reft, had its inscription been, " The Kings of Arabia and Sa^ ba fhall bring gifts." Father Flcuriau, a friend of father de la Chaifc, the king's confeffor, was employed to direct the conful of Cairo, that he fhould, in co-operation with the Jefuits privately, fend a fit perfon into Abyilinia, who might inipire the king cf that country with a defire of fending an embaffy into 3 France„ 1 Vance, and, upon the management of this political affairj they founded their hopes of getting themfelves replaced in the million they formerly enjoyed, and of again fupcrfeding their rivals the Francifcans, in directing all the mcafures to be taken for that country's converfion. But this required the utmoil delicacy, for it was well known, that the court of Rome was very much .indifpofed towards them, imputing to their haughtinefs, implacability, and imprudence, the lofs of Abyflinia. Their conducl: in China, where they tolerated idolatrous rites to be blended with Chriilian worfhip, began alfo now to be known, and to give the greatcfl fcandal to the whole church. It was, therefore, necefTary to make the king declare firft in their favour before they began to attempt to conciliate the pope. Louis took upon him the protection of this million with all the readinefs the Jefuits defired; and the Jefuit Verfeau was fent immediately to Rome, with flrong letters to cardinal Janfen, protector of France, who introduced him to the pope. Verseau knew well the confequencc of the protection with which he was honoured. At his firft audience he declared, in a very firm voice and manner, to the pope, that the king had refolved to take upon himfelf the conduct of the Ethiopic million, and that he had call his eyes upon them (the Jefuits) as the fitted perfons to be entruftcd with the care of it, for rcafons left known to hhnfdf. The pope diflembled; he extolled, in the moft magnificent terms, the king's great zeal for the advancement of religion, approved of the choice he had made of the Jefuits, and prai-ied their refolution as highly acceptable to him, immediate- ly confenting that Vcrfcau, and five other Jefuits, mould without delay pafs into Abyflinia. But it very foon appeared, that, however this might be the language of the pope, nothing could be more remote from his intentions ; for, without the knowledge of the Jefuits, or any way confulting them, he appointed the fuperior of the Francifcans to be his legate a latere to the king of Abyflinia, and provided him with prefents to that prince, and the chief noblemen of his court. Some time afterwards, when, to prevent ftrife or concurrence, the Jefuits applied to the pope to receive his directions which of the two fhould firft attempt to enter Abyflinia, the Francifcans, or their own Order, the pope anfwered fhortly, That it fhould be thofe who were moft expert. Whether this apparent indifpofition of his Holincfs intimidated Verfeau is not known ; but, inftead of going to Cairo, he went to Con-flantinople, thence to Syria, to a convent of his Order of which he was fuperior, and there he flaid. So that the Ethiopic million at Cairo remained in the hands of twro perfons of different Orders, the one Pafchal, an Italian Francifcan friar, the other a Jefuit and Frenchman, whofe name was Breve* dent. Brevedent was a perfon of the moft diftingiiifhcd piety and probity, zealous in promoting his religion, but neither imprudent nor rafh in his demonftrations of it; affable in his carriage, chcarful in his difpofition, of the moft profound humility and exemplary patience. Befides this, he was reputed a man of good taftc and knowledge in profane learning, and, what crowned all, an excellent mathc-Vol. II. 3 N maticiam matician. He feems indeed to me to have been a copy of! the famous Peter Paez, who firfl gave an appearance of liability to the Portuguefe converfion of Abyilinia; like him he was a Jefuit, but of a better nation, and bora in a better age. I must here likewife take notice of what I have already hinted, that in Abyilinia the character of ambalfador is not known. They have no treaties of peace or .commerce with any nation in the world: But, for purpofes already mentioned, factors are employed; and, Abyflinia being everywhere furrounded by Mahometans, thefe of courfe have the preference; and, as they carry letters from their mailers, the cuftom of the Eaft obliges them to accompany thefe with prefents to the fovereigns of the refpeetivc kingdoms through which they pafs, and this circumilance dignifies them with the title of ambaflador in the feveral courts at which they have bufmefs. Such was Mufa, a factor of the king, whom we have feen detained, and afterwards delivered by the Nay be of Mafuah, not many years before, in this king's reign ; and fuch alfo was Hagi Ali, then upon his mailer's bufmefs at Cairo, when M. de Mail let was conful there, and had received his inRructions from father Fleuriau at Paris, to bring about this embaffy from Abyffinia. Besides his other bufmefs, Hagi Ali had orders to bring with him a phyftcian, if pofiiblc, from Cairo ; for Yafous and his eldefl fon were both of a fcorbutic habit, which threatened to turn into a leprofy. Hagi Ali, in former voyages, had been acquainted with a capuchin friar Pafchal; and, having received medicines from him before, he now applied to Pafchal to return with him into Abyflinia, and and undertake the cure of the king. Pafchal very readily complied with this, upon condition that he ihould be allowed to take for his companion a monk of his own Order, friar Anthony ; to which Hagi Ali readily confented, happy in being enabled to carry two phyficians to his mafter inffead of one. The French conful was foon informed of this treaty with the friar Pafchal; and, having very eafy means to bring Hagi Ali to his houfe, he informed him, that neither Pafchal nor Anthony were phyficians, but that he himfelf had a man of his own nation, whofe merit he extolled beyond any thing that had hitherto been faid of Hippocrates or Galen. Hagi Ali very willingly accepted of the condition, and it was agreed that, as Verfeau had not appeared, Brevcdent above mentioned mould attend the phyiician as his icrvant. This phyfician was Charles Poncet, a Frenchman, fettled in Cairo, who was (as Mr Maillet fays) bred a chymift and apothecary, and, if fo, was neccifarily better ikilled in the effects and nature of medicine than thofe arc who call themfelves phyficians, and practife in the call. Nothing againR his private character was intimated by the conful at this time ; and, with all deference to better judgment, I muft ftill think, that if Poncet did deferve the epithets of drunkard, liar, babbler, and thief, which Maillet abundantly bellows upon him towards the end of this adventure, the conful could not have chofen a more improper perfon as the reprefentative of his mafter, nor a more probable one to make the defign he had in hand mifcarry ; nor could he, in this cafe, ever vindicate the preventing PafchaPs journey, who muft have been much fitter for all the em- 3 N 2 ployments ploymcnts intended than fuch a man as Poncet was, if one half is true of that which the conful faid of him afterwards. Maillet* having fo far fucceeded, prevailed upon one Ibrahim Hanna, a Syrian, to write five letters, according to his own ideas, in the Arabic language, one of which was to the king, the four others to the principal officers at the court of Abyflinia: doubting, however, whether Ibrahim's expref* lions were equal to the fublimity of his fentiments, he directed him to fubmit the letters to the confideration of one Francis, a monk, capuchin, or friar of the Holy Land. Ibrahim knew not this capuchin ; but he was intimate with another Francis of the reformed Francifcan Order, and tQ > him by miflake he carried the letters, , These Francifcans were the very men from whom Mr dc Maillet would have wifhed to conceal the fending Poncet with the Jefuit Brevedent; but the fecret being now revealed, Ibra-r him Hanna was difcharged the French ferviceforthis miflake and Hagi Ali departing immediately after with Poncet and Brevedent, no time remained for the Francifcans to take the tteps they afterwards did to bring about the tragedy in the perfon of Poncet, which they completely effected in that of. Mr Noir du Rouie. Mr Poncet, furnifhed with a chefl of medicines at the expence of the factory, accompanied by father Brevedent, who, in quality of his fervant, now took the name of Jofeph* . joined Hagi Ali, and the caravan deftincd in the firfl place* to Sennaar the capital of Nubia, Poncet. Poncet fet out from Cairo on the icth of June of the year 1698, and, fifteen days after, they came to Monfalout, a coniiderable town upon the banks of the Nile, the rendezvous of the caravan being at Ibnah, half a league a hove Monfalout. Here they tarried for above three months, waiting the coming of the merchants from the neighbouring towns. In the afternoon of the 24th of September, they advanced above a league and a half diftance, and took up their lodging at Elcantara, or the bridge, on the eaftern bank of the Nile. A large califh, or cut, from the Nile ftretches here to the eaft, and, at that feafon, was full of water, the inunr-dation being at its height. Poncet believes he was on the eaftern banks of the Nile ; but this is a miftake. Siout and Monfalout, the cities he fpcaks of, are both on the weftern banks of that river; nor had the caravan any thing to do with the eaftern banks, when their courfe was for many days to the weft, and to the fouthward of weft. Nor was the bridge he paffed a bridge over the Nile. There are no bridges upon that river from the Mediterranean till we arrive at the fecond cataract near the lakeTzana in Abyilinia. The amphitheatre and ruins he fpeaks of arc the remains of the aneient city Ifm ; and what he took for the Nile was a califh from the river to fupply that city with water. The 2d of October the caravan fet out in carneft, and palled, at he fays, into a frightful defert of land, having, iirit gone through a narrow paffage, which he does not mention , tion, amidlt thofe barren, bare, and (tony mountains which border the valley of Egypt on the weft. The 6th of October they came to El-Vah, a large village, or town, thick-planted with palm-trees, the Oafis Parva of the ancients, the laft inhabited place to the weft that is under the jurifdielion of Egypt. By foftening the original name, Poncet calls this Helaoue, which, as he fays, fignifies fiveetnefs. But furely this was never given it from the productions he mentions to abound there, viz. fenna and colo-quintida. The Arabs call El-Vah a fhrub or tree, not unlike our hawthorn either in form or flower. It was of this wood, they fay, Mofes's rod was made when he fwcetcned the waters of Marah. With a rod of this wood, too, Kaleb Ibn el Waal id, the great deftroyer of Chriftians, fweetcned thefe waters at El-Vah, once very bitter, and gave it the name from this miracle. A number of very fine fprings burft from the earth at El-Vah, which renders this fmall fpot verdant and beautiful, though furrounded with dreary deferts on every quarter ; it is iituatcd like an ifland in the midfl of the ocean. The caravan reftcd four days at El-Vah to procure water and provifions for the continuation of the journey thro' the defert. Poncct's description of the unpleafantncfs of this, is perfectly exact, and without exaggeration. In two days they came to Cheb, where there is water, but ftrongly impregnated with alum, as the name itfelf fignifies ; and, three days after, they reached Selima, where they found the water good, riling from an excellent fpring, which gives its name to a large defert extending weftward forty-live days journey to Dar fowr, Dar Sele, and Bagirma, three fmall 2 principalities principalities of Negroes that live within the reach of the tropical rains. At Selima they provided water for five days; and, on the 26th of October, having turned their courfc a little to the eaflward, came to Mofcho, or Machou, a large village on the weftern banks of the Nile, which Poncet Rill mistakes for the eaftern, and which is the only inhabited place fince the leaving El-Vah, and the frontiers of the kingdom of Dongola, dependent upon that of Sennaar. The Nile here takes the fartheft turn to the weflward, and is rightly delineated in the French maps. Poncet very rightly fays, this is the beginning of the country of the Barabra, or Berberians, (I fuppofe it is a mif-take of the printer when called in the narrative Barauras). The true fignification of the term is the land of the Shepherds, 2l name more common and better known in the firft dynaf-ties of Egypt than in more modern hiftories. The Erbab (or governor) of this province received him hofpitably, and kindly invited him to Argos, his place of refidence, on the eaftern or oppofite fide of the Nile, and entertained him there, upon hearing from Poncet that he was fent for by the king of Abyflinia. . After refrefhing themfelves eight days at Mofcho, they left it on the 4th of November 1698, and arrived at Dongola on the 13th of the fame month. The country which he paffed along the Nile is very pleafant, and is defcribed by him very properly. It does not owe its fertility to the overflowing of the Nile, the banks of that river being coniiderably too high. It is watered, however, by the in- duflry duftry of the inhabitants, who, by different machines, raife water from the ft re am. We are not to attribute to Poncet, but to thofe who pub-lifhed, the ftory here put into father Brevcdent's mouth about the fugitive Chriftians in Nubia, which fable gave rife to the firft inftitution of the Ethiopic million. " It drew tears, " fays he, from the eyes of father Brevedent, my dear com-" panion, when he reflected that it was not long fince this " was a Chriilian country; and that it had not loft the faith " but only for want of fome perfon who had zeal enough " to confecrate himfelf to the inftruction of this abandoned " nation." He adds, that upon their way they found a great number of hermitages and churches half ruined ; a fiction derived from the fame fource. Dongola was taken, and apoftatized early, and the flones of hermitages and churches had long before this been carried off, and applied to the building of mofques. Father Brevedent, therefore, if he wept for any focicty of Chriftians at Dongola, muft have wept for thofe that had pcrifhed there 500 years before. Poncet was much careffed at Dongola for the cures he made there. The Mek, or king, of that city wifhed him much to ftay and fettle there ; but defriled out of refpect, when he heard lie was going to the emperor of Ethiopia. Dongola, Poncet has placed rightly on the eaftern bank of the Nile, about lat. 200 22'. The caravan departed from Dongola on the 6th of January 1699 ; four days after which they entered into the kingdom of Sennaar, where they met Erbab Ibrahim, brother of the prime minifter, and were received civilly by him. He defrayed their expenccs alfo as far as Korti, where they arrived the 13th of January. Our travellers from Korti were obliged to enter the great defert of Bahiouda, and crofs it in a S. E. direction till they came to Derreira, where they reffed two days, which, Poncet fays, was done to avoid the Arabs upon the Nile. Thefe Arabs are called Chaigic ; they inhabit the banks of that river to the N. E. of Korti, and never pay the king his revenue without being compelled and very ill-treated. The country about. Derreira is called Belled Ullah, from the caufe of its plenty rather than the plenty itfelf. This fmall dillriCr. is upon the very edge of the tropical rains, which it enjoys in part; and, by that, is more fruitful than thofe countries which arc watered only by the induflry of man. The Arabs of thefe defcrts figuratively rail rain Ra-hamet Ullah,' the mercy of God', and Belled Ullah/ the country which enjoys that mercy.' Some days after the caravan came to Gerri. Poncet fays, the life of this Ration was to examine caravans coming from the northward, whether they had the fmall-pox or not. This ufage is now difcontinucd by the decay of trade. It mull always have fcrved little purpofe, as the infection oftener comes in merchandite than by paflcngcrs. At Gerri great refpeet was fhewn to Poncet, as going to Ethiopia. I cannot conceive why Poncet fays, that, to avoid the Vol. If 3 0 great great windings of the Nile, he mould have been obliged to travel to the north-eaft. This would have plainly carried him back to the defert of Bahiouda, and the Arabs: his courfe muR have been S. W. to avoid the windings of the Nile, becaufe he came to Herbagi, which he defcribes very properly as a delicious fituation. The next day they came to Sennaar. The reader, I hope, will cafily perceive that my intention is not to criticife Mr Poncet's journey. That has been done already fo illiberally and unjuftly that it has nearly brought it into difrepute and oblivion. My intention is to illustrate it; to examine the facts, the places, and diilan-ccs it contains; to correct the miftakes where it has any, and rcftorc it to the place it ought to hold in geography and difcovery. It was the firft intelligible itinerary made through thefe defcrts; and I conceive it will be long before we have another ; at any rate, to reltorc and eflablilh the old one will, in all fcnlible minds, be the next thing to having made a fecond experiment. He furcly is in fome degree of miftake about the fituation of Sennaar when he fays it is upon an eminence. It is on a plain elofe on the weftcrn banks of the Nile. A fmall error, too, has been made about its latitude. By an obfervation faid to have been made by father Brevedent, the 21ft of March 1699, 11C Sound the latitude of Sennaar to be if 4' north. The French maps, the moft correct we have in all that regards the eaft, place this capital of Nubia in lat. 150 and a few minutes. But the public may reft allured, that the correct latitude of Sennaar, by a mean of very fmall differences enccs of near fifty obfcrvations, made with a three-feet brafs quadrant, in the courfe of feveral months I Raid in that town, is lat if 34' 36" north. What I have to fay further concerning Sennaar will come more naturally in my own travels ; and I fhall only-lb far confidcr the reft of Poncet's route, as to explain and clear it from miftakcs, Sennaar being the only point in which our two tracts unite. I shall beg the reader to remark, that, from the time of -Poncct's letting out of Egypt till his arrival at Sennaar, fo far was he from being ill-looked upon, or any bad conftruc-tion being put upon his errand, that he was, on the contrary, refpected everywhere, as going to the king of Abyf-finia. It never was then imagined he was to dry up the Nile, nor that he was a conjurer to change its courfe, nor that he was to teach the Abyflmians to call' cannon and make war, nor that he was loaded with immenfe fums of money. Thefe were all pia fraudes, lies invented by the ■priells and friars to incite thefe ignorant barbarians to a crime which, though it palled unrevenged, will juRly make thefe brethren in iniquity the debellation of men of every religion in all ages. Poncet left Sennaar the 12th of May 1699, aiui crofled the Nile at Bafboch, about four miles above the town, where he flopped for three days. This he calls a fair village ; but it is a very miferable one, confining of fcarcc 100 huts, built of mud and reeds. 3 0 2 He He departed the 15th in the evening, and travelled all the night as far as Bacras, and arrived the day after at A-bee; then at Baha, a long day's journey of about ten hours. He is miilaken, however, when he fays Baha is fituated upon the banks of the Nile, for it is upon a fmall river that runs into it. But, at the feafon he paifed it, moft of thofe rivers were dried up. On the 19th he came to Dodar, a place as inconsiderable as Baha; then to Abra, a large village ; then to Debarke and Enbulbul. On the 25th they came to Giefim; Giefmi is a; large village fituated upon the banks of the Nile, in the middle of a foreft of trees of a prodigious height and fizc, all of which are loaded with fruit or flowers, and crowded with paroquets, and variety of other birds, of a thoufand different colours. They made a long flay at this place, not le£s than nineteen days. In this interval, father Brevedent is faid to have made an observation of the latitude of the place, which, if adorn ted, would throw all the geography of this journey into confulion. Poncet fays, that Giefim is half-way between Sennaar and the frontiers of Ethiopia, and that a fmall brook, a little beyond Serke, is the boundary between thofe flares. Now, from Sennaar to Giefim are nine flagcs, and one of them we may call a double one, but between Gieiim and Serke, only four ; Giefim then cannot be half way between Sennaar and Serke.—Again, the latitude of Sennaar is 130 4; north, according to Brevedent, or rather 130 34'* Now, if the latitude of Giefim be ion, then the diftance between Sennaar and it muft be about 250 miles which they- 1 . had; had travelled in eight days, or more than thirty miles a-day, which, in that country, is abfolutcly impoflible. But what muft make this evident is, that we know cer~ tainly that Gondar, the metropolis to which they were then going, is in lat. 120 34' north. Giefim then would be fouth of Gondar, and the caravan muft have pafTed it when the obfervation was made. But they were not yet arrived at the confines of Sennaar, much lefs to the capital of Abyf-fmia, to which they were indeed advancing, but were ftill far to the northward of it. There is a miftake then in this observation which is very pardonable, Brevedent being then ill of a mortal dyfentcry, which terminated in death foon after. We mall, therefore, correct this error, making the latitude of Giefim 140 12' north, about 11 o Engliih miles from-. Sennaar, and 203 from Gondar., The 11th of June they fet out from Giefim for Deleb, then to Chow, and next to Abotkna. They relied ali night, the 14th, in the delightful valley of Sonnonc, and, two days after, they came to Serke, a large town of trade, where there arc many cotton weavers. Here ends the kingdom of Sennaar, the brook without this town being the boundary of the two ftates.. Arrived now in Abyftinia, tlicy halted at Tambiffo, a village which belongs to the Abuna ; next at Abiad, a village upon the mountain. On the 23d they flopped in a valley full of canes and ebony-trees, where a lion carried a-way one of their camels. On the 24th they palled the Gan-dova, a large, violent, and dangerous river. The country being prodigioufly woody, one of their bcafts of carnage, flraggling ilraggli ng from the caravan, was bit on the hip by a bear, as Mr Poncet apprehends. But we are now in the country corresponding to that inhabited by the Shangalla, that is one of the hottcil in the world, where the thermometer ri-fes to ioo° in the (hade. Bears are not found in climates like this ; and moft alfuredly there are none even in the higher and colder mountains above. Poncet does not fay he faw the bear, but judged only by the bite, which might have been that of a lion, leopard, or many other animals, but more probably that of the hyaena, The 27th they arrived at Girana, a village on the top of a mountain. Here they left their camels, and began to af-cend from the Kolla into the more temperate climate in the mountains of Abyilinia. from Girana they came to Barangoa, and the next day to Tchelga, whore anciently was the cuftomhoufe of Sennaar while peace and commerce fulfilled between the two kingdoms. The 3d of July they arrived at Barcos, or Bartcho, about half a day's journey from Gondar; and on the 9th of Auguft father Brevedent died. Poncet was himfelf detained by indifpo-fition at this village of Barcos till the 21ft of July, on which day he fet out for Gondar and arrived in the evening, where he fucceeded to his wiih.es, performing a complete cure upon his royal patient in a very fhort time ; and fo fulfilled tins part of his million as perfectly as the ableft phyftcian could have done. As for the other part with which he was charged, I doubt very much if it was in his power to perform it in another mariner than he did. It required a mind full of ignorance and prefumptior:, fuch as was that of Mr de Maillet and all 1 . - the the mimonarics at the head of whom he was, to believe that it was poflible for a private man, fuch as Poncet, without language, without funds, without prefents, or without power or poflibility of giving them any fort of protection in the way, to prevail upon 26 or 28 perfons, on the word of an adventurer only, to attempt the travelling countries where they ran a very great rifle of falling into Haven—to do what ? why, to go to France, a nation of Franks whofe very name they abhorred, that they might be inftructed in a religion they equally abhorred, to meet with certain dcatli if ever they returned to their own country; and, unlefs they did return, they were of no fort of utility whatever. M. de Maillet fhould have informed himfelf well in the beginning, if it was poflible that the nobility in Abyilinia could be fo contemptible as to fuffer twelve af their children to go to countries unknown, upon the word of a Granger, at leaft of fuch a doubtful character as Poncet. I fay doubtful, becaufe, if he was fuch a man as M. de Maillet re* prefents him, a drunkard, a liar, a thief, a man without religion, a perpetual talker, and a fupcrficial practitioner of what he called his own trade, furely the Abyflinians mull have been very fond of emigration, to have left their homes under the care of fuch a patron as this. When did M. de Maillet ever hear of an Abyilinian who was willing to leave his own country and travel to Cairo, unlefs the very few priefls who go for duty's fake, for penances or vows, to Je-rufalem? When did he ever hear of an Abyilinian layman, noble, or plebeian, attending even the Abuna though the firft dignitary of the church? We fhall feeprefently a poor flavc, a Chriilian Abyilinian boy, immediately under the protection of M. de Maillet, and going directly from him into the pre. fence fence of his king, taken forcibly from the chancellor of the nation *, and made a Mahometan before their eyes. The Abyflinian embaffy then demanded from France, and recommended to M. de Maillet, was a prefumptuous, vain, impracticable chimera, which muft have ended in disappointment, and which never could have clofed more innocently than it did. I shall pafs over all that happened during Poncet's flay at Gondar, as he did not undcrftand the language, and muft therefore have been very liable to miftake. But as for what he fays of armies of 300,000 men ; of the king's drefs at his audience; of his mourning in purple; of the quantity of jewels he had, and wore; of his having but one wife; and of large ftonc-croffes being erected on the corners of the palace at Gondar; thefe, and Several other things, fecm to me to have been Superadded afterwards. Nor do I think what is faid of the churches and Chriftians remaining in the kingdom of Dongola, nor the monftrous lie about the golden rod fufpended in the air in the convent of Bifan f, is at all the narrative of Poncet, but of fome fanatic, lying friar, into whofe poffeftion Poncet's manufcript might have fallen. The journey itfelf, fuch as I have reftored it, is certainly genuine; and, as I believe it defcribes the bell and Safe ft way into Abyilinia, I have rectified fome of the few errors it had, and now recommend it to all future travellers, and to the public. This * By Chancellor of the Nation is meant the officer immediately next the conful, who keeps the records, and has a department ablblutely independent of the Conful. f Vid. Poncet. This is to be underftood of his travels to Abyflinia, his journey in returning being much more inaccurate and incomplete, the reafon of which we have in his own words : " I have not, fays he, exactly noted down the places through " which we paffed, the great weaknefs I then lay under not " permitting me to write as I could have wiftied." I fhall, therefore, fay little upon his return, as the deficiency will be carefully fupplied by the hiftory of my own journey from Mafuah, the road by which he left the country being very nearly the fame as that by which I entered. It was on the 2d of May of the year 1700 that Poncet left Gondar and took his journey to the town of Em-fras. Here there is a miftake in the very beginning. Em-fras *, at which place I ftaid for feveral weeks, is in Iat. 120 12' 38", and long. 370 38' 30", confequently ahout 22 miles from Gondar, almoft under the fame meridian, or fouth from it; fo that, as he was going to the eaft, and northward of eaft, this muft have been fo many miles out of his way; for, going towards Mafuah, his firft Ration muft have been upon the river Angrab. The fame may be faid of his next to Coga. It was a royal refidence indeed, but very much out of his way. He has forgot likewife, when he fays, that, in the way from Gondar to Emfras, you muft go over a very high mountain. The way from Gondar to Emfras is the beaten way to Begemder, Foggora, and Dara, and fo on to the fecond cataract: of the Nile. It is on that plain the armies were encamped Vol. II. 3 p before * It is plain Poncet had no inftruments for obfcrvation with him, nor was he probably acquainted with the ufe of them. before the battle of Serbraxos *, whence the road paiTes by Correva, which is indeed upon a rifmg ground, Hoping gently to the lake Tzana, but is not either mountain or hill. ' Seven or eight days are a fpace of time juR enough for the palfmg through Woggora, where he juftly remarks the heats are not fo exceflive as in the places he came from. He takes no notice of the paiTage of Lamalmon, which ought to have been very fenfible to a man in a decayed Rate of health, the lefs fo as he was only defcending it. Every thing which relates to the paffage of the Tacazze is juft and proper, only he calls the river itfelf the Tekefel, inftead of the true name, the Tacazze. It was the Siris of the ancients ; and it is doing juftice to both countries, when he compares the province of Sire with the moft delicious parts of his own country of France. This province is that alfo where he might very probably receive the young elephant, which he fays awaited him there as a prefent to the king of France, and which died a few days after. He paffed afterwards to Adowa. It is the capital of Tigre, is ftill the feat of its governor, and was that of Ras Michael in my time. All that he fays of the intermediate country and its productions, mew plainly that his work is genuine, and his remarks to be thofe of an eye-witnefs. From this province of Tigre he enters the country of the Baharnagafh, and arrives at Dobarwa, which he erroneouf- * To be defcribed hereafter, ly calls Duvarna, and fays it is the capital of the province of Tigre, whereas it is that of the Baharnagafh. Ifaac Baharnagafh, when in rebellion againft his fovereign, furren-dered this town to the Turks in the year 1558, as may be feen at large in my hiftory of the tranfactions of thofe times. As the authenticity of this journey, and the reality of Poncet's having been in Abyflinia, has been queftioned by a fet of vain, ignorant, fanatic people, and that from malice only, not from fpirit of inveftigation, of which they were incapable, I have examined every part of it, and compared it with what I myfelf faw, and fhall now give one other inftance to prove it genuine, from an obfervation Pon-cent has made, and which has efcaped all the miflionaries, though it was entire and vifible in my time. Among the ruins of Axum * there is a very high obelifk, flat on both fides, and fronting the fouth. It has upon it no hieroglyphic, but feveral decorations, or ornaments, the fancy of the architect. Upon a large block of granite, into which the bottom of it is fixed, and which ftands before it like a table, is the figure of a Greek patera, and on one fide of the obelifk, fronting the fouth, is the reprefentation of a woodendoor,lock,andalatch to it, which firft feems defigned to draw back and then lift up, exactly in the manner thofe kind of locks are fafhioned in Egypt at this very day. Poncet obferved very juftly, there are no fuch locks made ufe of 3 E 2 in * See an elevation of this in my account of Axum. in Abyilinia, and wonders how they Ihould have reprefent^ ed a thing they had never feen, and, having done fo, remained mil incapable to make or ufe it. Poncet was no man of reading out of his own profeflion ; he nowhere pretends it; he recorded this fact becaufe he faw it, as a traveller Ihould do, and left others to give the reafon which he could not. Poncet calls this place Heleni, from a fmall village of that name in the neighbourhood. Had he been a fcholar he would have known that the ruins he was obferving were thofe of the city of Axum, the ancient metropolis of, this part of Ethiopia. Ptolemy Evergetes, the third Grecian king of Egypt, conquered this city and the neighbouring kingdom; reli-ded fome time there; and, being abfolutely ignorant of hieroglyphics, then long difufed, he left the obelifk he had erected for afcertaining his latitudes ornamented with figures of his own choofmg, and the inventions of his fubjects the Egyptians, and particularly the door for a ,convc> nience of private life, to be imitated by his new-acquired fubjects the Ethiopians, to whom it had hitherto been un*. known. From Dobarwa he arrived at Arcouva, which, he fays>, geographers mifcal Arequics. M. Poncet might have fpa* red this criticifm upon geographers till he himfelf had been better informed, for both are equally mifcalled, whether Ar* couva or Arequics. The true and only name of the placo, known either to Mahometans or Chriltians, is Arkeeko, as the illand to which he palled, croiling an arm of the fea, is called Mafuah, not Meilbua, as he everywhere fpells it. From From Mafuah, Poncet croffed the Red Sea to Jidda, pafTing the illand Dahalac and Kotumbal, a high rock, the name of which is not known to many navigators. Had old Murat, Mufa, and Hagi Ali, happened at that time to have been upon fome mercantile errand to Cairo, there is no doubt but they would have been preferred and become ambafladors to France. They would have gone there, perplexed the miniiler and the conful with a thoufand lies and contrivances, which the French never would have been able to unravel; they would have promifed every thing; obtained from the king fome confiderable fum of money, on which they would have undertaken to fend the embalfy in any form that was prefcribed, and, after their return home, never been heard of more. But thofe worthies were, probably, all employed at this time ; therefore the only thing Poncet could do was to bring Murat, fince he was to procure at ail events an ambalfador. He had been a cook to a French merchant at Aleppo; was a maker.of brandy at Mafuah ; and probably his uncle old Murat's fervant.at the time. But he was not the worfe ambaffador for this. Old Murat, Hagi Ali, and Mufa, had perhaps been alfo cooks and fervants in their time. Prudence, fobriety, and good conducl, flciH in languages, and acquaintance, with countries recommended them afterwards to higher trulls. Old Murat probably meant that his nephew fhould begin his apprenticeihip with that embaffy t© France; and M. Poncet, toincreafe his confequence, and fulfil the commiilion the conful gave him, allowed him to invent all the reft.. Poncet, Poncet, from Jidda, went to Tor, and thence to Mount Sinai, where, after fome Ray, being overtaken by Murat, they both made their entry into Cairo. M. de Maillet, the conful, was an old Norman gentleman, exceedingly fond of nobility, confequcntly very haughty and overbearing to thofe he reckoned his inferiors, among which he accounted thofe of his own nation eftablifhed at Cairo, though a very amiable and valuable fet of men. He was exceedingly telly, choleric, obftinate, and covetous, though fagacious enough in every thing concerning his own intereft. He lived for the moll part in his clofet, fel-dom went out of his houfe, and, as far as I could learn, never out of the city. There, however, he wrote a defcription of all Egypt, which fince has had a confiderable degree of reputation *. Maillet had received advice of the miferable Rate of this embalfy from Jidda, that the Sherriffe of Mecca had taken from Poncet, by force, two female Abyflinian Haves, and that the elephant was dead ; which particulars being written to France, he was advifed in a letter from father Fleuriau by no means to promote any embaffy to the court of Vcrfaillcs; that a proper place for it was Rome; but that in France they looked upon it in the fame light as they did upon an embaffy from Algiers or Tunis, which did no honour to thofe who fent it, and as little to thofe that received it; this, however, was a new light. M. DE * And there he wrote his Teliamede which fuppofes men were firfl: created fifhes, for which he was excommunicated. It was an opinion perfectly worthy of alarming the Soibonne, M. de Maillet, by this letter, becoming mafter of the ambaflador's deftiny, began firft to quarrel with him upon etiquette, or who ihould pay the firft vifit; and, after a variety of ill-ufage, infilled upon feeing his difpatches. This Murat refufed to permit, upon which the conful fent privately to the baflia, defiring him to take the difpatches or letters from Murat, fending him at the fame time a conli-derable prefent. The bafha on this did not fail to extort a letter from Murat by threats of death. He then opened it. It was in Arabic, in very general and indifferent terms, probably the performance of fome Moor at Mafuah, written at Murat's inftance. And well was it for all concerned that it was fo ; for had the letter been a genuine Abyflinian letter, like thofe of the emprefs Helena and king David III. propoiing the deftmction of Mecca, Medina, and the Turkifh fliips on the Red Sea, the whole French nation at Cairo would have been maffacred, and the conful and ambaffador probably impaled. The Jefuits, ignorant of this mancevure of M. de Maillet, but alarmed and fcandalized at this breach of the law of nations, for fuch the bafha's having opened a letter, ad-drelfed to the king of France, was juftly confidered, complained to M. Feriol the French ambaffador at Conftantino-ple, who thereupon fent a capigi from the port, to inquire of the bafha what he meant by thus violating the law of nations, and affronting a friendly power of fuch confe-quence as France. 3 These These capigis are very unwelcome guefts to people in oflicc to whom they are fent. They are always paid by thofe they are fent to. Befides this, the report they carry back very often cofts that perfon his life. The balha, accufed by the capigi at the inftance of the French ambaffa-dor at Conftantinople, anfwered like an innocent man, That he had done it by defire of the French conful, from a wifh to ferve him and the nation, otherwife he Ihould never have meddled in the matter. The confequence was,M. de Maillet was obliged to pay the baflia the expence of the capigi; and, having fome time afterwards brought it in account with the merchants, the French nation at Cairo, by deliberation of the 6th of July of the year 1702, refufed to pay 1515 li_ vres, the demand of the balha, and 518 livres for thofe of his officers. The conful, however, had gained a complete victory over Murat, and thereupon determined to fend Monhenaut, chancellor of France at Cairo, with letters, which, though written and invented by himfelf, he pretended to be tranilations from the Ethiopian original. But father Verfeau, the Jefuit, now returned to Cairo, who had entered into a great diftruft of the conful fince the difcovery of bis intrigue with the baflia about Mu rat's letter, refolved to be of the party. Poncet, who was likewife on bad terms with the conful, neither inclined to lofe the merits of his travels into Abyilinia, nor truft the recital of it to Monhenaut, or to the manner in which it might be re-prefented in the confufs letters. Thefe three, Monhenaut, Poncet, and Verfeau, fet out therefore for Paris with very different views and defigns. They embarked at Bulac, the 1 fhipping- fhipping-place of Cairo upon the Nile, taking with them the cars of the dead elephant. The remaining part of the prefent brought for the king of France by this illuflrious embaffy, was an Abyflinian boy, a Have bought by Murat, and who had been hid from the fearch of the Sheriffe, when he forcibly took from him the two Abyflinian girls, part of the intended prefent alfo. This boy no fooner embarked on board the veiTel at Bulac than a great tumult arofe. The janizaries took the boy out of the velfel by force, and delivered him to Muftapha Cazdagli, their kaya; nor could all the intereft of M. de Maillet and the French nation, or all the manoeuvres of the Jefuits, ever recover him. As for Monhenaut, Poncet, and Verfeau, his protectors, they were obliged to hide themfelves from the violence of the mob, nor dared they again to appear till the velfel failed. And happy was it for them that this fell out at Cairo, for, had they offered to embark him at Alexandria, in all probability it would have coft all of them their lives. I must beg leave here to fuggeft to the reader, how dangerous, as well as how abfurd, was the plan of this embaffy. It was to confift of twenty-eight Abyflinians, twelve of whom were to be fons of noble families, all to be embarked to France. What a pleafant day would the embarkation have been to M. de Maillet! What an honourable appearance for his king, in the eyes of other Chriilian princes, to have feen twenty-eight Chriflians under his immediate protection, twelve of whom we might fay were princes, (as all the nobility in Abyilinia are directly of the family of the Vol. II. 3 q_ king). king), from motives of vanity only, by the pride of the Jefuits, and the ignorance of the conful, hurried in one day into apoftacy and flavery! Whatever Maillet thought of Poncet's conducl:, his bringing Murat, and him only, cook as he was, was the very luckieR accident of his life. I know French flatterers will fay this would not have happened, or, if it had, a vengeance would have followed, worthy the occafion and the refentment of fo great a king,, and would have prevented all fuch violations of the law of nations for the future. To this I anfwer, The mifchief would have been irreparable, and the revenge taken, however complete, would not have reftored them their religion,, and, without their religion, they themfelves would not have, returned into their own country, but would have remained necclfary facrifices, which the pride and rafhnefs of the Jefuits had made to the faith of Mahomet.. Besides, where is the threatened revenge for the afFafFina-tion of M. du Roule, then actual ambaffador from the king of France, of which I am now to fpeak ? Was not the law o£ nations violated in the Rrongell manner poflible by his murder, and without the fmalleft provocation ? What vengeance was taken for this ?—Juft the fame as would have been for the other injury; for the Jefuits and conful. would have concealed the one, as tendernefs for the Fran-cifan Friars had made them cover the other, left their a-bominable wickednefs fhould be cxpofed. If the court of France did not, their conful in Cairo fhould have known what the confcqucnce would be of decoying twenty-cighL Abyffmians from their own country, to be perverted from their their own religion, and remain Haves and Mahometans at Cairo, a nuifance to all European nations eftabliflied there. Uton the arrival of the triumvirate at Paris, Monhenaut immediately repaired to the minifter ; Verfeau was introduced to the king, and Poncet, foon after, had the fame honour, lie was then led as a kind of fhow, through all Paris, cloathed in the Abyilinian drefs, and decorated with his gold chain. But while he was vainly amufmg himfelf with this filly pageantry, the confuPs letters, and the comments made upon them by Monhenaut, went directly to deflroy the credit of his ever having been in Abyflinia, and of the reality of Murat's embaffy. The Francifcan friars, authors of the murder of M. du Roule, enemies to the million, as being the work of the Jefuits ; M. Piques, member of the Sorbonne, a body never much diftinguifhed for promoting difcoveries, or encouraging liberal and free inquiry; Abbe Renaudot, M. le Grande, and fome ancient linguifls, who, with great difficulty, by the indullry of M. Ludolf, had attained to a very fuperficial knowledge of the Abyilinian tongue, all fell furiouily upon Poncet's narrative of his journey. One found fault with the account he gave of the religion of the country, becaufe it was not fo conformable to the rites of the church of Rome, as they had from their own imagination and prejudice, and for their own ends conceived it to be. Others attacked the truth of the travels, from improbabilities found, or fuppofed to be found, in tire defcription of the countries through which he had paffed ; while others difcovered the forgery of his letters, by faults found in the orthography of 3Qj2 that that language, not one book of which, at that day, they had ever feen. All thefe empty criticifms have been kept alive by the merit of the book, by this alone they have any further chance of reaching polterity ; while, by all candid readers, this itinerary, fhort and incomplete as it is, will not fail to be received as a valuable acquifition to the geography of thefe unknown countries of which it treats. I think it but a piece of duty to the memory of a fellow-traveller, to the lovers of truth and the public in general, to Rate the principal objectione upon which this outcry againft Poncet was railed; that,bytheanfwers they admit of,thc world may judge whether they are or are not founded in candour, and that before they are utterly fwallowed up in oblivion. The firft is, that of the learned Renaudot, who fays he does not conceive how an Ethiopian could be called by the name of Murat. To this I anfwer, Poncet, de Maillet, and the Turkilh Balha, fay Murat was an Armenian, a hundred times over ; but M. Renaudot, upon his own authority, makes him an Ethiopian, and then lays the blame upon others, who are not fo ignorant as himfelf. Secondly, Poncet afferts Gondar was the capital of Ethiopia ; whereas the Jefuits have made no mention of it, and this is fuppofed a flrong proof of Poncet's forgery. I anfwer, The Jefuits were banilhed in the end of Socinios's reign, and the beginning of that of his fon Facilidas, that is about the year 1632 ; they were finally extirpated in the end of this laft prince's reign, that is before the year 1666, by his ordering the laft Jefuit Bernard Nogueyra, to be publicly hanged. Now Gondar was not built till the end of the reign of Hanncs I. who was grandfon to Socinios, that is about the year 1680. Unlefs, then, thefe holy Jefuits, who, if we believe the millionaries, had all of them a fight into futuritv before their martyrdom, had, from thefe their lafl vijior/s, defcribed Gondar as capital of Abyflinia, it does not occur to me how they Ihould be hiftorians of a fact that had not exiftence till 50 years after they were dead. Thirdly, Poncet fpeaks of towns and villages in Ethiopia ; whereas it is known there are no towns, villages, Or cities, but Axum.—I believe that if the Abyffmians, who built the large and magnificent city of Axum, never had other cities, towns, and villages, they were in this the moft lingular people upon earth ; or, if places where 6000 inhabitants live together in contiguous houfes, feparated with broad ftreets where there are churches and markets, be not towns and villages, I do not know the meaning of the term ; but if thefe are towns, Poncet hath faid truth ; and many more fuch towns, which he never did fee nor defcribe, arc in Abyflinia. at this day.. Fourthly, The Abyflinians live, and always have lived, in tents, not in houfes.—It would have been a very extraordinary idea in people living in tents to have built fuch a city as Axum, whofe ruins are as large as thofe of Alexandria ; and it would be flill more extraordinary, that people, in fuch a climate as Abyftinia,in the whole of which there is fcorching weather for fix months, deluges of rain, ftorms of wind, thunder, lightning, and hurricanes, fuch as arc unknown in Europe, for the other fix, fhould choofe to live in tents, after & knowing knowing how to build fuch cities as Axum. I wonder a man's undcrftanding does not revolt againft fuch absurdities in the moment he is Hating them. The Abyfliiiians, while at war, ufe tents and encampments, to fecure the liberty of movements and changing of ground, and defend themfelves, when ftationary, from the inclemency of the weather. But no tent has, I believe, yet been invented that could ftand in the fields in that country from June to September ; and they have not yet formed an idea of Abyflinia who can fuppofe this. I conceive it is ignorance of the language which has led thefe learned men into this miftake. The Abyftinians call a houfe, Handing by itfelf, allotted to any particular purpofe, Bet. So Bet Negus is a palace, or the houfe of a king; Bet Chriilian is a church, or a houfe for Chriilian worfhip; whilft Bet Mocha is a prifon, or houfe under ground. But houfes in towns or villages are called Taintes, from the Abyflinian word Tain, to flccp, lie down, reft, or repofe. I fuppofe the ftmilitude of this word to tents has drawn thefe learned critics to believe, that, inftead of towns, thefe were only collections of tents. But Mill I think, no one acquainted with the Abyilinian language, or without being fo, would be fo void of undcrftanding as to believe, a people that had built Axum of ft one, Ihould endure, for ages after, a tropical winter in bare tents. The fifth thing that fixes falfehood upon Poncet is, that he describes delicious valleys beyond European ideas; beautiful plains, covered with odoriferous trees and fhrubs, to be everywhere in his way on the entrance of Abyilinia; ! whereas, whereas, when Salidan's brother conquered this country, the Arabian books fay they found it deftitute of all this fruitfulnefs. But, with all fubmilfion to the Arabian books, to Abbe Renaudot and his immenfc reading, I will maintain, that neither Salidan, nor his brother, nor any of his tribe, ever conquered the country Poncet defcribes, nor were in it, or ever faw it at a diftance. The province where Poncet found thefe beautiful fecnes' lies between lat. 12 and 130. The foil is rich, black mould, which fix months tropical rain are needed to water fufficiently, where the fun is vertical to it twice a-year, and fta-tionary, with refpect to it, for feveral days, at the diftance of io°, and at a leffer diftance ftill for feveral months; where the fun, though fo near, is never feen, but a thick fcreen of watery clouds is conflantly intcrpofed, and yet the heat is fuch, that Fahrenheit's thermometer rifes to ioo° in the fhade. Can any one be fo ignorant in natural hiftory, as to doubt that, under thefe circumllances, a luxuriant, florid, odoriferous vegetation muft be the confequence ? Is not this the cafe in every continent or illand within thefe limits alt round the globe ? But Poncet contradicts the, Arabian books, and all travellers, modern and ancient; for they unanimoufly agree that this country is a dreary miferablc defert, producing nothing but Dora, which is millet, and fuch like things of little or no value. I wifh fincerely that Ms Renaudot, when he was attacking a man's reputation, had been fo good as to name the author whofe authority he relied on. I fliall take upon me to deny there ever was an Arabian book which treated of this country. And with regard to the an*. cicni: cient and modern travellers, his quotations from them are, if poflible, Rill more vifionary and ridiculous. The only ancient travellers, who, as I believe, ever vifited that country, were Cambyfes's ambafladors ; who, probably, palled this part of Poncet's track when they went to the Macrobii, and the moR modern authors (if they can be called modern) that came neareft to it,were the men fent by Nero* to difcover the country, whofe journey is very doubtful; and they, when they approached the parts defcribed by Poncet, fay " the country began to be green and beautiful." Now 1 wifh M. Renaudot had named any traveller more modern than thefe meffengers of Nero, or more ancient than thofe ambafladors of Cambyfes, who have travelled through and defcribed the country of the Shangalla. I, that have lived months in that province, and am the only traveller that ever did fo, muft corroborate every word Poncet has faid upon this occafion. To dwell on landfcapes and picturefque views, is a matter more pioper for a poet than a hiRorian. Thofe countries which aie defcribed by Poncet, merit a pen much more able to do them jultice, than either his or mine. It will be remembered when I fay this, it is of the country of the Shangalla, between lat, 120 and 130 north, that this is the people who inhabit a hot woody ftripe called Kolla, about 40 or 50 miles broad, that is from north to fouth, bounded by the mountainous country of Abyflinia, till they join the Nile at Fazuclo, on the Weil. I have * Plin. vol. it lib. C. cap. 30. p. 376. I have alfo faid, that, for the fake of commerce, thefe Shangalla have been extirpated in two places, which are like two gaps, or chafms, in which arc built towns and villages, and through which caravans pafs between Sennaar and AbyfTinia. All the reft of this country is impervious and inacceffible, unlefs by an armed force. Many armies have perifhed here. It is a tract totally unknown, unlefs from the fmall detail that I have entered into concerning it in my travels. And here I muft fet the critic right alfo, as to what he fays of the produce of thefe parts. There is no grain called Dara, at leaft that I know of. If he meant millet, he ihould have called it Dora. It is not a mark of barrennefs in the ground where this grows : part of the fmeft land in Egypt is fown with it. The banks of the Nile which produce Dora would alfo produce wheat; but the inhabitants of the defert like this better ; it goes farther, and does not fubject them to the violent labour of the plough, to which all inhabitants of extreme hot countries are averfe. The fame I fay of what he remarks with regard to cotton. The fineft valleys in Syria, watered by the cool refrefh-ing fprings that fall from Mount Libanus, are planted with this flirub; and, in the lame grounds alternately, the tree which produces its lifter in manufactures, filk, whofe value is greatly inhanccd by the addition. Cotton clothes all E-thiopia ; cotton is the bafts of its commerce with India, and of the commerce between England, France, and the Levant; and, were it not for fome fuch ignorant, fupcrficial reafoners as Abbe Renaudot, cotton, after wool, ihould be the favourite manufacture of Britain. It will in time take Vol. IL 3 R place place of that ungrateful culture, flax; will:employ more -hands, and he a more ample field for diilinguifhing the i;> genuity of our manufacturers. We fee, then, how the leaf) confideration poflible d©-Rroys thefe ill-founded objections, upon which thefe very ignorant enemies of ■•Poncet attempted to deflroy his credit, and rob him of the merit of his journey. At lafl they ventured to throw off the malk entirely, by producing a letter fuppofed to be written from Nubia by an Italian friar, who afferts roundly, that he hears Poncet was never at the capital of Ethiopia, nor ever had audience of Yafous ; but Role the clothes and money of father Brevedent, then married, and foon after forfook his wife and Ethiopia together. Maillet could have cafily contradicted this, had he acted ; honeflly ; for Hagi Ali had brought him the king of Abyf-fmia's letter, who thanked him for his having fent Poncet, and figniiicd to him his recovery. But without appealing to M. Maillet upon the fubject, I conceive nobody will doubt, th:tt Hagi Ali had a commiffion to bring a phyfician from Cairo to cure his mafler, and that Poncet was propofed as that phvfician, with confent of the conful, Now, after having carried Poncet the length of Bartcho, where it is agreed he was when Brevedent died, (for he was fuppofed there to have robbed that father of his money) what could be Hagi All's reafon for not permitting him to proceed half a day's journey farther to the capital, and prefenting him to the king, who had been at the pains and expence of fending for him from Egypt ? What excufe could Hagi All make for not producing him, when he muft have delivered the conful's conful's letters, telling him that Poncet was come with the caravan for the purpofe of curing him ? Besides this, M. de Maillet faw Hagi Ali afterwards at Cairo, where he reproached him with his cruel behaviour, both to Poncet and to friar Juftin, another monk that had come along with him from Ethiopia. Maillet then muft have been fully inftrucTed of Poncet's whole life and con-verfation in Ethiopia, and needed not the Italian's fuppofed communication to know whether or not he had been in E-thiopia. Befides, Maillet makes ufe of him as the forerunner of the other embaffy he was then preparing to Gondar, and to that fame king Yafous, which would have been a very ftrange ftep had he doubted of his having been there before. Supposing all this not enough, flill we know lie returned by Jidda, and the conful correfpondeel with him there. Now, how did he get from Bartcho to the Red Sea without palling the capital, and without the king's orders or knowledge? Who franked him at thofe number of dangerous barriers at Woggora, Lamalmon, the Tacazze, Kella, and Ad owa, where, though I had the authority of the king, I could not fometimes pafs without calling force to my af-fiftance? Who freed him from the avarice of the Baharnagafh, and the much more formidable rapacity of that murderer the Naybe, who, we have feen in the hiftory of this reign, attempted to plunder the king's own factor Mufa, though his mailer was within three days journey at the head of an army that in a few hours could have effaced every veftigc of where Mafuah had flood ? All this, then, is a ridiculous fabrication of lies ; the work, as I have before 3 R 2 faid, faid, of thofe who were concerned in the affair of the unhappy Du Route. Poncet, having loft all credit, retired from Paris in dif-grace, without any further gratification than that which he at firfl received. He carried to Cairo with him, however, a gold watch and a mirror, which lie was to deliver to the conful as a prefent to his companion Murat, whofe fubfift-ence was immediately Hopped, and liberty given him to return to Ethiopia. Nor did Maillet's folly flop here. After giving poor Murat all the ilhufage a man could poftibly fuffer, he entruft-cd him with a Jefuit * whom he was to introduce into E-thiopia, where he would certainly have loft his life had not the bad-treatment he received by the way made him return before he arrived at Mafuah. This firft mifcarriage feemed only to have confirmed the Jefuits more in their refolution of producing im embaffy. But it now took another form. Politicians and ftatefmen became the actors in it, without a thought having been bellowed to diminifh the enemies of the fcheme, or render their endeavours ufelcfs, by a fuperior knowledge of the manners and cufloms of the country through which this embaffy was to pafs. No adventurer, or vagrant phyfician, (like Poncet) was to be employed in this fecond embaffy. A miniftcr verfed in * Father Bcrnat, a Frenchman. in languages, negotiations, and treaties, accompanied with proper drugomans and officers, was to be fent to Abyfftnia to cement a perpetual friendfhip and commerce between two nations that had not a national article to exchange with each other, nor way to communicate by fea or land. The miniiler, who muft have known this, very wifely, at giving his flat, pitched upon the conful M. de Maillet to be the amabaffador, as a man who was acquainted with the caufes of Poncet's failure, and, by following an oppofite courfe, could bring this embaffy to a happy conclulion for both nations. Maillet confidered himfelf as a general whofe bufmefs was to direct and not to execute. A tedious and trouble-fomc journey through dangerous defcrts was out of the fphere of his clofct, beyond the limits of which he did not choofe to go. Beyond the limits of this, all was defert to him. He excufed himfelf from the embalfy, but gave in a memorial to ferve as a rule for the conduct of his fuccelfor in the nomination in a country he had never feen ; but this, being afterwards adopted as a wcll-confidcred regulation, proved one of the principal caufes of the mifcarriage and tragedy that followed. M. NoiR du Roule, vice-conful at Damiata, was pitched upon as the ambaffador to go to Abyilinia. He was a young man of fome merit, had a confidcrablc degree of ambition, and a moderate ft ill in the common languages fpoken in the eaft, but was abfolutcly ignorant of that of the country to which he was going, and, what was worfe, of the cuftoms and prejudices of the nations through which he was to pafs. Like moft of his countrymen, he had a violent predilection 4 for for the drcfs, carriage, and manners of France, and a hearty contempt for thofe of ali other nations; this he had not ad-drefs enough to difguife, and tliis endangered his life. The whole French nation at Cairo were very ill-difpofed towards him, in confequence of fome perfonal ilight,or imprudences, he had been guilty of; as alfo towards any repetition of projects which brought them, their commerce, and even their lives into danger, as the lall had done. The merchants, therefore, were avcrfe to this embalfy; but the Jefuits and Maillet were the avowed fupporters of it, and they had with them the authority of the king. But each aimed to be principal, and had very little confidence or communication with his affociate. As for the capuchins and Francifcans, they were mortally offended with M. de Maillet for having, by the introduction of the Jefuits, and the power of the king of France, forcibly wrcfled the Ethiopic miifion from them which the pope had granted, and which the facred congregation of cardinals had confirmed. Thefe, by their continual communication with the Cophts, the Chriftians of Egypt, had fo far brought them to adopt their defigns as, one and all, to regard the mifcarriagc of du Roulc and his embaffy, as what they were bound to procure from honour and mutual intereft. Things being in thefe circumflances, M. du Roule arrived at Cairo, and took upon him the charge of this embaffy, and from that moment the intrigues began, 2 The The conful had perfuaded du Roule, that the proper pr&. fents he Ihould take with him to Sennaar were prints of the king and queen of France, with crowns upon their heads; mirrors, magnifying and multiplying objects, and deforming them; when brocade, fattin, and trinkets of gold orfiU ver, iron or Reel, would have been inlinitely more acceptable. Eli as, an Armenian, a confidential fervant of the French nation, was firft fent by way of the Red Sea into Abyilinia', by Mafuah, to proceed to Gondar, and prepare Yafous for the reception of that ambalfador, to whom he, Elias, was to be the interpreter. So far it was well concerted; but, in preparing for the end, the middle was neglected. A number of friars were already at Sennaar, and had poifoncd the minds of that people, naturally barbarous, brutal, and jealous. Money, in prefents, had gained the great; while lies, calculated to terrify and enrage the lower clafsof people, had been told fo openly and avowedly, and gained fuch root, that the ambaffador, when he arrived .at Sennaar, found it, in the firft place, neceifary to make a procez verbal, or what we call a precognition, in which the names of the authors, and fubftance of thefe reports, were mentioned, and of this he gave advice to M. de Maillet, but the names and thefa papers pcriihed with him. It was on the 9th of July 1704 that M. du Roule fet out-from Cairo, attended by a number of people who, with tears in their eyes, forcfaw the pit into which he was falL* ing. He embarked on the Nile; and, in his paffage to Si* o.ut, he. found at every halting-place fo^e new and dangerous gerous lie propagated, which could have no other end but his deftruction. Be lac, a Moor, and factor for the king of Sennaar, was chief of the caravan which he then joined. Du Roule had employed, while at Cairo, all the ufual means to gain this man to his interefl, and had every reafon to fuppofe he had fucceeded. But, on his meeting him at Siout, he had the mortification to find that he was fo far changed that it coft him 250 dollars to prevent his declaring himfelf an abettor of his enemies. And this, perhaps, would not have fufHced, had it not been for the arrival of Fornetti, drugo-man to the French nation at Cairo, at Siout, and with him a capigi and chiaouxfrom Ifmacl Bey, the port of janizaries, and from the baflia of Cairo, exprefsly commanding the governor of Siout, and Belac chief of the caravan, to look to the fafety of du Roule, and protect him at the hazard of their lives, and as they fhould anfwer to them. All the parties concerned were then called together; and the fedtah, or prayer of peace, ufed in long and dangerous journies, was folcmnly recited and affentcd to by them all; in confequcncc of which, every individual became bound to Rand by his companion even to death, and not feparate himfelf from him, nor fee him wronged, though it was for his own gain or fafety. This tefl brought all the fecret to light; for Ali Chelcbi, governor of Siout, informed the ambaflador, that the Chriilian merchants and Francif-can friars were in a confpiracy, and had fworn to defeat and difappoint his embaffy even by the lofs of his life, and that, by prefents, they had gained him to be a partner in that confpiracy. BtfLAC, Belac, moreover, told him, that the patriarch of the Cophts had aifured the principal people of which that caravan confifted, that the Franks then travelling with him were Hot merchants, but forcerers, who were going to Ethiopia, to obftruct, or cut off. the courfe of the Nile, that it might no longer flow into Egypt, and that the general refolution was to drive the Franks from the caravan at fome place in the defert which fuited their defigns, which were to reduce them to perifli by hunger or thirft, or elfe to be otherwife flain, and no more heard of. The caravan left Siout the 12th of September. In twelve days they paffed the leffer defert, and came to Khargue, where they were detained fix days by a young man, governor of that place, who obliged M. du Roule to pay him 120 dollars, before he would fuffer him to pafs further; and at the fame time forced him to ftgn a certificate, that he had been permitted to pafs without paying any thing. This was the firft fample of the ufage he was to expect in the further profecution of his journey. On the 3d of October they entered the great defert of So-lima, and on the 18th of fame month they arrived at Ma-chou, or Mofcho, on the Nile, where their caravan ftaid a confiderable time, till the merchants had transacted their bufmefs. It was at this place the ambaffador learned, that feveral Francifcan friars had palled the caravan while it remained at Siout, and advanced to Sennaar, where they had ftaid fome time, but had lately left that capital upon news of the caravan's approaching, and had retired, nobody knew whether. Vol, II, A report A report was foon after fpread abroad at Cairo, but no one could ever learn whence it came, that the ambalfador, arriving at Dongola, had been affaflinated there. This, indeed, proved falfe, but was, in the mean time, a mournful prefage of the melancholy cataftrophe that happened foon afterwards. M. du Roule arrived at Sennaar towards the end of May, and wrote at that time; but a packet of letters was after brought to the conful at Cairo, bearing date the 18th of June. The ambaffador there mentions, that he had been well received by the king of Sennaar, who was a young man, fond of ftrangers ; that particular attention had been fhewn him by Sid Achmet-el-coom; or, as he fhould have called him, Achmet Sid-el-coom,i. e. Achmet mafterof the houfehold. This officer, fent by the king to viflt the baggage of the ambaffador, could not help teftifying his furprife to find it fo in* confiderable, both in bulk and value. He faid the king had received letters from Cairo, informing him that he had twenty chefts of fdver along with him. Achmet likewife told him, that he himfelf had received information, by a letter under the hand and feal of the moft refpe&ablc people of Cairo, warning him not to let M. du Roule pafs; for the intention of his journey into Abyffmia was to prevail on Yafous to attack Mafuah and Suakem, and take them from the Turks. Achmet would not fuffer the bales intended for the king of Abyflinia to be opened or vifited, but left them in the hands of the ambaffador. M. du Roule, however, in writing this account to the conful, intimated to him that he thought himfelf in dan- i gcr. gcr, and declares that he did not believe there was on earth fo barbarous, brutal, and treacherous a people, as were the Nubians. Ir happened that the king's troops had gained fome advantage over the rebellious Arabs, on which account there was a feftival at court, and M. du Roule thought himfelf obliged to exert himfelf in every thing which could add to the magnificence of the occafion. With this intention he Craved his beard, and dreft himfelf like a European, and in this manner he received the vifit of the minifter Achmet. M. Mace, in a letter to the conful of the above date, complains of this novelty. He fays it fhocked every body ; and that the * mirrors which multiplied and deformed the objects, made the lower forts of the people look upon the ambalfador and his company as forcerers. Upon great feftivals, in moft Mahometan kingdoms, the king's wives have a privilege to go out of their apartments, and viiit any thing new that is to be feen. Thefe of the king of Sennaar are very ignorant, brutifh, fantaftic, and eafily offended. Had M. du Roule known the manners of the country, he would have treated thefe black majefties with ftrong fpirits, fweetmeats, or fcented waters ; and he might then have fhewed them with impunity any thing that he pleafed. But being terrified with the glaffes, and difgufted by his inattention, they joined in the common cry, that the ambaffador was a magician, and contributed all in their power to 3 S 2 ruin * We have feen thefe were recommended by M. Maillet. the conful, ruin him with the king; which, after all, they did not ac-compliih, without the utmoR repugnance and difficulty. The fanned length at firft they could get this prince to go was, to demand 3000 dollars of the ambaffador. This was exprefsly refufed, and private difguft followed. M. du Roule being now alarmed for his own fafety, infilled upon liberty to fet out forthwith for Abyflinia. Leave was accordingly granted him, and after his baggage was loaded, and every thing prepared, he was countermanded by the king, and ordered to return to his own houfe. A few days after this he again procured leave to depart; which a Ihort time after was again countermanded. At laft, on the 1 oth of November, a meffenger from the king brought him final leave to depart, which, having every thing ready for that purpofe, he immediately did. The ambaffador walked on foot, with two country Chriftians on one hand, and Gentil his French fervant on the other. He refufed to mount on horfeback, but gave his horfe to a Nubian fervant to lead. M. Lipi, and M. Mace, the two drugomans, were both on horfeback. The whole company being now arrived in the middle of the large fquare before the king's houfe, the common place of execution for criminals, four blacks attacked the ambaffador, and murdered him with four ftrokes of fabres. Gentil fell next by the fame hands, at his mailer's fide. After him M. Lipi and the two Chriftians ; the two latter protcfting that they did not belong to the ambaffador's family. M. du Roule died with the greateft magnanimity, fortitude, and rcfignation. Knowing his perfon was facred by a the the law of nations, he difdained to defend it by any other means, remitting his revenge to the guardians of that law, and he exhorted all his attendants to do the fame. But M. Mace the Drugoman, young and brave, and a good horfe-man, was not of the fheep kind, to go quietly to the flaughter. With his piftols he fhot two of the affaffins that attacked him, one after the other, dead upon the fpot; and was continuing to defend himfelf with his fword, when a horfeman, coming behind him, thruR him through the back with a lance, and threw him dead upon the ground. Thus ended the fecond attempt of converting AbyfTinia by an embaffy. A fcheme, if we believe M. de Maillet, which had coil government a confiderable cxpence, for in a memorial, of the iR of October 1706, concerning the death of M. du Roule, he makes the money and effects which he had along with him, when murdered, to amount to 200 purfes, or L.25,000 Sterling. This, however, is not probable ; becaufe, in another place he fpcaks of M. du Roule's having demanded of him a fmall fupply of money while at Sennaar, which friar Jofeph, a capuchin, refufed to carry for him. Such a fupply would not have been neceffary if the ambaffador had with him fuch a fum as that already mentioned ; therefore I imagine it was exaggerated, with a view to make the Turkifh bafha of Suakem quarrel with the king of Sennaar about the recovering it. The friars, who were in numbers at Sennaar, left it immediately before the coming of M. du Roule. This they might have done without any bad intention towards him ; they returned, however, immediately after his murder. This, I think, very clearly conflitutcs them the authors of it. For had they not been privy and promoters of the aiTaili-nation, they would have fled with fear and abhorrence from a place where fix of their brethren had been lately fo treach-eroufly flain, and were not yet buried, but their carcafes a-bandoned to the fowls of the air, and the beafls of the field, and where they themfelves, therefore, could have no aflii-ranee of fafety. They however pretended, firfl: to lay the blame upon the king of Abyflinia, then upon the king of Sennaar, and then they divided it between them both. But Elias, arrived at Gondar, vindicated that prince, as we fhall prefently fee, and the lift of names taken at Sennaar; and a long fc-ries of correfpondence, which afterwards came out, and a chain of evidence which was made public, inconteftibly prove that the king of Sennaar was but an agent, and indeed an unwilling one, who two feveral times repented of his bloody defign, and made M. du Roule return to his own houfe, to evade the execution of it. The blood then of this gallant and unfortunate gentleman undoubtedly lies upon the heads of the reformed Francif-can friars, and their brethren, the friars of the Holy Land. The intereftof thefe two bodies, and a bigotted prince, fuch as Louis XIV then was, was more than fufficient to flop all inquiry, and hinder any vengeance to be taken on thofe holy affaflins. But he who, unperceived, follows deliberate murther through all its concealments and darknefs of its ways, in a few years required fatisfaction for the blood of du Roule, at a time and place unforefecn, and unexpected. We We fhall now return to Gondar to king Yafous, who being recovered of his difeafe, and having difmifTed his phy-fician, was preparing to fet out on a campaign againft the Galla. Yasous, for his firft wife, had married Ozoro Malacota-wit, a lady of great family and connections in the province of Gojam. By her he had a fon, Tecla Haimanout, who was grown to manhood, and had hitherto lived in the moft dutiful affection and fubmiflion to his father, who, on his part, feemed to place unlimited confidence in his fon. He now gave a proof of this, not very common in the annals of Abyflinia, by leaving Tecla Haimanout behind him, at an age when he was fit to reign, appointing him Betwudet, with abfolute power to govern in his abfence. Yafous had a miftrefs whom he tenderly loved, a woman of great quality likewife, whofe name was Ozoro Kedufte. She was fi-fter to his Fit-Auraris, Agne, a very diftinguilhed and capable officer, and by her he had three children, David, Han-nes, and Jonathan. It happened, while he was watching the motions of the Galla, news were brought that Ozoro Kedufte had been taken ill of a fever; and though, upon this intelligence, he difpofed his affairs fo as to return with all poflible expedition, yet when he came to Bercante, the lady's houfe, he found that fhe was not only dead, but had been for fome time buried. All his prefence of mind now left him ; he fell into the moft violent tranfport of wild defpair, and, ordering her tomb to be opened, he went down into it, taking his three fons along with him, and became fo frantic at the fight of the corpfe, that it was with the utmoft difficulty culty he could be forced again to leave the fepulchrc. He returned firft to Gondar, then he retired to an ifland in the lake Tzana, there to mourn his loft miftrefs. But before this, Elias, ignorant of what had paffed at Sennaar, prefented M. de Maillet's letter to him, befceching his leave for M. du Roule to enter Abyflinia, and come into his prefence. This he eafdy procured : Yafous was fond of ftrangers; and not only granted the requcft, but fent a man of his own to Sennaar with letters to the king to protect and defray the expences of the ambaflador to Gondar. This man, who had affairs of his own, loitered away a great deal of time in the journey, fo that Elias, upon firft hearing of the arrival of the ambaffador, fet out himfelf to meet him at Sennaar. The king, in the mean time, having fi-nifhed his mourning, difpatched Badjerund Ouftas to his fon the Betwudet, at Gondar, ordering him forthwith to fend him a body of his houfehold troops to rendezvous on the banks of the lake, oppofite to the illand Tchckla Wunze, where he then had his refidence. It has been faid, contrary to all truth, by thofe who have wrote travels into this country, that fons born in marriage had the fame preference in fucceflion as they have in other countries. But this, as I have faid, is entirely without foundation : For, in the firft place, there is no fuch tiling as a regular marriage in Abyflinia ; all confifts in mere con-fent of parties. But/allowing this to be regular, not only natural children, that is, thofe born in concubinage where no marriage was in contemplation; and adulterous baftards, that is, the fons of unmarried women by married men; and all manner of fons whatever, fuccccd equally as well to the crown frown as to private inheritance; and there cannot be a more clear example of this than in the prefent king, who, although he had a fon, Tecla Haimanout, born of the queen Malacotawit in wedlock, was yet fucceeded by three baftard brothers, all fons of Yafous, born in adultery, that is, in the life of the queen. David and Hannes were fons of the king by his favourite Ozoro Kedufte ; Bacuffa, by another lady of quality. Although the queen, Malacotawit, had pafTed over with feeming indifference the preference the king had given his miftrefs, Ozoro Kedufte, during her lifetime, yet, from a very unaccountable kind of jealoufy, fhe could not forgive thofe violent tokens of affection the king had fhewn after-her death, by going down with his fons and remaining with the body in the grave. Full of refentment for this, fhe had perfuaded her fon, Tecla Haimanout, that Yafous had determined to deprive him of his fucceflion, to fend him and her, his mother, both to Wechne, and place his baftard brother, David, fon of Ozoro Kedufte, upon the throne. The queen had been very diligent in attaching to ^er the principal people about the court. By her own friends, and the afliftance of the difcontcnted and banifhed monks, fhe had raifed a great army in Gojam under her brothers, Dermin and Paulus. Tecla Haimanout had fhewn great figns of wifdom and talents for governing, and very much attached to himfelf fome of his father's oktcft and ableft fervants. Vol. II. It It was, therefore, agreed, in return to Yafous's menage by Ouftas, to anfwer, That, after fo long a reign, and fo much bloodfhed, the king would do well to retire to fome convent for the reft of his life, and atone for the many great fins he had committed; and that he Ihould leave the kingdom in the hands of his fon Tecla Haimanout, as the ancient king Caleb had refigned his crown into the hands of St Pantalcon in favour of his fon Guebra Mafcal. As it was not very fafe to deliver fuch a meffage to a king fuch as Yafous, it was therefore fent to him by a common foot-foldier, who could not be an object of refentment. The king received it at Tchekla Wunze, the ifland in the lake Tzana, where he was then reading. He anfwered With great flrarpnefs, by the fame meflenger, " That he had been long informed who thefe were that had feduced his fon, Tecla Haimanout, at once from his duty to him as his father, and his allegiance as his fovereign ; that though he did not hold them to be equal in fanctity to St Pantaleon, yet, fuch as they were, he propofed immediately to meet them at Gondar, and fettle there his fon's coronation." This ironical meflage was perfectly undcrftood. Thofe of the court that were with Tecla Haimanout, and the inhabitants of the capital, met together, and bound thcmfelves by a folemn oath to live and die with their king Tecla Haimanout. The feverity of Yafous was well known; his provocation now was a juft one; and the meafure of vengeance that awaited them, every one concerned knew to be fuch that there was no alternative but death or victory.. Neither Neither party were Hack in preparations. Kafmati Honorius, governor of Damot, a veteran officer and old fervant of Yafous, collected a large body of troops and marched them down the weft fide of the lake. Yafous having there joined them, and putting himfelf at the head of his army, began his march, rounding the lake on its fouth fide towards Dingleber. Neither did Tecla Haimanout delay a moment after hearing his father was in motion, but marched with fail army from Gondar, attended with all the enfigns of royalty. He encamped at Bartcho, in that very field where Za Denghel was defeated and Ilain by his rebellious fubjects. Thinking this a poft ominous to kings, he refolved to wait for his father there, and give him battle. The king, in his march through the low country of Dembea, was attacked by a putrid fever, very common in thofe parts, which fo increafed upon him that he was obliged to be carried back to Tchekla Wunze. This accident difeou-raged his whole party. His army, with Honorius, took the road to Gojam, but did not difperfe, awaiting the recovery of the king. Bur the queen, Malacotawit, no fooncr heard that Yafous her hufband was fick at Tchekla Wunzc, than flie fent to her fon Tecla Haimanout to leave his unwholefomc ftation^ and march back immediately to Gondar; and, as foon as he was returned, flie difpatched her two brothers, Dermin and Paulus, with a body of foldiers and two Mahometan mufqueteers, who, entering the ifland Tchekla Wunzc by fur-prife, fhot and difablcd the king while fitting on a couch; 3 T 2 immediately immediately after which, Dermin thruft him through with a fword. They attempted afterwards to burn the body, in order to avoid the ill-will the light of it mull occafion : In this, however, they were prevented by the priefts of the ifland and the neighbouring nobility, who took pofTeflioin of the body, warned it, and performed all the rites of fcpul* ture, then carried it in a kind of triumph, with every marlc of magnificence due to the burial of a king, interring it in the fmall ifland of Mitraha, where lay the body of all his anceitors, and where I have feen the body of this king ftiU entire.. . . Nor did the prince his fon, Tecla Haimanout, now king* difcourage the people in the refpect they voluntarily paid to his father. On the contrary, that parricide himfelf fhewed every outward mark of duty, to the which inwardly his lreart had been long a ftranger.. Poncet, who faw this king, gives this character of him: He fays he was a man very fond of war, but averfe to the fhedding of blood. However this may appear a contradiction, or faid for the fake of the antithefis, it really was the true character of this prince, who, fond of war, and in the perpetual career of victory, did, by pufhing his conquefls as far as they could go, inevitably occafion the fpilling of much blood. Yet, when his army was not in the Held, though he detected a multitude of conspiracies among priefts and other people at home, whofe lives in confequence were forfeited to the law, he very rarely, either from his own motives, or the perfuafion of others, could be induced to inflict capital punifhments though often ftrongly provoked to it. Upon Upon his death the people unanimoufly gave to him the name of Tallac, which iignifics the Great, a name he has ever fmce enjoyed unimpeached in the Abyilinian annals, or hiftory of his country, from the which this his reign is taken.. TECLA HAIMANOUT I. From 1704 to 1706. Writes in Favour of Du Roule—Defeats the Rebels—Is ajjajfinated' whitb hunting. ELIAS the Armenian, of whom we have already fpoken, and who was charged with letters of protection from Yafous to meet M. du Roule at Sennaar, had reached within three days journey of that capital wlien he heard that king Yafous was affafllnated. Terrified at the news, he returned in the utmoll hafte to Gondar, and prefentcd the letters, which had been written by Yafous, to be renewed by his fon, king Tecla Haimanout. Tecla Haimanout read his father's letters, and approved of their contents, ordering them to be copied in his own name ; and Elias without delay fet out with them. I have inferted a tranflation of thefe letters,, which were originally written in Arabic, and feem to me me to be of the few that are authentic among thofe many which have been publilhed as coming from Abyflinia. " The king Tecla Haimanout, fon of the king of the * church of Ethiopia, king of a thoufand churches. ^ Sam | I Muw * ^ r * " On the part of the powerful auguft king, arbiter of " nations, fhadow of God- upon earth, the guide of kings " who profefs the religion of the Mefliah, the moft power-" ful of Chriilian kings, he that maintains order between " Mahometans and Chriftians, protector of the boundaries " of Alexandria, obferver of the commandments of the go-" fpcl, defcended of the line of the prophets David and Solo-u mon,—may the blefling of Ifrael be upon our prophet and " upon them.—To the king baady, fon of the king Ounfa, " may his reign be full of happinefs, being a prince endow-" ed with thefe rare qualities that deferve the higheft " praifes as governing his kingdom with diftinguifhed wif-" dom, and by an order full of enmity.—The king of France, a " who * This is not the king's leal. It is the invention of fome Mahometan employed to write letters. TIT 1 SOURCE OF THE NILE. 519 CA who is a Chrift ian, wrote a letter feven or eight years ago, * by which he fignified to me, that he wiihed to open a '« trade for the advantage of his fubjects and of mine, which « requeft we have granted. We come at prefent to under-" Rand, that he has fent us prefents by a man whofe name " is du Roule, who has likewife feveral others along with " him, and that thefe people have been arrefted at your " town of Sennaar. We require of you, therefore, to fet ** them immediately at liberty, and to fuffer them to come " to us with all the marks of honour, and that you fhould *' pay regard to the ancient friendfhip which has always " fubfifled between our predeceffors, fince the time of the ■ king of Sedgid and the king of Kim, to the prefent day. We w alfo demand of you to fuffer all the fubjects of the king of " France to pafs, and all thofe that come with letters of his " conful who is at Cairo, as all fuch Frenchmen come for * trade only, being of the fame religion with us. We likewife " recommend to you, that you permit to pafs freely, all " French Chriftians, Cophts, and Syrians who follow our **■ rites, obferving our religion, and who intend coming into " our country; and that you do not fuffer any of thofe " who are contrary to our religion to pafs, fuch as the monk " Jofeph, and his companions, whom you may keep at Sen- * naar, it being in no fhape our intention to fuffer them to " come into our dominions, where they would occafion «* troubles, as being enemies to our faith. God grant you w your defires."—Wrote the 10th of Zulkade, Anno 1118,1 c,. the 21ft of January 1706. dp- The direction is—" To king Baady, fon of king " Ounfa, may God favour him with his grace.M The The firft thing I remark upon this letter is, the mention of the ancient peace and friend (hip which fubfifted between the predeceffors of thefe two princes now correfponding. It was a friendfhip, lie fays, that had endured from the time of the king of Sedgid, and the king of Kim, to the prefent day. The kingdom of Sennaar, as we mall fee, was but a mo^ dern one, and recently eftablifhed by conqueft over the A-rabs. Therefore the kingdoms of Sedgid and of Kim were» before that conqueft, places whence this black nation came that had eftablifhed their fovereignty at Sennaar by conqueft : from which, therefore, I again infer, there never was any war, conqueft, or tribute between Abyflinia and *hat flate. The Arabs, who fed their flocks near the frontiers of the two countries, were often plundered by the kings of Abyf-finia making defcents into Atbara; but this was never reckoned a violation of peace between the two fovcreigns. On the contrary, as the motive of the Arabs, for coming fouth into the frontiers of Abyilinia, was to keep thcmfelves independent, and out of the reach of Sennaar, whe thi k'ng of Abyilinia fell upon them there, he was undcrftood to do that monarch fervice, by driving them down farther within his reach. The Baharnagafh has been always at war with them ; they are tributary to him for eating his grafs and drinking his water, and nothing that he ever docs to them gives any trouble or inquietude to Sennaar. It is interpreted as maintaining his ancient dominion over the Shepherds, thofe of Sennaar being a new power, and accounted as u-furpers. M. de Maillet, nor M. le Grande his hiftorian, have not thought fit to explain who the monk Jofeph was mentioned in this letter. Now it is certain, that, when Murat and Poncet were returned from Abyffmia, there was a mifuon-ary of the minor friars, who arrived in Ethiopia, had an audience of the king, and wrote a letter in his name to the pope, wherein he has foifted many improbabilities and falfe-hoods; and concludes with declaring on the part of Yafous, that he fubmits to the fee of Rome in the fame manner the kings his predccellbrs had fubmitted. He makes Yafous fpeak Latin, too ; and it is perfectly plain from the * whole letter, that, though he writes it himfelf, he cannot conceal that the king Yafous wanted him very much away, and was very uneafy at his Ray at Gondar. Who this was we know not, but fuppofe it was one of thofe afTafTins of M. du Roule, carrying on a private intrigue without participation of the conful, fome of whom were afterwards detected in Walkayt in the reign of David IV, As for Elias, the forerunner of the French embaffy, now become the only remains of it, he continued in Abyifmia (to judge by his letter) in great poverty, till the year 1718, immediately after which he went over to Arabia Felix, and (irll wrote from Mocha to M. de Maillet conful at Cairo, as it will appear in the reign of David IV. where I have infertcd his letter; that written to M. du Roule in the name of Yafous, that of Tecla Haimanout to the Baflia and Divan of Cairo, I havenow here infertcd, becaufe I have advanced facts founded upon them. Vol. II. 3 U Translation '* See the letter itfelf, it is the laft in Lc Grande's book, and in Latin, if I remember rightly. Translation of an Arabic Letter from the King of Abyssinia to M. du Roule. " The king Tecla Haimanout, king of the eftablifhed :t church, fon of the king of a thoufand churches. 5* This letter cometh forth from the venerable, auguft " king, who is the fhadow of God, guide of Chriilian prin- u ccs that are in the world, the moft powerful of the Naza- u rean kings, obferver of the commandments of the gofpcl, u protector of the confines of Alexandria, he that maintain- " eth order between Mahometans and Chriftians, defcendcd " from the family of the prophets David and Solomon, up- " on whom being the blcilings of Ifrael, may God make his f happincfs eternal, and his power perpetual, and protect his " arms—So be it.—To his excellence the moft virtuous and " moft prudent man du Roule, a Frenchman fent to us, " may God prefcrve him, and make him arrive at a degree " of eminence—So be it.—Elias, your interpreter whom you " fent before you, being arrived here, has been well receiv- " ed. We have undcrftood that you arc fent to us on the " part of the king of France our brother, and are furprifed " that you have been detained at Sennaar. We fend to you " at prefent a letter for king Baady, in order that he may " fet you at liberty, and not do you any injury, nor to thofe u that are with you, but may behave in a manner that is " proper both for you and to us, according to the religi°n " of Elias that you fent, who is a Syrian ; and all thofe that M may come after you from the king of France our brother, " or his conful at Cairo, fhall be well received, whether they «< be * be ambafladors or private merchants, becaufe we love " thofe that are of our religion. We receive with pleafure " thofe who do not oppofe our laws, and we fend away thofe " that do oppofe them. For this reafon we did not receive " immediately Jofeph* with all his companions, not choo-*' ling that fuch fort of people fhould appear in our prefence, *' nor intending that they fhould pafs Sennaar, in order to * avoid troubles which may occafion the death of many; " but with refpect, to you, have nothing to fear, you may " come in all fafety, and you fhall be received with ho-4t nour."—Written the i oth of the month Zulkade, Anno 1118, u e. the 2 ift of January of the year 1706. tr> The addrefs is—" Let the prefent be delivered to M. " du Roule at the town of Sennaar." I shall only obferve upon this letter, that all the priefts, who had flocked to Sennaar before M. du Roule arrived there, difappeared upon his near approach to that city, after having prepared the mifchicf which directly followed. And, no fooner was the murder, which they before concerted, committed, than they all flocked back again as if invited to a feftival. M. de Maillet fpeaks of feveral of them in his letters, where he complains of the murder of du Roule, and fays that they were then on their way to enter Abyffima. Of thefe probably was this Jofeph, whom Tecla Haimanout ftricTly prohibits to come farther than Sennaar, having feen what his father had written concerning him in the firft letters Elias was charged with. 3 U 2 Others * Vid. the letter as nuoted above. Others are mentioned in Elias's letter to the conful as having been in Abyilinia: He calls them thofe of the league of Michael and Samuel, of whom we fhall fpeak afterwardsi But, even though the French conful had ordered his nation to drive all the fubjecfs of Sennaar from their houfes and fervice, none of thefe miflionarics were afraid to return and abide at Sennaar, becaufe they knew the murder of tha ambaffador was the work of their own hands, and, without their inftigation, would never have been committed. The unlucky meflenger, Elias, was again about to enter Sennaar, when he received, information that du Roule was affaflinated. If he had fled haflily from this inaufpicious place upon the murder of Yafous,, his hafte was now tenfold, as he confidered himfelf engaged in the fame circumflances that had involved M. du Route's attendants in his misfortunes.. The king, upon hearing the account given by Elias of the melancholy fate of the ambaffador, at Sennaar, was fo exafperatcd, that he gave immediate orders for recalling fuch of his troops as he had permitted to go to any confi-derable diftance ; and, in a council held for that purpofe, he declared, that he confidered the death of M. du Roule as an affront that immediately affected his crown and dignity. He was, therefore, determined not to pafs it over^ but to make the king of Sennaar fcnfible that he, as well as all the other kings upon earth, knew the neceftity of obferving the law of nations, and the bad confequencc of perpetual retaliations that muft follow* the violation of it. In the mean time, thinking that the balha of Cairo was the caufe of this, he wrote the following letter to him. Translation Translation of an Arabic Letter fromthe King ^Abyssinia to /^Basha and Divan Cairo. " To the Pacha, and Lords of the Militia of Cairo. " On the part of the king of AbyiTinia, the king Tecla Haimanout, fon of the king of the church of Abyifmia. " On the part of the auguft king, the powerful arbiter of u nations, fhadow of God upon earth, the guide of kings " who profefs the religion of the Melfiah, the moft powcr-" ful of all ChriRian kings, he who maintains order between " Mahometans and Chriftians, protector of the confines of ? Alexandria, obferver of the commandments of the gofpcl, " heir from father to fon of a mod powerful kingdom, de--" fcendcd of the family of David and Solomon,—may the " blelling of Ifrael be upon our prophet, and upon them! " may his happinefs be durable, and his greatnefs lading, " and may his powerful army be always feared.—To the '* moR powerful lord, elevated by his dignity, venerable by " Jiis merits, diftinguiihed by his ftrength and riches among " all Mahometans, the refuge of all thofe that reverence " him, who by his prudence governs and directs the armies * of the noble empire, and commands his confines; victori-" ous viceroy of Egypt, the four corners of which fhall be " always rcfpccted and defended :—fo be it.—And to all the M diitinguiihed princes, judges, men of learning, and other " officers whofe bulinefs it is to maintain order and good u govern aunt and to all commanders in general, may God "prefcrve them all in their dignities, in the noblcnefs of i their.- " their health. You are to know that our anceRors never 41 bore any envy to other kings, nor did they ever occafion: " them any trouble, or fhew them any mark of hatred. On the " contrary,theyhave, uponalloccafions, given them proofs of " their friendlhips, amfting them generoufly, relieving them " in their neceflities, as well in what concerns the caravan " and pilgrims of Mecca in Arabia Felix, as in the Indies, in " Perfia, and other diftant and out-of-the-way places, alfo by " protecting diftinguilhedperfons in every urgent neccefiity. " Nevertheless, the king of France our brother, who " profefles our religion and our law, having been induced " thereto, by fome advances of friendfhip on our part fuch " as are proper, fent an ambaffador to us ; I undcr-" ftand that you caufed arrcft him at Sennaar, and alfo ano-* ther by name Murat, the Syrian, whom you did put in " prifon alfo, though he was lent to that ambaffador on " our part, and by thus doing, you have violated fhe law of " nations, as ambafladors of kings ought to be at liberty to " go wherever they will; and it is a general obligation to " treat them with honour, and not to moleft or detain them, " nor fhould they be fubject to pay culloms, or any fort of u prefents. We could very foon repay you in kind, if we " were inclined to revenge the infult you have offered to " the man Murat fent on our part; the Nile would be fuffi-" cient to punifh you, fince God hath put into our power " his fountain, his outlet, and his increafe, and that we can " difpofe of the fame to do you harm ; for the prefent we " demand of, and exhort you to defift from any future vex-" ations towards our envoys, and not difturb us by detain-* ing thofe who fhall be fent towards you, but you fhall " let them pafs and continue their route without delay* % " coming " coming and going wherever they will freely for their M own advantage, whether they are our fubjects or French^ u men, and whatever you mall do to or for them, we fhall " regard as done to or for ourfelves." cO The addrefs is—" To the bafha, princes, and lords " governing the town of great Cairo, may God favour " them with his goodnefs." There are feveral things very remarkable in this letter. The king of Abyifmia values himfelf, and his predeceffors, upon never having molefted or troubled any of his neighbours who were kings, nor borne any envy towards them. We are not then to believe what we fee often in hiftory, that there was frequent war between Sennaar and Abyflinia, or that Sennaar was tributary to Abyflinia. That flripe of country, inhabited by the Shangalla, would, in this cafe, have been firfl conquered. But it is more probable, that the great difference of climate which immediately takes place bctwreen the two kingdoms, the great want of water on the frontiers, barriers placed there by the hand of Nature, have been the means of keeping thefe kingdoms from having any mutual concerns ; and fo, indeed, we may guefs by the utter ftlence of the books, which never mention any war at Sennaar till the beginning of the reign of Socinios. I apprehend, that protecting diflinguifhed perfons upon great occafions, alludes to the children of the king of Sennaar, who frequently fly after the death of their father to Abyflinia* for protection, it being the cuftom of that Rate to * Abdelcader, fon of Ounfa, retired here. to murder all the brothers of the prince that fucceeds, in-ilead of fending them to a mountain, as they do in Abyflinia, The next thing remarkable is his protection of the pilgrims who go to Mecca, and the merchants that go to India. Several caravans of both fet out yearly from his kingdom, all Mahometans, fome of whom go to Mecca for religion, the others to India, by Mocha, to trade. But it is not pofli'ble to underiland how he is to protect the trade in Per-fia, with which country he certainly has had no fort of concern thefe 800 years, nor has it been in that time poffible for him either to moleft or protect a Perftan. What, therefore, I would fuppofe, is, that the king has made ufe of the common phrafe which univerfally obtains here both in writing and converfation, calling Ber el Ajam the Weft, and Ber el Arab the Eaft coafl of the Red Sea.—Ber el Ajam, in the language of the country, is the coaft where there is water or rain, in oppofition to the Tehama, or oppofite ihore of Arabia, where there is no water. The Greeks and Latins tranflated this word into their own language, but did not underftand it; only from the found they called it Azamia, from Ajam. Now Ajam, or Ber cl Ajam, is the name of Perfia alfo ; and the French interpreter fays, the king of A-byffmia protects the caravans of Perfia; when he fhould fay, the caravans, going through Ber el Ajam, the Azamia of the ancients, to embark at the two ports Suakem and Mafuah, both in the country of that name. The next thing to remark here is, that the king acknowledges Murat to be his ambalfador; and it is the arrefting him, which we have feen was done at the infiaiicc of M. de Maillet Maillet collufively, that the king fays was a violation of the law of nations; and it was this infult, done to Murat his ambaflador, that he all along complains of, not that offered to du Roule, which he leaves to the king of France ; for he fays exprefsly, if he was to flarve, or deflroy them all, by flopping the Nile from coming into Egypt, it would be on account of the infult offered to Murat, the envoy, or man, fent on his part to France. It is plain, therefore, that M. de Maillet pcrfecuted the poor Syrian very wrongfully, and that in no one inftance, from firft to laft, was he ever in the right concerning that embaffy. This flep, which juftice dictated, was not without its reward ; for Tecla Haimanout, who had aflcmbled his army on this account fooner than he otherwife intended, found immediately after, that a rival and rebel prince, Amda Sion, was fet up againft him by the friends of his father Yafous, and that he had been privately collecting troops, intending to take him by furprife, when he was, however, at the head of his army ready to give him battle. The firft thing the king did was to difpatch a large body of troops to reinforce Dermin, governor of Gojam, and to him he fent pofitive orders to force Amda Sion to fbmt wherever he Ihould find him, while he, with the royal army, came forward with all expedition to keep the people in awe, and prevent them from joining his rival. Amda Sion, on the other hand, loft no time. From Ibaba, through Maitiha, he marched ftraight to Gondar. Being arrived at the king's houfe at Dingleber, he fat down on the throne with the enfigns of royalty about him, and there Vol. II. 3 X appointed appointed, feveral officers that were moft needed, in the army, the provinces, and about his perfon. During his ftay here, news were brought that Dermin had followed him ftep by ftep in the very track he had inarched, and laid the whole country wafte that had fhewn him any countenance or favour. Amda Sion's heart feemed to fail him upon this; for he left Dingleber, croffed the ford at Delakus, and endeavoured to pafs Dermin, by keeping on the weft fide of the Nile, and on the low road by which he returned to Ibaba. Dermin, well-informed as to his motions, and perfectly inftructcd in the fituation of the country, inftead of palling him, turned fhort upon his front, croffmg the Nile at Fagit-ta, and forced him to an engagement in the plain country of Maitfha. The battle, though it was obftinatcly fought by the rebels, ended in a complete victory in favour of the king. Thofe among the rebels who moft diftinguifhed thcmfelves were the baniflied monks, the greateft part of whom were flain lighting defperatcly. Among thefe, were AbbaWelleta Chriftos, Tobias and his brother Abba Nicolaus, who had been ringleaders in the late religious difputes in the time of Yafous, and were now chiefs of the rebellion a-gainft his fon. The greateft part of the lofs fell upon the common men of Gojam, of the clans Elm an a and Denfa. No man of note among them was loft; only Amda Sion, who fell at their head in the beginning of the engagement, fighting with all the bravery that could be expected from a man in Ms circumflances. The rebel army was entirely difperfed. On. On the king's fide no man of confideration was Ilain, but Anafte, fon of Ozoro Sabel Wenghel. After having reinforced Dermin, the firft thing the king did was to fend three of his brothers, David, Hannes, and Jonathan, to be imprifoned on the mountain of Wechne. Fie then marched with his army from Gondar ; and, being ignorant of what had happened, he difpatched his mailer of the horfe, by way of Dingle ber, to join Kafmati Dermin, in cafe he had not flill been flrong enough to light the rebels. With his main army he took the road to Tedda, intending to proceed to Gojam; but, by the way, was informed that Dermin had defeated and flain his rival Amda Sion : and he had fcarce croffed the Nile at Dara, when another meffenger arrived with news that Dermin had alfo come up with Kafmati Honorius and his army on the banks of the Nile, at Goutto, had entirely defeated and flain him, together with his principal officers, and difperfed the whole army. Upon this the king marched towards Ibaba, and was there joined by Dermin, when great rejoicing and fcafling enfued for feveral days. On this occafion the king crowned his mother Malacotawit, conferring upon her the dignity and title of Iteghe ; the confequencc of which Ration I have often defcribed. Having now no longer enemies to fear, he was perfuaded, bv fome of his favourites, iirll to diiinifs Dermin and his army, then all the troops that had joined him, and go with a few of his attendants, or court, to hunt the buffalo in the neighbouring country, Idi; which council the young prince too rafhly adopted, fufpe&ing no trcafon. While While the hunting-match Lifted, a confpiracy was form* ed by Gucber Mo, his two brothers, Palambaras, Hanncs, and feveral others, old officers belonging to the late ki g Yafous, who law that he intended, one by one, to Weed them out of the way as foon as fafely he could, and that the whole power and favour was at laft to fall into the hands of the Iteghe, and her brothers Dermin and Paulus. Accordingly one morning, the confpirators having furrounded him while riding, one of them thruft him through the body with a fword, and threw him from his mule upon the earth. They then laid his body upon a horfe, aid, with all pofiiblc expedition, carried him to the houfe of A-zena Michael, where he arrived yet alive, but died immediately upon being taken from the horfe. Badjeruftd Ou-ftas, and fome others of his father's old officers, who had attached themfelves to him after his father's death, took the body of the king and buried it in Qucbran. As foon as this afTaffmation was known, the mailer of the horfe, with the few troops that he could gather together, came to the palace, and took a young ion of Tecla Raima-nout, aged only four years, whom he proclaimed king, and the Iteghe, Malacotawit, regent of the kingdom. But Badjc-rund Ouftas, and thofe who had not been concerned in the murder of cither king, went ftraight to the mountain of Wechne, and brought thence Tifilis, that is Thcophilus, fon to Hanncs, and brother to the late king Yafous, whom they crowned at Emfras, and called him, by his inauguration name^Atferar Segued. TIFILIS. T I F I L I 8k, From 1706 to 1709. Diffcmblcs with his Brother s AJfafins—Execution of the Regicides—Re- belUon and Death of Tigi* TH E O P HIL U S, a few days after his coronation, having called the whole court and clergy together, declared to them, that his faith .upon the difputable point concerning our Saviour's incarnation was different from that of his brother Yafous, or that of his nephew Tecla Haimanout, but in every refpccT conformable to that of the monks of Go-jam, followers of Abba Euffathius, and that of the Iteghe, Malacotawit, Dermin, and Paulus. A violent clamour was in-flantly raifed againft the king by the priefts of Debra Libanos, as having forfaken the religious principles of his pre*, deceffors. But the king was inflexible; and this ingratia ed him more with the inhabitants of Gojam. Not many days after, the king arretted the mafter of the horfe, Johannes Palambaras, the Betwudet Tigi, and feveral others, all fuppofed to be concerned in the murder of the late king, and confined them in feveral places and pi lions. Tins This laft action of the king entirely relieved the m of all the friends of Tecla Haimanout from any fun fear of being called to account for the murder of Yaf > and, in confequence of this, the queen Malocotawit, with her brothers Dermin and Paulus, and all the murderers of the late king Yafous, came to Gondar that fame winter to do homage to Thcophilus, whom they now thought their greateft protector. But the wife and fagacious king had kept his fecret in his own bofom. All his behaviour hitherto had been only diflimulation, to induce his brother's murderers to come within his power. And no fooncr did he fee that he had fucceeded in this, than the very lirft day, while they were yet at audience, he ordered an officer, in his own prefence, to arreft firft the queen, and then her two brothers Dermin and Paulus. He gave the fame directions concerning the reft of the confpirators, who were all fcattered about Gondar, eating, drinking, and fearing nothing, but rejoicing at the happy days they had promifed thcmfelves, and were now to fee: he ordered the whole of them, amounting to 37 perfons, many of thefe of the firft rank, to be all executed that fame forenoon. He began with the queen, who was taken immediately from his prefence and hanged by the common hangman on the tree before the palace gate; the firft of her rank* it is believed, that ever died fo vile a death, either in Abyf-fmia or any other country, the hiftory of which has come down to our hands. Dermin and Paulus were firft carried to the tree to fee their filler's execution ; after which, one niter the other, they were thruft through with fwords, the 4 weapon T IT E SOURCE OF THE NILE. 53s weapon with which they had wounded the late king Yafous. But the two Mahometans were fhot with mufkets, it having been in that manner they had ended the late king's life, after Derm in had wounded him with a fword. As they had committed high treafon, none of the bodies of thefer traitors were allowed to be buried; they were hewn in fmall pieces with knives, and llrewed about the ilreets, to be eat by the hyamas and dogs ^ a.moft barbarous and oifenfive cultom, to which they ftrictly adhere to this very day. After having thus taken ample vengeance for the murder of his brother Yafous, Theophilus did not Hop here. Tecla Haimanout was, it is true, a parricide, but he was likewife a king, and his nephew; nor did it fecm juft to Theophilus that it mould be left in the will of private fubjects, after having acknowledged Tecla Haimanout as their fovereign, to choofe a time afterwards, in which they were to cut him off for a crime which, however great, had no: hindered them from fwearing allegiance to him at his ac-ccilion, and entering into his fervice at the time when it was recently committed. He, therefore, ordered all the regicides in cuftody to be put to death; and fent circular letters to the feveral governors, that they ihould obferve the fame rule as to all thofe directly concerned in the murder of his nephew Tecla Haimanout, .who Ihould be found in places under their command. Tigi, formerly Betwudet, had been imprifoned in Hama-zen, a fmall diftrict near the Red Sea, under the government of Abba Saluce. This man, by birth a Galla, had efcaped from Hamazen, and collected a confiderable army of the different tribes of his nation, Liban, Kalkend, and Bailb ; and, having having found one that pretended to be of the royal blood, he proclaimed him king, and put his army in motion. Upon the firR news of this revolt, the king, though attended with few troops, immediately left Gondar, ordering all thofe whofe duty it was to join him at Ibaba. Having there collected a little army, he marched immediately for the country of the Baffo, detlroying every thing with fire and fword. Tigi, in the mean time, by forced marches came to Ibaba, where he committed all forts of cruelties without diftinction of age or fex. The cries of the fufferers reached the king, who turned immediately back to the relief of Ibaba ; and, not difcouraged by his enemy's great fuperiority of number, offered battle to them as foon as lie arrived. Nor did Tigi and his Galla refufc it; but, on the 28th day of March 1709, a very obllinate engagement enfued ; where, though the king was inferior in forces, yet being himfelf warlike and active, he was fo well feconded by his troops that Baflb and Liban were almoft entirely cut off. In the field of battle there was a church, built by the late king Yafous after a victory gained there over the Pagans, whence it had the name it then bore, Debra Mawea, or the Mountain of Victory. A large body of thefe Galla, feeing that all went againft them in the Held, fled to the church for a fanctuary, trailing to be protected from the fury of the foldiers by the holincfs of the place, and they fo far judged well ; for the king's troops, though they furrounded the church on every fide, did not offer to break into it, or moled the enemy that had fheltered themfelves within. Theophilus, informed of this fcruple of his foldiers, immediately rode up to them* crying out, " That the church was 2 " defiled * defiled by the entrance of fo many Pagans, and no long-" er fit for Chriftian worfhip, that they mould therefore im-u mediately put fire to it, and he would build a nobler one " in its place." The foldiers obeyed without further hefi-tation; and, with cotton wads wrapt about the balls of their gams, they fet fire to the thatch, with which every church in Abyflinia is covered. The whole was inftantly confumed, and every creature within it perifhed. Many principal officers and men of the beft families on the king's fide, Bille-tana Gueta, Sana Denghel, and Billetana Gueta Kirubel, Ayto Stephcnous, fon of Ozoro Salla Of Nara, all men of great confideration, wrere flain that day. What came of the rebel prince was never known. Tigi, with his two fons, fled from the field ; but they were met by a peafant, who took them prifoners firft; and, after difcovering who they were, put them all three to death, and brought their heads to the ;king. After fo fevere a rebuke, the Galla, on both fides of the Nile, feemed difpofed to be quiet, and the king thereupon returned to Gondar amidft the acclamations of his foldiers and fubjecTs ; but fcarce had he arrived in the capital when he was taken ill of a fever, and died on the 2d of September, and was buried at Tedda, after a reign of three years and ^hree months. Vol, II. OUSTAS. ------^------------~^Iv O U S T A S. From i 709 to T"j 14. Ufurps the Crown—Addibled to hunting—Account of the Shangalla— Aclive and bloody Reign—Entertains Catholic Rrie/ls privately—Fails, fick and dies; but how, uncertain, IT has been already obferved in the courfe of this hiftory, that the Abyllinians,from a very ancient tradition, attribute the foundation of their monarchy to Menilek fon of Solomon, by the queen of Saba, or Azab, rendered in the Vulgate, the Queen of the fouth. The annals of this country mention but two interruptions to have happened, in the lineal fucceflion of the heirs-male of Solomon. The firft a-bout the year 960, in the reign of Del Naad,by Judith queen of the Falafha, of which revolution we have already fpoken fufficiently. The fecond interruption happened at the period to which we have now arrived in this hiftory, and owed its origin, not to any misfortune that befel the royal family as in the maffacre of Judith, but feemed to be brought a-bout by the peculiar circumflances of the times, from a well-founded attention to fclf-prefervation. Yasous Yasous the Great, after a long and glorious reign, had been murdered by his fon Tecla Haimanout. Two years after, this parricide fell in the fame manner. The aflaffina-tion of two princes, fo nearly related, and in fo fhort a time, had involved, from different motives, the greateft part of the noble families of the kingdom, either in the crime itfelf, or in the fufpicion of aiding and abetting it. Upon the death of Tecla Haimanout, Tililis, or Theophilus, brother of Yafous, had been brought from the mountain, and placed on the throne as fucceifor to his nephew ; this prince was fcarcely crowned when he made fome very fevere examples of the murderers of his brother, and he feemed privately taking informations that would have reached the whole of them, had not death put an end to his inquiries and to his juftice. The family of king Yafous was very numerous on the mountain. It was the favourite ftore whence both the fol-dierv and the citizens chofe to bring their princes. There were, at the very inftant, many of his fons princes of great hopes and of proper ages. Nothing then was more probable than that the prince, now to fuccecd, would be of that family, and, as fuch, interefted in purfuing the fame meafures of vengeance on the murderers of his father and of his brother as the late king Theophilus had done ; and how far, or to whom this might extend, was neither certain nor fafe to truft to. The time was now paft when the nobles vied with each other who ihould be the firft to ileal away privately, or go with open force, to take the new king from the mountain, 3 Y 2 and and bring him to Gondar, his capital: A backwardnefs was vifible in the behaviour of each of them, becaufe in each one's breaft the fear was the fame. In fo uncommon a conjuncture and difpofition of men's minds, a fubjecT had the ambition and boldnefs to offer himfelf for king, and he was accordingly elected. This was Ouftas *, fon of Delba Yafous, by a daughter of the late king of that name ; and Abyflinia now faw, for the fecond time, a flranger feated on the throne of Solomon. Ouftas was a man of undifputed merit, and had filled the greateft offices in the flate. He had been Badjcrund, or mafter of the houfehold, to the late king Yafous. Tecla Haimanout, who fucceeded, had made him governor of Samen; and though, in the next reign, he had fallen into difgrace with Theophilus, this ferved but to aggrandize him more, as he was very foon after reftored to favour, and by this very prince raifed to the dignity of Ras, the firft place under the king, and invefted at once with the government of two provinces, Samen and Tigre. He was, at the death of Theophilus, the greateft fubjeet in Abyflinia ; one ftep higher jet him on the throne, and the circumflances of the time invited him to take it. He had every quality of body and mind requifite for a king; but the conilitution of his country had made it unlawful for him to reign. He took, upon his inauguration, the name of Tzai Segued. Oustas, though a new king, followed.thc cuftoms of th* ancient monarchs of Abyflinia; for that very reafon was unwilling fignifies Juflusv unwilling to add novelty to novelty, and it has been a con-Rant practice with thefe to make a public hunting-match the firft expedition of their reign. On thefe occafions the king, attended by all the great officers of ftate, whofe merit and capacity arc already acknowledged, reviews his young nobility, who all appear to the beft advantage as to arms, horfes, and equipage, with the greateft number of fervants and attendants. The fcene of this hunting is always in the Kolla, crowded with an immenfe number of the largcft and fiercer! wild beafts, elephants,rhinoceros, lions, leopards^ panthers, and buffaloes fiercer than them all, wild boarsy wild alles, and many varieties of the deer kind.. As foon as the game is roufed, and forced out of the wood by the footmen and dogs, they all fmgly, or feveral together, according to the fize of the beaft, or as ftrength and ability in managing their horfes admit, attack the animal upon the plain with long pikes or fpears, or two javelins in their hands. The king, unlefs very youngs fits on horfe*-back on a rifing ground, furrounded by the graver forr, who point out to him the names of thofe of the nobility that arc happy enough, to diftinguifh themfelves in Ills light. The merit of others is known by report.. Each young man brings before the king's tent, as a trophy, a part of the beaft he has flain ;• the head and fkin of a lion or leopard; the fcalp or horns of a deer ; the private parts of an elephant; the-tail.of a buffalo, or the horn of a rhinoceros. The great trouble, force, and time nccceflary CO take out the teeth of the elephant, feldom make them ready to be prefented with the reft of the fpoils ; fire, too, is aeceffary for looftng them from the jaw. The head of.2 I boar-' hoar is brought Ruck *apon a lance ; but is not touched, as being unclean. The elephant's teeth are the king's perquifitcs. Of thefe round ivory rings are turned for bracelets, and a quantity of them always brought by him to be diftributed among the moll deferving in the field, and kept ever after as certificates of gallant behaviour. Nor is this mark attended with honour alone. Any man who fhall from the king, queen-regent, or governor of a province, receive fo many of thefe rings as fhall cover his arm down to his wriff, appears before the twelve judges on a certain day, and there, laying down his arm with thefe rings upon it, the king's cook breaks every one in its turn with a kind of kitchen-cleaver, whereupon the judges give him a certificate, which proves that he is entitled to a territory, whofe revenue muft exceed 20 ounces of gold, and this is never either refufed or delayed. All the different fpecies of game, however, arc not equally rated. He that flays a Galla, or Shangalla, man to man, is entitled to two rings ; he that Hays an elephant to two ; a rhinoceros, two ; a giraffa, on account of its fpecd, and to encourage horfemanfhip, two; a buffalo, two ; a lion, two ; a leopard, one ; two boars, whofe tufks are grown, one ; and one for every four of the deer kind. Great difputes conflantly arife about the killing of thefe beafls; to determine which, and prevent feuds and quarrels, a council fits every evening, in which is an officer called Dimjha/Jja, or Red Cap, from a piece of red iilk he wears upon his forehead, leaving the top of his head bare, for no perfon is allowed to cover his head entirely except the king, the twelve judges, and dignified priefts. This of- , iiccr ficer regulates the precedence of one nobleman over another, and is pofleffed of the hiRory of all pedigrees, the nobleft of which are always accounted thofe neareft to the king reigning. Every man pleads his own caufe before the council, and receives immediate fentence. It is a fettled rule, that thofe who ftrike the animal firft, if the lance remain upright, or in the fame direction in which it enters the beaft, arc undcrftood to be the flayers of the beaft, whatever number combat with him afterwards. There is one exception, however, that if the beaft, after receiving the firft wound, tho* the lance is in him, fhould lay hold of a horfe or man, fo that it is evident he would prevail againft them; a buffalo, for example, that fhould tofs a man with his horns, or an elephant that fhould take a horfe with his trunk, the man who fhall then flay the beaft, and prevent or revenge the death of the man or horfe attacked, fhall be accounted the flayer of the beaft, and entitled to the premium. This was the ancient employment of thefe councils. In my time they kept up this cuftom in point of form; the council fat late upon moft ferious affairs of the nation ; and the death, banifhment, and degradation of the firft men in the kingdom were agitated and determined here under the pretence of fitting to judge the prizes of paftimes. This hunting is feldom prolonged beyond a fortnight. The king, from ocular infpedlion, is prefumed to be able to choofe among the young nobility thofe that are ready for taking the neceffary charges in the army; and it is from his judgment in this that the priefts foretel whether his his reign is to be a fuccefsful one, or to end in misfortune and difappointment. Oust as, having taken a view of his nobility, and attached fuch to him as were moll: nccefTary for his fupport, fet out for this hunting with great preparations. The high country of Abyilinia is deftitute of wood ; the whole lower part of the mountains is fown with different forts of grain ; the upper part perfectly covered with grafs and all forts of verdure. There are no plains, or very fmall ones. Such a country, therefore, is unfit for hunting, as it is incapable of cither flickering or nourifhing any number of wild beafts. The lower country, however, called Kolla, is full of wood, confequently thinly inhabited. The mountains, not joined in chains or ridges, run in one upon the other, but, Randing each upon its particular bafe, are acceffible all round,and interfperfed with plains. Great rivers falling from the high country with prodigious violence, during the tropical rains, have in the plains wafhed away the foil down to the folid rock, and formed large bafons of great capacity, where, though the water becomes ftagnant in pools when the currents fail above, yet, from their great depth and quantity, they refill being confumed by evaporation, being alfo thick covered with large fhady trees whofe leaves never fall. Thefe large trees, which, in their growth, and vegetation of their branches, exceed any thing that our imagination can figure, are as nccefTary for food, as the pools of water are for cifterns to contain drink for thofe monftrous beafts, fuch as the elephant and rhinoceros, who there make their conitant reiidence, and who would die wi th hunger "hunger and with thirft unlefs they were thus copioufly fup-plied both with rood and water. This country, flat as the defcrts on which it borders-, has fat black earth for its foil. It is generally about 40 miles broad, though in many places broader and narrower. It reaches from the mountains of the Habab, or Bagla, which run in a ridge, as I have already faid, from the f< u h of Abyflinia* north down into Egypt, parallel to the Red Sea, dividing the rainy feafons, and it ftrct-ches like a belt from ea(t to wefi to the banks of the Nile, encircling all the mountainous, or high land part of Abyflinia; which latter country is, at all times, temperate, and often cold, while the other is unwholefome, hazy, elofe, and intolerably hot. Many nations of perfect, blacks inhabit this low country, all Pagans, and mortal enemies to the Abyilinian government. Hunting thefe miferable wretches is the next expedition undertaken by a new king. The feafon of this is juft before the rains, while the poor lavage is yet lodged under the trees preparing his food for the approaching winter, before he retires into his caves in the mountain, where he paffes that inclement feafon in conftant confinement, but as conftant fecurity; for thefe nations are all Troglodytes, and by the Abyilinians are called Shangalla. However Ouftas fucceeded in attaching to him thofe of the nobility that partook of his fports, his good fortune in Vol. II. 3 L the '* Vid general map. the capital was not equal to it. A dangerous confpiracy was already forming at Gondar by thofe very people who had perfuaded him to mount the throne, and whom he-had left at home, from a perfuafion that they only were to be truftcd with the fupport of his intereft and the government in his abfence. Upon the firft intelligence, the king, with achofen body of troops, entered Gondar in the night, and furprifed the confpirators while actually fitting in council. Ras Hezekias, his prime minifter, and Heraclides, mafter of his houfehold, and five others of the principal confederates, loft their ears and nofes, and were thrown into prifon in fuch circumflances that they could not live. Bcnaia Bafile, one of the principal traitors, and the moft obnoxious to the king, e~ fcaped for a time, having had already intelligence of Ouf-tas's coming., The king having quieted every thing at Gondar, being at peace with all his neighbours, and having no other way to amufe his troops and keep them employed, fet out to join the remainder of his young nobility whom he had left, in the Kolla to attack the Shangalla. The Shangalla were-formerly a very numerous people, divided into diftinct. tribes, or, as it is called, different nations, living each feparatefy in diftinct. territories, each under the government of the chief of its own name, and each family of that name under the jurifdiclion of its own chief? ok. he ad,;. These Shangalla, during the fair half of the year, live under the made of trees, the loweft branches of which they cut near the Rem on the upper part, and then bend, or break them down, planting the ends of the branches in the earth. Thefe branches they cover with the fkins of wild beafts. After this they cut away all the fmall or fupcrflu-ous branches in the infide, and fo form a fpacious pavilion, which at a diftance appears like a tent, the tree ferving for the pole in the middle of it, and the large top ovcrfhadow-ing it fo as to make a very piclurefque appearance. Every tree then is a houfe, under which live a multitude of black inhabitants until the tropical rains begin. It is then they hunt the elephant, which they kill by many various devices, as they do the rhinoceros and the other large creatures. Thofe who reilde where water abounds, witli the fame induftry kill the hippopotami, or rivcr-horfcs, which are exceedingly numerous in the pools of the Rag-nant rivers. Where this Hat belt, or country, is broadeft, the trees thickcft, and the water in the largeft pools, there the moft powerful nations live, who have often defeated the royal army of Abyflinia, and conftantly laid wafle, and fometimes nearly conquered, the provinces of Tigre and Sire, the moft warlike and moft populous part in Abyflinia. The moft confrderable fettlement of this nation is at Amba Tzaada, between the Mareb and Tacazze, but nearer by one-third to the Mareb, and almoft N. W, from Dobarwa. Thefe people, who have a variety of venifon, kill it in the fair months, and hang it up, cut into thongs as thick as a man's thumb, like fo many ropes, on the trees around them. The fun dries and hardens it to a confluence almoft like 3 Z 2 leather, iea-iher, or die harder! filli fent from Newfoundland. This -is t'uir provifion for the winter mouths: I"hey lirit beat it with a wooden mallet, then boil it, after which they roa'i it upon the embers; and it is hard enough after it has uu? . dergonc all thofe operations... The Dobenah, the moft powerful of all the Shangalla* , who have a fpecies of fuprcmacy or command >over all the rell of the nations, live altogether upon the elephant or rhinoceros, in other countries, where there is lefs water, fewer trees, and more grafs, the Shangalla feed chiefly upon more promifcuous kinds of food, as buffaloes, deeiv boars, lions, ami ferpents. Thefe are the nations nearer the Tacazze\ Ras el feel, and the plains of Sire in Abyflinia, the chief of which nations is called Baafa. And flill farther weft of the Tacazze, and the valley of Waldubba, is a tribe of thefe, who live chiefly upon the crocodile, hippopotamus, and other ftfh ; and, in the fummer, upon locuils, which they boil firfl, and afterwards keep dry in bankers, moft curioufr ly made with fplit branches of trees, fo clofely woven together as to containyvater almoft as wefl as a wooden veffel. , This nation borders nearly upon the Abyflinian hunting* ground; but, notventuring to extend themfelves in thechace of wild beafls, they are confined to the neighbourhood of the Tacazze, and rivers falling into it, where they fifh. in fafety : the banks of that river are deep, interrupted by ftcep precipices inacceflible to cavalry, and, from the thicknefs of the woods, full of thorny trees of innumerable, fpecies, al-moil as impervious to foot. Thefe ftreams, polfeffed only by themfelves, afford the Baafa the moft excellent kinds of fifh in the. moft prodigious plenty. In that part of the Shangalla country more to the eaft* ward, about N. N. E. of Amba Tzaada, in the northern extre*. mitics of the woody part, where the river Mareb, .leaving Dobarwa, flows through thick buihes till it lofes itfelf in the fands, there is a nation of thefe blacks, who being near the country of the Baharnagafh, an officer whofe province produces a number-of horfe, dare not, for that reafon, venture to make an extenflve ufe of the variety of wild beafls which throng in the woods to the fouthward, for fear of being intercepted by their enemy, conflantly upon the watch for them, part of his tribute being paid in black Haves. Thefe, therefore, confine themfelves to the fouthern part of their territory, near the Barabra, The extraordinary courfe of this river under the fand-, allures to it multitudes of oflriches, which, too, arc the food of the Shangilla, as is a beautiful lizard, never, that I know, yet defcribed. Thefe are the food of the eaflcrn Shangalla; and I mufl here obferve, that this country and people were much better known to the ancients than to us. The Egyptians traded with them, and caravans of thefe people were conflantly in Alexandria in the reigns of the firfl Ptolemies. Moft of the productions of thele parts, and the people themfelves, are mentioned in the remarkable proccflion made by Ptolemy Philadelphus on his acceflion to the throne of Egypt, as already obferved, though a con-fufion often arifes therein by tins country being called by the name of India, , Ptolemy, the geographer, claffes thefe people exactly? enough, and diilinguifhcs them very accurately by their particular food, or dietetique regimen, though he errs, in* deed deed, a little in the particular fituation he gives to the different nations. Kis Rhizophagi, Elephantophagi, Aciido-phagi, Struthiophagi, and Agriophagi, are all the Claris I have juR defcribed, exifting under the fame habits to this day. This foil, called by the Abyflinians Malaga, when wet by the tropical rains, and diffolving into mire, forces thefe favages to feek for winter-quarters. Their tents under the trees being no longer tenable, they retire with their refpec-tive foods, all dried in the fun, into caves dug into the heart of the mountains, which are not in this country bafaltcs, marble, or alabailer, as is all that ridge which runs down into Egypt along the fide of the Red Sea, but are of a foft, gritty, fandy Rone, ealily excavated and formed into different apartments. Into thefe, made generally in the fteepeft part of the mountain, do thefe favages retire to fhvm the rains, living upon the flefli they have already prepared in the fair weather. i cannot give over the account of the Shangalla without delivering them again out of their caves, becaufe this return includes the hiftory of an operation never heard of perhaps in Europe, aud by which confiderable light is thrown upon ancient hiftory. No fooner does the fun pafs the zenith, going fouthward, than the rains inftantly ceafe ; and the thick canopy of clouds, which had obfeured the iky during their continuance, being removed, the fun appears in a beautiful Iky of pale blue, dappled with fmall thin clouds, which foon after difappear, and leave the heavens of a moft beautiful azure. A very few days of the intenfe heat then dries the ground fo perfectly, that it gapes in chafms; the grafs, ftruck at the roots by the rays, fupports itfelf no more, but droops and becomes parched. To clear tliis away, the Shangalla fet fire to it, which runs with incredible violence the whole breadth of Africa, palling under the trees, and following the dry grafs among the branches with fuch velocity as not to hurt the trees, but to occafion every leaf to fall. A proper diftance is preferved between each habitation, and round the principal watering - places ; and here the Shangalla again fix their tents in the manner before defcribed. Nothing can be more beautiful than thefe fhady habitations; but they have this fatal eifeel:, that they are dif-cernible from the high grounds, and guide their enemies to the places inhabited. The country now cleared, the hunting begins, and, with the hunting, the danger of the Shangalla. All the governors bordering upon the country, from the Baharnagafh to the Nile on the weft, are obliged to pay a certain number of Haves. Ras el Feel (my government) was alone excepted, for a reafon which, had I ftaid much longer in the country,, would probably have been found more advantageous to A-byflinia than all the flaves they procure by the barbarous and prodigal effufion of the blood of thefe unhappy favages ; for, when a fcttlement of thefe is furprifed, the men are all flaughtercd ; the women, alfo, are many of them flain, many throw themfelves down precipices, run mad, hang themfelves, or ftarvc, obftinately rcfufing food. The boys and girls under 17 and 18 years of age, (the younger the better) are taken and educated by the king,. and ;and arc fervants in all the great houfes of Abyflinia. They are inftrueted early in the Chriilian religion, and the talleft, handfomeft, and beft inclined, are the only fervancs that attend the royal perfon in his palace. The number of the men was 300 that had horfes in my time. They were once 280, and, before my time, lefs than 200. Thefe aie all cloath-ed in coats of mail, and mounted on black bodies ; always commanded by foreigners devoted entirely to the king's will. By Uriel: attention to their morals, removing all bad examples from among them, giving premiums to thofe that read moft and beft, (for they had all time enough 1 p-on their hands, efpecially in winter) and, above all, by the great delight and pleafure the king ufed to take in converting with them while alone, countenancing and rewaiding them in the line he knew 1 followed, tins body became, as to firmnefs and coolnefs in action, equal perhaps to any of the fame number in the world ; and the greateft difficulty was keeping them together, for all the great men ufed to wifh one of them for the charge of his door, which is a very great truft among the Abyflinians. The king's eafnefs was conflantly prevailed upon to promife inch, and great inconvenience always followed this, till Ras Michael dhcharged this practice by proclamation, and fet the example, b) returning four that he himfelf had kept for the purpofe before mentioned. While what I have faid is flill in memory, I muft apply apart of it to explain a paflage in fianno's Periplus. We faw, fays that bold navigator, when rowing clofc along the £oaft of Africa, rivers of fire, which ran down from the high-eft mountains, and poured thcmfelves into the fea; this » alarmed alarmed him fo much, that he ordered his gallies to keep a confiderable offing. After the fire has confumed all the dry grafs on the plain, and, from it, done the fame up to the top of the high-elt mountain, the large ravines, or gullies, made by the torrents falling from the higher ground, being fliaded by their depth, and their being in poffeflion of the laft water that runs, are the lateft to take fire, though full of every fort of herbage. The large bamboos, hollow canes, and fuch like plants, growing as thickas they can ftand, retain their green-nefs, and are not dried enough for burning till the fire has cleared tire grafs from all the reft of the country. At laft, when no other fuel remains, the herdfmen on the top of the mountains fet fire to thefe, and the fire runs down in the very path in which, fome months before,'the water ran, filling the whole gully with flame, which does not end till it is checked by the ocean below where the torrent of water entered, and where the fuel of courfe ceafes. This I have often feen myfelf, and been often nearly inclofcd in it, and can bear witnefs, that, at a diftance, and by a ftranger ignorant of the caufe, it would very hardly be diilinguilhed from a river of fire. The Shangalla go all naked"; they have'feveral wives, and thefe very prolific. They bring forth children with the utmoft cafe, and never reft or confine thcmfelves after delivery, but wafliing thcmfelves and the child with cold water, they wrap it up in a foft cloth made of the bark of trees* and hang it upon a branch, that the large ants, with which they are infefted, and the fcrpents, may not devour it. After a few days, when it has gathered ftrength, the mother carries Vol. 11. 4 A it it in the fame cloth upon her back, and gives it hick with the brealt, which the throws over her ihoulder, this part being of fuch a length as, in fome, to reach almoft to their knees. The Shangalla have but one language, and of a very guttural pronunciation. They worfliip various trees, fer-pents, the moon, planets, and ftars in certain portions, which I never could fo perfectly undcriland as to give any account of them. A liar palling near the horns of the moon denotes the coming of an enemy. They have priefts, or rather diviners ; but it ihould feem that thefe were looked upon as fervants of the evil-being, rather than of the good. They prophecy bad events, and think they can afflict their enemies with licknefs, even at a diftance. They generally wear copper bracelets upon their wrills and arms. I have faid the Shangalla have each feveral wives. This, however, is not owing to any inordinate propenfity of the men to this gratification, but to a much nobler caufe, which ihould make European writers, who object this to them, a-(named at the injuftice they do the favage, who all his life, quite the reverfe of what is fuppofed, fhews an example of continence and chaflity, which the pureft and moft refined European, with all the advantages of education, cannot pretend to imitate. It is not the men that feck to avail thcmfelves of the liberty they have by their ufages of marrying as often and as many wives as they pleafe. Hemmed in on every fide by active and powerful enemies, who conlider them as a fpecies of wild beafts, and hunt them precifely as they do the elephant and rhinoceros, placed in a fmall territory, where they never arc removed above 20 miles from thefe powerful invaders furnifhed with horfes and fire-arms, to both of which they are ftrangcrs, they live for pan of the fair feafon in continual apprchenfion. The other part of the feafon, when the Abylfinian armies arc all collected and abroad with the king, thefe unhappy favages are conflantly employed in a moll laborious hunting of large animals, fuch as the rhinoceros, the elephant, and giraffa; and afterwards, in the no lefs laborious preparation of the flefli of thefe quadrupeds, which is to ferve them for food during the fix months rains, when each family retires to its feparate cave in the mountain, and has no intercourfe with any of its neighbours, but leaves the country below immerfed in a continual deluge of rain. In none of thefe circumflances, one fhould imagine, the favage, full of apprchenfion and care, could have much defire to multiply a race of fuch wretched beings as he feels himfelf to be. It is the wife, not the man, that is the caufe of this polygamy; and this is furely a flrong prcfumption againfl what is commonly faid of the violence of their inclinations. Although the Shangalla live in feparate tribes, or nations, yet thefe nations are again fuhdivided into families, , ( who are governed by their own head, or chief, and of a number of thefe the nation is compofed, who concur in all that regards the mcafures of defence and offence againR their common enemy the Abyflinian and Arab. Whenever an expedition is undertaken by a nation of Shangalla, cither againfl their enemies, the Arabs on the north, or thofe who are equally their enemies, the Abyflimans on the fouth, fuppofe the nation or tribe to be the Baafa, each family attacks 4 A 2 and and defends by itfelf, and theirs is the fpoil or plunder who take it. The mothers, fenfible of the difadvantage of a fmall family, therefore feek to multiply and increafe it by the only means in their power; and it is by their importunity that the hufband fuffers himfelf to be overcome. A fecond wife is courted for him by the firfl, in nearly the fame manner as among the Galla. I will not fear to aver, as far as concerns thefe Shangalla, or negroes, of Abyflinia, (and, I'believe, moft others of the fame complexion, though of different nations), that the various accounts- we have of them are very unfairly Hated* To defcribe them juftly, we fhould fee them in their native purity of manners, among their native woods, living on the produce of their own daily labours, without other liquor than that of their own pools and fprings, the drinking of which is followed by no intoxication or other pleafure than that of affuaging thirft. After having been torn from their own country and connections, reduced to the condition of brutes, to labour for a being they never before knew; after lying, Healing, and all the long lift of European crimes, have been made, as it were, neceffary to them, and the de-lufion occafioned by drinking fpirits is found, however fhort, to be the only remedy that relieves them from re* fleeting on their prefent wretched fituation, to which, fosr mat reafon, they moft naturally attach themfelves ; then, after we have made them monflers, we defcribe them as fuch, forgetful that they are now not as their Maker created them, but fuch as, by teaching them our vices, we have uransformcd them into, for ends vmich, I fear, one day will not not be found a fufhcient excufe for the enormities they have occafioned. I would not, by any means, have my readers fo far mi-Hake what I have now faid as to think it contains either cenfure upon, or disapprobation of, the Have-trade. I would be undcrftood to mean juft the contrary; that the abufes and neglect of manners, fo frequent in our plantations, is what the legiftature Ihould direct their coercion againft, not againft the trade in general, which laft meafure, executed fo fuddenly, cannot but contain a degree of injuflice towards individuals. It is a fhame for any government to fay, that enormous cruelties towards any fet of men are fo evident, and have arrived to fuch excefs, without once having been imder confideration of the legiftature to correct them. It is a greater iliame flill for that government to fay, that thefe crimes and abufes are now grown to fuch a height that wholcfomc feverity cannot eradicate them ; and it cannot be any thing but an indication of effeminacy and wreaknefs at once to fall to the deftruction of an object of that importance, without having firft tried a reformation of thofe a^ Uufes which alone, in the minds of fbber men, can make the trade exceptionable. The incontinence of thefe people has been a favourite topic with which blacks have been branded ; but, throughout the whole of this hiftory, I have fet down only what I have obferved, without confulting or troubling myfelf with the fyftems or authorities of others, only fo far, as having thefe relations in my recolleetion, I have compared them with tire fact, and found them, erroneous. As late as two, centuries. centuries ago, Chriftian priefts were the only hiftorians of heathen manners. In the number of thefe Shangalla, or negroes, of which every department of Gondar was full, I never law any proof of unbridled denies in cither fex, but very much the contrary ; and 1 muft remark, that every reafon in phyiics ftrongly militates againft the prefumption. The Shangalla of both fexes, while finglc, go entirely naked : the married men, indeed, have a very flender covering about their wailt, and married women the fame. Young men and young women, till long paft the age of puberty, arc totally uncovered, and in conftant converfation and habits with each other, in woods and folitudes, free from conftraint, and without any punifhment annexed to the tranfgreftion. Yet criminal commerce is much lefs frequent among them than in the fame number cholen among Chriftian nations, where the powerful prejudices of education give great advantage to one fex in fiibduing their paflions, and where the confequcnccs of gratification, which always involve fome kind of punifhment, keep within bounds the delircs of the other. No one can doubt, but that the conftant habit of feeing people of all ages naked at all times, in the ordinary tranfactaons and neceftities of life, muft greatly check unchafte propenfi-ties. But there are flill further rcafons why, in the nature of things an extraordinary vehemence of pallion fhould not fall to be a diftinguilhing characfcriftic among the Shangri-la. Fahrenheit's thermometer rifes there beyond ico". A violent relaxation from prof ufe perfpiration muft greatly 9 debili- rHF/SOTf RCE OF THE NILE. SS9 debilitate the fav igc. In Arabia and Turkey, where the Whole bufmefs of man's life is the devoting himfelf to do-meflic pleafure, men remain conflantly in a fedentary life, cat heartily, avoiding every manner of excrcife, or expence of animal (pints by fweats. Their countries, too, are colder than that of the Shangalla, who, living Sparingly under a burning fttn, and obliged to procure food by laborious hunting, of confequencc deprive themfelves of that quantity Of animal fpirits neceffary to lead them to any extreme of voluptuoufnefs. And that this is the eafe is feen in the eonfiitution of the Shangalla women, even though they are without fatigue. A woman, upon bearing a child or two, at 10 or 11 years old, fees her brcaft fall immediately down to near her knees *. Her common manner of fuckling her children is by carrying them upon her back, as our beggars do, and giving the infant the brcaft over her moulders. They rarely are mothers after 22, or begin child-bearing before they arc 10; fo that the time of child-bearing is but 12 years. In Europe, very many examples there are of women bearing children at 14, the civil law fixes puberty at 12, but by an inuendo f feems to allow it may be fomething earlier. Women fometimes in Europe bear children at 50.. The fcale of years of child-bearing between the favage and the European is, therefore, as 12 is to 38. Thcic can be little doubt but their defires arc equal to their flrength and eonfiitution ; but a Shangalla at 22 is more wrinkled and deformed, • Juvenal, fat. 13. 1, 163. f Nifi malitia fuppleat Patera, deformed, apparently by old age, than is a European woman of 60. To come Rill nearer; it is a facT known to naturalifts, and which the application of the thermometer fufficiently indicates, that there is a great and fenfible difference in the degree of animal heat in both fexes of different nations at the fame ages or time of life. The voluptuous Turk eftran-ges himfelf from the fairer! and fmeft of his Circaffian and Georgian women in his feraglio, and, during the warm months in fummer, addicts himfelf only to negro Haves brought from the very latitudes we are now fpeaking of; the fenfible difference of the coolnefs of their fkins leading him to give them the preference at that feafon. On the other hand, one brown Abyflinian girl, a companion for the winter months, is fold at ten times the price of the fairefl Georgian or Circaftian beauty, for oppofite reafons. The very great regard I fhall conflantly pay my fair readers has made me, as they may perceive, enter as tenderly as poffible into thefe difcuffions, which, as a philofo-pher and a hiflorian, I could not, however, wholly omit: the moft ufeful ftudy of mankind is man ; and not the leaf! in-terefting view of him is when, ftripped of his vain-glory and the pageantry of palaces, he wanders naked and uncorrupt-cd among his native woods and rivers..^ I must mention, greatly to the credit of two of the firft geniufes of this age, M, de Buffon and Lord Kaimcs, that they were both fo convinced by the arguments above mentioned, ftated in greater detail and with more freedom, that they immediately ordered their bookfcller to ftrike out from the ! fubfecment fubfequcnt editions of their work all that had been advan-ced againft the negroes on this head, which they had before drawn from the herd of prejudiced and ignorant compilers, ftrangers to the manners and language of the people they were difhonouring by their descriptions, after having before abufed them by their tyranny. The Shangalla have no bread: No grain or pulfe will grow in the country. Some of the Arabs, fettled at Ras el Feel, have attempted to make bread of the feed of the Guinea grafs; but it is very taftelefs and bad, of the colour of cow-dung, and quickly producing worms. They are all archers from their infancy. Their bows are all made of wild fennel, thicker than the common proportion, and about feven feet long, and very elaftic. The children ufe the fame bow in their infancy that they do when grown up ; and are, by reafon of its length, for the firft years, obliged to hold it parallel, inftead of perpendicular to the horizon. Their arrows are full a yard and a half long, with large heads of very bad iron rudely flrapcd. They arc, indeed, the only favages I ever knew that take no pains in the make or ornament of this weapon. A branch of a palm, ftript from the tree and made ftraight, becomes an arrow; and none of them -have wings to them. They have this remarkable cuftom, which is a religious one, that they fix upon their bows a ring, or thong, of the fkin of every beaft Ilain by it, while it is yet raw, from the lizard and fcrpciu up to the elephant. This gradually ftiftens the bow, till, being all covered over, it can be no longer bent even by its mailer. That bow is then hymg upon a tree, Vol. II. 4 ^ and and a new one is made in its place, till the fame circum-ftance again happens ; and one of thefe bows, that which its mafter liked beft, is buried with him in the hopes of its riling again materially with his body, when he fhall be endowed with a greater degree of ftrength, without fear of death, or being fubjetted to pain, with a capacity to enjoy in excefs every human pleafure. There is nothing, however, fpiritual in this refurrcction, nor what concerns the foul, but it is wholly corporeal and material; although fome writers have plumed thcmfelves upon their fancied difcovery of what they call the favages belief of the immortality of the foul.. Before Itakc leave of this fubject, I muft again explain,, from what I have already faid, a difficult paflagc in claftical hiftory. Herodotus * fays, that, in the country we have been juft now defcribing, there was a nation called Macrobii,which was certainly not the real name of the Shangalla, but one the Greeks had given them, from a fuppofed circumftancc of their being remarkable long livers, as that name imports. Thefe were the weftern Shangalla, fituated below. Guba and Nuba, the gold country, on both fides of the Nile north of. Isazuclo. The Guba and the Nuba, and various black nations that inhabits the foot of that large chain of mountains called pyre and Tegla|, are thofe in whofe countries the fineft gold is found, which is walhed from, the mountains in the time of violent **Herod. lib. 3, par., 17., & f€ ing the minds of his friends, preventing bloodfhed, and fe~ curing the crown to his family. Oust as did the utmoft to command himfelf upon this occafion, and to give them an anfwer fuch as fuited a man in health who hoped to live many years. But it was now too late to play fuch a part; and, in fpite of his utmoR diflimu-lation, evident figns of decay appeared upon him, whiclt his vifitors conjectured would foon be paft diffembling,. and they agreed to flay with the king till the evening.. But the foldiers on guard, who heard the propofal of fending for Ouftas's fon, and who really believed that thefa men fpoke from their heart, and were in earn eft, were violently difcontented and angry at this propofal. They began to be weary of novelty,, and longed for a king of the ancient royal family. As foon, therefore, as it was dark they entered Gondar, and called together the feveral regiment^ or bodies of foldiers, which compofed the king's houfehold. Having came to a- refolution how they were to act, they returned to their quarters where they were upon guard, and meeting the great officers coming out of Ouftas's tent, where they, too, had probably agreed upon tha fame mcafure,.though it was not known, the foldiers drew their fwords, and flew them all, being feven in number. A-mong thefe were Betwudet Tamerte, and the AcabSaat;; the one the principal lay-officer, the other the chief ecclo iiaftic in the king's houfes Tins maflacre feemed to be the ftgnal for a general in* iusr^&iom in the courfe of which, part of the town was fefc fet on fire. But the foldiers, at their firft meeting in the palace *, had fhut up the coronation-chamber, and the other royal apartments, and poffeffed themfelves of the kettledrum by which all proclamations were made at the gate, driving away, and rudely treating the multitude on every fide. At laft they brought out the drum, though it was yet night, and made this proclamation :—" David, fon of our late king Yafous, is our king." The tumult and diforder, neverthelefs, flill continued; during all which, it was very remarkable no one ever thought of offering an injury to* Ouftas^ While thefe things were palling at Gondar, a violent alarm had feized all the princes upon the mountain of Wechne. Theyhad been treated with feverity during OuftasY whole reign. Their revenues had been with-held, or at leaft not regularly paid; and they had been reduced nearly to perifh for want of the neceffaries of life. When, therefore, die accounts of OuftasY illncfs arrived, and that the principal' *'There feems here fome contradiction which needs explanation.. It is faid that the palace wa» burnt before Ouftas went to bis tent. How then could the foldiers afllmble in it afterwards ? The palace confifts of a number of feparate houfes at no great diibmce, but detached from one another with one room in each. That where th coronation is peiformed is rilled Anbafa Bet; anot^rrj where the king fits in festivals, is cailod Zeffan Ber; ar,?tbtr is called Werk Sacala, the gold-houfdj another Gimja Bet,or the broc.de-We, where thf war-drobennd the gold i*uffs ufed for prefents, or received as fuch, are laid. Now, we fi cpofe 0:utas in any one of thefe apartments, fay Zeffan Bet, which he left to go to tils tent, and it was then burnt ftiH there remained the coronation-honfe where the regalia was ktpt, which the foldiers locked ap that it might not be uftd to crown Fafil, OuHa-Vs fon, whom th■ y th theieyen £reat men they had murdered confpired to place upon the throne after hisiather;. pal people had propofcd to name Fafil his fon, then their fellow-prifoner, to fucceed him, their fears, no.longer reminded them of the hardlhips of his father's reign, as they expected utter extirpation as the only meafure by which he could provide for his own fecurity. full of thefe fears, they agreed, with one confent, to let down from the mountain fifty princes of the greateft hopes, all in the prime of life, and therefore moil capable of defending their own right, and fecuring the lives of thofe that remained upon the mountain, from the cruel treatment they muft obviouf-ly expect if they fell into the hand of an ufurper or ft ranger. The brother of Betwudet Tamerte, who, with the fix others, had been murdered before Ouftas\s tent, was, at this time, guardian of the mountain of Wechne. His brother's death, however, and the unfettled ftate of government, had fo much weakened both his authority and attention, that he either did not choofe, or was not able, to prevent the efcapc of thefe princes, all flying for their lives, and for the fake of preferving the ancient eonfiitution of their country. And that this, and no other was their object, appeared the inflant the danger was removed; for, as foon as the news that David was proclaimed at Gondar arrived at the mountain, all the princes returned of their own accord, excepting Ba-cuifa, younger brother to the king, who fled to the Galla, and lay concealed among them for a time. On David's arrival at Gondar, all the old misfortunes feemed to be forgotten. The joy of having the ancient royal line reftored, got the better of thofe fears which lirft occafioned the interruption. The prifons were thrown open, n and and David was crowned the 30th of January 1714, amidft the acclamations of all ranks of people, and every demon-ftration of feftivity and joy. David was fon of Yafous the Great, and confequently brother to the parricide Tecla Haimanout, but by another mother. At his coronation he was jutf twenty-one years of age, and took for his inauguration name Adebar Segued. In all this time, however, Ouifas was alive. Ouflas was, indeed, lick, but ftill he was king ; and yet it is furprifing that David had been now nine days at Gondar, and no injury had becn'bifered to Ouftas, nor any efcape attempted for him by his friends. It was the 6th of February, the day before Lent, when the king fent the Abuna'Marcus, Itchegue Za Michael, with fome of the great officers of ftate, to interrogate Ouftas judicially, for form's fake, as to his title to the crown. The qucftions propofcd are very fhort and fimplc—" Who are " you? What brought you here?" To thefe plain interrogatories, Ouftas, then ftruggling with death, anfwered, however, as plainly, and without equivocation, " Tell my " king David, that true it is I have made myfelf king, u as much as one can be that is not of the royal family; " for I am but a private man, fon of a fubjccl, Kafmati " Delba Yafous : all I beg of the king is to give me a little " time, and let me die with ficknefs, aslfhortly fhall, with-w out putting me to torment or pain." On the 10th day of February, that is four days after the interrogation, Ouftas died, but whether of a violent or natural tural death is not known. The hiftorian of his reign, a cotemporary writer, fays, fome reported that he died of an amputation of his leg by order of the king ; others, that he was ftrangled; but that moft people were of opinion that he died of ficknefs; and this I think the moft probable, for had the king been carneftly fet upon his death, he would not have allowed fo much time to pafs, after his coronation, before his rival was interrogated; nor was there any reafon to allow him four days after his confeffion. David's moderation after the death, moreover, feems to render this ftill more credible ; for he ordered his body to be buried in the church of the Nativity, which he had himfelf built, with all the honours and public ceremonies due to his rank as a nobleman and fubjecl:, who had been guilty of no crime, in-ftead of ordering his body to be hewn in pieces, and Scattered along the ground without burial, to be eat by the dogs; the invariable punifhment, unlefs in this one inftance, of high-treafon in this country. Posterity, regarding his merit more than his title, have, however, kept his name ftill among the lift of kings ; and tradition, doing him more juftice ftill than hiftory, has ranked him among the beft that ever reigned in Abyflinia. DAVID DAVID IV, From 1714 to 1719. Convocation of the Clergy—Catholic Priefls executed—A fecond Convocation—Clergy infult the King—liis fevere Punifhment—King dies of Poifon* THE moderation of the king, both before and after the death of Ouftas, and perhaps fome other favourable appearances now unknown to us, fet the monks, the conftant pryers into futurity, upon prophecying that the reign of this prince was to be equal in length to that of his father Yafous the Great, and that it was to be peaceable, full of juftice and moderation, without execution, or eifufion of civil blood. David, immediately upon his acceftion, appointed Fit-Auraris Agne, Ozoro Kedufte's brother*, his Betwudet, and Vol. II. 4'D Abra * Miftrcfs to Yafous, and mother to David< Abra Hezckias his mafter of the houfehold ; and was pro* cceding to fill up the inferior polls of government, when he was interrupted by the clamours Of a multitude of monks demanding a convocation of the clergy. These affemblies, however often folicited, arc never called in the reign of vigorous princes, but by the fpecial order of the fovereign, who grants or refufes them purely from his own free-will. They are, however, particularly expected at the acceftion of a new prince, upon any appre-^ henfion of herefy, or any novelty or abufe in church-go^ vernment.. The arrival of a new Abuna from Egypt is alfo a very, principal reafon for the convocation. Thefe affemblies are very numerous. Many of the moft difcreet members of the church abfent thcmfelves purpofely.. On the other hand, the monks, who, by vows, have bound thcmfelves to* the moft painful aufterities and fufferings; thofe that devote themfelves to pafs their lives in the deep and unwhole-fome valleys of the country ; hermits that- flarve on the points of cohl rocks ; others that live in deferts furrounded with, and perpetually expofed to wild beafts; in a word, the whole tribe of fanatics, falfc prophets, diviners, and dreamers, people who affect; to fee and foreknow what is in future to happen, by living in perfect ignorance of what is paffmg at the prefent; people in conftant habits of dirt and nafti-nefs, naked, or covered with hair; in fhort, a collection of. monfters, fcarcely to be defcribed or conceived, compofe an vcclcfiaftical affembly in Abyflinia, and are the leaders of an ignorant and furious populace, who adore them as faints,, and. arc always ready to fupport them in fome violation of the laws of the country, or of humanity, to which, by their cuftoms and manner of life, their very firft appearance mew* they have been long ftrangers. David, however averfe to thefe affemblies, could not decently refufe them, now a new prince was fet on the throne, a new Abuna was come from Egypt, and a complaint was ready to be brought that the church was in danger. The affembly met in the ufual place before the palace. The Itch egue, or head of the monks of Debra Libanos, was ready with a complaint, which he preferred to the king. He ft a-ted it was notorious, but offered to prove it if denied, that three Romifh priefts, with an Abyflinian for their interpreter, were then eftablifhed in Walkayt, and, for feveral years, had been there maintained, protected, and conful ted by the late king Ouftas, who had often aftifted at the celebration of mafs as folemnized by the church of Rome* David was a rigid adherent to the church of Alexandria, and educated by his mother in the tenets of the monks of Saint Euftathius, that is, the moft declared enemies of every thing approaching to the tenets of the church of Rome* He was confequemly, not by inclination, neither was he by duty, obliged to undertake the defence of meafures adopted by Ouftas, of which he was befides ignorant, having been confined in the mountain of Wechne. He ordered, therefore, the miflionarics, and their interpreter, whofe name was Abba Gregorius, to be apprehended. These unfortunate people were accordingly produced before the moft prejudiced and partial of all tribunals. Abba Mafmare and Adug Tesfo were adduced to interrogate and 4 D 2 to to interpret to theni, as they undcrftood the- Arabic, having been at Cairo and. Jerufalem. The trial neither was, nt 0 was intended to be long. Thje firft „quetlion put was a very direct one; Do you, or do you not, receive the council of Chalccdon as a rule of faith? andvlk> you believe that Leo the pope lawfully and regularly, preiided at it, and conducts cd it ? To this the prifoners plainly ajifwered, That they looked upon the council of Chalcedon as the fourth general council, and rcceivcd.it as fuch-, and as a .rule of faith : tbat they did believe pope Leo lawfully and regularly prefixed at it, as being head of the Catholic church, fuo ceilbr to St Peter, and .Ch rift's vicar upon earth. Upon this a general fhout was heard from the whole aflembly ; and the) fatal cry, " Stone them."—" Whoever throws not three Rones, he is accurfed, and an enemy to Mary," immediately followed,. One prieft only, diftinguifhed for piety and learning a--mong his countrymen, and one of the chief men in the af--fembly, with, great vehemence declared, they.were tried partially and unfairly, and condemned unjuftly. But his voice was not heard amidft the clamours of fuch a multi* tude ; and the monks were,accordingly by.the judges con* demned to die. Ropes were inftantly thrown about their ■ necks, and they were dragged to a place behind the church , of Abbo,.in the way to Tedda, where they were, according ; to their fentence, ftoned to death, fuffering with a patience, and rcfignation equal to the firft martyrs. TuEjuftice, however, which we owe to the memory of; the deceafed M. du Roule, muft always leave a fear in every Chriftian mind, that, fpotted as thefe miflionaries were with the horrid crime of the premeditated, unprovoked murder of of that ambaffador, the indifference they teflified at the approach, and in the immediate fufFering of death,.had .its origin rather in hardncfs of heart than in the quietncfs of their confcicnces. Many fanatics have been known to die, glorying in having perpetrated the-moft horrid crimes to which the fentence of eternal damnation is certainly an-, nexed in the book before, therm I have often, both on purpofe and by accident, paffed by this place, where three large, and one fmall pile of Rones; cover the bodies of thefe unfortunate fufferers ; and, with many heavy reflections upon my own danger, I have often wondered how thefe three priefts, of whatever nation they were, paffed unnoticed among the.number of their frater* nity, whofe memory is honoured with long panegyrics by the Romifh writers of thofe. times, as deflined one day to appear in the kalcndar. Though thofe that compofe the long lift of Tellez died with piety and refignation, they were furely guilty in the way they almoft all were engaged, contrary to the laws and eonfiitution of the country* in actions and defignS: that can be fairly qualified by no other name than that of treafon, while no fuch political meddling out of their profeflion ever was reproached to thefe three,, even by their enemies. Tellez fays not a word of them ; Le Grande, a zealous Catholic writer of thefe times, but little ; though he pub-limes an Arabic letter to conful Maillet, which mentions their names, their fufferings,' and- other circumflances attending them. I mall, therefore, take the liberty of offer--ingmy conjecture, as I think this fdence, or the fuppreflion of of a fact, gives me a title to do ; but fhall firft produce the letter of Elias Enoch, upon which I found my judgment. Translation of an Arabic Letter wrote to M. de Maillet. " After having affured M. de Maillet, the conful, of my " refpecTs, and of the continuation of my prayers for his " health, as being a gentleman venerable for his merits, " diftinguifhcd by his knowledge and great penetration, M of a noble birth, always beneficent, and addicted to pious " actions, (may God preferve his life to that degree of ho-" nour due to fo refpcetable a perfon), I now write you from " the town of Mocha. I left Abyflinia in the year 1718, and " came to this town of Mocha in extreme poverty, or ra~ " ther abfolutely deftitute. God has aflifted me : I give " praife to him for his bounty, and always remain much o-" bliged to you. What follows is all that I can inform you * as touching the news of Abyflinia. King Yafous is long " fmcc dead: his fon, Tecla Haimanout, having feized upon 41 the kingdom by force, caufed his father to be aflafllnated. " This king Yafous, having given me leave to go to Sennaar, " furnifhed me with a letter addrefled to the king there, in " which he dcfircd him to put no obftacles in the way of " du Roule the French ambaflador's journey, but to fuffer " him to enter Ethiopia. He alfo gave me another letter " addrefled to the baflia and officers of Grand Cairo ; and " another letter to the ambaflador himfelf, by which he lig-" nified to him that he might enter into Ethiopia without " fear. Accordingly I had departed with thefe letters forScn-" naar; but king Tecla Haimanout, fon of king Yafous, ha-u ving taken poffeilion of the kingdom while I was yet in " Abyflinia, * Abyilinia, I returned and delivered to him the letters 44 which had been given me by his father. It was now " three months fince Tecla Haimanout had been upon the " throne; he approved of the letters, and caufed them to 44 be tranferibed in his own name ; and ordered me to go 44 and join du Roule the ambalfador, and accompany him " back again to Gondar. King Yafous had already fent an " officer to meet the ambaffador at Sennaar; and he had " been gone fix months without my knowledge; but that w officer, having trifled away his time in trading, did not 44 enter Sennaar till that king had caufed the ambaflador " to be murdered, together with thofe that were with him. 44 As for me, not knowing what had happened, I was ad-44 vancing with the orders of Tecla Haimanout, when, being 44 now within three days journey of Sennaar, I heard of the " ambaflador's death, and that of his companions ; and 44 being terrified at this, I returned into Abyflinia to let 14 Tecla Haimanout know what the king of Sennaar had; 44 done. Immediately upon hearing of this, Tecla Haima-" nout formed a refolution to declare war againft the king 14 of Sennaar, but was foon after flain in a mutiny of the 44 foldiers. He reigned two years. Tifilis, brother of Ya-" fous, fucceeded him, and reigned three years and three 44 months. Ouftas, nephew of king Yafous, fucceeded Ti-44 filis, and ufurped the kingdom, of which he was aeTual-" ly prime minifter, being fon of a lifter of Yafous. Ouftas " was dethroned, and died foon after. David, fon of Ya-44 fous, fucceeded him, and reigned five years and five 44 months. The fiiars, who arrived in Ethiopia in the reign 41 of Ouftas, were ftoned to death, upon the fucceflion of " David to the throne, by thofe that were of the party of iK David. A fon of Michael, whom he had by a Have, aged 4 44 only. ** only fix years, was ftoned with him. It was the fourth fori *' he had. I made Yafous believe that the religion of the *e French was the lame with that of Ethiopia," &c. &c. From this letter, we fee a boy of fix years old, fon of one of thefe priefts or friars, was ftoned to death with them; and his heap of ftones appears with thofe of the others. It was, indeed, a common teft of the people fufpeeted to be priefts, who Hole into Abyflinia, to offer them women, their vows being known, and that they could not marry. I apprehend, to avoid detection, one at leaft of them had broken his vow of celibacy and chaftity, and that this child was the con-fequence, but not the only one, as Enoch fays, in his letter, he had three others ; and this probably was the reafon why the Catholics of thofe times had configncd their merit to oblivion, rather than record it with their failings. For although we know that there were friars who had heen in Ethiopia fince the time of Ouftas, we fhould not have been informed who they were, had it not been for a fmall fheet, publilhed at Rome in the year 1774, by a capuchin prieft called Theodofius Volpi, fent to me by my learned and worthy friend the honourable Daines Barrington. From this we find, that thefe three were, Liberato de Wies, apo--ftolical prefect in Auftria; Michael Pius of Zerbe, in the province of Padua ; and Samuel de Beumo, of the Milanefe. The account of their death is the fame as already given, ■though the publifher fuppreffes the ftoning of the child, -and the exiftence of the three other, fruits of the feraphic miffion, through the endeavours of father Michael Pius of Zerbe, of the province of Milan. The child, too, ftoned to death with his father, was fix years old, and was, as Elias Fays, fourth fon of Michael; and it was in 1714 this cata-ftrophe happened, fo that this will bring thefe fathers entrance into Nubia about the time of the murder of M. du Roule : fo confiftent with every crime is fanaticifm and falfe religion. The barbarous monks, gratified in the firft inftancc, "would not be contented without extending their vengeance to Abba Gregorius, the Abyflinian prieft, the interpreter. But David, who found upon trial that, in going to attend the priefts in Walkayt, he had only obeyed the exprefs command of Ouftas, then his fovereign, abfolutely refufed to fuffer him to be either tried or punifhed, but difmiffed him, without further cenfurc or queftion, to his native country. "While David was thus employed at Gondar, news were brought to him that his brother Bacuffa had left the Galla, and was then in a fmall town in Begemder, called Wetan. It was tliis prince who, together with fifty others of the royal family, were let down from the mountain of Wechne, upon Guftas's fon being propofed, and he alone refufed to return upon his brother's acccllion to the throne. David fent Azaleffi, Guebra Mehedin, and Badjerund Welled de l'Oul, to Wetan, where they apprehended Bacufta by furprifc, and lodged him in the mountain of Wechne, after having cut off a very fmall part of the tip of his nofc, which was fcarcely difcernible when he came to the throne. Kafmati Georgis, had been banifhed to the mountain in the reign of the late king, where he had contracted an intimate friendfhip with David. He had alfo married a filler of Ozoro Mamet, by whom Yafous had feveral children, par- Vol. If 4 E ticularly ticularly one Welleta Georgis, a prince then of years to govern, and confined to the mountain. David, on his coming to the throne, did not forget his old friendfhip on the mountain ; and, palling by Emfras, he fent to Wechne to bring down Kafmati Georgis to Arringo, one of the king's palaces in Begemder, where he intended to pafs the fummer. On his return he gave him the government of Gojam ; and his favourite Ague, his uncle, dying at this time, very much regretted, Georgis was alfo created Betwudet in his place, This year Abuna Marcus died; and his fucceffor, Abuna Chriflodulus, arriving the third day of November, this made the calling of another aflembly of the clergy abfolutcly neceffary, although, from the humour the lad was in, the whole time of their meeting, the king was very little inch-ned to it. The monks in Abymnia, as I have often faid, are divided into two bodies, thofe of Debra Libanos and thofe of Abba Euflathius. Some have imagined that the difference between thefe two bodies arifes from a difpute about two natures in Chrift. But this is from mifinformation ; for, were a difpute to arife about the two natures in Chrift, each party would declare the other a heretic; but at prefent a few equivocal words, ufed to define the mode and moment of our Saviour's incarnation, though neither opinion is thought heretical *, have the effect to make thefe two feels enemies all their lives, The * But there can be no doubt both opinions are abfolute herefy, in the moft liberal fenfe 01 that word, as exprefsly denying our Saviour's copfubftantiiility The Abuna is the head of the Abyflinian church; yet, as he is known to be a Have of the Mahometans, upon his firfl arrival, and prrmiflion obtained from the king, the af, fembly meets in a large outer court, or fquarc, before the palace, where lie is interrogated, and where he declares which of the two opinions he adopts. If he has been properly advifed, he declares for the ruling and flrongeft party ; though fometimes he is determined, by the addrefs of thofe about him, to fide with the weakeft ; and very often, if he has had no inflruetion on his arrival, he docs not know what this reference means; for no trace of fuch difpute exifls a-mong his brethren in Cairo, from whence he came. He is, moreover, a flranger to the language, and the words containing cither opinion, which, for fhortnefs fake, are made to mean a great deal more than they at firfl feem to import; and, whether freely or literally tranllated, arc equally unintelligible to a foreigner. After the Abuna has declared his choice, this is announced by beat of drum to the people, and is called Nagar Haimanout, or, the Proclamation of the Faith. The only ordinary effect this declaration has, is to make the perfon who is at the head of one party an ad-verfary to him who is the head of the other, all his life after. The king at his acceflion makes his declaration alfo. The clergy maintain, that he fhould do this in an aflembly called for that purpofe, though the king denies that there is any neceflity for the clergy to be prefent; but he confi-ders it as his privilege to choofe his own time and place, and announces it to the people, by proclamation, at what time, and in what manner, he thinks molt convenient. 4 E 2 Although Although David had given his permiflion to affemblir the clergy to hear the Abulia's declaration, he did not think himfelf bound to affiR at it, and, therefore, he fent to the monks of Debra Libanos, and thofe of Abba Euftathius, to go to the Abuna with Betwudet Georgis, who mould interrogate the Abuna, and report the anfwer to the king, who thereupon would order it to be proclaimed to the people. Tire monks of Debra Libanos refufed this, as they did net conlider Georgis as indifferent, being known to be a ftaunch Euftathian. They declared, therefore, they would neither hear nor regard what tire Abuna faid, unlefs it was in the king's prefence ; and this was juft what David was refolved not to humour, them in., Betwudet Georgis, the great officers of ftatc, and moft of the people of confideration about Gondar, waited upon the Abuna as the king had commanded ; and the Betwudet having dclired him to make his profeflion, he would only give this evafive anfwer, That his faith was in all refpecTs the fame as that of Abba Marcos and Abba Sanuda* the ancient and orthodox Abunas. This anfwer left every party at liberty to imagine that the Abuna was their own. But this evalion did not content the king, who therefore ordered1 the Betwudet, without taking further notice of the Abuna, to make proclamation in terms of the profeflion of the monks of Abba Euftathius* This occafioned great heats among the monks of Debra Libanos. They ran all with one accord to the Itchegue's houfe, for he is their general, or chief of their convent, and here they came to the moft violent rcfolutions, dccla* ling that they would die either together, or man by man,. in lupport of their privileges and the freedom of their af. femblics. From the Itchegue's lK>ufe they ran to the Abu-na's, without foliciting or receiving any pcrmifllon from the king; and, upon interrogation, they fucceeded with the Abuna to the height of their wifhes ; for he anfwered in the precife words of their profeflion—u One God, of the Father alone, united to a body perfectly human, confubflan-tial with ours, and by that union becoming the Mefliah ;" in direct oppoiition to what was proclaimed by the king'3 order at the gate of the palace the day before—Perfect God and perfect man, by the union one Chrift, whofe body is compofed of a precious fubftance, called Bahery, not con-fubftantial with ours, or derived from his mother. Had they ftopt here it had been well; but the victory was too great, too unexpected, and complete, to admit of their fitting quietly down without a triumph. They return* ed, therefore, from the Abuna's, frantic with joy,, fhouting; and ringing, and more peculiarly one kind of fong, or hallelujah, ufed always upon victories obtained over infidels. As they paffed the door of the king's palace, fome of the officers of the houfehold, Azagc Zakcry, Azage Tecla Haimanout, and Badjer mid Well eta David, moderate men, lovers of peace, and inclined to no party, endeavoured to pcrfuade? them to content themfelves wkh what tliey had done, to difperfc, and each go to. his home, before fome mifchief overtook them. But they were too high-minded. They redoubled their fongs; and, in this manner, again aflem-bled in the Itchegue's houfe to deliberate on what further they were to attempt; when one of the monks, a prophet, or dreamer, declared, " That God had opened his eyes, and' that lie then faw a. cherub with a flaming fword guarding' the the Itchegue's gate :" with fuch a centincl they concluded that they were perfectly fafc from any attempts of man. In the mean time, however, the king was violently affected at the feditious behaviour of the monks; nor did he hefuate a moment in what manner he was to piuiilli it. As they had employed the fong which was fungonly for victories obtained over infidels, by which they meant to allude particularly to the king, he detached a body of Pagan Galla to punilh them; having furrounded the Itchegue's houfe, where the monks were alfembled, they forced open the gate, (and the cherub with the flaming fword not interfering) they fell, fword in hand, upon the unarmed priefls, and in an inftant laid above a hundred of the principal of them dead upon the floor. They then rallied out with their bloody weapons into the flreet, and hewed to pieces thofe that attended the procellion, and who were flill diverting themfelves with their fong. Gondar now appeared like a town taken by ftorm ; every ftreet was covered with the dead, and dying; and this maffacre continued till next-day at noon, when, by proclamation, the king ordered it to ccafe. David, now fatisfied as to the priefls, thought he owed to the Abuna a mortification for his double-dealing. He fent, therefore, the foldiers to take him out of his houfe, and bring him to the gate of the palace, where the poor wretch, half dead with fear, expected every moment to fall by the bloody hands of the Djawi. Having enjoyed his panic fome time, the king ordered him to be placed clofe beiide the kettle-drum, and a profeffion of faith was made in the royal preiL-nce, and announced by beat of drum to the people, agreeing in every refpect to that publilhed the firfl day by i Betwudet Betwudet Georgis, and directly contradicting what he had faid with his own mouth to the monks of Debra Libanos, which was the occafion of the riot. This bloody, -indiscriminate maffacre had comprehended too many men of worth and diftinction not to occafion great difcontent among the principal people both within and without the palace. Confpii acics againfl the king were now everywhere openly talked of, the fruits of which foon appeared. David lull lick, and thofe about him endeavoured to-perfuade him that it was the remains of an injury which he had lately received from a fall olf his horfe. But, upon the meeting of a council on the 9th of March 1719, it was difcovered and proved, that Kafmati Late and Ras Georgis had employed Kutcho, keeper of the palace, to give a ftrong poifon to the king, which he had taken that morning from the hands of a Mahometan. Ras Georgis was then brought before the council, and fcarcely denied the fact; upon which his only fon was ordered to be hewn to pieces before his face, and immediately after the father's eyes were pulled out. Kutcho, keeper of the palace, and the Mahometan who gave the poifon, were hewn to pieces with fwords before the gate of the palace, and their mangled bodies thrown to the dogs. The king died that evening in great agony. Thk king's favourite, Betwudet Georgis, found himfelf now in a moft dangerous fituation. David his protector was dead, and he was left now alone to anfwer for thofe bloody meafures of which he was univerfally believed to be the advifer. It was abfolutcly nccefTary, therefore, if poflible, to fecure a fucceffor of David's own family, who might might Rop the profecutions againft him for fteps the king had adopted as his own, and as fuch had carried into execution. We have already obferved, that, when banifhed to the mountain of Wechne by Ouftas, he had contracted there, firft a friendfhip with David, and, at the fame time, with another prince, Ayto Welled Georgis, who was fon to Yafous by Ozoro Mamet, whofe filler Georgis had married, and confequently was uncle to Ayto Welleta Georgis, as having married his aunt, filler to Ozoro Mamet. When this princn now arrived at manhood, he knew himfelf perfectly fecurc; and, therefore, a number of the men in power being then affembled at his houfe, he loft no time, but furrounded it with a body of foldiers. He propofed to them Welled Georgis as immediate fucceffor to David. The people prefent, feeing themfelves in the foldiers hands, and convinced from the recent examples, that Georgis was not very tender in the ufe of them, in appearance chearfully, and without he-fitation, approved of the Betwudet's choice ; and Lika Jonathan, one of the chief civil judges, performed the office of crier, proclaiming with an audible voice, " Ayto Welled Georgis, brother to our late king David, fon of our great king Yafous, he is now our king. Mourn for the king that is dead, but rejoice with the king that is alive." This is the ordinary ftile of the proclamation. Mutual congratulations and promifes paiTcd among the members of the meeting, but with very different refolutions. All the company, efcorted by a body of archers, and another of fuzileers, with Betwudet Georgis at their head, repaired to the great place before the palace to make the , fame fame proclamation by beat of drum that they had done in the Bctwudet's houfe. They found the drum ready, and the whole body of the king's houfehold troops underarms, and drawn up before it. Upon the fight of their companions, the foldiers left the Betwudet, and fell into a proper place refcrved vacant for them by their brethren. Without lofs of time the drum was beat, and a proclamation made, " Baculfa, fon of Yafous, is our king ! Mourn for the dead, and rejoice with the living." Loud acclamations from the people were echoed back again by the foldiers, and Bacuf-fa's name was received with univcrfal acclamations. Some of the principal people then went to the council-chamber, and lent proper officers, with a good body of troops, to cfcort the king from Wechne. Upon their arrival they found the fentiments of the princes upon the election were widely different from thofe tcflificd by the people. They all to a man declared their diffent from that election. They upbraided Bacufla for his brutal manners ; for his violent, unfociable, unrelenting temper, from the which, they faid, they had the cruelcil con-fequcnecs to apprehend; and, indeed, it was not without great reafon that they made thefe remonflranccs ; for Ba-cuffa, when he efcaped from the mountain, fled for refuge among the Galla, and received there a very flrong tincture of the favage manners of that nation, which neither thofe of Gondar nor the army could have an opportunity to judge of. Refolute, active, and politic, he was very well formed to hold the reins of government in unfcttled times; but his temper of itfelf exceedingly fufpicious, and the little regard he had for the life of man, made his whole reign (as it was feared) one continued tragedy. So that, notwitlr- Vol. II. 4F Handing (landing the goodnefs of his underflanding, and many acts-of wifdom and juflicc, he is confidered as a bloody, mciv cilefs-tyrant, and his memory regarded with the greater! deteftation... On the firft news of the infurrection of the princes om Wechne, Kafmati Amha Yafous, governor of Begemder,, marched with his whole force and encamped under the mountain. He then received Bacnifa as king, having re-fcued him from the hands of his relations ; and, in order to obviate, as much as poflible, any future* trouble, he obliged the different branches of the royal family to a reconciliation with each other, making Bacuifa, on the one fide, fwear that he was not to remember nor revenge any injury or affront received upon the mountain; and them on the mountain fwear alfo, that they would forget all old difagreements, conlider Bacuifa as their king, and not create him any; trouble in his reign by efcapes, or other rebellious practices. , As it was then night, Bacuffa Raid in the houfe of Azagc Aifarat, and the next morning came to Serbraxos,,. whence he fent to the monks of Tcdda to meet him there., From -Tedda lie proceeded to Gondar, where he was met by the Abuna and Itchcgue amidfl the acclamations of. a^i prodigious number of people.. BACUTE Aa. ■MBS** B A C U F F A. From 1719 to 1729. Bloody Reign—Exterminates the Conjpirators—Counterfeits Death—Bc-comes very popular, TTJTONEST men, who loved their country, law the danger-JljL ous fituation it was then in. Every day had produced inRances of a growing indifference to that form of government which, from the carlieft times, they had looked upon as facred ; and upon every flight and tmrcafonable dif-guft a perfon of confequencc thought he had met with, a party was immediately formed, and nothing lefs was agreed on than directly imbruing their hands in the blood of their fovereign. A prince was nccefTary who had qualities of mind proper to enable him to put a ftop to thefe enormities before they involved the Rate in one fecne of anarchy and ruin. 4 F 2 Bacuffa BacufFa was thought to anfwer thefe expectations; and, in. the end; he was found to exceed them,. Silent, fecret, and unfathomable in It is defigns, furrounded by foldiers who were his own flaves, and by new men of his own creation, he removed thofe tyrants who oppofed their Sovereigns upon the fmallell provocation. Confpiracy followed confpiracy, and rebellion rebellion; but all were defeated, as foon as they had birth, by the fuperior activity and addrefs of * the king. I have faid he was called BacufFa by the Galla; but, in compliance with the cuftorn of Abyilinia* already mentioned, he had afliimed ftill two other names, which were, Atzham Georgis, his name of baptifm,. and Adcbar Segued, which means " reverenced by the towns or inhabited places of the country," given him at his inauguration. As for that of BacufFa, which meant the inexorable, it was the lefs difho-nourable from having been given him by impartial Grangers from their own obfervation while he was yet in private life ; his whole conduct aftcrwaids fhewed how juftly, The king lias near his perfon an officer who is meant to be his hiftoriographcr. He is alfo keeper of his feal, and is obliged to make a journal of the king's actions, good or bad, without comment of his own upon them. This, when the king dies, or at lcall foon after, is delivered to the council, who read it over, and erafe every thing falfe in it; whillt they fupply any material fact that may have been omitted, whether purpofely or not. This would have been a very dangerous book to have been kept in Bacuffa's time ; and, accordingly, no perfon chofe ever to run that rifk; and the king's particular behaviour afterwards had Rill the further thcr effect, that nobody would fupply this deficiency aftcs his death, a general belief prevailing in Abyflinia that he is alive to this day, and will appear again in all his terrors. It is owing to this circumfiance that we have nothing complete of this king's reign ; only a few anecdotes arc prefer-ved, fome of them very odd ones. I lhall only, for the pre-r fent, choofe fuch of thofe as lead me to the fubjeet I have in hand. Bacuffa was exceedingly fond of divinations, dreamland prophecies, fo arc all the Abyflinians ; but he imbibed an additional propenfity to thefe, among the Pagans to whom he had Red. One day, when walking alone, he perceived a prieft exceedingly attentive in oblerving the forms that little pieces of ftraw, cut to certain lengths, made upon a pool of water into which ran a fmall flream. From the combination of thefe in letters, or figures, as they chanced to fall, an anfwer is procured to the doubt propofcd, which, if you believe thefe idlers, is perfectly infallible. Bacuffa in difguifc, drcifed like a poor man, is faid to have aiked the prieft after what he was inquiring. The prieft anfwered, He was trying whether the king would have a fon, and who fhoukl govern the kingdom after him. The king abode the inveftigation patiently ; and the anfwer was, That he fhould have a fon; but that a Welleta Georgis mould govern the kingdom after him for thirty years, though that Welleta Georgis Ihould be neither his fon nor any defcept-dant of his. Full of thought at this untoward -prediction, , he harboured it in his brcaft without commrmicating it to any one, and refolved to blaft the hopes of every Welleta Georgis that ihould be fo unfortunate as to ftand within the.* ppfiibilicy pombility of reigning after him. Many innocent people of different parts [difappeared from this unknown crime; and eleven princes on the mountain of Wechne, fome fay more, loft their lives for a name that is very common in Abyifmia, without one overt act of treafon, or even a fufpi-cion of what they were accufed. A panic now Rruck all ranks of people, without terminating in any fcheme of re-fiftance ; which fufficiently fhewed that the king had fucceeded in diflblving all confederacies among his fubjects, and deftroying radically that rebellious fpirit which had o-perated fo fatally in the laft reigns. It is a cuftom among the kings of Abyifmia, efpecially in intervals of peace, to difappear for a time, without any warning. Sometimes, indeed, one or two confidential fervants, pretending to be buficd in other affairs, attend at a diftance, and keep their eye upon him, while, difguifed in different manners, he goes like a ftranger to thofe parts he intends to vifit. In one of thefe private journeys, palling into Kuara, a province on the N. E. of Abyilinia, near the confines of Sennaar, Bacuffa happened, or counterfeited, to be feized by a fever, a common difcafe of that unwholcfome country. He was then in a poor village belonging to fervants of a man of diftinction, whofe houfe was on the top of the hill immediately above, in temperate and wholefomc air. The hofpitablc landlord, upon the firft hearing of the diftrefs of a ftranger, immediately removed him up to his houfe, where every attention that could be fuggefted by a charitable mind was be flowed upon his difeafed gueft, who prcfently recovered his former Hate of health, but not till the kind afliftance and unwearied diligence of the beautiful daughter of the 4 houfe houfe had made the deepeft imprcmon upon him, and Jaid him under the greateft obligations. The family confifted of five young men in the flower of their youth, and one daughter, whofe name was Berhan Magafs, the Glory of Grace, exceedingly beautiful, gentle, mild, and affable ; of great undcrftanding and prudence beyond her age ; the darling, not only of her own family, but of all the neighbourhood. Bacuffa recovering his health, returned fpeedily to the palace, which he entered privately at night, and appeared early next morning fitting in judgment, and hearing caufes,, which, with thefe princes, is the firft public occupation of the day. A messenger, with guards and attendants, was immediately fent to Kuara, and Berhan Magafs hurried from her father's houfe, fhe knew not why, but her furprife was carried to the utmoft, by being prefented and married to the king, no reply, condition, or ftipulation being fullered. She gained, however, and prefcrved his confidence as long-as he lived: not that Bacuifa valued himfelf upon conftan-cy to one wife, more than the rcfl of his prcdeceffors had done. He had, indeed, many miflreffes, but with thefe he obferved a very .Angular rule; he never took to his bed any one woman whatever, the fair Berhan Magafs excepted, , without her having been firft fo far intoxicated with wine or fpirits as not to remember any thing that palled in con-verfarion, While While Bacuifa was on his concealed journey to Kuara, a very dangerous confpiracy was forming at Gondar, under the immediate conducl: of Ozoro Welleta Raphael, the king's filler, a very ambitious woman, and of an unquiet, enter-prifing temper. Difgufled by her brother's refufal of a gift of fome crown lands which were then vacant, and without any owners, Ihe thought no vengeance adequate to the affront, but dethroning Bacuffa. With this view flie engaged feveral men of power in her intereft, and particularly the black fervants of the palace who attend immediately upon the king's perfon, and were to feize upon, or dellroy him, the moment he returned. This plot, in all its particulars, was conveyed to the king. There was an old, abandoned houfe of king Yafous, at Bartcho, about a day's journey fouth of Gondar ; it Rands on a very cxtenfive plain. The king intending, as he faid, to repair, or rather clean and pr pare this houfe for his immediate reception, ordered all the black ilaves from Gondar thither for that purpofe, together with fome of their ringleaders. Kafmati Waragna, in the mean time, was ordered to bring a thoufand horfemen of his Galla Djawi. He arrived at Bartcho nearly at the fame time with the black fervants, who being unarmed, as fufpccTing nothing,and on foot, after a fharp reproof from the king, were all furrounded and cut to pieces by the hands of Waragna, and orders were immediately fent to Gondar to extirpate the remainder there ; and this execution laid a foundation for a feud that endures to this day between the Galla troops and the black horfe, who were then abolifhed, as the Galla have been fmce, though both were part of the king's houfehold formerly, before David's or Bacuffa'* time. As for Welleta Raphael, fhe fhe was feized that fame night, and was conveyed to Wal-kayt, to be confined there, with private mftructions, however, to put her to death fpeedily, which were executed accordingly. The queen had a fon within the year, whom the council named Yafous, after his grandfather, whofe memory will ever be dear in Abyflinia ; and this again revived the old ap-prehenfions that Welleta Georgis was to govern the country (as the prophet faid) for thirty years. Tormented with this idea, rather than the havoc it had occafioned, he de-vifed with himfelf a fcheme which he thought would certainly detect this future ufurper of his crown and dethro-ner of his child. But firft he directed that the queen mould be crowned, a ceremony that carries great confequences a-long with it when folemnized properly, as at that time {he is made regent, or Iteghe, in all minorities that may happen afterwards. After he had created his wife Iteghe, Bacuffa pretended to be fick: feveral days paffed without hopes of recovery; but at laft the news of the king's death were publilhed in Gondar. The joy was fo great, and fo univerfal, that nobody attempted to conceal it. Every one found himfelf eafed of a load of fear which had become infupportable. Several princes efcaped from the mountain of Wechne to put themfelves in the way of being chofen; fome were fent to by thofe great men who thought themfelves capable of effecting the nomination, and a fpeedy day was appointed for the burial of the king's corpfe, when Bacuffa appeared, in the ordinary feat of juftice, early in the morning of that Vol, II. 4 G day, day, with the Iteghe, and the infant Yafous, his fon, fitting in a chair below him. There was no occafion to accufe the guilty. The whole court, and all ftrangers attending there upon bufmefs, fled, and fpread an univerfal terror through the whole Rreets of Gondar. All ranks of people were driven to defpair, for all had rejoiced; and much lefs crimes had been before puniflicd with death. What this fedition would have ended in, it is hard to know, had it not been for the immediate refolution of the king, who ordered a general pardon and amnefty to be proclaimed at the door of the palace. There are two kettle-drums of a large fize placed one on each fide of the outer gate of the king's houfe. They are called the lion and the lamb. The lion is beat at the proclamations which regard war, attainders for confpiracies and rebellions, promotions to fupreme commands, and fuch-like high matters. The lamb* is heard only on beneficent^ pacific occafions, of gifts from the crown, of general am-nefties, of private pardons, and reverfals of penal ordinances. The whole town was in expectation of fome fanguinary decree, when, to their utter furprife, they heard the voice of the lamb, a certain figh of peace and forgivennefs ; and fpeedily followed by a proclamation, forbidding people of all degrees to leave their houfes, that the king's word was pledged for every one's fecurity ; and that all the principal men fhould * This drum is of beaten filver j the Abyffmians fay, that this metal alone is capable of conveying the fweet found contained in a proclamation of peace. It was carried off by. the ivbeh after the retieat of Setbraxos> fhould immediately attend him within the palace, in a public place which is called the Afhoa, and that upon pain of rebellion. The king appeared cloathed all in white, being the habit of peace ; his head was bare, dreffed,anointcd, and perfumed, and his face uncovered. He thus advanced to the rail of the gallery, about 10 feet above the heads of the audience, and, in a very graceful, compofed, but rcfolute manner, began a fhort oration to the people. " He put them in mind " of their wantonnefs in having made Ouftas, a man not of *' the royal line of Solomon, king of Abyflinia ; of their ha-u ving incited his brother, Tecla Haimanout, to affaflinatc " their father Yafous ; that they had afterwards murdered ** Tecla Haimanout himfelf, one brother, and lately his H other brother David, his own immediate prcdecefTbr: That " he had taken due vengeance upon all the ringleaders of " thofe crimes, as was the duty of his place, and, if much w blood had been fired, it was becaufe many enormities had " been committed; but that knowing now that order was " eftablifhed, and confpiracics extinguifhed among them, he " had counterfeited death, to fignify an end was put to Ba-" cuffa and his bloody meafurcs ; that he now was rifen " again, and appeared to them by the name of Atzham " Georgis, fon of Yafous the Great; and ordered every man " home to his houfe to rejoice at the acceffion of a new " king, under whom they mould have juftice, and live " without fear, as long as they rcfpe&cd the king that God " had anointed over them." This fpecch was followed by the loudeft acclamations, " Long live Bacuffa! Long live Atzham Georgis!" It was 4 G 2 well well known that this king never failed in his word, or any way prevaricated in his promifes. Every one, therefore^ went home in as perfect peace as if war had never been a-mong them; and Bacuffa's delicacy in this refpect was feen a few days after; for Hannes his brother having been brought clandeftinely from Wechne by Kafmati Georgis, a nobleman of great confequence, they were both taken by the governor of Wechne and fent in chains to the king; The ordinary procefs would have been to put them inftant-ly to death, as being apprehended in the very higheft act of treafon; nor would this have alarmed any perfon whatever, or been thought an infraction of the king's late promife; Bacuifa, however, was of another mind. He fent the criminal judges, who ordinarily fit upon capital crimes, to meet the two prifoners in their way to Gondar, and carried them back to the foot of the mountain of Wechne to have their crimes proved, and to be tried there out of his prefence and influence, where they were both condemned, Hannes to have an arm cut off, Georgis to be fent to prifon to the go* vernor of Walkayt, with private orders to put him to death-both which fentences were executed, though Hannes fo far recovered that he was king of Abyifmia in my time, not* withftanding this mutilation ; but it was a direct violation of the laws of the land. It is faid that a difcovery, which happened in the king's-feigned illnefs, promoted this fudden revolution of manners. In one of his fecret tours through Begemder, (after Tigre; the moft powerful province in Abyflinia, and by much the moft plentiful) being difguifed like a poor man, dirty and fatigued with the length of the way and heat of the weather, he came to the houfe of a private perfon, not very rich? indeed indeed, but of noble manners and carriage, and who, by the juftice and mildnefs of his behaviour and cuftoms, had acquired a great degree of influence among his neighbours. The father was old and feeble, but the fon in the vigour of his age, who was then ftanding in a large pool of water, at his father's door, warning his own cotton cloak, or wrapper, which is their upper garment; an occupation below no young man in Abyifmia. Bacuffa, as overcome with heat, threw himfelf down under the fhade of a tree, and, in a faint voice and foreign dialect, intreated the young man to walh his cloak likewife, after having finifhed his own. The young man confented moft willingly; and, throwing by his own garment, fell to warning the ftranger's with great diligence and attention. In the mean time, Bacuffa began queftioning him about the king, and what his opinion was of him. The young man anfwered, he had never formed any. Bacuifa, however, ftill plied him with queftions, while he continued warning the cloak,without givinghim any anfwer at all; at laft, being able to hold out no longer, he gathered Bacuifa's cloak in his arms, wet as it was, and threw it to him : "1 thought, fays he, when you prayed me to take your cloak, that I was doing a charitable action to fome poor Galla fainting with fatigue, and perhaps with hunger; but, fince I have had it in my hands, I have found you an inftructor of kings and nobles, a leader of armies and maker of laws. Take your cloak, therefore, and wafh it yourfclf, which is what Providence has ordained to be your bufmefs; it is a fafer trade, and you will have lefs time to cenfure your fuperiors, which can never be a proper 01 ufeful occupation to a fellow like you." The Tim king took his wet cloak, and the rebuke along with if, and, on his return, he fent for the man to Gondar, and railed him in a fhort time to the firft offices in the Hate. He poffeired his entire confidence ; and he deferved it. He was the only man to whom the king had confided his fears of the ufurper Welleta Georgis. While BacufTa was fuppofed to be ill, the queen and this officer only prefent, he mentioned, for the firft time, fome furprife that no fuch perfon as Welleta Georgis had appeared during fo long and fo many inquiries, and could not help dropping fome words as if he doubted the truth of this prophecy. Badjerund Waragna, for that was the name of the king's friend, maintained modeftly that it might be a temptation of the devil to miflead him to his deftruclion. lie told the king, that, by his own account of it, this Welleta Georgis was to have no power over him, as he was only to appear in his fon's time. He begged him, therefore, to lay afide all further thoughts of his prophecy, whilft he truftcd his fon's fucceflion to God's mercy, and to the prayers, rhc charity, and prudence of the queen. The Iteghe all this time was loft in filence. She defircd the king to repeat to her the whole circumflances of the prophecy, which he di-ftinctly did. " I wifh," fays fire laughing," this Welleta Georgis may not be now nearer us than we imagine ; perhaps in the palace." " In the palace !" fays the king, with great emotion. " I doubt fo," fays the queen; " fuppofe it fhould be me your own wife; for Welleta Georgis was the name given to me in baptifm ; and your late coronation of me, fhould a minority happen in the perfon of your fon, or even a grandfon, undoubtedly leaves me regent of the kingdom kingdom by your own intentions when you made me Iteghe. Whether the king was convinced or not, is not known ; but he, from this time, defifted from his perfecution of Welleta Georgis; and this the queen often told me among feveral anecdotes of that fingular reign. She was my great patronefs while at Gondar, and from her I received conftant protection in the moft difaftrous times. To the credit of the prophet, flie continued regent full thirty years ; till the folly and ambition of her own family gave her a mafter that put an end to all her influence, except what fhe enjoyed from exemplary piety, and the moft extenfive works of charity and mercy. X131J D^QJAAIQA y the common foldiers. Here is a fpecies of treafon without any overt act. The imagining the king's death, which feems much to referable hie the law of England, may be defended from the importance of the cafe, but fcarcely from any principle of juRice. or reafon. It foon appeared that a confpiracy had been on foot; feveral great men fled from court, among thefe Johannes, who had the charge of the king's horfes. But Shalaka Waragna and Billetana Gueta David, being fent immediately-after him, this confpiracy was foon Rifled, and the ringleaders difperfed, moflly into Amhara, where they were taken prifoners by Woodage governor of the province, and fent to the king.. Johannes, finding it impoffible to efcape, took to one of thofe papyrus boats ufed in navigating the lakeTza-na; and, being driven by the wind, landed in an illand* belonging to the queen, where he was taken prifoner, with his wife and family, and delivered up, on condition that he mould not be put to death. Kasmati Cambi, returning from Damot, fell accidentally upon Falambaras Mafmari and feveral others, and brought them prifoners to Gondar. A council was thereupon held, and the confpirators put upon their trial. Falambaras Mafmari, and Abou Barea who was one of the judges, were condemned to be hanged on the tree before the palace-gate. Johannes and the reft were committed to clofe prifon, in the hands of the Betwudet. It was thought a proper expedient to check thefe diforders, to haiten the coronation of the king, though very young* The • nek, The judges and all the officers being aiTemblcd in the pre-fence-chamber, where the king fits on his throne, (for in the council-chamber he fits in a kind of cage, or clofe balcony) where no part of him is difcovered, Sarach Mafferi Mammo, whofe office it was, Rood up with the Kees Hatzc, or king's almoner; when this laft had anointed him with oil, Mammo placed the crown upon his head ; upon which the whole aflembly, his mother only excepted, fell down and paid him homage ; and at his inauguration he took the name of Adiam Segued. On a feparate throne, on his right hand, fat the queen-mother. She, too, was crowned, though not anointed ; but the fame homage was performed to her that had been done to the king, who fat on the throne with his head covered ; nor did the Abuna interfere, nor was his attendance judged any part of the ceremony. The firft feeds of difcontent had been fown in Damot, where a party of rebels had attacked Kafmati Cambi in the night, cut moft of his army to pieces, and obliged Shalaka Job to fly into Gojam, and then return in hafte to Gondar. The king found no better remedy againft this rebellion than to appoint Kafmati Waragna governor of Damot, and Sanuda guardian of Wechne, with orders to take with him a fon of the late Ouftas the ufurper, and confine him with the king's fons upon that mountain. At the fame time he •appminted Ayo governor of Begemder; both thefe preferments being much to the fatisfaction of the whole nation. Waragna, knowing the ncccflities of his province, marched from Gondar with what forces he could collect, and took 2 tip up liis head-quarters at Samfeen, where, on the very night after his arrival, he was fet upon by Tenfa Mammo at the head of the Agows. However unexpected this was, Waragna, a good foldier, was not to be taken by furprife. He knew the country, and had not a great opinion either of the force or courage of the enemy, or capacity of their general. Pre-fenting, therefore, only one half of his troops, which could not be eafdy difcovered in the dark, he fent Fit-Auraris Tarn-ba to make a fmall compafs, and fall upon their rear with the other half. Mammo's troops, thinking this to be a frefh and feparate army, immediately took to flight, and were many of them flain, after leaving behind them their tents, •baggage, and the greateft part of their fire-arms, which had been of very little fervice to them.in the dark. Waracna, who knew the confequence of his province was the riches of it, and the dependence the capital had upon it for conftant fupplies of provifions, was loath to pur-fue his victory farther, if any means could be fallen upon to bring about a pacification. To effect this, he difpatched meffengers to his friends, the Galla, on the other fide of the Nile, ordering them to be ready to pafs the river on the day he mould appoint, and to lay wafle the country of the A-gow with fire and fword. He then decamped with his army from Samfeen, and marched to Sacala, and took up his head-quarters in St Michael's church, where he found the Agows in the utmoft terror from apprehenfion of being over-run with barbarians. But he foon eafed them of their fears by a proclamation, in which he told them plainly, that it was owing to the goodnefs of the country, and not any merit in the people, that the king's palace and capital was fo plentifully fupplied with provifions from thence; Vol. II. 41 that that all his purfuit was peace, but that he was refolved to effect that end by every poffiblc means; therefore the time was now come that they were to make a refolution, and abide by it, to fubmit and behave peaceably as good citizens ought; or, when his army of Galla joined him, he would extirpate them to the laft man. In the mean time, he publilhed an amnefty of all that had paffed. The Agows knew well that they were in the hands of one who was no trifler, nor in his heart much their friend. They ran to him, ready to make that compofnion which he fhould raife from them for their pafl tranfgrcflions and his future protection. The tribute laid upon them, for both was moderate beyond all expectation, 2000 oxen for the king and queen, and 500 for himfelf; upon which he left Sacala, and entered Goutto, a very fertile country, between Maitfha and the Agows, where he ufed the fame moderation, and by thefe means quieted and reconciled his whole province. Nothing could have been more advantageous to the king's affairs than the prudent conduct of this wife officer, which left him at liberty to afford him his affiftance ; for in the mean time a confpiracy was formed at Gondar, which had taken deep root, and had a powerful faction, Elias, late Ras and Betwudet, Tenfa Mammo, Guebra i'Oul, Matteos and Agne, all principal men in Gondar, and poffef-fed of great riches and dependencies throughout the whole kingdom. On the 8th of December 1734, being joined by their followers from without, they all rendezvoufed upon the river ver Kahha, below the town. After holding council in the king's houfe which is there, they refolved to proclaim one of the princes upon the mountain Wechne, named tic-zekias, king. For ii»is purpofe, furnifhed with a kettledrum, they marched in three divifions, by three different ways, to the palace, avowedly with an intention to force the gates and murder the king and queen. But Fit-Auraris Epliraim, having intelligence of this tumult, firft fliut up and obftn.icr.ed ail the entrances to the king's houfe, then gave advice to Billetana Gueta, Welled de l'Oul, of the rebellion of Ten fa Mammo, their defign to murder the king, and their having proclaimed Hezckias. These immediately repaired to the king's houfe to take council together what was to be done, and to defend the place if it was ncccflary. The rebels were now drawn up, and were beating their kettle-drum to make their proclamation," Hczekias was king !" while ShalakaTchinfho,ayoung nobleman of great hopes, who commanded the troops in the court where was the outer gate, impatient to hear an u-furper proclaimed in the very face of his fovereign, directed the outer-court gate to be opened, and, with two bodies of Galla, Djawi and Toluma, and feveral corps of lances, which compofc the king's houfehold, however inferior in number, he milled upon the rebels fo fuddenly, that they were foon obliged to think of other occupation. The firft that fell was Afalcfll Lenfa, who ftood by the drum, and was flain by Shalaka Tchinfho with his own hand; his drum taken and fent to the king as the firft fruits of the day. The foldiers, encouraged by the example of their leader, fell fiercely upon the rebels, difperfed and 4 1 2 broke broke through them wherever they faw the greateft num> ber together; a great flaughter was made, and Tenfa Mammo, with difficulty, efcaped. The victory indeed would have been complete, had not an accidental fhot from a diftance wounded Shalaka Tchinfho mortally. His own people carried him within the gate of the palace, where he gloriouf-ly expired at the feet of his fovereign. The rebels, notwithftanding this check, increafed every day in number and refolution, when the news arrived that Waragna had compofed all the differences in Damot, Agow, and Goutto, and, at the head of a numerous army, was waiting the king's orders. This intelligence firft had the effect to difconcert the rebels, who fuddenly left the capital in their way to Wechne. The king, now mafter of Gondar, ordered a proclamation to be made for all perfons whatever holding fiefs of the crown, as alfo all others, to aflemble before him on a ihort day, where the Itchegue and Abuna, holding the picture of our Saviour, with the crown of thorns *, up before the people, did adminifter to them a folemn oath, to live and die with the king and Iteghe ; a feeble experiment, often tried by a weak government. The only confequence of this was prefent expencc to the crown in a diftribu-tion of beef, honey, butter, wheat, and all kinds of provifions ; after which each man returned to his houfe, ready to repeat the perjury ten times a day for the fame emolument, and fame fincerity. Mes- Arclia of the moft precious kind, believed to have come from Jerufalem, and been painted by St Luke. Messengers were next difpatched to Kafmati Waragna; ordering him to come to Gondar with the greateft force he could raife. The fame day Azage Kyrillos, whom the king had made governor of Wechne, and Azage Newaia Selafle, went to the mountain, pretending that king Yafous was dead, and that the choice of the principal members of government had fallen upon Hezekias, who thereupon was delivered to him, and falutcd king; and, without lofing time, they marched to Kahha, and encamped on that river below Gondar. In the mean while, the great men and officers of the court, and in particular thofe who had eftates and houfes in Gondar, began to confider the danger of the town at the fo near approach of the rebels. Several diftricrs,or ftreets, fituated on eminences, by fhutting up accefs to them, were made tenable polls, and, having filled them with good foldiers, they fet about the defence of the town and annoying the enemy. Hezekias had removed to the houfe of balha Arkilli-das; and it was agreed to fend their whole forces to fee if they could fucceed in forcing the king's houfe. But before this another Rratagem was tried to alienate the minds of the people of Gondar from their fovereign. It was faid that certain Roman Catholic priefts had arrived at Gondar; that they were fhut up privately in the palace with the king and queen ; and, upon the Abuna and Itchegue coming to Hezekias to afk him how he happened to be proclaimed king, without making to them fome confeflion of his faith, (a queftion they put to all young or weak princes), Hezekias: anfwered, It was becaufe he had heard the Itchegue, and the reft of the clergy, feemed to be carelefs about the trua faith, by fuffering Catholic priefts to live with the king in the. the palace. A great ferment immediately followed; all the monks, priefls, and madmen that could be afleniblcd, (and on thefe occafions they gather quickly), with the Itchegue and Abuna at their heads, went to Dippabye, the open place before the palace, and pronounced the Iteghe, Yafous, and all their abettors, accurfed and given up to burn with Da-than and Abiram. For feveral days and nights attempts were made to fet fire to,andbreak open the gate. Buttheloyaliffs charged them fo vigoroufly upon all thefe occafions, efpecially Billetana Gueta Welled de l'Oul, and the walls of the palace were fo exceedingly thick and Rrong, that little progrefs was made in proportion to the men thefe attempts colt daily. However, on that fide of the palace called Adcnaga, the rebels had lodged themfelves fo near as to fet part of it on fire. The king's houfe in Gondar Rands in the middle of a fquare court, which may be full an Englifh mile in circumference. In the midft of it is a fquare tower, in which there are many noble apartments. A flrong double wall furrounds it, and this is joined by a platform roof; loop-holes, and conveniences for difcharging miflile weapons, are difpofed all around it. The whole tower and wall is built of Rone and lime ; but part of the tower being demolifhed and laid in ruins, and part of it let fall for want of repair, fmall apartments, or houfes of one florey, have been built in different parts of the area, or fquare, according to the fancy of the prince then reigning, and thefe go now by the names of the ancient apartments in the palace, which are fallen down. These These houfes are compofed of the frail materials of the country, wood and clay, thatched with Rraw, though, in the infide, they are all magnificently lined, or furnifhed. They have likewife magnificent names, which we have mentioned already. Thefe people, barbarous as they are, have always had a great tafle for magnificence and expence. All around them was lilver, gold, and brocade, before the Adelan war, in which they loll the commerce of that country, by lofing their connection with India. The next night the foldiers of Elias made their lodgments fo near the walls, that, with fiery arrows, they fet one of thefe houfes, called " Werk Sacala," within the fquare, in flames ; but Welled de l'Oul, with the Toluma Galla, fallying at that inflant, furprifed Elias's foldiers, not expecting fuch interruption, and put the greateft part of them to the fword, letting on fire the houfes that were near the palace, till part was entirely burnt to the ground. The next night, an attempt was made upon the gate to blow it up with gunpowder ; but, before it was completed, the two rebels employed in the work were fhot dead from the wall, and their train mifcarricd. On the 25th of December they burned a new houfe in the town built by the king, called Riggobcc Bet. Thefe frequent fires had turned the minds of people in general very much againfl Hezekias the rebel. The night after, there was another great fire in the king's houfe; Zeffan Bet, and another large building, were deftroyed by the rebels, as was the church of St Raphael. Gondar looked like a town that had been taken by an enemy, and battles were every day fought in the ftrcets, with no decifivc advantage to either 3 party,. party. Some part of the town was on fire every night; nobody knew for what reafon, nor what was the quarter that was next to be burnt. In the mean time, Azage Georgis arrived in the country of the Agows at Baiil Bet, where Waragna was, and delivered him the king's order, that he .fhould make all poffible hafte to his affiftance at Gondar, with as large an army as he could fuddenly bring; and thefe difpatches conferred upon him at the fame time, as a mark of favour, the poft of Ibaba Azage, or governor of Ibaba, together with Elma-na and Dcnfa, two diftricts inhabited by Galla, fubjects to the king, which polls were then held by Tenfa Mammo, and forfeited by his rebellion. The next morning Waragna left his head-quarters at Bafil Bet; thence he marched to Gumbali, and thence to Sima. At Sima he heard, that, the day before, it had been proclaimed at Ibaba, by orders of Tenfa Mammo, that Yafous was dead, and Hezekias was now king; upon this intelligence he marched from Sima, and, while it was yet early in the day, he came to Ibaba. The firft inquiry was concerning the Shum (or chief of the town) left there by Tenfa Mammo; and this man, coming readily to him to receive his commands, and offer him any fervice in his power, was afked by whofe orders the proclamation of Hezekias was made ? Being anfwered, by Tenfa Mammo's, he directed the Shum and his two fons to be hanged on three feparate trees in the middle of the town ; the Shum with the nagareet round his neck which had ferved in the proclamation of Hezekias; he then de-i clared clared Tenfa Mammo a rebel and outlaw, and confifcatcd his eRate to the king's ufe. At Ibaba he met Fit-Auraris Tamba, with a large body Of Damots and Djawi; then he decamped from Ibaba, and, at the bridge over the Nile, was met by Azage Ceorgis, with all Maitfha, Elmana, and Denfa following, and thence proceeded to Waira, where he fet Arkillidas at liberty. This officer, after dirtinguifhing himfelf before all others in the king's defence, had been taken prifoner by Tenfa Mammo, and fent thither. Advancing into Foggora, with a large army, he halted at Gilda, and fent fome foldiers on the road to Gondar, to fee if he could apprehend any travellers, efpecially thofe going or coming to or from market. But, after three days waiting on the road, the foldiers returned without any perfon or intelligence, by which he judged the town was already in great {traits'. In two days after, he advanced to Wainarab, and thence he fent his Fit-Auraris forward to fet a houfe at Tedda on fire, to fhew to the king at Gondar that he was thus far advanced to his affiilancc. This barbarous cuffom of burning a houfe wherever an army encamps, though but for an hour, is invariably practifed, as a fignal by armies, throughout all Abyflinia. At this time there was a treaty begun between the king and Tenfa Mammo. The rebels, weary of the little advantage they had gained, and hearing Waragna was about to march againfl them, offered the queen her own terms, provided fhe publifhcd a general amncfty, and that each man fhould be allowed to keep the polls he had before the rebellion. The queen, weary and terrified with war, readily agreed to this propofal; and this facility, inllead of accelera-Vol. II. 4 K ting ting the treaty, gave the rebels an opportunity of afking further terms, and a fettlement was fpoken of for the king Hezekias, in fome of the low provinces near Walkayt. Welled de l'Oul, the queen's brother, a man in whom the rebels had truft, feconded his fitter's defire, and carried on the treaty, but from different motives ; it was his opinion,, that, to make peace with the rebels, leaving their par unbroken, was to fpread the infection of rebellion all over the kingdom ; and to let them keep their potts, was leaving a fword in their hands to enable them to defend thcmfelves on any future occafion. lie therefore thought, that, as the king had Waragna now at his command, they Ihould make life of him to pluck up this rebellion by the roots, cut off all the ringleaders, and difperfe the faction; but, in the mean time, in order to be able to effect this, they fhould keep up the appearance of being anxious for- agreeing, in order to lull the enemy afleep, till Waragna made his inftructions. and defigns known to the king. From Wainarab, Waragna fent a meffenger to let the king and queen know of his arrival; and with him came Arkillidas, that no doubt might remain of the truth of the meffage. This officer told the king, that Waragna fhould advance to Tedda, and offer the rebels battle there; but if they retired (as he heard they intended) to Abra, he would: follow them thither. He defired the king alfo to iffue his orders to the feveral Shums to guard the roads, that as-few of the ringleaders of the rebels might efcape as poflible. Hezekias^ Hezekias, with his army, decamped, taking the road to Woggora; and Waragna, following him, came up with him at Fenter, on January 20th 1735. The rebels, inferior in number, though they did not with an engagement at that time, were too high-minded to avoid it when offered. Both armies fought a long time with equal fortune ; and though Waragna at the firft onfet had flain two men with his own hands, and taken two prifoners, the battle was fupported with great firmnefs till the evening, when Waragna ordered all his Galla, the men of Maitfha, Elmana, and Denfa, to leave their horfes, and charge the enemy on foot. This confident ftep, unknown and unpractifed by Galla before, had the defired effect. The Galla now fought defperately for life, not for victory, being deprived of their only means of faving themfelves by flight. Most of the principal officers among the rebels being killed or wounded, their army at laft was broken, and took to flight. Hezekias was furrounded and taken, lighting bravely; being firft hurt in the leg, and then beat off his horfe with a ftone. The purfuit was prefently flayed. Tenfa Mammo efcaped fafely through Woggora, a difTaffec-ted province ; and It ad now palled the Tacazze, when he was taken by the men of Sire, and brought 10 the king for the reward that had been offered for his head by Waragna. Hezekias was brought to his trial before the king, nor did he prcfume to deny his guilt. He was therefore fen-tenced to die, and committed to clofe prifon. Tenfa Mammo was arraigned, and, although he cor,felled the treaibn, he pleaded the peace he had made with the king before 4 K 2 the the arrival of Waragna at Gondar. This plea was unani-moiifly over-ruled by the judges, becaufe the treaty had not been completed. He was, therefore, fentenced to die, and immediately carried out to the daroo-tree before the palace, and hanged between two of his moil confidential coun-fellors. The Abuna and Itchegue were next ordered to appear, and anfwer for the crime of high treafon in excommunicating the king ; they declared they proceeded on no other grounds than an information, that the king and queen were turned Franks, and had two Catholic priefls with them in the palace. The men complained of were produced, and proved to be two Greeks ; Petros, a native of Rhodes, and Demetrius. This explanation being given, the Abuna and Itchegue thereupon a Iked pardon of the king and queen, and were ordered to make their recantation at Dippabye, which they immediately did, declaring they were wrongs and had proceeded on fa lie information.. It was on the 28th of January that Sanuda and Aderc were ordered to carry king Hezekias to Wechne, which they did, and left him there without disfiguring him in any part of his body, as is the cruel, but ufual cuftom in fuch cafes* But both, the Iteghe and her fon were, of the moft merciful difpoiition; and the general reputation they had for this was often the caufe of tumults and rebellions that would not have had birth in fevercr reigns. It was not Jong after this when there appeared a pretender to the crown, very little expected. He faid he was the eld king Bacuffa; that he had given it out that he was dead. dead, for political reafons, and was come again to claim his crown and kingdom. Never was rcfurrcetion fo little wifh-ed for as this ; a violent fear fell upon part of the multitude for fome time ; but his name making no party, whether true or falfe, he was feized upon without bloodfhed, tried, and condemned to die. This punifhment was changed into one of a fuppofed gentler kind, the cutting off his leg, and fending him to Wechne. The operation, always performed in the groffeft manner by an ax, high up the leg, and near the knee, is generally fatal; for there is no one, having cither fkill or care, to take up the ends of the veins and arteries feparated by the amputation ; they only apply ufelefs Riptics and bandages, of no effect, till the patient bleeds to death. This is the common cafe, fo that the pretended Ba-cufla died, in confequence of the operation, before lie came to Wechne, though he was by his fentence reprieved from death. The king, now arrived at the feventh year of his reign, proclaimed a general hunt, which is a declaration of his near approach to manhood; but he purfucd it no length, and again returned to Gondar. At that time, a great party of the queen's relations was made againft Ayo governor of Begemder. It began by a competition between Kafmati Geta the queen's brother, and Ayo, who -mould have that province. The common voice was for Ayo, not only as a man of the grcarcfl intcrcft in the province, but in all rcfpeCts unexceptionable throughout the kingdom. Welled de TOul, (brother to Geta) however, being now Ras and Betwudet, Geta governor of Samen, Eufcbius, and all the reft of them in high places at court, €30 TRAVELSTO DISCOVER court, Geta was preferred to the government of Begemder, Ayo, though avowedly a good fubject, of the king, was determined not to be made a facrifice to a party. He therefore refufed to refign his government, and prepared to defend himfelf Upon this, Adero, governor of Gojam, with the whole forces of that province, paffed the Nile, and entered Begemder ; Geta on the fide of Samen, and lafl of all Welled dc EOul marched with a royal army to join the forces that had already begun to lay wafle the country, where unufual exceffes were committed. Ayo's houfe was burned to the ground, fo were all thofe of his party, and their lands de-ilroyed, greatly to the general damage of the province and capital. Ayo was now obliged to fave himfelf by flight. It was faid, that the king (though his army was ready) refufed to march againfl Ayo ; but with a party of his own fet out for Aden, on the frontiers of Sennaar, to hunt there ; nor did he return till the executions were over in Begemder. Adero fell back to Gojam, and Welled de EOul to Gondar foon after. The king himfelf appeared very much contented with his own expedition, in which he had fhown great dexterity and bravery, having killed two young elephants, and a gomari, or hippopotamus, with his own hands. Nor did he flay any time at Gondar* or make any preferments, the ufual confequences of victories, but prepared again for another hunting-expedition, or an attack upon the Shangalla. The queen and Welled de TOul oppofed ftrongly his refolution. But Yafous feemed to be weary of feeing governed. He was fail advancing to manhood, and of » of a difpofition rather forward for his age. I-Iis expedition againR the Shangalla was attended with no accident; and he returned to Gondar on the 3d of June, with a number of {laves, much better plcafed that he had neglected, rather than taken, his mother's advice. It was on the 23d day of December that Yafous again fet out on another hunting party, and killed two elephants and a rhinoceros. He then proceeded to Tchelga, and from Tchelga to Waldubba; thence he went to the rivers Can-dova and Shimfa. Thefe are two rivers we fhall have occafion frequently to fpeak of in our return through Sennaar, in which kingdom the one is called Dender, the other Rabat!. Here he exercifed himfelf at a very violent fpecies of hunting, that of forcing the gicratacachin, which means long-tail; it is otherwife called giraifa in Arabic, h is the talleft of beafls; I never law it dead, nor, I think, more than twice alive, and then at a diftance. It is, however, often killed by the elephant-hunters. Its fkin is beautifully variegated when young, but turns brown when arrived at any age. It is, I apprehend, the camelopardalis, and is the only animal, they fay, that, in fwiftnefs, will beat a horfe in the fair field. IT was not with a view to hunt only, that Yafous made thefe frequent executions towards the frontiers of Sennaar. His refolution was formed (as it appeared foon after) in imitation of his forefather Socinios,. to revive his right over the country of the Shepherds, his ancient vaflals, who,, fince the acccflion of ftrength by uniting with the Arabs, had forgot their ancient tribute and fubjection, as we have already obferved, » The The king in five days marching- from Gidara came to a Ration of the Daveina, which is a tribe of fhepherds, by much the ftrongeft of any in Atbara. He fell into their encampments a little before the dawn of day. The firft flrcw they made was that of refiftance, till they had got their horfes and camels faddled; they then all fled, after the king had killed three of them with his own hand. Ras Wood-age fignalized himfelf likewife by having flain the fame number with the king. The cattle, women, and provifions fell all into the king's hand, and were driven off to Gondar. Their arrival gave the town an entertainment to which they had a long time been ftrangers. Many thoufand camels were affembled in the plain, where Hands the palace of Kahha, (upon a river of that name) large flocks of horned cattle, of extraordinary beauty, were alfo brought from Atbara, which the king ordered to be diftributed among his foldiers, and the priefts of Gondar, and fuch of the officers of flate as had been ncceffarily detained on account of the police, and had not followed the army. This year, 1736, there happened a total eclipfe of the fun which very much affected the minds of the weaker fort of people. The dreamers and the prophets were everywhere let loofe, full of the lying fpirit which poilelTed them, to foretel that the death of the king, and the downfal of his government were at hand, and deluges of civil blood were then fpeedily to be fpilt both in the capital and provinces. There was not, indeed, at the time any circumftance that warranted fuch a prediction, or any thing likely to be more fatal to the flate, than the expenditure of the large funis of money that the turn .the king had taken fubjectcd him to. a He He had built a large and very coftly church at Kofcam, and he was ftill engaged in a more expcnfrvc work in the building of a palace at Gondar. He was alfo rebuilding his houfe at Riggobee-ber, (the north end of the town) which had been demolifhed by the rebels; and had begun a very large and expcnfive villa at Azazo, with extenftve groves, or gardens, planted thick with Orange and lemon trees, upon the banks of a beautiful and clear river which divides the palace from the church of Tecla Haimanout, a large edifice which, fome time before, he had alfo built and endowed. Befides all thefe occupations, he was deeply engaged in ornamenting his palace at Gondar. A rebellion, maffacre, or fome fuch misfortune, had happened among the Chriftians of Smyrna ; who, coming to Cairo, and finding that city in a ftill lefs peaceable flate than the one which they had left, they repaired to Jidda in their way to India ; but milling the monfoon, and being deftitute of money and nc-ceffaries, they croffed over the Red Sea for Mafuah, and came to Gondar. There were twelve of them filver-fmiths, very excellent in that fine work called filligrane, who were all received very readily by the king, liberally furnifhed both with neceffaries and luxuries, and employed in his palace as their own tafte directed them. By the hands of thefe, and feveral Abyflinians whom they had taught, fons of Greek artifts whofe fathers were dead, he finifhed his prefence-chambcr in a manner truly admirable. The fkirting, which in our country is generally of wood, was finifhed with ivory four feet from the ground* Over this were three rows of mirrors from Venice, all joined together, and fixed in frames of copper, or cornices gilt with gold. The roof, in gaiety and tafte, correfponded per- Vol. II, 4 L fectly fectly with the magnificent finifhing of the room; it was (he work of the Falafha, and confifted of painted cane, fplit and difpofed in Mofaic figures, which produces a gayer effect than it is poffiblc to conceive. This chamber, indeed, was never perfectly finifhed, from a want of mirrors. The king died ; tafle decayed; the artifts were neglected, or employed themfelves in ornamenting faddlcs, bridles, fwords, and other military ornaments, for which they were very ill paid ; part of the mirrors fell down; part remained till my time ; and I was prefent when the lafl of them were deftroyed, on a particular occafion, after the battle of Ser-braxos, as will be hereafter mentioned. The king had begun another chamber of equal expence. confifting of plates of ivory, with ftars of all colours flaincd in each plate at proper diftances. This, too, was going to ruin; little had been done in it but the alcove in which he fat, and little of it was feen, as the throne and perfon of the king concealed it. Yasous was charmed with this multiplicity of works and workmen. He gave up himfelf to it entirely; he even wrought with his own hand, and rejoiced at feeing the facility with which, by the ufe of a compafs and a few ftraight lines, lie could produce the figure of a liar equally exact with any of his Greeks. Bounty followed bounty. The beft. villages, and thofe near the town, were given in property to the Greeks that they might recreate thcmfelves, but at a diftance, always liable to his call, and with as little lofs of time as poffiblc. He now renounced his favourite hunting-matches and incurfions upon the Shangalla and Shepherds of Atbara^ The. The extraordinary manner in which die king employed his time foon made him the object of public cenfure. Pafquinades began to be circulated throughout the capi-tal; one in particular, a large roll of parchment, intituled, " The expeditions of Yafous the Little? The king in reality was a man of fhort ftature. The Ethiopic word Tannufh, joined to the king's name Yafous el Tannufh, applied both to his Ratine and actions. So Tallac, the name given to another Yafous, his predeceffor, fignified great in capacity and atchievemcnt, as well as that he was of a large and mafculine perfon. These expeditions, though enumerated in a large flicct of parchment, were confined to a very few miles; from Gondar to Kahha, from Kahha to Kofcam, from Kofcam, to Azazo, from Azazo to Gondar, from Gondar to Kofcam, from Kofcam to Azazo, and fo on. It was a fimilar piece of ridicule upon his father Philip, as we are informed, that, in the laft century, coft Don Carlos, prince of Spain, his life. This fatire nettled Yafous exceedingly ; and, to wipe off the imputation of inactivity and want of ambition, he prepared for an expedition againft Sennaar. It was not, however, one of thofe inroads into Atbara upon the Arabs and Shepherds, whom the Funge had conquered and made tributary to them ; but was a regular compaign with a royal army, aimed directly at the very vitals of the monarchy of Sennaar, the capital of the Funge, and at the conqueft or extirpation of thofe ftrangers entirely from Atbara. We have feen, in the courfe of our hiflory, that thefe two kingdoms, Abyflinia and lunge, had been en very bad 4 L 2 terms terms during feveral of the laft reigns; and that perfonal alfronts and flights had paffed between the cotemporary princes themfelves. Baady, fon of L'Oul, who fucceeded his father in the year 1733, had been diftinguifhcd by no exploits worthy of a king, but every day had been ftained with acts of treachery and cruelty unworthy of a man. No in-tercourfe had paffed between Yafous and Baady during their refpective reigns; there was no war declared, nor peace eftablifhed, nor any fort of treaty fubfifting between them, Yasous, without any"previous declaration, and without any provocation, at leaft as far as is known, raifed a very numerous and formidable army, and gave the command of it to Ras Welled de EOul; and Kafmati Waragna was appointed his Fit-Auraris. The king commanded a chofen body of troops, feparate from the reft of the army, which was to act as a referve, or as occafion fhould require, in the pitched battle. This he ardently wifhed for, and had figured to himfelf that he was to fight againft Baady in perfon. Yafous, from the moment he entered the territory of Sennaar, gave his foldiers the accuftomed licence he always had indulged them with, when marching through an enemy's country. He knew not, in thefe circumflances, what was meant by mercy; all that had the breath of life was facrificed by the fword, and the fire confumed the reft. An univerfal terror fpread around him down to the heart of Atbara. The Shepherds and Arabs, as many as could fly, difperfed thcmfelves in the woods, which, all the way from the frontiers of Abyflinia to the river Dender, are very thick, and in fome places almoft impenetrable. Some of the Arabs, Arabs, either from affection or fear, joined Yafous in his march ; among thefe was Nile Wed Ageeb, prince of the A-rabs; others taking courage, gathered, and made a Rand at the Dender, to try their fortune, and give their cattle time to pafs the Nile, and then, if defeated, they were to follow them. Kafmati Waragna, (as Fit-Auraris) joined by the king, no fooner came up with thefe Arabs on the banks of the Dender, than he fell furioufly upon them, broke and difperfed them with a confiderable flaughter; then leaving Ras Welled de l'Oul with the king, and the main body to encamp, taking advantage of the confufion the defeat of the Arabs had occafioned, he advanced by a forced march to the Nile, to take a view of the town of Sennaar. Baady had aflembled a very large army on the other fide of the river, and was preparing to march out of Sennaar; but, terrified at the king's approach, the defeat of the Arabs, and the velocity with which the Abyflinians advanced, he was about to change his refolution, abandon Sennaar, and retire north into Atbara. These is a fmall kingdom, or principality, called Dar Fowr, all inhabited by negroes, far in the defert weft of Sennaar, joining with two other petty negro ftates like itfelf, ftill farther weftward, called Sele and Bagirma, while to the eaftward it joins with Kordofan, formerly a province of Dar Fowr, but conquered from it by the Funge. Hamis, prince of Dar Fowr, had been banifhcd from his country in a late revolution occafioned by an unfuccefsful war againft Sele and Bagirma, and had fled to Sennaar, where he had been received kindly by Baady, and it was by his his afliftance the Funge had fubdued Kordofan. This prince, a gallant foldier, could not bruik to fee the green llandard of his prophet Mahomet flying before an army of Chriftians ; and, being informed of the king's march and fe-paration from the main body nearly as foon as it happened, he propofed to Baady, that, as an allurement to Yafous to pafs the river with only the troops he had with him, he Ihould do from prudence what he refolved to do from fear, and fall back behind Sennaar, leaving it to Yafous to enter ; but, in the mean time, that, he Ihould difpatch him with 4000 of his beft horfe, armed with coats of mail, to pafs the Nile at a known place below, on the right of Welled de l'Oul, on whom he fhould fall by furprife, and, if lucky enough to defeat him, as was probable, he would then clofc upon Yafous's rear, which would of neceflity cither oblige him to furrender, or lofe his life and army in attempting to repafs the river between the two Nubian armies. This counfel, for many reafons was perfectly agreeable to Baady, who inftantly fell back from covering Sennaar, and then detached Hamis to make a circuit out of fight, and crofs the Nile as propofcd. In the mean time, Yafous advanced to Bafboch, where he found the current too rapid, and the river too deep for his infantry. He difpatched, therefore, a meffenger to Welled de l'Oul for a reinforcement of horfe, and gave his infantry orders to retire to the main body upon the arrival of the reinforcement of cavalry. This refolution he had taken upon advancing higher up the river from Bafboch, till oppofitte to the town of Sennaar, and when divided only from it by the Nile. He there faw the confufion that reigned in that large town. No preparation for reliftancc being 1 vifiblc> viable, the cries of women at the fight of an enemy fa near them, and the hurry of the men deforcing their habitation loaded with the moft valuable of their effects, all :n-creafed the king's impatience to put himfelf in poffeilion of this capital of his enemy. It happened that an Arab, belonging to Nile Wed Ageeb^ had feen the manoeuvre of Hamis and his cavalry. This man, crofting the Nile at the neareft ford, came and told his mafter, Wed Ageeb, what he had feen, who informed the king of his danger. Upon interrogating the Arab, it was found that the affair of Welled de l'Oul would certainly be over before the king could poflibly join him ; and in that cafe he muft fall in the midft of a victorious army, and his deftruction muft then be inevitable, if he attempted ir. It was, therefore, agreed, as the only means pofTible to fave the king and that part of the army he had with him, to retreat in the route Shekh Nile fhould indicate to them, marching up with the river Nile clofe on their right hand, and leaving the defert between that and the Dender, which is absolutely without water, to cover their left. This was executed as foon as refolved. In the mean time, Hamis had crofted the Nile, and continued his march with the utmoft diligence, and, in the clofe of tlie evening, had fallen upon Welled de l'Oul as unexpectedly as he could have wiflied. The Abyffmians were everywhere flaughtered and trodden down before they could prepare themfelves for the leail refinance. All that could fly flickered themfelves in the woods: but this refuge was as certain death as the fword of the Funge; for,, after leaving the river Dender, all the country behind them was was perfectly deftitute of water. Ras Welled de fOuI, and fome other principal officers, under the direction of fome faithful Arabs, efcaped, and, with much difficulty, two days after, joined the king. Besides thefe, the army, confuting of 18,000 men, either perifhed by the fword, by thirft, or were taken prifoners; all the facred reliques, which the Abyffmians carry about with their armies to enfure victory, -and avert misfortune ; the picture of the crown of thorns, called fek quarat rafou; pieces of the true crofs; a crucifix that had on many occa-fions fpoke, (which fhould ever after be dumb fince it fpoke not that day); all thefe treafures of prieftcraft were taken by the Funge, and carried in triumph to Sennaar. Great part of thofe Arabs, who had joined the king in his march northward, had now quitted him and attached themfelves to the purfuit of the fugitive remains of Welled de FOul's army. As thefe Arabs were thofe that lived neareft the Abyflinian frontier, and to whom the king had done no harm, becaufe they had moftly joined him, no fooner was he informed of their treachery, but juft arrived in their country, and fcarcely out of danger from the purfuit of the Funge, Yafous turned fhort to the left, deftroying with fire and fword all the families of thofe that had forfaken him, and fo continued to do till arrived on the banks of the Tacazze. The Arabs and Shepherds there, many of whom had juft returned from the deftruction of Welled de FOul's army at Sennaar, and were now rejoicing their families with the news of fo complete a victory, and that all danger from the Chriftian army was over, were aftonifhed to fee Yafous at the head of a frefh and vigorous army, burning and de- 3 ftroying Rroying their country, and committing all fort of devafta-tion, when they thought him long ago dead, or fugitive, and fkulking half-famifhed on the banks of the Dender., The king returned in this manner to Gondar, carrying more the appearance of a conqueror than one who had fuf-fered the lofs of a whole army, his foldiers being loaded with the fpoils of the Arabs, and multitudes of cattle driven before them. It was but too vifible, however, by the countenances of many, how wide a difference there was between the lofs and the acquifition. It was, indeed, not from the prefence or behaviour of the king, nor yet from his difcourfe, that it could be learned anv fuch misfortune had befallen him. On the contrarv, he affected greater gaiety than ufual, when talking of the expedition ; and faid publicly, and laughing, one day, as he arofe from council, " Let all thofe who were not pleafed with the fong of Kofcam ling that of Sennaar." From this many were of opinion, that he enjoyed a kind of malevolent pleafure from the misfortune which had befallen his army, who, not content with feeing him cultivate and enjoy the arts of peace, had urged him to undertake a war of which there was no need, and for which there was no provocation given, though in it there was every fort of danger to be expected. Although Yafous gave no eonfblation to his people, the pricits and fanatics foon endeavoured to prepare them one. Tenfa Mammo arrived from Sennaar with the crown of thorns, the true crofs, and all the reft of that precious mer-chandife, fafe and entire, only a little profaned by the bloody Vol. II. 4 M hands 04-2 T R A V E L S T O DISCOVER l&nds of' the Moors. Ras Welled de rOul-s arm}-, confuting-of 18,000 of their fellow-citizens, was lying dead upon the Dender. It was no matter; they had got the fpeaking crucifix, but had paid 8000 ounces of gold for it. Still it was no matter; they had got the crown of thorns. The priefls made proceilions from church to church, ringing hallelujahs and fongs of thanktgiving, when they ihould have been in fackcloth and allies, upon their knees deprecating any further challifement upon their pride, cruelty, and pro-fancnefs. All Gondar was drunk with joy ; and Yafous himfelf was auoniihed to fee them fmging the fong of Sennaar much more willingly than that of Kofcam. At this time died Abuna Chriftodulus; and it was cuflom-ary for the king to advance the money to defray the expence of bringing a fuccefTor. But Yafous's money was all gone to Venice for mirrors ; and, to defray the expence of bringing a new Abuna, as well as of redeeming of the facred reliques, he laid a fmall tax upon the churches, faying merrily, " that the Abuna and the croffes were to be maintained, and repaired by the public ; but it was incumbent, upon the church to purchafe new ones when they were worn out." TniiODO.RUs,pricfl of Debra Selalo, Likianos of Azazo, and Georgis called Kipti, were configned to the care of three Mahometan merchants and brokers at court, whofe names . wereHamet Ali,Abdulla, and Abdelcader, .to go to Cairo and fetch a fucceffor for Chriftodulus, They arrived at Hania-zen on April 29th 1743, where the Mahometan guides chofe rather to pafs the wintcr-feafon than at Mafuah, as at that place they were appreherurve they would fuller extortions and and "ill ufage of every fort. We know not what came of Georgis Kipti; but, as foon as the rainy feafon was over, Thcodorus and Likianos came ftraight to Mafuah. As foon as the Naybe got the whole'convoy of priefts and Mahometans into his hands, he demanded of them half of the money the king had given them to defray the expences of fetching the Abuna. He pretended alfo, that both Mahometans and Chriftians fhould have paffed the rainy feafon at Mafuah. He declared that this was his perquifite, and that he had prepared great and exquifitc provifions for them, which, being fpoiled and become ufelefs, it was but reafon-able they ihould pay as if they had confumed them: till this was fettled, he declared that none of them Ihould embark or ftir one ftep from Mafuah. The news of this detention foon arrived at Gondar; and Yafous gave orders that Michael Suhul, governor of Tigre, (afterwards Ras) and the Baharnagafh, Ihould with an army blockade Mafuah,fo as toftarve the Naybe into a more reafon-able behaviour. But, before this could he executed, the Naybe had called the priefts before him, and declared, if they did not furrender the money that inflant, he would put them to death ; and, in place of giving them time to refolve, he 'gave them a very plain hint to obey, by ordering the executioner to ftrike oil" the heads of two criminals condemned for o-thcr crimes, after having brought them into their prefence. The poor wretches, Thcodorus and Likianos, did not refem-ble Portuguefe, who would have braved thefe threats in the purfuit of martyrdom. The light of blood was the moft convincing of all arguments the Naybe could ufe. Thcv gave np the money, leaving the divifion of it to his own dif- 4 M 2 eretion. cretion. He then hurried them on board a veiTel, giving Michael and the Baharnagafh notice that they were gone in fafety, and that he had obeyed the king's orders in all re-fpects. Michael was at that time in the ftricteft friendfhip with the Naybe, who was his principal inftrument in collecting fire-arms in Arabia to ftrengthen him in the quarrel he was then meditating againft his fovereign. On the 8th of February 1744 the priefts and their guides failed from Mafuah; and they did not arrive at Jidda till the 14th of April. There they found that the fhips for Cairo were gone, and that they had loft the monfoon ; and, as no misfortune comes fingle, the Sherriffe of Mecca made a demand upon them for as much money as they had paid the Naybe; and, upon refufal, he put Abdelcader in prifon, nor was he releafed for a twelvemonth after, when the money was fent from Abyflinia; and it was then agreed, that 75 ounces of gold* fhould in all future times be paid for leave of paffage to thofe who went to Cairo to fetch the Abuna ; and 90 ounces a-piece to the Sherriffe, and to the Naybe, for allowing him to pafs when chofen, and furnifhing him with neccftaries during his flay in their rc^ fpecfive government; and this is the agreement that fubfifts to this day. In this interim, Likianos of Azazo, one of the priefts^ weary of the journey and of his religion, and having quarrelled with Abdulla, renounced the Chriilian faith, and embraced that of Mahomet; and Thcodorus, Abdulla, and Hauler Ali, being the only three remaining, hired a velfel at Jidda to. carry them to the port of Suez, the bottom of the Arabic * About one hundred and eighty-fix pounds, an ounce of gold at a medium being 10 crowns.* Arabic Gulf. Before they had been a month at fea, Abdulla died, as did Hamet Ali feven days after they arrived at Suez. They had been on fea three months and fix days from Jidda to that port, becaufe they failed againft the monfoon, It was the 25th of June that Theodorus arrived at Cairo, delivered the king's prefent, the account of the Abuna's death, and the king's defire of having fpeedily a mcceffon The patriarch, having called together all his bifhops, priefts, and deacons, conferred the dignity on a monk of the Order of St Anthony, the only Order of monks the Coptic church acknowledges. Thefe pafs a very auftcre life in two convents in a dreary defert, never tailing fleih, but living on olives, fait fardines*, wild herbs, and the worft of vegetables. Yet fo attached are they to this folitude, that, when they are called to be ordained to this prelature of A-byftinia, a warrant from the bafha, and a party of Turks, is neccifary to bring this elect one to Cairo in chains, where he is kept in prifon till he is ordained; guarded afterwards, and then forced on board, a velfel which carries him to A-byftinia, whence he is certain never to return. The Abuna departed from Suez the 20th of September; the beginning of November he arrived at Jidda; in February 1745 he failed from Jidda, taking with him Abdelcader, now freed from prifon ; he arrived at Mafuah the 7th of March, and immediately fent an exprefs to notify his arrival to the king and queen, and to Ras Welled de FOul. Congratulations * This is a fifti common in the Mediterranean, of the kind of anchovies, the common fbos turned their backs, the trumpets from Mariam Barea's army forbade the purfuit; while the reft of the 2 Begemder Begemder horfe, who knew the intention of their general, furrounded the Edjow, and cut them to pieces, though valiantly fighting to the laft man. Brulhe fell, among the herd of his countrymen, not di-ftinguifhed by any action of valour. Mariam Barea had given the moft exprefs orders to take him alive ; or, if that could not be, to let him efcape; but by no means to kill him. But a menial fervant of his, more willing to revenge his mailer's wrongs than adopt his moderation, forced his way through the crowd of Galla, where he faw Brulhe fighting ; and, giving him two wounds through his body with a lance, left him dead upon the field, bringing away his horfe along with him to his mafter as a token of his victory, Mariam Barea, upon hearing that Brulhe was dead, forcfaw in a moment what would infallibly be the confe-quencc, and exclaimed in great agitation, " Michael and all the army of Tigre will march againft me before autumn." He was not in this a falfe prophet; for no fooner was Brulhe's defeat and death known, than the king, from re-fentment, fear the fatal ruler of weak minds, the conftant inlligation of Lubo, and the remnant of Brulhe's party, declared there was no fafety but in Ras Michael. An exprefs was therefore immediately fent to him, commanding his attendance, and conferring upon him the ollice of Ras, by which he became invellcd with ftipreme power, both civil and military. This was an event Michael had long wifhed for. He had nearly as long fore feen that it muft happen, and would involve both king and queen, and their refpecf ive parties, equally in deilruction; but he had not fpen.t his 4 time • time merely in reflection, he had made every preparation poflible, and was ready. So foon then as he received the king's orders, he prepared to march from Adowa with 26,000 men, all the beft foldiers in Abyflinia, about 10,000 of whom were armed with firelocks. It happened that two Azages, and feveral other great officers, were fent to him into Tigre with thefe orders, and to invert him with the government of Samen. Upon their mentioning the prefent fituation of affairs, Michael fharply reflected upon the king's conduct, and that of thofe who had counfelled him, which muft end in the ruin of his family and the flate in general. He highly extolled Mariam Barea as the only man in Abyflinia that knew his duty, and had courage to perfevere in it. As for himfelf, being the king's fervant, he would obey his commands, whatever they were, faithfully, and to the letter; but, as holding now the firft place in council, he muft plainly tell him the ruin of Mariam Barea would be fpeedily and infallibly followed by that of his country. After this declaration, Michael decamped with his army encumbered by no baggage, not even provifions, women, or tents, nor ufelefs beafts of burden. His foldiers, attentive only to the care of their arms, lived freely and li-centioufly upon the miferable countries through which they paffed, and which they laid wholly wafle as if belonging to an enemy. He advanced, by equal, fteady, and convenient marches, in dil.gence, but not in hafte. Not content with the fub-fftance of his troops, he laid a compofition of money upon Vol. IL 4R all all thofe diftricTs within a day's march of the place through which he pafTed ; and, upon this not being readily complied with, he burnt the houfes to the ground, and ilaughtered the inhabitants. Woggora, the granary of Gondar, full of rich large towns and villages, was all on fire before him; and that capital was filled with the miferable inhabitants, ftript of every thing, flying before Ras Michael as before an army of Pagans. The king's undcrftanding was now reftored to him for an inflant.; he faw clearly the mifchief his warmth had occaiioned, and was truly fenfible of the ralh ftep he had taken by introducing Michael. But the dye was call; repentance was no longer in feafon; his all was at flake, and he was tied to abide the iffue. Michael, with his army in order of battle, approached Gondar with a very warlike appearance. He defcended from the high lands of Woggora into the valleys which fur-round the capital, and took poffeflion of the rivers Kahha and Angrab, which run through thefe valleys, and which alone fupply Gondar with water. He took poll at every entrance into the town, and every place commanding thole entrances, as if he intended to befiegc it. This conducl ftruck all degrees of people with terror, from the king and queen down to the loweft inhabitant. All Gondar palled an anxious night, fearing a general maffacre in the morning ; or that the town would be plundered, or laid under fome exorbitant ranfom, capitation, or tribute. But this was not the real defign of Michael; he intended; fco terrify, but to do no more. He entered Gondar early in the morning, and did homage to the king in the moft refpeel;-ful manner. He was in veiled with the charge of Ras by? | Joas. Joas himfelf; and from the palace, attended by two hundred foldiers, and all the people of note in the town, he went ftraight to take poffcflion of the houfe which is particularly appropriated to his office, and fat down in judgment with the doors open. Marauding parties of foldiers had entered at feveral parts of the town, and begun to ufe that licence they had been ac-cuflomed to on their march, pilfering and plundering houfes, or perfons that feemed without protection. Upon the firft complaints, as he rode through the town, he caufed twelve of the delinquents to be apprehended, and hanged upon trees in the ftreets, fitting upon his mule till he faw the execution performed. After he had arrived at his houfe, and was feated, thefe executions were followed by above fifty others in different quarters of Gondar. That fame day he eftablifhed four excellent officers in four quarters of the town. The firft was Kefla Yafous, a man of the greateft worth, whom I fhall frequently mention as a friend in the courfe of my hiftory; the fecond, Billctana Gueta Welleta Michael, that is, firft mafter of the houfehold to the king. He had given that old officer that office, upon fuper-feding Lubo the king's uncle, without any confent alki d or given. He was a man of a very morofe turn, with whom 1 was never connected. The third was Billctana Gueta 'tecla, his filler's fon, a man of very great worth and merit, who had the foft and gentle manners of Amhara joined to the determined courage of the Tigran. Michael took upon himfelf the charge of the fourth di-ftrict. Flc did not pretend by this to erect a military go- 4 R 2 vernment vcrnmcnt in Gondar; on the contrary, thefe officers were only appointed to give force to the fentences and "proceedings of the civil judges, and had not deliberation in any caufe out of the camp. But two Umbares, or judges, of the twelve were obliged to attend each of the three diftricts; two were left in the king's houfe, and four had their chamber of judicature in his. The citizens, upon this fair afpecT of government, where juftice and power united to protect them, difmilTed all their fears, became calm and reconciled to Michael the fecond day after his arrival, and only regretted that they had been in anarchy, and ftrangers to his government fo long. The third day after his arrival he held a full council in prefence of the king. He fharply rebuked both parties in a fpeech of confiderable length, in which he exprefTed much furprife, that both king and queen, after the experience of fo many years, had not difcovered that they were equally unfit to govern a kingdom, and that it was impoifible to keep diilant provinces in order, when they paid fuch inattention to the police of the metropolis. Great part of this fpeech applied to the king, who, with the Iteghe and Galla, were in a balcony as ufual, in the fame room, though at fome diftance, and above the table where the council fat,, but within convenient hearing. The troubled ftate, the deftruction of Woggora, and the infecurity of the roads from Damot, had made a famine in Gondar. The army poffeffed both the rivers, and fuffered no fupply of water to be brought into the town, but allow- -i cd ed two jars for each family twice a-day, and broke them when they returned for more*^ Ras Michael, at his rifing from council, ordered a loaf of bread, a brulhe of water, and an ounce of gold, all aiv tides portable enough to be expofed in the market-place, upon the head of a drum, without any apparent watching. But tho' the Abyffmians are thieves of the firfl: rate, tho' meat and drink were very fcarce in the town, and gold ftill fcarcer, though a number of ftrangers came into it with the army, and the nights were almoft conflantly twelve hours long, nobody ventured to attempt the removing any of the three articles that, from the Monday to the Friday, had been expofed night and day in the market-place unguarded. All the citizens, now furrounded with an army, found the fecurity and peace they before had been ftrangers to, and every one deprecated the time when the government ihould pafs out of fuch powerful hands. All violent op-preffors, all thofe that valued themfelves as leaders of parties, faw, with an indignation which they durft not fuffer to appear, that they were now at laft dwindled into abfolute infignificance. Having fettled things upon this bafis, Ras Michael next prepared to march out for the war of Begemder; and he fummoned, under the fevereft penalties, all the great officers to attend him with all the forces they could raife. He in fift ed * This is commonly done in times of trouble, to keep the townfmen in awe, as if fire was.-intended; which would not be in their power to quench. t infilled likewife that the king himfelf Ihould march, and refufed to let a fmglc foldier Hay behind him in Gondar ; not that he wanted the afliftance of thofe troops, or trufted to them, but he faw the deftruetion of Mariam Barea was refolved on, and he wifhed to throw the odium of it on the king. He affected to fay of himfelf, that he was but the inflrument of the king and his party, and had no end of his own to attain. He expatiated, upon all occaftons, upon the civil and military virtues of Mariam Barea; faid, that he himfelf was old, and that the king fhould walk coolly and eautiouily, and conlider the value that officer would be of to his poflerity and to the nation when he fhould be no more. Upon the firft news of the king's marching, Mariam Barea, who was encamped upon the frontiers near where he defeated Brulhe, fell back to Garraggara the middle of Begemder. The king followed with apparent intention of coming to a battle without lofs of time; and Mariam Barea, by his behaviour, fhewed in what different lights he viewed an army, at the head of which was his fovereign, and one commanded by a Galla. No fuch moderation was fhewn on the king's part. His army burnt and deftroyed the whole country through which they palled. It was plain that it was Joas's intention to revenge the death of Brulh£ upon the province itfelf, as well as upon Mariam Barea. As for Ras Michael, the behaviour of the king's army ^ had nothing in it new, or that could either furprife or clifpleafe him. Friend as he was to peace and good order at home, his invariable rule was to indulge his his foldiers in every licence that the moll profligate mind could wifh to commit when marching againfl an enemy. It was known the armies were to engage at Nefas Mufa, becaufe Mariam Barea had faid he would fight Brulhe, to prevent him entering the province, but retreat before the king till he could no longer avoid going out of it. The king then marched upon the tract of Mariam Barea, burning and deflroying on each fide of him, as wide as poflible, by detachments and fcouring parties. Alio Fafil, an officer of the king's houfehold, a man of low birth, of very moderate parts, and one who ufed to divert the king as a kind of buffoon, otherwife a good foldier, had, as a favour, obtained a fmall party of horfe, with which he ravaged the low country of Begemder. The reader will remember, in the beginning of this hiftory, that a fingular revolution happened, in as fingular a manner, the ufurpcr of the houfe of Zague having voluntarily reftgncd the throne to the kings of the line of Solomon, who for feveral hundred years had been banifhed to Shoa. Tecla Haimanout, founder of the monaflery of Debra Libanos, a faint, and the lafl Abyflinian that enjoyed the dignity of Abuna, had the addrefs and influence to bring about this revolution, or refignation, and to reftore the ancient line of kings. A treaty was made under guarantee of the Abuna, that large portions of Laila fhould be ^iven to this pnnce of the houfe of.Zague, free from all tribute, tax, or fc vice whatever, and that he fhould be regarded as an indeisen-dent prince. The treaty being concluded, the prince of Za-gue was put in poifeflion of his lands, and was called Y'Laf-ta Hatze, which fignifies, not the king of Laila, but tic khta at i at or in LaRa*. He refigned the throne, and Icon Amlac of the line of Solomon, by the queen of Saba, continued the fucceflion of princes of that houfe. That treaty, greatly to the honour of the contracting parties, made towards the end of the 13th century, had remained inviolate till the middle of the 18th; no affront or injuflice had been offered to the prince of Zague, and in the number of rebellions which had happened, by princes fet-ting up their claims to the crown, none had ever proceeded, or in any fhape been abetted, by the houfe of Zague, even though Lafla had been fo frequently in rebellion. As Joas was a young prince, now for the firR time in the province of Begemder and palling not far from his domains, the prince of Zague thought it a proper civility and duty to falute the king in his paflagc, and congratulate him upon his acceffion to the throne of his father. He accordingly prefentcd himfelf to Joas in the habit of peace, while, according to treaty, his kettle-drums, or nagareets, were filver, and the points of his guard's fpcars of that metal alfo. The king received him with great cordiality and kindnefs; treated him with the utmoR refpect and magnificence ; refufed to allow him to proflrate himfelf on the ground, and forced him to fit in his prefence. Michael went Rill farther ; upon his entering his tent he uncovered himfelf to his waifl, in the fame manner as he would have done in prefence of Joas. He received him Randing, obliged him to fit in his own * Nearly the fame diftin&ion as the (illy one made In Britain between the French king iwj1. king of France. own chair, and excufed himfelf for ufing the fame liberty ef fitting, only on account of his own lamenefs. The king halted one entire day to feaft this royal gueft. He was an old man of few words, but thofe very inoffenfive, lively, and pleafant; in fhort, Ras Michael, not often accuf-tomed to fix on favourites at firft fight, was very much taken with this Lafta fovereign. Magnificent prefents were made on all fides ; the prince of Zague took his leave and returned ; and the whole army was very much pleafed and entertained at this fpecimen of the good faith and integrity of their kings. He had now confiderably advanced through his own country, Lafta, which was in the rear, when he was met by Alio Fafil returning from his plundering the low country, who, without provocation, from motives of pride or avarice, fell unawares upon the innocent, old man, whofe attendants, fecure, as they thought, under public faith, and accoutred for parade and not for defence, became an eafy fa-criflce, the prince being the firft killed by Alio Fafd's own hand. Fasil continued his march to join the king, beating his filver kettle-drums as in triumph. The day after, Ras Michael, uninformed of what had paffed, inquired who that was marching with a nagareet in his rear ? as it is not allowed to any other perfon but governors of provinces to ufe that inftrument; and they had already reached the camp. The truth was prefently told ; at which the Ras fhewed the deepeft compunction. The tents were already pitched when Falil arrived, who, riding into Michael's Vol. II. 4 S tent, tent, as is ufual with officers returning from an expedition, began to brag of his own deeds, and upbraided Michael; in a Rrain of mockery, that he was old, lame, and impotent. This raillery, though very common on fuch occanonsr. was not then in feafon; and the laft part of the charge a-gainft him was the moR offenfive, for there was no man more fond of the fex than Michael was. The Ras, therefore,, ordered his attendants to pull Fafil off his horfe, who, feeing that he was fallen into a fcrape, fled to the king's tent for ref tige, with violent complaints againft Michael. The king undertook to reconcile him to the Ras, and lent the young Armenian, commander of the black horfe, to delire Michael to forgive Alio Fafil. This he abfolutely refufed to do, alledging, that the palling over Fafd's infolence to himfelf, would be of no ufe, as his life was forfeited for the death! «f the prince of Zague. The king renewed his requeft by another melTenger ; for the Armenian excufed himfelf from going, by faying boldly to the king, That, by the law of all nations, the murderer Ihould die. To the fecond requeft the king added, that he. required only his forgivenncf, of his infolence to him, not of the death of the prince of Zague, as he would direel what fhould be done when the neareftof kin claimed the fat is fact ion of retaliation. To this Ras Michael fhordy replied, "I am here to do juftice to every one, and will do it without any confideration or rcfpecT of perfons." And. it was now, for the firft ' me, Abyilinia ever faw a king fo-licit the life of a fubject of his own from one of his fervants, and be refufed, Thv. The king, upon this, ordered Alio Fafil to defend himfelf; and things were upon this footing, the affair likely to end in oblivion, though not by forgivennefs. But, a very fhort time after, the prince of Hague's eldeft fon came privately to Michael's tent in the night; and, the next morning, when the judges were in his tent, Michael fent his door-keeper (Hagos) reckoned the braveft and moft fortunate in combat of any private man in the army, and to whom he trufted the keeping of his tent-door, to order Alio Falil to anfwer at the inftance of the prince of Zague, then waiting him in court, Why he had murdered the prince his father ? Falil was aftonifhed, and refufed to come: being a-gain cited in a regular manner by Hagos, he feemed defi-rous to avail himfelf of the king's pcrmiffion to defend himfelf, and call together his friends. Hagos, without giving him time, thruil him through with a lance; then cut off his head, and carried it to Michael's tent, repeating what paffed, and the reafon of his killing him. As a rcfufal in ail fuch inftanccs is rebellion, this had palled according to rule: a party of Tigrans was ordered to plunder his tent; and all the ill-got fpoils which he had gained from the poor inhabitants of Begemder were abandoned to the foldiers. Fafifs head was given to the prince of Zague, as a reparation for the treaty being violated; the filver nagareet and fpears were returned ; and, highly as this affair had been carried by Ras Michael, the king never after mentioned a word of it. But this was univerfally allowed to be the firft caufe of their difagrecment. Mariam Barea, feeing no other way to lave his province from ruin but by bringing the affair to a fhort iffue, re- 4 S a folved lblved likewife to keep his promife. He retired to Nefas Mufa, and encamped in the fartheft limits of his province: behind this are the Woollo Galla, relations of Amitzo the king's parents. Joas and Ras Michael followed him without delay, and, having called in all the out-pofts, both fides prepared for an engagement. About nine in the morning, Mariam Barea prefented his army in order of battle. Michael had given orders to Kefla Yafous and Welleta Michael how to form his. He then mounted his mule, and with fome of his officers rode out to view Mariam Barea's difpofition. The king, anxious a*-bout the fortune of the day, and terrified at fome reports that had been made him, by timid or unfkilful people, of the warlike countenance of Mariam Barea's army, fent to the Ras, whom he faw reconnoitring, to know his opinion of what was likely to happen. " Tell the king," fays the veteran, " that a young man like him, fighting with a fub-ject fo infinitely below him, with an army double his number, Ihould give him fair play for his life and reputation. He Ihould fend to Mariam Barea to encrcafe the ftrength of his center by placing the troops of Lafta there, or we fhall beat him in half an hour,without either honour to him or to ourfclves." The king, however, did not underftand that fort of gallantry ; he thought half an hour in fufpence was long enough, and he ordered immediately a large body of muf-quetry to reinforce Fafil, who commanded the center, and thereby he weakened his own right wing. Michael, who commanded the right of the royal army, had placed himfelf and his fire-arms in very rough ground, where cavalry could not approach him, and. where he fired as as from a citadel, and foon obliged the left wing of the rebels to retreat. But the king, Kefla Yafous, and I ubo on the right, were roughly handled by the horfe of Laita, and would have been totally defeated, the king and Lubo having already left the field, had not Kefla Yafous brought up a reinforcement of the men of Sire and Tcmben, and retrieved the day, at lead brought things upon an equal footing. Fasil, with the horfe of Foggora and Damot, and a prodigious body of the Djawi and Pagan Galla, delirous to fhew his confequence, and confirm himfelf in his ilhgot government by his perfonal behaviour, attacked the Begemder horfe in the center fo irrefiftibly, that he not only broke through them in feveral places, but threw the whole body into a fhameful flight. Mariam Barea himfelf was wounded in endeavouring to flop them, and hurried away, in fpite of his inclination, crying out in great agony, " Is there not one in my army that will flay and fee me die like the fon of Kafmati Ayo ?" It was all in vain; Powuffen, and a number of his own officers, furrounding him, dragged him as it were by force out of the field. The country behind Nefas Mufa is wild, and cut with deep gullies, and the woods almoft impenetrable ; they were therefore quickly out of the enemy's purfuit, and fafc, as they thought, under the protection of the Woollo Galla. The whole army of Begemder was difperfed, and Michael early forbade further purfuit. The account of this battle, and what preceded it, from the murder of the prince of Zague, is not in the annals or hiftory of Abyflinia, which I have hitherto followed; at leaft it has has not appeared yet, probably out of delicacy to Ozoro Either, fear of Ras Michael, and refpect. to the character of Mariam Barea, whole memory is Rill dear to his country. But the whole was often, at my delire, repeated to me by Kefla Yafous, and his officers who were there, whom he ufed to queflion about any circumflance he did not himfelf remember, or was abfent from ; for he was a fcru-pulous lover of truth; and nothingplcafed him fo much as the thought that I was writing his hiftory to be read in my country, although he had not the fmalleft idea of England or its fituation. As for the converfation before the battle, it was often told me by Ayto Aylo and Ayto Engedan, fons of Kafmati Efhte, who were with the Ras when he delivered the mef-fage to the king, and were kept by him from engaging that day in refpect. to Mariam Barea, who was married to their aunt Ozoro Efther. The king and Lubo fent Woofheka to their friends a-mong the Woollo, who delivered up the unfortunate Mariam Barea, with twelve of his officers who had taken refuge with him. Mariam Barea was brought before the king in his tent, covered with blood that had flowed from his wound ; his hands tied behind his back, and thus thrown violently with his face to the ground. A general murmur which followed fire wed the fentimcnts of the fpeetators at fo woful a fight; and the horror of it feemed to have feized the king fo entirely as to deprive him of all other fen-timents. I HAViE T have often faid, the Mofaical law, or law of retaliation,, is conflantly obferved over all Abyilinia as the criminal law of the country, fo that, when any perfon is flain wrongfully by another, it does not belong to the king to punifh that offence, but the judges deliver the offender to the nearefl relation of the party murdered, who has the full power of patting him to death, felling him to ilavery, or pardoning turn without any fatisfaction. Lubo faw the king relenting, and that the greateft crime, that of rebellion, was already forgiven. He flood up, therefore, and, in violent rage, laid claim to Mariam Barea as the murderer of his brother: the king ftill faying nothing, he ai ui his other Galla hurried Mariam Barea to his tent, where he was killed, according to report, with fundry circumflances of private cruelty, afterwards looked upon as great aggravations. Lubo, with his own hand, is faid to have cut his throat in the manner they kill fheep. Flis body was afterwards disfigured with many wounds, and his head fevered and carried to Michael, who forbade uncovering it in his tent. It was then fent to Brulhe's family m their own country, as a proof of the fatisf action his friends had obtained ; and this gave more univerfal umbrage than did even the cruelty of the execution. Several officers of the king's army, feeing the bloody intentions of the Galla, advifed Powuffcn, and the eleven other officers that were taken prifoners, to make the beft; ufe of the prefent opportunity, and fly to the tent of Michael and implore his protection. This they moft willingly did, with the connivance of Woofheka, who had been mtrufted with the care of them, and Lubo having 1 finifhed: finifhed Mariam Barea, came to the king's tent to feek the unhappy prifoners, whom he intended as victims to the memory of Brulhe likewife. Hearing, however, that they were fled to Michael's tent, he fent Woofheka to demand them; but that officer had fcarce opened his errand, in the gentlefl manner poflible, when Michael, in a fury, cried out, Cut him in pieces before the tent-door. Woofheka was indeed lucky enough to efcape; but we fhall find this was not forgot, for his punifhment was more than doubled ibon afterwards. At feeing Mariam Barea's head in the hands of a Galla, after forbidding him to expofe it in his tent, Michael is faid to have made the following obfervation: " Weak and cowardly people are always in proportion cruel and unmerciful. If Brulhe's wife had done this, I could have forgiven her; but for Joas, a young man and a king, whofe heart fhould be opened and elated with a firft victory, to be partaker with the Galla, the enemies of his country, in the murder of a nobleman fuch as Mariam Barea, it is a prodigy, and can be followed by no good to himfelf or the flate ; and I am much deceived if the day is not at hand when he fhall curfe the moment that ever Galla crofted the Nile, and look for a man fuch as Mariam Barea, but he fhall not find him." And, indeed, Michael was very well entitled to make this prophecy, for he knew his own heart, and the defigns he had now ready to put in execution. It is no wonder that thefe free communications gave the king reafon to diftruft Michael. And it was obferved that Waragna Fafil had infmuated himfelf far into his favour ; his late behaviour at the battle of Nefas Mufa had 3 greatly greatly increafed his importance with the king; and the number of troops he had now with him made Joas think himfelf independent of the Ras. Fafil had brought with him near 30,000 men, about 20,000 of whom were horfemen, wild Pagan Galla, from Bizamo and other nations fouth of the Nile. The terror the favages occafioned in the countries through which they paffed, and the great difor-ders they committed, gave Ras Michael a pretence to infift that all thofe wild Galla fhould be fent back to their own country. I fay this was a pretence, becaufe Michael's foldiers were really more cruel and licentious, becaufe more confident and better countenanced than thefe ftrangers were. But the war was over, the armies to be difbanded, thefe Pagans were confequently to return home; and they were all fent back accordingly, excepting 12,000 Djawi, men of Fafil's own tribe, and fome of the beft horfe of Maitfha, A-gow, and Damot. This was the firft appearance of quarrel between Fafil and Ras Michael. But other accidents followed faft that blew up the flame betwixt them ; of which the following was by much the moft remarkable, and the moft unexpected. At Nefas Mufa, near to the field of battle, was a houfe of Mariam Barea, which he ufed to remove to when he was bufy in wars with the neighbouring Galla. It was furrounded with meadows perfectly well-watered, and full of luxuriant grafs. Fafil, for the fake of his cavalry, had encamped in thefe meadows ; or, if he had other views, they arc not known; and though all the doors and entrances of the houfe were fliut, yet within was the unfortunate Vol. II. 4T Ozoro T RAV E L S T O DISC OV E R Ozoro I'/lher, by this time informed;of her hufband's'.death',, and with her was Ayto Aylo, a nobleman of great credit, riches, and influence. He had been at the campaign of Sennaar, and was fo terrified at the defeat, that, on his return, he had renounced the world, and turned monk. He was a man of no party, and refufed all • polls or employments; but was fo eminent for wifdom, that ail fides con* fulted him, and were in fome meafure governed by him. This perfon, a relation of the Itcghe's, had, at her defirey attended Ozoro Eflher to Nefas Mufa, but, adhering to his vow, went not to battle with her hufband. Hearing, however, of the bad difpolition of the king, the cruelty of the Galla, and the power and ambition of Fafil, whofe foldiers were encamped round the houfe, he told her that there was only one refolution which flie could take to avoid hidden ruin, and being made a facrifice to one of the murderers of her hufband. This princefs, under the fairefl form, had the courage and decifion of a Roman matron, worthy the wife of Mariam Barea, to whom fhe had born two fons. Inftructcd by Aylo, early in the morning, all covered from head to foot, accompanied by himfelf, and many attendants and friends, their heads bare, and without appearance of difguifc, they prefented themfelves at the door of Michael's tent, and were immediately admitted. Aylo announced the princefs to the Ras, and flie immediately threw herfelf at his feet on the ground. As Michael was lame, tho' in all other refpecls healthy and vigorous, and unprepared for fo extraordinary an interview, a it THE SOURCE OF THE NFX'E. it was fome time before lie could get upon his feet and uncover himfelf before his fuperior. This being at laft ac-complifhed, and Ozoro Efther rcfufing to rife, Aylo, in a few words, told the Ras her refolution was to give him in-ftantly her hand, and throw herfelf under his protection, as that of the only man not guilty of Mariam Barea1 s death,who could fave her and her children from the bloody cruelty and infolence of the Galla that furrounded her. Michael, fanguine as he was in his expectations of the fruit he was to reap from his victory, did not expect fo foon fo fair a fample of what was to follow. To decide well, inftantly upon the firft view of things, was a talent Michael polfelfed fuperior to any man in the kingdom. Tho' Ozoro Efther had never been parr of his fchemes, he immediately faw the great advantage which would accrue to him by making her fo, and he feized it; and he w as certain alfo that the king, in his prefent difpofition, would foon interfere. He lifted Ozoro Efther, and placed her upon his feat; fent for Kefla Yafous and his other officers, and ordered them, with the utmoft expedition, to draw up his army in order of battle, as if for a review to afecrtain his lofs. At the fame time he fent for a prieft, and ordered feparate tents to be pitched for Ozoro Kflhcr and her houfehold, All this was performed quickly; then meeting her with the prieft, he was married to her at the door of his own tent in midft of the acclamations of his whole army. The occafion of thefe loud fhouts was foon carried to the king, and was the firft account he had of this marriage. He received the information with violent difpleafurc, which he could not ftifle, or refrain from cxprcliing it in the fevereft terms, all of which were carried to Ras Michael by officious 4 T 2 .perfons, perfons, almoft as foon as they were uttered, nothing fof-tened. The confequences of the marriage of Ozoro Efther were very foon feen in the inveterate and determined hatred againft the Galla. Efther, who could not fave Mariam Barea, facri-need herfelf that fhe might avenge his death, and live to fee the lofs of her hufband expiated by numberlefs hecatombs of his enemies and murderers. Mild, gentle, and companionate as, from my own knowledge, fhe certainly was, her nature was totally changed when fhe eaft back her eyes upon the fufferings of her hufband; nor could the be ever fatiated with vengeance for thofe fufferings, ' but conflantly flimulated Ras Michael, of himfelf much inclined to bloodfhed, to extirpate, by every poflible means,, that odious nation of Galla, by whom flie had fallen from all her hopes of happinefs* Fasil, as being a Galla, the firft man that broke thro' the horfe of Begemder, and wounded and put to flight her hufband Mariam Barea, was in confequencc among the black iitl of her enemies. Fafil, too, had murdered Kafmati Efhte, who was her favourite uncle, fall friend to Mariam Barea, and the man that had promoted her marriage with him. The great credit of Fafil with the king had now given Ras Michael violent jcaloufy. Thefe caufes of hatred accumulated every day, fo that Michael had already formed a refolution to deftroy Falil, even though the king fhould perilh with him. hi thefe fentiments, too, was Gufho of Amhara, a man of great pcrfonal merit, of whofe father, Ras Woodage, we have already fpoken, who had filled fucceilivc- 4 % THE SOURCE OF THENTLE. 701 ly all the great offices in the laft reign. He was immenfely rich; had married a daughter of Ras Michael, and afterwards fix or feven other women, being much addicted to the fair fex, and was lately married to Ozoro Welleta Ifrael, the Iteghe's daughter. Nor was he in any fhape an enemy to wine; but very engaging, and plaufible in difcourfe and behaviour ; in many refpects a good officer, careful of his men, but faid to be little folicitous about his word or promife to men of any other profeflion but that of a foldier. An accident of the moft trifling kind brought about an open breach between the king and the Ras, which never after was healed. The weather was very hot while the army was marching. One day, a little before their arrival at Gon* dar, in palling over the vaft plain between the mountains and the lake Tzana, (afterwards the fcene of much blood-fhed) Ras Michael, being a little indifpofed with the heat, and the fun at the fame time affecting his eyes, which were weak, without other defign than that of fhading them, had thrown a white cloth or handkerchief over his head. This was told the king, then with Fafil in the center, who immediately fent to the Ras to inquire what was the meaning of that novelty, and upon what account he prcfumed to cover his head in his prefence ? The white handkerchief was immediately taken off, but the affront was thought fo heinous as never after to admit of atonement. It muft be here obferved, that, when the army is in the field, it is a diftinction the king ufes, to bind a broad fillet of fine muflin round his head, which is tied in a double knot, and hangs in two long ends behind. This, too, is worn by the governor of a province when ho is firft introduced into into it; and, in abfcnce of the king, is the mark of fuprcme power, either direct or delegated, in the perfon that wears it. Unless on fuch oecafions, no one covers his head in prefence of the king, nor in fight of the houfe or palace where the king refides; But it was not thought, that, being at fuch a diftance in the rear, he was in the king's prefence, nor that what was caufed by infirmity was to be conftrued into prefumption, or weighed by the nice fcale of jealous prerogative. The armies returned to the valleys below Gondar, and encamped feparately there, Fafil upon the river Kahha, and Ras Michael on the Angrab. Gufho was on the right of Michael and left of Faiii, a little higher up the Kahha, near Kofcam, the Iteghe's palace ; but he was on the oppofite fide of the river from Fafil, where he had a houfe of his own, and feveral large meadows adjoining. Gufho's fervants and foldiers now began cutting their mailer's grafs, and were foon joined by a number of Falil's people, who fell, without ceremony, to the fame employment. An interruption was immediately attempted, a fray enfucd, and feveral were killed or wounded on both fides, but at laft Falil's people were beat back to their quarters. Gusiio complained to Ras Michael of this violation of lib property; and he being now in Gondar, and holding the office of Ras, was, without doubt, the fuperior and regular judge of both, as they were both out of their provinces, and im&iediatel y ifl Michael's. Upon citation, Fafil declared that he would fubmic to no fuch jurifdiction ; and. and, the cafe being referred to the judges next day, it was found unanimously in council, that Ras Michael was in the right, and that Falil was guilty of rebellion, A proclamation in confequence was made at the palace-gate, fuperfe* ding Falil in his government of Damot, and in every other office which he held under the king, and appointing Boro de Gago in his place, a man of great intereil in Damot and Gojam, and with the Galla on both lides of the Nile, and married to a filler of Kafmati Fibre's, by another mother,, otherwife a man of fmall capacity. Fasil, after a long and private audience of the king in the night, decamped early in the morning with his army, and fat down at Azazo, the high road between Damot and Gondar, and there he intercepted all the provifions coming from the fouth ward to the capital. It happened that the houfe in Gondar, where Fas Michael lived, was but a fmall diitance from the palace, a window of which opened fo directly into ir, that Michael, when fitting in judgment, could be diftinct I y feen from thence. One day, when moil of his fervants had left him, a fhot was fired into the room from this window of the palace, which, though it mined Michael, wounded a dwarf, who was Handing before him fanning the flies from off his face, fo gricvoufiy, that the page fell and Expired at the foot of his mailer. This was confidered as the b< ginning of the hoflilities. Nobody knew from whofe hard lie mot came: but the window from which it was air i■•: "umciently fhewed, that if it was not by direction, it muft at leaft have been fired with the knowledge of the king. Joas Joas loft no time, but removed and encamped at Tedda, and fent Wooiheka to Michael with orders to return to Tigre, and not to fee his face ; and, at the fame time, declared Lubo governor of Begemder and Amhara. The Ras fcarcely could be brought to fee Wooiheka; but did not deign to give any further anfwer than this, " That the king " fhould know, that the proper perfons to correfpond with " him as Ras, upon the affairs of the kingdom, were the " judges of the town, or of the palace; not a Have like " Woofheka, whofe life, as well as that of all the G alias in " the king's prefence, was forfeited by the laws of the " land. He cautioned him from appearing again in his " prefence, for if he did, that he fhould furely die." The next day a meffagc came from the king, by four judges, forbidding the Ras again to drink of either the An-grab or the Kahha, but to ftrike his tents and return to Tigre upon pain of incurring his higher! difpleafure.—To this Michael anfwered, " That, true it was, his province was " Tigre, but that he was now governor of the whole realm; " that he was an extraordinary officer, called to prevent the " ruin of the country, becaufe, confcffedly, the king could *' not do it; that the reafon of his coming cxifted to that " day; and he was very willing to fubmit it to the judges " for their folemn opinion, whether the kingdom, at prc-" fent in the hands of the Galla, was not in more danger " from the power of thofe Galla than it was from the con-" ftitutional influence of Mariam Barea. He added, that he " expected the king fhould be ready to march againft Fafil, " for which purpofe he was to decamp on the morrow." I he king returned an abfolute rcfufal to march: The Ras thereupon made proclamation for all the Galla, of every denomination, mination to leave the capital, the next day, upon pain of death, declaring them outlawed, and liable to be ilain by the firft that met them, if, after twenty-four hours, they were found in Gondar or its neighbourhood, or, after ten days, in any part of the kingdom. After this, accompanied by Gulho, he decamped to diflodge Fafd from the ilrong poft which he held at Azazo. By the king's refufal to march with Ras Michael in perfon, it was fuppofed that his houfehold troops would not join, but remain with him to garrifon his palace. Joas, however, was too far decided in favour of Fafil to remain neuter. Michael had encamped the 21ft of April in the evening, on the fide of the hill above Azazo, in very rough and rocky ground, as unfavourable for Falil's horfe as the Hope it had was favourable for Michael's mufquetry. The battle was fought on the 22d in the morning, and there was much blood (hed for the time that it lailed. A nephew of Michael, and his old Fit-Auraris, Netcho, were both Ilain, and Fafil was totally defeated. The Galla, who had come from the other fide of the Nile, were very much terrified at Michael's fire-arms, which contained what they called the zibib, or grape, meaning thereby the ball. Fafil retired quickly to Damot, to increafc and collect another army again, and to try his fortune after the rains. It happened, unfortunately, that among the prifoners taken at Azazo were fome of the king's black horfe. Thefe being his flaves, and fubject only to his commands, fufficiently fhewed by whofe authority they came there. They were, therefore, all called before Michael; two of them were Vol. II. 4U firfl: firft interrogated, whether the king had fent them or nor? and, upon their denying or refilling to give an anfwer, theb throats were cut before their companions. The next quef. tioned was a page of the king, who feeing, from the fate of his friends, what was to follow his denial, frankly told the Ras, that it was by the king's^ fpecial orders they, and a confiderablc body of the houfehold troops, had joined F?^ fil the night before; and further, that it was the Armenian, who, by the king's order, had fired at him, and killed the dwarf who was fanning the flies from him.. Upon this information all the prifoners were difmiftedJ The army returned the fame night to Gondar, and, though they had been falling all day, a council, was held, which fat till very late, at the rifing of which a meflenger was difpatched to Wechne for Hatze Hannes, who was brought to the foot of the mountain the next day. In the fame night Shalaka Bccro, Nebrit Tecla and his two fons, Lika Netcho and his two fons, and a monk of Tigre, called Wei* lcta Chriilos, were fent to the palace to murder the king, which they cafily accomplifhed, having found him alone; They buried him in the church of St Raphael, as we fhall find from the regicide's own confeilion, when he was appre* hended, when we fhall relate the particulars. At the fame time Michael exhibited a ftrange contrail in his behaviour to the Armenian, who had fled to the houfe of the Abuna for refuge. He fent and took him thence, and banifhed him from Abyifmia, but fo confider-ately, that he difpatched a fervant with him to Mafuah to ftirnifh. him with neceflaries, to fee him embark, and lave him trom the cruelty and extortions of the Naybe. HANNES H A N N E S II. 1769. Hannes, Brother to Bacuffa, chofen King—Is brought from Wechne— Crowned at Gondar—Refufes to march againf Fafd—Is poifoncd by Order of Ras Michael, HANNES, a man paft feventy years of age, made his entry into Gondar the 3d of May 1769. He was brother to Bacuifa, and having in his time efcaped from the mountain, and being afterwards taken, his hand was cut off by order of the king his brother, and he was fent back to the place of his confinement. It is a law of Abyffmia, as we have already obferved, derived from that of Moles, that no man can be capable thcr of the throne or prieft hood, unlefs he be perfect in all his limbs; the want of a hand, therefore, certainly difquali-ficd Hannes, and it was with that intent it had been cur off. When this was objected to him in council, Michael laughed violently, and turned it into ridicule ; " What is it that a " king has to do with his hands ? Arc you afraid he fhall " not be able to fad die his own mule, or load his own bag- v. il 4 U 2 " gage ? " gaSc- Never fear that; when he is under any fuch difficulty, he has only to call upon me and I will help* '.'him." Hannes, befides his age, was very feeble in body; and having had no converfation but with monks and priefts, this had debilitated his mind as much as age had done his body. He could not be perfuaded to take any fhare in government. The whole day was fpent in pfalms and prayers; but Ras Michael had brought from the mountain with him two fons, Tecla Haimanout the eldefl, a prince of fifteen years of age, and the younger, called George, about thirteen. Guebra Denghel, a nobleman of the firft family in* Tigre had married a daughter of Michael by one of his wives in that province. By her he had one daughter, Welleta Selaffe, whom Michael in the beginning, while Joa3 and he were yet friends,, had deftined to be queen, and to-be married to him. Hannes was of the age only to need a Shunnamitc ; and Welleta Selafle, young and beautiful, and who merited to be fomething more, was deftined as this facrificc to the ambition of her grandfather. A kind of marriage, I believe, was therefore made, but never confum-mated, She lived with Hannes fome months in the palace, but never took any flate upon her. She was a wife and a queen merely in name and idea. Love had in that frozen compoiition as little fhare as ambition, and thofe two great. temptations^,, * What made the ndicule here was, Michael wa3 older than the king, and could not: ; •:. 1 alone., THE SOURCE OF THE NFL E. 709 temptations, a crown and a beautiful miRrefs, could not a-nimate Hatze Hannes to take the field to defend them. Every poflible method was taken by Michael to overcome his reluctance, and do away his fears. All was vain; he wept, hid himfelf, turned monk, demanded to be fent a-gain to Wechne, but abfolutely refufed marching with the army. Michael,, who had already feen the danger of leaving a king behind him while he was in the field, and fmd'xnQ Hannes inexorable, had recourfe to poifon, which was given him in his brcakfaft ; and the Ras, by this means, in lefs than fix months became the deliberate murderer of two kings. TECLA HAIMANOUT II. 1769. Succeeds his FatherHannes—His Characier- andprudent Behaviour—Cultivates Michaels Friendjhip—Marches willingly againjl Fajil—Defeats him at Fagitta—Defcriptiou of that Battle. TECLA HAIMANoUT fucceeded his father. He was a prince of a moft graceful figure, tall for his age, rather thin, and of the whiteft lliade of Abyftinian colour, fuch arc all all thofe princes that are born in the mountain. He was not fo dark in complexion as a Neapolitan or Portugueze, had a remarkably fine forehead, large black eyes, but which had fomething very Rem in them, a Rraight nofe, rather of the largeft, thin lips, and fmall mouth, very white teeth and long hair. His features, even in Europe, would have been thought fmc. He was particularly careful of his hair,whichhe dreffed in a hundred different ways. Though he had been abfent but a very few months from his native mountain, his manners and carriage were thofe of a prince, that from his infancy had fat upon an hereditary throne. He had an excellent underftanding, and prudence beyond his years. He was faid to be naturally of a very warm temper, but this he had fo perfectly fubdued as fcarcely ever to have given an h> Ranee of it in public. He entered into Ras Michael's views entirely, and was as forward to march out againR Fafil, as his father had been averfe to it. From the time of Hannes's acccmon to the throne, Tecla Haimanout called Michael by the name of Father, and during the few flight ficknelfes the Ras had, he laid by all his Rate, and attended him with an anxiety well becoming a fon. At this time 1 entered Abyifmia, and arrived in Mafuah, where there was a rumour only of Hatze Hannes's ill-nefs. The arniy marched out of Gondar on tire ioth of November j 769, taking the route of Azazo and Dingleber. Fafd was at Bure, and had affembled a large army from Damot, Agow, and Maitfha. But Welleta Yafous, his principal officer, had brought together a flill larger one, from the wild nations of % Galla Galla beyond the Nile, and this not without fome difficulty, The zibib, or bullet, which had deftroyed fo many of them at Azazo, had made an impreftion on their minds, and been reported to their countrymen as a circumftance very unpleafing. Thefe wild Pagans, therefore, had, for the firft time, found a reluctance to invade their ancient enemies the Abyflinians.. Fasil, to overcome this fear of the zibib, had loaded fome guns with powder, and fired them very near at fome of his friends, which of courfe had hurt nobody. Again he had put ball in his gun, and fired at cattle afar off; and thefe being for the moft part nightly wounded, he inferred from thence that the zibib was fatal only at a diftance, but that if they galloped refolutely to the mouth of the gun, the grape could do no more than the firft gun he fired with powder had. done to thofe he had aimed at. As foon as Fafil heard that Michael was on his march, he left Bure and advanced to meet him, his wifh being to fight him if poflible, before he fhould enter intothofe rich provinces of the Agows, from whence he drew the maintenance of his army, and expected tribute. Michael's conduct warranted this precaution.. *or no fooner had he entered FafiFs government, than he laid wafte all Maitfha, deflroying every thing with fire and fword. The old general indeed being perfectly acquainted with the country, and with the enemy he was to engage, had already fixed upon his field of battle, and meafured the nations that would conduct him thither. Instead Instead of taking up the time with fpreading the defo-lation he had begun, after the firft two days, by forced marches he came to Fagitta, confidcrably earlier than Fafil expected. This field that Michael had chofen, was rocky, uneven, and full of ravines in one part, and of plain fmooth turf on the other, which divifions were feparated by a brook full of large ftones. The Nile was on Ras Michael's left, and in this rugged ground he Rationed his lances and mufquetry; for he never made great account of his horfe. Two large churches, St Michael and St George, planted thick with cedars, and a-bout half a mile diftant from each other, were on his right and left flanks, or rather advanced farther before his front. A deep valley communicated with the moft level of thefe plains, defcending gently ail the way from the celebrated fources of the Nile, which were not more than half a day's journey diftant. Michael drew up his army behind the two churches, which were advanced on his right and left flanks, and among the cedars of thefe he planted 500 mufqueteers before each church, whom the trees perfectly concealed ; he formed his horfe in front, knowing them to be an object the Galla did not fear, and likely to lead them on to charge rafhly. Thefe he gave the command of to a very active and capable officer, Powuflen of Begemder, one of thofe eleven fervants of Mariam Barea, whofe lives Michael faved, by protecting them in his tent after the battle of Ncfas Mufa. He had directed this officer, with a few horfe, to fcour the fmall plain, as foon as he fawT the Galla advancing into it from the valley. . , 3 As As foon as the fun became hot, FafiFs wild Galla poured into the plain, and they had now occupied the greateft part of it, which was not large enough to contain his whole army, when their fkirmifhing began by their driving Powulfen before them, who fled apparently in great confu-fton, crofted the brook, and joined the horfe, and formed nearly between the churches. The Galla, defirous to purfue, were impeded by the great ftones, fo that they were in a crowd at the palFage of the brook. Ayto Welleta Gabriel, factor to Ozoro Efther, was intoxicated with liquor, but he was a brave man, very active and ftrong, and of a good undcrftanding, though, according to a cuftom among them, he, at times, to divert the Has, played the part of a buffoon. In this character, with his mufquet only in his hand, he, though on foot, fkirmifhed in the middle of a party of Powuffcn's horfe. When they turned to fly, Welleta Gabriel found it convenient to do fo likewife, and he crofted the brook without looking behind him. Upon turning round, he faw the Galla halt, as if in council, in the bed of the rivulet, and taking up his gun as a bravado, he levelled at the crowd, and had the fortune to hit the principal man among them, who fell dead among the feet of the horfes. A small paufe enfucd ; the cry of the Zibib ! the Zihib ! immediately began, and a downright confuflon and flight followed. The Galla, already upon the plain, turned upon thofe coming out of the valley, and thefe again upon their companions behind them. The cry of Zibib Ali- ! Zibib Vol. IL 4 X Ali! They have the grape along with them. Ali! was repeated through the whole, fpreading terror and difmay wherever it was heard. Nobody knew what was the misfortune that had befallen them. Welleta Yafous, who commanded the van, was carried away by the multitude flying: Fafd, who was at the head of the Damot and Agows, had not entered the valley, nor could any one tell him what was the accident in the plain. Even Michael himfelf, (as I have heard him fay) when, fitting upon his mule on a fmall eminence, he faw this extraordinary confufion and retreat, was not able to aflign> any caufe for it. Though no man on thefe occafions had more prefence of mind, he remained for a time motionlefs, without giving any orders. The troops, however, that lay hid in the groves of cedars before the churches, who had been filent and attentive, and Powuffen, who commanded the horfe which had been fldrmifhing, faw diftinctly the operation of Welleta Gabriel, and the confufion that had followed it; without lofs of time they attacked the Galla in the valley, and were foon joined by Gufho and the red of the army. Fasil, in defpair at a defeat of which he knew not the caufe, came down among the Galla, fighting very bravely,, often facing about upon thofe that preffed them, and endeavouring at leaf! to retreat in fome fort of order; but the mufqueteers from the church, commanded by Hezekias, inilead of entering the valley, had advanced and afcended the hills, fo that from the fides of them, in the utmoft fecurity, they poured down fhot upon the fliers beneath them. 4, Fasil Fasil here loft a great part of his army; but feeing a place in one of the hills acceftible, he left the valley, and afcended the fide of the mountain, leading a large body of his own troops ; and, having gained the fmooth ground behind the mufqueteers, he came up with them, whilft intent only upon annoying the Galla, and cut 300 to pieces. Content with this advantage, and finding his army entirely difperfed, he palled the fources of the Nile at Gcclh, defcended into the plain of Aftba, and encamped near Gooderoo, a fmall lake there, intending to pafs the night, and collect, his fcattcred forces. Michael's army had given over purfuit, but Powuften, with fome chofen horfe of Lafta and Begemder, followed Fafil upon his track, and came up with him a little before the dufk of the evening, on the fide of the lake. Here a great ftaughter of wounded and weary men enfued : Fafil fled, and no refiftance was attempted, and the foldiers, fa-tiated with blood, at laft returned, and purfued the enemy no further. It was the next day in the evening before Powuften joined the camp, having put to the fword, without mercy, all the ftragglers that fell in the way upon his return. The appearance of this man and his behaviour made Michael's joy complete, who already had begun to entertain fears that fome untoward accident had befallen him. This was the battle of Fagitta, fought on the 9th of December 1769, on the very ground in which Fafil, juft five years before, had murdered Kafmati Efhte. Thofe philofo-phers, who difclaim the direction of a divine Providence, 4X2 will will calculate how many chances there were, that, in a kingdom as big as Great Britain, the commillion of a crime and its puniflimcnt fhould both happen in one place, on one day, in the fhort fpace of five years, and in the life of one man. The extraordinary fevcrity exercifed upon the army of the Galla, after the battle, was Rill as apparent as it had been in the flight. Woofheka, of whom we have had already occafion t) fpeak, fell in among the horfe of Powuffen and Gufho, and being known, his life was fpared. He was coufin-gei man to Lubo, but a better man and foldier than his relation, and, in all the intrigues of the Galla at Gondar, was confidered as an undcfigning man, of harmlefs and inoffenfive manners. He had been companion of Gufho, and many of the principal commanders in the army, and, after the defeat at Nefas Mufa, had the guard of Powuffen and t lie eleven officers, whom he fuffcred to cfcape into Michael's tent, as I have already faid, while Lubo was murdering Mariam Barea* He had been, for a time, well known and well cfleemcd by Ras Michael, nor was he ever fuppofed perfonally to have offended him, or given umbrage to anyone. As he was a man of fome fortune and fubtlancc, it was thought the forfeiture of all that he had might more than atone for any fault that he had ever committed. It was therefore agreed on the morning after Powu(Fen's return from the purfuit, that Gufho and he, when they fur-rendered this prifoner, Ihould aik his life and pardon from the Ras, and this they did, proftrating themfelves in the humblcft manner with their foreheads on the earth. Ras Michael, Michael, at once forgetting his own intereft, and the quality and confcquence of the officers before him, fell into a violent and outrageous pafiion againft the fupplicants, and, after a very Ihort reproof, ordered each of them to their tents in a kind of difgracc. He then ftcrnly interrogated Woofheka, whether he did not remember that, at Tedda, he had ordered him out of the country in ten days ? then, in his own language of Tigre, he afked, if there was any one among the foldiers that could make a leather bottle? and being anfwered in the affirmative, he ordered one to be made of Woofheka's fkin, but firft to carry him to the king. The foldiers undcrftood the command, though the miferable victim did not, and he was brought to the king, who would not fuffer him to fpeak, but waved with his hand to remove him ; and they accordingly carried him to the river fide, where they flayed him alive, and brought his fkin Hulled with ftraw to Ras Michael. It was not doubted that 02:oro Efther, then in the camp, had fcaled the fate of this wretched victim. She appeared that night in the king's tent dreiled in the habit of a bride, which fhe had never before done fince the death of Mariam Barea. Two days after, having obtained her end, fhe returned triumphant to Gondar, where Providence vifitcd her with diftrefs in her own family, for the hardnefs of her heart to the fufferings of others. During this time I was at Mafuah, where, by reafon of the great diftance and interruption in the roads, thefe tranf-1 actions 7i8 TRAVELS, &c. actions were not yet known. Hatze Hanncs was ftill fuppofed alive, and my errand from Metical Aga that of being his Phyfician. I ihall now begin an account of what paffed at Mafuah, and thence continue my journey to Gondar till my meeting with the king there. END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.