ACTA HISTRIAE
30, 2022, 1
UDK/UDC 94(05) ISSN 1318-0185ACTA HISTRIAE 30, 2022, 1, pp. 1-262
UDK/UDC 94(05) 
Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko - Koper
Società storica del Litorale - Capodistria
ACTA HISTRIAE
30, 2022, 1
KOPER 2022
ISSN 1318-0185
e-ISSN 2591-1767
ACTA HISTRIAE • 30 • 2022 • 1
ISSN 1318-0185                UDK/UDC 94(05)             Letnik 30, leto 2022, številka 1
e-ISSN 2591-1767
Darko Darovec
Gorazd Bajc, Furio Bianco (IT), Stuart Carroll (UK), Angel Casals Martinez (ES), 
Alessandro Casellato (IT), Flavij Bonin, Dragica Čeč, Lovorka Čoralić (HR), Darko 
Darovec, Lucien Faggion (FR), Marco Fincardi (IT), Darko Friš, Aleš Maver, Borut 
Klabjan, John Martin (USA), Robert Matijašić (HR), Darja Mihelič, Edward Muir 
(USA), Žiga Oman, Jože Pirjevec, Egon Pelikan, Luciano Pezzolo (IT), Claudio 
Povolo (IT), Marijan Premović (MNE), Luca Rossetto (IT), Vida Rožac Darovec, 
Andrej Studen, Marta Verginella, Salvator Žitko
Urška Lampe, Gorazd Bajc, Lara Petra Skela, Marjan Horvat, Žiga Oman
Petra Berlot
Urška Lampe (angl., slo.), Gorazd Bajc (it.), Arnela Abdić (angl.)
Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko - Koper / Società storica del Litorale - Capodistria© 
/ Inštitut IRRIS za raziskave, razvoj in strategije družbe, kulture in okolja / Institute IRRIS for 
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ACTA HISTRIAE • 30 • 2022 • 1
Volume 30, Koper 2022, issue 1
VSEBINA / INDICE GENERALE / CONTENTS
Vid Žepič: Kužni privilegiji v občepravni doktrini in evropskih civilnih kodifikacijah ........
Privilegia pestis nella dottrina del diritto comune e nei codici del diritto civile europeo
The »Plague Privileges« in the Legal Doctrine of the ius commune and in the 
European Civil Codifications
Mario Novak & Tamás Hajdu: Život i smrt u zaleđu kvarnerskog zaljeva tijekom srednjeg 
vijeka: bioarheološka analiza ljudskih koštanih ostataka iz Triblja, iskopavanja 2015. godine. 
Bioarheologija srednjovjekovne populacije iz Triblja .................................................................
La vita e la morte nell’entroterra della baia del quarnero medioevale: analisi 
bioarcheologiche dei resti di ossa umane a Tribalj, scavi nel 2015. 
Bioarcheologia della popolazione medievale di Tribalj 
Life and Death in the Hinterland of Kvarner Bay During the Middle Ages: 
Bioarcheological Analysis of Human Bone Remains from Tribalj, Excavations 
in 2015. Bioarcheology of the Medieval Population from Tribalj 
Loris De Nardi: Una modalità di contribuzione indiana per i domini italiani meridionali 
degli Asburgo di Spagna? I donativi extra-assembleari del 1629, 1630 e 1637 ...........
An Indian Contribution Modality for the Southern Italian Domains of the 
Habsburgs of Spain? The Extra-Assembly Gifts of 1629, 1630 and 1637 
Indijski model dajatev za južno-italijanske dominione Habsburgov v Španiji? 
Izredne dajatve v letih 1629, 1630 in 1637
Vanja Kočevar: Generalni mandat cesarja Ferdinanda II. o verskih razmerah na Kranjskem 
iz leta 1631: (ne)prilagoditev kranjskih elit na protireformacijo in katoliško prenovo .............
Il mandato generale dell’imperatore Ferdinando II del 1631 relativo alla situazione religiosa in 
Carniola: il (dis)adattamento delle élite carniolane alla controriforma e alla riforma cattolica
The 1631 General Mandate of Emperor Ferdinand II on the Religious Situation in Carniola: 
(Non-)Adaptation of Carniolan Elites to the Counter-Reformation and Catholic Revival
Nikola R. Samardžić & Marija V. Kocić: Naples and Sicily after 
Utrecht and Rastatt 1713–1714. From the British Perspective  ..........................................
Napoli e Sicilia dopo Utrecht e Rastatt 1713–1714. Dalla prospettiva britannica 
Neapelj in Sicilija po Utrechtu in Rastattu 1713–1714. Iz britanske perspektive
1
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Remzi Avci: Writing the Orient: The Representation of the Ottoman 
Society in the Travel of Eduard Sachau (1845–1930) ...........................................................
Scrivere sull’Oriente: la rappresentazione della società ottomana nel 
viaggio di Eduard Sachau (1845–1930) 
Pisanja o Orientu: upodobitev otomanske družbe v potopisu Eduarda Sachaua (1845–1930)
Yizheng Zou: The collaboration of Chinese and British radicals 
and the role of Hong Kong in modern Chinese history ........................................................
La collaborazione tra i radicali cinesi e britannici e il ruolo di 
Hong Kong nella storia della Cina moderna 
Sodelovanje kitajskih in britanskih radikalov ter vloga Hong Konga v 
moderni kitajski zgodovini
Manca G. Renko: Razredni boj proti nacionalizmu. Primer Trsta med 1888 in 1914 ....
La lotta di classe contro il nazionalismo. L‘esempio di Trieste 1888–1914
Class Struggle vs. Nationalism. Example of Trieste 1888–1914
Iskra Iveljić & Miha Preinfalk: From the Habsburg to the Karađorđević Dynasty.
The Position of Croatian and Slovenian Nobility in the Yugoslav State ......................
Dagli Asburgo ai Karadjordjevic. La posizione della 
nobiltà croata e slovena nello stato jugoslavo
Od Habsburžanov do Karađorđevićev. Položaj hrvaškega in 
slovenskega plemstva v jugoslovanski državi
Egon Pelikan: Odstavitev zadnjega slovenskega škofa v 
Julijski krajini – Frančiška Borgie Sedeja .............................................................................
La deposizione dell’ultimo vescovo sloveno della Venezia Giulia – Francesco Borgia Sedej 
Removal of the Last Slovene Archbishop in Venezia Giulia – Frančišek Borgia Sedej
Tomaž Ivešić: Exchanging the “Progressive Experiences” in a Transnational Perspective: 
Nationality, Economy and Federalism in Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia in the 1960s ....
Scambiare “l’esperienza progressista” nella prospettiva transnazionale: nazionalità, 
economia e federalismo in Jugoslavia e Cecoslovacchia negli anni sessanta
Izmenjava “progresivnih izkušenj” v transnacionalni perspektivi: nacionalnost, 
ekonomija in federalizem v Jugoslaviji in Čehoslovaški v šestdesetih letih
215
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WRITING THE ORIENT: THE REPRESENTATION OF THE OTTOMAN 
SOCIETY IN THE TRAVEL OF EDUARD SACHAU (1845–1930)
Remzi AVCI
Mardin Artuklu University, Department for History, Artuklu Campus, Diyarbakır Road Artuklu, Mardin, Turkey
e-mail: remzavci@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
In the nineteenth century, the writings of European travellers became a textual ve-
hicle by which the West sought to understand the Orient. Based on first-hand but highly 
subjective data, they contain comparisons between the Orient and the Occident which 
distinguish the two regions from one another. Thus, they played an important role in shap-
ing the Western perception of the Orient. This article focuses on the German Orientalist-
philologist Eduard Sachau (1845–1930), who held a chair at the Friedrich-Wilhelm 
University in Berlin and also served as the director of the Seminar für Orientalische 
Sprachen (Institute of Oriental Languages). Sachau’s journey to the East began in 1879 
and lasted about six months. His travel notes were published (in 1883), under the title 
Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien (Travel in Syria and Mesopotamia). In the nineteenth 
century, not only the British and French but also the German travellers had an important 
role in shaping the Western perception of the Orient. Following Edward Said’s ground-
breaking work Orientalism (1979) this study will argue that Sachau’s narratives produce 
certain stereotypes. It will be made the case through analyses of the forms of expression, 
perceptions and cultural patterns that Sachau chose in order to construct an orientalist 
discourse, when he described different ethnicities, religions and sects.
Keywords: Travel, Orientalism, Eduard Sachau, Orient, West, Ottoman
SCRIVERE SULL’ORIENTE: LA RAPPRESENTAZIONE DELLA SOCIETÀ 
OTTOMANA NEL VIAGGIO DI EDUARD SACHAU (1845–1930)
SINTESI
Nell’Ottocento, gli scritti dei viaggiatori europei divennero veicoli testuali at-
traverso i quali l’Occidente cercava di intendere l’Oriente. Basati su informazioni 
di prima mano, sebbene molto soggettivi, mettevano a confronto l’Oriente e l’Occi-
dente, evidenziandone le distinzioni. In questo modo influenzavano fortemente l’idea 
che veniva a formarsi tra gli occidentali dell’Oriente. L’articolo s’incentra sull’o-
rientalista e filologo tedesco Eduard Sachau (1845–1930), professore all’Università 
Federico Guglielmo a Berlino (oggi Università Humboldt) e direttore dell’Istituto di 
Received: 2020-02-15                            DOI 10.19233/AH.2022.06
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Studi Orientali. Nel 1879 Sachau intraprese un viaggio di circa sei mesi in Oriente, 
pubblicandone poi nel 1883 gli appunti in un libro intitolato Reise in Syrien und Me-
sopotamien (Viaggio in Siria e Mesopotamia). Nell’Ottocento non solo viaggiatori 
inglesi e francesi, ma anche quelli tedeschi influenzarono in modo significativo la 
percezione occidentale dell’Oriente. Rifacendosi all’opera pionieristica di Edward 
Said Orientalismo (1979), nel presente studio si sostiene che le narrazioni di Sachau 
creino certi stereotipi, e si propone di dimostrarlo attraverso un’analisi delle forme di 
espressione, percezioni e modelli culturali scelti da Sachau per costruire un discorso 
orientalistico nelle sue descrizioni di diverse etnie, religioni e sette. 
Parole chiave: viaggio, orientalistica, Eduard Sachau, Oriente, Occidente, ottomano
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INTRODUCTION
Edward Said’s book Orientalism has played a significant role in understanding 
the West’s perception of the Orient, by combining detailed textual interpretation with 
discourse analysis. In his book, Said argues that Western civilization created the 
Orient as ‘the Other’, by transforming it into a new entity, “with supporting institu-
tions, vocabulary, scholarship, imagery, doctrines, even colonial bureaucracies and 
colonial styles”. Furthermore, he emphasizes that the Occident constructed the Orient 
through a process of imagination that was informed by cultural parameters (Said, 
1979, 2). “The Orient was seen as an exotic, erotic, a frightening place and also as an 
inferior, unprogressive place, forever trapped in time simultaneously attractive and 
repulsive” (Laisram, 2006, 1). These stereotypes found their expression in literature, 
art, philosophical discourse and politics but crucially also in travel writing. In this 
context, Said believes that the travels by Marco Polo, Mandeville and Pietro Della 
Valle and many Crusaders and Christian pilgrims in the Middle Ages, constitutes 
an important vehicle for understanding, defining, experiencing and recreating the 
Orient and considers the travel literature with critical viewpoint. Travel writing plays 
a crucial role in his theoretical construction of Orientalism (Said, 1979, 58).
As Said points out that travel writing is a lens “through which the Orient is ex-
perienced and shapes the language, perception and form of the encounter between 
East and West” (Said, 1979, 58) that are historically, geographically and culturally 
separate from each other. This also turns into a relationship with continuity “usually 
involving conditions of coercion, radical inequality and intractable conflict” (Pratt, 
1992, 6). Said considers the production of texts relating to travels in the nineteenth 
century as a part of the West’s own cultural hegemony. These texts became the pri-
mary textual vehicle for constructing the Orient as the ‘other’ and disseminating it. 
Based on highly subjective data, they contain precise comparisons between Orient 
and Occident, which highlight the cultural differences between the two spheres. In 
other words, the travel narratives became a part of the orientalist discourse (Said, 
1979). The impressions of the travellers, which involve contacts, contrasts, similari-
ties and conflicts with a new world, are converted into notes during the journey and 
shortly after and these notes are transferred to different types of texts, which serve 
literary or scientific purposes (Sharp, 2002, 155). This is quite a complex process. 
When a traveller converts his notes into a book, he adds inherently something from 
his own soul to the travel writing. The greater the distance between the experience 
and the writing of the journey, the more space fictionality and subjectivity will gain. 
This time interval permits the traveller to fill up the gaps according to his own imagi-
nation, by using and creating certain stereotypical assumptions. In this sense, travel 
means the recreation of the impressions and experiences (Soukah, 2016, 36). The 
stereotype constitutes a certain generalization that is highly resistant to change, not 
open to criticism and scrutiny and that characterizes an object, a person or group by 
certain cultural patterns and values based on lacking information about culture and 
people (Bausinger, 1998, 160). 
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The German travellers’ narratives play an important role in the theoretical con-
struction of how the Germans imagined the Orient. By analyzing literal, scholarly, 
political and travel texts written in the nineteenth century in Germany, Polaschegg’s 
work has an important place in researching and interpreting the perception of the 
Orient (Polaschegg, 2005). Soukah argues in his dissertation that the Germans’ 
attitudes to the Orient were not less colonial, imperialist and hegemonic than the 
Anglo-French tradition (2016). In the last decades the study of encounters between 
East and West from the Middle Ages to the present day has been shaped by cultural 
theories in the studies of the German literature. Brenner’s comprehensive work 
(1990) offers a rich overview of the most important theories concerning the German 
travel writing. In sum, one can say that in the nineteenth century, the German trav-
ellers from different professions with different intentions and methods produced 
certain stereotypes such as brutality, despotism, pollution, laziness about the Ori-
ent, Islam and the Ottoman people. These stereotypes had an impact on literature 
art and even on daily life in German speaking world. One of these travellers was 
Eduard Sachau (1845–1930). As an orientalist-philologist, Sachau who was a very 
important figure of German academic orientalism (Orientalistik) visited the Ot-
toman Empire between 1879 and 1897 and subsequently produced a book called 
Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien. This work can be considered from two angles: 
First, his travel was a process of the production of orientalist knowledge, which 
has been used by various disciplines of the social sciences as an important resource 
for understanding Ottoman societies, geography, history and politics. Second, in 
a quite idiosyncratic and subjective way, it represented an oriental other. The first 
aspect most recently has been the focus of an article by the author (Avcı, 2020). 
This study claims that Sachau’s narratives, although his journey was a scientific 
expedition, produced certain stereotypes, by describing the Orient as the ‘other’ 
through different ethnicities, religions and sects. It illustrates which perceptions, 
forms of expression and cultural patterns Sachau used to build a discourse about 
the Orient and Ottoman society. This study will proceed in three steps: first, it will 
be discussed the development of travel literature in the nineteenth century and the 
position of the Germans in the travel writing in this era. Second, it will be given a 
brief biography of Sachau. And third, it will be examined how and through which 
cultural patterns, values and beliefs Sachau represented the orient as a space and 
its people.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TRAVEL LITERATURE 
IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
During the Victorian Era (1837–1931), Great Britain revolutionized travel 
technology with its inventions. In this age, the new railway transport became very 
sophisticated and trains carried people on the island and goods across boundaries at a 
higher speed than ever before in the history of the transportation. Therefore, the rail-
road transport can be considered as the symbol of the modern travel (Nesvet, 2017, 
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221). The rapid development of the transportation industry in the Europe enabled 
travellers to make safer and more comfortable journeys and provided a link with the 
colonies. As a result of this progress, the cultural transfer was intensified between 
West and East (Pordzik, 2005, 53–54; Brenner, 1990, 549–50). The development 
and institutionalization of colonialism gave the citizens of the colonial states a very 
free space to travel. It can be said that especially the journeys of the English citizens 
to the Orient are very remarkable. For British travellers the Orient had almost the 
same connotation as India and they perceived it as a British property. Therefore, the 
Orient-imagination of British travellers was in close parallel to the representation 
of their own political rule. In other words, their perceptions were dominated by the 
colonial-political discourse and atmosphere (Said, 1979, 169).
Despite doubts about their credibility and reliability, the travelogues constitute 
significant historical sources and contain quite rich and comprehensive material 
for anthropology, history, cultural studies and similar disciplines. Throughout his-
tory, people from different professions, such as merchants, geologists, missionaries, 
soldiers, adventurers, archaeologists and scientists, travelled to the Orient and then 
published their travel notes in different forms, representing the Orient in keeping with 
their cultural values. Travel notes or reports illustrate “heterogeneous textual genres” 
both in their structure and in their themes. As a kind of narrative, they can indicate 
even within the same travel book a structural difference (Soukah, 2016, 37). 
EDUARD SACHAU (1845–1930) AND HIS TRAVEL TO THE ORIENT
In the early nineteenth century, Germans encountered the Orient as a mere text 
and the subject of literature, culture and academia. The discovery of the Orient by 
the German people and state was belated when compared to French and British, 
mediated through translations, poetries, novels and even operas. Direct contact 
began only in the later nineteenth century. The Orient was for the German travel-
lers a backward, quite alien, eccentric place but also a place that must be known, 
mapped, explored, discovered again and imagined (Avcı, 2018, 169). Towards the 
end of the nineteenth century, the political rapprochement between the German 
and Ottoman empires enabled the German travellers greater mobility in their 
journeys through the Ottoman territory, and sometimes also the support of the 
German government. Thus, the Orient was transformed to a place, which could be 
touched, felt and stereotyped. 
This resulted in a substantial corpus of travel literature on the Orient and on Africa, 
which was “inextricably intertwined with the creation and maintenance of European 
imperialism” and served to strengthen colonial rule (Ivison, 2003, 200). Furthermore, 
during this period many travel accounts were also written in order to produce the 
required knowledge that could provide the necessary infrastructure to consolidate 
the colonial order and could institutionalize formally the colonial authority. The 
financial and diplomatic support of several travels by official state institutions is an 
example of the relationship between travel and colonialism (Edwards & Graulund, 
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Remzi AVCI: PISANJA O ORIENTU: UPODOBITEV OTOMANSKE DRUŽBE V POTOPISU EDUARDA ..., 121–140
2011, 1; Prass, 2019, 1). Sachau’s travel cannot be associated directly with German 
colonialism. When he travelled to the Orient in 1879, Germany was still a young 
empire, which was founded in 1871 “with its capital in Berlin, dominated by ruling 
elites of the Kingdom of Prussia, and yet it still had no imperial, overseas presence”. 
The German chancellor Otto von Bismarck who presented himself as “contemptuous 
of the German colonial dream” practiced a balance of power politics in Europe and 
only in 1884 allowed “the establishment of overseas German colonies” (Hodkinson, 
2017, 264). As he also pointed out in his book, Sachau’s journey was a scholarly 
research activity. Nevertheless, in his narratives one can clearly perceive a rivalry 
with the activities of the dominant French and English travellers and orientalists in 
the Ottoman Empire. This was also an important reason why his travel was supported 
by the German state institutions. 
Born in 1845, Eduard Sachau was educated as an orientalist. He became a 
student of the Arabist Heinrich Leberecht Fleischer (1801–1888) in Kiel and 
Leipzig, considered the father of German orientalism (Becker, 1932, 458). 
However, he finally completed his doctorate on the Semitic languages under the 
supervision of the orientalist Richard Gosche (1824–1889) in Halle (Wokoeck, 
2009, 291). He adopted Fleischer’s text-critical method and began to work as a 
Fig. 1: A map showing the route of Eduard Sachau in his travel, part I (Sachau, 1883, 478).
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Fig. 2: A portrait of Eduard Sachau (Wikimedia Commons).
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professor of Semitic languages at the University of Vienna in 1869. Sachau was 
a member of the Königlich-Preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Royal 
Prussian Academy of Science) and since 1876 Professor of Oriental Languages 
at the University of Berlin. In 1887, he became the director of the Seminars für 
Orientalische Sprachen (Seminar of Oriental languages), which was founded 
for the future of the German colonial interest. He always stressed the practical 
relevance of teaching the oriental languages (Mangold, 2004, 165; Hanisch, 
1992, XVIII; Marchand, 2009, 354–420) and worked in a variety of areas, 
including Semitic philology, Islamic jurisprudence and science, and Christian 
theology.
Sachau travelled to the Ottoman Empire in 1879, which was one of his jour-
neys to the Middle East. He completed his travel in 1880 and published then 
in 1883 the travel accounts of this expedition, under the title Reise in Syrien 
und Mesopotamien (Travels in Syria and Mesopotamia). He began his expedition 
in Beirut and continued towards Damascus-Aleppo-Birecik-Urfa. From Urfa, he 
moved on and reached the city of Al-Raqqa and then to Deyr-i Zor and Mosul. 
After staying there, he entered the present territory of Turkey and continued 
his way to the direction of Midyat-Cizre-Mardin-Diyarbakır. Then he moved 
to Siverek-Birecik-Aleppo to Iskenderun via Hatay. He returned by ship from 
Iskenderun (Sachau, 1883, VII–X). During the travel, he collected several materi-
als from different areas and produced orientalist knowledge. When he was back 
in Germany, he published then many philological and archaeological works that 
were based on his notes. Among them most important are the following: Skizze 
des Fellichi-Dialekts von Mosul (1895), Über die Lage von Tigranokerta (1881a), 
Über die Poesie in der Volkssprache der Nestorianer (1896), Palmyrenische In-
schriften (1881b), Eine dreisprachige Inschrift aus Zébed (1881c), Edessenische 
Inschriften (1882). 
THE REPRESENTATIONS OF THE ORIENT IN HIS TRAVEL
As seen very often in travel writings, Sachau’s travel was also a cultural 
encounter between East and West. On the one hand, he investigates the mystical 
aspects of the Orient through a complex set of stereotypes. On the other hand, he 
converts the Orient, as Said also states from something into something else (Said, 
1979, 67), -geographical, topographic, anthropological, sociological, historical, 
sectarian, religious and tangible textual-. He builds a new geography, ignoring 
consciously the Arabic-Turkish equivalents of some region names. His preference 
for using pre-Islamic or pre-ottoman place names such as Klein Asien, Mesopo-
tamian, Armenien (Sachau, 1883, 2) illustrate another expression of ownership 
by isolating the region from its existing Muslim-Ottoman inhabitants. In the 19th 
century, these similar expressions can often be seen in Europe, more specifically 
in German travel writing and historiography. He uses the term ‘Ottoman Empire’ 
when referring to the current ruling power as a political unity. However, neither 
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Remzi AVCI: PISANJA O ORIENTU: UPODOBITEV OTOMANSKE DRUŽBE V POTOPISU EDUARDA ..., 121–140
Fig. 3: A map showing the route of Eduard Sachau in his travel, part II (Sachau, 1883, 478).
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in the eyes of Sachau nor other contemporary travellers from Europe these ter-
ritories were culturally part of the Ottoman Empire.
In fact, the East was perceived as another place in the West and “judged it by 
a standard it never applied to itself” (Laisram, 2006, 1). While Sachau sometimes 
conveys, plainly, his impression as he sees it, sometimes he perceives it directly 
through certain cultural patterns such as laziness, pride, stubbornness and bigotry 
and, above all, degrading prejudices that are strongly Eurocentric that he takes 
over as a product of collective imagination, based on what he had seen and read 
before. One can say that for him, the East means a distant, imaginary geography 
outside of Europe, but also a historically and philologically quite close and a 
real world. Because, as an orientalist, he studied and taught for many years its 
languages, religions and cultures.
Sachau believes that it is not possible to carry out a planned itinerary in de-
tail in the Orient. Because, according to him, the Orient contains a mystery that 
takes travellers “incidentally” out of the program (Sachau, 1883, 3). These can 
sometimes be a geography waiting to be discovered, untouched books, ancient 
settlements etc. During his travel, he touches the space, feels it and depicts the 
‘other’ in their everyday life. As he often points out, the Orient is never a safe 
place for anyone because it is absolutely unpredictable what would happen to a 
person who wants to move from one city to another in the Orient. Having internal-
ized this fear, he never dares to walk around without weapons, servants, and 
unarmed, such as other European travellers (Sachau, 1883, 20–211). According 
to him, a stranger, who is afraid of being robbed or attacked by local inhabitants 
often reaches out to his gun at nights. Thus, he shows that he would turn a weapon 
against the enemy lurking in front of him and that he wants to prove that he is not 
afraid to use it (Sachau, 1883, 120).
In the nineteenth or early twentieth century, the majority of the European 
travellers showed authoritarian behaviors when dealing with the peoples of the 
Orient during their journeys. This is even more the case with British travellers, 
as citizens of a colonial Empire, which occupied one-fifth of the whole world. It 
is not difficult to notice that Sachau brims with self-confidence: he sees himself 
as superior to the oriental people. He experiences a dilemma between fear and 
trust during the journey. Although he believes that there is almost no place safe 
and in the Orient one faces the danger of being attacked, he always moved quite 
comfortably. Because, being a European gave him confidence that he would not 
be so easily attacked, except by “Circassians and Kurds living on the Ottoman-
Turkish border”. According to him, when there would be an attack, it would be 
done for the purpose of robbery (Sachau, 1883, 385, 437). He believes that there 
is a significant difference between the Bedouins and Kurds in the tendency to 
violence. The Kurds can rob travellers but never kill them. On the other hand, the 
Bedouins can burgle and kill a traveller (Sachau, 1883, 356). 
The “unsafe” Ottoman country is not clean either. He observes the society, 
culture as a European by generalizing the geography and subconsciously compar-
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ing it to where he comes from (Europe). The method by which he describes the 
city of Homs is a product of the stereotypes of the collective memory that he took 
over without question as quoted; “…the city is dirty, tortuous and stinky like any 
oriental city…” (Sachau, 1883, 62). When he arrives in a village called en-Nahla 
in today’s Syria, the order, wealth, size and grandeur of the houses reminds him 
of Europe. While he enters the oriental market, “with its wild crowds, screams 
and clamor” (Sachau, 1883, 100), this feeling disappears almost completely and 
he finds himself again, like waking up from a dream, in the dirty, narrow, winding 
and uneven streets of the Orient. While Europe is depicted as peaceful, safe, 
moderate, beautiful and orderly place in his writing, the Orient appears as an 
inexhaustible source of problems, as the opposite of the western culture. One can 
see this antagonism in different parts of his narratives. 
Sachau emphasizes that the peasants who guided him in accomplishing his 
research in Urfa bathed in the Belih Stream only once during the journey and 
based on this impressions, he describes them by generalizing as the dirty steppe 
people who “don’t use water just for cleaning themselves”. According to him, 
the drinking water is too valuable in this region to be wasted just for cleaning 
(Sachau, 1883, 213). As a Western traveller, he describes the Orient, by othering it 
ontologically and epistemologically as well as highly generalizing from a western 
standpoint. In order to define the superiority and perfection of European civili-
zation in relation to the Orient, he emphasizes the backwardness, disorder and 
dirtiness of the Orient and compares it with Europe. Thereby, he actually seeks 
to identify himself as an European. As Thompson points out travel is to record an 
“encounter between self and the other and a “negotiation between similarity and 
difference” (Thompson, 2011, 10). 
In order to keep the oriental servants under the control and discipline during 
the travel, Sachau threatens them to lower their salary because he believes that 
the most characteristic feature of the oriental people are “greed and covetous, no 
matter whether they live in city or village and in desert” (Sachau, 1883, 213). 
Furthermore, he claims that the people in the Orient have a tendency to choose 
always a way out of difficulties and to escape from responsibility. According to 
him, this character prevented them from acting practically and rendered them 
incapable of hard work and intellectual reasoning (Sachau, 1883, 299–300). In 
the nineteenth century, it became nearly a tradition in a wide range of writing 
genres (literature, politic, academic and art) in Europe to represent the Orient 
through certain stereotypes such as indolent, fatalist, despotic and uneducated. 
The travel narratives also played an important role in the emergence and spread 
of these negative imaginations. 
As seen in Sachau’s narratives, an orientalist-traveller perceives the “civi-
lization he had studied before, with unshakable abstract maxims” (Said, 1979, 
52). Sardar points out that “The traveller saw what he expected to see and 
reported what his audience at home were conditioned to expect” (Sardar, 1999, 
24). That means, the encounter with the other has almost no significance in the 
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elimination of stereotyped powerful ethnic prejudices. In this context, it can be 
said that an orientalist-traveller chooses/searches the kinds of people who are 
suited to the stereotypes he has created before. Finally, two different kinds of 
orientalist-knowledge forms emerge from travel impressions. Said formulates 
this as follow:
 […] the very power and scope of Qrientalism produced not only a fair amount 
of exact positive knowledge about the Orient but also a kind of second-order 
knowledge-lurking in such places as the ‘oriental’ tale, the mythology of the 
mysterious East, notions of Asian inscrutability-with a life of its own, what V. 
G. Kiernan has aptly called ‘Europe’s collective day-dream of the Orient’ (Said, 
1979, 52).
In travel narratives, one can see “gender, racial identity, national identity, 
economic status and host of other interrelated markers of status and privilege” 
(Ivison, 2003, 201). Seen from this angle, travel is the process of knowledge 
production. During his travel, Sachau produced a wealth of knowledge in differ-
ent fields, ranging from anthropology to politics, philology, religion and geogra-
phy. As Said points out, amount of “exact positive knowledge about the Orient” 
(Said, 2016, 52). However, he uses this knowledge also as a way, as a vehicle to 
‘otherise’ the people and observes the multinational Ottoman society very care-
fully in their daily lives, up to the most ordinary religious practices and beliefs 
and describes them by separating each other from their religion and sectarian. A 
concrete example of this method is his emphasis on the deep ‘hatred’ between the 
Ansarians (Al-Nuṣayriyya Shiite minority sect) and “Muslims”:
In Antaki [today Hatay], I met the elements of another nation that I first met 
in Rible in the Bekaa, the Arabic-speaking Ansarians, the inhabitants of the 
mountains between Orontes and the Eleuthero […] The most cordial hatred 
exists between them and the Mohammedans. Since they are not allowed to 
enter the mosques they hold their worship in their own Sanctuary.
[In Antaki traf ich wieder ein Volkselement, das mir zuerst in Rible in der Be-
kaa begegnet war, die Arabisch redenden Ansarijje, die Bewohner der Gebirge 
zwischen Orontes und dem Eleutheros […] Zwischen ihnen und Mohammeda-
nern besteht der cordialeste Hass; da man ihnen nicht gestattet die Moscheen 
zu betreten, halten sie ihren Gottesdienst in einem eigenen Gotthaus.] (Sachau, 
1883, 463)
As seen in this quotation, he builds a generalized narrative form from a small, 
insignificant incident in different parts of text. From his description of Ansarians 
and Muslim can be understood that he does not classify the Ansarians as Muslims 
or explain what he means by the expression that Muslims are Sunnis.
Sachau often observes Muslims’ perception of non-Muslims in their everyday 
life as follow: 
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When talking about Christians particularly European Christians, an average 
Muslim who uses labels like giaour (unbeliever), dog or pig feels himself 
indescribably superior in such cases and would send him […] to hell with 
pleasure.
[Der Durchschnittsmuslim, der von dem Christen und besonders dem europäi-
schen Christen mit seinem fremdländischen Manieren nie anders mit solchen 
Titeln wie Giaur (Ungläubiger) Kelb (Hund), Khanzir (Schwein) fühl sich bei 
solchen Gelegenheiten unendlich weit über ihn erhaben würde ihn am liebsten 
[…] in die Hölle expedieren.] (Sachau, 1883, 15)
By watching an opening ceremonies during the parade of Muslim pilgrims in 
Hama, he claims that similar rituals provoke the “fanaticism of the Muslims”. 
Therefore, he emphasises that the Europeans in the vicinity prefer to stay away 
from the crowd in this situations. He states that he was also attacked by Muslims 
(Sachau, 1883, 15). One can say that he tends to understand the Ottoman soci-
ety based on class and religious conflict and antagonism. He believes that the 
anti-Christian rhetoric of Ottoman Muslims arose in fact not only from religious 
fanaticism but also from envy of their wealth. According to him, the religious 
conflict has indeed become a vehicle for Muslims that allows them to seize 
Christians’ possessions. The silence of the Ottoman government in the face of the 
attacks encourages the Muslims to commit further harassments against Christians 
(Sachau, 1883, 15). From the text it is clear that he is quite prejudiced in his 
views on Islam and never believes that Islam and Christianity can be reconciled, 
as seen in the following quotation: “Islam is more likely to be swept away from 
Syria, like once from Spain” (Sachau, 1883, 16). His emphasis on the contrast 
between Islam and Christianity is often seen in different parts of the text.
While Sachau perceives the Muslims with blatantly negative eyes in their daily 
lives, his attitude towards Christians who embraced modernity, education and 
the European lifestyle in Aleppo is quite sympathetic. “On all the streets of the 
Christian neighborhood, on Sunday and other celebration days, men and women 
of the hardworking church community appear in elegant and precious clothes 
while they were going to church” (Sachau, 1883, 106). Although the Christians 
are not exposed to generalized, negative prejudice and hatred their neighbors, 
Turks and Arabs, are often represented by clichés and stereotypes such as lazy 
dirty and irregular. In other words, it can be said that the religion occupies an 
important place in his stereotype production.
His itinerary enabled Sachau to enquire into the condition of the Kurdish 
people, whom he had classified as an Indian-European tribe. This contact led him 
to build a memory, cultural design and stereotype about the Kurds. He visited the 
house of a Kurdish chieftain, a white-painted solid built house that lay outside the 
village, named Hasan Shamdin (Şemdin) in Gercüş a provincial town located in 
the east of Mardin. According to him, these houses are “very reminiscent of the 
castles of the German Middle Ages and the behaviors of their owners (chieftains) 
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to the saddest times of mediaeval Europe” (Sachau, 1883, 414). The feudal struc-
ture and the banditry of the Kurds occupy an important place in his narratives. 
As he did before in Bedouin society, he frequently visited and watched these 
tribal leaders, which led him to build many negative stereotypes about them. In 
addition, he layered sometimes existing stereotypes onto his observation.
Sachau claims that the Syriac and Nestorian Christians were persecuted by the 
Kurds in the Ottoman provinces. He believes that their skills in using weapons, 
their tendency to violence and the silence of the Ottoman government served 
to increase the oppression against them (Sachau, 1883, 410). During travel, he 
visited many Christian families whose narratives play a significant role in shap-
ing his Kurdish perception. He often uses some negative certain stereotypes such 
as savage and bandit to describe the Kurdish people. Wandering with fear and 
suspicion can be a sign that he set off on a journey with some prejudices about 
them (Sachau, 1883, 385–420). In his narrative, one can see a complex pattern: 
the Ottoman government keeps up its pressure on the Kurds, the Kurds on the 
Christians, the Ottoman government on the Kurds and Christians, and the Kurds, 
Arabs and the government together on the Yezidis.
By describing them as a “mysterious and completely closed” society in Sinjar, 
he cannot communicate with the Yezidis which were largely unknown to him. 
While he describes the Muslim Kurds by the non-Muslim narrative, he depicts the 
Yezidis by narrative of their Muslim neighbors. 
Nobody among my men, including Christians and Muslims, feels secure among 
them. There is always the danger that the word devil or expressions that are 
rightly or wrongly related to the devil may be used innocently in conversation. 
In this case, a Yezidi is unpredictable and prefers to pull the knife immediately. 
[Meine Leute, sowohl Christen wie Muslims, fühlten sich sehr unheimlich 
unter ihnen; es ist immer die Gefahr, dass man in der Unterhaltung arglos 
einmal das Wort Teufel oder Ausdrücke, die mit Recht oder Unrecht auf den 
Teufel bezogen werden, gebraucht, und in dem Fall ein Jezide unbrechenbar 
und zieht am liebsten sofort das Messer.] (Sachau, 1883, 331)
Rather than relying on the narratives of their Muslim neighbours he made his 
own observations about the Yezidis in Midyat, focusing particularly on banditry.
We have repeatedly met with some of the gangs of these bandits [Yezidi] who 
were armed with their long rifles, knives and pistols. These weird men with 
the pointed gray wool hood, white mantle and Bundshuh [type of shoe] walked 
away from us without giving a salute according to the custom of the country 
and undoubtedly estimated the number of our rifles and the value of our be-
longings. 
[Wir begegneten mehrfach Abtheilungen dieser Banditen, die mit langen 
Flinten, Messern und Pistolen bewaffnet finster und ohne nach landessitte 
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zu grüssen an uns vorüberschritten  zweifellos die Zahl unserer Flinten und 
den Werth unserer Habe abschätzten, unheimlichen Gesellen im Bundschuh, 
weissen Mänteln und spitzen, grauen Filzhüten.] (Sachau, 1883, 385)
Rather than negative Yezidi perception, his thoughts about the Bedouins are 
generally quite positive. As a linguist of the Semitic languages, he spent much 
time in Bedouin tents without the need for an interpreter to converse with them. 
Among all Muslim societies, the Bedouins have a privileged position in his writ-
ing.
The free Bedouins are the most decent ethnic element in the whole of the Ori-
ent. All of their facilities and customs are consistently humane […] The pure, 
unalloyed Semite of the desert, is superior as a human being when compared 
to the urban Arabs and their neighbours, Kurds and Turks.
[Die freien Beduienen sind das anständigste Volkselement im ganzen Orient. 
Ihre sämtlichen Einrichtungen und Gebräuche sind durchweg human […] 
Der reine, unvermischte Semit der Wüste steht als Mensch hoch über dem 
städischen Araber und über den Nachbarvölkern, den Türken und Kurden.] 
(Sachau, 1883, 312)
Fig. 4: The Bedouins of the Syrian Desert on the route of Eduard Sachau (Sachau, 
1883, 32–33).
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As seen in the above quote, he makes openly a rigid cultural categorization be-
tween peoples. This can be considered a continuation of the orientalist tradition. 
In the nineteenth century, the travellers were very curious about what an 
oriental woman in the Ottoman provinces looked like. In the Islamic society, 
the oriental woman was not very visible in the public sphere. Even though 
the travellers had almost no direct or close contact with the female world of 
the Orient, nevertheless, they depicted the oriental woman, by generalizing, 
at a lower level compared to the European woman. This description provided 
an entirely to the “Orientalized” image in nineteenth century Europe, which 
depicts women as a “miserable, powerless creature suffering from the violence 
and oppression of the ruling oriental man”. As Soukah points out when speaking 
the German Traveller Fürst von Pückler-Muskau the traveller could only watch 
the woman in her daily life from a distance (Soukah, 2016, 82) yet, portrayed 
her in great detail. The parallel with Sachau is striking. As part of everyday 
life in the Orient, the woman is an entity that Sachau observes and depicts 
from a distance with her mystery. For example, the peasant woman carrying a 
bucket of water on her head to the house of her husband from the Orontes River 
reflects the typology of women in the Orient, that is, an oriental woman in the 
service of her husband and isolated from a social world. According to him, this 
event, which is the routine of everyday life, shows what the natural duties of the 
oriental woman are (Sachau, 1883, 57).
The depiction of women in travel writing was sometimes shaped through 
certain sexual stereotypes and sometimes made with imaginary female figures, 
which did not actually exist. It is possible to see the physical depiction of oriental 
women and their sexuality in Sachau’s narrative. According to him, the Bedouin 
women, whether as wives or daughters, are “terribly ugly without exception”. 
While moving on the mountain of Sinjar, he encounters a group of Yezidi women 
who wash clothes and depicts a 13-year-old girl among them as follows: “[…] 
This girl seemed to have appeared to us from another world because of the el-
egance of her outer appearance and the beauty of her face” (Sachau, 1883, 327). 
The physical-sexual depiction of a child in this way in travel notes constitutes a 
striking example for how authors bequeat motifs to each other.
CONCLUSION
The travellers, who encounter different communities on their travels, are an 
important vehicle for the political and socio-cultural exploration of the Orient. 
Their hegemonic-colonial discourse played a very important role in shaping the 
perception of the Orient, of Islam and of the Ottomans in nineteenth-century Eu-
rope. With his Eurocentric approach to geography and culture, Sachau produced 
not only orientalist knowledge but also certain stereotypes about the Ottoman 
people and depicted them according to certain cultural patterns. Therefore, he 
also became a part of the formation of a collective Orient-perception, such as 
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the previous and subsequent travellers. Even though he made close contact with 
Ottoman people, he sometimes perceived the Ottoman communities through 
their neighbors (enemies) or mostly influenced by the narratives of the travellers 
before him. In other words, it can be said that he often built his thoughts on the 
highly generalised orientalist epistemology of his time. This means that he took 
over some knowledge, stereotypes and cultural approaches without questioning. 
While he reconstructed the Orient in his narrative, he actually brought forward 
his European identity without realizing it. One can say that his travel, in a way, 
was a journey he made to himself.
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PISANJA O ORIENTU: UPODOBITEV OTOMANSKE DRUŽBE V POTOPISU 
EDUARDA SACHAUA (1845–1930)
Remzi AVCI
Univerza Mardin Artuklu, Oddelek za zgodovino, Artuklu Campus, Diyarbakır Road Artuklu, Mardin, Turčija
e-mail: remzavci@gmail.com
IZVLEČEK
V 19. stoletju so literarna dela evropskih popotnikov postala besedilna sredstva, s 
pomočjo katerih je Zahod poskušal spoznati in razumeti Vzhod. Sloneč na neposredno 
pridobljenih, a zelo subjektivnih podatkih, so potopisi izpeljevali primerjave med Vzho-
dom in Zahodom ter izpostavljali razlike med obema regijama. S tem so močno vplivali 
na predstavo o Vzhodu, ki se je izoblikovala med zahodnjaki. Avtor se v prispevku osre-
dotoča na nemškega orientalista in filologa Eduarda Sachaua (1845–1930), profesorja 
z Univerze Friderika Viljema (danes Humboldtove univerze) v Berlinu in predstojnika 
tamkajšnjega Inštituta za orientalske jezike. Sachau se je na popotovanje po Vzhodu, ki 
je trajalo približno šest mesecev, odpravil leta 1879, zapiske s potovanja pa objavil leta 
1883 pod naslovom Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien (Potovanje po Siriji in Mezopo-
tamiji). V 19. stoletju so ne samo britanski in francoski, temveč tudi nemški popotniki 
pomembno vplivali na zahodnjaški pogled na Vzhod. Naslanjajoč se na pionirsko delo 
Orientalizem (1979) Edwarda Saida, avtor v raziskavi dokazuje, da Sachauove zgodbe 
ustvarjajo določene stereotipe. To prikaže z analizo načinov izražanja, mnenj in kulturnih 
vzorcev, ki jih je Sachau izbral za gradnjo orientalističnega diskurza, ko je opisoval 
različne etnične skupine, verstva in ločine.
Ključne besede: popotovanja, orientalistika, Eduard Sachau, Vzhod, Zahod, otomanski
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