original scientific article	UDC 811.163.42'28'373(497.571Vodice)
received: 2010-11-12
ISTROROMANIAN LOANWORDS IN THE DICTIONARY SECTION OF RIBARIC'S STUDY ON ISTRIAN DIALECTS
Goran FILIPI
University of Primorska, Science and Research Center, Garibaldijeva 1, 6000 Koper, Slovenia
e-mail: goran.filipi@zrs.upr.si
ABSTRACT
The article discusses particular words in the speech spoken in Vodice, which were presumed by Josip Ribaric to have a Romanian origin, while the introduction contains a list of all references to Istroromanian and(or) Istroroma-nians in Ribaric's study.
Ribaric determined 14 forms as Romanian: bâta, birikata, cuma (in Krnica), degečkati, glindura, mugira, petrikati (patrukati in Korlevici), Poropat, puca, str p [a, sugati, sûrla (if associated with frula), trzjak, žinzire.
Keywords: Istroromanian, dialectology, etimology, lexicology, Istria
ISTROROMUNSKE SPOSOJENKE V SLOVARSKEM DELU RIBARICEVE ŠTUDIJE O ISTRSKIH DIJALEKTIH
IZVLEČEK
V članku je obdelan del leksike vodiškega govora (Vodice v Istri), za katero Josip Ribaric domneva, da so prevzete iz istroromunskih govorov. V članku najdemo vse navedbe o Istroromunih in/ali istroromunščini v Ribaricevi knjigi. Ribaric meni, da ima 14 čakavskih besed istroromunski koren: bâta, birikata, cuma (v Krnici), degečkati, glind ura, mugira, petrikati (patrukati v Korlevicih), Poropat, puca, strpfa, sugati, sûrla (če je v zvezi s frula), trzjak, žinžire.
Ključne besede: istroromunščina, dialektologija, etimologija, leksikologija, Istra
The words from Ribaric's dictionary are presented along with his explanations, it has to be noted, however, that we occasionaly left out a part of the explanation that is not relevant to this discussion. All forms have been processed lexicologically, lexicographically and etimologically by comparing them to Istroromanian words that are similar in sound and meaning. The structure of Ir. parralells was drawn from our own findings based on questionnaires employed between 1991 and 2001 in Zejane, Susnjevica, Nova Vas, Jasenovik, Letaj, Brdo, Skabici, Trkovci, Zankovci, Miheli and Kostrcan (published in 2002 in IrLA1) and other Istroromanian repertoires. All Ribaric's forms were consistently compared to related words from Chakavian idioms of Istria and Dalmatia, which we either recorded on the field by ourselves or found in relevant literature at our disposal. We would like to emphasise that it is sometimes difficult to establish whether an individual word entered into Is-trian speech from the Istroromanian or the Istrian Chakavian settlers borrowed it from the Vlahs in the Balkans before emmigrating to Istria.
To record Istrorumanian forms in the field we used a unique system of graphical characters, which was first used in the IrLA, but it can also be used to record Ir. or Chak. speeches - it is an adapted version of Croatian Latin alphabet with additional graphems for phones which are not known to Standard Croatian, we have to note that lj and nj are not written as they are in Croatian. These are the special characters:
a - open-mid back rounded husky vowel a £ - strongly open e
9 - semitone, which can be heard between v and r in the Croatian word vrt, corresponds to the Romanian a S - Romanian t/a (only in forms from Rudna Glava) c - strongly softened c s - softened s S - strongly softened s z - softened z z - strongly softened z 3 - the first sound in Ital. zelo g - a sound between the Croatian dz and d J - strongly softened d
Y - strongly aspirated fricative, like in the Spanish word lago
1 - Croatian lj n - Croatian nj
Diphthongs are written in two ways:
uo - if the first vowel is significantly shorter than the second or
uo - if both vowels in the diphthong are of similar length.
The accent in multi-syllable words is written by underlining the accented vowel (a is not underlined as it is always accented), while in Chakavian it is written in a standard Slavistic dialectlogical manner2. The family of vowels is marked by a horizontal line over the graphemes.
1. Istroromanian and(or) Istroromanians are mentioned in several passages in the monograph.
1.1.	In page 27, at the beginning of the list with descriptions of Romanian and Souther Slavic dialects in the paragraph 3. Ribaric writes of Istroromanian: "the Istroromanian dialect of true Cicarija villages: Žejane of the Podgrad Municipality, Sušnjevice of the Boljun Municipality, Nova Vas or Noselo, Jasenovik and Brda of the Plomin Municipality. There is a wealth of literature on this subject, however, the diverse Slavic elements of this dialect have nor been studied to a sufficient degree and the particular question of principle remains to be answered: whether the rhinism (q, g) in this dialect, which was first noted by the distinguished scholar Miklošič (...), is of ancient Bulgarian descent or was it transferred into the language of the new settlers a long time ago from the Croatian-Serbian language - clearly in their old homeland - and remained preserved unchanged until the present day. The exertion that the ancient interrelations between the Istrian Romanians and Bulgarians would be confirmed - apart from the rhinism - by other Bulgarian lexical element cannot be accepted either as, according to my opinion, Istroromanian elements of this sort do not exist: in fact, Miklošič wrongly determined some Croatian-Serbian words to be Bulgarian. In any case, the Istroromanian lexis reveals that the Istrian Romanians must have lived among the Croatian speakers of Stokavian-Icavian in Middle Dalmatia for a long period of time and they did not immigrate to Istria before the second half of the 15th century. But let us leave the details of this question."
1.2.	In p. 83 the author discusses motifs from folk songs and notes, among other things, "in those songs we encounter the names: Vlahi, vlaški, vlstško momče, vlašin-ka divojka."
1.3.	In p. 85 he ventures into anthropology: "I am not an anthropologist, but I presume (...) In the Diction-
1	The Atlas also contains forms from Rudna Glava (note 7) and two Chakavian localities, Čepic (for this data we thank prof. Fabijo Stem-bergi) and Brgud (for this data we thank Damjan Bistričic, a student of the Faculty of Letters and Philosophy in Pula).
2	As far as Chakavian forms are concerned - in opposition to Croatian dialectological tradition we regularly record the phoneme (sic!) /a/ as well. The confirmation that this is indeed a special phoneme in Croatian written language as well comes from a whole range of minimal pairs: marva ~ marva ~ murva, marko (adj.) ~ Marko, marka (adj.) ~ marka, barko (= man with moustache) ~ barko (vok. from barka), Harvat ~ Horvat (surname), karma ~ karma, kartica ~ kartica. /a/ occurs before /r/, but also before /l/, for instance in foreign words Valtava, bicikal, monokal, and we also find it before /m/, for instance ham ham ~ ham ham. We could certainly find more examples. The limited occurrence is not diminished by the phonemicity of the phoneme [a] in a similar way as the phonemicity of the phoneme [t] is not diminished though it never occurs before [č, ž, š, t, f...].
ary I mention another type, although less frequent, as Poropât. A shorter type with very dark hair and dark eyes - particularly women - is more strongly represented in Istroromanian villages under Ucka."
1.4. The Cic ethnic indentity is mentioned three times:
1.4.1.	"The presence of the Cic people in western Istria - perhaps also those speaking Istroromanian - is confirmed by De Franceschi (...), who writes that (according to Kandler) the penal records of Trieste from the year 1500 contain an inscription of an accused who, when asked of his home country, replied "Ciccio da Segna", while another man declared himself as "Ciccio da S. Michele di Leme" (a town in the Lim Channel in Istria)" (p. 80)."
1.4.2.	"The Cic people from Istria and Karst (...) were forbidden to buy wheat in Novo Mesto, Notranjska and Metlika" (p. 79).
1.4.3.	"The inhabitants of these villages (sc. Golac, Vodice, Jelovice, Dane, Trstenik, Raspor, Brdo, Gojaki, Zagrad, Crnjehi) are referred to by the Southern Slavic old settlers with the mocking name Cics while they refer to themselves as Slovines or Slavines, and to their language as Slovine or Slavine" (p. 75).
This is a reference to the Cic ethnic identity denoting the Croatian people.
2. In a short commentary, preceding the dictionary part, Ribaric mentions that "there are Romanian words as well, but they are few: bâta (reverse loanword from the Slav. blato or a word of the Illyrian origin? - comp. bâta!), birikata, cuma (in Krnica), degecka ti (and gadïckati in other Slovine villages with kadïckati; perhaps this word is not Romanian), glindura, mugara, petrikati (patrukati in Korlevici), Poropât, puca, strpla3, sugati, sûrla (if in relation to frula), trzjak, zinzïre. These words are not necessarily loanwords of Romanian Cics who used to reside in northern Istria, but could also be linguistic remnants brought from their old homeland. The words bâta, birikata, glindira, puca, strpla, sûrla, trzjak, zinzïre are used in all Slavic villages, several of them are also used in Dalmatia (glindura, birikata, trze), pûca and sûrla are used in Croatian colonies in Southern Italy, while trze is used in a large part of the Croatian-
Serbian linguistic territory outside Dalmatia (in Bosnia, Serbia etc.)."
2.1. bâta f. 1. 'quagmire, puddle' (close to a house, with murky standing water); 2. 'slurry pit' (in Golec, Dane, Jelovice; and in the language of Slovines); in Rašpor: bâta; in Žejane: batç (...)4.
We did not record the form in Žejane, in other IR. villages: bâte, -a. bate, -ele (Šušnjevica, Nova Vas), bâta, -a, bâte, -ele (Jesenovik, Letaj, Brdo, Škabici, Trkovci, Kostrčani) - meaning "puddle " (IrLA 56b.). In Kovačec we recorded bâtç, -a, -e, -ele f. "lokva" (Jesenovik) and bâtine, -a, -e, -ele f. "velika lokva" (Jesenovik) - IRHR 36; Puçcariu (according to Bartoli) bâta (Šušnjevica) - SI 102, s. v. baltâ; Maiorescu bata, plurale bâp "stagno" -VIR 109; Popovici bâtç "lokva" (also mentions the form baltâ for Ar. and Mr. and compares all forms to the Slav. blato) - JP 92., Miklošič batâ (RU 19). The word is also known in Rudna Glava5: balta "lokva".
In the Chakavian repertoires at our disposal similar words do not occur, yet Parčic mentions bâta "guazzo, pozzanghera" (RHT 14), ARJ I/206 as well: bâta "lacuna, bara, glib".
The etimology of the form itself is not entiretely clear. DEX 83 allows for the Slavic origin of the Romanian word baltâ: "Probabil din sl. blato.", while Cioranescu interprets the same word to have an "origen dudoso" (DER 652) - in the same place he notes the form baltâ for Ar., Mr., but Ir. for bote. Skok dismisses the possibility of the Slavic origin of Rom. baltâ: "this cannot be an example of a loanword from Southern Slav. as it has is no liquid metathesis" (SKOK I/168, s. v. blato). Ribaric is not certain: "reverse loanword from the Slav. blato or a word of Illyrian origin?" (v. 2.). D. Daničic considered bâta to be a word of Turkish origin: "originating from the Turkish word batak - mire" (ARJ, loc. cit.). Meyer-Lub-ke interprets the Rom. baltâ as a derivative of *palta "Schlamm; Sumpf", REW 6177 - presumably the Triest. and It. derivatives paltan or paltano - the latter form "vc. d'orig. preindeur" - share the same etymon (DELI-CD).
Regardless of its etymology, one thing is certain: the word was transferred into the Croatian language from Romanian.
3	In the dictionary and below as strp[a.
4	In the same dictionary article he reports: "in Milohnic in the Dubasnica municipality I found bata. There the word is generally known, according to Milcetic, but only so in the Municipality of Dubasnica, where - as is well known - in the middle of the 15th century refugees would settle and their traces are still preserved in the type that differs in a significant way from the other Chakavian dialects on the island Krk. (...) I believe that it would be completely wrong to declare all immigrants to Krk island as former Cics speaking Romanian." In any case, in this part of the island Krk several words of Romanian origin can be traced -we ourselves recorded pullc "bird", for instance, a hybrid diminutive ending in -ic from the KrR. *pui "id." < *pullius "junges Tier", REW 6826.
5	Rudna Glava is included as a locality into the IrLA. This is the largest village of the Majdanpek municipality in the Danube region in northeast Serbia. 104 km2 of hilly and mountainous country in the upper part of the Porecka river mouth more then 2,500 inhabitants live, most of them of the Vlah origin. In relation to other speeches of this area, the language of old Vlahs is somewhat more clearly pronounced in Rudna Glava. Unfortunately, Vlah speeches spoken in the Porecka river area never attracted serious interest of researchers (today these speeches are intensively studied by prof. Paun Es. Durlic, though from a predominantly ethnological approach). In short, we are dealing with speeches that belong to the Dacoromanian dialect (this dialect is the basis of standard Romanian), while the speakers themselves call their language (written in our graphic system) iimba rum&mska, that is Romanian language. (according to Paunu Es. Durlicu, who collected the data for IrLA in Rudna Glava - per litteras). The forms from Rudna Glava in this work are written in our graphic system, as they are in IrLA.
2.2. birikata f. 'throat'; the word is known by the Slovines residing in Istria, I have encountered it in Vodice, Dane, Jelovice, Golac, Trstenik, Raspor, Crnjehi and many villages in Karst where new settlers would immigrate, also in Baderna, Sv. Ivan od Sterne, in Kastelir, Vabriga, Filipan, Marcana, Krnica, Rakalj, Medulin and Pomer. The word is not known among the inhabitants of Brkini and in Liburnia, while the Istroromanians use it of course. Regarding the etymology of the word cf. PEW6 states: "birikata. A word known also in Dalmatia."
In Nova Vas we recorded berikats, -a, berikate, -ele f. "pharynx" (IrLA 235, not. 93), in Susnjevica A Kovacec recorded bericatg, -a "pharynx" (IRHR 37); Popovici refers to berikata which he compares to the form beregata "laringe" from Banat (JP 92); Cantemir mentions ber-icate, -e "beregata" (TC 159).
In Pican berikata means "Adam's apple " (PI 12), in Vrgada berikata means "throat" (RGV 23), in Trogir berikata means "throat, larynx" (RTCG 31), in Sali berikata means "throat" (RGS 34), in Kukljica berikata means "throat, larynx, Adam's apple" (RGK 22). In ARJ we find berikat "Adam's apple" (I/237); the same form with the same origin and accent is present in PCX 1/474: berikat "Adam's apple, larynx" -in the same note we find other versions berikata, beriket, beriketa which exist also as separate entries - the second one is used in Mostar. The form is also listed in Parcic, berikat "tiroide, pomo d'Adamo" (RHT 17).
He associates the transition of the form beri-kata7meaning "throat; larynx; neck" with Romanian: "A perfect parallel, phonetical and semantical if the Rom. beregata (Muntenija)" and concludes: "According to this, the word is a lexical remnant from the speech of Croatian Vlahs in Velebit and in Cetina where the Slovines in Istria originate from." (SKOK I/139).
Apart from beregata, Cioranescu s. v. also mentions the Ir. form biricuata; with an etymon being the reconstructed Lat. Form *verucata "de veruca8" (DER 796). In DEX 95 the same form (with a note pop. (sc. popular) notes, instead of etymology: "Cf. scr. berikat" - Cioranescu (DER. loc. cit.) for the Serb. berikat there is a note "debe proceder del rum."
Without any doubt, the above Cro. and Serb. forms are of Rom. origin, while the Istrian and even Ir. forms were most probably brought to Istria by the speakers of Chaka-vian and by the Istroromanian. Certainly other combinations within the Istrian realm are possible as well.
2.3.	cuma f. (in Krnica) 'tubercle' (a wen behind the horns of cattle and rams); Rom. ciuma 'wen'; Ar. tsuma 'ulcer, pimplet'; cuma 'plague' (= Lat. cyma from the Greek xvma).(...)
In Ir. we recorded no similar forms and none were found in Ir. repertoires at our disposal. The term is recorded in Maramure§ in a single point (SapTn^a): cuma "inflamation, swelling of lymph glands" (ALRM I/163). Ar. ciuma, also meaning "lump on the head" (DDA 368). Cioranescu as well has no mention of Ir. forms as well, only the Ar. fuma, and Mr. ciuma - etymology: "Probabl. lat. cyma, del gr. xu|ma" (DER 2084, s. v. ciuma). DEX 182 notes a literary Rom. word ciuma, but only in its figurative meaning of "plague" - in the end of the article etymology is given as well: "lat. cyma "umflatura" - cyma (griech.)", REW 2438.
The authors of Chakavian repertoires do not list the form we are looking for either. Nevertheless, the word is widespread in parts of Croatian and Serbian linguistic realm with a single meaning of "plague"9: cuma "see plague" (CP2 II/1124), "pestis, plague" (ARJ II/99), "plague" (AdoK I/419) - all noting that this is a word of Turkish origin. I B. Klaic notes the same at cuma "plague" (RSR 249), while Anic denotes the same form as orij. (sc. orientalism) (AnRHJ 131). The word is also listed in Stul-li, csumma "peste, pestis" (STULLI 96) and Parcic, cuma "peste" (ParcRHT 82).
Whether this word enter Croatian and Serbian speeches from the Turkish or Romanian (Balkanian Vlahs) is difficult to say, but in any case it is of the Balkanian origin. "The noun is a Balkanian word: Rom. ciuma, Bug. cuma, Tur. guma 'Pest'. It derives from the Gr. cma with u > lu." (SKOK I/341, s. v. cuma).
Is this related to the Vlahs from the Dalmatian Zago-ra or the MCr. cum "hump" (DCM 26, RMGM 24) or is it a form that simply derives from the same etymon?
2.4.	degeckati and degecati v. ipf. tr. 'tickle'; - se refl.; in Krnica, Medulin: kadickati; in Krnica: kadicfiv, in Medulin: kadickav adj. 'ticklish'; cf. PEW deget and Byhan 1899: gadickeL In Golac: godickati se.
In Ir. Villages we only recorded forms starting with g.: yudicka, yud[cku (Zejane), gudicka, gudicku (Susnjevica), gudicka, gudicku (other locations). Popovici notes gudicca and po~ (sc. "tickle") - the same entry notes the Zejane form yadickgj and compares both with the Bug. ^a^u^KctMb and the German kitzeln. (JP 113), while Byhan's form, which is mentioned by Ribaric, is in p. 222 (IrG 222).
6	PEW does not contain this word. The Serbian edition reads - between "On the etymology of the word" and "Word known in Dalma-tia":"cf. Pu^cariu: EWörterbuch der rumänischen Sprache, Heidelberg 1905. sub v. birikata: vTna sf. (ar. mgl. vinä, ir.vir^) 'Ader, Sehne' < vena, - am: it. po. cat. sp. vena, sic vina, eng. vaina, frz. veine, pg. vea. - catinä, 'Rückgrat' < catena, - am 'Kette': It. catena." which bears no connection to the conception behind the word (probably a mistake in editing), so the adaptater editor was right to leave this part out in the adapted edition, but she should have also left out the reference to PEW.
7	berikata (Sv. Juraj near Senj, Podgora), berikata (Senj, Rakalj, Istra), birikata (Perusic, all Slovines in Istria: Vodice, Dane, Jelovica, Golac, Trstenik, Raspor, Crnjehi in Kras: Baderna, Sv. Ivan od Sterne, Kastelir, Vabriga, Filipan, Marcana, Krnica, Rakalj, Medulin, Pomer), berikata (Vrgada).
8	verruca "bulge" REW 9241.
9	It is not difficult to transfer from "lump, swell" to "plague".
In Chakavian speech we find: gudickati (Svetvincenat), kadTckati (Cabrunici, Liznjan), kodlckati (Cabrunici) - ILA 273.
Skok worked with Serbian, Montenegrian, Romanian, Bulgarian (therefore Balkanian) and Croatian forms, which he considered to be onomatopoetic - like golicati'0, giliti and Sl., and he associated them with Ribaric's forms: " Bug. Gadickam corresponds to godickati se (Golac, Istra) = yadickgi in Croatized Romanians in Zejane. The consonant k instead of g in kadickati (Krnica and Medulin) and kadicljlv (Krnica and Medulin), while in Vodice there is a metathesis of consonants g-d > d-g: degeckati (se) along with degecati 'tickle'." (SKOK I/561, s. v. giliknuti)
The etymology was also attempted by Kovacec: "In terms of their etymology, elements like yadicca 'tickle' are constantly causing confusion. On one hand this verb is characteristic of a large and compact east part of the Southern Slavic linguistic realm (Bug. zbdunxctM) from where it entered into Greek, Albanian and Dacoromanian speeches. On the other hand, in Istrian speech we find closely related forms like godickatise (Golac) or degeckati (se) and degecati with a metathesis of consonants (Vodice).11 Considering its isolation in the area of Istria it is possible that this word arrived via the so called migrations of Vlahs, this explanation could also be supported by its stable phoneti-cal features." (AKIRE 87, 88).
Ribaric directs to the form deget "finger" from PEW, probably thinking of contamination of figures with de-from.
2.5. glindura f. 'neck gland'; in this form the word is known in all villages of the Sht. - Chak. Oasis in the highlands and in all Slovine villages in western Istria. Cf. glindura, glindurast in Parcic (1901.). In the area of Brkini and in Liburnija the word is not known, nor is it mentioned in Bezjak. Cf. PEW: ghindura; Byhan 1899: gl'inde in Zejane; Kusar 1894: 51: glendura or gpva -gland. According to Belulovic, the form gl'indf is an exception in Istroromanian as the accented a before the nasal becomes a (semivowel in Croatian), while in Daco-Romanian it becomes t. Cf. also in Tiktin 1907: ghindura 'gland'.
Kovacec notes yl'indure, -a f. (Zejane) "a tubercle in the armpit" (IRHR 84), Pu^cariu gl'indura la gut "gland" and glindura "acorn" (SI 114, s. v. ghindura). In the same entry Cantemir notes "gl'inde §i gl'indure" - both words only meaning "acorn" (TC 166).12 Aromanian gl'indura -and "acorn" and "gland" (DDA 496).
Forms of the type discussed here are also known in other Chakavian speeches: gljandura'3 "mucosa, jellyfish; gland" (RGS 94), g[endura "neck gland" (RGV
60). They are also encountered in older Croatian dictionaries: glindurra "noccioletto, che viene intorno alla gola" (STULLI 377), glindura "gangola, noccioletto, strangoncello" (JV 65), glindura "tonsil, neck gland, little frog" - and in contemporary times in the Croatian coast (ARJ III/198), glindura "glandula jugulare" (RHT 167), glindura "tonsilla; glandola" (DCI 100), but they are also confirmed in Serbian, gl'indura "gland; tonsil" (PCX 3/348).
Skok discusses the forms from Ribaric, Jurisic, Parcic and ARJ in the entry glande (Perast, Dubrovnik) "mushroom, scrofula", he concludes in brackets: "(Parcic, all villages of the Shtokavian - Chakavian oasis in the high plateau and all Slovine villages in Western Istria; in Brkini, among the Bezjaks and in Liburnija the word is not known; this means it was introduced during the migrations of the Vlahs=Cics from Velebit to Istria)", and suggests the "Latin diminutive" as the etymon (sc. From the Lat. glans, -dis - as seen in the text preceding the cited sentence) with the unpronounced suffix -ula14" (SKOK I/566).
2.6. mugara f. 'lactating sheep without lamb'. Cf. PEW mulg < Mulgeo
We found no parallels in repertoires from Ir. or Chak. speech. Ar present not known in Ir. villages. The word is contained in ARJ, PCX (from ARJ) and SKOK. In a short ARJ article we learn that mugara is "sheep that lost a lamb"; and find a note that the word is used in Istria as well as the form with an accent, mugara with a latin explanation "ovis agno orbata" to conclude the article with a claim "mot obscur" - the same form is transferred to Nemanic (ARJ VII/131). The editors of PCX explain mugara as a provincial form signifying "sheep that lost a lamb" followed by the Ribaric's reference to mugara signifying "lactating sheep without lamb" (PCX 13/233).
Skok as well includes Ribaric's mugara (Vodice, Istra) "lactating sheep without lamb or sheep that lost a lamb". He explains the term in the following way: "vowel u originates from sonant [" and parallels it to the Rom. form from Banat muldztr "a lactating sheep" and old Italian mongana, mungana, mongara "vacca da latte", "from mongere = molgere" while in the rest of the short article he discusses "Dalmato-Romanian" lexical reflexes. (SKOK II/476).
It is difficult to draw more pertinent conclusions based only on the data given above without any parallels in associated idioms. Let us only refer to a single Rom. adjective which perfectly corresponds to Ribaric's example both semantically and phonologically: mulgara "of a lactating sheep or cow" (DEX 659, DAR 201 - both
10	Comp. also golickat "tickle" (DCM 44; RMGM 44).
11	Form from Golac after Ribaric, the other forms according to Skok.
12	Kovacec gl'inde, -a z. (S, N) "oak apple; rare: acorn (oak) (IRHR 84), Popovici giindç, Ar., Mr. glindâ, Dr. ghindâ "acorn" (JP 112), Puçcariu glinda de cer "acorn" (SI 114, s. v. ghindû).
13	Contamination glandula X glindura? - comp. for instance glândula "gland" (RTCG 75).
14	Lat. glandula, REW 3777.
with a note pop. - sc. "popular"), a derivative ending in -ar(a) from mulge "to milk", DEX 659 < Lat. mulgere, REW 472. Dumitru Lo§on^i believes that mulgara is not a derivative ending in -ara of mulge: "cuvantul nu este un derivat cu suf. -ara (...) provine din contaminarea lui manzare (manzara) cu verbul a mulge." (SSE 85, mulgare).
2.7.	petrikati se, petrikan se 'play a game with pebbles' - play with the pebbles that are placed in one hand and then thrown rapidly to be caught with the back of the same hand, while some are simultaneously caught with the other hand (cildren's game). In Korlevic - patruk ati. Related to petra, pietra?, Rom. petra 'stone'
The game is known in all Ir. villages, but is referred to, at present15, with verbs like piocksj or pescicsj (v. IrLA 437.). Ribaric's verb is not recorded in any of the Rom. repertoires we have consulted. Skok also does not note any Rom. intervention: "Nominative of -icare petrikati se (Vodice) = petrukatise (Korlevici, Istra) 'play with stones...' (...) Dalmato-Romanian remnant in Istria, due to the preserved tr." (SKOK II/671, s. v. pjetrica).
Otherwise "stone" in Ir. is only referred to with forms like arpa (v. IrLA 57a.), while in Rom. a "stone" is called piatra (DULR IV/178, DEX 787) < lat. petra, REW 6445.
2.8.	Poropat m. - a surname that deserves special attention as it is very common in villages of the Stokavian-Chakavian oasis on the plateau and because it has some historical significance (...)
Ribaric dedicates over three pages to this surname. As far as etymology is concerned, two notes in this article are relevant: "The origin of the name Poropat is obscure" (p. 203) and "The etymology of the word Poropat remains obscure in spite of Kostialov's attempt to shed some light upon it." (p. 204). The etymology is actually more or less evident. Petar Skok explained Ribaric's surname s. v. patos "ground, floor": "This (sc. Greek suffix -oq) usually turns out similar to the Lat. -us. Cfr. kaluder etc. and also becomes pat in Rom. It is also found in the Cic surname Poropat, an Istrian surname in villages of Stokavian-Chakavian oases in the Cicarija plateau, existence confirmed since the 16th century. Since then also with the suffix -ic Poropatic. A version Parapat. (...) In Omis also a surname Parapat exists (...) Poropat = Parapat is a Rom. syntagm fara pat'without bed'. (...) A Greek word (sc. patos) becomes Balkanian: Rum., Bug. pat, arb. pate." (SKOK II/622). The form (surname) was
brought by the Vlahs (Vlahs are not necessarily Romanians!) immigrating from the Dalmatian Zagorje before the 15th century when the Slavs did not use the phoneme /f/ so it was transformed into /p/ or /v/. If the name truly came from Ir., there would be no exchange of f > p.16
2.9.	püca f. 'penis' (also for penis of little boys); is not obscene. Dem. pucica f. (...) Cf. Rešetar 1911: 369: püca f.; PEW17: pu[a. In Cro. puca "little girl" (in family speech). In Liburnia and in general in Old Slavs in Istria the word puca is not known, while among the Slovines it is quite ordinary.
We recorded: puce, -a, puce, -ele f. (Šušnjevica, Nova Vas), puca, -a, puce, -ele f. (other villages) - all denominating "penis - obscene" (IrLA 243).
Kovačec lists púfá, -a (Šušnjevica) and pú[a (Žejane) (IRHR 162), Popovici pufá "penis" (with the Ar., Mr. and Dr. pu[a "id.") (JP 142), Pu^cariu pufe "penis" (SI 129), Maiorescu pu[a "parte genitale dell'uomo e della donna" (VIR 143), Byhan puts? (IrG 324), Miklošič pula (RU 42).
For the Chakavian we find: puca (Brgud, Čepic) "penis" (IrLA 243), putsa (Svetvinčenat, Čabrunici, Ližnjan) "penis" (ILA 243). In other Chakavian repertoires of Is-trian and Dalmatian speeches we have consulted the word was not present. We find it, however, in Molise-Croatian: puca ['putsa] volg. (sc. vulgar) "sexual organ (in general18)" (DCM 163)19
Skok discussed Ribaric's term s. v. putana "harlot": "Here noted a derivative with the suffix -ium *putium > puca (Slovines in Istria, Vodice) 'penis (of very young boys)', probably a loanword from Istrian Vlahs (CiCs) pula, comp. Arom. pula 'penis, membre virile'." (SKOK III/88).
Rom. pula, with a note popular, is listed in DULR IV/318 and DAR 352 - in both dictionaries meaning "penis of a child" - the latter also includes a diminutive pulica "little penis of a child" on the same page- Papa-hagi lists púla "penis" (DDA 901).
Cioranescu s. v. pula "pene, voz infantil" lists Mr. and Ar. pula, and Ir. pufá: "Creación expresiva, pertenece a la familia pil-, que indica un objedo pequeño (cf. pipiric, piligoi, pitic, pulin). Lo más probable es que esta creación remonta al lat. cf. praeputium 'prepucio', salaputium 'renacuajo', que indican la existencia de un *putium20 'pequeño21'." (DER 6990).
2.10.	strpla < sterpula f. 'young sheep from the second spring onwards'. Cf. PEW: sterp, steárpa adj. 'in-
15	We attemped to verify Ribaric's verb telephoning several reliable informers, but without success.
16	Even if the Slavic Istrian population accepted the form of the type poropat/parapat in the time of the first Ir. appearences in Istria, the transformation of f > p would not be necessary, as we believe that the phoneme /f/ in the west of the Slavic realm was accepted well before the 15th century, as indicated by the words in Slavic dialects of Istria of the type Flum "river Dragonja", flonda "sling" etc., which could not have been accepted after the 15th century! Comp. also the surname Faraguna, from the Romanian syntagm fara guna "without a shepherd's goat-skin cloak " (SKOK I/634, s. v. gunj) < gunna "sheepskin coat", REW 3919.
17	1416.
18	Comp. with VIR 143 cited above.
19	Not mentioned in RMGM, though according to Antono Sammartino (co-author of the dictionary) the word exists also in Mundimitar. If the forms of the type puca meaning "genitals" is really not known in Dalmatia, the existence of the word in MCr. could support the theories that Molse Croats came to Molise via land, spending a certain period in Istria (for instance Petar Strcic - personal communication).
fertile'. Actually, strpla is only sterile from the second spring to early fall, when it is with lamb, yet it retains the same name until it gives birth. After giving birth, she is called prehodtvka. The word is used generally among the Slovines.
In Ir. repertoires we find no similar forms, however, we recorded the term designating a sterile sheep in four places: starpla, -a, starple, -ele f. (Žejane, Letaj), stdrpls, -a, starple, -ele f. (Nova Vas), starpiics, -a, stdrpiice, -ele f. (Šušnjevica) - IrLA 1401.
The term is also known in Chakavian: strpla "sterile sheep" (Svetvinčenat, Valtura) - in Valtura also "one-year-old lamb" (ILA 1401., respectively 1405.), strpla "two-year-old sheep" (ČL III/547). We found no similar similar forms in other Chak. repertoires we consulted. Skok discussed Ribaric's term under the entry strpla22 "= strplja f (Vodice, Slovinci, Istra) = strplja (Slov., Senožeče) 'one-year-old sterile sheep, young sheep from the second spring onwards', is an adjective transformed to noun of the f. gender Slov. strpel, f -pla (with sheep). That is also the origin of strpliš (...) 'ram in Istria', strplišica f (Nemanic - sc. Istra) 'lamb born in the winter'. (...) In Slov. there is also a noun version m. stirp, gen. stirpam (Loška dolina) 'one-year-old goat'. (...) From Vlat. *exstirpus (prefix ex > Ital. s- and stirps, gen. -is), postverbal adjective from the Lat. exstirpare or Gr. stspijoq > Mlet. sterpo" (SKOK III/348).
The Slovene forms, referred to by Skok, are discussed by Meta Furlan in two entries: the etymology of stapel "sterile" is as follows: "The original adj. *stbtrpbl'b, f. * stbtrpbl'a is probably transferred from the Late Lat. adj. *stirpulus, f. *stirpula to the Lat. *exstirps 'without children, young, family' to stirps, -pis 'family, tribe; bush, tree; root, fundament, basis'." (ESSJ III/333), and for stirp "one-year-old goat ": "Transferred from the Friul. adj. sterpe 'sterile (cow, woman)' (...), ben. It. sterpo 'same' (...), which reflects the Lat. *extirps 'without family, children, young' from stirps, -pis 'family, tribe (...)', It. stirpe 'family, source' in a similar way as the Rom. sterp 'infertile' and Alb. shterpe 'sterile', shterpa 'sterile sheep' " (ESSJ III/317).
The word is widespread in Italian dialects: sterpa, agg. e sf. (trentino, friulano; ladino centrale; veneto settentrionale; marchigiano; campano, anche strippa, stirpa; abruzzese, anche streppe; lucano; pugliese; sa-lentino, anche strippa, stirpa; calabrese: strippa, stirpa; siciliano: strippa), "sterile, infecondo (di capra, di pecora, di donna); capra, pecora o vacca che non ha ancora figliato" (DIt 416). We adopt the etymology from the same source: "The word also has counterparts in the Balkan-Danubian area (such as the Romanian sterp 'ste-
rile') and Albanian (shterpe 'id.') and it has been traced etymologically on the one hand to the Latin *exstirpus 'without descent' and on the other to the Greek stériphos 'unproductive'; neither assumption being entirely satisfactory for phonetic and semantic reasons (in the Bal-kan-Danubian area, unlike in the Italo-Romance area, the word connotes the generic value of 'unproductive', with reference to animals, people, land, etc.); so it is difficult to prefer one to the other. To overcome the difficulties caused by the different variants in the reconstruction of the history of this family of words it seems therefore more appropriate, following Piccillo 1995, to converge the two proposals assuming an ancient loan from Greek to Latin, in the form *ster(i)pus prior to the second century AD , as suggested by the resulting -ph- > -p-, and from Latin in the Balkan area; once entered into the Latin, the 'Greek loan would end up taking the values that were typical of sterilis, values that the word would later maintain when distributed throughout the Danube area' (Piccillo 1995)."
Comp. also with the Rom. starpi "3. (pop; despre fe-melele animalelor, mai rar despre femei) a deveni sterp, steril; a§i pierde sarcina, a avorta"; starpiciune "1. (pop.) animal sterp; 3. (Tnv.) sterilitate"; starpitura "2. (pop.) fe-meie stearpa; animal sterp" (DEX 1018); starpicios, -oasa "1. sterp", starpimei "(Tnv.) sterilitate"; stfrpit, -a 1. (Tnv §i reg.; despre femele sau despre femei) care a avortat; 2. (reg.; despre fat) avortat"; starpeala (reg.; la vite) avort" (DAR 434).
Along with the Rom. sterp (-earpa) "estéril, infecundo"23 Cioranescu includes the etymon *extirpus (DER 8164).
It is hard to answer whether the terms like starpla entered Croatian Istrian speeches from Ir. or some Is-tro-Venetian speech - the latter would mean that the Ir. forms referred to above are in fact Chakavian loanwords.
2.11. sugati, siigan along with suglen impf. 'to suckle'. Cf. PEW: sug, Istroromanian sugu, supt 'to suckle'. Not known in Liburnia; among Slovines? Along with this sugovica f. 'daffodil' (the plant bears this name as it contains sweet nectar that children suckle).
For "to suckle" in Ir. we recorded: suze, suyu (Zejane), suze, sug (Susnjevica), suze, sug (other villages) (IrLA 410b.). Kovacec recorded súze (Zejane, Jesenovik), suze (Susnjevica) (IRHR 186); Maiorescu sug, a suge24, suje, supt (VIR 151); Popovici suje (JP 153); Cantemir suge (TC 181), Pu§cariu suze (SI 135, s. v. suge) < lat. sügere, REW 8438, DER 8334.
Skok placed both Ribaric's froms into the dictionary and concluded: "Not sufficiently confirmed. Latinism or Dalmato-Roman lexical remnant or Romanism in Cic
20	*pütium, REW 6881.
21	Comp. Cro. and Sln. euphemism mali "penis".
22	According to Nemanic, therefore Istria.
23	The same form also in Mr. and Ar.
24	Infinitive in Ir. always without a!
language from the Lat. sügere > It. suggere (litterary for succhiare), Rom. prez. sug, inf. suge. Originating from the same verb with a suffix -ovica is sugovica f (Vodice) 'daffodil...'." (SKOK III/357). As far as confirmation is concerned, at present, we find ourselves in the same position as Skok - we found no related verbs in Chak. repertoires.
2.12. sûrla f. 'shepherd's pipe with a single tube and six holes'; related to frula? (...) In Peroj: sûrla. Generally known among Slovines.
We recorded words signifying "wind insruments" in Zejane surla, -a, surle, -ele f. and in Skabici surle, -a, surle, -ele f. (IrLA 1391). Popovici included surle, -a, za sopi (JP 153); Cantemir súrle (TC 181), Byhan surlç meaning "skin bellows" (IrG 357), while Sârbu and Fraila give çurla meaning "pipe through which spirits flow" (DI 286).
In Boljun surla "1. pipe, dem. sürlica 2. elephant's trunk" (RBG), in Cabrunici sûrle pl. (ILA 1391.), in Istria sûrla "Turkish wind instrument" (CL I/548), in Brusje on Hvar island sûrla "woodwind" (CL III/1166), "instrument played by breath (wind instruments, pipes)" (RBrg 671), in Visu sûrla " instrument played by breath " (LVJ 524). Among the Molise Croats surla [/u:r'la] (DCM 216) was recorded, as well as surlica [sùrlica] "whistle, pipe, wind instrument; one of the bones in the leg" (RMGM 150).
According to Skok, Ribaric's forms are Turkisms. He interprets them s. v. zùrna "wind instruments (in Turkis music)" which are determined as "Balkanian Turkisms from the Tur. Musical terminology". In the continuation he refers to Ribaric's and related forms and concludes: "This variant is a Turkism of Persian origin as well (Tur. zurna < Pers. ssurna < sürnaj, compound word from sûr 'festivity, music' and nâj 'Flöte'): Rom. surlä '1o Clarinette, 2o Rüssel, 3o Art konische Hütte'." (SKOK III/665).
The word is also known in other Rom. dialects: Dr., Mr. surlä (JP, loc. cit.), Ar. súrla "instrument de musique (sifflet, clarinette)" (DDA 995), Ar., Mr. surlä (DER 8390). In the dictionary of archaisms and regionalisms we also find the form surlä which is usually only assigned the meaning in compartment 1. with a note obsolete: "instrument muzical popular de suflat, în forma de fluier, cu mai multe orificii çi cu ancie dublä, folosit în trecut mai ales în armatä" (DAR 456).
Cioranescu explains the Rom. surlä "-1. Trompa, tumba. -2. Jeta, hocico. -3. Montón de maderos dispuestos en pirámide. -4. Cabaña de forma cónica. -Var. 2 zurnä" and presumes the Turkish/Persian origin but allows for Slavic interference (directing to the Serbian and Croatian surla 'flauta'), while for the forms with -l- he states: "Las formas con l (ngr. bg. sb.) podrian proceder del rum." (DER, loc. cit.). The authors of DEX give a two-fold etymology for the Rom. surlä: "din Scr. (sc. Ser-bocroatian) surla, Bg. (sc. Bulgarian) zurla" (DEX 1047); while the one given by the authors of DULR is three-
fold: "din Bulg. (sc. Bularian) zurla, sb. (sc. Serbian) surla, Turk. (sc. Tur.) zurna" (DULR 263).
If the word is indeed a Turkism, then the Ir. language cannot be the origin.
2.13. trzjak m. 'male lamb born late'; trzjaka f. 'the same for female lamb'; trzjace, trzjaceta n. 'the same for both sexes'; along with this trzjactc m. dem.; trzjacica f. dem.; trzjacetajce n. dem.; Cf. PEW; ttrziu (tarziu), -ie adj. 'late'. The word trzjak (among Slovines sometimes also with epentethic l trzlak) is known among all Istrian immigrants; it seems that the Croats who were previously settled in the peninsula accepted the word from them as well. The confirmation for the wide dissemination of the word is provided by the Sht. trze (I recorded examples of trze in the vicinity of Banjaluka, from Duvno and from the entire North Dalmatia), but the traces of this word are not firmly confined. In the Istroromanian village Zejane I recorded: trzlje 'lamb born late'
In the Ir. repertoires the term is not listed and our inqiries yielded no results of this sort.25
The Vodice term is also listed by Hraste and Simunovic, trzjak, trzjaka (CL I/550); in Imotski tazle "lamb born late" (RIG 222). No record in any of the other repertoires we have consulted.
In ARJ XVIII we find several forms corresponding to Ribaric's: trza "term for domestic animals ", trzak "term for ram born late " (str. 832), trze "lamb born very late", trzesce "diminutive of trza", trzilo "term for ram", trzin "term for ram", trzince "term for lamb born late", trzincic "diminutive of trzin, term for lamb", trzinka "term for sheep", trzivac "goat or lamb born late", trzivak "term for goat born late", trzivce "term for goat born late", trzivka "term for female goat born late", trzjacic "see previous term", trzjak "lamb born late", trzlan "see previous term ", trzle "lamb born late " (p. 834), trznak "same as trze, trzince", trzona "term for ox, particularly one born late", trzonica "diminutive of trzona", trzovcica "diminutive of trzovka", trzovka "term for sheep", trzula "term for cow", trzulica "diminutive of trzula" (p. 835) - individual terms used in Lika, Serbia and Chakavian speeches. Parcic lists trze and trzivak "agnello nato degli ultimi" (RHT 1037).
Many of the terms above have been discussed by Petar Skok in his dictionary s. v. trze, we are highlighting the following: "This shepherd's term is known to all immigrants to Istria. It is used by also by the people of inland Istria around Pazin. They accepted the term from the Cics. (...) Among the Istrian Romanians (that is non-Croatised Cics) in Zejane Ribaric recorded trztje 'lamb born late'. This word is not mentioned by Pu§cariu. The Romanian adjective was remade to fit dvtze26. In Serbia with a suffix -le trzle > -an tizlan 'lamb born late', comp. kozle. Lexical remnant from the language of Medieval Vlahs." (SKOK III/517).
The use of the above form is very widespread and therefore it is hard to say whether the word entered Is-
25 Not even after recent additional telephonic verifications in Zejane and the southern villages.
trian Chak. speeches from Ir. or whether it was brought by one ethnic group or another from Dalmatia, while it could have entered into the speeches of old settlers either from Ir. or new Chak. idioms.
In either case the term is basically a Rom. adjective corresponding to the literary tarziu "late" (DEX 1078) < Lat. *tardivus, REW 8576.
2.14.	Ušora f. - name of a certain water spring under underneath a large rock (in the forest). Formant -ora foreign? < -oara? Uš-oara, Rom. 'little door'?27
It could actually originate from u§cioara "little door" (DEX 1142) = u§a "door" (DEX 1142) < ustium, REW 6117.2 + -oara, however, we find it more acceptable to draw the origin from u§or meaning "weak, feeble" (DEX 1142) < levis, REW 5004. In any case, we have too little information to draw more pertinent conclusions.
2.15.	žinžire f. plt. 'gums, dental flesh'; cf. PEW28: gingie 'gums'. The word is generally known among Slovines but is not known to previously settled Croats.
We also recorded: žinžire, -a, žinžir, -rle ž. (Žejane), zinži_r£, -a, zinžire, -ele f. (Šušnjevica), žinžira, -a, žinžire, -ele f. (Jesenovik, Letaj, Miheli). In Brdo, Škabici, Trkovci and Zankovci žinžila, -a, žinžile, -ele f. - contaminated with žila? In Kostrčan gingira, -a, gingire, -ele f. - corresponding to Italian forms of the gingiva type.
Kovačec lists žinžire, -a, žinžir, -le from Žejane and žinžile, -ele from Brdo (IRHR 229), Sarbu and Fra^ila jin-jira (DI 221), Popovici jinjirf (JP 117), Cantemir jinjire (TC 168), Pu§cariu žinžire, žinžirina, zinzirele, žinžure, žinžirele, žinžire (SI 114), Byhan žinžirf (IrG 392).
In Chak. repertoires we have used we found no similar forms accept in Pican, žinžive "gums (flesh surrounding the teeth)" (PI 136), however, this is a loanword from some Istro-Venetian form.
Skok discussed Ribaric's term under the entry džendživa "gums" (Dubrovnik): "The form žinžire f. pl.
(Slovines in Istria, Vodice, not known among Istrian old settlers Croats Bezjaks, Pazin) 'the same' corresponds perfectly to Istrum. zinzire, zinsure, zinzirina < *gingina (onomatopoeic reduplication instead of gingiva) (...) In the case of Slovines this word originates from Cic speech." (SKOK I/472).29
Ir. form corresponds to the Rom. gingie, Ar. dzindzie < Lat. gingiva30 (DER 368 - contains also the Ir. zinzire).
ABBREVIATIONS
Ar. - Aromanian Arb. - albanian
bg. - Romanian type neutrum gender
not. - note
Bug. - Bulgarian
Ch. - Chakavian
Cro.-Croatian
Dr. - Daco-Romanian
f. - female gender
impf. - imperfekt
Ir.- Istroromanian
lit. - literary/literature
Lat. - Latin
m. - male gender
MCr. - Molise-Croatian
Mr. -Megleno-Romanian
n - neutrum gender of the Croatian type
Pers. - Persian
Rom. - Romanian
Serb. - Serbian
Sht. - Shtokavian
Slav. - Slavic
Sln. - Slovenian
Tur. - Turkish
26	"The form dvi- expanded by -z appears in an adjective dviz (16th century) 'two-year'; today used only in shepherds terminology in names ending in -bc, -ak, -ica, -ka, -e (gen. -eta), -ce, (gen. -ceta): dvizac, gen. dvisca = dvizak m 'two-year-old ram' to f dvzica = dvska 'two-year-old sheep or goat' = dzviska (Kosmet) 'bullock', dvtze n. 'two-year-old sheep' = dvlze (Kosmet) 'one year old lamb or goat that did not become a ram, a sheep or a goat', dvisce n., col. Ending in -ad f.: dvzad = dvlscad. In the Poljica statute dviz is an adjective alongside brav: dvizi bravi 'two-year-old sheep'. From there also with compound prefix -arka, -orka dvizarka f. (1 777, Kosmet) 'female sheep' = dvizorka." (SKOK I/464, s. v. dva).
27	This toponym is not listed among the words of Romanian origin in the introduction to Ribaric's dictionary.
28	721.
29	Followed by: "Ribaric also discusses gingina with preserved velar pronounciation g (as in galatina etc.) as a peculiar parallel form for Istrum. zenzire. Unfortunately he does not say where exactly this form is spoken. It would represent a most interesting lexical remnant of Dalmatoromanian, but it requires some additional information." The adapter editor of the new edition left this part out. In the Serbian edition from 1940 s. v. zinzire is mentioned: "A foreign parallel form of gingina sf. = Ir. zinzirq."
30	Lat. gingiva, REW 3 765.
PRESTITI ISTRORUMENI NELLA PARTE DI VOCABOLARIETTO NEL SAGGIO SUI
DIALETTI ISTRIANI DI JOSIP RIBARIC
Goran FILIPI
Università del Litorale, Centro di ricerche scientifiche di Capodistria, via Garibaldi 1, 6000 Capodistria, Slovenia
e-mail: goran.filipi@zrs.upr.si
RIASSUNTO
Nel presente saggio sono elaborati i lemmi definiti da Josip Ribarič d'origine rumena: bâta, birikata, čuma (a Carnitia), degečkati, glindura, mugara, petrikati (a Korleviči patrukati), Poropat, puca, strp[a, sugati, sûrla (se legato a frula), trzjak, žinzire. Le forme della parlata di Vodice riportate da Ribarič vengono regolarmente paragonate alle parole istrorumene e ciacave simili, raccolte dall'autore o trovate nei vari repertori dei rispettivi idiomi. Per ogni parola elaborata si riporta la soluzione etimologica.
Parole chiave: istrorumeno, dialettologia, etimologia, lessicologia, Istria
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