LiVeS Journal
Ljubljana Slovenia 2019
LiVeS Journal
LiVeS Journal /Liberty, Verity, and Spirit/
Leto X julij 2019 shtevilka 13
Izdajatelj revije
Naslov
REVIJA SRP
i.a: http://ww e.m: urednishtvo@revijasrp.si e.m: editors@livesjournal.eu
Revija SRP, Prazhakova 13, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija
UREDNISHTVO
Peter Amalietti Ivo Antich Lev Detela Damir Globochnik Rajko Shushtarshich
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LIVES JOURNAL je slovenska revija, ki nadaljuje in na novem nivoju povzema projekt Revije SRP: gre za nadaljevanje posebne publikacijske prakse (v tisku in na spletu) kot radikalno naravnanega preizkusa mozhnosti neodvisne umetnishke, esejistichne, znanstvene refleksije v geohistorichnem kontekstu in oblik identitete v njem, ter gre za inovacijo zlasti v smislu vzporednega slovensko-angleshkega zapisa, ki se odpira sledovom slovenstva kjer koli po svetu. Usmeritev publikacije s svojo obliko in s pomenskimi razsezhnostmi nakazuje tudi ime: zachetni chrki obeh besed sta kratica za Ljubljano (LJ), v angleshki besedi LiVeS pa so simetrichni soglasniki zachetnice istih treh vodilnih pojmov kot v slovenski besedi SRP (Svoboda — Resnica — Pogum / Liberty — Verity — Spirit).
ISSN 1855-8267
LiVeS Journal
LiVeS Journal /Liberty, Verity, and Spirit/
Year X July 2019 number 13
Publisher of review
REVIJA SRP
i.a: http://ww
e.m: urednishtvo@revijasrp.si e.m: editors@livesjournal.eu
Address
Revija SRP, Prazhakova 13, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia
EDITORS
Peter Amalietti Ivo Antich Lev Detela Damir Globochnik Rajko Shushtarshich
3
LIVES JOURNAL is a Slovenian review which continues on a new level and summarizes the project of Review SRP: a continuation of the special practice of publication (in print and online) as a radical examination of the possibilities of an independent-oriented art, essayistic, scientific reflection in geohistorical context and its forms of identity, and the innovation especially in the sense of parallel Slovenian-English writing, which is opened to the traces of Slovenian identity anywhere in the world. The orientation of publication is also suggested by the name with its form and dimensions of meaning: the initial letters of both words are an abbreviation for Ljubljana (LJ), and in English word LiVeS symmetrical consonants perform the initials of the same three leading concepts such as in Slovenian word SRP (Svoboda — Resnica — Pogum / Liberty — Verity — Spirit)
ISSN 1855-8267
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Vsebina
Stane Wakounig Nekaj groshev upanja	6
Matjazh Jarc Sonchen dan (akrosonat)	12
Lev Detela Vojne fuge	18
Ivo Antich Perihelij (Dva triptiha)	22
Herbert Kuhner Vechkratni umor	28
Rajko Shushtarshich Paralelna stvarnost (II)	40
Likovna priloga
Damir Globochnik Ciklus kreposti (2012-2014)	74
Jana Vizjak Likovna dela /reprodukcije/	80
Za zgodovinski spomin
Milan Shtruc Slovenski napis na negovski cheladi	90
Anthony Ambrozic Prekletstvo templjarjev	120
Iz zgodovinskega spomina
Davorin Zhunkovich	Zhivljenjepis Ivana Topolovshka,
slovenskega jezikoslovca	130
Engelbert Rakovec	Sestava chloveshkega jezika ali sploshna
etimologija	148
Damir Globochnik Smrekarjeve ilustracije Martina Krpana	162
Damir Globochnik Kipar Lojze Dolinar	174
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Index
Stane Wakounig	A few pennies of hope	7
Matjazh Jarc	Sunny day (acrosonat)	13
Lev Detela	Fugues of war	19
Ivo Antich	Perihelion (Two triptychs)	23
Herbert Kuhner	A multiple murder	29
Rajko Shushtarshich	Parallel reality (II)	41
Art supplement
Damir Globochnik	The cycle virtues (2012-2014)	75
Jana Vizjak	Artworks /reproductions/	89
For historical memory
Milan Shtruc	Slovenian inscription on the Negau helmet	91
Anthony Ambrozic	The templar's curse	121
From historical memory
Davorin Zhunkovich	Slovenian linguist Ivan Topolovshek's
biography	131
Engelbert Rakovec	The structure of human language or general	149
etymology
Damir Globochnik	Smrekar's illustrations of Martin Krpan	163
Damir Globochnik	The sculptor Lojze Dolinar	175
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Stane Wakounig
NEKAJ GROSHEV UPANJA
ROZHE
Za god mi jih je prinesla.
Z rjave mize
so me pozdravljale toplo
rozhe sonchnorumene.
»O, saj godujem!«
Veselje me je obshlo.
Stopil sem blizhe.
Vsak listich je vzdrgetal,
ko sem jih pobozhal
rahlo, s tresocho roko.
Chudezhno dehteche
medeno zhivljenje
v teh cvetih
je skrito bilo.
Godovni dan je minil
s tem cvetjem na mizi.
Ko pa stopim zdaj v sobo,
vidim vedno potrt,
kako poveshajo rozhe glave,
kako se listi zvijajo vase,
kako se zajeda vanje obup,
kako chakajo samo she na smrt.
HOTEL BI
Hotel bi, moral bi, a ne gre. Stisnil bi pest, udaril bi,
a ne morem skrchiti dlani. Tekel bi,
pa so mi noge tezhke ko svinec.
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Stane Wakounig
A FEW PENNIES OF HOPE
FLOWERS
They were given to me on my name day
I saw them
on the wooden table,
the sun-yellow flowers.
»Oh yes, my name day.«
My heart was filled with joy.
I got closer to them.
As my hand
tenuously touched them,
each petal seemed to quiver.
Marvelously fragrant,
they contained
honeyed life
within them.
My name day passed
with the flowers on the table.
And now, when I enter the room,
I sadly see the flowers,
heads hanging,
petals withering,
despair consuming them
as they wait for death.
I WANTED TO
I wanted to had to but couldn't. I made a fist tried to strike but missed. I ran
but my legs were leaden.
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Krichal bi, a nimam besed. Jokal bi, pa nimam solza. Molil bi,
a ni v prsih Boga.
Moje misli hitijo,
kakor nekdaj berachi
od praga do praga
in si zhelijo
samo koshchka miru,
prosijo samo pozhirka sreche —
tople domachije.
OBUP
Obupal je, a bil je she mlad. Ni vedel pocheti nichesar s svojim obupom. Zato je zachel spet upati. Upal je, da bo obupal nad svojim obupom.
VBOGAJME
Srechal sem chloveka, ki je prosil vbogajme ob cesti.
Ustavil sem se, pogledal v moshnjo svojih besed, pobrskal po nji, nabral iz nje nekaj groshev upanja in jih porinil
v njegovo izstradano roko.
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I screamed
but could utter no words. I wept
but there were no tears. I prayed
but had no belief in God.
Like beggars
my thoughts scurried
from door to door
hoping to find
a mouthful of peace
a shred of joy
and a haven from the cold.
DESPAIR He despaired
although he was still young. He didn't know what to do with his despair.
That's why he began to hope again. He hoped he'd despair of his despair.
ALMS
I saw a man sitting at the roadside asking for alms.
I stopped,
looked into the purse of my words, rummaged in it, picked out
a few pennies of hope and shoved them into his emaciated hand.
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Vstal je.
Oprl se je
na bergle
in odtopotal.
Z groshi upanja v srcu?
Spet zhivljenju naproti?
NESRECHA
Luzha krvi krichi proti nebu. Prazna karoserija miruje v cestnem jarku. Ukrivljena plochevina, razpokan, popraskan lak se topo razkazuje plahim pogledom.
Ljudje so se razshli.
Pochasi,
sposhtljivo se blizha v oguljeni, zeleni monduri cestni pometach, da bi zabrisal z metlo boleche spomine.
STANE WAKOUNIG (1946, Zhelezna Kapla / Eisenkappel), avstrijsko-koroshki slovenski pesnik, uchitelj. Matura na Zvezni gimnaziji za Slovence v Celovcu (1966), shtudij bogoslovja, nato pedagogike, oboje v Celovcu. V svojih pesmih s preprostim, a prefinjenim posluhom belezhi drobna, a pomenljiva vsakdanja dozhivetja v neposrednem okolju. (op. ur. I. A.)
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He got up,
placed his crutches
under his arms,
and trotted away.
Were there pennies in his heart?
Was he going off into a rosy future?
THE ACCIDENT
A pool of blood cries to the heavens. The empty wreck lies in the ditch. Warped metal and chipped paint offers itself bluntly to the wincing glances.
The bystanders disperse.
Slowly
the street sweeper in his faded green garb approaches with deference to sweep painful memories away with his broom.
Translated by Herbert Kuhner (with Zdravko Inzko, Peter Kersche, Klaus Detlef Olof)
STANE WAKOUNIG (1946, Zhelezna Kapla / Eisenkappel), Austnan-Cannthian Slovenian poet, teacher. Graduated at the Federal Gymnasium for Slovenians in Klagenfurt (1966), studies of theology, then pedagogy, both in Klagenfurt. In his poems, with simple but refined hearing, he records tiny but significant everyday experiences in the immediate environment. (ed. n. I. A.)
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Matjazp Jarc:
SONCHEN DAN
(akrosonat)
Sonce, nash vesoljni gospodar, v jedru magijo zlata topi, vsako jutro spet razblini char in v pohlep odeto chrno noch, toda zla ne razsvetli nikdar. Vedno bo, kot je bilo nekoch: snov pod njim zhari in ledeni, ko lovi planete v svoj obroch, orbite pa spleta in krivi.
Orbite pa spleta in krivi sonchni mojster, kozmichni urar, meri chas, dolocha smer poti, izdihuje zhivi prah semen in ustvarja snov iz nesnovi. Spodaj, v soju Mesechevih men, na planetu cvetja in prevar, mali chlovek v blatu do kolen noro kuje vedno nov denar.
Noro kuje vedno nov denar, neprestano se bori za chast, za premoch, preseganje utvar, a zaman prisvaja si planet, ki samo njegov ne bo nikdar. Za vekove, za milijarde let je privid lastnine le balast. A kljub temu, kot da je zaklet, chlovek misli, da ima oblast.
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Matjazp Jarc:
SUNNY DAY
(acrosonat)
Sun our universal majesty within its core smelts gold in alchemy scatters each and every morning's charm and the dusky night adorned in greed. It can never lighten evil's harm, forever it will be as it once was, below it matter glistens icily as it planets to its circle draws, bending, weaving orbits mightily.
Bending, weaving orbits mightily Sun the cosmic lord of space and speed measures time, sets paths by his decree living dust of seeds it doth exhale antimatter turns to matter — he. Beneath, illumed by lunar phases pale, in the world of flowers and deceit man, knee-high in mud, so small and frail mints new money ever obsolete.
Mints new money ever obsolete, must forever for his honour spar to prevail and to transcend deceit. But tries to claim the earth to no avail, he can never hold its ownership complete, millennia will pass and eons trail, ownership is but mirage bizarre. Still as though he has been cursed to fail, man believes that his is to preside.
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Chlovek misli, da ima oblast, v sponah ur uzhiva in trpi, kot da bi se ujel v usodno past, vztrajno se izgublja v mrtvi kot, kjer z vekovi lega plast na plast, on pa plete svojo mrezho zmot, vse podira, kar si kdaj zgradi. Dve svetlobi kazheta mu pot, ena drugo z zharki presvetli.
Ena drugo z zharkipresvetli, skusha jo izriniti v propast in ji je vseeno za ljudi. Druga pa razgrinja temni soj, skozenj zlate zharke razprshi, v mir natrosi srecho in spokoj, podari uzhitek, plodno slast. In ko njuno dete vstopi v boj, ni ne zvezda niti ni poshast.
Ni ne zvezda niti ni poshast, pach pa novo seme za ljudi, neke nove vrste bozhja mast, ki se skozi rod razsemeni. Zadnjo vojsko zhene zemljo krast, da bi skozi vek odtekla kri, toda hip se v vechnost spremeni. Iz neshtetih angelskih ochi dvojno bitje v enem se rodi.
Dvojno bitje v enem se rodi, komaj da razlochi se kontrast, kot da sta pognali dve kali. Prva kal, ki v vlazhno prst prodre, lachna, zhejna v sonchni dan vzbrsti, druga pa se nikdar ne odpre, z njo ugasha v srcih zadnja strast. Ko se pred ochmi razblini vse, aura se razsije v novo rast.
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Man believes that his is to preside views bonds of time as glee and misery, as though he got in legal fetters tied persistently he to the blind spot strays where forever layers are compiled while he knits a weave of his mistakes all he builds he crushes ruthlessly. Two lights guide him on his way of ways One beats other's luminosity.
One beats other's luminosity it would have it wholly nullified it cares little for humanity. The other will unfold its dusky crease, through it golden rays can scatter free Pouring joy and calmness into peace granting pleasure, fruitful appetite. when their offspring joins the fight it is neither shining star nor beastly sprite.
Neither shining star nor beastly sprite,
but a seed of new humanity
grease the likes of which would God provide
taking root through bonds of family.
Has its last troop pilfer land and fight,
usher in an age of butchery,
but a moment turns eternity.
out of countless angel-eyes that see
two are born in singularity.
Two are born in singularity, hardly any contrast can be spied, like two buds each growing separately. One bud enters earthen humid womb, thirsty, hungry, sprouts to daylight's glee. But the second bud will never bloom so heart's final passion will have died. When its last trace ether does consume, brand new sprouts of aura shimmer wide.
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Aura se razsije v novo rast in oko ne prepozna sveta: ni razredov, slojev, ni vech kast, ni vech bojev in prerivanja, saj telesa niso iz krvi. Mater Zemljo gledajo z neba, iz svetlobe angelskih ochi. Ko posveti Sonce iz srca -nekaj chudezhnega se zgodi.
Nekaj chudezhnega se zgodi. Aura se razsije v novo rast, Dvojno bitje v enem se rodi. Ni ne zvezda niti ni poshast, Ena drugo z zparkipresvetli. Chlovek misli, da ima oblast, Noro kuje vedno nov denar, Orbite pa spleta in krivi — Sonce, nash vesoljni gospodar.
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Brand new sprouts of aura shimmer wide
familiar sights will all have passed away:
Classes, layers, castes are set aside,
then there's no more fighting, no more fray
their bodies have no blood you see,
From the heavens they observe the Earth's display
and the lights of angels' eyes that be
once the hearts spring forth the light of day
a miracle occurs astoundingly.
A miracle occurs astoundingly; Brand new sprouts of aura shimmer wide, two are born in singularity. Neither shining star nor beastly sprite, one beats other's luminosity. Man believes that his is to preside, mints new money ever obsolete, bending, weaving orbits mightily Sun our universal Majesty.
Translated by Jaka Jarc
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Lev Detela
VOJNE FUGE
GLASBA
Fuga. Fuga. Fuga. Dalje.
Zvon. Fuga. Pach. Pach. Dalje.
Fuga. Zvecher. Pish. Pach. Pach.
Dalje. Zvon. Gor. Pish.
Fuga. Fuga. Pish. Pach. Pach. Gor. Dalje.
Zvon. Zvecher. Glasba.
Pach. Pach. Pish. Fuga. Glasba. Pach. Pach. Dalje.
Zvecher. Zvon. Glasba. Gor. Gor. Dalje.
Glasba. Pach. Pach. Pish.
Dalje. Gor. Gor. Zvecher.
Pach. Pach. Glasba. Gor. Pish. Dalje.
Glasba. Pika. Chrta. Konec. Dalje.
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Lev Detela
FUGUES OF WAR
MUSIC
Fugue. Fugue. Fugue.
Farther. Bell. Fugue. Well. Well. Farther.
Fugue. Evening. Wind. Well. Well.
Farther. Bell. Up. Wind.
Fugue. Fugue. Wind. Well. Well. Up.
Farther. Bell. Evening. Music.
Well. Well. Wind. Fugue. Music. Well. Well.
Farther. Evening. Bell. Music. Up. Up.
Farther. Music. Well. Well. Wind.
Farther. Up. Up. Evening.
Well. Well. Music. Up. Wind.
Farther. Music. Point. Line. End. Farther.
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FRIZURA PO PRAVI MERI Ven.
Ob. Stran. Proch. Do. Ob. Stran. Do. Proch. Stran. Ob. Proch. Do. Proch. Ob. Do. Od. Proch. Ob. Ven.
TRGOVCI Z OROZHJEM
smodnik smo postrelili zhe zdavnaj vso kri prelili nam vojna je v uzhitek bombe in pushke pa pridobitek za vojske vsepovsod so posli in rachuni z raketami in topovi na koncu smrtni blisk zhivljenje je pritisk
INTERNACIONALNO
si preturshko nerazsoden
kot hrvat nikjer potreben
pravi kitajski boljshevik
naivna arabska debela rit
agresivni chush brez kravate
kot albanec samo mulat
stalni perzijski sovrazhnik
italijansko nezanesljiv
kot francoz poln ostrih muh
kot zamorec vsem odvech
tuji umazani uzhivach
pri nas bosh vedno le cestni pometach
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FASHION CUT Out.
At. Away. Off. To. At. Away. To. Off. Out. At. Off.
To. Off. At. To. From. Off. At. Out.
ARMS DEALERS
the powder has been shot off
a long time ago all the blood was spilled
the war is enjoyable
with bombs and rifle guns
for the confused armies everywhere
interested in profit and calculations
with rockets and cannons
and at the end a deadly flash
life is an offensive clash
INTERNATIONAL
you are turkish too untrue as a croat needed nowhere a real chinese bolshevik arabian naive bulky arse aggressive slav without a tie as an albanian only a mulatto a permanent persian enemy flip-flopping as an italian really pungent as a frenchman and as a negro superfluous to all a foreign dirty bon vivant among us forever stay scant
Translated by Herbert Kuhner and Ivo Antich
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Ivo Antich
PERIHELIJ
(Dva triptiha)
JEKLENI CIKLON (ciklonizacija v periheliju) (Triptih)
DIVJE SONCE
Divje sonce, ki iz ne-sveta mojo mrko senco mechesh v ta svet. Go-rechi shchit nad altajskimi vrhovi! Ob vecherih vidim konjenike v stepi, zholt mrches, ki melje trdo morje trave. Z besnim krikom zhe cvete jesen, z nemim krikom skrijesh se ochem. V golo teme vrezujesh mi razpoko — tamga, oster zharek, leze vame, dviga prah, da visim.
DIVJASHKA LUCH
Divjashka luch, pokol samot, kri, ki v curkih brizga iz temena. V roki blisk drzhim, jeklo, prsti lepki od mozga in krvi. Kako zhgesh, samo she vrisk sem, od vseh strani na vse strani zagnan, nikdar zachet, nikdar konchan. Pushchava, krov. Zharechi pesek se v nebo vrtinchi, chez vid rezil, ki vro z ne-strani na drugo stran. Vrch razbit. Nichesar ni. Le ti si. Ti.
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Ivo Antich
PERIHELION
(Two triptychs)
STEEL CYCLONE (cyclonization in perihelion) (Triptych)
WILD SUN
Wild sun, you throw my dark shadow from the no-world into this world. Burning shield over the Altay peaks! On evenings, I see horsemen in the steppe, yellow insects which grind the hard sea of grass. With a raging scream, yet blooms the autumn, with a silent scream you hide yourself off my eyes. You are cutting a crack into my apex — the tamga, a sharp beam, creeps into me raising dust, makes me to hang.
SAVAGE LIGHT
Savage light, slaughter of solitudes, the blood which jets out of apex. In my hand, I am holding a flash, steel, fingers are sticky of marrow and blood. How you burn, still I am just a cry, from all sides to all sides thrown out, never begun, never finished. Desert, roof. Glowing sand swirls into the sky, across the sight of blades which run from the no-side to the other side. Broken jug. Nothingness. Only you. You.
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SUROVI BLISK
Surovi blisk, zabij me v tla! Da bom zrno, kaplja, chisti duh snovi. Tre-shchi v moj strzhen, naj orgije praznuje srh. Mornarje vidim, srechne konjenike, srechne svechenike krvavih glav. Os, angelsko tuljenje kril. Zidarji chasa valovijo
v	zid. Jelen ruka. Grmijo gobe. Ploshchat si, zdrav, dober, cel. Iz knjige sanj se razpre atom: sonce, bich, dan.
GOR (Triptih)
DANLUCH
Videl sem luch, videl sem dan. V pushcha-
vi	se pokazhe gospodar, kot biser senca. In da ukaz in vedno
vse poplacha. Videl sem luch, videl sem dno. V ozkih ulicah, kahlah, v mraku in megli, v pristanishchih, na kolodvorih, kjer je zmeraj polno ljudi, nesmiselnih odhodov, prihodov, smeri od nikoder nikamor, klici, zhvizhgi, sejmishche obupa.
KAKERLAK
Videl sem tvojo roko: krhke kosti prstov pod mlechno rokavico kozhe. Poliran poslovni mozh. Chlo-vek iz sveta steklenih fasad, betonskih ograj, aluminija, jekla, bahavih pisarn, preprog, ki du-shijo korake. Kadar si stopil na sonce, si s chrnimi naochni-ki zakril s krvjo zalite ochi. In v zhepu zgrabil mrzlo pishtolo.
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CRUEL FLASH
Cruel flash, stab me into the ground! Make me
to be a grain, drip, pure spirit of matter.
Crash into my core, let the shudder
celebrate orgies. I see the seamen, happy
horsemen, happy priests with their
bloody heads. Axis, angelic howling
of wings. The masons of time are waving
into the wall. A deer troats. Mushrooms thunder.
You are flat, healthy, good, whole. From the book
of dream, an atom divides itself: the sun, the whip, the day.
UP
(Triptych) DAYLIGHT
I saw the light, I saw the day. In the desert appears the master, like a pearl of shadow. And gives order and always pays off everything. I saw the light, I saw the bottom. In narrow streets, chamber-pots, in the dark and fog, in harbours, at railway-stations where it is always full of people, meaningless departures, arrivals, directions from nowhere to nowhere, calls, whistles, fairground of despair.
KAKERLAK
I saw your hand: fragile
bones of your fingers under the milky glove
of skin. A polished business man.
A man from the world of glass façades,
concrete fences, aluminium, steel,
boastful offices, carpets which
dampen down the steps. When you stepped
on the sun, you covered with black glasses
your eyes filled up with blood.
And in your pocket you grabbed a cold pistol.
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DVIGALO
Z dna kleti gre kletka le navzgor: ali ubijesh ocheta ali mater, tretji si ti. Kdor je enkrat sli-shal vale soli, jih vech en pozabi. Kalna reka otroshtva, nad mestom lavra stoji. V lavri pa Laura she oddaja sobe, she ti v gnilem spominu tichijo bedra, vonj rib. Streljal si v zrcalo in padel v svojo kri. Kletka pa gor: brez konca v dno.
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LIFT
From the cellar's bottom, the cage upwards only:
you kill your father or your mother,
you are the third. Whoever hears
the waves of salt once, never forget
them. Muddy river of childhood, above
the city stands the lavra. In the lavra, Laura
still lets rooms, still in your rotten
memory there are stuck thighs, the smell of fish.
You shot at the mirror and fell into your own
blood. And the cage runs up: without end to bottom.
Translated from Slovenian by author
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Herbert Kuhner
VECHKRATNI UMOR
Premeshcheno sovrashtvo
Ne morem ochistiti svoje dushe od sovrashtva teh let
zhivljenja na morilskih tleh, ki vanje sem bil vsajen.
Vrnil sem se v Avstrijo pred vech kot tretjino stoletja, in ugotovil,
da sem nezazhelen gost, izgnan kot pisatelj, blokiran pri vsakem premiku in zamejen glede vseh ugodnosti.
Glavni izvajalci teh ukrepov
so bili posredniki,
ki delujejo kot most za emigrante.
Rdecha preproga je rezervirana za tiste, ki jih je mogoche dobro izkoristiti, toda Bog naj pomaga tistim, ki se ne drzhijo chrte!
Konflikt, ki se dogaja, poteka med
tabloidnimi revizionisti in rasisti ter samooklicanimi antifashisti in filosemiti, ki izrabljajo holokavst.
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Herbert Kuhner
A MULTIPLE MURDER
Misplaced Hatred
I cannot purge my soul of the hatred that years
of living in the killing grounds have instilled in it.
I came back to Austria more than
a third of a century ago, finding that
I was an unwelcome guest, ostracized as a writer, blocked at every turn and barred from all benefits.
Spearheading these actions were the intermediaries who act as a bridge for emigres.
The red carpet is reserved
for those who can be put to good use
but God help the ones
who don't tow the line!
The conflict that takes place is waged between the tabloid revisionists and racists and the self-proclaimed anti-fascists and philo-Semites who exploit the Holocaust.
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Prvi
skushajo ublazhiti in razlozhiti
zlochine Tretjega rajha,
slednji pa se
okorishchajo s stanjem
in ga uporabljajo kot odskochno desko
za svoje kariere.
Ureditev je diktatura z demokratichno strukturo, kjer sharlatani nadzorujejo svet umetnosti in poganjajo predstavo.
Njihov vlozhek je povelichevanje in praksa nasilja
med prelivanjem krokodilskih solz za zhrtvami preteklosti.
Omenil sem jih kot morilce duha, vredne dediche njihovih predhodnikov.
Medtem ko je bilo v Reichu
mnogo klavnic za telo,
danashnji morilci uporabljajo
bolj subtilno sredstvo,
toda naj je fizichni ali duhovni —
umor je posel
morilca.
In lazhni prijatelj je zame taka zavrzhenost kot deklarirani sovrazhnik, che ne celo vechja.
Tezhko je ochistiti mojo dusho od sovrashtva, ki je v tem primeru gotovo upravicheno.
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The former
try to mitigate and motivate the crimes of the Third Reich, and the latter cash in on the situation and use it as a springboard for their careers.
The set-up is a dictatorship with a democratic structure where the charlatans the art world hold sway and run the show.
Their bit
is the glorification and the practice violence while shedding crocodile tears for the victims of the past.
I've referred to them as assassins of the spirit, worthy heirs to their predecessors.
Whereas in the Reich
abattoirs for the body abounded,
today's assassins use
more subtle means,
but whether physical or spiritual,
murder is the business
of the assassin.
And the false friend is as much of an anathema to me as the declared enemy, if not more so.
It's hard to purge my soul of hatred, which in this case is certainly justified.
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Po drugi strani pa predmet tega obchutja preprosto ni vreden vlozhenega truda.
Nova pasma
Obstaja nova pasma tajne policije. Ne nosijo vech
polstenih klobukov in dvojno zapetih povrshnikov iz tvida ali usnja. Imajo dolge lase in nosijo kavbojke, vetrovke in superge.
Videti so kot tvoj kolega,
protesta udelezheni sosed,
in prijateljsko se ti prislinijo,
vendar so tam,
da te imajo pred ochmi,
in te ovadijo,
che naredish prestopek.
Che sluchajno
ugotovish, kako in kaj,
in razkrijesh katerega od njih,
ti lahko podeli
karate udarec
in visoko brco.
Hotenje po belem
Zhelel sem biti bel
in vedel sem da biti bel
pomeni misliti belo
vendar nekako nisem mogel nehati
razmishljati chrno
in cheprav moj obraz
ni bil videti chrn
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On the other hand, the object of this passion is simply not worth the energy invested.
A New Breed
There's a new breed of secret police. They no longer wear fedoras and double-breasted topcoats of tweed or leather. They have long hair and wear jeans, Windbreakers and sneakers
They lock like your fellow
next-door protester,
and they may buddy up to you,
but they are there
to keep an eye on you
and snitch
if you get out-of line.
If you happen to find out what's what and corner one, he might serve you up a karate chop and a high kick.
Passing For White
I wanted to be white
and I knew that being white
meant thinking white
yet somehow I couldn't stop
thinking black
and even though my face
didn't look black
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sem vedel da je chrn in she vech kot to oni so vedeli da je chrn in da je njegova bledica pomanjkanje bele barve ker ne glede na to kako bled je bil moj videz je bila moja dusha chrna chrna kot noch chrna kot pikov as chrna kot hudicheva dusha ker biti bel
pomeni zavrechi chrno barvo in to je bil ukrep ki si ga nisem mogel zadati
tako sem spoznal
da bi lahko bil bel kot kreda
a ne glede na to
kako bel bi bil videti
bi bilo belo nekaj takega
kar jaz nikoli ne bom mogel biti
in da ne biti bel
pomeni biti chrn.
Vechkratni umor
Kri umorjenih kristjanov, prelita od zhidovskih rok, tudi krichi do neba!
— Robert Prantner, Zur Zeit, 7/ 1997, Andreas Molzer, zalozhnik
Fant po imenu Anderl je bil najden umorjen pred vech kot shtirimi stoletji v tirolski vasi Rinn. Vashchani so bili preprichani, da je bil otrok lahko zhrtev samo
obrednega umora s strani Judov, in Anderla so chastili kot muchenika v vashki cerkvi.
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I know it was black
and what's more
they knew it was black
and that its pallor
was a lack of white
for no matter how pale
my exterior
my soul was black
as black as night
as black as the ace of spades
as black as the devil's soul
for being white
meant rejecting black
and that was a step
I couldn't bring myself
to take
so I realized
that I could look chalk-white but no matter how white I seemed to be white was one thing I could never be and not being white meant being black.
A Multiple Murder
The blood of murdered Christians shed by Jewish hands also cries to the skies! - Robert Prantner, Zur Zeit, 7/1997, Andreas Mölzer, publisher
A boy by the name of Anderl was found murdered more than four centuries ago in the Tyrolian village of Rinn. The villagers were convinced that the child could only have been the victim of a ritualistic slaying by Jews, and Anderl was revered as a martyr in the village church.
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Ubiti otrok je bil res
zhrtev kot vsak ubit otrok,
vendar je bil ubijan znova in znova,
ker je njegovo ubijanje rabilo kot pretveza
za uresnichitev najbolj zlih namenov.
Legendo o obrednem zhrtvovanju so ohranjali morilci milijona in pol otrok, in zahvaljujoch njihovim dedichem, je prezhivela do danes.
Kartonski arhitekt
Vsaka hisha, ki sem jo postavil, je razpadla. Je to kaj chudnega? Namesto gradnje z opeko
sem uporabljal karte.
Nespametno
(iz: Felled by Friendly Fire - AutobbiographicalShort Pieces, 14. poglavje, 13. december 2017)
»Bilo je nespametno od vas, da ste recenzirali Kuhnerjevo knjigo.«
—	Bodo Hell, pisec, Levu Deteli, ki je recenziral Broadsides & Pratfalls za Ex Libris, ORF (avstrijski radio).
»Zakaj ste mu povedali?«
-	Bodo H.
(Hell je nenapovedano prishel z rokopisi v moje stanovanje. Objavljal sem ga v vsaki shtevilki Integration, literani reviji, ki sem jo urejal v zgodnjih sedemdesetih letih.)
V tistem chasu je Tomazh Shalamun v Sloveniji pisal Deteli, da bi se moral izogibati stiku z mano, ker sem »barbar in CIA-agent«.
(Nekaj let kasneje, ko sem o tem vprashal Shalamuna, je dejal, da je »informacija« prishla iz Avstrije, in ime izvora je bilo na konici njegovega jezika.)
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The slain child was indeed a victim like any slain child, but was slain again and again, since his slaying served as a pretext for realizing the most evil aims.
The legend of the ritual sacrifice was nurtured by the murderers of one and a half million children, and thanks to their heirs, it has survived till this day.
Cardboard Architect
Every house that I constructed collapsed. Is it any wonder? Instead of building with bricks I used cards.
Unwise
(from: Felled by Friendly Fire — Autobiographical Short Pieces, Chapter 14, on 13. December 2017)
»It was unwise of you to review Kuhner's book.«
—	Bodo Hell, author to Lev Detela, who had reviewed Broadsides & Pratfalls for Ex Libris, ORF (Austrian Radio)
»Why did you tell him?«
-	Bodo H.
(Hell came to my apartment unannounced with manuscripts. I published him in every issue of Integration, a literary journal that I edited in the early Seventies.) At that time Tomazh Shalamun in Slovenia wrote Detela that he should avoid contact with me since I am »a barbarian and a CIA-agent.« That rumor made the rounds for years.
(Years later, when I asked Shalamun, he said that the »information« came from Austria and the name of the source was on the tip of his tongue.)
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HERBERT KUHNER, avstrijsko-amerishki pesnik, pisatelj, prevajalec, pishe v angleshchini in nemshchini: poezija, romani, drama, eseji o umetnosti in filmu ter prevodi. Rojen leta 1935 na Dunaju, leta 1939 se je s starshi izselil v ZDA, odrashchal v ZDA in diplomiral na Univerzi Columbia v New Yorku. Na Dunaj se je vrnil leta 1963. Je tudi jazz glasbenik (igra bobne). Izumil je koncept remigracje, kot sam pravi: »Ta beseda je neologizem, ki pomeni priti nazaj tja, od koder si bil izgnan. Vrnitev v moj rojstni kraj mi je dala edinstveno prilozhnost za pisanje o revizionizmu in nasilju Tretjega rajha pod preobleko umetnosti. Te teme se med seboj povezujejo kot deli sestavljanke, da bi razkrile, kako se preteklost razkriva v sedanjosti.« -Chlan Amerishkega drushtva za poezijo. Dobitnik avstrijske Nagrade Theodor Kramer za pisanje v odporu in v izgnanstvu (2014). Med mnogimi drugimi publikacijami je uredil tudi antologijo Koroshka slovenska _poezija (1984). Prvich je bil predstavljen kot pesnik v Lives Journal, 2010 / sht. 1. (op. ur. I. A.)
Izbor in prevod Ivo Antich
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HERBERT KUHNER, Austrian-American poet, writer, translator, writing in English and in German: poetry, novels, drama, essays on art and film, and translations. Born in Vienna in 1935, emigrated with his parents to the US in 1939, grew up in the US and graduated from Columbia University, New York. He returned to Vienna in 1963. He is also a jazz-musician (plays the drums). He invented the concept of remigration, in his own words: »This word is a neologism, which means coming back to where you have been driven out. Returning to my birthplace has given me a unique opportunity of writing on Third Reich revisionism and violence under the guise of art. These topics interlink like pieces of a puzzle to reveal how the past manifests itself in the present.« — Member of the Poetry Society of America. Winner of Austrian The Theodor Kramer Prize for writing in resistance and in exile (2014). Among many other publications, he also edited the anthology Carinthian Slovenian Poetry (1984). For the first time, he was presented as a poet in Lives Journal, 2010 / No. 1. (note by ed. I. A.)
Selection and translation into Slovenian by Ivo Antich
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Rajko Shushtarshich
PARALELNA STVARNOST (II)
P.S. I.: (PARALELNA STVARNOST: PRVICH ) Zahvalno razpolozhenje in razpredanje spielverderberjev (She ali pa zhe na krovu admiralske ladje Slovlandia I.)
Shus: Ti, Franci, poslush, kje je Hanzhej.
Zagorchnik: Marasa tolazh, revzh je chist prech. Z Waucharjevim cholnom so ga pelal. Shus: Ja tale havarija ni bla machja shala.
Zagorchnik: Ne sam havarija, she pesnik Krokar ga je nabasov zarad pisajna o njem v Reviji SRP, (O Petkovi dramatki).
Shus: Pa sej je v celi reviji prebral le dve besedi: prva njegovo ime in druga priimek. No ja, she tist odstavek okol njiju.
Zagorchnik: Ravn to je blo prevech al pa narobe. Krilu je z rokam in zjov, da je to nezaslishan, da je on zhe zdavnej reku, da b moral revijo prepovedat. Da je to najbolj shkodljiv pojav chasa na Slonovovenskem. Skratk, da gre za kulturshkandal pa pisajne neresenic, tud o njem. Shus: Shkoda. Zagorchnik: Zakva pa?
Shus: Da ne pridemo tkole kar trije spielverdeberji, od tega she dva slepa potnika, na admiralsko ladjo.
Zagorchnik: Kva s naju pa vabu, k t ni nben reku. Shus: A se ni splachau? Zagorchnik: Zdele zhe, zdele.
Shus (se rezhi kot pechen machek): P! P! Zadnja chrka: Revije SRP je P (Pogum)! Zagorchnik: Dost mam zafrkancije, rajsh povej: Kaj pravsh na tole vse skup? Shus (se zresni, kar nekaj chasa premishljuje, potem vprasha): A na vse skupej? Zagorchnik: Ja, menda.
Kronist Shus: Zmir m je muchu vprashane zakva je Platon pesnike pognou z drzhave? Pisatelj Zagorchnik: A ti ni zhe pred leti pojasnu tega moj nekdanji kolega, urednik revije (za menoj seveda) Prablemov Jasha Zlobensen. Kronist Shus: Zhe, zhe, ampak ... Zagorchnik: Kaj, ampak?
Shus: Ja, takat je bil pesnik, urednik revije, she pr naskok na bastiljo nam je pomagov, zdej pa je ambasador Slonovovenije v Bruxellesu. Tko rad je mu latinske pregovore, med njimi narrajsh tga: »tempora mutantur et nos mutamur in illis«. Zagorchnik: Prej silno predrzni hipy v kavbojkah, zdaj zglajshtrani diplomat v fraku, pa she lepo zaokrozhen, da ga je vesele pogledat. A kaj to spremeni na odgovoru? Odgovor je odgovor in ostane tak kot je bil, kaj ni bil dovolj dober?
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Rajko Shushtarshich
PARALLEL REALITY II
P.S. I.: (PARALLEL REALITY: ONE)
The Game-spoilers' Sense of Gratitude and their Lengthy Philosophising (Still or already aboard the Slovlandia I. flagship)
Shus: Hey, Franci, listen, where's Hanzhej?
Zagorchnik: He's consoling Maras, poor man is completely beside himself. They
took him by Wauchar's boat.
Shus: Yes, that shipwreck was no picnic.
Zagorchnik: Not just the shipwreck, Krokar the poet also chewed him out about
how he was portrayed in the SRP journal (On Petko's dramatics).
Shus: But he only read two words of the whole journal: one — his first name and
two — his last name. Well and the paragraph surrounding the two.
Zagorchnik: Well that's exactly what was too much or wrong. He yelled failing his
hands that this is outrageous, how he'd said a long time ago that the journal should
be banned. That it's the most harmful phenomenon of the time in Slonovenia. In
short, that it's a cultural scandal and they're writing untruths, also about him.
Shus: Too bad.
Zagorchnik: What for?
Shus: That the three of us game-spoilers, two of us stowaways, can't just waltz onto the flagship.
Zagorchnik: What did you invite us for anyhow, nobody told you to? Shus: Didn't it pay off? Zagorchnik: It is right now, sure.
Shus (grinning like the Cheshire cat): P! P! the last letter in SRP is P for pluck! Zagorchnik: Enough of this horseplay, tell me: What do you say about all this? Shus (grows serious, ponders for quite a while and asks): You mean about all this? Zagorchnik: Well yes, indeed.
Shus the Chronicler: I was always haunted by why Plato ran the poets out of his Republic. Zagorchnik the Writer: Didn't my former colleague, editor of the Problemi journal (after me of course) Jasha Zlobensen explain this to you years ago? Shus the Chronicler: Sure, sure, but... Zagorchnik: But — what?
Shus: Well, at the time he was a poet and editor of a journal, he even helped us charge the Bastille, and now he is Slonewvenia's ambassador to Brussels. He loved Latin sayings so much, most of all the one that goes: »Tempora mutantur et nos mutamur in illis«. Zagorchnik: Once a very insolent hippy in jeans, now a polished diplomat in a tuxedo, and nicely rounded out, a pleasure to behold. But what difference does that make to his reply. A reply is a reply and stays as it was; wasn't it good enough?
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Shus: To zhe. Namrech, to zdej ni vech isto. Pomen se spremeni za nazaj. On sam ga je spremenu.
Zagorchnik: Spet tvoja parapsihologija, kot da chasa ni. Vse je zdaj (ga popravi). Shus: Ni moja, che zhe hochesh, da od koga je, potem je to tako po Henrijevo (H. Bergsona): Ni chasa, samo trajanje je. Neposredna dejstva zavesti se prezhemajo, to je vsa umetnost zunajchasne, pravilneje pa sochasne komunikacije s sogovorniki izven oz. zunaj chasa. Svoboda na primer je zanj »dejstvo in med dejstvi, ki jih ugotavljamo, jasnejshega (gotovejshega) ni.
Vse tezhave tega problema in problem sam izvirajo od tod, ker se ... ideja svobode
ne da izrechi v jeziku, v katerem je (ona) ochitno neprevedljiva.«
Svoboda je neizrekljiva. Odrechi se ji ne moremo. Prepustiti jo samo politichnemu
govoru, jeziku, tega ne moremo. Che se je odreche nash jaz v korist nashega mi, jo
je s tem odrekel nam. Nash mi je pred istim problemom kot nash jaz.
In che hochesh, je to tako tudi po Janezu evangelistu in she nekaj njih, ki zanje
vem (teoretichno pa po vsakem, ki to resnichno res hoche).
S tvojo neizmerno skrbjo za slovenski jezik pa se, che hochem al ne, moram strinjat, res je obchudovanja vredna dobrina, lastnost. A kaj ko izumira, redka je kot kaplja vode na vrochem shtedilniku. Ko bi le na MIKS-u (ministrstvo za kultludizem Slonovovenije) she kdo tako mislu k je Scharfman lan. V tem primeru pa bil vseen raj iz chasa vn, kot zun.
Zagorchnik (se poshali): Ja lohk bi se tud ti mal bl potrudu s knjizhno venetshchino.
Shus: A vesh kok se martram z njo, nkol m' naush verjeu.
Zagorchnik (namerno preskochi temo o jeziku, se poshali): Sej, sej, tvoji sogovorniki izven chasa so povzrochili nemalo zabave. Se res pogovarjash z njimi? Shus (se spet rezhi): Che se se sam spomn ksihta tiste tajnice na Kapucynovem MIRS-u (ministrstvu za resnico vlade slonovovenske), k sm prshu na pogajanja k ministru za subvencijo Trakatata o svobodi. Tga nam nkol pozabu. Glih malcala je pa se j je senvich zataknu, tak smeh jo je posilu k sm prshu. Sam shef jo je reshu, da se ni zadavla. (Se rezhi.) Zagorchnik: Kva pa j je reku minister?
Shus: A ministr? Tga pa ne vem. Najbrzh, da za take smotarije pa res nimajo gnarja. Jst ministra nisem vech vidu od bliz. Zagorchnik: Kdo pa pol?
Shus: Sekretar vseh ministrov tega minstrstva Fabrinc, fejst fant. Nadru jo jo je na licu mesta, ko cucka. Sam strah jo je reshu davitve gotove. Mdva sva se poznala zhe od ministra Stanyslavskega in prej, k smo se s ta rdechmi usekal za lblansko »Bastiljo komunizma«. Mau sva pokramljala, bl zarad protokolskh manir. Zagorchnik: Prov t je, kva s pa tok hvalu tga ministra med vojno za Slonovovenjo. Shus: K je bu res briljanten. Sam nem sm tko reku, zapisu. (Se popravi.) Zagorchnik: Saj res kokto, da ga ni zravn?
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Shus: Yes, sure it was. It's not the same anymore. The meaning changes retroactively. He changed it himself.
Zagorchnik: Again with your parapsychology, like there's no time. Everything is now (he corrects him).
Shus: Not mine, Henry's (H. Bergson) if anybody's: There's no time, only duration. Direct facts of the subconscious permeate themselves; that's all there is to extemporaneous communication, more precisely, to concurrent communication with people outside or out of time. For example, he sees freedom as »fact«, and among the facts we can discern, there are none clearer (surer).
All the issues arising from this problem and the problem itself stem from this... the idea of freedom cannot be said using language, to which it is untranslatable.« Freedom is unsayable. We can't gainsay it. If our self denies it in favour of our »us«, it gainsaid it to us. Our »we« is facing the same problem as our self. And if you will, it's also by John the Evangelist and a few others I know about (in theory by anyone who truly wants it).
Want it or not, I have to agree with your immense care for the Slovenian language; it's a truly formidable commodity, trait. But it's dying out, rare as a drop of water on a hot stove. If only anyone at MIKS (Ministry of Cult-ludism of Slonewvenia) would think like Scharfman did last year, I would rather be out from time rather than outside it.
Zagorchnik (jests): You could work a little harder on your literary Wendish. Shus: Do you know how hard it is for me? You wouldn't believe it. Zagorchnik (purposely skips over the discussion on language, jests): Exactly, your out-of time conversation partners caused quite a bit of fun. You really talk to 'em? Shus (grinning again): If I just remember that secretary at Kapucyn's MITS (Ministry of Truth of Slonewvenia), when I came to negotiate at the Ministry of Subsidising of the Treatise on Freedom. I'll never forget it. She was in the middle of her lunch, gaged on her sandwich from laughing so hard at me coming in. It was the boss himself saved her from choking (he laughs). Zagorchnik: What did the minister say?
Shus: The minister? I don't know, probably that they really don't have any money for such haberdashery. I never came close to seeing the minister. Zagorchnik: Who then?
Shus: The secretary of all the ministers at that ministry, Fabrinc, good guy. He yelled at her right there, like she was a puppy. It was the fear that saved her from death by sandwich. We knew each other from the time of Minister Stanyslavski and before, when we clashed with the reds for Ljubljana's »Bastille of communism«. We chatted a bit, more as a matter of protocol.
Zagorchnik: Serves you right, the way you praised the minister during the war for Slonewvenia.
Shus: But he really was brilliant. I just said it to him, wrote it (he corrects himself). Zagorchnik: That reminds me, how come he's not part of this?
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Shus: Krigskolega se navta nkol vech skupaj vozila. Ankat bo manku en al pa drug. Zagorchnik (ponovi v shali): Sej, sej, te tvoji sogovorniki izven chasa so povzrochili nemalo zabave. Se res pogovarjash z njimi?
Shus: Mislish posmeha? A mislish, da tga nisem vedu. Zhe k sm seznam
sogovornikov zun cajta na ta zadno stran Traktata prlimov.
Zagorchnik: So vsi na seznamu, a nben ne manka?
Shus: Nkol ne morjo bt vsi pa tud vse ne, zmir mn jih je.
Zagorchnik: Kdaj se pa pol pogovarjash z njimi?
Shus: K nimam drugih (sogovornikov) in che oni tko hochjo.
Zagorchnik: U kirem jeziku?
Shus: V nobenem jeziku, v notranjem govoru (endofaziji). Zagorchnik (nejeverno, malo provokativno): Dej no?
Shus: Pa, saj si bral, celo izdal si drugo dopolnjeno izdajo. Endofazija je chudna rech. Kaj, kako, zakaj: vzpostavim pogovor z zhivimi zunaj chasa, sem opisal, literarno zashtrikano, le na moj nachin. Vsak ma svojga. Zagorchnik(ga popravi): Z mrtvimi. Shus: Z zhivimi, mrtvih ni.
Zagorchnik: Sej, sej tudi tam je bilo vse na zachetku, kako je zhe bilo tist? Vse je blo prej kokr nch.
Shus: Ti se kr hecj, rajsh sam preber, che glih chsh, tud sam moram vchas. Za kva pa mislish, da jo vlachm povsod s sabo? Klele mash svojo izdajo. (Z malo jeze garnirano, mu maha z knjigo. Malo okleva, ne ve, che zdaj pravi chas za to. Pa mu vseeno da knjigo): Preber. Mal chudna prilozhnost, a mislim, da je glih zdaj pravi chas za njo.
Zagrenchichnik (prebere):
V zachetku je bilo vse,
in vse je bilo v vsem,
in vse je bilo samo Vse.
Vse je bilo v zachetku samo v sebi.
Shus: No vish. Tlele je odgovor na tvoje vprashanje. Sam, da to ni moje razodetje! Je Janezovo razodetje. Sm bu sam pisar, dons b reku zapisnichar al po kunshtn: srednik v komunikaciji z njim. Zagorchnik: S kom?
Shus: A tle me chakash? Z Janezom evangelistom, che lohk rechem tko. Zagorchnik: Kva pa che jih je blo vech k so ga napisal teamsko (kolektivno) delo, tale tvoj Janezov evangelij?
Shus (presenecheno): To s pa dobr opazu. Res je, kar naprej so so vmeshaval v pogovor. Vchas sm se orng namuchu zrad njih. Vchas sem polemiziral tud z njimi. A sam on je res vedu, za kaj gre. Zagorchnik: To ti bo pa kdo verjel?
Shus: Ni treba. Nochem, da kdo verjame. Dojame vsak sam, z vzhivetjem, ne z vero, potem vidish sam, vse lahko obchutish, sedaj. A pustiva zdaj to.
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Shus: These trench-buddies will never drive together again. One of them will always be somwhere else.
Zagorchnik (again in jest): Exactly, your out-of time conversation partners caused quite a bit of fun. You really talk to 'em?
Shus: Yoe mean ridicule? You think I didn't know. I knew already when I attached
my list of conversation partners to the back of the Treaty.
Zagorchnik: Are they all there, is nobody missing from the list?
Shus: All of them can never be there, there are less and less of them all the time.
Zagorchnik: When are you talking to them, then?
Shus: When I have nobody else to talk to, and if they're up for it.
Zagorchnik: In what language?
Shus: No language, its in internal speak (endofasia).
Zagorchnik (incredulously with slight provocation): Get out?
Shus: You read it, you even published the second revised edition. Endofasia is a strange thing. What, how, and why: I establish a dialogue with the living outside time in a congested literary fashion, in my own way. We each have our own. Zagorchnik (corrects him): With the dead. Shus: With the living, there are no dead.
Zagorchnik: Yes, yes, there in the beginning everything also was, how does it go? Everything was before there was nothing.
Shus: Joke all you want; read for yourself, if that's what you want; I also have to,
sometimes. Why do you think I keep dragging it with me? Here's your edition.
(With a trace of anger he waves a book in his face, hesitates a bit, unsure if it's the
right time for it; then decides to give him the book anyway): Read. A strange
opportunity, but I think this is a good time for it.
Sourgorchnik (reads): In the beginning there was everything,
and everything was in everything,
and everything was itself Everything.
Everything was itself in itself at the beginning.
Shus: There you go. Here lies the answer to your question. Only, this is not my revelation, it's the revelation of John! I was just the scribe, today we call it minute-taker, or more refined — the mediator in communication with him. Zagorchnik: Whom?
Shus: This is where you lay in wait, is it? John the Evangelist, if I can say so. Zagorchnik: What if a team wrote this Gospel of John of yours collectively? Shus (surprised): Well noticed. It's true, they kept interfering in our communication. Sometimes it was a real pain dealing with them. Other times, I debated them as well. Only he really knew what its about. Zagorchnik: Who's gonna believe that?
Shus: No need, I don't want them to believe. Everyone gets it on their own. Live instead of believing it, then you'll see for yourself, then you'll be able to feel everything now. But let's move on.
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Zagorchnik: A tole polomijo (havarijo) bosh tud zapisov?
Shus: Ni treba, je zhe napisana, sam spomnt se je bom mogu, kar se da natanchn. She posebej felerje in faule protagonistov kreativcev.
Zagorchnik: Ampak che je tuko, pol je blo zhe vse dolochen, v chem je pol igra? Shus: Vse: vkljuchuje tud svobodno voljo, to kar ldje ne marajo. Razen nekaj Njih, k vedo kuga hochjo, al pa vsaj misljo tuko. Tud che ne b, che b blo dolochen kva se bo zgodl, sta vsaj she dve vprashanji: Kako se je zgodl in zakaj se je tako zgodl? Ni vseen, je vprashanje okusa (estetike) in dostojnosti (etike). K zhe koga konc jemlje, k gre igra h konc, pa ni vseen kako se psti in zakaj popusti. Zagorchnik: Kdo so Oni?
Shus: Propagandisti, duhovni (z)vodniki, agitatorji. Ti preklet dobr vejo, kva chjo, ne iz premisleka, z izkustva vedo, da lahko z ldi opice nardejo, kadar chjo. Sam zato, ker chvovk-ldje ne marajo svobode. Rajsh majo prostovoljno suzhenjstvo. Zagorchnik: Oni pa ne?
Shus: Oni majo rad pregled. Usiljo se vmes, natank med usodo in svobodo, kjer lahko najlevsh dirigirajo. Svobodni pa niso, ker imajo vishje nad seboj, to je, vmes. In tako naprej in tako naprej.
Shus: A ni bla ta-glavna misija oldtimerja propaganda — promocija kultturizma, kultludizma?
Zagorchnik: Pa verska, pa politichna, ksheftarska agitpropaganda?
Shus: Tochn tko, sam da vrstn red ni chist taprav. To je tuko zate, k jh she posebej
ne marash.
Zagorchnik (o religiji ni hotel razpravljati, kar najezhil se je): Kje sva zhe bila, pri kom sva obtichala? Kaj to spremeni na stvari?
Shus: Veliko spremeni, tako rekoch vse. Obtichala pa sva pri Platonu, ki je pognal pesnike vn! z Drzhave. Zagorchnik: Kar vse pesnike?
Shus: Ne vseh, saj je bil tudi sam pesnik, cheprav se je shtel le za filozofa. Pognal je tiste, k so se samo shli pesnike. Pa tiste k so lagal .. .(premor), da govore resnico, da so sam(o)svoji.
Zagorchnik: Ktere je pa pol pustu, a take, k so se shtel za pesnike, k so se shli prave pesnike, so kej k pesniki shtel?
Shus: Eni tko dobr, da so she sami v sebi verjel. Drugi so se udinjal lazhi mochi
tko lizunsko, da tga nis mogu gledat. Kar muchi se, enostavno je, a glih zato ni
lahk videt. Muchl me je leta in leta.
Zagorchnik: Zdaj s pa le pogruntov.
Shus: Sploh nisem, sami so mi povedal, drug za drugim.
Zagorchnik: Dej no, kaj rechesh, pa ja ne na shtiri ochi?
Shus: Ne na shtiri ne na eno samo oko. S svojim ravnanjem so mi povedali. Ni enga odgovora za vse.
Zagorchnik, neha z zafrkancijo, sedaj ga je zadeva zachela resnichno, res zanimati. (Poslusha molche.)
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Zagorchnik: And this wreck (shipwreck), will you write about this too? Shus: No need, it's written already, I'll just need to remember it as precisely as I can; especially the failures and fouls of the creative protagonists. Zagorchnik: But if this is how it is, than everything was fixed, what's the game? Shus: 'Everything' also includes free will, which people don't like. Except the Few who know what they want, or at least think so. Even if it didn't, if events would be predetermined, at least two questions arise: How and why did it happen this way? There's a difference, a matter of taste (aesthetics) and decency (ethics). When one circles the drain, the end in sight, it matters how they give in and why they give up. Zagorchnik: Who are They?
Shus: Propagandists, spiritual leaders and pimps agitators, who know damn well what they want. They know, not through forethought but from experience, that they can turn men into apes anytime they want. Just 'cause man-people don't like freedom. They prefer voluntary slavery. Zagorchnik: And they don't?
Shus: They like having oversight. They insert themselves right in-between fate and freedom, where they can conduct the most beautifully. They aren't free, because they have people above them — i.e. in-between. And so on and on. Wasn't the oldtimer's main mission propaganda — the promotion of »cultourism, cultludism«? Zagorchnik: And religious, political, peddlers' agit-propaganda? Shus: Exactly, only the order is a bit different. This is how you see it, because you dislike them in particular.
Zagorchnik (wouldn't discuss religion, his hair stood on end): Where were we, who were we stuck on again? How does this change things?
Shus: It changes a lot, practically everything. We were stuck on Plato, who ran poets out! From the Republic, from the state. Zagorchnik: What, all poets?
Shus: Not all of them, he was a poet himself, even though he counted himself a philosopher. He only cast out those who were just playing poet, and those who lied... (pause) that they speak the truth, that they are (in)dividual. Zagorchnik: Who did he leave there, those who counted themselves poets, who played real poets, did they count as poets at all?
Shus: Some so much that they fell for their own rouse. Others put themselves
forward to the lie of power with such fawning it was hard to watch. Keep
struggling, it's simple which is why it is not easy to see. It pained me for years.
Zagorchnik: Now you finally figured it out.
Shus: I didn't at all, they told me themselves, one after the other.
Zagorchnik: Come on, what are you saying, not face-to-face?
Shus: Not face to anything; they told me in their actions. There is no one-fits-all answer.
Zagorchnik (stops making fun, his interest is beginning to be piqued in earnest, he listens in silence.)
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Shus (nadaljuje v rahlo shaljivem tonu, a to je pri njem pomenilo, da gre zares): Posodili so se politiki, potem so se odposodili in sedaj zopet chutjo klic vesti ali domovine ali samega vraga, da se morajo zopet posodt. Sam poglej une v SANU, Kosicha, Dzhavoshkega in njune prjatle. Tm se sam bl vid, kva morjo: nashchuvat drhal na vojno morijo. Za veliko stvar, k je sam v njihovih glavah velika. Zagorchnik (ga prekine): Potem rachun she ni plachan. Ti pa jih spomnsh, zmir spet spominjash, da se jih je sposodila politika, potem se jih je odposodila, se pravi, nagnala tje, kamr sodjo.
Shus: Zdej s pa bliz. Pochak she mau, da povem do konca: zneverili so se politki, izneverila jih je politka, a ti brez nje ne morjo, brez pesnishtva in pisanja pa so lahko, kdar chjo (hochjo). Kar poglej jih, skupaj smo se borili za svobodo misli in pisanja, to je, ne sam gobcanja, zdele pa nas ravn Oni narbl preganjajo. Onemogochajo revije, svobodno misel sovrazhijo, svobodno plovbo prezirajo. Ta ekvilibracija od Antigone do Kreonta in nazaj in malo pochez mi gre na kozlajne, she posebej, k je mrtvo morje in mam deu v podpalubju. (Ne pusti se prekiniti.) Takoj bom: Platon bi dons nagnal ne sam pesnike, ki lazhejo, she prej tiste, k pravjo, da jim pesnishtvo ni pot do oblasti, pa so njeni sluge: njene slave, mochi! Ne moresh jih spregledati, tega ne videti, ne na zunaj, she manj od znotraj. A ni enostavn?
Zagorchnik: Da bl ne more bt, ampak to vsi vedo.
Shus: Zhe mogoche, a delajo se, kot da tega ne vidijo; vsaj pri seb ne, in pri svojih prijateljih in kameradih in uglednih in sposhtovanih in priznanih in nagrajenih in pri tistih, ki imajo konkretno ime in priimek, pri teh she posebej ne. Na oblasti so, njenih kljuchnih polozhajih, pa pravjo, da nimajo nch z njo. V stranki so ga hotl za predsednika, pa je reku, da nch nima s tem, da tga sploh ne ve. Zhe mogoche. Sam koko, da oni tga niso vedel?
Zagorchnik: K gun, k je prshu nazaj k psihodohtrju: gospod dohtar jz zhe vem, da
nism pshenichn zrn. Sam ne vem, che kura ve.
Shus: A ma glih tuko je bvo s Petkovo gvavo pa Stranko puntarsko.
Zagorchnik: Kaj pa bi ti na njegovem mestu naredu, z njim? Jh ne bi pognou, che
b le mogu?
Shus: Ne, gvishn ne, tga nkol ne bi mogu. Nkol neb hotu te njihove mochi. Zagorchnik: Pa recmo, da b jo vseen mu. Tko k ti pravsh: hipotetichno si zamisl. Shus: Pol pa b jih gvishn ta narprej poveljevanja oldtajmerjev razreshu. Odstavu b jh prav cajt, preden ga ne zamochjo, tko da smo vsi mokr, ko mish. Naj le pishejo, pesnijo, kolkor hochejo! Naj penit, njih slinit, jenja On! Le Pesnik na oblasti je hudo nevarna kreatura (posebej za pesnike, ki niso njegov vshtric). Zagorchnik: No vish, pol se pa chudsh, da nas hochjo ukint, znicht. Shus: Sam tga nochm (oblasti ne), nit hipotetichno. Pa se zato, k nochmo oblasti, ja ne bomo kar pustl ukint vsakmu novmu tiranchku? Zmir glih, k so vsi glih. Zagorchnik: Pa mislish, da to t bo kdo od njih verjel? Sploh pa ziher je ziher, za vsak sluchaj, che b se premislu. Zhe, da te kdo lahko slish je prevech.
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Shus (continues in a slightly witty tone, a sign things are getting serious): Politicians lent themselves, took themselves back; now they feel the call of conscience or homeland or the devil himself to lend themselves again. Just look at those in SAN — Kosich, Dzhavoski, and friends. It's just clearer what needs doing: set the riffraff on the carnage of war for a grand cause only grand in their minds. Zagorchnik (cuts him off): Then the tally hasn't been settled yet. And you remind them, you keep reminding them, that they were borrowed by politics, then unborrowed — that is driven out where they belong.
Shus: Now you're getting close. Let me finish: they failed politics, politics failed them but they can't bear to be without it; they can be without poetry and writing anytime. Look at them, together we fought for freedom of thought and writing, not just babbling, and now They are our worst persecutors. They thwart journals, hate free thought, despise free sailing. This equilibration from Antigone to Creon and back and a bit across makes me sick, particularly because the sea is dead and I have work below deck. (He doesn't let himself be cut off.) I'm almost done. Today, Plato wouldn't just cast out lying poets, he would cast out those who say that for them poetry isn't a way to power while they serve it: its fame, power! You can't overlook or fail to see — not outwardly even less inwardly. Isn't it simple? Zagorchnik: Couldn't be simpler; but everyone know this.
Shus: Could well be, but they pretend they don't see it. At least not in themselves their friends and comrades, and in those esteemed, respected, acknowledged and awarded, or those with concrete names and surnames, especially the latter. They are in power, in its key positions and say they have no ties to it. His party wanted him to be leader and he said it has nothing to do with him that he doesn't know anything about it. Could well be, but how come they didn't know it? Zagorchnik: Like the man who said to his psychiatric doctor: »Doctor, I know that I am not a grain of wheat, I'm just not sure the chicken knows it too. Shus: The same thing went down with Petko's head and the Rebel party. Zagorchnik: What would you do about them, if you were in his place? Wouldn't you run them out, if you could?
Shus: No, I'm sure I could never do it. I'd never want power like that. Zagorchnik: Let's say you had it anyway. Like you say — imagine it hypothetically. Shus: Then I'm sure, I'd strip them of their command of old-timers. I'd depose them in time, before they could screw up and we all got soaked. Let them write and compose whatever they want! Let Him stop foaming and driveling! A poet in power is a mightily dangerous creature (especially to poets who aren't at his side). Zagorchnik: See, and you're surprised when they want to abolish and annihilate us. Shus: But I don't want it, not even hypothetically. Surely we won't let ourselves be abolished by every tyrant just because we don't want power? Always the same, because they're all the same.
Zagorchnik: Do you think anyone will believe this? Just to be safe, so you don't change your mind. If anyone even heard you, it would be too much.
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Shus: No vsaj mal zraka nam lohk pustl, dihat luft smrdljiv. Zagorchnik: No, to pa gvishn ne branjo. Sam not nas vlachjo v svojo igro. Shus: Oni sploh ne morjo kapirat, da so lohk tud paralelni pisuni, ki nochjo mochi, oblasti. K jim je dost, che lahko misljo in pishejo po svoje. Che pa to vsen vejo, pa se delajo, kot da je to samo slabost shibkih.
Zagorchnik: Ezopva basen: Lisica je sprevidela, da ne more do grozda in dejala je: Ah saj je kislo.
Shus: Pa racionalizacija po tistmu Freudu, k je vech shkode naredu z njo kt z vsem shmornom o Libidu. Sicer pa ... Zagorchnik (malo radovedno): Sicer?
Kronist Shus: Naj gredo, kamr hochjo. Svoji k svojim. Sopotniki k vodnikom zvodnikom, agitatorji k mogochnim, propagandisti k onim s cekini. A jih je treba vseen razkrinkat, razodet, razstavt, razgalt, razgont,.. Zagorchnik (vpade vmes): Skratka, krizhat, linchat, al pa vsaj popljuvat? Shus: Ne za vraga, ne jim nasest, tko Oni pravijo: Kritika da, linch ne. Pa pojejo pesmi o spravi in proti revanshizmu in nesovrashtvu in tako naprej in naprej in she preprichljivo za gledalce povrh. Saj so Oni tudi pesniki oz. so pesniki nad pesniki, zajahali so Pegaza in prijahali na dvor. Sam Pegaz je premenu (se preobrazu) v bojnega konja. Zato so nevarn k sto vragov.
Zagorchnik (aludira na Shusovo najnovejsho debato z Georgesom Orwellom): Na kratk, dvorni pisuni z oprodami v bojni opravi, mi pa tovorni konji: »'She bolj bom delal', je rekel Boksach in udaril s kopitom po podju. Detelja pa je od zhalosti shirala, ko so garachu posthumno postavili spomenik z avreolo« Shus: Tok, tko. Na kratko pa ne. Tole, k s zdele reku zhe ni blo prevech kratko. Skor nikol se ne da na kratk kej dost povedat. Navsh reku, da so epigrami kitice modrosti. Ne nasedaj Njim, k reko: »prevech not, prevech chrk«. Lot se jih orng in z imeni in priimki!
Pisatelj Zagorchnik: Vsak po svoje. (Zdej je blo jasn, da se ta debata ne bo dobr konchala in se verjetn sploh ne bo nikol konchala. Da bi ga mau pomiru je zamenjal temo): Kuga pa tok pensh? Kakshne cigarete kadish? Shus je mislu skor nekj tacga, bla sta skor za hip na istmu valu. Melanholichno bi se zazrl v chisto novo lichno shkatlico cigaret: Okej — vchasih sem pipco kadil, pipco miru, tko lepo z andahtjo. Zdaj (bere):
Kim,
ultra slim, light,
New York, London, Paris. Manjka she: Berlin, Vienna, Budapest, Roma, pa Pirano seveda.
Zagorchnik (je malo triumfalno dodal): A m nis tisto drugo izdajo razodetja prnesu v Wordstar-ju?
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Shus: Well they could've let us breathe a bit, the stinky air.
Zagorchnik: Ok, they aren't stopping us. They're just dragging us into their game. Shus: They just don't get that there can be parallel writers that don't want power, happy if they can think and write in their own way. And if they actually know this, they pretend it's just a weakness of the feeble.
Zagorchnik: Aesop's tale — the fox realized it can't get to the grapes and decided that they're sour anyway.
Shus: And the rationalisation by that Freud guy who caused more damage with this than all that Libido malarkey. Anyway... Zagorchnik (with some curiosity): Anyway?
Shus the Chronicler: Let 'em go where they want to go, each to their own. Travellers accompanying their leaders, pimps, agitators to the mighty, propagandists to people with coin. But they still have to be unmasked, revealed, dissasembled, bared, scattered,.
Zagorchnik (jumps in): In short — crucified, lynched, or at least spat at? Shus: Hell no, don't fall for it, that's how They describe it: Criticism yes, lynch no. And they sing songs of reconciliation and non-hate against reprisal and that, and they appear convincing to the outside observer to boot. Actually, they're poets — or poets above poets; they mounted Pegasus and rode to court. Pegasus itself changed (transformed) into a battle stallion. So they're dangerous as hell. Zagorchnik (alluding to Shus's latest debate with Orwell): In short, court scribes with squires in battle gear, and we with beasts of burden. »I will work harder« said Boxer and stomped his hoofs on the floor. Meanwhile, the clover withered of sadness as they honoured the worker with a wreathed monument posthumously.« Shus: Yes, in a nutshell, but not in short. What you just said wasn't very short, was it. You can almost never say very much in short. You can't say epigrams are verses of wisdom. Don't fall for it, when they say: »Too many notes, too many letters.« Go after them properly, with names and surnames!
Zagorchnik the Writer: To each their own. (It was clear that this debate would not end well, or probably at all. To calm him down a bit he changed the subject): Why are you getting all flustered? What brand do you smoke?
Shus had a similar thought; for a bit they were almost on the same wavelength. He would peer melancholically into a brand new comely cigarette box: OK, I used to smoke a pipe — a peace pipe, with indulgence. Now (he reads): Kim,
ultra slim, light,
New York, London, Paris. these are missing. Berlin, Vienna, Budapest, Roma, and of course Pirano.
Zagorchnik (added a tad triumphantly): Didn't you bring me that second edition of the Revelation in Wordstar format?
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Shus: Zdej je na Wordu.
Posadka slonovomornarice specialne brigade Maris z gosti Pakta Atlantis in brodolomci druzhno gledajo CMN TV. Bile so ravno Olympic games of Atlanta. Slolandijo (Slowland, novo ime za Slonovovenijo, ki se je vedno bolj uporabljalo v javni rabi) so promovirali najboljshi sportsmani, ki jih je bilo mogoche za nash denar kupiti.
V elitni lozhi pa so bili zbrani vsi glavni igralci Ladijski botri: Joseph Kavel, Jonni Davos s psom Arturjem, Janez Dolinski (tudi Mirandolski) in Sam predsednik Kuchanosh z zheno Stephy. Tudi Petrini Svetokrishki in Wauchar Polihitsky nista manjkala.
Krepchali so se hamburgerji, pili Coca-Colo z dodatkom Coce. Razpravljali pa so silno pomembne rechi, razpredali so scenarij za dramo, ki jo bodo uprizorili preko dveh satelitov vsem zhivim in mrtvim Slonovenetom (oz. v zdruzhenem Slowlandu) in tudi v severnoatlantski in evrazijski javnosti. Vodilno promocijsko turistichno poslanstvo bosta imeli Slovenika 1-3 (predelane iz potopljene Slovenike in Kornpop I-II. Dramo so pisali druzhno, to je skupaj, to je eno-glasno. Njen naslov je bil: Pot v Evrop (Yurop).
Pisatelj Zagorchnik (je bil specialist tudi she za venetshchino oz. slonovorek oz. slowrek in seveda starorek tudi, je v zhivahnem zhivljenju uporabljal zhive jezike. Izzivalno je vprashal kronista Shusa): Kva pa zdej praush kronist, kva vsh reku na to?
Kronist Shus: Pa navsh reku, da sem presenechen, she zhalosten ne(jsm). Pravm, nau im ratal.
Zagorchnik: Dej n mau mn ga ser. Fertik stvar.
Kronist Shus: Tu lejt! S severa germanizacija, z zahoda romanizacija (lahizacija), z vzhoda hun(gar)izacija. A vish tist kruseider na obzorju? She izhod na odprto morje t je zapru Tit Brionski II. (drugi).
Zagorchnik: No vish, ne samo da gremo v Evrop, she ona se potrud sm. Kronist Shus: She posebej z Jugom (jugovshodni veter na Jadranu). Zagorchnik: Sam kva je kle prepozn?
Kronist Shus: Uncle Sam jih prehiteva, s floto Oceanije, in to z leve in desne, pa
she po krmi (z Jugom).
Zagorchnik: Kva pa che mau pretiraravash?
Kronist Shus: Prov nch. Che pa b, b vseen reku tistim, k se muchjo: s taljanshchno v tekstilni tovarni, pa nemshchino v tobachni, pa she prodajalkam sebe in kelnarjem k tolchejo tdzhanshchino, naj rajsh menezherje Uncls languish uchejo. Zagorchnik: Pa american way of leif.
Shus je jezno zabrisal prazno bottle Coca-Cole v morje in komentiral: To pa zhe znamo. Just we nead some money — Sams capital. Zagorchnik: Ziher ga bomo dubl, gvishn vech k ga rabmo.
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Shus: It's in MS Word now.
The crew of the Slonewvenian navy's special Maris brigade, the guests of the Atlantis Pact and castaways are all watching CMN TV together. The Atlanta Olympic Games were on and Slowland (a new name for Slonewvenia, which was increasingly coming into general use) was represented and promoted by the best athletes our money could buy.
Al the main protagonists assembled in the exclusive viewing box, the Ship Godfathers: Joseph Kavel, Jonni Davos and dog Artur, Janez Dolinski (also Mirandolski) and President Kuchanosh himself with his wife Stephy. Petrini Svetokrishki and Wauchar Polihitsky weren't missing either. They were snacking on hamburgers, drinking Coca-Cola with added coca. They were discussing profoundly important matters, they were developing a script for a play that would be put on via two satellites for all living Slonewends (of the United Slowland) as well as for the North-Atlantic and Eurasian public. The lead promotional tourist mission will be assumed by Slovenika 1 and 3 (rebuilt from the sunken Slovenika and Kornpop I-II. The play was a communal effort — that is written together, i.e. unanimously. It was titled: The Path to Yurope. Zagorchnik the Writer (a specialist also for Wendish or Slonewspeak or Slowspeak and of course Oldspeak as well also used living languages in his vibrant life. He provocatively asked Shus the Chronicler): What do you say now, Chronicler? What do you say about this?
Shus the Chronicler: You're not trying to say I'm surprised? I'm not even sad. What I'm saying is that they won't succeed. Zagorchnik: Oh dial the shit down a bit. That's all.
Shus the Chronicler: Too late! Germanisation from the north, Romanisation (Guinneasation) from the west, Hun(gar)isation from the east. See that crusader on the horizon? Tit Brionski the II even blocked your access to the open sea. Zagorchnik: See, not only are we going to Yourope, it is making the effort to get here.
Shus the Chronicler: Especially with the Jugo (north-eastern wind on the Adriatic). Zagorchnik: Just for what is it too late here?
Shus the Chronicler: Uncle Sam is beating them to it, with the Oceania Fleet both from the left and right side and from the stern (with the Jugo wind). Zagorchnik: Could it be you're exaggerating a little?
Shus the Chronicler: Not in the least. If I did I would still tell the people who are tackling Italian in the textile factory, German in the tobacco plant, or love-saleswomen and waiters trying to speak Hungarian to teach the managers the Uncle's language in stead. Zagorchnik: And the American Way of Life.
Shus angrily threw the empty Coke bottle into the sea and noted: We already know how to do that. We just need some money — Sam's capital. Zagorchnik: I'm sure we'll get some, more than we need for sure.
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Shus: Vse se je zachelo v Atlanti. (»Vemo,
pero je mochnejshe od mecha, a od vsega mochnejsha je Coca Cola.«
Zagorchnik pa je pripomnil: Sej, sej, mali Bushman Kiku je zhe vedu, zakva je moral to prekleto bottle Coca Cole z duhom Coce odnest na konc sveta. Shus: O.K., O.K.
Shus (she pripomne): Sam tist o jeziku bova vseen morala enkrat predebatirat. Knjizhni jezik ni zhiva govorica naroda, je tvorba njegovih institucij, ranljiv je in podvrzhen samovolji in mochi, posebej she v Slonovoreku. Zagorchnik (navelichano, bil je res zmartran): Pa kdaj drugich.
Opomba avtorja: Drugich je bilo nakatanko chez leto dni. Le da se nista sprla zaradi knjizhnega jezika, marvech nechesa, kar je bilo bolj bistveno. Po Shusovi enostranski razlagi je bilo tako, kot prichuje v P.S. (Paralelni stvarnosti). Dokonchanje nanizanke Igre sistema brez meja in brez konca pa je zachasno, zelo verjetno dokonchno opustil. Oldtimer (ali Oldtajmer) - Vesela barka Slovenika je namrech bila prirejena tudi kot RTV nanizanka v shestih nizih (Nanizanka Revije SRP ali Nadlezhnost spielverderberjev), ki pa to zopet ni, ker je tako lahko le v mrzki ali tudi pomorski Reviji SRP. Nanizanka, kot recheno (z izjemo prve, t.j. izhodishchne), ni bila konchana in najbrzh tudi nikoli ne bo. Vse bolj in pogosteje (tako se mu je zdelo) se je umeshavala usoda (usoda, pojmovana kot politika) tako, da je venomer prishlo nekaj vmes. Shusu se je ob interventnih dogodkih uprlo vsako nadaljnje pisanje zhalostnih veseloiger v revnih variacijah. She posebej mrzko pa mu je postalo nizanje nizov na temo Od tod do vechnosti in nazaj ali stopicanje oz. sestopanje na Rodos (trdna tla). Nenadoma so se mu zazdeli tako nepomembni ...
Kot kronist pa ni mogel iz svoje kozhe, zanj bistvene dogodke, zgodbe je tu in tam vseeno zabelezhil, seveda le, che so se mu zazdeli bistveni.
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Shus: It all began in Atlanta. (»We know,
the pen is mightier than the sword, but Coca-Cola
is stronger than everything else.«
Zagorchnik added: Yes, yes, little Kiku the Bushman knew why he had to take this damn Coke bottle and the spirit living in it to the end of the world. Shus: OK, OK.
Shus (further adds): But we're still gonna have to discuss that part about the language some day. The literary language is not a living language of a nation, it's the construct of its institutions; it's vulnerable and subjected to autocracy and power, especially in Slonewspeak.
Zagorchnik (fed up, he was tired): Another time, then.
Author's note: Another time came precisely a year later. Only, they didn't argue over literary language, but something more significant. According to Shus's one-sided explanation things were like he described them in P.R. (Parallel Reality). He temporarily and probably forever gave up finishing the Games of the System without Borders or End. Oldtajmer (or Oldtimer) -The Happy Barge Slovenika was adapted for TV as a six-part series (The Series of the SRP Journal or the Nuisance of Game-spoiler), which is again not what it is, because it can also exist in the abhorred or also naval SRP journal. As stated above, the series (with the exception of the first — commencing part) was never finished and probably never will be. More and more, and ever more frequently (he felt) fate would intervene (fate perceived as politics) so that something always intervened. With intervening occurrences Shus grew weary of any further writing of sad comedies in poor adaptations. He particularly loathed stringing a series to the theme of From Here to Eternity and Back or stepping or descending to Rhodos (solid ground). Suddenly it seemed so insignificant...
But as a chronicler he was unable to help himself, he would still occasionally record events or stories he thought significant, of course only if he thought them important.
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P.S. II.: (PARALELNA STVARNOST: DRUGICH )
(Urok kapitana Petka ali petelinji boj dveh shpilverderberjev)
Dogajanje: V urednishtvu Revije SRP (v Opera baru, na Cankarjevi 12). Lokal je skoraj prazen, Shus srka malo pivo, ko na prizorishche v Opera bar (t.j. v urednishtvo) vstopi Zagorchnik.
Zagorchnik: Pozdravljen Shus, tle mash reecenzije Chankarjeve knjige. O njeni uvrstitvi med knjige leta v Mladini, pa nazadnje tudi bibliografijo Fondov Oryja Pala in Gozda, kamor sodi tudi en del Revije SRP.
Kronist Shus nervozno cufa brado in prelistava zajetno dokumentacijo z naslovi: Najboljshe knjige leta 1996; Zanimivo odkritje v narechju pisane poezije, Vital Klabus; Ruralni slavchek, Jozhek Shtucin; Striptiz. namesto Kim Basinger, Franci Zagorichnik; (she enkrat) Striptiz. Namesto Kim Basinger, Mihael Bergant. Shus sluti, da ne bo nich dobrega.
Shus (vprasha previdno): No, ni kaj, impresivno fascinantno, resnichno si se potrdu, she en slavni pesnik, odkritje Zagorchnika, je prejel kanchek minljive zemeljske slave. A chemu zdaj to men? »Poet tvoj nov Slonovencem venec vije.« Zagorchnik (uradno): Vse to namrech izpostavljam kot literarno recepcijo svojega urednishkega dela nasproti tvojemu zunajliterarnemu odlochanju o predlozhenem pesnishkem delu, ki si ga najprej zavrnil, pozneje pa si se odlochil, da se ne bosh vech vmeshaval v urednikovanje pri literaturi v Reviji SRP (to je v moj Koncept urednishke manipulacije — 8. Pontsko pismo, uvodnik prve Revije SRP, oktobra 1993). Shus: Odgovorni urednik je Hanzhej Lumski, le on lahko ne objavi prispevka in to je tudi storil. V prejshnji shtevilki revije in enako v tej (Reviji SRP 21/22), nad njim pa odlocha vechina chlanov urednishtva (t.j. urednikov), che se avtor, ali kdo zanj, nanjo sklicuje. Mojega glasu za objavo Chankarjevega prispevka Anekdote o Jezusih pa ne bosh dobil in povedal sem ti, zakaj ne. Naj razloge ponovim? ... Najprej: razvrednotenje vrednot, vrednotni nihilizem in vrednotna orientacija Revije SRP ne gredo skup, pa tud tovrstne pesnishke provokacije ne podpiram. Zagorchnik: Kakshno nerazumevanje umetnosti. Sploh nisi razumel, da gre za resnichnost »namesto« neke umetnosti. To je striptiz, slachenje hipokrizije, ki razen popularnega pomena omenja v pesnishkem pomenu tudi razgaljanje, odkrivanje popolne resnice, iskreno priznanje oz. dushevni striptiz. Shus: Pa mi rajshi ti razlozhi, da bom vsaj malo razumel.
Zagorchnik: Kar sprijazni se s tem, da imamo res opravka z »razgaljanjem«, s »popolno resnico« na-she smrtnosti in nashih nachinov umiranja. To je obenem tudi resnica nashe govorice in nashe pisave, resnica zhivosti jezika, za katerega vemo, da je vedno bolj ogrozhen.
Shus: Novorechno zasvinjan. A to zdaj ni najina tema. Daj, povej mi (razlozhi) eno anekdoto po svojih besedah, npr. tisto o Jezusovi pravichnosti. Zagorchnik: Res nich ne razumesh. Ne gre za razlago. Si bo zhe vsak sam razlozhil, jaz nisem razlagalec.
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P.S. II.: (PARALELL REALITY: TWO )
(The Spell of Captain Petko or a Cockfight between two Game-Spoilers)
Set: The SRP editing office (Opera bar on Cankarjeva 12). The bar is nearly empty, Shus is sipping on his quarter-pint of beer as Zagorchnik enters the scene in the Opera bar (i.e. editing office).
Zagorchnik: Hi Shus, here you go, recensions of Chankar's book, Mladina's article naming it book of the year, and last but not least, the bibliography of the Funds Ory Pal and Gozd to which a part of the SRP journal also belongs. Chronicler Shus nervously tugs on his beard and leafs through the sizeable pile of titles such as: Best Books of 1996; Interesting Discovery in the Dialect of Written Poetry, Vital Klabus; Rural Nightingale, Jozhek Shtucin; Striptease. Instead of Kim Basinger, Franci Zagorchnik; (again) Striptease. instead of Kim Basinger, Mihael Bergant. Shus get's the feeling trouble is afoot.
Shus (asks carefully): No doubt about it, truly impressive, fascinating efforts. Another famous poet, Zagorchnik's discovery, gets a sip of transient earthly fame. But why bring it to me? »Your poet to Slonewvenians a new wreath weaves.« Zagorchnik (officially): I am putting all of this forth as an expressions of the literary reception of my editorial work vis-a-vis your extra-literary decisions concerning the work of poetry at hand, which you first rejected, and later decided to stay out of the literary editing decisions at SRP (i.e. my 'Concept of Editorial Manipulation' — Koncept urednishke manipulacije — 8. Pontsko pismo, introductory note of the first issue of SRP, Ocober 1993).
Shus: Hanzhej Lumski is the managing editor, only he can reject a contribution, which he did both in the previous issue and this one (SRP 21/22). And above him a majority of the editorial board (i.e. editors) decides if an author or their representative invokes it. You won't get my vote for the publication of Chankar's Anecdote on Jesuses, and I told you why not. Must I tell you again? ... Firstly the devaluation of values and nihilism don't mix with the SRP journal's value system, and I also don't support these types of poetic provocations. Zagorchnik: such lack of comprehension of the arts. You completely missed the point that it's about reality »in place of some art« It's a striptease, the disclosing of hypocrisy, which in addition to the popular sense also mentions in a poetic context the baring, uncovering of absolute truth, honest confession or spiritual striptease. Shus: Why don't you explain, so I can grasp it at least a little bit? Zagorchnik: Just face it, it's really about »baring« and »absolute truth« of our mortality and manners of death. It is also the truth of our speech and writing, the truth of the living language, for which we know is growing ever more endangered. Shus: Sullied by newspeak. But this is not the topic of our conversation. Come on; tell me (explain) an anecdote in your own words, for example the one about Jesus's fairness.
Zagorchnik: You really don't understand at all. It's not about explaining. Everyone can interpret it for themselves. I am not an interpreter.
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Shus: Bojim se, da si oz. ste, pa recenzenje oz. promotorji, razvrshchevalci pesnikov tudi.
Zagorchnik: Na koga to mislish?
Shus: Nate in na te, ki si mi jih prilozhil v dokumentaciji, me obtezhil z njih sodbo. Zagorchnik: Mar dvomish v njihove ocene?
Shus: Saj ne gre za to. Imam pach svoj odnos do te poezije. In ta je she najbolj odlochujoch razlog zame, za moj odnos do nje. Zagorchnik: In ta je?
Shus (malo zastane): Ta je: osebno me prizadene. Uprla se mi je. Zagorchnik: A tako, zakaj pa?
Shus: Ti vesh, da sem vsak dan v domu za starce na Taboru. Kadar je lep dan, pa v parku. In tam so ptichi in starci na klopi in Ema: mati moja. In ptichi so in rozhe in veter in eter. In starci v kletkah chemijo in chakajo, da se jih osvobodijo. Eni njih z vero, drugi z upanjem, tretji brez vsega.
Zagorchnik (ironichno): Eni z resnico, drugi s svobodo, tretji z ljubeznijo; pa s strahom in pogumom.
Shus (zelo resno): Pa da ne bi pozabu she tistih, ki odlashajo za vsako ceno, se vedejo po hishnem redu in veri moderne medicine. Pa tistih, ki prezirajo druge, ker oni gledajo drugache, vsak po svoje. Zdaj si predstavljaj, da grem v park, se usedem na klop, she bolje, che stopim na kamnito mizo in recitiram, na primer, samo trdi Chankarjev moto: »Religija: To poletje dishi po ptichih in ptichi po kletkah dishijo. In starci na klopi sedijo in vohajo ptiche. To je vasha religija!« Zagorchnik: Potemtakem dojemash trdo Chankarjevo poezijo chisto osebno? Premlel s jo v endofaziji. Shus: Kako pa naj bi jo globlje dojel?
Zagorchnik: Ti pri tem pozabljash, da si s svojo endofazijo (notranjim govorom) zhe prestopil s podrochja ustvarjalnosti, tudi pesnishke, v politichno prakso. Najprej z odpovedjo kot odgovorni urednik revije in potem z urednishkim nastopanjem v imenu svojega literariziranega vrednotnega sistema, »resnice, svobode, ljubezni«, ki si ga celo pesnishko oblikoval, torej odlochno estetsko, kot besednoumetnishko delo in ne kot sistem vladanja (hrv. obnashanja) in oblasti. Shus: Zdi se, da se glede tega ne bova nikoli razumela. Endofazija je zame pravi ali vsaj globlji razlog pisanja; pesnjenje pa, che temu svojskemu pochetju tako rechesh, je le izrazni nachin, kako kaj lazhe izrechi, tudi domisliti, sebi razodeti. Che to tudi drugim kaj pomeni, pove, potem je najbrzh prav, da se objavi. Che ne, pa ne, morda kdaj drugich, ali pa kdo drug. A tega nachina razumevanja vrednot ne postavljam za normo drugim. Antologije in enciklopedije in uspeshnice leta in sploh uspeh in zemeljska slava pesnika pa so zame postranska stvar, kar se da nadlezhne, cheprav so neizogibno prisotne, neizogibne. Nekoch sem bil vendar tudi sociolog kuture. Tezhko bi ne videl smisla hvalnic sistema — njegovega obvladovanja po slavi hlepechih. Tvoji komplimenti so mi odvech.
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Shus: I'm afraid you are; you and your kind appraise, promote, and also rank poets. Zagorchnik: Who do you have in mind?
Shus: You and the other authors you assembled in this pile, weighing me down with their judgment.
Zagorchnik: Do you doubt their assessments?
Shus: It's not about that. I have my own view of this poetry. That is the most deciding factor for me, for my attitude towards it. Zagorchnik: Which is?
Shus (pausing slightly): Which is, that it upsets me personally. I abhor it. Zagorchnik: I see; why is that?
Shus: As you know, I make daily visits to the Tabor old people's home. On nice days I go to the park with birds and old people on benches, and my mother Ema. And there are birds and flowers and wind and the ether, and old people in cages, slouched and waiting to be set free. Some have faith, some hope, and some have nothing at all. Zagorchnik (sarcastically): Some with truth, some with freedom and some with love, and fear, and courage.
Shus (very seriously): Don't forget those who put it off at any price, following house rules and the teachings of modern medicine; and those, who detest others for having their own personal views. Now imagine me going to the park, sitting on a bench, or better still, climbing a stone table and reciting, for example, just the hard-line Chankar motto: »Religion: This summer smells of birds, and the birds of cages. And old people sit on a bench and smell birds. This is your religion!«
Zagorchnik: So, you perceive Chankar's hard-line poetry completely personally? You
ruminated on it in endofasia.
Shus: How could I comprehend it better?
Zagorchnik: But you forget that your endofasia (internal discussion) crosses from the field of creativity including poetry to political practice. First by stepping down as managing editor of a journal and then through editorial acting in the name of your literalised value system of »liberty, verity, love«, which you even composed in poetic, that is decidedly aesthetic, form, as a work of verbal art and not as a system of conducting (yourself or others) and authority.
Shus: It appears we'll never be on the same page about this. For me endofasia is the right, or at least deeper reason to write; and poetry, if that is what you call this particular doing, is merely a mode of expression, making it easier to say some things, think them through even, express to oneself. If it is to mean something to others then it is probably right that it is published. And if not, then not, perhaps another time, and by someone else. But I am not setting this understanding of values as a norm for others. Anthologies and encyclopaedias and works of the year and particularly a poet's fame are beside the point for me, quite bothersome, though unavoidably present, inevitable. I was once a sociologist of culture after all. It would be hard for me not to see the sense of singing praises to the system — its control of those yearning for fame. I find your compliments superfluous.
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Zagrozichnik (rahlo grozeche, skoraj jezno): Pozabljash, da si zhe povzrochil shkodo, tudi moralno shkodo! In che se zdaj umikash kot »literarni« urednik, ne bi smel pozabiti, da bi moral shkodo sam poravnati, ne pa da to prelagash na ostale urednike. Shus (jezno): Nich ne prelagam in nichesar jim ne jemljem!
Zagorchnik: Jaz se kot glavni, nato odgovorni ter nazadnje samo kot sourednik revije nisem imel izkljuchno za literarnega urednika. To bi moralo veljati, vsaj nacheloma, tudi za vse ostale urednike. Shus: Zhe drugich. Zagorchnik: Kaj drugich?
Shus: Drugich: »bi moral«, »bi moralo«. To je oznaka deklarativnih vrednot sistema, institucij.
Zagorchnik: Ne rechem, da ne more biti tudi drugache, vendar pa niti nacheloma ali zaradi lepshega uredniki pri Reviji SRP niso podrochno razporejeni. Tako tudi ti ne. She posebno zato ne, ker si zhe pritisnil na literaturo, cheravno tudi sam urednik revije, pa na zunajliterarni nachin, kot cenzor v imenu svojega vrednotnega sistema, ki se je iz sfere ustvarjalnega mishljenja sprevrgel v sito oblasti. Shus: Tezhke besede, resnichno hude obtozhbe. Koga sem kje cenzuriral, komu vsiljeval svoj vrednotni sistem, ki mimogrede ni noben sistem. Tudi vrednot nikomur ne vsiljujem, she manj predpisujem, individualno vrednotno orientacijo cenim, svojskost individuuma zoperstavljam institucionalnim vrednotam sistema. Posebej deklariranim in proklamiranim in zlaganim. Oblast pa me prav nich ne mika, she fascinira me ne. Nikomur ne zhelim biti sito oblasti. Pridobi vechino chlanov urednishtva, t.j. urednikov, za objavo Chankarjeve poezije, pa bo objavljen she v Reviji SRP. Ponavljam pa, da mojega glasu ne prichakuj. Zagorchnik: Ti sam dobro vesh, da ne dobim vechine brez tvojega glasu. Tvoje je sito oblasti, mar ne?
Shus: Poslush me no, kva rechem. Ne glasujem za objavo Chankarjeve pesnitve Anekdote o Jezusih. Cheprav ni to moja stvar, pa me vseeno chudi, zakaj ga tako na silo vsiljujejesh v SRP, kamor chist nch ne pashe, pach pa se lepo ujema z dosti shirsho, tudi nihilistichno (vrednotno) orientacijo Nove Atlantide in v Gozd oz. v vash Oberkreinverbund.
Zagorchnik: Novo Atlatindo pa kar na gmah pust, se te prov nch ne tiche, pa avtonomni Oberkreinverbund tud ne.
Shus: Mash chist prov, predelch sem shu, res se me ne tiche. Sam, veta na objavo Chankarjevih Anekdot o Jezusih v reviji ti jaz nisem dal, pa b ga lahk, che je moja oblast taka k pravsh. Ti pa si dal veto na objavo moje igre Oldtimer — Vesela barka Slovenika v Reviji SRP 15/16, to je skor natank pred letom dni. Pa me zato ni blo konc, pa nisem pochel nobenga cirkusa. Zagrenchichnik: She konchana ni bla.
Shus: Nkar se ne zgovarjej, bla je konchana, in pokonchana. In to dvakrat. Drugich pa zato k mi jo je en prskutu. Zagrenchichnik: Kdo? Kva s tem mislsh?
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Zagorchnik (slightly threatening, almost angry): You forget you already caused damage, even moral damage! And if you step down as »literary« editor, don't forget you should fix the damage yourself, not pass the burden on to other editors. Shus (angrily): I'm not passing anything to them or taking anything from them! Zagorchnik: When I was chief-, then managing- and finally a mere co-editor, I never thought of myself as just a literary editor. The same should go, at least in principle, for all other editors. Shus: That's the second time. Zagorchnik: What second time?
Shus: The second time you're using »should«. It's a mark of the detractive values of the system, institutions.
Zagorchnik: I'm not saying it can't be different, but editors of SRP are not assigned fields, neither in principle nor for appearances. The same goes for you. Particularly, as you already pressured literature, even if merely a journal editor and in an extra-literary way, as censor in the name of your own literary system, which transformed from the sphere of creative thinking to the sieve of the authority. Shus: Hard words, truly harsh accusations. Whom did I censure, on whom did I impose my system of values, which is, by the way, not a system. I am also not forcing my values on anyone, let alone imposing their rule; I value individual value orientation, I place distinctiveness of the individual against institutional values of the system; particularly those declared, proclaimed — false. I have no interest in power at all, I am not even fascinated by it. I don't want to be a sieve of power. Get the majority of the editorial board to publish Chankar's poetry, and it will get published in the SRP Journal. But I repeat, don't expect my vote. Zagorchnik: You know full well that I can't get a majority without your vote. The sieve of power is yours, isn't it now?
Shus: Listen to me now. I am not voting to publish Chankar's poem 'Anecdote on Jesuses'. Although it's none of my business, I'm still wondering why you're so forcefully trying to get him into SRP, where he doesn't fit at all, while he goes nicely with the much wider, nihilist (values) of the New Atlantis and the Forest or your Oberkrainverbund.
Zagorchnik: Just you leave New Atlantis alone, it's none of your business, nor is the autonomous Oberkrainverbund.
Shus: You're absolutely right, I went too far; it's realy not my business. Still, I never vetoed the publication of Chankar's Anecdotes on Jesuses; and if I had the power you claim I have, I could have. Meanwhile, you vetoed my 'Oldtimer — Happy Barge Slovenika' play in SRP 15/16, almost exactly a year ago. And I didn't get bent out of shape or made a big deal about it. Zangerichnik: It wasn't even finished.
Shus: Don't make excuses, it was finished, and concluded. Twice. The second time, because someone put me off it. Zangerichnik: Who? What do you mean?
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Shus: Nanizanka pa res ni bla chist fertik, pa je tud nisem mislu vse objavt. Igra b bla chist dost, verjetn she prevech za Kapitana Petka. Izbor nadaljevank ali povzetke iz njih pa bi prepustu urednishtvu. Celo 'dokumentirano' pa bi izdal v prilogi revije POGUM. In chist nch se mi ne mudi. Res pa je, da sem si tga sam kriv. Zmir je tko, che nepoklicanega, k mu gre za (pre)moch, prezgodej zravn spstish.
Zagrenchichnik (se rahlo namuza, malo uzhiva v svoji mochi, in skoraj prezirljivo servira kljuchni udarec): Kar je blo, je blo. Karnevalizacija v primeru dramatichnega besedila o SRP-u (Svobodni Rakasti Plovbi, al kuga zhe je?) nasprotuje mojemu, kot si domishljam, resnemu delu, oz. sodelovanju. A kot recheno, kar je blo je blo. Pach pa zdaj, po tvoji Endofaziji, po prehajanju nekega zhanra iz literarne fikcije v konkretno urednishko resnichnost, mi je zadost. Tu enostavno vztrajam pri nadaljni nediskutabilnosti dane urednishke realitete in njene avtonomnosti tega podrochja. Ne bi razmishljal o tem, kaj je na drugi strani alternative, saj bi bilo to v nasprotju z (mojo) nediskutabilnostjo. Shus (prizadeto): Mislish avtoritarnostjo, tvojim literarnim trinoshtvom, tvojo personalno legitimiteto. Je pri sebi ne vidish?
Zagorchnik (preslishi in nadaljuje): Ravno to bi vzpostavilo po moje nepotreben dialog — dialogiziranje, t.j. vzpostavitev zhanra, v katerem ne zhelim biti udelezhen, oz. eksploatiran in potunkan tja, kamor mi ne pashe. Shus: Nepotreben dialog pravish?
Zagorchnik: In seveda, vzpostavilo bi konsekvence, ki bi samo sodelovanje, utemeljeno na spontaniteti, ustavilo.
Shus: Ravno nasprotno, dialog odpira vrata spontaniteti in jih zapira tvojemu despotstvu. Prav to, kar ravnokar dialogizirava, so she kako bistvene rechi (se popravi: vrednote) za nashe sozhitje.
Zagorchnik: Spet ne razumesh. Razumel si tako, kot da se jaz zavzemam za strogo dvojnost revije, da gledam na literaturo locheno od ostalih delov revije. Dejansko si bolj prizadevam za preseganje njene dvodelnosti, vsebinsko in oblikovno — pri ureditvi posamezne shtevilke. Svojo vlogo pri tem igra tudi likovni, slikovni, stripski del. Che pa lochujem literarno fikcijo od drugih realitet revije, pri tem bolj mislim na vechzvrstnost revije in na to, da vchasih kakshne stvari le ne kazhe pomeshati.
Shus: Ne, razumel sem tako, da se zavzemash za avtoritarno odlochanje v reviji. Iz literature, estetitike izganjash vse, kar ni chista fikcija, izmishljija, she najbolj pa resnico.
Zagorchnik: Che ne razumesh, bom povedal drugache, skratka, karnevalizacije mojega dela — sodelovanja (se popravi) ne odobravam. Omenil sem potrebno sposhtovanje do mojega urednishkega dela.
Shus: A se t ne zdi, da mal prevechkrat uporabljesh ta svojilni zaimek »mojga«?
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Shus: The series was actually not fully finished, but I never meant to publish the whole thing. The play would've been enough, maybe even to much for Cpt. Petko. I would leave the selection of parts or excerpts to the editorial board. And then I would publish the entirety to be 'documented' in the POGUM (Spirit) supplement. And I'm in no rush whatsoever. It's true though, that it's my own fault. This always happens if you let the uninitiated in to early. Sourgorichnik (visibly enjoying his power almost disdainfully serves the final blow): What was, was. The Carnivalisation in the case of the dramatic text about SRP (Sailing Released but Poorly, or whatever it is?) goes against my — as I imagine it — serious work or collaboration. But, as I said; what was, was. But now, after your endofasia, the passing of a genre from literary fiction to tangible editorial reality, I've had enough. I simply insist on all further indisputability of given editorial reality and its autonomy in this field. I won't think about what's on the other side of the alternative, as that would be against (my) non-discussibility. Shus (hurt): You mean autocracy, literary tyranny, your personal legitimacy. Don't you see it in yourself?
Zagorchnik (ignores this and continues): This is exactly what would induce unnecessary dialogue — 'dialoguesing' i.e. the establishment of a genre in which I want no part or to be exploited and dragged somwhere I don't feel like being. Shus: Unnecessary dialogue, you say?
Zagorchnik: And of course this would have consequences, which would stop the very collaboration that is based on spontaneity.
Shus: Just the opposite; dialogue opens the door to spontaneity and shuts it on your despotism. The subject of our present dialogue are greatly pertinent matters (»values« - he corrects himself) to our coexistence.
Zagorchnik: You are missing the point again. The way you understand it is that I am striving for a strict duality of the journal, that I view literature as separate from other parts of the journal. In fact, I am sooner striving to overcome its two-part make-up both in content and form — editing each individual issue. It's visual-arts part, pictures and comics play a role as well. And if I am separating literary fiction from the other realities of the journal, I am thinking about the journal's multi-disciplinary character and that sometimes certain things really shouldn't be mixed. Shus: No, what I understood was that you are striving towards authoritative decision-making at the journal. You purge literature and aesthetics of all but pure fiction, invention, and most of all truth.
Zagorchnik: If you don't understand, let mew rephrase; in short — I do not condone the »carnivalisation« of my work — collaboration (he corrects himself). I already mentioned the necessary respect for my work as editor. Shus: Don't you think you are overusing this possessive pronoun — »my«?
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Zagorchnik: Enostavno b ne dal zhivljenja kar za vsako stvar. Najbrzh gre pri tem za neko disciplino, ki se ji pokoravam po svoji naravi zhe od vsega zachetka. Bil sem star zhe ob rojstvu.
Shus: No, tud tle sva si razlichna, she star sem otrochji.
Zagorchnik: Zdej pa dost heca. Zdaj smo pri pravi poeziji. Knjiga leta, a vesh kva je to?
Shus (she bolj zhivchno, z vidno nejevoljo, che ne zhe z odporom, prelistava Chankarjevo trdo poezijo): She enkrat lohk rechem, pridobit jh morsh pet 'za', to je, vechino urednikov in zadeva bo objavljena. Zagorchnik (nejeverno): A ti bosh pa kar gledov?
Shus: Che bi zdaj reku, kako bom gledal na to, bi blo to res prezgodej, ker she ne vem, al vsaj gvishn nism, pa she ti b triumfalno reku, »glej, glej: poskus vplivanja na urednishtvo«. Cheprav, a ni pr ns tko, da vsak urednik lahko pripishe svojo odlochitev le sebi? Smo avtonomni individuumi, mar ne?
Zagorchnik (odlochno): Kot urednik revije se ne mislim spremeniti v pogajalca in ustvarjati frakcije znotraj revije, potegnit koga za sabo ali se boriti zoper koga. Zato iz urednishtva nepreklicno izstopam. Tudi glede tega se ne mislim pogajati. Shus (vidno navelichano): Pejd no nekam.
Zagorchnik: Ni me treba poshiljati nikamor s to izjavo. Dajem jo tebi in ti vesh, kaj to pomeni? Shus: Ne chist.
Zagorchnik: Ostalih urednikov revije ni treba s tem obremenjevati in ne predsednika republike Kuchanosha.
Shus (zajame sapo, t.j. narochi she eno pivo): To pa ne bo shlo. Urednike je zhe treba seznaniti z nepreklicnim odstopom kolega, in to pisno, she posebej v primeru, ko gre za odstop pishochega urednika s pisno utemeljitvijo svojega nepreklicnega odstopa. Javnost urednikovanja nas zavezuje k temu. Ne vem pa, kaj ma s tem Kuchanosh?
Zagorchnik: Zakon o javnih glasilih sta mi s Hanzhejem Lumskim pomolila pod nos kot dokaz, da moje zalozhnishtvo ne more biti soizdajatelj Revije SRP, kar pa je lahko bilo vse od njene ustanovitve.
Shus (globoko srkne): A zato gre. Po novem zakonu o javnih (raz)glasilih, ki ga je res podpisal sam predsednik Kuchanosh, je vsem glavnim in odgovornim urednikom prenehala funkcija gl. in odg. urednika, tudi Titu DeDalskemu, che hochesh primer. Prilagoditveni oz. prehodni chas iz starega na novi zakon je veljal dve leti in mi smo tu kar malo zamujali. Poslej bi lahko bil le odgovorni urednik, kar pa si na urednishkem sestanku v Opera baru zavrnil.
Zagorchnik (vskochi): Zame je enostavno neresno in nevzdrzhno, da bi bil odgovorni pri dveh revijah. Pristal sem samo na zachasno stanje, ob stalnem ugovarjanju.
Shus: Ni pa neresno in nefer, che bi bil glavni v obeh revijah.
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Zagorchnik: I simply wouldn't dedicate my life to just anything. It's probably in my nature, a sort of discipline I've been submitting myself to from the very beginning. I was born old.
Shus: Well, this is another difference between us, I'm childish even in my old age. Zagorchnik: Enough joking. This here is real poetry. Book of the year — Do you know what that means?
Shus (even more nervously, visibly annoyed perhaps even repulsed, leafs through Chankar's hard-line poetry): I say again, you have to get five »yeses«, that is the majority of editors, and the thing will get published. Zagorchnik (incredulously): And you'll just stand by and look? Shus: It would be premature to say how I'd look on it, because I don't know yet — or at least I'm not sure — and also you'd triumphantly say »looky here, an attempt to influence the editors.« Though, isn't every editor answerable for their decisions to themselves only? We are autonomous individuals, aren't we? Zagorchnik (firmly): As editor, I have no intention to turn into a negotiator and create fractions within the journal, pull anyone in or fight against anyone else. And so, I'm irrevocably stepping down. This is also something I won't negotiate about. Shus (visibly fed up): Oh, come on!
Zagorchnik: No need to tell me what to do with this statement. I am giving it to you, and you know what it means, don't you? Shus: Not entirely.
Zagorchnik: No need to burden the other editors with this, or the President of the Republic Kuchanosh.
Shus (inhales deeply, i.e. orders another beer): This will not fly. Editors must be informed in writing if a colleague is irrevocable stepping down; in cases when this is a contributing editor it must be done by written clarification of their irrevocable withdrawal. I don't know what Kuchanosh has to do with all this, though? Zagorchnik: You and Hanzhej Lumski shoved the Regulation on Printed Publications in my face as proof that my publishing house cannot be a co-publisher of the SRP Journal, which it had been ever since it was founded. Shus (takes a long sip): Of that's what it's about. According to the new Regulation on Printed Publications, which was signed by President Kuchanosh himself, all chief and managing editors were stripped of the functions of chief and managing editors, including Tito Dedalski — if you want an example. The period of adapting or transition to the new regulation was two years, and we were actually a bit late. Afterwards, you could only be managing editor, which you refused at the editorial meeting at Opera Bar.
Zagorchnik (cuts in): I find it simply puerile and untenable to be managing editor of two journals. I accepted it as a temporary situation, under constant protest. Shus: It wouldn't be puerile or unfair if you were chief editor of both journals.
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Zagorchnik: Meni zadoshcha, da sem bil soustanovitelj revije in tega mi ne more noben vzet. Ne glede na to, ali je to kje zapisano ali ni. Zato ni treba, da je zapisano.
Shus: Tega ti tudi nihche ne jemlje. Pa tudi iz urednishtva te nihche ne meche, she vedno lahko sodelujemo. Zagorchnik: Lahko pod mojimi pogoji. Shus: Samo reci.
Zagorchnik: Chankarju mesto, ki mu gre, v tej shtevilki revije (21/22). V urejanju revije bom nediskutabilen.
Shus:. Niti sluchajno, kar povej jim, da pr nas v reviji svobodne romantichne plovbe Eden in edini nima kej pochet, tud che je sam Adolf Zagorchnik. Da nismo za nediskutabilnost. Sploh pa ne verjamem, da te tako preklet mot Ukaz predsednika. Predsednik Kuchanosh podpishe, razglasha v UR-listu vse javne in tajne zakone, tudi npr. tiste o reji malih zhivali, skrtaka, to mu gre po ustavi Slonovovenije. Ravno tega ne gre jemat osebno, saj je ochitno, da gre tu (v Ur-listu in na prvi strani SRP-a) za igro institucionalnih vlog sistema. Tvoje sozalozhnishtvo, kar sam dobro vesh, je bilo bolj zaradi prijaznosti in popustljivosti do tebe in tvojih muh, kot pa dejansko sozalozhnishtvo. Poleg tega smo ugotovili, da Fondov Oryja Pala in Gozda, kamor po tvoje sodi tudi en del Revije SRP, uradno sploh ni. Vsaj takrat niso imeli niti zhiro rachuna. Na prvi strani, t.j. v kolofonu pa se v Reviji SRP zhelimo drzhati chrke zakona, sicer nam bodo rekli, da nas uradno ni, ko bomo prosili za subvencije na MIKS-u. No, zhe res, da nam to doslej ni kaj dosti pomagalo, pa vseeno ena stran v reviji po chrki zakona le ni tako huda rech. Saj imamo vendar za pesnjenje prostora she dvesto strani. Ti pa si tako prekleto pesnishko razpolozhen za vsako ceno tudi na tej strani, da me je ob tvojih pesnitvah v kolofonu vedno poshteno bolela glava. Najprej Fondi Oryja Pala in potem Gozd (Gorenjska zalozhnishka druzhba), vmes she Atelje Otilija, in tako naprej, zdaj v bibliografiji she Zbirka Bela. Edini izdajatelj Revije SRP je Zalozhba Lumi d.o.o. z uradnim sedezhem in sht. zh.r.. To je vse suho uradno in nich pesnishko. In Revija SRP ni »spet ena izmed dveh revij, ki jih prav tako izdajajo Zagorichniki«, in to tudi nikoli ni bila. Zagorchnik: Pa da neb pozabu: Na Sluzhbo — za raziskave programov RTVL/Slonovenij a.
Shus: Ne nisem pozabu, v kolofonu je bla samo v prvem zvezku revije, ko smo she upravicheno prichakovali soustanoviteljstvo RTVL/S. Zdej pa je chisto na koncu v »pesmi« o Svojskosti Revije SRP: »Tak namen ima tudi urednishtvo Revije SRP, ki nadaljuje leta 1983 ukinjeni Bilten SShP, (Sluzhbe za shtudij oz. raziskave programa — RTVL).« To je bla in je she vedno vrednotna orientacija revije od ustanovitve do danes. Vendar vrednotna orientacija ni zakonska norma. Domnevam, da ti je kot sodelavcu Revije SRP ta razlika, med vrednotnimi orientacijami in diktatom norm institucij, jasna. Se sam delash, da ti ni.
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Zagorchnik: For me, being the co-founder of the journal is enough and no one can take it away from me, whether it's written down somewhere or not. So it doesn't need to exist in writing.
Shus: And no one is denying this. Nobody is pushing you out of the editorial board either; we can continue to collaborate. Zagorchnik: We can, under my conditions. Shus: Go on.
Zagorchnk: Chankar recieves his rightful space in this issue (21/22). My editorial work will be non-discussible.
Shus: No chance, you can tell them there's no place in our journal of romantic sea-voyage for a One and Only, even Adolf Zagorchnik himself. We don't accept non-discussibility. In any case, I can't believe you have such a problem with the Order of the President. President Küchanosh signs and decrees in the Official Gazette all public and secret laws including those about the rearing of small animals, this is written in the Constitution of Slonewvenia. It shouldn't be taken personally, being that this here (in the official gazette and page 1 of SRP) is obviously about the game of the system's institutional roles. Your co-publication, as you know full well, was a matter of our kindness and tolerance for you peculiarities rather than actual co-publishing. Furthermore, we found out there is no such thing as the Funds of Ory Pál and Forest, to which you are consigning a part of the SRP Journal. At least at that time they didn't even have a bank account. On page one in the colophon of the SRP Journal we want to stick to the letter of the law, or else they'll say we don't officially exist, when we apply for funding with MIKS. It's true that it didn't help us very much so far, still one page in a Journal adhering to the letter of the law is not such a terrible thing. After all, there are two hundred pages left for poetic licence. Still, you're so unyieldingly poetic on page one, that your creativity in the colophon always gave me proper headaches. First it was Ory Pál Funds then Forest (Foreign Establishment), then Atelier Otilijia etc., now Bela Collection in the Bibliography. SRP's only publisher is Lumi ltd. with an official address and bank account. It's all dry, official, and not poetic at all. And SRP is not one of two journals also published by Zagorichniki, and it never was. Zagorchnik: And don't forget the RTVL/Slo Service for Programming Research. Shus: No, I didn't forget. It was only in the colophon of the first issue of the journal, when we were rightfully expecting to be co-founded by RTVL/S. Now it's at the very end, in the »poem« about the Distinctiveness of the SRP Journal: »This is the intent of the editorial board of the SRP Journal, a continuation of the SSP's (Service for the Study of RTVL's Programming) Bulletin, which was cancelled in 1983.« This was and remains the value orientation of the journal from its foundation until today. However, value orientation is not a legal norm. I presume that you, being a SRP contributor, are clear on the difference between value orientations and the dictate of institutional norms. You're just pretending you're not.
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Zagorchnik: Vse je blo v redu, dokler se ti nisi ustrashu ob Ukazu predsednika Slonovenije Kuchanosha o razglasitvi zakona o javnih (raz)glasilih. Chemur je ravno sledila tvoja pozaba. Ampak brez skrbi: vse te stvari so v skladu z ukazi, ki me v resnici prevech ne zanimajo, kot vesh. In lahko si mislish, che ti rechem, da smo s takshnim mahanjem z zakoni opravl zhe pred 30 leti in se nismo pustl niti samo/zastrashevat. Zato je bilo sploh mogoche, da je Umetnost veljala kot opozicija rezhimu.
Shus: Mislish, da ni bla dopushchena, celo gojena, tako opozicija v umetnosti kot v rezhimski kulturi?
Pa tud nisem chist zihr, da ste s tem zhe opravl.
Zagorchnik: Zhe res, da je en njen del bil tudi na poziciji in oblasti. Tako, kot je tudi danes. Imamo dve pesnishki »drzhavi«, eno — v glavnem epsko, ki je na oblasti, in drugo pesnishko »ne-drzhavo«, v glavnem lirsko, ki morda shele nastaja, a gotovo ni vnaprej kaznovana in obsojana na kakshno lirsko oblast. Kot taka bi bila vnaprej razpushchena in ni oblastna. Zhe zdaj je anarhichna zastran oblasti. Shus: Anarhichna zhe, sam zavezana mochi, oblasti. A gre za lirsko al epsko deklo, al paradne konje, al drzhavotvorne pesnike, pa ni tuko prekelet usodn. Ampak vseen si to o lirski »ne-drzhavi« tko lepo povedov, da b blo shkoda, che tga ne zapishesh, che nebosh ti, bom pa jaz zate oz. za nashe zanamce. Sam spet sva pri Platonu, k je pesnike pognou vn z drzhave. Konkretno pa pri Kulturbund — Oberkrein in Novi Atlantidi in Emilu Milanu Mariji Loshkem, predsedniku vlade v senci (»pesnishke drzhave«), k je in bo pesnike postavlov in odstavlov za urednike v pesnishki »ne-drzhavi«. Zagorchnik: Kva je pr tmu narobe?
Shus: Sam to, da se niso sami, k smo zhe mel samoupravlajnaje.
Zagorchnik: Jaz sem sam shel k njemu in mu reku, da hochem svojo revijo. A sm
se sam postavu al se nism?
Shus: Ne! On te je postavu! Oni so te postavl! Ti si se samo ujel na njihov trnk, k se mu reche (po)velichani ego. A s she zmir na laksu (»Ribichev chloveshkih dush«)? Se she nis osvobodu?
Zagorchnik: Prov gvishn, jaz sem urednikoval po svojem konceptu urednishke manipulacije.
Shus: V pesnishki »ne-drzhavi«.
Zagorchnik: Nkar tako, ne v takih tonih. Kot si vidu, se nobenemu pometanju ne branim. Tudi moje soustanoviteljstvo revije je zame zhe preteklost. Shus: Zdej bosh lepo zaigral she uzhaljenost in prizadetost izigranega, odstavljenga in vse bo she lepo.
Ochishchenje (katarzo) zamenjash s chistko, pa je.
Zagorchnik: No, no, nikar se bat. Vse je tako lepo urejeno, tako na nivoju revije
kakor tudi na nivoju drzhave.
Shus: Ni pa na nivoju individuumov, med nama ni.
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Zagorchnik: Everyting was fine until you got spooked by Slonewvenian President Kuchanosh's Regulation on Printed Publication. This incurred your forgetfulness. But don't worry, everything is in keeping with orders, which I'm not really too interested in, as you know. And you can imagine, if I tell you we dispensed with such waving of orders thirty years ago and we didn't let ourselves be self/intimidated. This was what actually made it possible for art to be deemed as the opposition to the regime at all.
Shus: You think it wasn't allowed, even cultivated both as opposition to art and culture of the regime?
And also, I'm not entirely sure you dispensed with it completely. Zagorchnik: It's true that a part of it was positioned in power. It's the same way today. We have two poetic (republics) »states« one — mostly epic, which is in power, and the other poetic »non-state«, mostly lyrical, that is perhaps still becoming, but is certainly not penalized in advance and sentenced to some lyrical power. As such, it would be disbanded in advance and it isn't power-mongering; it is already anarchic due to those in power.
Shus: Anarchic maybe, but tied to power, authority. Whether it's about a lyrical or epic work, parade horses, or state-forming poets is not really vital here. Still, your description of the lyrical non-state was so beautiful that it would be a shame if you didn't write it down, if you won't, I'll do it for you, or for posterity. We find ourselves at Plato again, who ran poets out of the Republic. More concretely we're at Kulturbund — Oberkrein and New Atlantis, and Emil Milan Marie of Loka, the shadow prime minister (of the »poetic state«), who has and will install poets as editors in the »poetic non-state«. Zagorchnik: What's wrong with that?
Shus: Only, that they didn't install themselves, being that we had self-management. Zagorchnik: I went to him myself and told him I wanted my own journal. Did I install myself or didn't I?
Shus: You didn't, he did. They did. You just caught yourself on their hook, which is called inflated ego. Are you still dangling from their line (of the »Fishermen of Human Souls«), Haven't you freed yourself yet?
Zagorchnik: For sure, I edited according to my concept of editing manipulation. Shus: In a poetic »non-state«.
Zagorchnik: Don't be like that, not in that tone. As you saw, I don't avoid any sweeping. My co-founding of the journal is also in the past for me. Shus: And now you'll put on a nice act of an offended and hurt, played, deposed man, and all will be beautiful.
Replace a cleanse (catharsis) with a purge, and that's it.
Zagorchnik: Come on don't be afraid. Everything is beautifully arranged, both at the level of the journal and state.
Shus: But not on the individual level; it isn't between us.
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Zagorchnik (preslishi in recitira v naprej pripravljen recital): Tako smo na novi stopnji vechnosti. Ni preteklosti in ni vech zdajshnosti. Je samo she lepa prihodnost. In tako je tudi prav. Po njeni dolgi mukotrpni odsotnosti je lepa prihodnost spet na obzorju in naj lepo sije. Chim bolj lepo bo sijala, tem manj bomo rabili preteklost in tudi zdajshnost. In schasoma bosta ti dve kategoriji chasa lahko izginili iz vechnosti. Lep pozdrav. Pozdravlja te Novi bivshi odgovorni Zagrenchichnik.
(Zagorchnik zmagoslavno odide.)
Shus (jezno sam sebi): Taka je torej ta rech. Vodil je debato po vnaprej pripravljenem scenariju, meni pa se she sanjalo ni. In k je vidu, da drugich ne bo shlo, sploh ni bil uzhalen, she oddahnu si je. Sm kar zinu, onemel. Zagulena diskutabilna diskusija, sm mislu, si domishlov, da jo vodim jaz. In kakshen zakljuchek, za konec mi (na)vrzhe she enga mojih najbolj priljubljenih sogovornikov izven chasa v glavo, in gre, kar odide.
Kronist Shus (uzhaljen, vidno prizadet si mrmra): Ne, tako se ta rech ne more konchati, al pa nisem noben kronist.
»Res chudna zdruzhba« (si je pripomnil Shus), »vendar vseeno sodelujemo, in to, kar se da svobodno, spontano. Vendar neka minimalna institucionalizacija je le nujna, neizogibna.«
(Za zdaj Shusu ni padlo v glavo nich pametnejshega, kot da se zopet potopi v endofazijo, ravno tisto nekaj, kar je Zagorchniku shlo tako zelo na zhivce.) Opomnja ali zabelezhka avtorja: Na sestanku so spet manjkali drugi neizogibni spielverderberji iz kroga Revije SRP: odgovorni urednik Hanzhej Lumski je bil na simposionu sociologov v Portorosu (imel je nespregledljivo zapazhen referat o dejstvih socialne restratifikacije, ustno seveda, zanj so se zanimali celo v kabinetu samega predsednika Küchanosha, vendar se je rahlo za bat, da ne bodo prevech navdushen, k ga bojo prebral v reviji, sam kaj ko s chlankom za revijo spet zamuja); zamolchani in izgnani pisatelj v emigraciji Löwen Detel (tudi Löwenmut) je bil itak dopisni chlan in ni hodil na sestanke, poleg tega pa je imel obilo dela s pripravo Kocbekove knjige za zamejstvo seveda (izgnani pisatelj, doma oz. v svoji domovini she vedno ni dovolj spregledan, je po Njih mnenju t.j. slonovenetskih mo(dro)gotcev moral ostati zunaj, samo zato, ker so Oni nezmotljivi); graver in arhecronos Juraj Demitrov, ki je imel toliko dela z rachunalnishkim skeniranjem tekstov in slik in she oblikovanjem teksta revije, da je delal cele nochi (graverju smo rekli tudi arhecronos, zato ker je arheviral (arhiviral) revijo, jo ohranjal in shiril v chasu, t.j. morebitnim zanamcem, ki se ne bodo ozirali le na trzhnost revije); deontolog Dubl M. Fegoshy, ki je spet sprehajaje oz. to pot kravsaje, koval nov intrvju (to je namrech lahko pochel le sprehajaje, pohajkujoch, minerja-deontologa bo nashel na cesti ali v parku ali pa v bolnici. Zaslovel je namrech po miniraju oz. preplahih, ki jih je povzrochil v odvisni reviji Nearhetinktura.
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Zagorchnik (ignores him and recites a pre-prepared quote): So we find ourselves on a new stage of eternity. There is no past and no more present. There is only beautiful future. And that is as it should be. After its long insufferable absence, the beautiful future is on the horizon again; let it shine beautifully. The more beautifully it shines, the less need we will have for the past and also present. In time, these two categories of time can disappear from eternity. Farewell, greetings from the New Former Managing Editor Sourgorichnik. (Zagorchnik victoriously exits.)
Shus (angrily to himself): So that's how it is. He conducted the debate to a pre-prepared scenario, and I had no idea. And when he realized it won't go for it twice, he wasn't even offended but actually relieved. My jaw dropped, I was dumbfounded. What an arduous disputable discussion; I thought, I flattered myself, that I was leading it. And what an exit, he closed by throwing one of my favourite out-of-time conversation partners in my face and then went and just left. Chronicler Shus (offended, visibly hurt murmurs to himself): No, this can't end like this, or I am no chronicler.
»A truly peculiar company« (Shus commented to himself), »yet we collaborate, quite freely and even spontaneously. But some minimal institutionalization is still necessary, it's unavoidable.«
(For now Shus had no better idea than to immerse himself in endofasia once more, the very thing that was so annoying to Zagorchnik.)
Author's comment or note: Other unavoidable spoilers of the game in the SRP circle were missing the meeting again: Managing Editor Hanzej Lumski was at a sociological symposium in Portoroso (holding a visibly noticed paper on the facts of social re-stratification, orally of course, he even commanded interest at the Cabinet of President Küchanosh himself, but there's a slight concern they wouldn't be overly thrilled to read it in the journal. But he's late with his submission again); the withheld and expelled emigrant writer Löwen Detel (also Löwenmut) was a corresponding member anyway and didn't attend meetings; he was also very busy preparing Kocbek's book — for the foreign audience of course (the expelled writer is still not 'withheld' enough at home in his native land; in accordance with Their — Slonewendian wise men(gnates)' opinion he had to stay abroad, just because they are infallible); the engraver and archaeochronos Juraj Demitrov, who had so much work computer-scanning texts and images as well as designing the journal, that he worked through nights (we called the engraver 'archaeochronos', because he archaeved (archived) the journal and kept and disseminated it through time, i.e. to potential future audiences, who will not focus merely on its marketability), deonthologist Dubl M. Fegoshy, who was abumlatingly — this time hobblingly ironing out a new interview (he could only do it walking, rambling around; he will find a deonthologist bomber on the street or in a park or hospital. He gained fame through blowing up or scares he caused in the dependent Non-Archetincture journal.
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Izbrskal je za malo dezhelo, kot je Slonovovenija, prav neverjetno dosti neoseb t.j. osebnosti, ki so se jih pomembni Slonovovenci v imenu in za dobrobit vseh ostalih pravochasno in temeljito odrekli. Na enem od ustvarjalnih pohodov je tako nesrechno padel, da si je nalomu kolk); svobodni literat Ant Ivich je sicer prishel, a z veliko zamudo, do zadnjega je gledal tele-vizhn in si belezhil dosezhke za TV belezhke, pa ni she chisto skoval zadnjih epigramov (sicer pa je bil zelo predan slonovenetskemu stripu, pa she zhvet je moral od nechesa, kdo bi mu lahko to zameru, cheprav svobodni umetniki za prezhivetje kar se da mal rabjo); eminentni kritik Maras Kremplgauner (Kernmauer) je itak pogojeval sodelovanje z edinim, a brezpojnim pogojem, da se ga nikoli, ampak res nikdar, ne pokliche na sestanek (bil jih je za vselej do grla sit, brezplachni prispevek pa je le obljubu); edini ustavobranitelj (zaustavnega dvorishcha) Misha Krovic pa je garal celo prejshnjo in she eno predprejshnjo noch, ker je pisal locheno mnenje. Klicati ga na sestanke zaradi takih rechi, to bi res ne bilo primerno, nepredsednika t.j. ustavobranitelja bo ob priliki, ko bo imel kanchek chasa, obiskal na njegovem domu na Sav (nepredsednik so mu rekli, ker bi v Samovi drzhavi in tudi v Karantaniji bil predsednik, v Slonoveveniji ali Slonovovenetiji pa ne, ker je bil prevech principielen oz. samosvoj); izgnani Atlant (oz. Atlant v izgnanstvu) Andreas Luman ni maral gostilnishkih oz. barskih sestankov, raje si je dopisoval s prijatelji in prijateljicami (dost jim je blo tga, da zjutraj, ko se dan zachne, v poshtnem nabiralniku pobirajo sam reklame, pa propagandni material vseh sort, zato so si raje izmenjavali pesmi in kratko prozo, skratka nekaj zhivega, osebnega). Shusu pa se je milo storilo, ko se je spomnil na zlate chase Mesing-bara, k je v Volanverkaf-u Plavcu kishte raskladov, pa bicikle in gumilezumge prodajov, pa zmir prekratke shlauhshchke za ventilchke, pa pumpe, k so jih zhenske reklamirale, chesh, da se pr pumpanju prevech segrejejo. Zhe res, da je bil zmatran, a pir se mu je velik bl prlegu k dons. Pomembni sozarotniki oziroma, pravilneje recheno, sopodporniki spielverderberjev: romantichni tiskar Vitalus Div, scenografoslikar Jovani Spacolini in vsi, ki so vsaj dvakrat nastopili na spolzki sceni paralelne stvarnosti, pa se teh in takih iger znotraj kroga niso udelezhevali oz. so se le, che je bilo na dnevnem redu kaj konkretnega (kak konkreten posel) za njih.
Vsi ostali pishochi sodelavci iz kroga mrzke revije pa so se urednishtva t.j. Opera bara izogibali, vechinoma iz strahu, da jih ne bi takoj vpregli v urednishki odbor, res pa je, da nekateri tudi zato, ker ne prenashajo cigaretnega dima in alkoholnih hlapov in barskega zhivzhava nasploh.
Opomba: Sledi Endofazijski epilog: Na Rodos; Nazaj v navadno stvarnost, ki je povzet v prispevku O vrednotah (v) stvareh.
V Ljubljani, oktobra 1997
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For a small country like Slonewvenia, he was able to dig up an incredibly great number of non-persons, i.e. personalities, who were timely and thoroughly denied by the important Slonewvenians in the name and for the benefit of all others. At one of his creative hikes, he took such an unfortunate fall that he fractured his hip); free author Ant Ivich actually made it but was very late, he had been watching tele-vision and jutting down the accomplishments for TV notepads, and he hadn't quite finished coining the final epigrams (generally, he was very dedicated to Slonewvenian graphic novels, and he had to make a living somehow; who could blame him, even if free artists need very little to survive); eminent critic Maras Kremplgauner (Kernmauer) based his collaboration on the single mandatory condition that he never, but truly never ever, be called to a meeting (he was entirely fed up with them, but he did promise to pay the free contribution); the only defender of the constitution (of the const(op)itutional court) Misha Krovic was hard at work the entire night before and the previous one and the one before that, writing a separate opinion. To call him in for meetings for such matters would be truly inappropriate; he will visit the non-president, i.e. defender of the constitution in his home on Sav. (They called him Non-president, due to the fact that he would be president in Samo's Empire and Carantania but not in Sloneveina or Slonewendia because he was too principled or too distinct); expelled Atlantian (or Atlantian in exile) Andreas Luman, disliked meetings at inns or bars, he preferred corresponding with friends of both genders (they've had it with only receiving advertising and propaganda of all sorts in their mailboxes in the morning when the day starts, so they opted to exchange poetry and short prose instead, something living and personal). Shus was moved when he thought about the golden age of Mesing-bar, who unloaded boxes and sold bicycles and tube patches in Volanverkaf Blue along with valve rubber tubing that was always too short and bicycle pumps that were returned by women saying they got too hot during pumping. He was tired, sure, but beer tasted better to him then than now. Important co-conspirators, or to put it better, co-supporters of the game-spoilers: romantic printer Vitalus Div, scenography painter Jovani Spacolini and everyone who took at least two runs on the slippery scene of parallel reality never took part in these games of the circle or their like; or they did only when there was something concrete on the agenda (some tangible business) for them.
All other contributing collaborators from the circle of the hated journal kept clear of the editing office, i.e. Opera Bar, most out of fear they would be roped into the editorial board immediately; it's true though, that some did so because they couldn't tolerate cigarette smoke or alcohol fumes and general bustle of the bar.
Note: An Endofasian epilogue follows: To Rhodos; Back to Ordinary Reality, which is summarized in the contribution titled 'On Values (of) Things' [O vrednotah (v) stvareh.].
Ljubljana, October 1997 Translated from Slovenian by Jaka Jarc
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Damir Globochnik
CIKLUS KREPOSTI (2012-2014)
Jana Vizjak se je v osemdesetih letih preteklega stoletja uveljavila s platni velikih formatov, prekritimi s temperamentnimi nanosi barve in z drugimi likovnimi posegi. Osrednji motiv s pomochjo dinamichne poteze s chopichem s hitro, neposredno risbo zasnovanih monumentalnih kompozicij so bili ekspresivno preoblikovane chloveshke figure in simbolichne oziroma asociativne oblike, vendar se je slikarka poglobila tudi v raziskovanje izraznih mozhnosti abstraktne likovne govorice. Kljub na prvi pogled vehementnemu in eruptivnemu nachinu nastanka posamezne slike se je Jana Vizjak preudarno in disciplinirano posvetila vsaki izmed stopenj v procesu likovnega dela ter iskanju tehtnega sorazmerja med njimi. Notranje uravnotezheno likovno tkivo slik ali risb oziroma spoja obeh likovnih disciplin je prichalo o izvrstnem obvladovanju metjeja. Shtudij na dusseldorfski Umetnishki akademiji pri prof. Gotthardu Graubnerju (1930-2013), enem osrednjih nemshkih modernistichnih slikarjev po drugi svetovni vojni, je pomenil temeljit preobrat v slikarskem delovanju Jane Vizjak. Gestualna slikarska in risarska tipika je odpadla, barve so izgubile svojo zamolklost in materialnost. Poudarjeno snovnost je nadomestila nematerialno obchutena barva. Na prvi pogled se je zdelo, da je z novo barvno sprostitvijo nastopilo obdobje vsebinske in oblikovne umirjenosti ter premishljenosti, cheprav je Jana Vizjak vstopila v svet zahtevnega koloristichnega slikarstva, ki ni vech dopushchalo blizhnjic in stranpoti. Osrednji oblikotvorni dejavniki na slikah Jane Vizjak so postali barva, svetloba, oblika, prostor in slikarska poteza, pri chemer velja opozoriti zlasti na pomembno vlogo barve in svetlobe. Obichajno v slikarstvu barva poudari obliko, svetloba pa poudari barvo, na slikah Jane Vizjak pa smo lahko pricha tesni povezavi — sozhitju med obema podobotvornima dejavnikoma.
V nasprotju z abstraktnim Gotthardom Graubnerjem Jana Vizjak novopridobljene slikarske postopke povezala s predmetno motiviko. O tem prichajo teme, ki jo spremljajo od zachetka slikarske poti: chloveshka figura, tihozhitje in pejsazh. Ciklus avtoportretov je zachel nastajati zhe v chasu, ko se je Jana Vizjak pripravljala za sprejem na ljubljansko likovno akademijo, zlasti intenzivno pa od dusseldorfskega obdobja dalje. Podobno velja tudi za motiv portreta, ki mu lahko sledimo od akademijskega obdobja; podoba Kristusa se na risbah Jane Vizjak pojavi zhe leta 1977. Jana Vizjak avtoportret razume predvsem kot ogledalo za raziskovanje lastnega jaza. Zato se je naslikala v razlichnih razpolozhenjskih trenutkih in stanjih duha, nekateri avtoportreti so nastali kot poklon slikarskim vzornikom (Gabrijelu Stupici, Rembrandtu, Velazquezu). Tudi portreti, ki jih je naslikala po narochilu ali iz lastnih pobud, niso neosebne, otrple podobe posameznikove fiziognomije, kot bi jih zajela lecha fotografskega aparata. Ob harmonichni barvni in tonski uglashenosti
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Damir Globochnik
THE CYCLE VIRTUES (2012-2014)
In the 1980s, Vizjak established herself as a painter with large format canvases covered with spirited applications of paint and other visual art techniques. The main motifs, painted with dynamic brush strokes or drawn quickly and directly as monumental compositions, were expressive shapes of the human figure as well as symbolic and associative shapes. The painter, however, immersed herself in exploring the expressive scope of abstract visual art. Even though the paintings seem to have been brought to life vehemently and eruptively, Vizjak maintained focus and discipline during every stage of the process and focused on finding a substantial relationship between all of them. The inner balance of the texture of the paintings and drawings and the link between the two visual art disciplines show that the painter excels at her métier.
Vizjak began her studies at the Arts Academy in Düsseldorf under professor Gotthard Graubner (1930—2013), one of the most prominent German modernist painters after World War II, which saw a complete turnabout in her artistic expression. She no longer used gestural painting and gestural drawing, and the colours she used shed their blandness and materiality. The emphatic materiality was replaced by non-materially perceived colours. At first glance, it seemed that with the new, relaxed colours, a period of composure and sensibility had arrived in her content and formulation, even though Vizjak entered the world of demanding colourist painting which left her with no shortcuts or bypaths. The main shape-forming factors in Vizjak's paintings were now colour, light, shape, space, and brush strokes, the two most important ones being colour and light. Usually in painting, the shape is emphasised by colour, and colour is emphasised by light; but Vizjak's paintings show a close connection — a harmony — between both image-forming factors.
Unlike the abstract Gotthard Graubner, Vizjak combined her newly-acquired painting techniques with objects as the main motifs. The themes that Vizjak has been using since the beginning of her painting career further solidify this: the human form, still life and landscape. Vizjak began painting her cycle of self-portraits while she was preparing to enrol in the Academy of Fine Arts in Ljubljana, and even more intensely from her time in Düsseldorf onwards. The same goes for a motif that Vizjak has been painting from her Academy years onwards — the image of Christ appears in her drawings as early as 1977. Vizjak understands the self-portrait as a mirror to explore one's own self. She thus painted herself in many moods and states of mind; some self-portraits were painted in homage to her painter role models (Gabrijel Stupica, Rembrandt, Velázquez). The portraits that Vizjak was ordered to paint as well as those painted of her own volition are not impersonal, stiff images of an individual's physiognomy as if captured by a camera lens. The painter succeeds in capturing
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slikarki uspe zajeti upodobljenchev znachaj. Upodobljence koloristichno transponira, da poudari izrazno moch barv. Zlasti otroshke portrete postavlja v idealen, sinje jasen barvni prostor, ki nikoli ni do konca opredeljen, vendar v njem slutimo interier. V portretni zbirki Jane Vizjak poleg portretov kulturnikov (Dane Zajc, 1991; Matjazh Gruden, 1998, Lojze Gostisha, 2005, Milchek Komelj, 2007, Niko Grafenauer, 2013) prevladujejo portreti slikarkinih sorodnikov.
Neposredna pobuda za slikanje ciklusa desetih personifikacij kreposti je bil ogled Oratorija San Lorenzo v Palermu. Leta 1570 zgrajeni oratorij krasijo barochne skulpture personifikacij kreposti, ki jih je iz shtuka izdelal kipar Giacomo Serpotta leta 1699. Ob soochenju z barochnim ikonografskim programom si je slikarka postavila vprashanje, kako bi lahko z lastnim, modernim slikarskim jezikom upodobila kreposti, ki po motivnem izvoru pripadajo preteklosti. Slikarkin ciklus Kreposti obsega dvanajst manjshih platen in deset velikih platen, ki so umerjena po velikosti chloveshkega telesa. Na velikih oljnih slikah na lanenem platnu je predstavljenih deset kreposti: Obedientia (vdanost), Elemosina (usmiljenost), Misericordia (uboshtvo), Charitas (chlovekoljubnost), Paenitentia (potrpezhljivost), Constantia (stanovitnost), Humilitas (ponizhnost), Fides (pobozhnost), Veritas (resnicoljubnost) in Gloria (svetost). Ciklus she ni konchan. Slikarka je ciklus nadaljevala z upodobitvijo Sonchnepesmi sv. Franchishka Asishkega (2015—2017). Kreposti ponazarjajo zhenske figure, tako, kot je znano iz krshchanske tradicije, v njih pa bi lahko videli tudi antichne vestalke. Slikarka je zhene, odete v posvechena bela oblachila, prepasana z napisnimi trakovi, opremila z atributi, pri izbiri katerih je sledila lastnemu razumevanju posamezne chloveshke kreposti (npr. potrpezhljivost — bobenchek, usmiljenost — vrtnica, vdanost — riba). Kot praviloma velja za sakralne motive, predstavitve Marije, Jezusa, Krizhev pot, upodobitve svetnikov in biblijskih legend, ki jih prav tako srechamo v slikarskem opusu Jane Vizjak, lahko njihove izvore ishchemo prej v duhovnem kot v fizichnem svetu. Vpogled v postopek nastajanja slikarskih kompozicij odkrije, da je slikarkina pozornost usmerjena v oblikovanje celotnega slikovnega polja. Zhenske figure, ki ponazarjajo kreposti, so pomenski in vizualni center posamezne kompozicije. Slikarka jih postavlja v razlichne drzhe telesa, vselej pa jih je — podobno kot celotno slikovno polje — oblikovala s pretehtanim nanashanjem lazurnih nanosov oljne barve. Barva je nosilka oblike. Personifikacija posamezne Kreposti se poraja iz spleta barvnih ploskev in shirokih potez, s katerimi je prekrita celotna povrshina platna, v ta barvni prostor pa se na neki nachin tudi vracha, lebdi v njem. Prisotna je tezhnja po dematerializaciji motivike.
Jana Vizjak barve ne pojmuje kot materialno snov, saj je za eno bistvenih izhodishch izbrala vprashanje svetlobe v sliki. V slike je ulovljena svetloba, saj je slikarka svetlo-temni kontrast nadomestila s toplo-hladnim barvnim kontrastom. Slikarsko polje je vselej prizorishche intenzivnega kromatskega dogajanja. Vse temelji na barvi, Jana Vizjak slika z zhivimi, svetlimi barvami, ki prinashajo vedrino. Barva je pogojena s sonchno svetlobo, ki obliva njene slikarske podobe.
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her model's character with a harmony of colours and tones. She transposes her models onto the canvas in colour so as to emphasise the expressive power of colour. She especially places portraits of children in an ideal, clear blue colour palette which is never fully defined, though the interior can be sensed. In addition to the portraits of cultural figures (Dane Zajc, 1991, Matjazh Gruden, 1998, Lojze Gostisha, 2005, Milchek Komelj, 2007, Niko Grafenauer, 2013), portraits of Vizjak's relatives predominate in her portrait collection.
She was inspired to paint the ten personifications of virtues when she visited the Oratory of Saint Lawrence in Palermo. The Oratory was built in 1570 and is adorned with baroque personification sculptures of the virtues made by sculptor Giacomo Serpotta in stucco in 1699. When confronted with the range of baroque iconography, the painter asked herself how she could depict virtues whose motifs had originated in the past with her own, modern painting expression. The cycle Virtues is comprised of twelve small canvasses and ten large canvasses, adjusted to the size of the human body. Large oil paintings on linen canvas depict ten virtues: Obedientia (obedience), Elemosina (mercy), Misericordia (compassion), Charitas (charity), Paenitentia (penance), Constantia (constancy), Humilitas (humility), Fides (faith), Veritas (truthfulness) in Gloria (glory). But the cycle was not yet complete. The painter continued it with a depiction of the Canticle of the Sun by Saint Francis of Assisi (2015-2017).
The virtues are depicted by female characters from the Christian tradition, and they could also be seen as ancient Roman Vestals. The women don sacred white clothing with ribbons displaying their names and are portrayed with attributes which the painter chose based on her own understanding of individual human virtues, for example patience is depicted with a drum, mercy with a rose, obedience with a fish. As is usually the case with liturgical motifs, the origins of the depictions of Mary, Jesus, the Stations of the Cross, saints and Bible legends that can also be found in Vizjak's painting opus are in the spiritual rather than in the physical world. An insight into the creative process of painting compositions reveals that the painter's focus is directed into creating a comprehensive painting. The female figures depicting the virtues are the semantic and visual centre of each composition. The painter painted them in different body poses, but she always - similar to the entire painting — shaped them with premeditated applications of azure oil paints. The colour provides the shape. The personification of all the virtues is delivered by a blend of colourful bases and wide brush strokes that cover the entire canvas, and it returns to this colour space and floats in it. The painter tends to de-materialise the motifs in her works.
Vizjak does not regard colour as a material substance — she chose the issue of light in a painting as one of her essential starting points. Her paintings catch the light, with light and dark contrast being replaced with a warm and cool colour contrast. The paintings are an intense chromatic experience. Everything is based on colour; Vizjak paints with vibrant, light colours that bring joviality. The colour is modified by the sunlight pouring down on Vizjak's painted images.
Translated from Slovenian by: Amidas d. o. o.
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»Misericordia«, 2012—2014, olje na lanenem platnu/oil on linen canvas, 180 x 85 cm
»Skica za krepostno zheno« /»Draft for a virtuous woman«/, 2008, olje na lanenem platnu/oil on linen canvas, 70 x 30 cm
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Jana Vinjak
LIKOVNA DELA /REPRODUKCIJE/
1	»Charitas«, 2012—2014, olje na lanenem platnu, 180 x 85 cm
2	»Obedientia«, 2012—2014, olje na lanenem platnu, 180 x 85 cm
3	»Elemosina«, 2012—2014, olje na lanenem platnu, 180 x 85 cm
4	»Humilitas«, 2012—2014, olje na lanenem platnu, 180 x 85 cm
5	»Paenitentia«, 2012—2014, olje na lanenem platnu, 180 x 85 cm
6	»Gloria«, 2012—2014, olje na lanenem platnu, 180 x 85 cm
7	»Constantia«, 2012—2014, olje na lanenem platnu, 180 x 85 cm
8	»Fides«, 2012—2014, olje na lanenem platnu, 180 x 85 cm
Naslovnica:
9	»Veritas«, 2012—2014, olje na lanenem platnu, 180 x 85 cm
Fotografije: Peter Pokorn
Jana Vizjak
Rojena je bila 30. junija 1956 v Ljubljani. Po konchani gimnaziji je sholanje nadaljevala na Akademiji za likovno umetnost v Ljubljani (1975-1979) - shtudij risanja pod vodstvom prof. Gabrijela Stupica in shtudij slikarstva pod vodstvom prof. Janeza Bernika, pri katerem je v letih 1979 do 1982 konchala she slikarsko specialko. Leta 1991 je prejela shtipendijo DAAD (Deutsche Akademische Austauschdienst). Od 1991 do 1993 je bila DAAD shtipendistka, shtudentka slikarstva na Umetnishki akademiji/Kunstakademie Düsseldorf (pri prof. Gotthardu Graubnerju). Od 1993 do 1996 je nadaljevala shtudij kot gostja shtudentka na Umetnishki akademiji v Düsseldorfu pod vodstvom prof. Gottharda Graubnerja. Leta 2005 ji je senat Akademije za likovno umetnost v Ljubljani dodelil priznanje pomembnih umetnishkih del. Prejela je vech javnih narochil in se uveljavila tudi kot izvrstna portretistka. Likovno je sodelovala pri vech publikacijah. Leta 2006 ji je senat Univerze v Ljubljani dodelil naslov docentka za podrochje slikarstva. Jana Vizjak svoje delo reflektira tudi z besedo in v teoriji. Od leta 1982 zhivi in dela kot svobodna umetnica.
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Jana Vizjak
ARTWORKS /REPRODUCTIONS/
1	»Charitas«, 2012—2014, oil on linen canvas, 180 x 85 cm
2	»Obedientia«, 2012—2014, oil on linen canvas, 180 x 85 cm
3	»Elemosina«, 2012—2014, oil on linen canvas, 180 x 85 cm
4	»Humilitas«, 2012—2014, oil on linen canvas, 180 x 85 cm
5	»Paenitentia«, 2012—2014, oil on linen canvas, 180 x 85 cm
6	»Gloria«, 2012—2014, oil on linen canvas, 180 x 85 cm
7	»Constantia«, 2012—2014, oil on linen canvas, 180 x 85 cm
8	»Fides«, 2012—2014, oil on linen canvas, 180 x 85 cm
Cover:
9	»Veritas«, 2012-2014, oil on linen canvas, 180 x 85 cm Photographs by: Peter Pokorn
Jana Vizjak
She was born on 30 March 1956 in Ljubljana. After she finished secondary school, she continued her education at the Academy of Fine Arts in Ljubljana (1975-1979) - drawing studies under the mentorship of Prof. Gabrijel Stupica and painting studies under the mentorship of Prof. Janez Bernik. Under him, she also specialised in painting between 1979 and 1982. In 1991, she received a DAAD scholarship (Deutsche Akademische Austauschdienst). From 1991 to 1993, she was a DAAD scholar, and a painting student at the Arts Academy (Kunstakademie Düsseldorf) under Prof. Gotthard Graubner. From 1993 to 1996, she continued her studies as a guest student at the Arts Academy in Düsseldorf under Prof. Gotthard Graubner.
In 2005, she was presented with an award by the senate of the Academy of Fine Arts in Ljubljana for her prominent art works. She has received many public orders and established herself as a great portrait painter. She was involved artistically in several publications. In 2006, the senate of the University of Ljubljana gave her the title of Assistant Professor of Painting. Jana Vizjak reflects her work in words and in theory. Since 1982, she has been living and working as a freelance artist.
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Milan Shtruc
SLOVENSKI NAPIS NA NEGOVSKI CHELADI
1.	Uvod
Teorija o slovenski priselitvi na danashnje ozemlje v 6. stoletju nashe ere iz daljnih zakarpatskih mochvirij predstavlja eno od najvechjih ponarejanj svetovne zgodovine. Medtem ko za to teorijo ni preprichljivih dokazov, se sedaj vsakodnevno pojavljajo nova in nova odkritja, ki dokazujejo, da takshne priselitve v navedenem chasu nikoli ni bilo.
Med dokaze zoper priselitev sodijo tudi shtevilna krajevna in druga zemljepisna imena, ki v slovenskem jeziku she danes opisujejo njim ustrezne krajevne in topografske znachilnosti.1 Ko ta poimenovanja primerjamo s tistimi iz chasa rimske zasedbe, lahko v shtevilnih primerih ugotovimo, da gre samo za latinizirano obliko slovenskih imen in zato v latinskem jeziku nimajo nobenega pomena. To potrjuje, da so Rimljani ob prihodu na nova ozemlja shtevilna zhe obstojecha imena samo latinizirali, pogosto pa celo napachno prevedli v latinsko obliko. Veliko shtevilo takshnih primerov zato omogocha trditev, da so Rimljani zasedali ozemlja, ki so bila zhe pred njihovim prihodom poseljena s slovensko govorechimi ljudstvi.2
Tudi najnovejshe genetske raziskave in ugotovitve populacijske genetike zanesljivo dokazujejo, da gre pri poselitvi nashih prostorov za dolgotrajno kontinuiteto. Cheprav shtevilni svetovno znani znanstveniki teorijo kontinuitete zhe dolgo shtejejo za edino znanstveno pravilno, se posamezni zgodovinarji pri nas she vedno krchevito oklepajo nekakshne »priselitvene« teorije.
Podobno zavrachajo mit o slovenski priselitvi v 6. stoletju tudi stari napisi iz rimskih in predrimskih chasov, ki jih lahko razumemo samo v slovenskem jeziku. Med tovrstne dokaze sodi tudi prichujoche novo tolmachenje napisa na cheladi iz Negove.
2.	Negovska najdba
Negovske chelade pomenijo izjemno arheoloshko najdbo ne le v tem delu Evrope, temvech tudi bistveno shirshe. Po prvotnih ocenah naj bi shlo za shestindvajset chelad, zlozhenih druga v drugo, kar pomeni tako po obsegu kot tudi po drugih znachilnostih edinstven primer v svetu.
Ker je kraj najdbe sodil pod blizhnje gospostvo Negova, je bilo sprejeto nachelo, po katerem se chelade iz navedene najdbe imenujejo negovske chelade (slika 1), vse druge podobne chelade, najdene na drugih najdishchih, pa sodijo v skupino chelad negovskega tipa.3
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Milan Shtruc
SLOVENIAN INSCRIPTION ON THE NEGAU HELMET
1.	Introduction
The theory of the Slovenian immigration into today's territory in the 6th century AD from the distant Zakarpatian swamps represents one of the greatest forgeries in the world's history. While there is no convincing evidence for such a theory, new discoveries are emerging, which prove that such immigration at that time did not happen.
Evidences against such an immigration theory include numerous local and other geographical names, which in Slovenian language still describe their local and topographic characteristics.1 When compared to those from the time of the Roman occupation, in many cases, it can be concluded that they are only a Latinized form of Slovenian names and, therefore, they have no meaning in the Latin language. This confirms that when the Romans arrived on the new territories, many already existing names were only Latinized, and often even incorrectly translated into the Latin form. The large number of such cases therefore makes it possible to claim that the territories later occupied by Romans were already inhabited by Slovene-speaking people prior to their arrival.2 The latest genetic research and findings of population genetics also prove that there was a long lasting continuity in the settlement of these territories. For a long time to many renowned world scientists this has been regarded as the only scientifically correct theory. On the other hand some historians also in our country still strongly support the »immigration« theory.
Similarly, the myth of the Slovenian immigration in the 6 th century is rejected also by ancient inscriptions from the Roman and pre-Roman times, which can only be understood in Slovenian language. The proposed new interpretation of the inscription on the Negau helmets can also be understood as such a proof.
2.	The Negau Find
Negau helmets represent an outstanding archaeological find not only in this part of Europe, but also significantly broader. According to the original estimates, there were twenty-six helmets stacked together, representing a unique example in the world both by their number as also by other characteristics.
Since the site of the find was located on the Negau estate, the principle was adopted, that the helmets from the mentioned find are called Negau helmets (Figure 1), and all other similar helmets found at other sites belong to the group of Negau type.3
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V okviru negovske najdbe ima posebno mesto chelada shtevilka 22, oziroma Negova B, ki jo hrani Umetnostnozgodovinski muzej na Dunaju.4 Na njej je napis, ki naj bi po mnenju vechine svetovnih raziskovalcev predstavljal najstarejshi germanski napis v zgodovini. Cheprav naj bi bila vsebina napisa zhe dolgo pojasnjena, pa se vedno znova pojavljajo dileme, kdo naj bi bil pisec napisa, kdaj naj bi napis nastal, kakshen je bil njegov namen, pa tudi, ali je bilo dosedanje prechrkovanje znakov v latinichno pisavo sploh pravilno.
Zgodba o negovski najdbi se je prichela pred nekaj vech kot dvesto leti, ko je novembra leta 1811 Jurij Slachek v Zhenjaku v Slovenskih goricah pri izkopavanju drevesnih shtorov za zimsko kurjavo (po drugi varianti pri globokem oranju) naletel na velik sklop bronastih chelad, zlozhenih druga v drugo. She do nedavnega je veljalo, da naj bi nashel skupno 26 chelad. Ker je menil, da je odkril zlat zaklad, je eno chelado razbil. Ko je ugotovil, da ne gre za zlato, jo je zavrgel in sled za njo naj bi se izgubila. Ostale chelade je nato za bagatelno ceno »prodal« orozharju Denzlu iz Maribora.5
Za to pomembno zgodovinsko najdbo se je hitro razvedelo in zachela se je zgodba o negovskih cheladah. Kot po navadi je najdba najprej romala v Gradec, seveda po bistveno vishji ceni od nakupne. Ko pa so za najdbo zvedeli na Dunaju, so negovske chelade takoj odpotovale tja.
3. Dosedanja tolmachenja negovskega napisa
Svetovno pomembno najdbo so v vsem chasu od njenega odkritja dalje podrobno raziskovali shtevilni svetovno priznani znanstveniki. Nemshki zgodovinar in raziskovalec kronologije bronaste dobe Paul Reinecke je celotno negovsko najdbo oshtevilchil, in to oshtevilchenje je sploshno v veljavi she danes. Na nekaterih cheladah je napisanih po nekaj znakov ali kratkih zapisov. Najpomembnejshi je napis na cheladi, ki ima po Reineckeju shtevilko 22 in je znana tudi kot chelada Negova B (slika 3).
Pomen negovske najdbe za znanost dokazujejo tudi izjemno shtevilne razprave o njej, posebej pa tudi o napisu na cheladi Negova B. Tako je nizozemski lingvist Felicien de Tollenaere samo o tem napisu objavil knjigo z vech kot 120 stranmi, v njej pa bibliografija obsega prek sto bibliografskih naslovov.6
Leta 1925 je norveshki jezikoslovec Carl Marstrander7 napis oznachil kot prvi germanski napis v zgodovini. Enako sta ga obrazlozhila tudi italijanski lingvist Aldo Luigi Prosdocimi in avstrijski zgodovinar-arheolog Rudolf Egger, pri taki razlagi pa she danes vztraja vechina tujih raziskovalcev. Kljub sploshnemu zatrjevanju, da se v napisu pojavlja ime germanskega vojskovodje »Harigasti«, doslej she nikomur ni uspelo dokazati ne le, da naj bi bilo Harigasti germansko ime, temvech niti tega, da bi se to ime pojavljalo she na kateremkoli drugem doslej najdenem napisu.
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In the framework of the Negau find, the helmet number 22, or Negau B, has a special place in the Museum of Art and History in Vienna.4 On this helmet there is an inscription, which is, according to most of the world's researchers, the oldest German inscription in history. Although it is believed that the inscription has long been explained, however, there are still dilemmas, as to who was the writer, when the inscription was made, what was its purpose, and whether the transcription of symbols to the Latin script was correct.
The story of the Negau helmets began a little over two hundred years ago when in November 1811 Jurij Slachek in Zhenjak in Slovenske gorice was excavating tree stumps for winter heating (or by deep plowing), encountered a large set of bronze helmets stacked into each other. Until recently, it was believed that he had found 26 helmets. Because he thought he had discovered a golden treasure, he immediately broke one of the helmets. When realizing that it was not gold, he rejected it and the trail behind it was lost. Other helmets were then »sold« to the arms dealer Denzel in Maribor for the bagatelle price.5
The important historical find quickly diverged and the story about Negau helmets began. As a rule, the find was first transferred to Gradec, of course at a significantly higher price. When the news about the find came to Vienna, the helmets were immediately sent there.
3. Past interpretations of the Negau inscription
Since its discovery the world fameous find has been explored in detail by many world-renowned scientists. The German historian and researcher of the Bronze Age chronology Paul Reinecke numbered the entire Negau find and his numbering is still in effect today. On some of the helmets there are short notes or just a few characters. The most important inscription is on the helmet with number 22 by Reinecke that is also known as the helmet Negau B (Figure 3).
The significance of this find in science is proven also by the extreme number of discussions about the find, as well as the inscription on helmet Negau B. Thus, the Dutch linguist Felicien de Tollenaere published a book of more than 120 pages with bibliography of over one hundred bibliographical titles, dealing just with this inscription.6 In 1925, the Norwegian linguist Carl Marstrander7 labeled this writing as the first German inscription in history. The same explanation was also adopted by the Italian linguist Aldo Luigi Prosdocimi and Austrian historian-archaeologist Rudolf Egger, and most of the foreign researchers still insist on such interpretation. Despite the widespread claim that the name of the German army officer Harigasti appears in the inscription, no one has yet succeeded in proving that Harigasti was a German name or even that the name Harigasti appears on any other hitherto found inscription.
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Zaradi preprichanja, da gre za germanski napis, je nemshka okupacijska oblast med drugo svetovno vojno kraj Zhenjak, kjer so bile davnega leta 1811 najdene chelade, po imenu domnevnega germanskega vojskovodje preimenovala v Harigast.8 Imenovali so tudi mednarodno skupino »neodvisnih« strokovnjakov, ki je potrdila, da gre pri zadevnem napisu za prvi germanski napis v zgodovini in to preprichanje velja she danes. Kraj najdbe je sedaj oznachen samo z majhnim kamnom (slika 2). V blizhini najdishcha je bilo odkritih tudi veliko shtevilo gomil iz rimskih chasov.9
Pri natanchnejshem preverjanju dosedanjih razlag napisa lahko zasledimo veliko ochitnih napak in je zato treba dosedanja tolmachenja ponovno preveriti.
4. Temeljna nachela za zagotovitev verodostojnega tolmachenja starih napisov
Pri vsaki resni raziskavi starih napisov bi morali uposhtevati nekaj osnovnih nachel, s katerimi bi lahko zagotovili vsaj minimalno verodostojnost tolmachenj v kateremkoli jeziku. V ta namen predlagam naslednja nachela:
1.	Vsako odstopanje od sploshno sprejetega prechrkovanja je treba logichno utemeljiti s podobnimi primeri v drugih napisih ali v drugih pisavah.
2.	Pri prechrkovanju je treba dosledno uposhtevati vse znake v napisu. Vsako izpushchanje kateregakoli znaka, ki obstaja v originalnem napisu, pomeni nedovoljeno poseganje v napis in tako dobljeno tolmachenje ni verodostojno.
3.	Napisu ne smemo dodajati nobenih znakov, ki jih na originalnem napisu ni. Vsako tolmachenje, ki ga dobimo z dodajanjem neobstojechih znakov, pomeni, da je tako dobljeno tolmachenje neverodostojno.
4.	Pri prechrkovanju je treba razjichnim znakom v napisu pripisati razjichne chrke. Tolmachenja, pri katerih bi bili znaki razjichnih oblik prechrkovani v isto chrko, so neverodostojna.
5.	Pri prechrkovanju morajo biti enaki znaki v napisu enako prechrkovani. Neverodostojna so vsa tolmachenja, pri katerih bi bili oblikovno enaki znaki prechrkovani v razlichne chrke.
6.	V primeru, da je v napisu posamezni znak zapisan z drugachnim naklonskim kotom, je treba navedeno posebnost uposhtevati pri prechrkovanju, ali pa obrazlozhiti, zakaj to ni potrebno.
7.	Kadar se za posamezni del napisa domneva, da gre za okrajshavo, je treba to utemeljiti s sploshno sprejetim in uveljavljenim nachelom za takshne okrajshave, ali vsaj utemeljiti s podobnimi primeri v vech drugih napisih.
8.	Kadar se pri tolmachenju napisa domneva, da bi lahko posamezna beseda pomenila ime neke osebe, je to mozhno sprejeti le v primeru, che se takshno ime v nekem jeziku zhe uporablja, ali pa che se najmanj she enkrat ponovi v kakshnem drugem napisu. V nasprotnem primeru tako dobljeno tolmachenje napisa ne more biti verodostojno.
9.	Besedilo, ki ga dobimo s prechrkovanjem, mora zhe samo po sebi omogochiti razumevanje tega, kar je zhelel pisec povedati. Dodatne razlage tako pridobljenega besedila, ki ne temeljijo na prechrkovanem besedilu ali celo napis tolmachijo drugache, so neverodostojne.
Ker gre za preprosta in logichna nachela, bi moralo vsako odstopanje od njih sprozhiti tudi vprashanja o verodostojnosti.
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Due to the belief that the inscription was German, during the Second World War German occupying authorities renamed the place Zhenjak, where helmets were found in 1811, into Harigast,8 the alleged German army commander. They also established an international group of »independent« experts, which confirmed that the inscription was indeed the first German writing in the history, and this belief is still valid today. The site of the find is now marked only with a small stone (Figure 2).
A large number of Roman graves were also discovered near the site.9
More precise verification of the interpretations showed a lot of obvious mistakes,
so they should be reviewed again.
4. Basic principles for ensuring credible interpretation of old inscriptions
Any serious research of old inscriptions should take into account some basic principles that could in any language ensure minimum of credibility. To this end at least the following principles should be considered:
1.	Any derogation from generally accepted transcription should be logically justified by similar examples in other inscriptions or in other similar cases.
2.	In any case, all signs in the inscription should be strictly observed. Omission of any sign that exists in the original inscription implies unauthorized encroachment, and the interpretation thus obtained is not credible.
3.	No characters that are not present in the original inscription should be added. Any interpretation that is obtained by adding non-existent characters means that the interpretation thus obtained is not credible.
4.	Different signs in the inscription should be assigned to different letters. Transcriptions in which the signs of different form are transcribed into the same letter are unreliable.
5.	The same signs in the inscription must be transcribed equally. All interpretations, in which the same sign is transcribed into different letters, are unreliable.
6.	In the case that a sign in the inscription is written with a different angle of inclination, this particularity must be taken into account, or it has to be explained why this is not necessary.
7.	If a part of the inscription is assumed to present an abbreviation, this should be justified by a generally accepted and established principle for such abbreviations, or at least should be justified by similar examples in some other cases.
8.	When by interpreting the inscription a word is assumed to represent a name, this can only be accepted if such a name is already used in the interpreting language or this name appears at least once again in some other inscription. Otherwise, the interpretation can not be considered credible.
9.	Text, obtained by the transcription, must in itself enable us to understand what the author wanted to say. Additional explanations, which are not based on the transcribed text, or are even interpreted in contradiction with this text, are unreliable.
Since these are simple and logical principles, any deviation should also raise questions about credibility.
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5. Preverjanje verodostojnosti dosedanjih tolmachenj
Potem ko je Marstrander negovski napis oznachil kot prvi germanski napis in »Harigasti« kot germansko ime, sta se taki razlagi prikljuchila tudi A. L. Prosdocimi in Rudolf Egger.10
A. L. Prosdocimije po umestitvi presledkov napis prebral kot HARIGASTI TEIVA HIL(M)
Napis naj bi pomenil, da germanski vojskovodja z imenom Harigasti bogu zhrtvuje chelade.11 HARIGASTI naj bi bilo germansko ime, TEIVA naj bi v neznanem jeziku pomenilo bog oziroma darovati, beseda HIL(M) pa naj bi bila podobna nemshki besedi Helm, ki pomeni chelado. Da bi v napisu dobil besedo HILM, je dodal neobstojecho chrko M.
Napis je torej tolmachil v nasprotju z vech tukaj predlaganimi nacheli. Tako je v nasprotju z 8. nachelom domneval, da se v napisu pojavlja ime Harigasti, ki pa ga ni v germanskem imenoslovju niti se ne pojavlja v nobenem doslej najdenem starem napisu. Poleg tega je v imenu prepoznal »velikega germanskega vojskovodjo«, cheprav tudi za takshno osebo ni na razpolago nobenih zgodovinskih dokazov. V nasprotju s 4. nachelom je prvi in petnajsti znak prechrkoval v isto chrko H, cheprav sta znaka po obliki tako razlichna, da je mozhno napako prepoznati zhe na prvi pogled. Prav tako je v nasprotju s 3. nachelom na koncu napisa dodal she neobstojechi znak M, ne da bi to kakorkoli utemeljil.
RudolfEgger je bil med tistimi redkimi raziskovalci, ki so dosledno uposhtevali vse zapisane znake. Pri petnajstem znaku, ki je bil zapisan v drugachnem naklonskem kotu, je domneval, da ne gre za chrko, temvech za shtevilko, in sicer za rimsko shtevilko III. Ker tej shtevilki sledita chrki IL, ju je Egger razumel kot okrajshavo za besedo »ilirsko«. To ustreza sploshno uveljavljenemu nachinu oznachevanja vojashkih enot v rimskem chasu: najprej shtevilka enote in nato njeno okrajshano ime. Napis naj bi se torej nanashal na III IL(irsko) vojashko enoto. Egger12 je v tekst umestil pet presledkov, da je dobil she okrajshavi V in A ter napis nato prebral kot: HARIGASTI TEI V A III IL
Odpravil je torej nekaj napak v Prosdocimijevem prechrkovanju, sprejel pa je njegovo prechrkovanje prvega znaka in s tem »germansko« ime »Harigasti«. Temu naj bi sledilo ime njegovega rimskega ocheta »Tei«, kar je oboje v nasprotju z 8. nachelom o navajanju nepreverjenih imen.
Sledita chrki V kot okrajshava za vexillatio (oddelek) in A za alarum (krilo). Egger je napis umestil v chas rimske okupacije in v zachetek 1. stoletja nove ere, to pa seveda zastavlja vprashanje, kaj bi na obmochju rimske zasedbe lahko pochel germanski vojskovodja.
Seveda pa je bilo pisanje oznak vojashke enote na opremo tako nekoch, kot je tudi danes, dovolj pogost pojav, to pa povechuje verjetno pravilnost takega razumevanja napisa. Ker pa je v napis vkljuchil ocheta Rimljana in sina Germana, je za svoje tolmachenje dobil somishljenike tako med nemshkimi kot tudi italijanskimi zgodovinarji.
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5. Verification of past interpretations
After Marstrander had labeled the inscription as the first German inscription and Harigasti as the German name, A. L. Prosdocimi and Rudolf Egger also joined this interpretation.10
A. L. Prosdocimi after placing spaces between words read the inscription as: HARIGASTI TEIVA HIL(M)
According to his interpretation the inscription means that a German army officer named Harigasti sacrificed helmets to the god.11 HARIGASTI is supposed to be a German name, TEIVA is supposed to mean a god or donate in an unknown language, and the word HIL(M), as it is similar to the German word Helm, means helmet. In order to get the word HILM, he added a non-existent letter M to the inscription without justification.
The transcription was therefore not interpreted in accordance with the required principles. Thus, in contradiction to the principle 8 he assumed that the word Harigasti in the inscription was a name which, however, is not known as a Germanic name, nor does it appear in any other of the old inscriptions found so far. In this name he recognized a »great Germanic military leader«, although no historical evidence is available that such a person existed. Contrary to the principle 4 he transcribed the first and the fifteenth sign into the same letter H, although they are so different in their form that the error can be identified at first glance. In contrast to the 3rd principle, he added a non-existent sign at the end of the writing which should represent the letter M.
RudolfEggerwas among those rare researchers who consistently followed all the written signs. He assumed that the fifteenth sign that was written in a different angle does not mean a letter, but a number, namely Roman numeral III. Since this number was followed by the letters IL, Egger understood them as an abbreviation for the word »Illyrian«. This corresponds to the generally established method of marking military units in Roman times: first, the unit number and then its abbreviated name. The inscription therefore refers to the III IL(lyrian) military unit. Egger12 inserted five spaces into the text and in this way he got letters V and A, which he assumed to be abbreviations. Then he read the inscription as: HARIGASTI TEI V A III IL
Egger succeeded in removing some of the errors in Prosdocimi's transcription, but insisted on his transcription of the first sign, and hence on the fictional »German« name »Harigasti«. This is followed by another fictional name »Tei«, that he supposed to be the name of Harigasti's »Roman« father. Both of them are contrary to the proposed principle 8 of quoting names that can not be verified. The names were than followed by letter V as abbreviations for vexillatio (department) and A for alarum (wing). Egger placed the inscription in the time of the Roman occupation of the area at the beginning of the 1st century AD. Of course, the writing of the military unit's identification on the equipment has been of fairly frequent occurrence in the past, as well as today, which increases the likelihood of such understanding of the inscription being correct. Since he included a Roman father and his German son, he received his interlocutors both among German and Italian historians.
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Napis je tolmachil kot »Harigasti, sin Tea, ki je sluzhil v III. krilu ilirskega oddelka«. Kljub uporabi izmishljenih imen in kljub njegovemu mnenju, da gre pri tem za rimsko-germansko sorodstvo, pa je bil Egger prvi, ki je v petnajstem znaku prepoznal shtevilko tri in v znakih IL okrajshavo za ilirsko vojashko enoto. S tem se je izognil napaki, da bi popolnoma razlichni prvi in petnajsti znak prechrkoval v isto chrko H.
Napis je umestil v zachetek prvega stoletja nove ere, ko sta se na nashih tleh odvijala dva krvava upora proti rimski oblasti, ki naj bi bila tudi vzrok za zakopavanje chelad.
Umetnostnozgodovinski muzej na Dunaju ima v posebno zashchiteni vitrini razstavljeno znamenito chelado Negova B. Ob njej je navedeno tudi najnovejshe tolmachenje napisa, ki se glasi: HARIGATI TEIVA
Obrazlozhitev je: »Napis "harigastiteiva" navaja domnevno germansko ime Harigast(i) in shteje s tem med najstarejshe germanske jezikovne spomenike. "Teiva" pomeni verjetno drugo ime iste osebe.«13
»Teiva« naj bi bilo samo she dodatno ime iste osebe, torej nekako tako kot ime in priimek. Taka razlaga je v nasprotju z 8. nachelom o navajanju nepoznanih imen. Prav tako so v nasprotju z 2. nachelom izpustili zadnje tri znake (15 do 18), ker naj bi ti bili »samo polnilo«.
Thomas L. Markey, amerishki lingvist, je leta 2001 zadevni napis prebral kot: HARIGATI TEIWAZ
Zanj Harigasti ni vech germanski vojskovodja, temvech je duhovnik, saj naj bi beseda »teiwaz« pomenila duhovnika.14 Ni pa pojasnil, v katerem jeziku naj bi ta beseda imela tak pomen. Tudi on je prvi znak napachno prechrkoval v chrko H, petnajsti znak iz treh vzporednih chrt, ki jih je Egger razumel kot shtevilko tri, pa je Markey prechrkoval v chrko Z. Nato je v nasprotju z 2. nachelom izpustil zadnja dva znaka v napisu. V napisu naj bi se torej pojavljalo ime duhovnika, to pa je v skladu z novejshim mnenjem vechjega shtevila znanstvenikov, da naj bi se zadevne chelade v rimskem chasu ne uporabljale vech v boju, temvech le she kot kultni objekti v nekakshnih poganskih obredih.15
Vechina raziskovalcev negovskega napisa, razen nekaj izjem iz nashega jezikovnega prostora, ne obvlada slovenskega jezika. Neznanje jezika z obmochja, na katerem so bile negovske chelade najdene, so raziskovalci opravichevali s sporno trditvijo, da Slovencev v tistem chasu na tem prostoru pach ni bilo. V primeru najdbe zhe enega samega napisa iz chasa pred 6. stoletjem, ki bi ga lahko razumeli v slovenskem jeziku, bi se namrech v celoti porushila tako imenovana »priselitvena« teorija.
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He interpreted the inscription as »Harigasti, the son of Tea, who served in the III department of the Illyrian military unit«. Despite the use of fictitious names and his opinion that there was a Roman-German family relationship, Egger was the first to realize that the fifteenth sign represents number three, and that IL means the abbreviation for the Illyrian military unit. In this way he avoided the mistake of translating a completely different first and fifteenth character into the same letter H.
He dated the inscription in the beginning of the first century AD, when two bloody rebellions against the Roman authorities took place, what he supposed to be the cause for burial of helmets.
Museum ofArtand History in Vienna displays the famous Negau B helmet in a specially protected case. It also presents the recent interpretation of the inscription as: HARIGASTI TEIVA
Their explanation reads as follows: »The inscription »harigastiteiva« states the alleged German name Harigast(i) and counts as one of the oldest Germanic language monuments. »Teiva« probably means another name of the same person«.13 Since the name »Teiva« is placed behind the name Harigast(i) the inscription therefore means something as the name and surname. As both of them are unverified the interpretation is contrary to the 8th principle. Similarly, the last three characters (15 to 18) are omitted as they are meant to be »fill only«, which is contrary to the 2nd principle that all signs in the inscription must be considered.
Thomas L. Markey, American linguist, understood in 2001 the inscription as: HARIGASTI TEIWAZ
For him Harigasti is no longer a German army officer, but rather a priest,14 as he supposed that this is the meaning of the word »teiwaz«, but he never explained in which language this word had such a meaning. He also transcribed the first sign to the letter H. He did not believe Egger's transcription that three parallel lines represent number three, and transcribed them into Z. Then contrary to principle 2 he omitted last two characters in the inscription. His opinion that a priest appears in the inscription is in accordance with the latest beliefs of large number of scientists that the helmets from the mentioned archaeological find were in the Roman times no longer used in combat, but only as cult objects in some pagan ceremonies.15 Most researchers of the Negau inscription, except from our linguistic space, do not understand Slovenian language. The lack of understanding the language of the area where the Negau helmets were found is justified by the controversial claim that Slovenes at that time did not live there. In case that a single inscription from the period prior to the 6th century AD could be understood in the Slovenian language, the so-called »immigration« theory would be rejected completely.
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6. Raziskovalci negovskega napisa pri nas
Zhe arheolog Stane Gabrovec je svoj chlanek o negovskih cheladah iz leta 1984 zakljuchil z upanjem, da bodo nekoch nova dejstva potrdila, da gre za jezik, ki so ga govorili nosilci slovenske halshtatske kulture v tem prostoru in zato ne gre za »germansko« besedilo.16
Morda je prav to njegovo mnenje spodbudilo mnozhico ljubiteljskih raziskovalcev pri nas, da so poskushali negovski napis »kar na hitro« prebrati v slovenskem jeziku.
Med slovenskimi raziskovalci moramo posebej omeniti Mateja Bora, ki je poleg drugih starih napisov tolmachil tudi negovski napis.17 Prebral ga je kot: HARI GASTI TE I VAI
Beseda HARI naj bi pomenila hariti oziroma pleniti, GASTI gostovati, VAI pa vojevanje. Napis je nato razlozhil kot »Pleni, gosti se ter i vojuj«. Bor je pri svojem tolmachenju prevzel sploshno uporabljeno Prosdocimijevo prechrkovanje znakov skupaj z vsemi napakami in se je tako izenachil z vsemi tistimi tujimi raziskovalci, ki niso prepoznali ochitnih napak v prechrkovanju. Tudi ni uposhteval, da bi lahko besedo HARI pri nas povezali shele z bistveno kasnejshimi turshkimi vpadi, »TE I« naj bi po njem pomenilo »ter in«, »VAI« pa »vojevanje«. Prav tako je izpustil dve chrki s konca napisa.
Vsekakor je pri tolmachenju starih napisov potrebno omeniti tudi obsezhno delo Vinka Vodopivca. Objavil je vech knjig o starih napisih, ki jih je poskushal prebrati v slovenskem jeziku.18 Med drugim je napis na cheladi Negova B prebral kot: HARI GASTI TE I VAIIUL
To je razlozhil kot »Grabil tujce te in zmagal.« Tudi on je prevzel sploshno sprejeto prechrkovanje, vkljuchno z vsemi napakami; kar je dobil, pa je nato tolmachil celo drugache od besedila, kot naj bi bilo zapisano.19 Napis je poskushal tolmachiti tudi Anton Berlot.20 Cheprav navaja, da sta Mommsen in Corsten prvi znak v napisu prechrkovala v M, ga je sam prechrkoval v D, peti znak Y v H, sedmi znak S v Z, petnajsti znak III v J in sedemnajsti znak L v G. S tem je dobil napis o darilu Ive Jug nekemu Titu. Podobno je Dushan Shkrlep spreminjal sploshno sprejeto prechrkovanje tako dolgo, da je dobil »slovenski« napis »Ga 11+15 ja shtit gval«.21
Poleg navedenih primerov obstaja pri nas she vrsta tolmachenj negovskega napisa, pri katerih je pogosto brez utemeljitve spremenjeno prechrkovanje, dodajani in odvzemani so znaki, besedam pa je zhe ob manjshi podobnosti s slovenskim jezikom pripisan tak pomen. Vse to je oddaljevanje od metod znanstvenega raziskovanja, zagovornikom »priselitvene« teorije pa je omogochilo, da so tudi resne poskuse oznachili kot neznanstvene in tako so she tolmachenja drugih starih napisov v slovenskem jeziku izgubila verodostojnost.
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6. Researchers of the inscription from our area
Archeologist Stane Gabrovec concluded his article on Negau helmets published in the year 1984 with the hope that once new facts will confirm that the inscription was made in the language, spoken by the members of the Slovenian Hallstatt culture in this area, and therefore it was not a »German« text.16 Perhaps this suggestion was the cause for a true flood of amateur researchers who tried to read the German inscription »readily« in the Slovenian language.
Among Slovenian researchers we must mention Matej Bor, who, besides other old inscriptions, interpreted also the inscription of Negau B.17 He read it as: HARI GASTI TE VAI.
He assumed that the word HARI means "hariti" that is to harass or plunder, GASTI to host ("gostovati"), and VAI as warring ("vojevanje"). So he interpreted the inscription as »Plunder, host, and also fight«. Bor accepted the generally used Prosdocim's transcription of signs together with all errors, and thus equated himself with those foreign researchers who did not recognize obvious transcription inaccuracies. He also did not take into account that the word HARASS could only be linked to the significantly later Turkish incursions. »TE I« would mean »and and« ("ter in"), and »VAI« would mean »warfare«. Then, in contrast to principle 2, he omitted last two signs in the inscription. Among the interpretations of the old inscriptions it is also necessary to mention the extensive work of Vinko Vodopivec. He published several books on old inscriptions and tried to read them in the Slovenian language.18 Among others, he read the Negau B as: HARI GASTI TE I VAIIUL
He interpreted the text as »He grabbed these aliens and won« (that is "Grabil tujce te in zmagal"). He used the generally accepted transcription, including all the mistakes, and then interpreted it in some way even differently from what he supposed to be written.19
Among others, also Anton Berlot tried to interpret the inscription.20 Although he himself states that Mommsen and Corsten transcribed the first sign into M, he then turned it into D, the fifth sign Y into H, the seventh sign S into Z, the fifteenth sign III into J, and the seventeenth sign L into G. Then he presumed that the inscription is talking about some Silva Jug donating something to somebody named Tito. Similarly, Dusan Shkrlep changed the generally accepted transcription for so long that he received the »Slovenian« inscription »Ga 11 + 15 ja shield gval«.21 In addition to the above examples there are cases, where transcriptions are used without explanation, signs are added and taken away, and already slightest similarity to some Slovenian word is used to consider the entire inscription as Slovene. Such omission of scientific methods enables advocates of »immigration« theory to consider even serious interpretations in Slovenian language as unscientific.
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7. Novo tolmachenje negovskega napisa
Z namenom, da bi lahko pri novem tolmachenju napisa dosledno sposhtovali nachela za zagotovitev verodostojnosti, je prikazan posnetek napisa na cheladi Negova B (slika 4) skupaj s shematskim prikazom vseh znakov, njihovo oshtevilchenje v smeri poteka pisave z desne v levo in naslednja prechrkovanja: Prosdocimi (1), muzej KHMW (2), Egger (3) in predlog novega prechrkovanja (4). Podobno kot drugi napisi iz tistega chasa poteka tudi negovski napis zvezno, torej brez oznake presledkov med besedami. Zato so tukaj prikazani tudi presledki med besedami tako, kot so jih predlagali posamezni avtorji.
Pri Prosdocimiju je sporno prechrkovanje znakov prikazano z rdecho barvo (1), pri dunajskem muzeju KHMW so manjkajochi znaki prikazani z rdechimi chrticami (2), pri Eggerju so njegovi popravki Prosdocimija prikazani v zeleni barvi (3), podobno pa so prikazani tudi popravki pri predlaganem novem prechrkovanju (4). Za zagotovitev verodostojnega prechrkovanja je bilo treba v predlogu (4) najprej popraviti sporni prvi znak, ki ga shtevilni raziskovalci prechrkujejo v H. Pri tem sem uposhteval dejstvo, da sta raziskovalca Theodor Mommsen in Thomas Corsten sporni znak v drugih podobnih napisih prechrkovala v M. Mommsen, nemshki zgodovinar, pravnik, politik, arheolog in prejemnik Nobelove nagrade za literaturo leta 1902, je znan predvsem po svojih raziskavah rimske zgodovine, strokovnjaki pa mu priznavajo izjemno metodoloshko doslednost. Natanchno je raziskal tudi stare retijske napise, za negovski napis pa je menil, da je bil napisan v »shtajerski pisavi«.22 V znanem napisu na posodi iz Idrije pri Bachi se zadevni sporni znak pojavi kar shestkrat, zato je primerna podlaga za ugotavljanje najustreznejshega nachina prechrkovanja. Ker so tudi pri tej posodi raziskovalci sporni znak prechrkovali v H, so morali nato napis kot po navadi tolmachiti z izmishljenimi imeni, kar je sicer najbolj preprosta, vendar seveda napachna reshitev. Nasprotno pa dobimo s prechrkovanjem prvega znaka v M tudi v napisu iz Idrije pri Bachi razumljivo besedilo v slovenskem jeziku.23 Zato bom v nadaljevanju uposhteval prechrkovanje prvega znaka v chrko M po sistemu, ki sta ga uporabljala Mommsen in Corsten. Znak Y v negovskem napisu vechina raziskovalcev prechrkuje v chrko G, kot naj bi ustrezalo grshki pisavi, kjer se znak Y pred chrkami A, O in U izgovarja kot G. Vendar znaku Y tudi v grshkem jeziku pred E in I ustreza latinichna chrka J. Tudi cirilichni chrki Y ustreza latinichna chrka J in podobno se tudi v angleshchini chrka Y navadno izgovarja kot J. Zato bom znak Y prechrkoval v chrko J. Chrki ST se v shtevilnih besedah schasoma zaradi lazhje izgovarjave spreminjata v ŠT. O tipichni uporabi ŠT za ST pishe zhe Franc Mikloshich pri navajanju narechja panonskih Slovencev.24 Tudi v nemshkem jeziku se chrki ST v zachetku besede izgovarjata kot ŠT, zato bom za znak v tej zvezi sprejel chrko Š.
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7. New interpretation of the Negau inscription
In attempt to obtain a new interpretation in full compliance with the proposed principles, the image of the inscription on the helmet Negau B is presented (Figure 4). In the next row schematic representation of all signs is shown, then they are numbered taking into account the direction of writing signs from right to left (0). Follow the transcriptions of Prosdocimi (1), KHM in Vienna (2), Egger (3) and the proposed new transcription (4). Similar to other inscriptions from that time the writing runs continuously, which means that no spaces exist between words. Therefore, the proposed separation of words as suggested by individual authors is presented. In the case of Prosdocimi the controversial transcription of characters is marked with red color (1), at KHMW museum the missing characters are shown with red dashes (2), Egger's corrections of Prosdocimi are marked with green (3), and with the same color the corrections used in the proposed new transcription are marked (4). In order to ensure credibility of the proposed transcription it was necessary to replace the controversial transcription of the first sign that most researchers regard as H with another letter. For this purpose the transcription of Theodor Mommsen and Thomas Corsten is taken into account where in other similar cases they transcript the controversial sign into M. Mommsen, a German historian, lawyer, politician, archaeologist, and recipient of the 1902 Nobel Prize for Literature, is well known for his research of Roman history, and is particularly recognized by the experts for his extreme methodological consistency. He carefully explored the old Rhaethic inscriptions and considered that of Negau to be written in the »Styrian script«.22 In the well-known inscription on the vessel from Idrija at Bacha, the disputed sign appears six times and represents therefore an adequate basis for determining the most suitable way of transcription. Since also in this case many researchers transcript the disputed sign into H, they usually have to interpret the inscription with fictitious names. This is however the simplest but, of course, the wrong solution. If we transcript the disputed sign into M, this text is also easily understood in the Slovenian language.23 Therefore, according to the system used by Mommsen and Corsten, the most adequate transcription is the letter M.
The researchers mostly transcript the sign Y into letter G like it is pronounced in the Greek language before letters A, O, and U. However, the Y sign also in Greek before E and I correspond to the Latin letter J. Besides, in Cyrillic script Y corresponds to the Latin letter J, and in English language the letter Y is usually pronounced as J. Therefore, it is more appropriate to transcript character Y into the letter J. Letters ST are in many cases pronounced as ST (SHT) as it is easier to pronounce. Franc Mikloshich wrote about the typical use of ST instead of ST in the dialect of Pannonian Slovenes.24 Also in German language, the letters ST at the beginning of the words are always pronounced as ST. Therefore, in this connection the most appropriate transcription for letter S is S.
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Z uposhtevanjem presledkov, s katerimi sem petnajsti znak, to je shtevilo III, lochil od ostalega besedila, ter z dodanim presledkom med shestim in sedmim znakom, dobimo naslednji napis: MARIJA ŠTITEIVA III IL
Cheprav izvira napis iz chasa rimskega imperija, pa ne gre za besedilo v latinskem, temvech v slovenskem jeziku. Najverjetneje je nastal v ilirskih enotah rimske vojske, v katerih je bil ilirski jezik dolochen kot njihov »uradni« jezik.25 Najprej je zapisano ime Marija in na njo se pisec napisa tudi obracha. Beseda ŠTIT je stara slovenska beseda za ŠČIT; slednja she danes pomeni isto v nekaterih slovanskih jezikih (npr. slovashchina, hrvashchina). Iz tega izhaja tudi beseda shtititi za shchititi.
Zapis III IL pomeni znachilno obliko oznachevanja rimskih vojashkih enot, kjer se pred okrajshanim imenom enote, v tem primeru IL za ilirsko, navaja she njena zaporedna shtevilka. V nashem primeru lahko gre za III. ilirsko legijo, kohorto, ali pomozhno enoto (auxilia, auxiliary regiment). O delovanju ilirskih enot na obmochju najdbe lahko sklepamo tudi na podlagi podatkov o rimskem zapornem zidu (Claustra Alpium Iuliarum).26
Vendar je she posebno pomembno, da sedaj vemo, kaj je bilo v tistem chasu
mishljeno kot ilirski jezik.
Zato lahko napis smiselno razumemo kot:
Marija, shchitiva III. IL(irsko)
Pisec napisa se v svoji proshnji torej obracha na Marijo, ki je najbolj pogosta priproshnjica pred vsemi mogochimi nevarnostmi. Ob tem se pisec tudi sam postavlja v aktivno vlogo zashchitnika, saj je napis pisan v dvojini s pozivom ali proshnjo, da bi skupaj shchitila III. ilirsko. Pisec napisa je bil zato najverjetneje duhovnik, kot to domneva tudi T. L. Markey v svojem tolmachenju (»Harigasti duhovnik«). Sicer pa je bilo znanje pisanja dolgo chasa prav njihova domena. To tudi v celoti ustreza novejshim raziskavam, ki glede najdenih chelad domnevajo, da so bile v rabi samo she kot kultni pripomochki in naj bi jih nosili duhovniki. Sicer pa so v chasu nemshke zasedbe med drugo svetovno vojno kraj najdbe razumeli kot svetishche in ga kot takshnega tudi uporabljali.27
Negovske chelade se obichajno she vedno povezujejo samo s poganskimi, ne pa tudi s krshchanskimi obredi, ker je bila vloga te religije v rimski vojski doslej skoraj popolnoma spregledana. Zato med mozhnimi pisci napisa tudi ni krshchanskih duhovnikov, cheprav rezultati novejshih raziskav kazhejo, da je bilo proti koncu 3. stoletja krshchanstvo v rimski armadi celo kljuchni dejavnik pri pokristjanjevanju rimskega sveta.28
Namesto shtevilnih neobstojechih in izmishljenih imen ter neverjetnih besedil, ki se pojavljajo v tolmachenjih, je bilo mozhno zgolj z odpravo dveh napak pri prechrkovanju dobiti razumljivo vsebino v slovenskem jeziku, to je v jeziku okolja, kjer so bile pred priblizhno dvesto leti negovske chelade tudi odkrite.
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After the fifteenth character, i.e. number III, is by spaces divided from the rest of the text, another space is placed between the sixth and seventh character. So, the text reads: MARIJA STITEIVA III IL
Although this inscription originates from the time of the Roman Empire, it is not a text in Latin, but in the Slovenian language. It was most likely created in the Illyrian military units of the Roman army, in which Illyrian was defined as their »official« language.25
First the name MARIJA (Slovenian name for Mary) is mentioned, and to her the writer of the inscription is also addressing. The word STIT is an old Slovenian word for today's word SCIT (Shield in English), which in the form STIT still exists in some Slavic languages (Slovakian, Croatian). From this the word STITEIVA (in English: let us protect) is derived, and it is the imperative form in dual (Priest and Mary), as dual is a special feature in the Slovenian language. The words III IL are a typical form of marking Roman military units, where their name or its abbreviation, in this case IL, stays for Illyrian. The name of the military unit is preceded by their sequence number III. In our case, it may be III Illyrian legion, cohort, or auxiliary unit (auxilia, auxiliary regiment). The presence of Illyrian military units in the area of the find is documented in a number of sources; including the descriptions of the Roman protection wall (Claustra Alpium Iuliarum).26 However, this also proves what in that time was the meaning of Illyrian language. This inscription, translated into English, can be understood as: Mary, let us protect the III IL(lirian)
The writer of the inscription turns to Mary, asking her for the protection (of the Illyrian military unit), what is even today a most common form of praying. The writer of the inscription was most likely a priest, as this was presumed by T. L. Markey in his interpretation (»Harigasti priest«). The writer puts himself into an active role as it is written in the specific Slovenian dual. It means that he (as the priest) together with Mary shall jointly protect "III Illyrian" military unit. Only a priest was able to write in such a way, and also writing was for a long time mostly in their domain. This fully corresponds to more recent studies, which presume that at the time when these helmets were deposited, they were used only as cult objects, carried by the priests. Moreover, the place of the find was understood and even used as a sanctuary at the time of the German occupation during the World War II.27 Today it is still generally assumed that the inscription on the Negau helmet must be connected to some pagan priest. The reason why a Christian priest was not considered as a writer is due to the fact that the role of Christian religion in the Roman army was until now mostly neglected. Only more recent researches prove that the Christianity in the Roman army was a crucialfactor in the Christianization of the Roman world.28
Comparing to numerous non-existent and fictitious names and not credible texts only by correcting two obvious mistakes in the transcription it was possible to obtain the understandable text, written in Slovenian language, that is the language of the environment where about two hundred years ago the helmets were discovered.
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8. Koliko chelad je bilo dejansko najdenih ali she en nerazumljen napis na cheladi Negova B
Tolikokrat obravnavani napis na cheladi Negova B v resnici sploh ni edini napis na tej cheladi. Tu sta she dva kratka zapisa, ki ju raziskovalci preprosto spregledajo, predvsem pa jima ne pripisujejo nobenega pomena (slika 5).
Vinko Vodopivec je bil eden redkih raziskovalcev, ki je skushal pojasniti tudi dodatni napis. Prebral ga je kot besedilo »Ks je ks, ks je ks«,29 cheprav gre v tem primeru za poshevno zapisane znake. To pomeni, da moramo napis razumeti kot zapis shtevilk.
Po razlichnem naklonskem kotu znakov v obeh kratkih zapisih lahko sklepamo, da sta bili shtevilki zapisani enkrat z desne v levo in drugich z leve v desno. To je bil v chasu prehoda od starejshega pisanja z desne v levo na novejshe pisanje z leve v desno pogost nachin dvosmernega zapisovanja istega besedila. Tak primer je tudi dvosmerni zapis istega besedila na posodi iz Idrije pri Bachi.30
Domnevam, da pri negovskem napisu ni bil uporabljen rimski pozicijski sistem zapisovanja shtevilk, temvech sistem, ki so ga uporabljali zhe stari Egipchani in verjetno tudi stari Slovenci.
Ob uposhtevanju tega sistema vidimo, da je bilo na cheladi Negova B dvakrat zapisano isto shtevilo. Ko znakom dolochimo vrednosti ena za znak I in deset za znak X, dobimo 1+1 + 10+1 + 1+10 = 24 in 10+1+1+10+1 + 1 = 24. Torej gre dvakrat za shtevilo shtiriindvajset, zapisano kot IIXIIX in XIIXII. Ob vseh tako shtevilnih raziskavah napisa na cheladi Negova B je neverjetno, da doslej tega nihche ni prebral kot dvakratni zapis shtevila 24, niti ni tega povezal s samo najdbo. Tudi po mnenju KHMW na Dunaju je pomen teh dveh napisov she vedno nejasen. Menijo, da gre zgolj za »znake, ki pomenijo shtevilke, oznako lastnika ali proizvajalca«.31
Po odkritju negovskih chelad leta 1811 so najditelja Jurija Slachka zaslishali in po navedbah v zapisniku naj bi bil »priznal«, da je skupno izkopal shestindvajset chelad. Od teh naj bi eno takoj po najdbi razbil, mislech, da gre za zlato, dvanajst so jih zadrzhali na Dunaju, osem naj bi jih bilo v Gradcu, po ena v muzejih v Munchnu, Berlinu in Ljubljani, dve pa naj bi se »izgubili«. Vendar bi navedbo vechjega shtevila chelad od dejansko najdenih od najditelja lahko izsilili tudi zaslishevalci, saj vemo, da je za najdbo prejel le nekaj nepomembnega drobizha; che pa bi mu dokazali, da je nekaj kosov najdbe zadrzhal in skril, mu seveda ne bi bilo potrebno izplachati nichesar vech. V tem primeru je najditelj morda dejansko izkopal shtiriindvajset chelad, torej natanchno toliko, kolikor se jih je ohranilo v muzejih, pri chemer je eno chelado takoj razbil, njen ostanek pa je zavrgel. Vendar vse do nedavna tudi tako »zanesljivo« shtevilo shestindvajset danes ne velja vech. Ob dvestoletnici najdbe leta 2011 se je namrech pojavila nova ugotovitev, po kateri naj bi bilo v Umetnostnozgodovinskem muzeju na Dunaju dvanajst chelad, shest naj bi jih bilo v Univerzalnem muzeju Joanneum v Gradcu in ena v Narodnem muzeju v Ljubljani. Vsi drugi pripisi k depojski najdbi v Zhenjaku naj bi »ne bili vech nujno resnichni«.32
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8. How many helmets were actually found or still another not understandable inscription on the helmet Negau B
In fact, the so often researched and analyzed inscription on the helmet Negau B is in reality not the only inscription on this helmet. There are namely also two additional short records that are mostly overlooked by researchers, or they were translated as text (Figure 5).
Vinko Vodopivec was one of the few researchers who tried to explain the inscription. He read it as »Ks je ks, ks je ks«,29 as he did not take into account that the signs were written in a different angle, meaning that they represent numbers. In this short inscriptions the numbers were written once from right to left and then from left to right. Such a way of writing was very common during the transition from the older direction of writing from right to left into the newer way of writing from left to right. This method of two-way writing of the same text was also used by the inscription on the vessel from Idrija at Bacha.30 By analyzing the inscription on the helmet Negau B we can see that the Roman positioning system of writing numbers was not used. Instead the system of the ancient Egyptians and probably also of the Old Slovenes was used. By attributing the corresponding numerical values to the signs 1 for I and 10 for X, we can calculate 1 + 1 + 10 + 1 + 1 + 10 = 24, and 10 + 1 + 1 + 10 + 1 + 1 = 24. Thus the inscription IIXIIX and XIIXII present the same number twenty-four written twice in both directions.
It is difficult to believe that by all the extensive research of the helmet Negau B no one has ever read these two short inscriptions as twice the number 24, nor did it consider to be connected to the find. Even KHMW still considers the inscription to be unclear, meaning that these are »signs indicating numbers, marking the owner or the manufacturer«.31
After the helmets were found in 1811, the finder Jurij Slachek was questioned and according to the record, he »admitted« that he had excavated twenty-six helmets. He had immediately broken one, thinking that it had been gold. He then sold the rest of the find, so twelve of them were held in Vienna, eight in Graz, museums in Munich, Berlin and Ljubljana retained one helmet each, and two were »lost«. It could also be possible that the investigating authority forced the finder to admit a larger number than actually excavated. In this case he would be no longer entitled to additional payment. So there still remains an unresolved issue that the finder had perhaps actually excavated twenty-four helmets as it was stated on the helmet Negau B.
However, until recently also the so »reliable« number of twenty-six is no longer valid. In 2011, on the 200th anniversary of the discovery, new data were published that in KHMW there were twelve helmets; six were in the Universal Museum Joanneum in Graz and one in the National Museum in Ljubljana. All other attributes to the treasure of Zhenjak are supposed »no longer necessarily to be true«.32
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Torej naj bi se nenadoma ohranilo samo she devetnajst chelad, to pa ob dveh izgubljenih in eni unicheni pomeni, da naj bi jih bilo izkopanih le dvaindvajset. Seveda bi bilo zanimivo izvedeti, kateri dve cheladi naj bi nenadoma dodatno izginili in kakshni so bili za to dejanski vzroki. Morda pa se bomo od prvotno ugotovljenih 26 in danashnjih 22 izkopanih chelad konchno ustavili pri shtevilu 24, kot je bilo to pred davnim chasom zhe natanchno zapisano na cheladi Negova B.
Izgleda, da so imeli pred skoraj dvema tisochletjema znatno boljsho evidenco o svojem premozhenju, saj so shtevilo zakopanih chelad kar dvakrat natanchno zapisali na cheladi Negova B. Nasprotno pa se sedaj zhe dve stoletji prepiramo o vprashanju, koliko chelad je bilo odkopanih, in nich ne izgleda, da bi se o tem lahko zhe kmalu sporazumeli.
9. Kdaj je nastal negovski napis
Kdaj je nastal najpomembnejshi napis v okviru negovske najdbe s trenutno znanimi metodami ni mozhno ugotoviti. Tako nekateri raziskovalci she vedno enachijo chas nastanka napisa kar s chasom izdelave chelad. To seveda ni verjetno, saj gre pri negovski najdbi za zelo razlichne bronaste chelade, pri katerih se zhe samo chas izdelave med njimi razlikuje v razponu dvesto let (od 550 do 350 let pred nashim shtetjem).33
Ob predpostavki, da je bilo njihov skupno shtevilo zapisano na cheladi Negova B, je popolnoma nemogoche, da bi napis nastal ob izdelavi, ampak shele takrat, ko so bile chelade zhe zdruzhene v kakshen skupni namen. Dejstvo je, da se najdeni tip chelad zhe dolgo ni vech uporabljal v bitkah, ampak je veljal le she kot kultni predmet ob raznih verskih obredih. Do take ugotovitve so prishli zhe shtevilni raziskovalci po svetu, enaka teza pa je zastopana tudi v gradivu, ki ga je ob dvestoletnici najdbe pripravil muzej v Gradcu.34 Eden od vzrokov, da so pri tem mishljeni predvsem poganski, ne pa tudi krshchanski obredi, je v neuposhtevanju izjemno mochne vloge, ki jo je ta chas zhe imelo krshchanstvo v rimski vojski. Paul Reinecke umeshcha nastanek napisa v obdobje rimske okupacije Alp med leti 12 do 15, Rudolf Egger pa v chas ilirsko-panonske vstaje med leti 6 do 9 n. sht. Ocene o nastanku napisa se torej med seboj razlikujejo kar za vech kot pol tisochletja, che uposhtevamo, da so nekateri raziskovalci menili, da naj bi napis nastal zhe ob izdelavi chelad. Slednje mnenje je danes vedno bolj osamljeno in je torej treba chas nastanka napisa ugotoviti po njegovi vsebini.
Predlozheno tolmachenje napisa omogocha sedaj precej boljsho oceno o chasu njegovega nastanka, saj ga je treba umestiti v chas, ko se je krshchanstvo zhe prichelo uveljavljati v rimski vojski. Kot lahko vidimo (slika 6), je krshchanstvo na nashem obmochju obstajalo zhe pred letom 325. S tem so povezane tudi proshnje Mariji kot zashchitnici, kar je bilo she kako potrebno predvsem v vojashkih enotah.
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It means that only nineteen helmets from Negau were reliably preserved, and after two helmets were lost and one destroyed only twenty-two were excavated. So, it would be interesting to find out, where did two helmets, previously recorded to be in museums, suddenly disappear, and what the real cause was. Perhaps, from the original 26 and today's 22 excavated helmets, we will finally be able to claim that there were 24 of them, as stated by the inscription on the helmet Negau B. It seems that nearly two thousand years ago there was a significantly better evidence of property than it is now as during the last two centuries of exploration, we have not been able to answer this simple question of how many helmets were really excavated. Besides, there is no prospect that the exact answer could be found soon.
9. When the inscription was written
By using the currently available methods it is not possible to determine when the most important inscription on the helmet was made. Thus, some researchers still equate the time of writing with the time of manufacturing the helmets. This, of course, is absolutely incredible, as the find consists of very different bronze helmets, and the time of their manufacture lies within a period of as many as 200 years (from 550 to 350 years BC).33
Assuming that the total number of the deposited helmets was written on the helmet Negau B, it is impossible for the inscription to appear at the time of their manufacture, but when they were already united for some kind of common purpose. It is the fact that this type of helmet has long been out of use in battles, but was rather used as a cult object at religious ceremonies. A number of researchers from around the world recently came to the same conclusion, and the same was the result of the study, prepared by the museum in Graz for celebrating the 200th anniversary of the find.34 One of the reasons why these helmets were supposed to be used in pagan, and not in Christian rituals, is most likely the fact that the very important role of Christian religion in the Roman army was not properly taken into account.
Paul Reinecke dates the time of writing to the period of Roman occupation of Alps between the years 12 and 15, and Rudolf Egger during the Illyrian-Pannonian uprising, between 6 and 9 AD. So, the estimated time of the inscription differs from one to another for more than half a millennium, considering that some researchers still insist that the inscription was made at the time of their manufacturing. This opinion is today more and more obsolete, and thus the timing of the inscription will have to be determined by the contents of the inscription. The proposed interpretation now allows a much more precise estimation of the time of writing, since it could be dated only in the time when a strong role of Christianity prevailed in the Roman army. As we can see (Figure 6), Christianity in our area existed already before 325 AD and the time when holly Mary received her place in the prayers of the army belongs to this period.
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Gnostichni Berlinski kodeks (Berlin Codex)35 iz chasa najzgodnejshega krshchanstva, ki vkljuchuje tudi Evangelij po Mariji, naj bi nastal zhe pred letom 160 n. sht. Tako bi se ime Marije kot zashchitnice lahko zanesljivo pojavljalo v napisih zhe kmalu po tem chasu.
Omenjeni evangelij naj bi bil prvotno napisan v kopskipisavi in kasneje preveden v grshki jezik. Ker so se vojashke enote pogosto premikale med Afriko, Malo Azijo in Evropo, so bili pripadniki legij zanesljivo dobro seznanjeni z verovanji, ki so bila prisotna v teh krajih. Fragmenti kodeksa so bili najdeni konec 19. stoletja v Egiptu, prvi prevod besedila v nemshki jezik je bil objavljen leta 1955, najnovejshe dopolnitve o najdbi pa so bile objavljene leta 1983. Glede na chas, v katerega umeshchamo napis, se je Marija tedaj zhe zanesljivo pojavljala kot priproshnjica. Sicer pa prof. Ivan Zika meni, da se je krshchanstvo v nashih krajih razshirilo zhe v 2. stoletju n. sht., ob koncu 4. stoletja pa naj bi zajelo zhe vechino prebivalstva.36 Prav tako tudi zgodovinar Bogdan Kolar ugotavlja, da je bilo krshchanstvo na nashih tleh prisotno zhe dolgo pred razglasitvijo verske svobode v rimskem cesarstvu, to je pred letom 313, o chemer »govorijo materialni ostanki in tudi kakshni pisni viri«.37 To so potrdila tudi arheoloshka izkopavanja leta 2018 na Gosposvetski cesti v Ljubljani.
Med drugim bi lahko napis umestili v chas rimskega cesarja Trajana Deciusa,38 ki je vladal od leta 249 do 251 in je veljal za zashchitnika ilirske vojske.39 Uposhtevali bi lahko prehod oznachevanja rimskih legij, kohort in auxilij (auxiliary regiments)40 na sistem z imeni in dodanimi shtevilkami I, II in III.41 Vsekakor pa je napis nastal v chasu, ko je krshchanstvo zhe dobilo odlochilno vlogo v rimski vojski in s tem tudi v vsem Rimskem imperiju.
Chas, ko so bile chelade zakopane, bi lahko povezali z nevarnostjo ob barbarskih vdorih na ozemlje najdbe, kot tudi z notranjimi verskimi spopadi, do katerih je v okviru rimskega imperija pogosto prihajalo. She v chasu, ko je v imperiju zhe prevladovala krshchanska vera, se je dogajalo vrachanje k chashchenju starih rimskih bogov, spremljano s krvavimi verskimi boji. Predvsem pa lahko upravicheno sklepamo, da je slovenski napis nastal v chasu pred 6. stoletjem n. sht., torej dolgo chasa pred tem, ko naj bi se bila »primitivna slovanska plemena« priselila na svoje danashnje ozemlje.
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The Gnostic Berlin Codex (Berlin Codex)35 from the earliest Christianity, which also includes the Gospel of Mary, originates to the time before 160 AD. Thus, the name of Mary as a protector could reliably appear in the inscriptions after that time. The gospel was originally written in the Coptic script and was later translated into Greek. As military units often moved between Africa, Asia Minor, and Europe, the legions were well acquainted also with the beliefs of the Christian religion. The fragments of the codex were found at the end of the 19th century in Egypt, the first translation of the text into the German language was published in 1955, and the latest updates on the find were published in 1983. Regarding the time in which we place the inscription, Mary could already appear in the prayers. Professor Ivan Zika believes that Christianity in the towns on our territory has already been expanding in the 2nd century AD and at the end of the 4th century it already covered most of the population.36 Also historian Bogdan Kolar concludes that Christianity on our territory was present long before the proclamation of religious freedom in the Roman Empire, that is, before 313 AD, what is confirmed also by »material remains and some written sources«.37 Finally, same are the results of archaeological excavations in the year 2018 on Gosposvetska cesta in Ljubljana. Among other, the inscription could be dated in the time of Emperor Traian Decius,38 who ruled from 249 to 251, and was considered as the protector of Illyrian army.39 The transition of marking Roman legions of naming them by their names and numbers I, II and III,40 together with cohorts and auxiliary units (auxiliary regiments), could be also taken into consideration.41 In any case, the inscription was made at a time when Christianity already had a decisive role in the Roman army and thus in the entire Roman Empire.
The burial time of the helmets could be associated with the dangerous barbaric intrusion on the territory of the find, as well as with religious conflicts within the Roman Empire frequently associated with the exchanges from Christianity to worshiping of ancient Roman gods and vice versa, that were often connected to bloody internal wars. In any case now we can firmly conclude that the Slovenian inscription was made long before the 6th century AD, when the »primitive Slavic tribes« allegedly immigrated to their present territory.
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vi
Slika 1. Negovska chelada /A Negau helmet42
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	17	16	15	14	13	12	11	10	9	8	7	6	5	4	3	2	1	(0)
M	L	I	H	A	V	I	E	T	I	T	S	A	G	I	R	A	H	(1)
	-	-	-	A	V	I	E	T	I	T	S	A	G	I	R	A	H	(2)
	L	I	III	A	V	I	E	T	I	T	S	A	G	I	R	A	H	(3)
	L	I	III	A	V	I	E	T	I	T	Š	A	J	I	R	A	M	(4)
Shtevilke v oklepaju pomenijo:	Meaning of the numbers in brackets:
(0) oshtevilchenje znakov	(0) Numbering of the symbols
(1) prechrkovanjepo Prosdocimiju	(1) Transcription by Prosdocimi
(2) prechrkovanje po KHMW	(2) Transcription by KHMW
(3) prechrkovanje po Eggerju	(3) Transcription by Egger
(4) prechrkovanje po avtorju (M. Shtruc)	(4) Transcription by the author (M. Shtruc)
Slika 4. Napis na cheladi Negova B / The inscription on the helmet Negau B/
Slika 5. Dodatna kratka napisa a cheladi Negova B /Additional short inscriptions on the helmet
Negau B
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£
Razshirjenost krshchanstva do leta 325 n. sht. Spread of Christianity to AD 325 Razshirjenost krshchanstva do leta 600 n. sht. Spread of Christianity to AD 600 Slika 6. Razshiritev krshchanstva do leta 325 in 600 n. sht. 42 Spread of Christianity until AD 325 and until AD 600 42
Translated by author
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1	Po uveljavitvi krshchanstva so bili shtevilni toponimi, ki so izvirno opisovali krajevne znachilnosti in s tem dolga stoletja prebivalstvu olajshevali orientacijo v prostoru, nadomeshcheni z imeni krshchanskih svetnikov.
2	Milan Shtruc: Najvechja zmota v evropski zgodovini, Revija SRP, shtev. 135/136, strani 172-180.
3	Janez Shvajncer: Chelade, Posavski muzej Brezhice, Brezhice 2008, stran 20. 4Kunsthistorisches Museum, Wien.
5	Stane Gabrovec: Shljemovi iz Zhenjaka u Slovenskim Goricama, Kelti i njihovi suvremenici na tlu Jugoslavije, Narodni muzej v Ljubljani, 1984, stran 26.
6	Gabrovec (1984), stran 26.
7	Karl Johan Sverdrup Marstrander (1883-1965) je bil norveshki lingvist in raziskovalec keltske in etrushchanske kulture.
8	V.M.: Skrivnosti Benedikta, Demokracija, 50/2004.
9	»V severni Sloveniji lahko tako ugotovimo, da lezhi vechina gomilnih grobishch iz prazgodovinskega in rimskega obdobja severno od ceste Celea — Poetovio — Savaria, gostota gomil pa je najvechja v osrchju Slovenskih goric.« Ivan Tushek: Arheologija v obchini Benedikt, Stopinje zhivjenja, zbornik obchine Benedikt, 2004, stran 46. »Ugotovimo lahko, da po ohranjenih najdbah vechina gomilskih grobishch pripada rimskemu obdobju«. Isto, stran 59.
10	Rudolf Egger: Die Inschrift des Harigasthelmes, R.M.Rohrer, Dunaj, 1959
11	Gabrovec (1984), stran 26.
12	Gabrovec, (1984), stran 27.
13	»Inschrift "harigastiteiva" nennt den vermutlich germanischen Namen Harigast(i) und zählt damit zu den ältesten bekannten germanischen Sprachdenkmälern. "Teiva" ist wahrscheinlich als zweiter Name desselben Mannes zu deuten.« NegauerHelm mit Harigast-Inschrift,
https://www.khm.at/objektdb/detail/65446/. Chelada je razstavljena v 3. prostoru zbirke Antika (Antikensammlung, Raum 3). Vir: Kunsthistorisches Museum, Dunaj, 27.11.2017 ob 23:50.
14	Negau helmet, wikipedija, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Negau_helmet.
15	Mnenje, da naj bi se najdene negovske chelade uporabljale kot kultni objekti v poganskih obredih, je v filmu ob 200. obletnici najdbe predstavila tudi skupina avstrijskih raziskovalcev (Ans Licht gebracht, Universalmuseum Joanneum, Gradec, 2013).
16	Gabrovec (1984), stran 28.
17	Matej Bor: Jezik, ki govori tudi danashnjemu Slovencu, Delo, 22.8.1985.
18	Vinko Vodopivec: Starejsha slovenska etnogeneza, 2010, Jezikovni temelji starejshe slovenske etnogeneze, 2010, Slovenci praprebivalci Evrope, 2012, vse v zalozhbi Jutro, Ljubljana.
19	Vinko Vodopivec: Jezikovni temelji starejshe slovenske etnogeneze, Zalozhba Jutro, Ljubljana, 2010, stran 167.
20	Anton Berlot: So bili Etrushchani Slovani?, Zalozhba Lipa, Koper, 1984, stran 167.
21	Dushan Shkrlep: Vojnozgodovinski zbornik sht. 34/2009, stran 4.
22	»His work is distinguished by great methodological care. ... Mommsen succeded in correctly discriminating between different alphabets, among them a "Swiss alphabet" in the West, an alphabet of Padua/Este, as well as a "Styrian alphabet" on the Negau helmets.« Modern research on the Raeti and Raetic, http://www.univie.ac.at/raetica/wiki/Modern_research_on_the_Raeti_and_Raetic, Povzeto 30.11.2017 ob 13:30.
23	Milan Shtruc: Novo tolmachenje negovskih napisov, Vojnozgodovinski zbornik shtevilka 32, Logatec 2008, stran 13. Namesto izmishljenih imen dobim v tem primeru ustreznejshe slovensko besedilo:
Materi v gomilo (grob).
24	Franc Mikloshich, Staroslovensko oblikoslovje v paradigmah z besedili iz glagolishkih virov, Dunaj, 1874, Gospa Sveta, Zbornik, uredil Peter Amalietti, Ljubljana, Amalietti & Amalietti, 2017, stran 37.
25	List of Roman auxiliary regiments, List of auxilia ethnic regimental names: »Name: Illyricorum, Native language: Illyrian«; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Roman_auxiliary_regiments.
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1	After Christianity became dominant religion, many toponyms, that originally described their characteristics, and thus for centuries facilitated the orientation of the population in the space, were replaced by names of Christian saints.
2	Milan Shtruc: The greatest Error in European History, SRP Magazine, No. 135/136, pp. 172-180
3	Janez Shvajncer: Helmets, Posavski Museum Brezhice, Brezhice 2008, page 20.
4	Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien (KHMW)
5	Stane Gabrovec: Helmets from Zhenjak in Slovenske Gorice, Celts and their contemporaries on the territory of Yugoslavia, National Museum in Ljubljana, 1984, page 26.
6	Gabrovec (1984), page 26.
7	Karl Johan Sverdrup Marstrander (1883-1965) was a Norwegian linguist and explorer of Celtic and Etruscan culture.
8	V. M.: Secrets of Benedict, Democracy, 50/2004.
9	»In northern Slovenia, we can thus find out that most of the burial sites of the prehistoric and Roman period lie north of the road from Celea - Poetovio - Savaria, and the density of the piles is the largest in the heart of Slovenske gorice.« Ivan Tushek: Archeology in the municipality of Benedikt, Footprints of life, Proceedings of the Municipality of Benedikt, 2004, p. 46. »We can conclude that, according to preserved finds, most of the burial sites belong to the Roman period«. Same, page 59.
10	Rudolf Egger: Die Inschrift des Harigasthelmes, R.M. Rohrer, Vienna, 1959
11	Gabrovec (1984), page 26.
12	Gabrovec, (1984), page 27.
13	»Inschrift "harigastiteiva" nennt den vermutlich germanischen Namen Harigast(i) und zählt damit zu den ältesten bekannten germanischen Sprachdenkmälern. "Teiva" ist wahrscheinlich als zweiter Name desselben Mannes zu deuten.« Negauer Helm mit Harigast-Inschrift, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Wien, https://www.khm.at/objektdb/detail/65446l, 27 November 2017, at 23:50. The helmet with the inscription is displayed in the 3rd space of the Antique collection (Antikensammlung, Raum 3).
14	Negau helmet, Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Negau_helmet
15	The opinion that the helmets were used as cult objects in pagan rituals was presented also by the group of Austrian researchers in the film, prepared at the 200th anniversary of the find (Ans Licht gebracht, Universalmuseum Joanneum, Graz, 2013).
16	Gabrovec (1984), page 28.
17	Matej Bor: A language that speaks to today's Slovenes, Delo, 22.8.1985
18	Vinko Vodopivec: Old Slovenian Ethnogenesis, 2010, Linguistic Foundations of the Early Slovenian Ethnogenesis, 2010 and Slovenes, the Europe's inhabitants, 2012, all published by Jutro Publishing House, Ljubljana
19	Vinko Vodopivec: Language bases of older Slovenian ethnogenesis, Zalozhba Jutro, Ljubljana, 2010, page 167
20	Anton Berlot: Were the Etruscans Slavs? Lipa Publishing House, Koper, 1984, page 167
21	Dusan Shkrlep: Vojnozgodovinski zbornik no. 34/2009, page 4.
22	»His work is distinguished by great methodological care. ... Mommsen succeeded in correctly discriminating between different alphabets, among them a "Swiss alphabet" in the West, an alphabet of Padua / Este, as well as a "Styrian alphabet" on the Negau helmets«; Modern research on the Raeti and Raetic, http://www.univie.ac.at/raetica/wiki/Modern_research_on_the_Kaeti_and_Kaetic, November 30 2017 at 13:30.
23	Milan Shtruc: New interpretation of Negau inscriptions, Vojnozgodovinski zbornik, no. 32, Logatec, 2008, page 13. Instead of fictitious names, also in this case we get a relevant Slovenian text: "Materi v gomilo", English translation: "To mother in the tomb".
24	Franc MikloShich, Ancient Slavonic Metrology in Paradigms with Texts from Glagolitic Resources, Vienna, 1874, Our Lady of the Order, Collection of papers, edited by Peter Amalietti, Ljubljana, Amalietti & Amalietti, 2017, page 37.
25	List of Roman auxiliary regiments, List of auxilia ethnic regimental names: »Name: Illyricorum; Native language: Illyrian«; http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Roman_auxiliary_regiments.
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26 »Po Vegeciju naj bi bile plumbatae posebno orozhje dveh ilirskih legij (Legio I Iovia, Legio I Herculia), ki so ju kot elitni enoti angazhirali v razlichnih delih imperija. Z njunimi premiki se v precejshnji meri pokrivajo tudi arheoloshke najdbe. Najvechja koncentracija je v severovzhodni Italiji, zahodni Sloveniji, Britaniji ...«, Claustra Alpium Iuliarum, Inshtitut Ivan Michler, Ljubljana, 2014, Jure Kosetich: III. Topografski in arheoloshki pregled, stran 95.
27»Chelade negovskega tipa so bile v chasu, ko so bile zakopane, tipichna oprema duhovnikov, kar lahko pomeni, da so bile na kraju najdbe v Zhenjaku zaradi obrednih razlogov. Vas Zhenjak je bila med II. svetovno vojno pomembna tudi za nemshke arheologe in je bila kratek chas preimenovna v Harigast«. Negau helmet, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Negau_helmet, zadnja sprememba 7.10.2018 ob 9:21; V novi luchi / Ans Licht gebracht; Katalog, Universalmuseum Joanneum, Gradec, 2013.
28	»This new study argues that the religious attitude of the Roman army was a crucial factor in the Christianization of the Roman world. Specifically, by the end of the third century, there was a significant Christian presence within the army which was ready to act in the interests of the faith«. J.F. Shean: Roman State, War, And Military Service, https://briU.com/view/titk/18906. Podobno lahko izjemno prisotnost krshchanstva v rimski vojski ugotovimo po Konstantinovem videnju sporochila "V tem znamenju bosh zmagal!" pred bitko pri Milvijskem mostu leta 312 n. sht. »In hoc signo vinces, Wikipedia, zadnja sprememba 28.5.2019 ob 08:15. Konstantinova armada se seveda ni spremenila v krshchansko nenadoma in shele "v nochi po videnju", temvech je bila takshna zhe dolgo pred tem.
29	Vodopivec (2010), stran 167.
30	Milan Shtruc (2008).
31	»An zwei weiteren Stellen an der Krempe sind die Zeichenfolgen "IIXIIX" eingeritzt. Die Bedeutung ist unklar, vielleicht handelt es sich um Zahlzeichen oder Eigentums- bzw. Herstellermarken.« Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, Antikensammlung, Raum 3.
32	Po novejshih ugotovitvah naj bi shlo pri prvotnem vztrajanju na shestindvajsetih najdenih cheladah za nezanesljivo trditev. »Danes je dvanajst chelad v Umetnostnozgodovinskem muzeju na Dunaju, shest chelad v Univerzalnem muzeju Johanneumu v Gradcu in ena chelada v narodnem muzeju v Ljubljani. Vsi drugi pripisi chelad k depojski najdbi v Zhenjaku niso nujno resnichni.« V novi luchi / Ans Licht gebracht; Katalog, Universalmuseum Joanneum, Arheoloshka dedishchina slovenske Shtajerske iz Univerzalnega muzeja Joanneum, Urednica: Barbara Porod / Prevod: Blazh Slana / Gradec, 2013.
33	Dunajski muzej umeshcha chelado Negova B v chas halshtatske kulture v prvi polovici 5. stoletja pred Kr.; Negauer Helm mit Harigast-Inschrift,; »Prähistorisch, Hallstattzeit, 1. Hälfte 5. Jh. v. Chr.«; https://www.khm.at/objektdb/detail/ 65446/; Vir: Kunsthistoririsches Museum, Dunaj, 27.11.2017 ob 23.50.
34	V novi luchi (2013).
35	Berlin Codex, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berlin_Codex.
36	Ivan Zika: 750 let mesta Kamnika, stran 25.
37Dr. Bogdan Kolar o koreninah krshchanstva na Celjskem, Druzhina, 1.1.2017, stran 8.
38	Traian Decius, Genius Exercitui Illyriciani, torej Trajan Decij, zashchitnik ilirske vojske; Göbl, Robert: Die Münzprägung des Kaisers Aurelianus (270/275), Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Dunaj, 1993
39	http://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Decius;
http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/ric/trajan_decius/i.html; http://www.romanarmy.com/cms/content/view/16/114/1/1 /
40	Legions of the Imperial Roman Empire, http://www.legionxxiv.org/legionshist/, posodobljeno 12.8.2004.
41	Bogdan Kandus: Rimski legijski novci, Numizmatichni vestnik sht. 34, NDS, Ljubljana, 2008, stran 219
42	History of Christianity, wikipedija, zadnja sprememba 11.6.2019 ob 09:27.
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26	»According to Vegeta, plumbatae were supposed to be special weapons of two Illyrian legions (Legio I Iovia, Legio and Herculia) who, as elite units, were engaged in various parts of the empire. With their movements, archaeological finds are also largely covered. The highest concentration is in northeastern Italy, western Slovenia, the UK ... « Claustra Alpium luliarum, Ivan Michler Institute, Ljubljana, 2014, Jure Kosetič: III. Topographic and archaeological survey, page 95
27	»Helmets of the Negau type were typically worn by priests at the time of deposition of these helmets, so they seem to have been left at the Zhenjak site for ceremonial reasons. The village of Zhenjak was of great interest to German archaeologists during the Nazi period and was briefly renamed Harigast during World War II"; Negau helmet, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Negau_helmet, last edited on 7 October 2018, at 09:21; In the new Light / Ans Licht gebracht; Catalog, Universalmuseum Joanneum, Gradec, 2013.
28	»This new study argues that the religious attitude of the Roman army was a crucial factor in the Christianization of the Roman world. Specifically, by the end of the third century, there was a significant Christian presence within the army which was ready to act in the interests of the faith.« J.F. Shean: Roman State, War, And Military Service, https://brill.com/view/titlei/189Qii. The important presence of Christianity in the Roman army can be seen also through Constantine's apparition before the Battle of the Milvian Bridge in 312 AD »In this sign thou shalt conquer«, Source: In hoc signo vinces, Wikipedia, last edited on 28 May 2019, at 08:15 (UTC). Of course, Roman army did not turn into Christianity suddenly during the night of his vision, but it must have been of such faith already long before the battle.
29	Vodopivec (2010), page 167.
30	Milan Shtruc (2008)
31	»An zwei weiteren Stellen an der Krempe sind die Zeichenfolgen "IIXIIX" eingeritzt. Die Bedeutung ist unklar, vielleicht handelt es sich um Zahlzeichen oder Eigentums- bzw. Herstellermarken.« Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, Antikensammlung, Raum 3.
32	According to recent findings, the initial conviction of twenty-six helmets was an unreliable claim. »Today twelve helmets are at the Museum of Art and History in Vienna, six helmets at the Universal Museum Johanneum in Graz and one helmet in the National Museum in Ljubljana. All other attributes of the helmets to the Zenjak find are not necessarily true.« In a new light / Ans Licht gebracht; Catalog, Universalmuseum Joanneum, Archaeological Heritage of the Slovenian Styria from the Universal Museum Joanneum, Editor: Barbara Porod / Translation: Blazh Slana / Gradec, 2013
33	The Museum in Vienna dates the Negau B helmet in the first half of the 5th century BC, the time of Hallstatt Culture, NegauerHelm mit Harigast-lnschrift; »Prähistorisch, Hallstattzeit, 1. Hälfte 5. Jh. v. Chr.«; https://www.khm.at/objektdb/detail/ 65446/; the helmet is displayed in the 3rd space of the Antique collection (Antikensammlung, Raum 3). Source: Kunsthistoririsches Museum, Wien, 27 November 2017 at 23.50.
34	In a new Light (2013)
35	Berlin Codex, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berlin_Codex
36	Ivan Zika: 75Q Years of the town Kamnik, page 25
37	Bogdan Kolar, The roots of the Christianity at Celjsko, Druzhina, 1 January 2017, page 8
38	Traian Decius, Genius Exercitui Illyriciani, Traian Decius, the protector of the Illyrian army, Göbl, Robert: Die Münzprägung des Kaisers Aurelianus (270/275), Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna, 1993
39	http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Decius; http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/ric/trajan_decius/Lhtml; http://www. romanarmy. com/cms/content/view/16/114/1/1/
40	Legions of the Imperial Roman Empire; http://www.legionxxiv.org/legionshist/, updated 12 August 2004
41	Bogdan Kandus: Coins of the Roman Legions, Numizmatični vestnik Sht. 34, NDS, Ljubljana, 2008, page 219
42	History of Christianity, Wikipedia, last edited on 11 June 2019, at 09:27
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Anthony Ambrozic
PREKLETSTVO TEMPLJARJEV
Genetika
V zadnjem chasu je znanost o Keltih, ki se je ukvarjala z deshifriranjem ostankov tako imenovanih »galskih« napisov, ki so se ohranili v juzhni Franciji, zastala zaradi svoje neuspeshnosti. Stoletno jezikoslovno raziskovanje in spekulacije namrech niso prinesli nobenih otipljivih rezultatov. Vse to delo je temeljilo na dveh zmotnih domnevah, prva je bila, da je pisava na teh ohranjenih napisih keltska, druga pa, da jo je mogoche deshifrirati s primerjavami z otoshkim keltskim jezikom, she zlasti z bretonshchino. Ker so med domnevno odselitvijo celinskih Galcev in naselitvijo prvih Bretoncev v Bretanjo minila le tri stoletja, je bilo to ugibanje vsem vshech in so ga skoraj povsod sprejeli. In to kljub vsem silnim dokazom, da edini galski ucheni razred z bardi in prerokovalci vred ni za seboj zapustil prav nobenih pisnih sledi.
Da so bili druidi povsem odvisni od ustnega izrochila, je jasno povedal zhe Cezar, ko je zapisal: »Druidi verjamejo, da jim njihova vera ne dovoljuje, da bi svoje uchenje zapisali ... vendar pa sam domnevam, da so to pravilo prvotno sprejeli iz drugih razlogov, niso namrech hoteli, da bi njihova doktrina postala javna last, kot tudi zato, da bi svojim uchencem preprechili, da bi se zacheli zanashati na pisano besedo in bi zato zanemarili svoj spomin«. Barry Cunliffe meni: »Cezarjeva razlaga je bila odvech, saj je bil edini razlog to, da keltshchina ni bila pisni jezik. Druidi pa so hranili v svojem spominu celotno znanje njihove skupnosti: charobne izreke, obredne postopke, medicinsko znanje, zakone, ljudsko zgodovino in rodovnike ... Vse ljudske povesti so si rodovi predajali ustno.« »Tudi bardi so se sholali v posebnih sholah in vse njihovo znanje je bilo ustno.« Nashe znanje o vsakdanjem zhivljenju Keltov v Galiji temelji zgolj na veliki zbirki reliefov, ki ne vsebujejo nobenega pisanja. Vendar pa so keltski uchenjaki kljub tem dokazom vech kot eno stoletje tezhko garali, shpekulirali, primerjali in razpravljali, pa cheprav nepreprichljivo. Nihche pa se tudi ni spomnil, da bi ponovno preiskal temeljne domneve, ki so zmotno podpirale vsa njihova zgreshena prizadevanja.
Vse to njihovo slepo sklepanje pa je zdaj v zadrego spravila nova in preprichljiva paradigma, ki bo sprozhila propad vseh maloprej omenjenih zmotno sprejetih dogem. Takshna usoda zagotovo chaka drugo zmotno domnevo, ki jo bo ovrgla brstecha genetska znanost.
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Anthony Ambrozic
THE TEMPLAR'S CURSE
Genetics
The Celtic scholarship that has been devoted to the decipherment pf the so-called »Gaulish« epigraphic remains from the south of France is now at standstill out of frustration. The century-long linguistic research and speculation has brought no tangible results. All such work has been based on two fallacious assumptions. One, that the writing on the remains is Celtic. And two, that it was decipherable by means of comparison to the Island Celtic languages, especially that of the Breton. Since there had been a gap of only some three centuries between the supposed demise of the Continental Gaulish and the arrival of the first Bretons to Brittany, the surmise seemed palatable and become almost universally accepted. All this in spite of overwhelming evidence that the only Gaulish learned class, besides bards and augurers, left no written records.
The Druid devotion to an oral tradition had been clearly indicated already by Caesar when he stated that »the Druids believe that their religion forbids them to commit their teachings to writing ... but I imagine that this rule was originally established for other reasons — because they did not want their doctrine to become public property and in order to prevent their pupils from relying on the written word and neglecting their memories«. According to Barry Cunliffes, »Ceasar's explanation was superfluous, since the real reason was that Celtic was not a written language. What the Druids committed to memory was the entire knowledge store of community: magic formulas, ritual procedures, medical knowledge, law, folk history, and genealogies ... It was by this means that folktales were passed from one generation to the next.« »The bards also were trained in specially organized schools. All teaching was oral.« What we know of everyday life of the Celts in Gaul comes down to us by a large collection of reliefs that contain no writings. And yet, in spite of all such evidence, Celtic scholars for over a century toiled, speculated, compared, and argued. Alas, unconvincingly. No one bothered to reexamine the fundamental premises that mistakenly underpinned all their failed endeavours.
Such unquestioning attitudes are now being confronted by a new persuasive paradigm which is bound to cause the heretofore erroneously espoused tenets to collapse. Such certainty will become the fate of the second above-noted assumptions. Its demise has been brought about by the burgeoning science of genetics.
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V ospredje prihajajo novejshi chlanki o selitvah na Britansko otochje po umiku ledene dobe, ki trdijo, da je kakrshnakoli jezikovna sorodnost med otoshkimi Kelti in celinskimi Kelti, che je kdaj sploh obstajala, lahko izvirala edino iz zamegljenega predzgodovinskega obdobja po ledeni dobi. Ti dve vrsti Keltov sta torej med seboj oddaljeni vsaj dvajsetkrat bolj kot domnevna tristoletna vrzel med odhodom Galcev in preporodom Bretoncev na celini.
Pomembno je, da nove genetske raziskave podpirajo dvome, ki v zadnjem chasu vse bolj muchijo arheologe, ki najdevajo le malo povezav med ljudstvi na Britanskem otochju in Kelti v vzhodni Franciji in juzhni Nemchiji. Genetik iz Toronta, ki je svoje sklepe utemeljil na nedavnih genetskih raziskovanjih S. Rootrija, C. Magrija, T. Kivisilda* in she skupine dvainshtiridesetih drugih genetikov, ki so leta 2004 »preiskovali, kateri vidiki sodobnih chloveshkih Y-kromosomskih variacij v Evropi so znachilni za prvotno naselitev v chasu po ledeni dobi, ko so se v chasu nove kamene dobe iz begunskih obmochij razprshili naokrog, kateri pa za novejshe dogodke pri genetskem toku,« je zatrdil: »Kakshne sklepe nam ponujajo te nashe genetske preiskave? Genetske preiskave kazhejo povsem ochitno, da si med Slovani delijo Slovenci in Makedonci najvechjo navzochnost najstarejshe genetske podskupine I, Iiq in Iic, skupaj s francoskim prebivalstvom v Spodnji Normandiji in juzhni Franciji. Pogostnost te navzochnosti so: Spodnja Normandija 21,5 %, juzhna Francija 15,9 %, Slovenci 16,3 %, Makedonci 10 %, Poljaki 6,8 %, Chehi 6 %, Ukrajinci 5,5 % in Bosanci 2%. Prav nasprotno pa je pogostost te navzochnosti teh genetskih podskupin v Lyonu in Poitiersu (Francija) le 3 %, v severni Italiji pa 3,6 %, vendar pa tam ni nobene navzochnosti najstarejshe genetske podskupine I. To kazhe na izjemno veliko genetsko raznolikost sedanjega francoskega prebivalstva kot tudi, da je glede na najstarejsho genetsko podskupino HG I vechja genetska sorodnost med vechino Slovanov in prebivalci spodnje Normandije in juzhne Francije. Ti podatki pa tudi prichajo o genetski sorodnosti prebivalcev, ki so v preteklosti zhiveli v dezheli Cezarjevih Venetov, in sodobnih Slovencev.«
Pri tem pa ni presenetljiva samo visoka pogostnost navzochnosti omenjenih genetskih podskupin, ki si jih delijo Slovenci in Makedonci s prebivalci spodnje Normandije in juzhne Francije, temvech tudi to, da takshne sorodnosti ni »tudi z vsemi drugimi Slovani ...« Ko razmishlja o vplivu teh odkritij, se chloveku neizogibno zastavi tole vprashanje: Kateri skupni dejavnik, povezan z ozemljem Francije, je prispeval k ochitno tako visoki stopnji sorodnosti njenih prebivalcev z Makedonci in Slovenci?
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The recent articles regarding the migrations into the British Isles after the retreat of the Ice Age are now coming to the forefront. According to them, any linguistic kinship between Island Celtic and Continental Celtic, if it ever existed at all, can only have existed in the mists of the prehistoric post-glacial period. The two types of Celtic are, therefore, at least twenty times farther removed from each other than the surmised three-century-long gape between the demise of Gaulish and the resurgence of Breton on the Continent.
It is significant that the new genetic research supports the doubts increasingly entertained of late by archaeologists who are finding few links between the people of the British Isles and the Celts of eastern France and Southern Germany. Basing his conclusions on recent genetic studies by S. Rootsi, C. Magri, T. Kivisild* and a group of forty-two other geneticists in 2004 »who investigate which aspects of contemporary human Y-chromosome variation in Europe are characteristic of primary colonization, late-glacial expansions from refugee areas, Neolithic dispersals, or more recent events of gene flow,« a Toronto researcher states the following: »What conclusions can we draw from the genetic studies? From the genetic studies is evident that, amongst the Slavs, Slovenes and Macedonians share the highest frequencies of the oldest subhaplogroups I, Iiq and Iic with the French population of Low Normandy and southern France. The frequencies are: Low Normandy 21,5 %, southern France 15,9 %, Slovenes 16,3 %, Macedonians 10 %, Poles 6,8 %, Czechs 6 %, Ukranians 5,5 % and Bosnians 2 %. In contrast, the frequency in Lyon and Poitier (France) is 3 % and in northern Italy 3,6 %, both without any presence of the oldest subhaplogroup I. This is an indication that there is a greater genetic affinity, on the basest of the oldest HG I of Low Normandy and southern France. The above results also attest to the genetic affinities of population living in the historical land of Ceasar's Veneti and the present-day Slovenes.«
What is striking is not only the high frequency of the stated subhaplogroups shared among the Slovenes and Macedonians with such participation occurs »to the virtual exclusion of other Slavs ...« Contemplating the impact of the above findings, one is inevitably confronted by the following question: What common historical factor linked to the territory of France contributed to the apparently higher degree of kinship between Macedonians and Slovenes?
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Fokijci
Makedonsko sorodstvo sega v chas jonske kolonizacije, ko je severno obrezhje Sredozemlja poselilo pleme Fokijcev. Ti so prispeli v Anatolijo shele okrog desetega stoletja pr. n. sht. in ker jim je tam primanjkovalo obdelovalne zemlje, so si morali poiskati in ustanoviti primerne kolonije. Med cvetochimi jonskimi naselbinami je bila njihova Fokija najbolj severno mesto in v shestem stoletju pr. n. sht. so si zelo prizadevali, da so vzpostavili trgovske poti in zveze z zahodnim Sredozemljem. V tem chasu so Fokijci prevzeli nadzor nad celotnim obalnim podrochjem od Ligurijske obale (v danashnji severni Italiji) pa vse do Ampuria (v danashnji severovzhodni Shpaniji). Med vsemi njihovimi kolonijami pa je priblizhno v shestem stoletju postala najpomembnejsha Masilija (danashnji Marseille).
Fokijci so trgovali po Italiji, juzhni Franciji in Shpaniji. Pravzaprav so celotno Sredozemsko morje jugovzhodno od Italije imenovali Jonsko (nash Jadran, op. prev.) prav zaradi navzochnosti Fokijcev in Samijcev. S tem so povezani stari slovanski (slovenetski) zapisi, ki sem jih razvozlal in prevedel v svojih knjigah Adieu to Brittany in Gordian Knot Unbound (dodatek C), izvirajo pa iz notranjosti starodavne Masilije in obrezhij reke Rone. In na jug danashnje Francije so v shestem stoletju pr. n. sht. prav jonski Fokijci prinesli pelazgijski jezik.
Po Heziodu (7. stol. pr. n. sht.) so bili Jonci chetrto junashko ljudstvo bronaste dobe. Bili so nomadski bojevniki (t. i. Kurgan), ki so v Grchijo prinesli jezho konj, utrjena mesta in se podajali na prekomorske ekspedicije v Malo Azijo, na Ciper in v Trojo ter se tam pomeshali med staroselske prebivalce, imenovane Pelazgi, in se mednje asimilirali.
Glede pelazgijskega jezika si bomo pomagali s Herodotom, ki je zelo jasen. Doma je bil iz Halikarnasa, ki je v najbolj juzhnem delu jonskih naselbin v Mali Aziji, in je izjavil, da sodech po govorici Pelazgov, kakrshna je she v njegovem chasu (5. stol. pr. n. sht.) obstajala v naselbinah, kjer so zhiveli Pelazgijci, ti niso govorili grshchine. Kar zadeva jezik, ki so ga govorili v jonskih naselbinah v Mali Aziji, pa Herodot le nerad prizna, da so v njegovem chasu obstajala shtiri narechja tega »ne ... povsem istega jezika«, ki so jih govorili. Ta njegova izjava potrjuje, da so jonske naselbine govorile v enem skupnem jeziku, ki pa je imel shtiri narechja, zato se je razlikoval v sebi in je vseboval tudi lokalne posebnosti. Pri nadaljnji razlagi Herodot navaja shest jonskih skupnosti v Lidiji, ki so govorile isto narechje. Med njimi omeni tudi Fokijo.
Nato pa je Jonce, ki so se nekdaj naselili na Peloponezu, izenachil s Pelazgi, »ki so se pozneje preimenovali v Jonce po Jonu, sinu Ksuta.« V naslednjem odstavku Herodot pove, da enako velja za egejske otochane, ki so »vsi izvorno bili Pelazgi, le da so jih preimenovali v Jonce iz istega razloga kot tudi Jonce v dvanajstih skupnostih, ki so izvirale iz Aten.« Tudi Eolce dene v isto kosharo, ko zapishe: »V skladu z grshkim izrochilom so bili tudi oni she eno pelazgovsko ljudstvo.« Enako pove Herodot tudi za trashke Krestonce.
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The Phocaeans
The Macedonian connection dates back to the Ionian colonization of the northern shoreline of the Mediterranean by the Phocaeans. Having arrived in Anatolia as late as the 10th century B.C. and lacking arable land, the Phocaeans were forced to seek out suitable colonies. Being the northermost city of the prosperous Ionian settlements on the west coast of Asia Minor, Phocaea, in the 6th century B.C., did much to open the western Mediterranean to trade and commerce. During this time the Phocaeans took control of the littoral stretching from the Ligurian coast (in today's northern Italy) all the way to Ampurias (in present-day north-eastern Spain). Preeminent among the colonies founded by them was Massilia (modern Marseille) ca. 600 B.B. Phocaeans traded in Italy, southern France, and Spain. In fact, the Mediterranean Sea southeast of Italy was called Ionian on account of the Phocaen and Samian activities there also. It is of significance that the Old Slavic (Slavenetic) inscriptions deciphered and translated in Aideu to Brittany and in Appendix C of Gordian Knot Unbound hail from the hinterland of ancient Massilia and the riverbanks of the Rhone. It had been the Ionian Phocaens who had brought the Pelasgian tongue to the south of today's France in the 6th century B.C.
According to Hesiod (7th century B.C.) the fourth heroic people in the Bronze Age were the Ionians. They were of warrior-nomadic origin (i.e. Kurgan), brought the horse to Greece, fortified citadels and carried out overseas expeditions to Asia Minor, Cyprus and Troy. They mixed with and assimilated the aboriginal element, the Pelasgians. Regarding the Pelasgian language, we have recourse to Herodotus. Having been born in Halicarnassus in the southernmost part of the Ionian settlements in Asia Minor, he states that, judging by the speech of the Pelasgians still existing in his time (5th century B.C.), the language of the settlements where Pelasgians had been displaced had been non-Greek. As to the language spoken in the Ionian settlements in Asia Minor, Herodotus grudgingly admits that in his time there were four different dialects of »not.. .exactly the same language« spoken there. By saying that, he affirms the Ionian settlements to have spoken a common language but which had four dialects and, as a result, was not in all respects uniform and contained regional peculiarities. Further refining the above, Herodotus proceeds to identify six Ionian communities in Lydia as sharing mutual dialect. Among those mentioned is that of Phocaea.
Farther on, he identifies the Ionian who had at one time been settled on the Peloponnese as Pelasgian, »who were later renamed Ionian after Ion, the son of Xutus.« In the ensuing paragraphs, Herodotus says the same for the Aegean islanders who also »were Pelasgian in origin, but were called Ionian for the same reason that the Ionians from the twelve communities were, who were originally from Athens.« He places the Aeolians into the same mix by saying that they »according to Greek tradition are another Pelasgian people.« Herodotus says the same for the Tracian Crestonians.
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In cheprav Herodot svoje preprichanje o grshki superiornosti sicer poskusi zakriti in zakrinkati s pripovedmi mitoloshkih legend dvomljive verodostojnosti, pa ne more prikriti zgodovine dorskega in helenskega izganjanja staroselskih Pelazgov z rodovitnejshih podrochij Atike, Bojotije, Tesalije in Peloponeza na negostoljubno in neplodno obalno podrochje Jonskega morja (Jadrana). Starogrshki zgodovinarji so bili vselej tako pozorni na navzochnost ne-grshke dedishchine staroselcev, da je to mejilo zhe na narodnostno prenapetost. Starogrshki zgodovinarji vedno znova in znova namigujejo na mlachnost staroselcev pri upiranju perzijski nadvladi. Skupno nit, ki so jo tkali v teh brezdushnih ne-helenskih statvah, so stari Grki imenovali pelazgovska.
Prav vsem ne-grshkim etnichnim skupnostim, naj so to bile jonske ali fokijske iz zahodne Male Azije, frigijske iz Anatolije, trashke in makedonske na vzhodu in severu ali pa tiste z otokov Lemnos in Imbros, so Grki pripisovali bolehanje za pelazgovskim virusom neodpora proti perzijskim vdorom. Seveda pa so bila prichakovanja starih Grkov, da bodo potomci pelazgovskih staroselcev, ki so jih njihovi predniki izrinili in osiromashili, izkazali solidarnost z njimi v boju proti Perziji, kratkovidna in nestvarna. Poleg teh pri Herodotu lahko klasichne izjave o Pelazgih najdemo tudi pri Homerju, Heziodu, Tukididu, Strabonu, Ajshilu in Pavzaniju.
Herodotova pristranskost, temeljecha na domoljubju, se she zlasti izkazhe v anekdoti o kralju Aleksandru Makedonskem (vladal priblizhno 498-454 pr. n. sht.), ki je zhelel sodelovati na olimpijskih igrah kot tekach. Da bi lahko obveljal kot begunec v Peli (izvor tega imena ima pelazgijske korenine), se mu je Herodot zhelel prikupiti in je zato vdano priznal, da so Makedonci Grki. Pokazalo se je namrech, da »so Grki, ki bi se morali z Aleksandrom pomeriti v teku, le-temu skushali preprechiti udelezhbo, kajti Negrki niso smeli tekmovati na igrah, saj so bile te namenjene izkljuchno Grkom.« Vendar pa je Aleksander tedaj dokazal, da je iz Argosa, in so mu zato uradniki, ki so vodili igre, dovolili tekmovati, in v tisti tekmi je nato tudi zmagal.
Ta Herodotov opis pa vsebuje dve napaki. Prva je ta, da je bil Argos vse do prihoda Dorcev in Helenov na to podrochje pelazgovska naselbina. Druga pa, da na uradnem seznamu vseh olimpijskih zmagovalcev ne najdemo Aleksandrovega imena. V prihodnjih stoletjih je nato Demosten ostro nasprotoval kakrshnemukoli grshkemu rodovniku Makedoncev. Pravzaprav je tudi Makedonija bolehala za pelazgovskim virusom in je pod perzijskim nadzorom cvetela, to pa jasno zanika Herodotovo trditev o makedonski zvestobi Grkom. Kar pa zadeva Temenide, makedonsko kraljevsko druzhino, ki je dobila svoje ime po Temenu, enem od mitoloshkih Heraklovih sinov in povratniku s severa (»skupaj z Dorci«), da bi zasedel Peloponez, njegovo slovansko ime Temen (mrachen) pove vech kot grshka legenda. V resnici to negrshko dedishchino potrjujejo tudi stari slovanski napisi v selevkidski trdnjavi iz obdobja Dura Europos.
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Trying to mask his attitude of superiority under the guise of recounting mythical legends of dubious credibility, even Herodotus cannot hide the history of Doric and Hellenic shunting of Pelasgian native settlers from the choicer areas of Attica, Boeotia, Thessalay, and the Peloponnese into the marginalization of an inhospitable littoral of the Ionian Sea. Ever alert to the non-Greek heritage of the aboriginal elements still in their midst to the point of chauvinism, Greek historians time and again intimate an ethnic softness of their resistance to Persian domination. The common thread woven through this spiritless non-Hellenic loom is called Pelasgic by the Greeks.
Whether Ionian or Phocaean from western Asia Minor, Phrygian from Anatolia, Thraian and Macedonian to their east and north, or from the islands of Lemnos and Imbros, the non-Greek ethnics are depicted as infected by the Palesgic virus of non-resistance to Persian incursion. Of course, Greek expectation of unswerving solidarity against Persia from the descendants of the Pelasgic natives their forebears had supplanted and marginalizes references to Pelasgians was myopic and unrealistic. Besides those in Herodotus, classical references to Pelasgian can also be found in Homer, Hesiod, Thucydides, Strabo, Aeschylus, and Pausanias.
Herodotus predilections for patriotic bias comes to the fore especially in the anecdote regarding king Alexander of Macedonia's (ruled from ca. 498-454 B.C.) qualifying for the Olympic-Games foot-race. For having accepted him as a refugee in Pella (whose etymology is the root in Pelasgic), Herodotus goes all out to ingratiate himself by stooping to recognize the Macedonians as Greek. What transpired was that »the Greeks who were drawn against Alexander in the footrace trued to prevent him from taking part, on the grounds that non-Greeks were not allowed to compete in the games, which were exclusively for Greeks.« But Alexander proved that he was an Argive and, therefore, the officials in charge of the games allowed him to compete and he came in first in the race.« There are two major flows with Herodotus' account. One is that Argos had until the arrival of the Dorians and Hellenes in the region been a Pelasgian settlement. And two, that we have the official list of Olympic victors, but Alexander's name was nowhere to be found on it. In the ensuing century, Demosthenes strongly< contest any such Greek ancestry for the Macedonians. In fact, Macedonia also ailed from the Pelasgic virus and prospered under Persian control, which clearly belies Herodotus' claim of her Greek allegiance. As to the Macedonian royal family, the Temenids, having derived their name from Temenus, who in myth was one of the sons of Heracles and returned from the north (»with the Dorians«) to claim the Peloponnese, their Slavic name Temen (»dark«) tells us more than the Greek legend. In fact, the Old Slavic inscriptions from the Seleucid fortress of Dura Europos confirm this non-Greek heritage.
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Ko Herodot omeni Midasov vrt, je za nas to she dodatna potrditev stare slovanske dedishchine v tem delu Makedonije, ki je bila »vech kot tri stoletja (med 1150 in 800 pr. n. sht.) domovina plemena Brigov, katerih velika vechina se je nato preselila v Azijo in se spremenila v Frigijce v severozahodni Mali Aziji.« Iz starih frigijskih napisov pa vemo, da so v tem delu Anatolije od priselitve Brigov pa nepretrgoma do makedonske invazije pod vodstvom Aleksandra Velikega govorili stari slovanski jezik.
Pelazgijshchina, ki so jo v shestem stoletju pr. n. sht. prenesli Fokijci in Jonci na zahodnosredozemska obrezhja Lionskega zaliva in Ligurijskega morja, je ostala povsem svobodna pred tujimi vplivi, enako kot stara frigijshchina in zgodnja trachanshchina na njunem vrhuncu. Vendar pa se je v chasu nastanka teh napisov v juzhni Franciji obchasno vtihotapila vanje kakshna latinska beseda.
Kljub temu latinskemu vplivu je staroslovenshchina (slovenetshchina) ohranila pristno pelazgijsko besedishche in morfologijo, in sicer vse do 14. stoletja n. sht., ko so v kamen vklesali napis, ki je prvi vzorec iz Shugborough-Hall (Anglija). Zadnje sledi tega jezika fokijskih in jonskih kolonistov izpred dva tisoch let so izbrisali med albizhansko krizharsko vojno, v kateri so vse Slovane povezali s krivoverstvom in jih pobili, ter v chasu po njej, ko je zavladal strah pred inkvizicijo.
Stela z Lemnosa
Po Herodotu so otok Lemnos neprekinjeno poseljevali Pelazgi, in to od izgona mitoloshkih Argonavtov z otoka okrog leta 1230 pr. n. sht. Ker pa je bil otok pomembna postaja na zhitni poti iz Evksinskega (Chrnega) morja v kopensko Grchijo, je med jonskim uporom in v naslednjih desetletjih postal cilj atenske ekspanzije.
Za nashe namene je zanimivo obdobje v shestem stoletju pr. n. sht., ko je nastal zapis, znan kot Stela iz Lemnosa ali tudi Bojevnikova stela z Lemnosa. Iz Herodota izvemo, da so v zadnjem desetletju shestega stoletja pr. n. sht. otok she vedno poseljevali Pelazgi. Pod atenski nadzor pa je otok prishel v naslednjih treh desetletjih po zaslugi Miltiadesove osvojitve.
Prevod lemnoshke stele potrjuje izjavo uglednega slovenskega etimologa Franceta Bezlaja o tem, kako »neverjetno poenoten in enolichen« jezik je bila stara slovenshchina she v osmem stoletju nashega shtetja. Napis iz Lemnosa neizpodbitno dokazuje, da imajo vsi stari jeziki — venetski, slovenetski, stara frigijshchina, zgodnja trachanshchina, makedonshchina iz obdobja Dura Europos in pelazgijski jezik eno samo in skupno jezikovno dedishchino. V primeru pelazgijshchine na Lemnosu je mogoche slediti nepretrganost te jezikovne enotnosti vse do chasa, ko so tod zavladali Atenci.
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In Herodotus' reference to the Garden of Midas, we see a further confirmation of such Old Slavic patrimony in that the portion of Macedonia there referred to »had been for more than three centuries (between ca. 1150-800 B.C.) the home of the Brygi, most of whom may well then have set off for Asia and become the Phrygians of north-west Asia Minor«. We know from Old Phrygian inscriptions that the language of that part of Anatolia had from the arrival there of the Brygi continuously to the Macedonian invasion by Alexander the Great been Old Slavic. The Pelasgic transplanted to the West-Mediterranean shores of the Golfe du Lion and Ligurian Sea by the Phocaeans and Ionians in the sixth century B.C. was as free from foreign interference as by the time the epigraphic remains in the south of France were inscribed, an occasional Romance loanword crept in. Yet in spite of the influence of Latin, the Old Slavic (Slavenetic) retained its pristine Pelasgic vocabulary and morphology right up to the early 14th century A.D., when the prototype of the Shugborough-Hall inscription was carved. Only the association of heresy with anything Slavic in the massacres of the Albigensian Crusade and the paranoia of the inquisitions that followed it extinguished the last vestiges of the tongue the Phocaean and Ionian colonists had brought 2,000 years earlier.
The Stele of Lemnos
According to Herodotus, the island of Lemnos had been settled by Pelasgians continuously since the expulsion of the mythical Argonauts from the island some time around 1230 B.C. However, on account of its having been a cog on the grain route from Euxine (Black) Sea to mainland Greece, the island became focus for Athenian expansion during the Ionian Revolt and ensuing decades. For our purposes, the pertinent period is that of the 6th century B.C., during which the inscriptions known as the Stele of Lemnos (a.k.a. the »Warrior« Stele of Lemnos) was engraved. We know from Herodotus that in the last decade of the 6th century Lemnos was still inhabited by Pelasgians. It fell under Athenian control only some time in the ensuing three decades by virtue of Miltiades' conquest. The translation of the Stele of Lemnos confirms the dictum of the noted Slovene etymologist France Bezlaj, as to how »incredible uniform and undiversified« Slavic still was as late as the 8th century A.D. The inscription from Lemnos cogently attests to the same linguistic heritage as those called Venetic, Slavenetic, Old Phrygian, Early Thracian, Dura Europos Macedonian, or Pelasgic. In the case of the Pelasgic on Lemnos, the continuity of such linguistic uniformity can clearly be traced back to the pre-Athenian control time.
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V opisanem boju med tekmujochimi silami svetlobe in teme lemnoshka stela tudi nakazuje, da je zhe pred dva tisoch petsto leti na Lemnos prishel dualizem. Ta ni nikoli povsem zamrl, in njegova semena, ki so jih posejali, so lezhala na ledini pelazgijskega nezavednega kar tisochletje in pol, tedaj pa, ko se je krshchanstvo opotekalo zaradi propada krizharske vojne v Palestini, je pognal klice v manihejskih bogomilih in katarih.
(iz knjige The Templar's Curse, pogl. XIII — XV; Toronto, 2010) Izbor in prevod Peter Amalietti
* Toomas Kivisild (r. 1969, Tapa, Estonija), estonski genetik, predavatelj chloveshke evolucijske genetike na univerzi Cambridge, VB. (op. ur.)
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In the depicted struggle between the contending forces of light and darkness, the Stele of Lemnos also indicates that the sands of dualism had already washed ashore on the island some 2,500 years ago. Never completely defunct, the seeds thus sown were to lie fallow in the Pelasgic subconscious for a millennium-and-a-half, only to sprout forth in Manichean Bogomilism and Catharism at a time when Christianity faltered in the wake of the Crusades in Palestine.
(from the book The Templar's Curse, Chap. XIII — XV; Toronto, 2010)
Selection and translation into Slovenian by Peter Amalietti
* Toomas Kivisild (b. 1969, Tapa, Estonia), Estonian geneticist, reader in Human evolutionary genetics at Cambridge University, UK. (note by ed.)
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Davorin Zhunkovich
ZHIVLJENJEPIS IVANA TOPOLOVSHKA, SLOVENSKEGA JEZIKOSLOVCA
(1)
Ivan Topolovshek je ostal v obche do danashnjega dne skorodane popolnoma nepoznan slovenskemu narodu kakor tudi med Slovani sploh. Mozh je ostal preziran, cheprav je slavo slovenskega naroda na polju jezikoslovja sijajno povzdignil. Mozhem-jezikoslovcem kot so: Popovich, Kopitar, Miklozhich, Trstenjak, Caf, Oblak, Gregor Krek, Shkrabec itd. se kot polnovreden pridruzhuje Topolovshek, prekasha pa vse v eni tochki: Zgradil je svoja dela zhe na trdni podlagi avtohtonizma Slovanov ter v spoznanju, da se nahajajo slovanski jeziki s prajezikom chloveshtva v organichni zvezi.
Zhivljenje tega uchenjaka je pa bilo tako osamljeno in skromno, da isto zamoremo opisati samo v nekaj stavkih.
Pisec teh vrst ni mogel nikdar niti slutiti, da bi bil on nekoch kot edini chlovek, ki bi mu pripadla chastna naloga, da opishe zhivljenje tega uchenjaka. In vendar je prishlo tako dalech, da pri nas Slovencih dosedaj, cheprav imamo zhe lastno vseuchilishche, se she ni nashel mozh, ki bi bil temu uchenjaku posvetil le par vrstic. Ko sem v sredi meseca januarja 1. 1921 zvedel v Nishu po chasopisju, da je umrl ta uchenjak, sem pozval nekatere slovenske chasopise, da naj v spomin tega slovenskega jezikoslovca priobchijo v listih nekaj skromnih vrstic, toda moj dober namen je ostal brezuspeshen, cheprav se to zdi skoro neverjetno, ni bilo mozha, ki bi bil usodo in dela tega uchenjaka vsaj nekoliko poznal in opisal. Najbolj informiran je vedel samo to, da je Topolovshek sicer spisal neko knjigo, katero je pa dr. Jagich obsodil, in jo v znanstvenih krogih na sicer nenavaden nachin oznachil kot popolnoma brez vsake vrednosti, ne da bi bil razmishljal o tem, kateri teh dveh je bil pravzaprav v zmoti, in ravno iz istega vzroka se pach nihche samega sebe ni hotel postaviti v pozo razgaljenega. Slovensko chasopisje je pach na navaden nachin naznanilo javnosti smrt uchenjaka Topolovsheka s pristavkom pisatelj. Topolovshek namrech ni bil mozh, ki bi bil razbobnal v svet svojo slavo, delal je pach tiho in neumorno za veliko znanstveno stvar, ne da bi se bil she brigal, kako sodi svet o njem. Ako je pa zhe bilo zhivljenje Topolovsheka liki zhivljenju kakega samotara, ki ne more oznachiti veliko episod, nam nudi zhe to dejstvo gradiva dovolj, da v isto prodremo nekoliko globlje. Predvsem sem imel pri rokah samo to, kar sem izvedel od njegovega brata Jozhefa ter kar mi je pravil dvorni svetnik v notranjem ministrstvu dr. Kamilo Susan in konchno, kar sem mogel izvedeti pismenim potom. Ti podatki so sicer skromni, vendar tvorijo vemo sliko o zhivljenju in delovanju tega slovenskega jezikoslovca. Na tej sliki bo tezhko najti kaj dopolnilnega ali celo kaj takega, kar bi bilo treba popraviti.
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Davorin Zhunkovich
SLOVENIAN LINGUIST IVAN TOPOLOVSHEK'S
BIOGRAPHY
(1)
To this day, Ivan Topolovshek generally remains nearly completely unknown among Slovenian people as well as among Slavs in general. The man is overlooked, despised in spite of having splendidly elevated the glory of the Slovenian nation in the field of linguistics. Topolovshek joins linguists such as Popovich, Kopitar, Miklozhich, Trstenjak, Caf, Oblak, Gregor Krek, Shkrabec as an equal and in one aspect even surpasses them all: He constructed his works on the sturdy basis of Slavic autochtonism and with the realisation that Slavic languages stand in organic relation with the primordial language of humanity.
This scholar's life was so lonely and modest that it can be described in a mere few sentences.
The author of these lines could never have imagined that he would one day become the only one with the honourable task of describing this scholar's life. And yet matters have come so far that even though Slovenians now possess our own University, no man has come forth who would devote but a few lines to this scholar. In mid January of 1921 in Nish, I learned in newspapers that this scholar passed away; I called upon certain Slovenian newspapers to publish a few lines to commemorate the Slovenian linguist. My good intentions failed; though it boggles the mind, no one came forth, who would know or write but part of the scholar's story. The most informed among them knew only that Topolovshek wrote some book, but that it was condemned by Dr Jagich who labelled it in an unusual manner for scientific circles as utterly worthless with no consideration as to who of the two of them was actually in error; and it was for that same reason that afterwards no one would put themselves in the position to be exposed in error. So, the Slovenian press announced the scholar Topolovshek's death in the usual way adding that he was a writer. Topolovshek was not one to tout his own horn; he worked silently and ceaselessly towards the greater scientific goal, giving little thought to how the world perceived him.
If, however, Topolovshek's life was akin to the life of a recluse, unable to fill many chapters, this very fact lends us material enough to penetrate it somewhat deeper. I mostly only had to hand as much as I learned from his brother Joseph, from what I was told by the court councillor at the Ministry of Interior Dr Kamilo Susan, and lastly what I was able to learn from writing. The data may be scarce, but it paints a picture about this Slovenian linguist's life and work. It will prove difficult to find anything to add let alone to correct.
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I. Iz zhivljenja Topolovsheka
Ivan Topolovshek se je narodil 16. aprila leta 1851 v Marija Gradcu pri Lashkem. Njegov oche Jakob je bil cerkveni sluga pri tamkajshnji podruzhnici, njegova mati Eva je pa bila zelo pobozhna Slovenka, ki je vcepila globoko v srce svojemu sinu pobozhnost. Prve tri razrede ljudske shole je kot dechek obiskal na Lashkem, chetrti razred pa v Celju. Ker je bil zelo nadarjen, je po takratni shegi, naj se v srednje shole poshiljajo le samo izvanredno nadarjeni mladenichi, predlagal tamoshnji nadzhupnik v Lashkem, Anton Zhuzha, naj mladenicha poshljejo starshi v gimnazijo v Celje. Ta predlog je starshem ugajal, zlasti, ker je nadzhupnik Zhuzha kril iz lastnih sredstev vse stroshke za prehrano in stanovanje mladenicha. V Celju je nash Ivan dovrshil dva gimnazijska razreda, nakar se je podal v Novo mesto. Svoje gimnazijske shtudije je dovrshil v mestu Bozen na Tirolskem. Zrelostni izpit je pa napravil shele leta 1880 v Inomostu, ker je baje takoj po konchanih shtudijah vstopil kot novic v nek samostan, kajti njegovi starshi so si srchno zheleli, da se naj njun sin posveti duhovnishkemu stanu. Zdi se pa, da je zapustil samostan ter se posvetil bogoslovskim shtudijam v Solnogradu, toda tudi tukaj ni vztrajal. Kakor se zdi, se je leta 1881 vpisal kot slushatelj na modroslovski fakulteti v Inomostu, kjer je poslushal predavanja profesorjev Jurgl, Ivan Muller, Zingrele in Wildauer. Zhe takrat se je zelo temeljilo bavil s primerjajochim jezikoslovjem, uchil se je zlasti v sanskritu, zendu in v litavshchini, hebrejshchini itd. Leta 1883 se je preselil na Dunaj, kjer je bil na tamoshnjem vseuchilishchu slushatelj predavanj jezikoslovcev Friderika Müllerja, Miklozhicha in Bühlerja. L. 1896 je dovrshil svoje shtudije ter dobil absolutorij, ki se je tudi nashel v njegovi zapushchini. Ni se pa mogel povspeti do tega, da bi tudi bil napravil predpisane izpite, kar bi ga bilo gmotno podprlo, kajti zhe takrat se je izkljuchno bavil s primerjajochim jezikoslovjem, kar je pach smatral za vazhnejshe. Ko je dovrshil visokosholske shtudije, je dobil, kakor se zdi, svojo prvo sluzhbo kot prefekt na zasebni gimnaziji v Freistadtu na Gornjem Avstrijskem, kjer je ostal do leta 1887. Na to dobo se je spominjal Topolovshek, kakor je porochal dr. Susan, skrajno neprijetno, chemer se ne bo nihche chudil, komur je znano, da je imel dotichni zavod nalogo, vzgajati mlade pokvarjene mladeniche in jih navajati na dobra pota, za kar pa Topolovshek, kot mozh plemenitega srca, kot samotar in chudak ni bil mozh na svojem mestu, ker ni znal imponirati pokvarjeni mladini, ki je stremila le po alotrijah.
Ko je zapustil to sluzhbo, je baje za nekaj chasa prevzel sluzhbo kot pomozhni uradnik v statistichni centralni komisiji na Dunaju. Kako dolgo je bil tamkaj v sluzhbi, se ne da dognati, bilo je pa le prav kratko chasa, kajti v rokah imamo neko dopisnico, z dne 4. marca leta 1887 takratnega prefekta dunajskega Terezij anishcha, Rudolfa Knesek, ki je vprashal Topolovsheka, je-li bi hotel prevzeti sluzhbo kakega domachega uchitelja (hofmeistra) na dezheli.
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I. From Topolovshek's life
Ivan Topolovshek was born on 16 April, 1851 in Marija Gradcu near Lashko. His father Jakob was church keeper at the local parish and his mother Eva was a highly pious Slovene and planted the seed of piousness deep into her son's heart. As a boy he attended the first three grades at the primary school in Lashko and fourth grade in Celje. Because he was very talented, the then chief priest at Lashko Anton Zhuzha according to the custom of the time, proposed that Ivan's parents send him to the grammar school in Celje. The suggestion appealed to his parents, particularly since Chief Priest Zhuzha covered all the young man's expenses for food and lodging out of pocket. Ivan finished two grades of grammar school in Celje before moving to Novo mesto. He concluded grammar school in the town of Bozen in Tyrol. He only passed his maturity exam in 1880, in Innsbruck; this is believed to have been because he joined a monastery as a novice immediately after finishing his studies obliging is parents' great desire to become dedicate to the priestly calling. But it also appears that he left the monastery and devoted himself to religious studies in Salzburg, though he did not persist in them. It seems that he audited the Salzburg Faculty of Philosophy, where he attended lectures of professors Jurgl, Ivan Muller, Zingrele, and Wildauer. By then he had already thoroughly committed himself to comparative linguistics, he focused on studying Sanskrit, Avestan and also Lithuanian, Hebrew etc. In 1833 he moved to Vienna to audit linguistic lectures of Friderick Müller, Miklozhich and Büller at the University. He concluded his studies in 1869 and received a diploma, which was located in his estate. He was not however, able to rise to the challenge of also passing the prescripted exams, which would result in lending him financial support, being that he already exclusively studied comparative lingusitcs, which he considered more important than exams.
After he was done with his studies, he got what appears to be his first employment as prefect at a private grammar school in Fresitadt in Upper Austria where he remained until 1887. As Dr Susan reported, Topolovshek had particularly bad memories of this period in his life; this comes as no surprise to anyone who knows that this establishment was charged with raising young corrupt youths and steering them towards the right track. This was not something Topolovshek, a noble-hearted recluse and odd man was suited for, because he did not know how to counter the corrupted youth striving only for indecency.
After he left this employment, he is said to have worked as assistant clerk at the Central Statistics Commission in Vienna for a while. It is not possible to ascertain how long he remained employed there, but it was not very long judging by a postcard from 1887, which was sent to him by the then prefect of the Viennese Theresianum Rudolf Knesek, asking Topolovshek if he would be prepared to take the position of a home teacher (hofmeister) in the countryside.
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Zdi se, da je prishlo do tega v jeseni leta 1887, kajti dognano je, da je bil Topolovshek vech let zaposlen kot domachi uchitelj pri neki grofovski obitelji, v druzhbi katere je napravil tudi vech daljshih potovanj, zlasti v Italijo.
(2)
Imena te obitelji ni nikoli imenoval, vendar je pa brzhchas bila ta obitelj grofa Revertera, ki je bil kot italijanski poslanik na dunajskem dvoru, kar je razvidno iz nekega pisma. To sluzhbo je Topolovshek zapustil brzhchas she le julija leta 1896. Uradno natanchno je pach dognano, da je bil Topolovshek vsled priporochila in vpliva grofa Ivana Harracha dne 1. marca leta 1897 poklican v sluzhbo »administrativne knjizhnice« avstrijskega notranjega ministrstva, kjer ostal do razsula bivshe avstro-ogrske monarhije. Kakor se zdi, se je Topolovshek v tej sluzhbi pochutil kot precej zadovoljen, zlasti, ker so bili njegovi predpostavljeni mozhje plemenitega srca.
Tukaj so mu tudi prav resno prigovarjali, naj vendar enkrat napravi svoje izpite, da se ga more sprejeti v drzhavno sluzhbo kot uradnika ter da na ta nachin zboljsha svoje gmotno stanje. Ministrstvo se je celo obvezalo, da placha zanj takse za izpite. Razven tega je dr. Susan zanj posredoval pri profesorju Jagichu, da bi mu le-ta ne delal nobenih tezhkoch pri dosegi doktorata, toda Topolovshek se za vse to ni zmenil. Zdi se, da Topolovshek ni zaupal obljubi vseuchilishchega profesorja dr. Jagicha, kajti ravno Jagich je bil njegov najvechji znanstveni nasprotnik, ki je prvo Topolovshekovo delo, kakor bom pozneje opisal, podvrgel unichujochi kritiki. V Topolovshekovi zapushchini se je nashlo njegovo disertacijsko delo. Obravnava temo: »Zur Etymologie der homerischen Vogelnamen« - K etimologiji homerjevih ptichjih imen. To delo oznachuje njegovo izvanredno vsestransko globoko vedo na polju jezikoslovstva. Toda to delo ni nashlo milosti pri profesorju Jagichu, ki je o tem napravil nekatere, vechinoma zelo zanichljive cenzurne opazke, kar je pach imelo za neposreden vzrok, da se Topolovshek ni vech maral ali mogel odlochiti za rigorozne izpite.
Topolovshek je torej ostal ves chas svojega zhivljenja, ker ni imel papirnate zashchite shole, v stanju kot pomozhni uradnik, cheprav je tudi tukaj splezal na takrat mozhno najvishjo stopnjo kot vishji oficijant, to tem bolj, ker je bil v svoji sluzhbi zelo vesten in odlichno uporabljiv.
Leta 1888 ste mu dve amerishki vseuchilishchi ponudili profesure za indijanske jezike, toda teh profesur ni sprejel in sicer iz dveh vzrokov: Takrat mu je zbolela mati, ki ga je prosila, da naj ravno sedaj ne gre tje dalech v Ameriko, ker bi ga nikdar vech ne videla, vrhutega je she pa vozhnja v Ameriko zdruzhena z nevarnostmi. Razen tega se je nashlo v njegovi zapushchini dvoje pisem amerishkih misijonarjev, iz istega leta, v katerih ga oba misijonarja svarita, da naj nikar ne prevzame teh profesur, ki bi ga na noben nachin ne zadovoljile, kajti ta vseuchilishcha imajo znachaj kake evropske meshchanske shole. To je bil menda merodajen razlog, zakaj da je odklonil ponujeni mu profesuri na amerishkih vseuchilishchih.
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It seems this transpired in Autumn of 1887, for it has been determined that he worked for several years as a home teacher of a certain count's family, in whose company he also made several lengthy trips, particularly to Italy.
(2)
He never named it, but it is probable that this was the family of Count Reverter, Italian emissary to the court in Vienna, this is evident from a certain letter. Topolovshek only left this position in July of 1896. Officially it has been precisely determined that, due to Count Ivan Harrach's recommendation, Topolovshek was called to work at the »administrative library« at the Austrian Ministry of Interior and remained in their employ until the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. As it appears, Topolovshek was quite content working there, particularly because his superiors were noble hearted men.
While there, he was also often seriously advised, to pass those exams already so as to become eligible for the position of state clerk and so improve his financial state. The Ministry even committed to pay his exam fees. Furthermore, Dr Susan intervened on his behalf with Professor Jagich, so that he wouldn't make difficulties impeding Topolovshek's receiving his doctorate. But Topolovshek ignored all these efforts. It seems that he did not trust Professor Jagich's promise, for, as I will describe later, he was his greatest academic adversary, who had submitted Topolovshek's first work to destructive criticism. Topovshek's estate also included his dissertation on the etymology of Homer's bird names »Zur Etymologie der homerischen Vogelnamen«. This work is a testament to his extreme wide-reaching and profound knowledge in the field of linguistics. But the dissertation was not kindly received by professor Jagich, who made certain largely dismissive censorious observations, which directly resulted in Topolovshek becoming forever disinterested or incapable of deciding to tackling any and all rigorous examinations in future.
Having never passed exams, Topolovshek was unprotected by written certificates, and remained for the duration of his life an assistant clerk, though even here he was able to ascend to the highest possible grade of upper official, particular because he was dutiful in his work and highly useful.
In 1888, two American universities offered him positions of lecturer in Native American languages, but he refused them for two reasons: His mother fell ill at the time and asked him not to go to the distant Americas, because she would never see him again, the trip to the Americas was also quite perilous at the time. Furthermore, his estate contained two letters by American missionaries from the same year, warning him against taking the offered positions, which would in no way satisfy him, because these Universities actually had the character of town schools. This was supposedly the deciding factor that steered him to reject the offered positions at these American universities.
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Razven tega je bil leta 1910 poklican kot vseuchilishchni profesor za sanskrit, keltski jezik in za slavistiko ter za indijanske jezike na vseuchilishche v mesto Löwen v Belgiji, kar je dokazano iz nekega Topolovshekovega pisma kot odgovor na rektorat imenovanega vseuchilishcha. Iz katerega razloga ni sprejel te profesure, ni nikjer razvidno, brzhchas pa iz razloga, ker ni hotel prekiniti svojih znanstvenih shtudij.
Vpliv svetovne vojne, ki je temeljito spremenila vse razmere, je bil tudi na nashega Topolovsheka zelo velik.
Akoprav je zhe bilo njegovo zhivljenje pred vojno vsled dejstva, da se ni mogel za nichesar odlochiti, torej vsled lastne krivde, polno pomanjkanja je postal njegov polozhaj po konchani svetovni vojni naravnost nevzdrzhljiv. Trpel je vsled vedno bolj narashchajoche draginje pomanjkanje, kajti od svoje plache se ni vech mogel prezhivljati, a svojih prihrankov, ki jih je dolochil za stara leta, se pa ni hotel dotakniti, in tako je stradal v pravem pomenu besede kot zapushchen od celega sveta. Naj tukaj navedem besedilo pisma, dvornega svetnika dr. Susan-a z dne 16. aprila leta 1921: Ker Ivan Topolovshek meseca junija 1918 zhe nekaj dni ni prishel v urad in nisem vedel, kaj je z njim, sem se odpeljal v Maria Enzersdorf, kjer je zhe od leta 1897 naprej stanoval v hishi starega prijatelja rajnega, leta 1913 umrlega Jakoba Pukl. Tam je imel majhno sobico. Trenutka, ko sem stopil v njegovo sobico, ne bom pozabil, dokler bom zhivel. Topolovshekovo stanje je bilo zelo zhalostno, popolnoma je bil obnemogel in je lezhal v postelji brez mochi. Shel sem po zdravnika, ki je dognal nevarnost otrpnelosti srca. S pomochjo ministrstva se mi je posrechilo, da smo ga spravili v bolnico, kjer je imel boljsho hrano in dobro oskrbo. V bolnici je kmalu okreval toliko, daje bil sposoben za odpotovanje. Dne 15. decembra leta 1918 je Topolovshek odpotoval, ker na Dunaju ni mogel ostati, kajti vsled preobrata bi bil itak izgubil svojo sluzhbo, k svojemu bratu Jozhefu v Trebnje na Dolenjsko, ki je tamkaj zhivel kot vpokojeni sholski vodja in posestnik. Tamkaj je ostal do 3. novembra 1920. Za njega je res prav po bratovsko skrbel brat Jozhef, manjkalo mu ni prav nichesar, toda za nashega Topolovsheka ni bilo vech reshitve, kajti vsled dolgoletnega pomanjkanja in stradanja je bil tako oslabljen, da so mu noge otrpnele in so ga morali spraviti v ljubljansko bolnico. Iz bolnice je bil kmalu na to izrochen umobolnici, kajti od chasa do chasa se mu je zmrachil um. Tam je pa umrl zhe 6. januarja leta 1921 na pljuchnici in je bil dne 8. januarja pokopan na tamkajshnjem pokopalishchu. Njegovega pogreba se ni udelezhilo ne vseuchilishche v Ljubljani in tudi ga ni omenilo drushtvo slovenskih pisateljev. Krsti so sledile 4 osebe, dva brata, en nechak in neka druga zhenska, ki ga je zhe od poprej poznala. Tako je prikopal nash narod tega uchenjaka. Ivan Topolovshek je bil srednje postave in precej krepkega telesa. O lastnostih njegovega znachaja nam podaja verno sliko dr. Susan, ki je bil s Topolovshekom skozi 21 let v enem in istem uradu, mu bil naklonjen, ga sposhtoval ter ga podpiral v njegovem znanstvenem stremljenju ter bil njegov dobrohoten predstojnik.
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In 1910 he was also called to the University of the town of Löwen in Belgium to work as university professor in Sanskrit, Celtic language and Slavic studies as well as native American languages, as Topolovshek's letter replying to the rectorate of the afore named university attests. No clue was uncovered as to the reason behind the decision to decline the professorship, but surely it was that he was not prepared to interrupt his scientific studies.
The World War, which fundamentally altered all circumstances, also had a great deal of influence on our Topolovshek.
While his life before the war was marked by poverty because he could never decide to undertake anything, therefore due to his own fault, his position after the World War became simply unbearable. Due to increasing prices he suffered shortages, for his pay no longer sufficed to support him and he would not touch the savings he had set aside for his old age, and so he starved in the literal sense of the word, abandoned by the world. Allow me to give an excerpt from a letter written by court councillor Dr Susan on 16 April 1921: »Since Ivan Topolovshek in June of 1918 failed to come to the office for a few days and I knew not what befell him, I drove to Marua Enzersdorf, where he had been living since 1897, in his old friend Jakob Pukl's house, who had passed away in 1913. He had a small room there. I will not forget the moment I entered his room for as long as I shall live. Topolovshek's was in extremely poor state, he was utterly feeble and lay powerless in his bed. I fetched the doctor who ascertained the danger of heart failure. With the aid of the ministry I was able to get him to a hospital, where he received better food and good care. At the hospital, he soon recovered enough to be able to depart. On 15 December of 1918, Topolovshek departed for his brother Jozhefs in Trebnje in the Slovenian Dolenjska region. At any rate, he would have been unable to stay in Vienna, since the political change rendered it impossible for him to keep his employment. He stayed with his brother, a retired schoolmaster and proprietor, until 3 November 1920. He received proper brotherly care, wanting for nothing, but there was no saving our Topolovshek. Years of starvation and shortage had rendered him so weakened that his legs had gone numb and needed to be relegated to the hospital in Ljubljana. Soon after, he was transferred to a mental hospital, because every now and then his mind would go. He died there on 6 January 1921 due to pneumonia and was buried on 8 January at the local cemetery. His funeral was neither attended by the University of Ljubljana, nor mentioned by the Slovenian Writer's Society. Four persons followed his coffin; two brothers, one nephew, and some other woman who knew him previously. Thus our nation buried this scholar.
Ivan Topolovshek was of medium build and rather strong stature. His personal traits were fairly recounted for us by Dr Susan, who had shared an office with Topolovshek for 21 years, liked him, respected him, and supported him in his scientific aspirations and was his benevolent supervisor.
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V imenovanem pismu pravi: »Topolovshek je bil mozh, ki je zhivel sam zase, v ospredje se ni nikdar rival in cheprav sva bila skupaj toliko let ter v najboljshih medsebojnih odnashajih, zlasti, ker sva v Maria EnzersdorfU skupaj stanovala, vendar nisem mogel nikdar dobiti globokejshega vpogleda v njegovo notranjost. Bil je pach chudak ter je kot tak hranjeval kot skrivnost svoje zhivljenje na znotraj in zunaj. Svoje bogoslovne shtudije je baje opustil iz globoke ljubezni do neke deklice, ki je pa zarana umrla. Ako je ta episoda napravila globok vtis na Topolovsheka, je iz tega razlagati, da je bil v poznejshih letih samotar ter zhivel locheno od sveta. Prvikrat sem ga videl, ko sem she bil slushatelj dunajskega vseuchilishcha. V vseuchilishchni knjizhnici mi je vselej padal v ochi nek starejshi mozh, ki je izgledal, kot kak duhovnik in ki je imel pred seboj cele kupe knjig. Mi mlajshi dijaki smo vselej zrli nanj zelo radovedno in zhe takrat je bil na glasu kot jezikoslovec. Bil je to Topolovshek, ki je prezhivel velik del dneva v knjizhnici pred kupom knjig. Z njim se takrat nisem seznanil.«
Dr. Susan pishe nadalje: »Topolovshek se je vedno in povsod, kjer je sedel, stal ali hodil, bavil z jezikoslovjem. To zhivljenje kakega uchenjaka je bilo polno pomanjkanja in brez vsakega pospeshevalnega priznanja, odklanjajoch vse, kar bi utegnilo napraviti chloveshko zhivljenje na kakorshni koli nachin prijetno. Iz tega vzroka sem ga zachel zelo globoko sposhtovati. Topolovshek je bil mozh znachaja, dobrega srca, kljub temu, cheprav sam ubozhen, je bil dobrosrchen napram drugim. Bil je plemenita dusha v sredi materijalistichnega sveta. Slovan je bil skoz in skoz, ostal je svojemu narodu zvest, cheprav je vsakogar ljubil, niti ni nikogar sovrazhil.
(3)
Mogoche vam je moja sodba o Topolovsheku tem dragocenejsha, ako vam povem, da sem Nemec, da torej ni narodna bratska ljubezen, ki mi dela spomin na Topolovsheka kot zelo dragocen.« —
Temu nimam skoro nich dodati, razven, da se je imel Topolovshek zahvaliti dobremu nakluchju, ker je imel vselej razumne in sochutne predpostavljene v svojem poklicu, kar mu je nekoliko olajshalo pezo zhivljenja, katero so mu njegovi nasprotniki na polju znanstva ogrenili.
II. Topolovshekovo znanstveno delovanje
Topolovshek je zhe v svoji mladosti iz lastnih logichnih zakljuchkov in vsled intenzivnih shtudij na polju primerjajochega jezikoslovstva spoznal, da so evropski Slovani pranarod ter da je slovenski jezik zhe v pradobi igral vazhno, cheprav she za enkrat nepojasnjeno vlogo. Kot sad njegovih mnogoletnih shtudij na polju sploshnega primerjajochega jezikoslovnega raziskovanja je izshel leta 1894 prvi del njegove knjige: »Die basko-slavische Spracheincheit« (Wien, Gerold.), v kateri razpravlja o primerjajochem glasoslovju basko-slovanskih jezikov.
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In the aforementioned letter he writes: »Topolovshek was a man who kept to himself, never pushing to the forefront and though we were together for so many years and in the best personal relationships, having even shared a flat in Maria Enzersdorf, I was yet never able to catch a glimpse of his inner thoughts. He was peculiar and as such kept his inner and outer life secret. He is believed to have abandoned the study of theology for the sake of a profound love for a girl, who died early. If this occurrence had a profound impact on Topolovshek, it would explain why he became a recluse in his later years opting to distance himself from the rest of the world. The first time I saw him, he was still auditing lectures at the University of Vienna. I would always notice this older man at the university library with heaps of books before him, who seemed like some priest. We younger students always stared at him with great curiosity, and even then he was already known as a linguist. This was Topolovshek, who spent a large part of the day at the library in front of a heap of books. We didn't get acquainted at the time.« Dr Susan continues: »Whenever and wherever Topolovshek sat, stood, or walked, his mind was always set on linguistics. This scholar's life was governed by scarcity and lack of any accelerating recognition, repelling everything, which could potentially make human life pleasant in any way. For this reason I developed a profound respect for him. Topolovshek was a man of character, with a good heart, and in spite of being poor himself he was generous towards others. He was a noble soul in the midst of a materialistic world. He was Slavic through and through, ever loyal to his nation yet he loved all and hated none.
(3)
Perhaps you will value my opinion of Topolovshek more if I add that I'm German and that it is therefore not some conventional brotherly love that makes my memories of Topolovshek so very precious.« —
I have almost nothing further to add, except that by lucky chance Topolvshek had always had reasonable and compassionate superiors in his profession, which somewhat lightened the burden of his life, which was cast upon his shoulders by his adversaries in the field of science.
II. Topolovshek's Scientific Activity
Already in his youth, his logical deduction and intensive study in the field of comparative linguistics led Topolovshek to conclude that European Slavs were a primordial nation and that already in prehistory Slovenian language played an important, though thus far unexplained role. The fruit born of his several years of study in the field of general comparative linguistics was the publication of the first part of his book »Die basko-slavische Spracheincheit« (Wien, Gerold.) in 1894, wherein he discusses comparative phonetics of the Basque-Slavic languages.
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Knjiga je poklonjena grofu Ivanu Harrach, ki je bil navdushen Slovan ter navdushen prijatelj Slovencev in le ta je prevzel vse stroshke za izdajo te knjige. Ker je pa prishla ta knjiga takratnemu znanstvenemu svetu zelo neprichakovano in neprijetno, je kritika vsebino te knjige, kakor tudi njene sklepchne posledice tako rezko odklonila, da do izdaje drugega dela knjige, v kateri bi se naj razpravljalo o zgodovini Baskov in Iberov, o sintaksi, in o zgodovini baskishkih jezikovnih spomenikov, ni vech prishlo.
Pri tem se je zlasti slavist Jagich eksponiral na nachin, ki je prekorachil vse meje dovoljenja o nasprotujochih si znanstvenih naziranjih, kajti svojo sodbo je opirl na neko predkritiko baskologa Hugona Schuhardt, ki se je izjavil, »da Topolovshek vse ignorira, kar mi vsi drugi smatramo kot zanesljiv (!) izid raziskovanj«. Kot nekako kurijoziteto navaja, da smatra Topolovshek na primer »espiritu santub-a -gau« (dushevno svet) kot »spiritu, santu bagau« ter vidi v zadnji besedi slovensko oznachbo »bog«. O vrednosti takih del ni treba pouchiti nobenega mozha znanosti!« — Da je pa tukaj Schuhardt popolnoma na krivi poti, uvidi celo najnaivnejshi laik, ker mora uvideti, da je zapeljava v zmoto zhe povzrochena vsled rafinirane pisave »b-a-gau.«
O obsodbi, katero je izrekel dr. Jagich nad Topolovshekom v svoji knjigi »Archiv für slav. Philologie« (1894, S. 528 f) bodo tukaj navedene le sledeche besede, ki kazhejo dovolj, kako brezvesten je bil Jagich kot kritik.
On pishe: Morda ne utegne biti odvech, ako she dodam, da sem imel le sluchajno priliko, ko je she spis bil v rokopisu, ne da bi ga bil videl (!) svariti pred izdajo te knjige ter da se predlaga strokovno oceno tega rokopisa, ki bi se bila seveda izrekla (!) da se ne izrochi v tisk.« To zelo neprevdarjeno priznanje Jagichevo oznachuje njegovo vest in njegov znachaj, kajti ravno tako, kakor je Jagich svojchas na ljubo Kallay-u izumil poseben »bosanski jezik«, je v sluchaju Topolovshekovem zabranil, da se knjiga ni izdala, koje vsebina mu je bila neznana. Jagich sfamo sluti, da Topolovshek nasprotuje njegovim hipotezam in skusha to na sledechi nachin utemeljiti: »Moj predlog ni bil sprejet. Stavil ga nisem morda iz obzirnosti do pisatelja, kajti ta v resnici ne zasluzhi nobene obzirnosti (!) — marvech iz razloga, da prihranim slovenski filologiji nov ochitek etimoloshke zablode. Bil sem namrech mnenja, da smo doprinesli mi Slovani zhe dovolj zhrtev v teku 19. stoletja zapeljivi sireni, ki se imenuje etimologija in ker zhe imamo dvomljivo srecho, da smo zhe itak imeli etimologichne zablode kakega Dankowszky-a, Jana Kollar, Shembera in Trstenjaka, je bilo torej res odvech, che bi se bila tem zablodam pridruzhila she Topolovshekova. Ako bi se she vsaj nekoliko dale opravichiti etimoloshke zablode imenovanih, kajti njihove shtudije segajo nazaj v prva desetletja minulega stoletja, — ni pa nobene opravichbe za brezmejno zaslepljenost, ki je razvidna v tej, koncem 19. stoletja izishli Topolovshekovi knjigi itd.«
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The book is dedicated to Count Ivan Harrach. He, a passionate Slav and a friend to Slovenians, covered the expenses of its publication. But the book hit the scientific community by surprise and unpleasantly, and so its content and resulting conclusive consequences were critically renounced with such ardour that the second part of the book, which was to discuss the history of the Basques and Iberians, syntax, and the history of Basque linguistic monuments, never came about.
Slavic linguist Jagich exposed himself in a way, which surpassed all the boundaries of what is allowed in cases of opposing scientific positions; he based his judgement on a prior criticism of Basque language expert Hugon Schuhardt, who stated that Topolovshek is ignoring everything, which the rest of us view as a dependable (!) result of previous research«. He adds, as though it were some oddity, that Topolovshek interprets for example »espiritu santub-a -- gau« (spiritually holy) as »spiritu santu, bagau« and can therefore detect 'Bog', the Slovenian designation for God, in the last word. »No man of science needs to be told what value such works hold!« — Even the most naive layperson must realize that Shuhardt is on the entirely wrong track here, since the blunder was caused by the refined spelling »b-a-gau.«
Only the ensuing words of the condemnation of Topolovshek, which Dr Jagich pronounced in his book »Archiv für slav. Philologie« (1894m S. 528 f) will be cited here, sufficiently defining, how little conscience Jagich exercised as a critic. He writes: Perhaps it might not be too much to add that chance lent me the opportunity to warn against the publication of this book without seeing it (!) when the text was still in manuscript form, and that an to recommend an expert evaluation of this book, which would of course come out against allowing it to be printed.« This poorly considered admission on Jagich's part demonstrates the lacking depth of his conscience and his character. Just as Jagich had previously invented a special Bosnian language for Kallay, he in Topolovshek's case obstructed the publication of a book, whose contents were unknown to him. Jagich merely intuits that Topolovshek disagrees with his hypotheses and attempts to assert his position in the following way: »My suggestion was rejected. I proposed it, not out of consideration for the author, for he deserves no consideration (!) — but rather in order to spare Slovenian philology further accusations of yet another etymological fallacy. I was of the opinion that we Slavs have sacrificed enough offerings to the alluring siren called etymology and since we already had the poor luck to have incurred the etymological blunders of the likes of Dankowszky, Jan Kollar, Shember, and Trstenjak, it would be truly superfluous to have these errors joined by Topolovshek's as well. Whereas the etymological blunders above could be forgiven to some degree because they date to the beginning decades of the previous century, there is no excuse for the extreme delusion manifest in this late 19th century Topolovshek's book etc.«
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(4)
Toda stvar se je zasukala drugache. Zhe davno so prishli do spoznanja, da Jagich nikakor nima univerzalnega patenta za edino pravilno etimologijo, da, nasprotno, pridemo vsak dan do tem jasnejshega spoznanja, da so imeli prav tisti mozhje, katere je Jagich oznachil s pechatom nevednosti, ter da je ravno Jagich se klanjal znanstveni oportuniteti, ki je spravila njegov znachaj v zelo slabo luch, ker se je vsakega drugega mnenja bal zhe nacheloma. Vesten, temeljito dushevno ter etichno naobrazhen mozh si ne bo nikdar domishljeval, chesh, da samo on vse ve, in vsi drugi, ki so nasprotnega naziranja so le nevednezhi. Brezmerna kritika vselej znachi, da je tak chlovek tiran in avtokrat, ter da mora braniti neko gnilo stvar, katero se more ubiti le s kolom, nikdar pa z razlogi pameti. Sicer se je pa vsa ta stvar odigrala v tisti dobi, ko so v Avstriji neradi slishali o povdarku visoke starosti in kulturne vazhnosti Slovanov, ko so hoteli starocheshke rokopise proglasiti kot potvorbe in ko so oznachili vsakega Slovana kot »panslavista«, ki je ochito nastopil proti zavijanju te resnice. Skoro vsi slavisti iste dobe, — chastno izjemo je tvoril samo v Gradcu kot slavist zhivechi Slovenec dr. Gregor Krek — so nastopili pot oportunizma, ker so vedeli, da taka aktuelna opreznost tudi ne bo ostala brez plachila. Imenovana knjiga pa tudi razven tega zanika hipotezo preseljevanja narodov in ker je glavno delovanje slavistov stremilo za tem, da ohrani to hipotezo v permanenci, ker so na njej sloneli vsi njihovi nauki, so pach morali Topolovshekovo knjigo osmeshiti kot plod domishljije.
OPOMBA K ZHUNKOVICHU IN TOPOLOVSHKU
Topolovshek je vse svoje zhivljenje posvetil svojemu pionirskemu in genialnemu jezikoslovnemu raziskovanju, zhal pa je obenem tudi dozhivel arhetipsko usodo prezrtega genija, prezgodnjega petelina, ki je med tem svojim odkrivanjem dolga leta dobesedno trpel lakoto, osamljen in zapostavljen, naposled pa je preminul v ljubljanski umobolnici na Studencu. Noben chasopis ni tedaj objavil njegovega nekrologa, nihche ni pochastil spomina na preminulega genija, ki je v chasu, ko so vsi drugi jezikoslovci iskali le razlike med jeziki, prav nasprotno iskal podobnosti in sorodnosti med njimi, katere je tudi potem odkrival, in to med jeziki, med katerih nosilci ni sicer prav nobene znane zgodovinske ali zemljepisne povezave. Odkrival je na primer sorodnosti med slovenshchino oziroma drugimi slovanskimi jeziki z baskovshchino in celo z nam povsem tujo indijansko kechuanshchino, in odkrite sorodnosti prav tako povsem ustrezno pripisal njihovemu jezikovnemu prasorodstvu, saj prav vsi jeziki izvirajo iz skupnega prajezika, za katerega pa Topolovshek she ni vedel, da mu je od vseh jezikov she najblizhja ostala prav nasha slovenshchina.
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(4)
But things turned out differently. It has long since been recognized that Jagich by no means owns the universal patent of the one true etymology; on the contrary, it is growing clearer daily that the ones whom he branded ignorant were in fact right; that Jagich was the one who bowed to scientific opportunism, which cast his character in very unflattering light, because he feared any dissenting opinion already as a point of course. A conscientious, fundamentally spiritually and ethically accomplished man would never imagine himself to know everything there is while simply pronouncing everyone who disagreed ignorant. Unbridled criticism always points to a tyrant and autocrat defending some rotten thing, which can only be killed with a cane, never with reason of intellect. This whole matter unfolded at a time when talk of the venerable age and cultural significance of Slavs was not a welcome topic in Austria; this was when they wanted to declare the old Czech manuscripts forgeries, and when any Slav who would speak against such bending of the truth was proclaimed a »Panslavist«. Nearly all the slavists of that same time — with the honourable exception of the Graz local Slovenian slavist Dr Gregor Krek — submitted to opportunism, knowing that such caution would not be left unrewarded. In addition, the afore mentioned book also rejects the hypothesis about the migration of nations and because the majority of slavists wanted to preserve said hypothesis in permanence because all their teachings were based on it, simply had to ridicule Topolovshek's book as a figment of imagination.
NOTE TO ZHUNKOVICH AND TOPOLOVSHEK
Topolovshek dedicated his entire life to pioneering and brilliant linguistic research, alas he simultaneously suffered the archetypical fate of the overlooked genius, a rooster crowing too early, who spent years of his time of discovery in starvation, lonely, and abandoned until he finally passed away at the Ljubljana Mental Hospital at Studenec. No paper published his necrology, no one honoured the memory of the deceased genius who sought similarities and kinship between languages, at a time when everyone else was looking only for differences between them, and who found them even between languages whose speakers have no known historic or geographic connections. For example, he uncovered similarities between Slovenian or Slavic and Basque and even the completely foreign native American Quechua languages. He ascribed the similarities he'd uncovered to their linguistic primordial kinship due to the fact that all languages stem from a single primordial language, to which, unbeknownst even to Topolovshek himself, our Slovenian remains the most similar.
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Od nekdaj ga je zanimalo jezikoslovje in ga je zato shtudiral pri Mikloshichu na Dunaju. Ko pa se je ta upokojil in svojo stolico nespametno prepustil svojemu hrvashkemu asistentu Vatroslavu Jagichu, ki je bil eden prvih hrvashkih nacionalistov, pa mu Jagich ni pustil diplomirati. Zato se je dolga leta prezhivljal kot nizhji uradnik, pri tem pa je ves svoj chas in sile posvetil preiskovanju in raziskovanju besed razlichnih jezikov, ko pa je o tem zachel objavljati knjige, je kmalu izgubil sluzhbo, podobno kot so njegovega sobojevnika Zhunkovicha prisilno invalidno upokojili potem, ko so njegove knjige na zachetku minulega stoletja postale prave uspeshnice. Tudi Zhunkovich je umrl v popolni anonimnosti in pozabi, knjige obeh avtorjev pa so po prvi svetovni vojni oblasti prepovedale in tako je ostalo tudi v novi Jugoslaviji. Slovenski venetologi so pred koncem minulega stoletja prvi obudili spomin nanju in na njuna dela ter odkritja, zdaj pa imate na voljo tudi prevoda njunih dveh najpomembnejshih del: Zhunkovicheve Kdaj so Slovani naselili Evropo in Topolovshkovo Jezikovno prasorodstvo, ki lepo dopolnjujeta napore venetologov, da bi razkrili zgodovinsko resnico o nashi preteklosti, saj vsaka zase in skupaj razkrivata neshteta nesporna dejstva, ki dokazujejo, da je uradna zgodovina chista lazh in izmishljija. Pri tem se zelo redko kdaj v chem tudi zmotita, velika vechina njunih odkritij in razlag pa so zelo pomembni novi prispevki k slovenskemu jezikoslovju in slovenski zgodovini oziroma prazgodovini in zgodovini chloveshtva nasploh, in si zato oba zasluzhita zelo pozorno branje.
(Peter Amalietti — spremna beseda v knjigi: Ivan Topolovshek, Jezikovno prasorodstvo Indoevropejcev, Semitov in Indijancev.; prevedel Andrej Godesha; Ljubljana, 2018)
Zhunkovichev opis zhivljenja in dela Ivana Topolovshka je v nadaljevanjih objavljala Stra%ha, neodvisen politichen list za slovensko ljudstvo, Maribor, letnik XlV., 1922. V dodatku k prevodu Topolovshkove knjige sta objavljena le prva dva dela. V gornji objavi so vsi shtirje deli oznacheni s shtevilkami v oklepajih. Na koncu zadnjega dela je v Strazhi napoved (Dalje prihodnjich), ki ni uresnichena. Oznake po datumih: (1) 10. maja 1922, shtev. 54; (2) 15. maja 1922, shtev. 56; (3) 17. maja 1922, shtev. 57; (4) 19. maja 1922, shtev. 70. - Zhunkovichev jezik je ohranjen v izvirni podobi, tukaj so popravljeni le nekateri ochitni pisni lapsusi. Dr. Kamilo Susan, Topolovshkov dunajski znanec: izvirno ime Camillo Valerian Susan (1861, Wells pri Linzu — 1959, Dunaj), avstrijsko-nemshki uradnik, pesnik, esejist, kritik. Grof Ivan Harrach, izvirno: Graf Johann Nepomuk von Harrach (1828, Dunaj — 1909, ib.), avstrijski industrialec, politik, posestnik ter skrbnik umetnosti in znanosti na Cheshkem; cheshkega porekla, naklonjen Slovanom. Plemishka rodbina Revertera, izvirno: Revertera-Salandra iz Katalonije, leta 1771 se je iz Juzhne Italije (Salandra) preselila v Avstrijo, grof Nikolaus Revertera-Salandra (1866, S. Petersburg — 1951, Pisa), avstro-ogrski diplomat. Jakob Pukl (1849, Zheche pri Sl. Konjicah — 1913, Maria Enzersdof pri Dunaju), iz premozhne kmechke druzhine, shtudiral pravo na Dunaju, rezervni chastnik, porochen z bogato vdovo iz M. E.; rodoljubni aktivist, publicist, podpornik slovenskih shtudentov na Dunaju (tudi Ivana Cankarja). Dr. Gregor Krek (1840, Chetena Ravan pri Shkofji Loki — 1905, Gradec, pok. v Lj.), jezikoslovec in pesnik; klasichni filolog in slavist, prvi profesor slavistike na univ. v Gradcu. Vatroslav Jagich (1838, Varazhdin — 1923, Dunaj, pok. v Var.), hrvashki jezikoslovec-slavist. (Op. ur. I. A.)
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Always interested in linguistics he studied in Vienna with Mikloshich, who unwisely left his chair to Vatroslav Jagich, his Croatian assistant and one of the first Croatian nationalists; Jagich prevented Topolovshek from graduating. As a result, he had to make his living as a lower clerk for years, spending all of his extra time and energy examining and researching words in various languages; however, once he began publishing books, he quickly lost his job, like his brother in arms Zhunkovich, who was forced into disabled retirement after his books gained success at the start of the previous century. Zhunkovich also died in complete anonymity and oblivion. Both authors' books were banned by the authorities after World War I and remained so in new Yugoslavia. The first to rekindle the memory of their lives, work, and discoveries before the close of the previous century were Slovenian Venetologists and now you can access the translations of their two most important works: Zhunkovich's Kdaj so Slovani naselili Evropo [When did the Slavs Settle Europe] and Topolovshek's Je%ikomo prasorodstvo [Ancient Lingusitc Kinship], which nicely complement the efforts of Venetologists to disclose the historic truth of our past, as they reveal, both separately and together, countless irrefutable facts proving that official history is a lie and fabrication. They are also rarely wrong about anything, a vast majority of their discoveries and explanations are significant additions to Slovenian linguistics and Slovenian history, or pre-history and history of mankind in general, which is why both works deserve to be read attentively. (Peter Amalietti, foreword to Ivan Topolovshek, Je%ikovno prasorodstvo Indoevropejcev, Semitov in Indijancev [Primoridal Linguistic Kinship of Indo-Europeans, Semites, and American Indians]; transl. Andrej Godesha; Ljubljana, 2018)
Zhunkovich's report of Topolovshek's life and work ran in instalments in Stra%ha, neodvisen politichen list %a slovensko ljudstvo, Maribor, XlV., 1922. The supplement to the translation of Topolovshek's book only includes its first two parts. Our publication includes all four parts marked with numbers in brackets. At the close of the final part, the Stra%ha edition included an unfulfilled promise (more next time). Designations date: (1) 10 May 1922, 54; (2) 15 May 1922, 56; (3) 17 May 1922, 57; (4) 19 May 1922, 70. - Zhunkovich's language is preserved in its original form, with only a few obvious grammatical mistakes corrected.
Dr Kamilo Susan, Topolovshek's Vienna acquaintance: original name Camillo Valerian Susan (1861, Wells by Linz - 1959 Vienna) Austro-German clerk, poet, essayist, critic. Count Ivan Harrach, original: Graf Johann Nepomuk von Harrach (1828, Vienna — 1909, ibid.), Austrian industrialist, politician, proprietor, and patron of arts and sciences in Czech; of Czech descent, favourable to Slavs. Revertera noble family, originally: Revertera-Salandra from Catalonia, in 1771 moved to Austria from S. Italy (Salandra), Count Nikolaus Revertera-Salandra (1866, S. Petersburg — 1952, Pisa), Austro-Hungarian diplomat. Jakob Pukl (1849, Zheche by Sl. Konjice — 1913, Maria Enzersdof by Vienna), from a wealthy farmer family, studied law in Vienna, reserve officer, married to a rich widow from M. E.; patriotic activist, publicist, supporter of Slovenian students in Vienna (incl. I. Cankar). Dr Grega Krek (1840, Chetena Ravan by Sh. Loka — 1905, Gradec, bur. in Lj.), linguist and poet; classical philologist and slavist, first prof. of slavistics at the University of Graz. Vatroslav Jagich (1838, Varazhdin — 1923, Viena, buried in Var.), Croatian linguist-slavist. (Ed. I. A.'s note)
Translated from Slovenian by Jaka Jarc
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Engelbert Rakovec
SESTAVA CHLOVESHKEGA JEZIKA ALI SPLOSHNA
ETIMOLOGIJA
Nekaj za uvod
Chloveshki jezik! Kako si chudovit, kako si skrivnosten, kako si lep! Vsa vzvishenost chloveshkega uma, vsa globokost razuma, vsa bistrost pameti govori iz tebe! Odkar sem se posvetil preuchevanju tvojih skrivnosti, me nich drugega vech ne zanima. Ti mi tolmachish pravo filozofijo, ti mi razodevash vse tajne narave, kakor jih chloveshki duh pojmuje in izrazha v besedah. Iz tebe odseva vse stvarstvo, ti mi tolmachish vso naravo, kolikor dajesh tajinstvena imena vsem stvarem, zhivalim, rastlinam, rudam; ti mi imenujesh z lastnimi imeni gore, reke, morja, vode, dezhele, ljudi in narode, in jaz jih preiskujem in vidim, kaj izrazhash z takimi imeni. Ti vezhesh glasove v chudovito spojene besede in tvorish sredstvo, da si ljudje med seboj izmenjujejo svoje ideje. Ti spremenish v besedi en sam glas, in zhe dash besedi drug pomen, izrazhash drug padezh ali drugo osebo. Kakih 20 do 30 glasov imash na razpolago in z njimi tvorish na stotisoche raznih besed v raznih jezikih sveta. Kaka chudovita umetnina si ti!
In zdaj, ko stopamo v tvoje svetishche, se vprashamo, odkod vendar to, da s par chrkami, glasovi, ki jih spojish, izrazhash ravno to stvar, z drugimi glasovi drugo. Kako si sezidan? Kakshna je zveza med glasovi in stvarmi? Kaj hochesh povedati, ko imenujesh eno stvar tako, drugo pa drugache? Kaj pomenijo vsa neshteta imena, lastna imena, imena zhivali, rastlin, mineralov? Odkod izvirajo konchnice v sklanjatvi in spregatvi? Odkod shtevilni predlogi in prislovi? Odkod to, da imamo za en pojem razlichne izraze: techi, hiteti, nagel, brz, kasati, urno? Odkod imajo glasovi, sestavljeni v »besede«, moch, da res nekaj umskega pomenijo? Odkod zopet to, da enake besede vechkrat razlichne predmete naznachijo: sedaj, saditi, sedeti, soditi, sod? Ali latinski: liber, liberi, libra, kosa, kos (tich), kos (zmozhen), kos (del), kosilo, kosa (lasje)? Chudno pri vsem tem je to, da, dasiravno ljubi chloveshki um v svojem mishljenju jasnost in razlochnost, je vendar ta njegov najplemenitejshi produkt, govorica, nekaj neizrecheno zapletenega in zamotanega, da si dozdaj nismo nikakor na jasnem, che hochemo odgovora na vsa zgornja vprashanja. Gosta tema pokriva kraljestvo jezika, in che vprashamo slovarje, kaj pomenijo ta in ona imena, lastna imena, imena ljudi itd., dobimo le malo in she to nezadostnih odgovorov. In che nam nekaj korenin povedo, npr. muchiti — pascho: qwntskho; ali elaphros (hiter): elngwhros, se zaman vprashamo, odkod te chudne monstrozne sestave glasov, in zakaj ravno to pomenijo?
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Engelbert Rakovec
THE STRUCTURE OF HUMAN LANGUAGE OR GENERAL ETYMOLOGY
Something in the way of introduction
Human language! How marvellous you are, how mysterious, how beautiful! You give voice to all the majesty of the human mind, all the depth of reason, and all the astuteness of intelligence! Ever since I committed myself to studying your secrets, I have lost interest in all else. You reveal true philosophy to me, expose all the secrets of nature as perceived by the human spirit and expressed by words. You reflect all creation, elucidate all nature as you incomprehensibly name all things, animals, plants, ores; you lend proper names to mountains, rivers, seas, bodies of water, lands, peoples, and nations; I research them and perceive what your names are expressing. You string sounds into marvelously compounded words forming the means for the exchange of people's ideas. You change a single sound in a word and instantly change its meaning, case, or person. With no more than 20 to 30 sounds at your disposal you form hundreds of thousands of words in various languages of the world. What a marvellous work of art you are! And now, as we enter your temple, we ask, how this can be, that you can compound a few letters, sounds and express a single exact thing, and compound others to express another? How are you constructed? What is the relation between sounds and things? What do you want to say, when you name one thing this and another that? What do all these countless names mean — proper, animal, mineral names? What is the source of the endings of cases and conjugations? Where do numerous prepositions and adverbs come from? How did it come about that we have different expressions for one concept: run, rush, quick, fast, pace, swiftly? Whence do sounds assembled in »words« derive the power to truly hold mental senses? And, on the other hand, how do the same words often get to denote different objects: pick, peek, peak, pique? Or Latin: liber, liberi, libra; or note (observe), note (written), note (musical)? With all this, it is peculiar that though the human mind loves clarity and transparency in thinking, its most noble product, speech, is something unspeakably complex and convoluted, so that we remain to date unsure, whether we want answers to all the above questions. Thick darkness envelops the kingdom of language. And when we consult dictionaries, about the meaning of this name or another, proper, personal name etc., we get but few answers and even those insufficient. And when we are given a few roots, such as muchiti — pascho: qwntskho; or elaphros (quick): elngwhros, we ineffectually wonder, what the source of these strange sounding monstrosities is, and why they mean what they do.
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Smo torej she vedno na zachetku celega problema. In vendar bi radi zapopadli ves ustroj jezika. Morebiti stoje vendar vse one besede, ki izrazhajo en pojem, npr. rezati, sekati, v neki notranji zvezi med seboj, morebiti se dajo vendar najti pravila o spreminjevanju debel.
Zakaj je nadalje toliko besed, ki so na videz klasichne, latinske ali grshke, izrazhajo pa nekaj povsem drugega, kakor bi po njih pravem pomenu domnevali, npr.: general, korporal, kirurg, estetika, ekonomija, kompot, konditor, kler, sarkofag, supinum, kanclija, panoga?
Nadalje ali ne obstoji neko notranje sorodstvo med vsemi jeziki chloveshtva? Saj se vendar najde med vsemi veliko besed, ki so enake zdaj temu, zdaj onemu tujemu jeziku. Vendar ne bomo govorili, da so si jeziki eden drugemu izposojevali, ko najdemo enake besede tudi med oddaljenimi narodi. Mora obstajati neko notranje sorodstvo med vsemi jeziki sveta. In ta sistem, ki vezhe vse jezike in tvori neko enotno zgradbo, hochemo preiskovati, dognati in najti; hochemo konstruirati most, ki bi vezal vse jezike sveta, kljub jezikovni zmedi, ki je tudi po geografskih razmerah razumljiva. Hochemo najti Ariadnino nit, ki bi nas skozi ta labirint sigurno vodila.
Odkod to, da ima npr. slovenski jezik sledeche besede popolnoma enake z angleshchino? Keha cage, klobec clew, dvor dwell, punca wench, breja breed, luchati launch, juha juice, sestra sister, bat beat, dno den in down, boh beacon, skobec hobby, drozhe dregs, dim steam. In vendar so Anglezhi tako dalech od nas. Tako lahko primerjamo dva poljubna jezika med seboj, in bomo vedno precej enakih besed nashli. Seveda s tem mislimo na popolnoma v glasovih enake besede. V sledechem bomo pa nashli, da se glasovi in koreni po gotovih pravilih menjajo, in na podlagi teh pravil bomo popolno sorodstvo vseh jezikov konstatirali. Drznemo se z nekim poskusom na dan, s katerim hochemo reshiti vsa zgornja vprashanja. To je sad dolgoletnih shtudij, v katerih smo vsaj 14 jezikov med seboj primerjali in njih zvezo iskali. V resnici se da zaslediti nek sistem, ki nam razlozhi sestavo, sorodstvo, zgradbo vseh jezikov in vsa zapletena pravila njihove medsebojne zveze in razvoja in vsako besedo v njenem pomenu in v vseh njenih glasovih noter do zadnjega vokala.
Naglashujemo pa takoj v zachetku, da ako hochemo priti do povoljnega zakljuchka, ne smemo uvazhevati to, kar lochi, kar je razlichno v jezikih in dialektih, ampak ono, kar druzhi, kar je sorodno, slichno, enotno. Ono, kar je razlichnega, kar lochi besede, oblike in jezike, je zhe itak vech kakor potrebno preiskano in poudarjeno. Potrebujemo sestava, ki naj narode jezikovno priblizha in kot enoto pokazhe. Le s tem, da preishchemo, kar je skupno, moremo upati, da bomo doumeli celo orjashko stavbo jezikov. Vsak jezik spreminja in modulira besedne korene popolnoma suvereno zase; iz tega sledi raznovrstnost narechij; toda on jih jemlje — to trdimo mi — iz skupnega zaklada in upodablja po sploshnih pravilih nashega sistema ali teorije. Ta sistem pa smo nashli ne iz shtudija samo evropskih, tudi ne iz shtudija samo semitskih jezikov, temvech obeh grup skupaj.
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We are therefore still at the onset of this issue. Yet we want to grasp the entire structure of language. Perhaps some internal association binds all those words expressing a single concept; perhaps it could yet be possible to find rules governing the changing of roots.
Furthermore, why do so many words, which appear classical, Latin, or Greek, express something entirely different from what their natural meaning would have us assume, i.e.: general, corporal (military), aesthetics, economy, clerical, sarcophagus, supine, chancellor?
Furthermore, is there not some inner family relationship between all of mankind's languages? Many words found among all of them are the same in one language or another. Yet we cannot claim languages borrowed from one another since the same words pop up with distant nations. There must exist some inner kinship of all the languages of the world. And we want to find, determine, and examine this system, which links all languages forming some internal structure; we want to build a bridge to link all the world's languages, in spite of the linguistic confusion, which is understandable also in view of geographic circumstances. We want to find Ariadna's thread to show us safe passage through this labyrinth. How did it occur that the following Slovenian and English words are the same? Keha cage, klobec clew, dvor dwell, punca wench, breja breed, luchati launch, juha juice, sestra sister, bat beat, dno den and down, boh beacon, skobec hobby, drozhe dregs, dim steam. And yet the English are so far from us. We can compare any two languages in this way and find several words the same. Of course, they do not sound exactly the same. But, we will show that sounds and roots change according to strict rules and identify the kinship of all languages based on these. We dare put forth an experiment, which will answer all questions above. It is a fruit of several years of study comparing over 14 languages seeking connections between them. It is truly possible to trace a system, which explains the composition, kinship, structure of all languages and all the complex rules governing their relations and development as well as every word according to its meaning and all its sounds to the last vowel.
We emphasise at the very start that, if we wish to arrive at the desired result, we must not ascribe significance to that which differs across languages and dialects, but to that which connects, which is related, akin, uniform. The differences distinguishing words, forms, and languages, have already been explored and emphasised beyond necessity. We need a composition, which will bring nations closer and show them as a unit. Only by examining commonalities can we hope to grasp the entire vast structure of languages. Each individual language transforms and modulates roots of words entirely independently; this is the source of the variety of dialects; but it draws them — we maintain — from a common treasury and uses them in keeping with the general rules of our system or theory. We identified this system not by studying either European or Semitic languages, but both of these groups together.
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Posebno poudarjamo semitske jezike: hebrejshchino in arabshchino, ker se iz shtudija teh spozna, da nudijo najglobokejshe korenine nashim besedam, in da nam jasno kazhejo pravila spreminjevanja glasov. Prepad, ki ga je napravila veda med indoevropskimi in semitskimi jeziki, se mora premostiti. Mi kratkomalo semitskih jezikov v filologiji ne moremo pogreshati.
To tvori lep dokaz, da je ravno prednja Azija od Nila do Tigrisa pradomovina vseh narodov. Zato se bomo v prihodnje vedno ozirali na hebrejshchino in arabshchino in povsod pri zgledih dodajali dotichne semitske besede, ki jih hochemo, da se kot take takoj spoznajo, pisati z velikimi pismenkami.
Samo kot majhen dokaz, kako obvladujejo semitski jeziki nashe jezike, podajamo nekaj besed, ki jih ima slovenshchina skupno z njimi.
Bajta BAJT, ugonobiti GANAB, trkati TARAGA, kositi (jesti) GHADZA, vesel BASHARA (ar), dobrava DABAR, lice LECHI, javen JAFAH, krak KERAH, sila SUR, nebo NABAH, dojiti dadilja DAD, zhelja SHAAL, goreti CHARAH, rosa RASAS, zarja SHAHAR, noter NAQAR, opasilo BASAR, noch NUCH, shoba SAFAH, nevihta NEFESH, shiba SHEBET, zherjavica SARAB, palica PELEK, punca BINAT; mazati MASHAH, smeh SAMECH, nakovanj NAHAF (tolchi), pihati PUCH, ubogati ABAH, rog ROSH, dober TOB, glas HALAZ, tri TELATA (aramejsko), jak JAKAL, revezh RUSH, nadarbina NADAR in NADAB, nozh NAKAH, koza HEZ, koprena KAFAR, lev LABI, pokonci KUN (stati), shleva SHALEV, pa (veznik) FA (ar), VE (h), kos GASAS (rezati), ded GJAD (ar). Na isti nachin bi lahko izvajali cele vrste enakih besed med drugimi jeziki in hebrejshchino. To so zopet samo neke besede, ki so si po svojih specifichnih glasovih enake. Drugih, ki slone na spremembi glasov, je pa neshteto, kakor za vse jezike sploh. To bo razprava pokazala.
Che se bo chitatelju pri naslednjem kak dvom pojavil, naj ga le zabelezhi, vendar dokler ni celega sestava nashe teorije preshtudiral, naj le chaka s svojo sodbo, in potem naj se shele oglasi s svojimi dvomi. Mi priznamo vse eksaktne rezultate dosedanje filologije. Toda pravimo, da nam ne zadostujejo, ker nam na tisoch vprashanj ne dajo odgovora.
Z mirnim srcem stopamo v chudapolno velikansko kraljestvo jezikov; videli bomo, kako so neznansko zapleteni med seboj, da ne pridemo tako lahko na kraj, ampak se nam vedno nove zveze odpirajo. Videli bomo, koliko pomenov tichi v posameznih besedah in kako ena v drugo segajo.
En sam jezik skoraj ne more samega sebe razlagati, nujno potrebujemo drugih jezikov, ki nam podajajo vechkrat korenine zanj in zopet narobe. En jezik izpopolnjuje in razlaga drugega. Vsi skupaj tvorijo shele celo enotno stavbo. Zato moramo kolikor mogoche mnogo jezikov uposhtevati: chim vech, tem bolje. Seveda chloveshka moch stavi tu svoje meje. Jeziki, ki jih mi rabimo, so sledechi, kratice, ki jih zraven dodamo, veljajo za celo knjigo: hebrejski (h), arabski (ar), latinski (l), grshki (g), slovanski sploshni (s), cheshki (ch), polski (p), slovenski (sl), hrvashki (hrv), nemshki (n), francoski (f), angleshki (e) ker englisch in engleski, italjjanski (it), turshki (t), madzharski (m).
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We placed special emphasis on Semitic languages, Hebrew and Arabic, as their study reveals they lend our words their deepest roots and clearly demonstrate rules of sound changes. The chasm linguistics put between Indo-European and Semitic languages must be bridged. Philology simply cannot do without Semitic languages. This proves nicely that Front Asia, from the Nile to the Tigris, is the birthplace of all nations. Going forth we will therefore always compare to Hebrew and Arabic adding relevant Semitic words to all examples in capitals to facilitate identification. We list a few words Slovenian has in common with Semitic languages as slight proof of how they relate to our languages.
Bajta BAJT [cottage], ugonobiti GANAB [eradicate], trkati TARAGA [knock], kositi (lunching) GHADZA, vesel BASHARA (ar) [glad], dobrava DABAR [grove], lice LECHI [cheek], javen JAFAH [public], krak KERAH [limb], sila SUR [force], nebo NABAH [sky], dojiti dadilja DAD [nurse], zhelja SHAAL [wish], goreti CHARAH [char], rosa RASAS [dew], zarja SHAHAR [dawn], noter NAQAR [inside], opasilo BASAR [blessing], noch NUCH [night], shoba SAFAH [spout], nevihta NEFESH [gale], shiba SHEBET [switch], zherjavica SARAB [ember], palica PELEK [pole], punca BINAT [girl]; mazati MASHAH [smear], smeh SAMECH [laughter], nakovanj NAHAF (beat), pihati PUCH [blow], ubogati ABAH [obey], rog ROSH [horn], dober TOB [good], glas HALAZ [voice], tri TELATA (Aramaic) [three], jak JAKAL [yak], revezh RUSH [pauper], nadarbina NADAR and NADAB [benefice], nozh NAKAH [knife], koza HEZ [goat], koprena KAFAR [veil], lev LABI [lion], pokonci KUN [upright] (stand), shleva SHALEV [coward], pa [but, and](conj.) FA (ar),VE (h), kos GASAS [slice](cut), ded GJAD (ar) [Grandpa]. Numerous other words Hebrew shares with other languages could be listed. These are just the words sharing equal specific sounds. Including sound changes, there are countless others, the same goes for all languages, as the treatise will show.
Reading on, let the reader note any arising doubts, but reserve judgement until finishing our entire theory, and only then voice them. We accept all previous exact philology's results, but claim they fall short failing to address a thousand questions. We enter the miraculous gigantic kingdom of languages with steady hearts; we shall see how profoundly they intertwine, impeding us from getting to the bottom of things easily, faced instead with ever-arising links. We shall see how many meanings individual words hold and how they overlap with each other. A language cannot elucidate itself; we have dire need of other languages, which often deliver its roots and vice-versa. One language complements and clarifies the other. Only all together form an entire cohesive structure.
Therefore, we must take into account as many languages as possible; the more, the better. Of course this is limited by human capacity. We use the following languages, added abbreviations will be used throughout the book: Hebrew (h), Arabic (ar), Latin (l), Greek (g), general Slavic (s), Czech (ch), Polish (p), Slovenian (sl), Croatian (hrv), German (n), French (f), English (e), Italian (it), Turkish (t), Hungarian (m). [Abbreviations follow Slovenian, except for English.]
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Besede vseh jezikov transkribiramo v latinico in jih torej pishemo z nashimi domachimi pismenkami. Za nekatere tuje glasove rabimo sledeche chrke: za grshki spiritus asper »h«: za spiritus lenis nich ali apostrof ('); za hebrejski HAIN H (mochnejshi); za arabski GHAIN GH; za arab. GJIM GJ (primeri hrv. dzh); za grshki chi ch; za hebr. CHET CH, za hebr. SAMECH, SADE in SIN S, toraj vse tri enako, dasi so malo razlichni glasovi, ker ne samo za navadnega chilatelja, ampak tudi za znanost razlochek nima nadaljnjega pomena, ker se tudi v hebrejshchini in arabshchini med seboj menjajo. Podobno je med drugimi arab. raznimi t- in s-glasovi, ki prehajajo eden v drugega.
Nashe delo je znanstveno, ker raziskuje notranje postave in ustroj jezikov in jih spravlja v sistem. Je pa tudi poljudno, da nas more vsak izobrazhenec razumeti in nam slediti, in to je pri filologiji najhvalezhnejshe, ker hochemo vsakega poduchiti o ustroju in pomenu njegovega vsakdanjega jezika, tudi vulgarnega. Ravno vulgarni, vsakdanji izrazi nudijo najboljshe gradivo.
Prichujoche delo pa ni samo, da bi ga chitali, ampak shtudirati ga mora vsak, ker nudimo le kratka navodila, povsod le nekaj zgledov, in razna pravila. V tej prvi knjigi je cela teorija razlagana, dodano je she tolmachenje lastnih imen. V drugi knjigi bomo, ako bo prva nashla prijateljev, objavili cel etimoloshki slovar slovenskega jezika.
Che v naslednjem primerjamo besede kot sorodne med seboj, storimo to na podlagi tega, da imajo vsaj en pojem skupen, kajti pozneje dokazhemo, da tichi v besedah vech pojmov, torej vech korenov, ki sestavljeni dajo shele dotichno besedo.
Nova pota gremo in ovrzhemo marsikatero staro, priljubljeno tolmachenje besed, npr. bajonet, pergament, kolofonij, kandidat.
Znanost mora dovoliti prosto raziskovanje, ne sme postati okorela kakor skelet. Nova kemija je ovrgla staro, Galilejev in Newtonov sistem je ispodrinil Ptolomejevega. Eksaktni rezultati ostanejo, toda koliko je eksaktnih rezultatov? Kako mrgoli na polju filozofije samih teorij. Morebiti bo ravno filologija odprla filozofiji nova prava pota, ker v jeziku govori sam intelekt chloveshki. In zato, ker je eksaktnih rezultatov tako malo, je in mora biti odprto polje za raziskovanje tudi v filologiji. Zato se ne bojimo kritike, dasi vemo, da bodo okoreli duhovi
zashumeli. Apeliramo na jasne glave in na bodochnost. (...)
Sistematichne tabele korenov; Vsi koreni v enem kvadratu
Z dosedanjo razpravo smo dosegli dvojno. Najpoprej smo se pechali z besedami po njih glasovnem sestavu, in nashli, da so k-glasovi primarni glasovi, b-r-n-glasovi pa sekundarni, da moramo razlochevati k-b-r-n debla, pri katerih so ali samo k-glasovi (kkk) ali pa poleg k glasov she b-r-n-glasovi: dati stips dar donum; stati staviti stalezh stan; Kette kopchati sklad cingo; v-tikati tubus dregati dens (zob).
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We transcribe words from all language in Latin script, using our own letters. Some foreign sounds require special marking: the Greek spiritus asper is marked by »h«, spiritus lenis either with nothing or an apostrophe Q; (bold) H marks the Hebrew HAIN, CH Arabic GHAIN, GJ Arabic GJIM (akin to Croatian dzh); ch for the Greek chi, CH for Hebr. CHET, S for Hebr. SAMECH, SADE and SIN alike, as the subtle differences between them are of little consequence to the reader as well as science as they stand in for each other in Hebrew and Arabic as well. Various other Arabic t- and s- sounds, which also overlap are treated similarly. Our work is scientific, examining inner language rules and structures and arranging them systematically. But it is also streamlined, for any educated person to follow and understand; the most gratifying about philology is that we may educate anyone about the workings and meanings of their everyday language, even vernacular. It is vernacular everyday terms, which present as the best subject matter. The work before you is not only intended for reading but also for everyone to study, as we offer short instructions throughout, and but few examples and various rules. This first book explains all the theory and includes clarifications of personal names. Should the first book be received well, the second book will include the entire etymological dictionary of Slovenian language. Below, we will compare words as related to each other based on their sharing at least one concept; later we will show that words contain several concepts, i.e. several roots, which only lend a certain word in combination.
We are paving a new way and will discard many previously beloved interpretations of words, such as bayonet, parchment, colophony, candidate.
Science must allow free exploration; it must not become rigid like a skeleton. New chemistry discarded the old; Gallileo's and Newton's systems ousted Ptolemy's. Exact results remain, but how many exact results are there? Seething with theories is the field of philosophy. Perhaps it will fall to philology to open new routes for philosophy, because the human intellect itself speaks through language. And because there are so few exact results, the field of exploration is and must be open in philology as well. Therefore, we do not fear criticism, though we know that
rigid spirits will rustle. We appeal to the bright minds of the future. (...)
Systematic tables of roots; all roots in one square
Until this point, weachieved two things in our discussion. First we tackled words according to their sound composition and found that k- voices are primary and b-r-n- voices secondary; that we must distinguish k-b-r-n roots, which contain only k- sounds (kkk) and those which also include b-r-n- sounds: dati stips, dar donum; stati staviti stalezh stan; Kette kopchati sklad cingo; v-tikati tubus dregati dens (tooth).
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To so glavne korenske oblike: kk kbk krk knk. Vse druge so le daljne kombinacije iz njih. Ker pa so b-r-n-glasovi liquidae, tj. prozhni glasovi, ki se radi vrivajo zaradi blagoglasja in mochnejshega govora, lahko tudi preskochimo te sekundare glasove in ostanemo pri chistih k-deblih v obliki: kkk, kar chitatelj tudi iz tabel lahko sprevidi, da se dajo pri vseh glavnih pojmih najti chista k-debla kot prvotna. Drugo, kar smo do sedaj dognali, je, da se dajo vsi pojmi besed sistemizirati in izvesti na nekaj malo glavnih prapojmov in she ti so le niance enega prvega, namrech: »prodirati«.
S tem sta nam dani dve koordinati, dva pravca: vertikalni in vodoravni, ki tvorita stranice kvadrata. Vertikalna koordinata predstavlja vrsto algebraichnih debelskih oblik: kkk, kbk, kbr, kbn, bkk, bkr, bkn.., horizontalna koordinata pa glavne pojme: bosti visok svetel. Zato lahko nachrtamo kvadrat s toliko vodoravnih chrt, kolikor je debelskih permutacij, in s toliko horizontalnih chrt, kolikor je glavnih pojmov. V tako nastalih kolonah se dajo opredelili vse besede vseh jezikov. Gotovo sedaj chitatelj povprashuje, kateri so po vsem tem pravi koreni nashih besed. Stara filologija je nashla nekaj prakorenov. Toda s temi ni chitatelju mnogo pomagano. Zevajo mu kljub temu odprta vprashanja naproti: odkod pa ti prakoreni? odkod njih moch, da ravno to in to pomenjajo? v kakshni zvezi so med seboj? Zakaj pa toliko enakih besed, ki morajo imeti razlichne izvore zaradi razlichnega pomena? Pa tudi so oni najdeni koreni brez zveze med seboj vise kakor v zraku. Oblika teh starih korenov je pa tako abstraktna, abstruzna, da mi prav nich ne pove, kako je chloveshki duh ustrojil jezik in kako je prepletal besede in v njih izrazhal sto in sto globokih pojmov.
Vse to je vzrok, da mi preidemo mimo onih filoloshkih korenov in postavimo v%or-besede kot glavne temeljne trdne tochke, okrog katerih se vse druge besede suchejo in iz katerih zajemajo svoje znachenje, svoj pomen. Vzete so te vzor-besede iz raznih jezikov, kakor se najbolj praktichne izkazhejo, ker so vsi jeziki ena stavba, v tesnem sorodstvu, ter eden drugega pojasnjujejo. Poleg teh vzor-besed navajamo she cele vrste drugih besed, da chitatelj vidi, kako sorodstvo obstoji med njimi. Istotako se iz onih tabel vidi, da so besede sestavljene po gotovih shablonah debelskih oblik, npr. oblike bkr, bkn, rkb, nkb. Glej tabele na koncu knjige!
Odnoshaji kk-debel med seboj
Vzamemo samo debla oblike kk enega specialnega pojma in che jih primerjamo med seboj, najdemo, kakor smo zhe zgoraj izvajali, razlichne variacije, permutacije, kombinacije, metateze in reduplikacije k-glasov; npr. hiteti cito (c = h) huschen (sch = t) kasati (k = h, s = t) tachys (mt. od hiteti) = techi + huschen, tot (f) je rdpl. od techi. Ali: sijati sidus heiter (h = s) cak-liti (hr) hejski (ch) chede-n dekle (mt.) dika jasen. Ali: sikati sagen dejati dico (s = d) zischen jek Echo aio (1) heissen citare (1) ges-lo gackern tutnja (hr) gosti. Ali: v-tikati stechen stizo (g) Zacke acus (1) shchet chaite (g. las) kaktus kochljiv kot kosa zadeti Ecke ig-la dak-no (g. gristi) detel siten chekan. Ali: cheta Kette et (1) = i (hr) kai (g) Gatte (soprog) deo (g. vezati) kit, chez (f. pri) hetairos (g. sodrug) zeugnymi (g).
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The main root forms are: kk kbk krk knk. All others are merely their remote combinations. But since b-r-n- sounds are liquidiae, i.e. flexible sounds, which like to insert themselves according to melodiousness and strong speech, we may also skip these secondary sounds and keep to clear k-roots in kkk form; as the reader can clearly observe in the table, k-roots are primary for all main concepts. The other assertion thus far, is that all the concepts of words can be systematised and developed to fit a few main primary concepts, and even those are merely nuances of a single original concept of »to penetrate«.
This yields two coordinates or directions: the vertical and horizontal forming the sides of the square. The vertical represents a series of algebraic root forms: kkk, kbk, kbr, kbn, bkk, bkn... The horizontal signifies main concepts: bosti (puncture) visok (tall) svetel (bright). We can draw a square using as many lines as there are main concepts. All words of all languages can be outlined along the resulting lines. At this point, the reader is surely asking: With all this, which are the true roots of our words? Old philology identified a few primary roots. But these do not help the reader, who is faced with further gaping questions: where are these primary roots from? Whence their power to mean what they do? How do they relate to each other? Why are so many words the same, which, due to their different meanings must stem from different sources? And also such identified primary roots float asunder unrelated to themselves. The form of these old roots is so abstract, so abstruse that they relate nothing about how the human mind shaped language and how it interweaved words to express hundreds of concepts.
Due to all this, we pass on those philological roots and set up example-words as our main fundamental fixed points around which all other words revolve and from which they take their sense, their meaning. These example-words are sourced from various languages, according to practicality, because all languages are a single structure, in close kinship, and elucidate one another. Next to these example-words we give numerous other words, demonstrating their kinship to the reader. Likewise those tables show that words are constructed following finished models of root forms, e.g. forms bkr, bkn, rkb, nkb. See tables at the end of the book!
The Relations of kk-Roots to Each Other
Comparing solely kk root forms of individual concepts reveals different variations, permutations, combinations, metatheses, and reduplications of k-sounds, as we argued above; e.g. to rush: hiteti cito (c = h) hushcen (sch = t), kasati (k = h, s = t), tachys (mt. of to rush) = techy + huschen, tot (f) is a redupl. of techi. Or shine: sijati sidus heiter (h = s) cak-liti (hr) hejski (ch) chede-n dekle (mt.) dika jasen. Or say: sikati sagen dejati dico (s = d) zischen jek Echo aio (1) heissen citare (1) ges-lo gackern tutnja (hr) gosti. Or: v-tikati stechen stizo (g) Zacke acus (1) shchet chaite (g. las) kaktus kochljiv kot kosa zadeti Ecke ig-la dak-no (g. gristi) detel siten chekan. Or: cheta Kette et (1) = i (hr) kai (g) Gatte (husband) deo (g. tie) kit, chez (f. pri) hetairos (g. companion) zeugnymi (g).
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Ti nashteti zgledi so iz glavnih pojmov: 9, 3, 12, 1, 27. Vsak glavni pojem ima cele vrste takih kk-debel, ki so vsa le variacije med seboj.
Iz teh par zgledov se vidi, da se pojmi enega pomena izrazhajo z raznimi variacijami k-glasov. Pa ravno iz teh pisanih variacij se neposredno vidi, da so si vsi glavni pojmi sorodni in se strinjajo v enem skupnem glavnem vrhovnem pojmu: prodreti, bosti, tishchati, naprej riti, na vse strani riniti, toraj vse posledice in uchinki tega prodiranja do skrajnosti. Vzemi npr. le besedo: v-tikati! Nazadnje se pa moramo vprashati, kaj vendar dolochi njih specialni pomen. Odgovor je ta, da ne stoji nobena teh besed sama zase, ampak je chlen v verigi jezika, tesno organichno zvezan s celim ustrojem svojega jezika in kot taka dolochena v konvecionalni rabi govora in se shele kot del celega sistema jezikovega razume in dobi pomen. Ako pa kdo sedaj vprasha, kateri je torej pravi koren zgoraj nashtetih zgledov, je odgovor ta, da si lahko poljubno katerega izberemo kot vzor-besedo, ki sluzhi kot reprezentant skupnega korena. (...)
Imena narodov in dezhel
Imena narodov se ujemajo z imeni ljudi, se pa ravnajo she posebno po geografski legi. Opazha se pa jasno, da so imena narodov in dezhel orientirana od Prednje Azije sem, kar je v zvezi s prvotno domovino chloveshtva, odkoder so se razprostrli po shirnem svetu. Samo nekatere zglede podamo tukaj. Azija JASA iz hajati, ex (1)
Evropa HARAB po-krivati kalypto (1) grau, ker zapad, pr. Erebus krov erepho (g) lopa Laube.
Afrika apricus (l. sonchnat) schwarz = zamorec cumur (hrv) a+paliti, a-1 -vroch cremo (l). Amerika AFAL (fallen) a-1 -mergo (pogrezniti se, zapad), a-1 -mrak Dämmerung, tudi: après la mer (za morjem); razlage od Amerigo Vespucci pach ni treba resno vzeti. Avstralija auster (jug) BAHAR pozhar Feuer, in Wasser.
Dezhele kot take imajo pojme: razshiriti, in obenem zvezati v eno, obvladati, ker so pod enotnim nazivom in enotnim gospodstvom.
Sibirija Cimbri Hibernia Hebridi, odtod Ap. Driti: sever SE-MOL hibernus = zimski, mraz je podaljshano, cooperire (kriti, tema) Sarmacija sever (mt) zima (-1 -r), tudi: Slovan in German = Aleman sta istega pomena poleg drugih pojmov, ki jih she vsebujejo. Deutsch = tedesco decken (kriti). Nemec nubes (oblak) d-nophos (g. tema). Ta izraz: Nemec, ki ga Slovan ima za Germana, Orientalec pa tudi za Avstrijca, pomeni pa tudi chloveka, ki govori, prim. Numa: Name, in ki ima pamet: nomizo nous (g). Poleg tega pa je treba opomniti, da si nihche sam imena ne da, ne posamezen chlovek ne narod, ampak ga dobi od sosedov. Zato je Slovan imenoval Nemca tako, ker je severno od njega stanoval. Pa tudi to moramo priznati, da vsak narod jemlje drugega, ki drugachen jezik govori, kot napachnega ali nerazumljivega. Zato imenujejo Nemci Italijane: Walsche, tj. falsch in verbergen (prikriti), mi pa Vlah, kar je isto, oziroma Lah apokopirano, tj. rechi lagati in lateo (kriti), dasi pomeni Vlah tudi »vroch« (juzhno) in veleti, Wort phrazo (g. go-voriti).
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The examples above are derived from main concepts: 9, 3, 12, 1, 27. Each main concept has a plethora of such kk-roots, all merely variations of each other. These few examples demonstrate that concepts of one meaning are expressed by different variations of k-sounds. These colourful variations clearly demonstrate that all main meanings are related to each other and agree in one single topmost meaning: penetrate, prick, press, burrow forward, i.e. all the results and effects of this penetrating ad extremis. Take, for example, the word, in-sert! Finally, we must ask, what ultimately defines their final meaning? The answer is that none of these words stand by themselves, they are all links in the chain of language, firmly organically tied to the entire structure of language; as such they are defined by the conventional use of speech and are only understood and given meaning as parts of the language system as a whole. But if one were to ask what the true root of the examples above was, the answer is that any random one can be chosen as the example-word, to serve as representation of a common root. (...)
Names of Nations and Lands
Names of nations correspond with names of peoples, though they also account for their geographical location. It is clearly observable, however, that nation- and land names are arranged from Front Asia hither, which is tied to humanities first homeland from which it fanned out across the globe. To give just a few examples: Asia JASA iz hajati, ex (1) [to stem]
Europe HARAB, cover po-krivati kalypto (1) grau, because west, ex. Erebus krov erepho (g) lopa Laube [shed].
Africa apricus (l. sunny) Schwartz = zamorec cumur (hr) a+paliti, a-1 -vroch cremo (l). America ASFAL (fallen) a-1 -mergo (submerge, west), a-1 -mrak Dämmerung, also: après la mer (beyond sea); Amerigo Vespucci explanation is not to be taken seriously. Australia auster (south) BAHAR, fire, Feuer, and Wasser.
Lands per se hold concepts: expand and simultaneously fold into one, control, because they fall under a single designation and government.
Siberia Cimbri Hibernia Hebridi, hence Ap. Driti: north SE-MOL hibernus = hibernal, cold is elongated, cooperire (cover, darkness) Sarmatia north (mt) winter (-1 - r), also Slav, German = Aleman hold the same meaning aside from additional others. Deutsch = Tedesco decken (cover). Nemec nubes (cloud) d- nophos (g. darkness). This expression: Nemec, whom Slavs hold as Germanic and Orientals as Austrian also means man who speaks, ex. Numa: Name, and who possesses intelligence: nomizo nous (g). Furthermore, it must be added that no one names themselves, neither individual nor nation, but is rather named by neighbours. So the Slav named Germans Nemci, because they lived to his north. And we must also admit that every nation perceives another, which speaks a different language as wrong, uncomprehended. This is why the Germans named Italians: Wlasch, i.e falsch and verbergen (veiled), and Slavs Vlah, or Lah which is the same or its apocope, ie. to say, lie, and lateo (to cover), though Vlah also means »hot« (due south, and to declare, Wort phrase (g. go-voriti [to speak]).
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Zato je Slovan od »slovo« = sprechen, mt. od govor, morebiti tudi she slaboten (tj. pasiven), German pa govor (mt !) = sermonis. Nemec je imenovan od nubes, te-nebrae (tema), ker je za Slovana njegov jezik prikrit, ne-razumljiv, »nem« le toliko kolikor »neumljiv«, torej prikrit. Francoz qd plonger (pasti, zapad), in od veleti, Wort, bronte (g) brenchati. Shpanija Hispania (Hi je prefiks) Espagne somnus = spanje zapad hypnos (g). Burgund brdo Berg. Flandrija planjava flach -1 -n. Belgija flach prostrana. Holandija dol, horizontalno. Rus od rechi in lateo (kriti), prim. nemshki: RuB (saje) in Russe (shchurek, tj. chrni). Poljak od veleti, parlare. Cheh sagen, guchati. Hrvat govor (mt). Srb slovo sermo, seveda so pri vseh she drugi pojmi: Hrvat hraber, Srb scharf, srep. Slovenec: slovo-1 -meniti se, Veneti = Slovenci meniti se, phone, Mensch. Goti skotos (tema, sever) in »guchati«; to ime se ponavlja tudi drugod: Geti, Hetiti, ne sme se pa zaradi tega na kako posebno sorodnost ali identiteto misliti, ker znachi sploh: chloveka. Kelti: golchati, glas, callidus (pameten). Geografi ne smejo iz enakosti imen sklepati na identiteto narodov. Shvica, Tirol, Kranjsko, Koroshko glej imena gor, istotako: Palestina = brdo posebno pa od BERIT (zaveza, »brak = poroka«, ker se imenuje ERES HA BERIT, tj. dezhela zaveze (Boga z Izraelom). Lombardija RABAH (shirok) Raum-| -ploshcha. To so samo navodila, kako naj preiskujemo imena. Pri imenih dezhel kot takih so merodajni pojmi: razprostrt, ob-krozhen, tj. obvladan. Dezhela = distrikt: dis (razprostrt) in strictus (o-krozhen, obvladan), QASHAR in QATAR, odtod (kotar hr), country (e) in Kanton. Npr. Galicija ob-krozhena, schlieBen, kakor Slezija. Emilija amplus (shirok), Volinija planjava, Brabant = provincia: pro-zhiti in pan-do (l. shirok). Poleg tega pridejo pri dezhelah v poshtev she teritorialne razmere: hribovitost, plodnost. Srem germinare KEREM, Grchija gorata, »grchasta«, Ausonia SHANAH scheinen Sonne (jug). Imena otokov vsebujejo pojme: visok iz morja okrogel trda zemlja. Java javiti se JAFAH »auf« (n), Sumatra summus (visok), Malta brdo v morju balteus (opasan). Kandia scando, QANA (trd). Anglija = insula ana (g. dvigniti)-|-saltare tollo (l. dvigniti) prim. Antilli (pri Ameriki). Corfu Salamis Celebes Karpathos Elba: elevare, holm, klimmen culmen (l) albus (bel, tj. visoko bleshchech) in »oklepan« (od morja). Sicilija QASHAR (obdati) in excelsus (visok). SUS (visok, ker se dviga iz morja, morebiti tudi: zhito saturare (ker je zhitnica). Belt pressen (stisnjen), Sund stenos CHANAQ eng (ozek), cingo.
Odlomki iz knjige: Sestava chloveshkegajezika ali Sploshna etimologija, Boshtanj ob Savi, 1927
ENGELBERT RAKOVEC (1873, Poljchane - 1946 /?/ Boshtanj ob Savi), jezuit, jezikoslovec. Izdal: Sestava chloveshkega jezika ali Sploshna etimologija (I. del), Tolmach slovenskega jezika ali Slovenski etimolog (II. del), oboje B. ob Savi 1927 (v nem. 1928). Cheprav mu akad. stroka odreka znanstveno vrednost, njegovo ogromno gradivo spodbuja k novim razmislekom; temelj etimologije so zanj semitski jeziki (hebr.), jedro je njegov sistem »prapojmov«, ki so le nianse pojma »prodirati« (njegova »k-debla« se ujemajo s sploshno veljavnim indoevr. korenom g/h/or; prim. angl. gore). (Op. ur. I. A.)
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And so Slav stems from »slovo« [letter] = sprechen, mt. of speech, perhaps also weak (i.e. passive), German from speech (mt!) = sermonis; German from nubes, te-nebrae (darkness), because to Slavs his language is hidden, unintelligible, »nem« [mute] as much as »neumljiv« [unintelligible] and therefore hidden; the French from plonger (fall, west), and declare, Wort, bronte (g), buzz; Spain Hispania (Hi = prefix) Espagne somnus = sleep west hypnos (g); Burgundy brdo, Berg [mount]; Flanders plain, flach -1 -n. Belgium flach, vast; Holland down, horizontal; Russian from say and lateo (cover), ex. German: RuB (soot) and Russe (roach, i.e. black); Polish from declare, parlare; Czech sagen, guchati; Croat, speech (mt); Serb slovo [letter, word] sermo, naturally all also hold other concepts: Croat hraber [brave], Serb scharf srep [stern]. Slovene: slovo- [word] converse, Veneti = Slo-venci converse, phone, Mensch. Goths skotos (darkness, north) and »guchati« [speak], the same name appears elsewhere; Geats, Hitties, not to infer specific commonality, similarity, or identity because its general meaning is man. Celts: golchati [gurgle], glas [voice], callidus [smart]. Geographers must not deduce national identity from name similarities. Switzerland, Tirol, Kranjska, Koroshka see names above, likewise: Palestine = mountain, directly from BERIT (covenant, »brak = marriage«, called ERES HA BERIT, i.e land of the covenant (God with Israel). Lombardy RABAH (wide) Raum -1 - plateau. These are merely instructions on studying names. The decisive concepts in land names are: expansive, en-circled, i.e governed. Land = district, dis (expansive) and strictus (circular, governed), QASHAR and QATAR, so (Kotar Cr.), country and Canton. E.g. Galicia en-circled, schlieBen, like Silesia. Emilia amplus (wide), Volini plain, Brabant + provincia: pro-zhiti [to spring] and pan-do (l. wide). Land names also account for terrain: undulation, fertility. Srem germinare KEREM, Grchija [Greece] gorata [mountainous], »grchasta« [gnarly], Ausionia SHANAH scheinen Sonne (south). Island names concepts are: high from sea round hard soil. Java javiti se [get back] JAFASH »auf« (n), Sumatra summus (high), Malta mount-in-sea balteus (belted), Kandia scando, QANA (hard). Anglija [England] = insula ana (g. raise) -1 - saltare tollo (l. raise), ex. Antilles (near America). Corfu Salamis Celebes Karpathos Elba: elevare, holm, klimmen culmen (I) albus (white, birghtly glistening) and »encased« (by the sea). Sicily QASHAR (envelop) in excelsus (high). SUS (high because it rises from the sea, perhaps also: zhito [grain] saturare (because it is a granary). Belt pressen (squeezed), Sund stenos CHANAQ eng (narrow), cingo.
Excerpts from: Sestava chloveshkegajezika ali Sploshna etimologija; Boshtanj ob Savi, 1927
ENGELBERT RAKOVEC (1873, Poljchane - 1946 /?/ Boshtanj ob Savi), Jesuit, linguist. Published: Sestava chloveshkega jezika ali Sploshna etimologja (part I), Tolmach slovenskega jezika ali Slovenski etimokg (Part II), both at B. ob Savi 1927 (in German, 1928). Though academics contest its scientific value, his vast materials provoke new thought, he takes Semitic languages (Heb.) as the basis of his etymology, centred on his system of primary concepts, which are mere nuances of the concept of »to penetrate«. (His k-roots coincide with the generally accepted Indo-Eur. root g/h/or; ex. Engl. gore (Editor I. A.' s note.)
Translated from Slovenian by Jaka Jarc
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Damir Globochnik
SMREKARJEVE ILUSTRACIJE MARTINA KRPANA
Henrik (Hinko) Smrekar (1883—1942) velja za osrednje ime slovenske karikature v prvih shtirih desetletjih 20. stoletja. Manj znane so Smrekarjeve likovne opreme knjig, s katerimi se je uvrstil med zachetnike umetnishke ilustracije pri nas.1 Smrekarjeva formalna likovna izobrazba je bila sorazmerno skromna. Rojen je bil v proletarski druzhini v Ljubljani. Leta 1901 je zachel obiskovati pravno fakulteto v Innsbrucku in shtudij prava naslednje leto nadaljeval na Dunaju. Obenem se je vpisal na techaj za uchitelje prostorochnega risanja (nem. Lehramtskandidatenkurs) na Sholi za umetnost in obrt ter se pridruzhil umetnishkemu klubu Vesna, ki so ga leta 1903 ustanovili slovenski in hrvashki shtudentje. Leta 1904 se je vrnil v Kranj, leta 1905 sta z Maksimom Gasparijem odshla v München z namenom, da bosta obiskovala slikarsko sholo Antona Azhbeta (1862—1905). V Münchnu je ostal skoraj leto dni in se prezhivljal s prilozhnostnimi narochili. Leta 1911 se je s kiparjem Lojzetom Dolinarjem za daljshi chas vrnil na Dunaj in München, nato se je za stalno naselil v Spodnji Shishki.
V Smrekarjevem raznolikem likovnem opusu prevladujejo dela na papirju. Risal je karikature in satirichne ilustracije, predloge za razglednice, reklamne osnutke, chastne in spominske diplome, plakate, narodopisne, pravljichne in fantastichne prizore in ilustracije. Obchasno je slikal in se preizkusil v kiparstvu. »Vsepovprek, v vseh tehnikah, razen fresk. Pobozhne in pregreshne, toda vselej shaljive stvari, resne, zhalostne, vesele, groteskno-smeshne, portrete, krajine, romantichne in strogo naturalistichne, narodne in mednarodne sujete — vse, kar sem videl in obchutil na svetu, bede in v spanju. Po zfelji in narochilu izdelujem tudi raznovrstno robo, zlasti kot specialist za reklamne namene.«2
Prve Smrekarjeve risbe je najbrzh leta 1902 objavil satirichni list Jezh, nato je z ilustracijami sodeloval z otroshkim listom Zvonchek (1903/1904). Prvich je razstavljal na I. jugoslovanski umetnishki razstavi v Beogradu leta 1904. Na Dunaju se je spoprijateljil s pisateljem Ivanom Cankarjem, ki je postal na Smrekarja pozoren zaradi ugodne kritike njegove risbe v oceni omenjene razstave v Beogradu, ki jo je objavil hrvashki publicist A. G. Matosh.3 Na internem natechaju, ki ga je chlanom drushtva Vesna na Dunaju na Cankarjevo pobudo predlagal zalozhnik Lavoslav Schwentner, je Smrekar prejel prvo mesto in narochilo za naslovnico nove Cankarjeve knjige Gospa Judit (1904). Smrekar je likovno opremil tudi druga Cankarjeva dela, ki jih je zalozhil Schwentner (Krpanova kobila, 1907; Hlapec Jernej, 1907; Pohujshanje v dolini shentflorjanski, Zgodbe iz doline shentfloorjanske, 1908; Za krizhem, 1909; Milan in Milena, 1913).
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Damir Globochnik
SMREKAR'S ILLUSTRATIONS OF MARTIN KRPAN
Henrik (Hinko) Smrekar (1883—1942) is considered the foremost Slovenian caricaturist of the first four decades of the 20th century. Smrekar is less known for his book artwork, which earned him a place among the first Slovenian artistic illustrators.1 Smrekar's formal education in fine arts is relatively modest. He was born in Ljubljana, to a working class family. In 1901, he began his studies at the Faculty of Law in Innsbruck and continued in Vienna the following year. Simultaneously he took a class on teaching freehand drawing (Germ. Lehramtskandidatenkurs) at the School of Arts and Crafts. He joined the Vesna fine-arts club, which was founded by Slovenian and Croatian students in 1903. In 1904 ,he returned to Kranj. In 1905 he and Maksim Gaspari relocated to Munich, intending to join Anton Azhbe's (1862—1905) painting school. He stayed in Munich for most of the year earning a living by taking occasional orders. In 1911, he and sculptor Lojze Dolinar returned to Vienna and Munich and stayed there for an extended period of time; afterwards he took permanent residency in Spodnja Shishka. Smrekar's varied opus is dominated by works on paper. He drew caricatures and satirical illustrations, templates for postcards, drafts for advertisements, honorary and commemorative diplomas, posters, and ethnographic, fairy-tale, and fantasy scenes and illustrations. Occasionally, he also painted and tried his hand at sculpting. »Across the board, in all techniques, except frescoes. Pious and sinful, but always humorous, serious, sad, joyous, grotesquely funny things, portraits, landscapes, romantic and strictly naturalistic national as well as international subject matter — all, which I had seen and felt in the world, both awake and in sleep. In accordance with your wishes and by order I also make a variety of merchandise, particularly as a specialistfor advertising purposes.«2 The Je%h [Sl. for Hedgehog] satirical paper was probably the first to publish Smrekar's drawings. His further illustrations were featured in the Zvonchek [Snowdrop] children's paper (1903/1904). His works were first exhibited in 1904, at the 1st Yugoslav Artistic Exhibition in Belgrade. In Vienna, he became friends with Slovenian writer Ivan Cankar, whose attention was piqued by a positive review of Smrekar's drawing at the said exhibition in Belgrade penned by Croatian reporter A. G. Matosh.3 At Cankar's instigation, publisher Ladoslav Schwentner had suggested the members of the Viennese Vesna society members hold an internal competition. Smrekar won first place and an order to draw the front cover of Cankar's book Gospa Judit [Madame Judit] (1904).* Smrekar also provided artwork for other Cankar's works published by Schwentner. (Krpanova kobila [Krpan's Mare], 1907, Hlapec Jernej [Servant Jernej], 1907, Pohujshanje v dolinishentflorijanski [Scandalin St. Florian Valley], Zgodbe i% doline shentflorjanske [Tales from the St. Florian Valley^, 1908, Za kri%hem [After the Cross], 1909, Milan in Milena [Milan andMilena], 1913).
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V letih 1905/1906 je risal karikature za liberalni satirichni list Osa. Leta 1908 je pripravil ilustracije za Prvi slovenski humoristichni leksikon. Smrekarjeve predloge za igralne karte z motiviko ljudskih obichajev slovanskih narodov (t. i. Slovanski tarok), so nastale okrog 1910—1912. Prva obsezhna ilustratorska naloga so bile ilustracije za Literarnopratiko za leto 1914 (1913). Umetnostni zgodovinar dr. Izidor Cankar je pratiko oznachil kot po likovni opremi eno najlepshih knjig, tiskanih na Slovenskem. »Smrekarje risarski literat, ilustrator v pravem pomenu besede, po duhu soroden Hier. Boschu in Pietru Breughlu.«4
Smrekarjeve ilustracije za Levstikovo povest Martin Krpan so nastale konec leta 1917. Knjigo Martin Krpan z Vrha je izdala Nova zalozhba (v zbirki »Knjizhnica za otroke« pod zaporedno shtevilko 1) in natisnila Katolishka tiskarna, obe s sedezhem v Ljubljani. Ilustracije so nastale v izredno kratkem chasu. Smrekar je delo prevzel za Vse svete (1. november 1917),5 knjiga pa je bila do Bozhicha 1917 natisnjena.
Chasnik Slovenec je 21. novembra 1918 opozoril na prikrito sporochilo, ki ga vsebuje izid Martina Krpana sredi vojne: »On, Krpan prihaja zmagovit s cesarskega dvora Z namenom, da se na Dunaj ne vrne vech. Ali ne lezhi v tem prispodoba sedanjega chasa.««6 Avstro-Ogrska je namrech razpadla 22. oktobra 1918, Drzhava Slovencev, Hrvatov in Srbov je nastala 29. oktobra 1918, prva svetovna vojna se je konchala na zachetku novembra 1918.
Smrekar je narisal dvanajst ilustracij v tehniki barvne perorisbe. Natisnjene so bile enobarvno, samo naslovnica z Martinom Krpanom s kijem in mesarico na kobilici je v treh barvah. Smrekar je naslovni motiv obdal z okvirjem iz stiliziranih cvetov, src in pechatov. Dogajanje je postavil v 17. stoletje oziroma v barochno obdobje. Poudaril je kontrast med preprostim, klenim kmechkim junakom Martinom Krpanom in izumetnichenostjo cesarskega dvora. Brdavs je v njegovi likovni interpretaciji Turek, dedni sovrazhnik evropskega krshchanstva.
Sochasen izid Tolovaja Mataja Frana Milchinskega s petnajstimi ilustracijami Ivana Vavpoticha (1877—1943) je omogochal primerjavo med obema ilustratorjema.7 Dr. Miljutin Zarnik8 je v Ljubljanskem zvonu objavil naklonjeno oceno Smrekarjevih in Vavpotichevih ilustracij: »Posegli so pa tudi po risarju, ki je ravno za Krpana med nashimi umetniki pach edino pravi. Henrik Smrekar po slikarski sholanosti daleko ne dosega Vavpoticha, pravzaprav je genijalen samouk, ki je z rutino mnogoletnega dela premagal toliko tezhkoch uumetnishkega rokodelstva', se toliko nauchilpravilnega risanja, da smemo z mirnim srcem imenovati njegovih dvanajst risb za Krpana poshteno, resno umetnishko delo in pravi kras za knjigo. Smrekarje s temi podobami prekosil samega sebe. In ostane naj, v svesti si mej svojih zmozhnosti, za vedno pri grafiki, pri chrni in barvasti risbi, tudi pri bakrorezu morda, katerega je zhe z uspehom poskushal. /.../ Smrekar ima pa svojo chisto posebno republiko, republiko umetnishkega humorja, in tam je prvi ljudski komisar na vsem slovanskem umetnishkem jugu. Nimajo ga Hrvati in Srbi enakega. Che sem dionizijskega Henrika prej imenoval samouka, naj se torej ne razumeva diletant. Smrekar je tudi velik temperament vobche«
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In 1905 and 1906 he drew caricatures for the Osa [Wasp] liberal satirical paper. In 1908 he prepared illustrations for Prvi shvenski humoristichni leksikon [The First Slovenian Humourist Lexicon]. Smrekar's playing card stencils employing motifs from Slavic folk traditions (the so-called Slavic Tarot) were drawn circa 1910—1912. His first larger undertaking was the illustration of Literarna pratika %a 1914 (Literary Almanac for 1914) (1913). Art historian dr. Izidor Cankar touted the Almanac as one of the most beautifully illustrated books printed in Slovenia. »Smrekar is a drawing literate, an illustrator in the true sense of the word; in spirit he is akin to Hieronymus Bosch and Pieter Brueghel.«4 Smrekar illustrated Levstik's tale of Martin Krpan at the end of 1917. The book Martin Krpan z Vrha was published by Nova zalozha (the first volume of the children's series Knjizhnica za otroke) and printed by Katolishka tiskarna, both of which had head offices in Ljubljana. The illustrations were completed in an exceptionally short period of time. Smrekar accepted the assignment on All Saints' Day (1 November, 1917),5 and the volumes were already printed by Christmas 1917. On 21 November 1918, the Slovenec newspaper alerted its readers to the hidden message conveyed by Martin Krpan coming out in the middle of the War: »He, Krpan, arrives victorious from the Vinnese court, intending never to return to Vienna again. Does this not contain a metaphor of current times.«6 Austria-Hungary was dissolved on 22 October 1918, and the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs was formed on 29 October 1918, and World War I ended at the beginning of November 1918. Smrekar penned twelve illustrations in the technique of modern ink drawing. They were printed in monochrome, apart from the front cover depicting Martin Krpan with his club and cleaver axe riding his mare, which was printed in three colours. Smrekar framed the title motif with stylized blossoms, hearts, and seals. He set the scenes in the 17th century, in the Baroque period. He emphasised the contrast between the simple practical farmer hero Martin Krpan and the artificiality of the imperial court. He visually interpreted the antagonist Brdavs as a Turk, the hereditary enemy of European Christianity.
The simultaneous publication of Tolovaj Mataj by Fran Milchinski, illustrated by Ivan Vavpotich (1877—1943), enabled a comparison of the two illustrators.7 In the periodical Ljubjanski Zvon, Dr. Miljutin Zarnik8 penned a favourable evaluation of Smrekar's and Vavpotich' illustrations: »They also went for the illustrator, who was the most appropriate choice out of all of our artists, precisely for Krpan. In fine arts education Henrik Smrekar is far from Vavpotich's level, in fact, he is a self-taught prodigy, who bested numerous difficulties of 'the handicraft of art' through a routine of hard work and who learned proper drawing to such degree that we can easily describe his twelve drawings in Krpan as honest and serious works, adornment which are a credit to the book. Smrekar outdid himself with these images. He aught to, with a mind to the limitations of his capacity, forever stick to graphic art, black and colour sketching, and perhaps also work in copper etching, which he had previously successfully undertaken as well. /.../ Smrekar has a unique republic of his own, a republic of artistic humour, and there he is the first commissioner at the head of the entire Slavic artistic south. He has no equal among the Croats and Serbs. Though Ipreviously described the dionysical Henrik as self-taught, this was not to say he was dilettante. Smrekar is also generally a great temperament««'
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Recenzenti knjige in dvanajstih Smrekarjevih ilustracij niso prezrli »zdravega humorja, ki veje iz Smrekarjevega umotvora tako diskretno, da ga otrok ne bo opazil, izobrazhenec pa se bo z njim opetavno naslajal. To je tochka, v kateri oba umotvora, Levstikov in Smrekarjev, vzorno soglashata,« je zapisal Gashpar Porenta.10
Karel Dobida je poudaril, da je Smrekar ilustratorsko nalogo reshil na originalen nachin, vendar pa ta zanj ni bila ravno primerna. »On je chisto samorasel satirichni talent in najbojshi slovenski karikaturist, tu pa je po mojem mnenju zapustil svoje kraljestvo; njegovo pravo torishche je in ostane humor. V shaljivem listu naj se mu daprilozhnost, da se mu izdivja pero v svojih sintetichnih karikaturah, tam naj komponira svoje z jedko satiro in zhgocho ironijoprozhetefantazije.«11
Ivan Pregelj je menil, da so ilustracije zasnovane »v mijeju slovenske junashke (turshke) pesmi«. »V Brdavsu je nekaj razpolozhenja iz 'Tisoch in ene nochi', Krpan je bolj 'Andersenovski'. Vonj Levstikove shegavosti in zdrave robatosti je Smrekar skushal analogno izraziti iz sebe in svoje manire.«12
Smrekarjevi likovni interpretaciji Martina Krpana nekateri kritiki (dr. Jozha Glonar,13 Anton Funtek14) niso bili naklonjeni. Smrekar je odgovoril profesorju Antonu Funtku v chasniku Jugoslovan in pojasnil, da je zvesto sledil Levstiku, ki je zapisal, da je bil Krpan debel, mochan in silen hrust. »Torej izjemna prikazen! V nashih hribih niso bili redkost, — Krpan pa je bil 'fenomen'!« Krpanova »mala« glava je usklajena z njegovo mogochno fiziognomijo, kot vedo fiziologi in anatomi. »Zhe davno, davno vech ne veljajo grshki kanoni (Glej Michelangelove preroke!) Vech resnih shtudij, gospod -n-, vech shtudij!«15
Smrekar je risal ilustracije za otroke, mladino in odrasle. V naslednjih dveh desetletjih je z ilustracijami opremil naslednje knjige: Fran Milchinski, Suha roba (1919; pisatelj je Smrekarja cenil kot risarja in je zhelel, da bi ilustriral njegova dela), lastni spomini na vojno Henrik Smrekar — chrnovojnik (1919), Luigi Bertelli,
Jurchek Kozamurchek mravski car (1927), Viktor Murnik, Sistem brata Krpana v proslavo sedemdesetletnice njegovega odkritja (1928), J. D. Weiser, Vatomika, zadnji poglavar Delavarov (1935), Fran Milchinski, Ptichki brez gnezda (1936), Wilhelm Hey, Sto basni za otroke (1936; basni je za slovensko mladino priredil Anton Funtek), Marija Jezernikova Beli bratec (1937), Davorin Ravljen, Grajski vrabec (1938), Gustav Strnisha, Satire (1938), Vlado Klemenchich, Iz starih in novih chasov (1939), Grisha Koritnik, Na razpotju (1939), Sedem Andersenovih pravljic za modrijane in modrijanchke (1940), Jozha Vovk, Zaplankarji (1941). Ilustracije je objavljal tudi v revijah (mdr. Odmevi, Nash rod, Koledar Druzhbe sv. Mohorja, Lepa Vida).
Vzori za Smrekarjevo risbo oziroma ilustracijo so bili razlichni. Secesijski vplivi, ki so izraziti pri naslovnici Cankarjeve Gospe Judit, so se povezali z vplivi avstrijskih, cheshkih, poljskih in ruskih umetnikov realistichne smeri.
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Reviewers of the book and Smrekar's twelve illustrations did not overlook »the
healthy humour emanating from Smrekar's conceptions in such a discreet way that children will not perceive it, while the educated will lean into it gladly. This is the point at which both Levstik's and Smrekar's creations correspond exemplarily;« wrote Gashpar Porenta.10 Karel Dobida highlighted that Smrekar's tackled the illustration in an original way, though Dobida did not really consider it appropriate. »He is an entirely self taught satirical talent and the best Slovenian caricaturist, but in my opinion, he ventured outside his realm here; his terrain is and remains humour. He should be given space and opportunity in the funny papers to run his pen wild in synthetic caricatures; there let him compose his fantasies permeated with pointed satire and burning irony.«11
Ivan Pregelj viewed the illustrations as conceived »in the milieu of Slovenian heroic (Turkish) song«. »Brdavs projects a feel of the Arabian Nights, Krpan is closer to H. C. Andersen. Smrekar attempted to express his analogue to the scent of Levstik's wittiness and healthy indelicacy from within himself and in his own manner.«12
Some critics (dr. Jozha Glonar,13 Anton Funtek14) were not favourable to Smrekar's artistic interpretation of Martin Krpan. Smrekar responded to professor Anton Funtek in the Jugoslovan newspaper explaining that he faithfully followed Levstik, who wrote that Krpan was stout, strong, and a mighty giant. »Therefore, a remarkable sight! Such men were no rarity in our hills, but Krpan was a 'phenomenon'« Krpan's small head is consistent with his mighty physiognomy, as physiognomy and anatomy specialists know. »The Greek canons are long since invalid (see Michelangelo's Trophets!) Several serious studies, mister -n-, several studies!«15
Smrekar illustrated books for children, the youth, and adults. In the subsequent two decades, he illustrated the following books: Fran Milchinski, Siiha roba [Dry Goods] (1919; the author valued Smrekar as an artist and wanted him to illustrate his works), personal memories of war by Henrik Smrekar — chrnovojnik (1919), Luigi Bertelli, The Emperor of Ants (1927), Viktor Murnik, Sistem brata Krpana v proslavo sedemdesetletnice njegovega odkritja [The System of Brother Krpan: In honour of the seventieth anniversary of his discovery] (1928), F. X. Weiser, Vatomika, %adnji poglavar Delavarov, (1935), Fran Milchinski, Ptichki brezgne%da [Birds Without a Nest] (1936), Wilhelm Hey, Sto basni za otroke [One Hundred Picture Fables] (1936; the fables were adapted for Slovenian young readers by Anton Funtek), Marija Jezernikova, Beli bratec [White Brother] (1937), Davorin Ravljen, Grajski vrabec [Castle Sparrow] (1938), Gustav Strnisha, Satire [Satires] (1938), Vlado Klemenchich, Iz starih in novih chasov [From Old and New Times] (1939), Grisha Koritnik, Na razpotju [At the Crossroads] (1939), Sedem Andersenovih pravjic za modrijane in modrijanchke [Seven Andersen's Tales for Wisemen and Wise Little Men] (1940), Jozha Vovk, Zaplankarji [People Behind the Pickets] (1941). He also published illustrations in periodicals (these included Odmevi, Nash rod, Koledar Druzhbe sv. Mohorja, Lepa Vida).
Smrekar's drawing and illustrations followed different examples. Secessionist artistic influences are particularly palpable on his cover of Cankar's Madame Judit.; these are combined with influences from artists of Austrian, Czech, Polish, and Russian realism.
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Med izobrazhevanjem na dunajski Sholi za umetnost in obrt je najbrzh nanj najbolj vplival profesor Anton Josef Ritter von Kenner (1871—1951), ki je vodil techaj za uchitelje risanja. V domachi knjizhnici je imel Herman KnackfuCovo monografijo o berlinskem slikarju Adolphu Menzlu in Andersenove pravljice z barvnimi ilustracijami dunajskega ilustratorja Franza Wacika (1883—1938), ki jih je krstil za »Andersenov brevir« in na njih »visel otroshko z vsem srcem«.16 Hranil je tudi druge knjizhice, ki jih je izdala dunajska zalozhba Gerlach & Wiedling. Smrekar je bil izjemen risarski talent in po mnenju Sashe Shantla »nenadkrijiv v samostojnem risanju iz glave«.11 Brez uporabe modela je znal chloveshkim figuram in zhivalim nadeti zhivljenjski znachaj. Obvladal je razlichne nachine risbe s svinchnikom, ogljem in tushem, ki jih je pogosto toniral z akvarelom. S kombinacijo risbe in akvarelnih oziroma pastelnih barv se je seznanil v Munchnu.18
Ivan Vavpotich, »Martin Krpan z Vrha« [Martin Krpan from Vrh] (in: Slovan, 1902, no. 6, p. 113).
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During his time at the Viennese School of Arts and Crafts, he was probably most influenced by professor Anton Josef Ritter von Kenner (1871—1951), who headed the course in teaching drawing. Smrekar's home library included Herman IKnackfuB's monograph on painter Adolph Menzl from Berlin and Andersen's fairy tales with colour illustrations by Viennese illustrator Franz Wacik (1883—1938), which he dubbed »Andersen's Breviary« and hung on it »wholeheartedly like a child«.16 He also kept other booklets published by the Viennese Gerlach & Wiedling publishers. Smrekar was an exceptionally talented sketch artist and was, according to Sasha Shantl, »unmatched in independent drawing from the top of the head«.17 Without using a model, he was able to breathe character into human figures and animals. He had command of various sketching techniques in pencil, charcoal, and ink, and often stained his sketches using water-colours. He became acquainted with the combination of sketch drawing and water-colours or pastels in Munich.18
Hinko Smrekar, »Martin Krpan«, 1917 (naslovnica knjige/Cover of the book).
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Opombe:
1	Po Hinku Smrekarju se imenuje nagrada za najboljshe ilustratorje, ki jo podeljuje Zveza drushtev slovenskih likovnih umetnikov od leta 1993.
2	Hinko Smrekar, »Jaz, Hinko Smrekar, po bozhji milosti excentric-clown slovenskega naroda ...« (prvich objavljeno v srbohrvashchini v: Nasha knjiga, Zemun 1931/X).
3	Po: F. K., »Hinko Smrekar«, Slovenec, 1928, sht. 287.
4	Izidor Cankar, »Literarna pratika za 1914. leto«, Dom in svet,, 1914, sht. 1/2, str. 61.
5	Po: Miljutin Zarnik, »Tolovaj Mataj-Martin Krpan«, Ljubljanski zvon, 1918, str. 222.
6	»Najlepshe bozhichno in Miklavzhevo darilo!«, Slovenec, 1918, sht. 268.
7	Vavpotich je ilustriral Pesmi Simona Jenka (1896/1901) in Jurchichevega Desetega brata (1911). — V zborniku Spomen-cvieche iz hrvatskih i slovenskih dubrava, ki ga je izdala Matica Hrvatska leta 1900 (v pochastitev 50-letnice shkofovanja J. J. Strossmayerja, sodelovali so hrvashki in slovenski avtorji), je bila objavljena Vavpoticheva ilustracija »Martin Krpan z Vrha« (Martin Krpan se na kobilici, ovenchani z lovorom, vracha domov po boju z Brdavsom). Z Vavpotichevo ilustracijo naj bi javnost ne bila zadovoljna (po: E. Gangl (Engelbert Gangl), »Martin Krpan z Vrha«, Uchiteljski tovarish, 1914, sht. 18).
8	Dr. Miljutin Zarnik (1873—1940) je v Münchnu obiskoval umetnishko akademijo in Azhbetovo slikarsko sholo. V Gradcu je leta 1896 dokonchal shtudij prava. Tako kot Smrekar je sodeloval s satirichnim listom Jezh. Zaposlen je bil pri financhnem ravnateljstvu v Ljubljani in od leta 1904 na ljubljanskem magistratu. — Leta 1906 je kot magistratni tajnik in policijski nachelnik pisal porochilo za kranjsko dezhelno vlado, ki je obravnavala pritozhbo Frana Tratnika, Hinka Smrekarja, Vladimirja Levstika in Vladimirja Svetka. Ti so bili zaradi razgrajanja po ljubljanskih ulicah obsojeni na petdnevni zapor in povrachilo pravnih in sodnih stroshkov. Zarnik je predlagal, naj trojico krshilcev javnega reda obravnavajo milo, ne pa tudi Svetka, ki je nepoboljshljiv pijanec in ga ne izuchi nobena kazen (po: Janez Cvirn, »Vsega je kriv Buffalo Bill / K zgodovini boemskega zhivljenja v Ljubljani pred prvo svetovno vojno«, Zgodovina za vse, 1994, sht. 2, str. 1—10).
9	Miljutin Zarnik, »Tolovaj Mataj-Martin Krpan«, Ljubljanski zvon, 1918, str. 222.
10	G. Porenta (Gashpar Porenta), »Smrekarjev Martin Krpan«, Mentor 1917/1918, sht. 7—8.
11	K. D. (Karel Dobida), »Dva ilustratorja«, Demokracija, 1918, sht. 5—7, str. 84.
12	Ivan Pregelj, »Martin Krpan z Vrha«, Dom in svet, 1917, sht. 11/12, str. 350.
13	Po: A. C-t., »Knjizhevni Jug«, Slovenski narod, 1918, sht. 161.
14	-n- (Anton Funtek), »Martin Krpan«, Laibacher Zeitung, 1918, sht. 4.
15	Po: Hinko Smrekar, »Martin Krpan iz 'nove zalozhbe'«, Jugoslovan 1918, sht. 11.
16	Elko Justin, (brez naslova), Tovarish, 1951, sht. 16.
17	Sasha Shantel, »Spomini IV«, Srce in oko 36, 1992, str. 179.
18	Po: Karel Dobida, Hinko Smrekar, Ljubljana 1957, str. 23.
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Notes:
1	The award for best illustrators, which the Slovenian association of illustration societies »Zveza drushtev slovenskih likovnih umetnikov« has been awarding since 1993, is named after Hinko Smrekar.
2	Hinko Smiekar, »Jazz, Hinko Smrekar, po bozhji milosti excentric-clown slovenskega naroda ...« [/ Hinko Smrekar, by God's Grace the Eccentric Clown of the Slovene Nation] (first published in Serbo-Croatian by Nasha knjiga, Zemun 1931/X).
3	According to: F. K., »Hinko Smrekar«, Slovenec, 1928, no. 287.
4	Izidor Cankar, »Literarna pratika za 1914. leto«, Dom in svet,, 1914, no. 1/2, p. 61.
5	Miljutin Zarnik, »Tolovaj Mataj-Martin Krpan«, Ljubljanski zvon, 1918, p. 222.
6	»Najlepshe bozhichno in Miklavzhevo darilo!«, Slovenec, 1918, no. 268.
7	Vavpotich illustrated Pesmi [Poems] by Simon Jenko (1896/1901) and Jurchich's Deseti brat [The Tetnth Brother] (1911). — The Spomen-cvieche iz hrvatskih i slovenskih dubrava miscellany published by Matica Hrvatska in 1900 (to honour the 50th anniversary of J. J. Strossmayer's appointment as bishop wherein Slovenian and Coratian authors took part), contained Vavpotich's illustration titled »Martin Krpan z Vrha« (Martin Krpan is returning home after conquering Brdavs, riding his mare wearing a laurel wreath garland). The public is said to have not been happy with Vavpotich's illustration (according to: E. Gangl (Engelbert Gangl), »Martin Krpan z Vrha«, Uchitejski tovarish, 1914, no. 18).
8	Dr. Miljutin Zarnik (1873—1940) went to the Fine Arts Academy and Azhbe's school of painting in Munich. In 1896 he graduated in law in Graz. Like Smrekar, he also collaborated with the Jezh satirical paper. He worked for the financial directorship in Ljubljana and after 1904 at the Ljubljana Town Hall. — In 1906, in his capacity as Town Hall secretary and police commissioner, he wrote a report for the Carniolan Land Government, which also covered Fran Tratnik's, Hinko Smrekar's, Vladimir Levstik's and Vladimir Svetek's appeal. These men were sentenced to five days' imprisonment and repayment of judicial costs for carousing in the streets of Ljubljana. Zarnik suggested that three of the disruptors of public order be treated mildly, but not Svetek, who is an incorrigible drunkard and cannot be set right by any punishment. (According to: Janez Cvirn, »Vsega je kriv Buffalo Bill / K zgodovini boemskega zhivljenja v Ljubljani pred prvo svetovno vojno«, Zgodovina za vse, 1994, no. 2, pp. 1—10).
9	Miljutin Zarnik, »Tolovaj Mataj-Martin Krpan«, Ljubljanski zvon, 1918, p. 222.
10	G. Porenta (Gashpar Porenta), »Smrekarjev Martin Krpan«, Mentor 1917/1918, no. 7—8.
11	K. D. (Karel Dobida), »Dva ilustratorja«, Demokracija, 1918, no. 5—7, p. 84.
12	Ivan Pregelj, »Martin Krpan z Vrha«, Dom in svet, 1917, no. 11/12, p. 350.
13	A. C-t., »Knjizhevni Jug«, Slovenski narod, 1918, no. 161.
14	-n- (Anton Funtek), »Martin Krpan«, Laibacher Zeitung, 1918, no. 4.
15	According to: Hinko Smrekar, »Martin Krpan iz 'nove zalozhbe'«, Jugoslovan 1918, no. 11.
16	Elko Justin, (no title), Tovarish, 1951, no. 16.
17	Sasha Shantel, »Spomini IV«, Srce in oko 36, 1992, no. 179.
18	Karel Dobida, Hinko Smrekar, Ljubljana 1957, no. 23.
* Note of the translator: Where an official translation exists the English titles are italicized, where there doesn't they aren't.
Translated by Jaka Jarc
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Damir Globochnik
KIPAR LOJZE DOLINAR
Lojze Dolinar je bil rojen 19. aprila 1893 v Ljubljani. Velja za enega vodilnih predstavnikov realizma, secesije, ekspresionizma, nove stvarnosti in socialistichnega realizma v slovenskem kiparstvu 20. stoletja.1 Na kiparskem oddelku Umetno-obrtne shole v Ljubljani so ga pouchevali Celestin Mis, Alojzij Repich in Ivan Zajec. Sholanje je zhelel nadaljevati na dunajski, munchenski ali prashki akademiji, vendar je zaradi skromnih financhnih razmer lahko obiskoval samo prvi letnik sploshnega kiparstva na akademiji na Dunaju (1911/1912), kjer je bil njegov uchitelj kipar Josef Mullner (Millner). Dunaj je Dolinarju v marsichem razshiril obzorje; poblizhe se je lahko spoznal s kiparstvom Cheha Jana Shtursa, avstrijskega kiparja Antona Hanaka, Hrvata Ivana Meshtrovicha in drugih kiparjev. S shtudijem je v letih 1911 in 1912—1913 poskushal nadaljevati v Munchnu. Domacha javnost je z veliko naklonjenostjo sprejela Dolinarjev monumentalni kip »kmechkega kralja« Matije Gubca iz leta 1913. Zamisel za kip se je Dolinarju porodila ob prebiranju Ashkercheve epske pesnitve Stara pravda. Uveljavil se je tudi s portretno in malo plastiko. Po krajshem bivanju v ZDA leta 1920 se je Dolinar zachel intenzivno posvechati arhitekturni plastiki, pri kateri je posegal po antichnih, neoklasicistichnih in sodobnih zgledih (art déco). V obdobju med obema svetovnima vojnama je bil med najbolj zaposlenimi kiparji v Ljubljani (nagrobni spomenik Janeza Evangelista Kreka, 1918/1919; kipi za Delavsko zbornico, 1927/1928; Sv. Jurij na stavbi Pokojninskega zavoda, 1926; spomenik kralju Petru I., 1931; zhenska figura na ljubljanskem nebotichniku, 1932; herme skladateljev pred Glasbeno matico, 1932; spomenik kralju Aleksandru I., 1940). Zaradi narochil za arhitekturno plastiko se je leta 1932 preselil v Beograd (timpanon na stavbi Ministrstva za promet, 1929—1931; Mati z otrokom pred otroshko kliniko v Beogradu, 1931, figuralna skupina za Igumanovo palacho na Terazijah, 1938). Med najvechjimi Dolinarjevimi spomenishkimi nalogami je bila izdelava kipov za Spomenik dijakom — vojakom v Skopju, ki je bil odkrit leta 1935 in velja za najvechji spomenik, kar so jih izdelali slovenski kiparji med obema vojnama. Na vrhu spomenika je bila personifikacijo Domovine (morda boginja Zmage), ki dviguje mech nad glavo, ob njej je stopal mlad shtudent s pushko v roki. S figuro zhalujoche Srbske matere (Mati padlih vojakov), ki jo je namestil na razshirjeni zadnji del spomenishkega podstavka, je Dolinar uravnotezhil dinamichni zagon drugih dveh omenjenih figur. Spomenik so po napadu na Jugoslavijo leta 1941 unichili Bolgari, Italijani pa so odstranili oba Dolinarjeva dinastichna spomenika v Ljubljani (Peter I. pred Magistratom, Aleksander I. v Zvezdi).
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Damir Globochnik
SCULPTOR LOJZE DOLINAR
Lojze Dolinar was born on 19 April 1893 in Ljubljana. He is regarded as one of the leading representatives of Realism, Art Nouveau, Expressionism, New Objectivity and Social Realism in the 20th century sculpture in Slovenia.1 His teachers in the sculpture class of Arts and Crafts School in Ljubljana were Celestin Mis, Alojzij Repich and Ivan Zajec. Dolinar wanted to continue his studies at the academy in Vienna, München or Prague, but due to poor financial situation he could only attend the first year of general sculpture at the Academy of Fine Arts in Vienna (1911/1912), where his teacher was the sculptor Josef Müllner (Millner). Dolinar broadened his horizon in Vienna in many ways. He got to know the sculpture of the Czech Jan Shturs, Austrian Anton Hanak, Croatian Ivan Meshtrovich and others. He tried to continue his studies in München in 1911 and 1912/1913. Slovenian public received Dolinar's monumental sculpture of the »peasant king« Matija Gubec in 1913 with great fondness. Dolinar came up with the idea for this sculpture while reading the epic poem by Anton Ashkerc called Stara pravda (Slovene Peasant Revolt). He also established himself in the fields of portrait and small-scale sculpture. After a brief residence in USA in 1920, Dolinar began working intensively on architectural sculpture, inspired by the antique, neoclassicism and art deco. Between the two world wars, he was one of the busiest sculptors in Ljubljana, creating among others the tombstone of Janez Evangelist Krek (1918/1919), statues for the Chamber of Labour (1927/1928), the statue of St George on the building of the Pension Insurance Institute (1926), the monument to King Peter I (1931), the female figure on the Nebotichnik building in Ljubljana (1932), herms of composers in front of the Glasbena matica society (1932) and the monument to King Alexander I (1940). After he received several commissions for architectural sculptures in 1932, he moved to Belgrade, where he created the pediment on the building of the Ministry of Transport (1929-1931), Mother with a Child in front of the Belgrade Children's Hospital (1931) and the figure group for Iguman's Palace at Terazije square (1938). One of the most challenging sculpture tasks of Lojze Dolinar was the Monument to the Fallen Student Soldiers in Skopje, which was unveiled in 1935 and is considered as one of the largest sculptures made by Slovenian sculptors between the two world wars. The top of the sculpture featured the personification of the Motherland (or perhaps the Goddess of Victory), raising the sword above her head, accompanied by a young student with a gun in his hand. By placing the figure of the grieving Serbian Mother (Mother of the Fallen Soldiers) at the extended rear of the sculpture pedestal, Dolinar balanced the dynamics of both figures. After Yugoslavia was attacked in 1941, this monument was destroyed by the Bulgarians, and both Dolinar's monarchic monuments in Ljubljana were removed by the Italians.
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V monografiji o Dolinarju je dr. Shpelca Chopich zapisala, da je Dolinar »dochakal osvoboditev sestradan kiparstva«.2 Dolinar je bil kot narochen za nove kiparske naloge, saj je pred mlajshimi kiparji imel veliko prednost v tehnichnem znanju in se je lahko lotil najzahtevnejshih kiparskih izzivov, znal pa se je tudi prilagajati vsakokratnemu politichnemu in kiparskemu programu, ki je bil skorajda pisan na njegovo kozho, saj je vse zhivljenje vztrajal pri kiparskem oblikovanju polnoplastichne chloveshke figure v izraziti monumentalni formi. Nova doba je potrebovala nove junake: junashke borce, revolucionarje in delavce, za katere je bilo vsaj sprva najbolj primerno, da so bili predstavljeni chim bolj realistichno. Dolinar je v Rodinovi, Bourdellovi in Meshtrovichevi tradiciji izdeloval mogochne chloveshke figure z napetimi mishicami in heroichnimi gestami.
Po drugi svetovni vojni je ostal eden najbolj iskanih spomenishkih kiparjev (Spomenik ustreljenim, Jajinci pri Beogradu, 1946; kip Preplah iz 1947 — 1961 so ga postavili v Ribnici; monumentalna reliefa z upodobitvijo narodnoosvobodilnega boja jugoslovanskih narodov, Sedezh CK ZKJ/Muzej revolucije v Beogradu, 1948—1949; Spomenik bratstva in enotnosti v Dakovici, 1951; Spomenik 4. decembra za spomenishki kompleks porushene bolnice v Prijepolju, 1953). Dolinar se je snovanja svojega najvechjega povojnega spomenika polotil samoiniciativno. Shele kasneje je namrech dobil narochilo za Spomenik ustreljenim v Jajincih pri Beogradu. Dokonchan je bil leta 1950 in je naletel na negativne odmeve, chesh da predstavlja »slovenski katolishki barok«, zato so orjashki spomenik, za katerega je Dolinar izdelal 15 chloveshkih figur v nadnaravni velikosti, ki od dalech spominjajo na Rodinove Meshchane Calaisa, shele leta 1959 postavili v park pred zheleznishko postajo v Kraljevu, kjer je dobil novo ime Spomenik odpora in zmage.
Dolinarjevo ateljejsko kiparstvo je znova postalo enako raznoliko kot v prvih letih. Pri mali plastiki iz zhgane gline, brona ali kamna je vechkrat posegel po oblikovanju stiliziranih stanjshanih, zvonchastih ali plashchnih chloveshkih figur. Med najpogostejshimi motivi so sedecha, stojecha ali pleshocha figura ali figuralna skupina, goli akt ter mati z otrokom. Pretehtane in uravnotezhene reshitve so podobne tistim iz velikih spomenishkih realizacij. Zanimala sta ga tudi vprashanje ravnotezhja in problem izvotljene figure, zato je dovolil prostoru, da je prodrl v osrchje plastike. Leta 1946 je bil imenovan za izrednega, leta 1949 za rednega profesorja kiparstva na beograjski likovni akademiji. Leta 1959 se je upokojil. Istega leta je prejel narochilo za Spomenik revolucije v Kranju. Dolinar je kipe zmodeliral v letu 1960. V bron so bili vliti pozimi 1960/1961 in na pomlad 1962. Spomenik so odkrili 30. junija 1961. Kipe za Spomenik revolucije je Dolinar izdelal v beograjskem ateljeju, vendar se je medtem zhe odlochil, da se bo preselil v Kranj. S kranjsko obchino se je leta 1962 dogovoril za gradnjo novega razstavnega paviljona, v katerem naj bi bile na ogled njegove plastike, in je zanj prispeval izkupichek od prodanega ateljeja v Beogradu.3
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In her monograph on Dolinar, Dr Shpelca Chopich wrote that Dolinar »craved sculpture at the end of the war«.2 His technical knowledge gave him a great advantage over the younger sculptors, and he soon proved to be the best choice for new sculpture commissions, also of the most demanding kind. He easily adapted to the political and sculptural programme of the era that suited him perfectly as he fashioned full sculptural human figures in a distinct monumental form all his life. The new era demanded new heroes: heroic fighters, revolutionaries and labourers that had to be presented as realistically as possible, at least in the beginning. Following the traditions of Rodin, Bourdelle and Meshtrovich, Dolinar sculptured titanic human figures with tight muscles and heroic gestures. After World War II, Dolinar remained one of the most sought after monument sculptors, creating among others the Monument to the Victims of the Carnage in Jajinci near Belgrade (1946), the statue Fright (1947), which was erected in Ribnica in 1961, two monumental reliefs depicting the national liberation struggle of the Yugoslav nations (Headquarters of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia/Museum of the Revolution in Belgrade, 1948-1949), the Monument to Fraternity and Unity in Gjakova, 1951, 4 December Monument for the monument complex at the ruined hospital in Prijepolje (1953). Dolinar started drafting his largest post-war monument on his own initiative. It was only later that he received the commission for the Monument to the Victims of the Carnage in Jajinci near Belgrade. Completed in 1950, this monument was criticised as presenting the »Slovenian catholic baroque«. The giant monument, which consists of 15 human figures in supernatural size and vaguely resembles Rodin's Burghers of Calais, was thus only set up in 1959 in the park in front of the railway station in Kraljevo, where it acquired a new name The Monument of Resistance and Victory. Dolinar's studio sculpture became as varied as it was in his early years. In small-scale sculptures made of fired clay, bronze or stone, he would often design stylized human figures which were thinned, bell shaped or mantle shaped. His most common motives include the sitting, standing or dancing figures or figural groups, nudes, and mother with a child. His well reflected and balanced solutions are similar to those of his large monumental realizations. He was also interested in the issue of equilibrium and the problem of the hollowed figure, so he allowed the space to penetrate into the heart of sculpture.
He was appointed an Associate Professor of Sculpture at the Belgrade Academy of Fine Arts in 1946 and gained full professorship in 1949. He retired in 1959. In that same year, he received a commission for the Revolution Monument in Kranj. Dolinar designed the sculptures in 1960 and casted them in bronze in the winter 1960/1961 and spring 1961. The monument was unveiled on 30 June 1961. Dolinar made the statues for the Revolution Monument in his Belgrade studio and while doing it, he already decided to move to Kranj. In 1962, the Municipality of Kranj agreed to build a new exhibition pavilion for his sculptures, for which Dolinar would contribute the money from the sale of his Belgrade studio.3
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Obchina je sporazumno z Dolinarjem spremenila pogodbo: Galerija Dolinar je bila leta 1966 urejena v spodnji in zgornji vezhi Mestne hishe (izbor Dolinarjevih 37 plastik in 15 grafik), Dolinarju pa so zgradili manjshi atelje s stanovanjem na Rotarjevi ul. 4 v Kranju. V tem ateljeju so nastala njegova zadnja dela, med drugim doprsni kip atleta za novi shportni park v Kranju (1964), kip pesnika Franceta Presherna v Preshernovem gaju (1968) in relief na Bezhkovi hishi (1970). Dolinar je bil leta 1953 izvoljen za dopisnega in leta 1970 za rednega chlana Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti. Umrl je 9. septembra 1970 v Ichichih pri Opatiji. Dolinar je rad risal. Veselje do risanja in modeliranja v glini je odkril zhe v tretjem razredu osnovne shole. Manj znan je podatek, da je narisal nekaj karikatur za dnevnik Dan, ki je v letih 1912—1914 izhajal v Ljubljani. Vendar njegov risarski opus ni ohranjen v celoti. Nemci so namrech leta 1944 zasedli Dolinarjevo hisho v Beogradu in unichili skoraj vse osnutke za kipe in drugo likovno gradivo. Dolinar se je med drugo svetovno vojno zachel ukvarjati z grafiko. Obchasno je tudi slikal. Za retrospektivno razstavo v Moderni galeriji v Ljubljani leta 1958, ki je bila prirejena ob kiparjevi 65-letnici, je pripravil vrsto grafichnih listov v tehniki litografije in v samosvoji tehniki »rez v mavec«: za grafichno matrico je uporabil mavchne ploshche, v katere je zarezal s kiparskimi dleti. Motivi na grafikah so bili figuralni, delno so sledili kiparskim reshitvam. Pri ciklusu grafik z naslovom Morje kipari so ga pritegnile od valov izbrushene skale na kvarnerski obali, v katerih je odkrival abstraktne oblike. Risbe in grafike je predstavil tudi na samostojni razstavi v Mestni galeriji v Ljubljani leta 1968.4 Za razstavo je prejel Preshernovo nagrado. Dolinarjev opus je izredno obsezhen. Katalog njegove retrospektivne razstave (Moderna galerija v Ljubljani, 1996)5 navaja v seznamu kiparskih del kar 505 katalozhnih enot, pri chemer marsikatero njegovo delo iz beograjskega obdobja she ni bilo uposhtevano. Uspeshno se je uveljavil s portretno, malo, spomenishko, nagrobno in arhitekturno plastiko. Uresnichil je nekatera najvechja spomenishka narochila, najvech javnih in arhitekturnih plastik v Ljubljani je njegovo delo. Med znachilnosti Dolinarjevega kiparskega nagovora sodijo iskanje monumentalne kiparske forme, dobro poznavanje metjeja in kiparskih materialov, dematerializacija telesne mase, polnoplastichna ali slikovito razgibana povrshinska obdelava.
1	Biografski podatki po: Fran Shijanec, Sodobna slovenska likovna umetnost, Maribor 1968, str. 292—302; Shpelca Chopich, Lojze Dolinar, Ljubljana, 1985; Lojze Dolinar (1893—1970) / Retrospektivna razstava, Ljubljana 1996 (Moderna galerija).
2	Shpelca Chopich, Lojze Dolinar, Ljubljana 1985, str. 111.
3	Dopis 351-507/62-1/T z dne 18. 8. 1965, Oddelek za druzhbene zadeve, Skupshchina obchine Kranj (zadeva: Galerija likovnih umetnosti), tipkopis v Dolinarjevi zapushchini.
4	Emilijan Cevc, Lojze Dolinar (katalog Dolinarjeve razstave v Mestni galeriji, Ljubljana), 1968, str. 5—7, 15.
5	Shpelca Chopich, Lojze Dolinar (1893—1970) / Retrospektivna razstava, Moderna galerija v Ljubljani 1996, str. 155-196.
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Later, the two parties agreed to modify the contract a bit. In 1966, Dolinar Art Gallery was set up in the ground floor and the first floor of the Town Hall (including a selection of 37 sculptures and prints by Lojze Dolinar), while a smaller studio and an adjacent apartment was built for Dolinar at Rotarjeva ulica 4 in Kranj. In this studio Dolinar created his last works, including the bust of an athlete for the new sport park in Kranj (1964), the bust of the poet France Presheren in Presheren Grove (1968) and the relief on Bezhek Villa (1970). Dolinar became a corresponding member of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in 1953 and its full member in 1970. He died on 9 September 1970 in Ichichi near Opatija. Dolinar loved to draw. He discovered his passion for drawing and clay modelling as early as in the third grade of primary school. It is little known that Dolinar drew some caricatures for the daily newspaper Dan, which was published in Ljubljana in 1912-1914. However, Dolinar's drawing oeuvre is not preserved entirely. In 1944, the Germans occupied Dolinar's house in Belgrade and destroyed nearly all drafts for sculptures and other art material. During World War II, Dolinar got involved in printmaking. He also painted occasionally. The retrospective exhibition at his 65th anniversary, which was hosted by the Museum of Modern Art in Ljubljana in 1958, included a series of his prints employing lithography or his own unique technique (etched in plaster). He used plaster plates etched by sculpture chisels as printmaking matrices. His prints featured figurative motifs, which partly resembled his sculpture solutions. In his printmaking series entitled Sea, the Sculptor, he was drawn by the rocks of the northern Adriatic coast, which are carved by the waves into numerous abstract forms. Dolinar presented his prints and drawings also at an independent exhibition in the Museum of Modern Art in Ljubljana in 1968.4 He won the Presheren Award for this exhibition. The vastness of Dolinar's oeuvre is extraordinary. The catalogue of Dolinar's retrospective exhibition (Museum of Modern Art in Ljubljana, 1996)5 lists as many as 505 works of sculpture, while many a work from his Belgrade period was not even included there. He achieved wide recognition in the fields of portrait, small-scale, monumental, funerary and architectural sculpture. Having accepted some of the major sculpture commissions, he authored the greatest number of public and architectural sculptures in Ljubljana. Dolinar's sculpture is marked by his search of the perfect monumental sculpture form, his mastering of the metier and sculptural materials, dematerialisation of the body mass and processing of the surface which is fully sculptural or richly varied.
1	Biographical data from: Fran Shijanec, Sodobna slovenska likovna umetnost, Maribor 1968, pp. 292— 302; Shpelca Chopich, Lojze Dolinar, Ljubljana, 1985; Lojze Dolinar (1893—1970) / Retrospektivna razstava, Ljubljana 1996 (Museum of Modern Art Ljubljana).
2	Shpelca Chopich, Lojze Dolinar, Ljubljana 1985, p. 111.
3	Memorandum 351-507/62-1/T as of 18 August 1965, Department of Social Affairs, Kranj Municipality meeting (Subject: Fine Art Gallery), typescript in Dolinar's legacy.
4	Emilijan Cevc, Lojze Dolinar (catalogue of Dolinar's exhibition in the Museum of Modern Art in Ljubljana), 1968, pp. 5-7, 15.
5	Shpelca Chopich, Lojze Dolinar (1893—1970) / Retrospektivna razstava, Museum of Modern Art in Ljubljana 1996, pp. 155-196.
Translated by Katarina Ropret
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Figura kmechkega upornika Matije Gubca je bila visoka skoraj 3 metre. The figure of the peasant rebel Matija Gubec was nearly 3 metres tall.
Mojzes, 1927, mavec Moses, 1927, plaster
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Timpanon nekdanjega ministrstva za promet v Beogradu (del), 1929-1931 Timpanon of the former Ministry of Transport in Belgrade (part), 1929-1931
Spomenik dijakom — vojakom v Skopju, 1935 Monument to the Fallen Student Soldiers in Skopje, 1935
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Spomenik bratstva in enotnosti v Dzhakovici, 1951 Monument to Fraternity and Unity in Gjakova, 1951
Delavska stavka, Spomenik revolucije v Kranju, 1959—1961 Worker strike, Revolution Monument in Kranj, 1959-1961, plaster
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Svojskost LiVeS Journala — Revije SRP
Vodilo LiVeS Journala — Revije SRP so
tri vrednotne orientacije individua,
tega ne nepomembnega drobca v sistemu institucij.
Te vrednote so: Svoboda, Resnica, Pogum. Pomembne so, vsaka od njih posebej, pomembno je prezhemanje teh vrednot.
Tak namen ima tudi urednishtvo Revije SRP,
ki izhaja v posodobljenem prvotnem slovenskem chrkopisu bohorichici, katere utemeljitev predstavlja Zbornik 2001 Bohorichica.
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Individuality of the LiVeS Journal
Guidelines of the LiVeS Journal are
the three values of the orientation of the individuum,
that irrelevant shred in the system of institutions.
These values are: Liberty (freedom), Verity (truth), and Spirit (courage) Each of them is important in its separate way, the infusion of these values is important.
This is also the intention of the LiVeS Journal editorial board,
which is published in an updated version of Bohorichica - the primary Slovenian alphabet,
the argumentation behind which is presented in Zbornik 2001 Bohorichica.
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Sama ustvarjalnost in avtonomija, njuna utemeljenost v raziskovanju, nachelno in sploshno nista vprashljivi, nihche, skoraj nihche ne bo nasprotoval takim usmeritvam. Problem se pojavlja shele na konkretnem nivoju, kot tak je nerazviden in skrit ali zhe prikrit in s tem tezhko reshljiv. Problem ukinjanja ustvarjalnosti (in avtonomije) se kazhe v shtevilnih, a na videz nepomembnih malenkostih. Lahko jih ne vidimo ali pa se moramo spustiti na nivo konkretnosti, to je na nivo ukvarjanja z malenkostmi in postati malenkostni.
Institucija brez spomina je kakor podjetje brez knjigovodstva, mochni in mogochni v njej pochno, kar jih je volja, ker vse, kar pochno, utone v pozabljivi zavesti chasa.
a ne gre za chas, ampak za dejstva zavesti,
kjer chasa ni, je samo trajanje,
obche vrednote so neposredna dejstva zavesti,
vsakomur dojemljive, preverljive,
nihche jih chloveku ne more ne dati ne vzeti,
ne sistem ne institucija ne propaganda, tudi kulturna ne,
samo che to sam hoche, jih bo nashel
le v sebi, sebstvu svojem.
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Creativity and autonomy themselves,
their justification in research,
are in principle and generally not questionable,
no one, or next to no one will oppose
such an orientation. It is not until concrete action is undertaken
that the problem will occur, and it is therefore
unevident and hidden or even already concealed
and thus difficult to solve.
The problem of abolishing creativity
(and autonomy) presents itself in numerous,
but seemingly irrelevant details.
We can either leave them undetected or
drop down to the tangible level, in other words —
become preoccupied with trifles —
and grow petty.
An institution with no memory
is like a company without accounting,
its strong and its mighty
do what they please,
because all they do is doomed to drown
in the forgetful awareness of time.
but it is not a matter of time, but a matter of the facts of awareness,
where time does not exist, there is only length,
general values are direct facts of awareness,
understandable to all, verifiable,
no one can bestow them or take them away,
neither system, nor institutions nor propaganda — not even a cultural one, only if one so desires, will one find them only within oneself, in one's own self.
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»Torej vsako bitje, ki obchuti svojo eksistenco,
obchuti zlochin pokorjenosti in tezhi k svobodi;
che se she zhivali, ki so udomachene za sluzhenje chloveku,
lahko podrede shele potem, ko jim zatro nasprotno zheljo,
kakshna nesrecha je to lahko za chloveka,
ki je edini resnichno rojen zato,
da zhivi svobodno.
Napravila ga je nenaravnega do te mere,
da je izgubil praspomin na svoje prvobitno stanje,
in na zheljo, da ga ponovno ozhivi ...
Vedno pa se najdejo eni, srechnejshi od drugih,
ti, ki so rojeni pod srechno zvezdo,
ki obchutijo tezho jarma in ne morejo vzdrzhati,
da bi ga ne stresli, ti, ki se nikoli ne navadijo na jarem ...
Ko bi bila svoboda povsem izgubljena, Zunaj tega sveta,
bi jo ti ljudje ozhivili v svoji predstavi,
obchutili bi jo v svojem duhu in jo she vedno uzhivali.
Suzhenjstvo nikakor ni po njihovem okusu, celo ko je to okrasheno, ne! ...«
Etienne de La Boetie
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»So every being that feels its existence,
feels the crime of submission and strives for freedom;
if even animals that are tamed to serve man,
do not submit until their opposing desires are crushed,
what misfortune can this be for man,
who alone is truly born,
to live freely.
It made him so unnatural,
that he forgot the memory of his primeval state, and the desire to again revive it ...
But you always find some who are happier than others,
the ones who are born under a lucky star,
who feel the weight of the yoke and cannot stop themselves,
from shaking it off, the ones who never grow accustomed to the yoke ...
If liberty were to be completely lost, out of this world,
then these people would revive it in their imaginations, they would feel it in their spirit and continue to enjoy it.
Servitude is by no means to their taste, not even if it is adorned! ...«
Etienne de La Boetie
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OPOMBA UREDNISHTVA
LiVeS Journal (in Revija SRP): http://www.livesjournal.eu (http://www.revijasrp.si)
Internetna uporaba Revije SRP je brez omejitev; enako velja za LiVeS Journal., ki mu je z vzporedno dvojezichnostjo namenjena shirsha dostopnost, tudi za izseljenske korenine. Predvideno je, da bodo med novimi sodelavci tudi prevajalci, ki bodo postopoma dodajali prevode iz Revije SRP v »globalnem jeziku« (za globalni zgodovinski spomin), danes v angleshkem (britanskem ali amerishkem). Izvirnik vsakega teksta je avtorski unikat, prevodov pa je lahko vech, zato bo v internetni izdaji LJ kak prevod lahko tudi dodan k predhodnemu ali pa ga bo nadomestil.
EDITORIAL NOTE
LiVeS Journal (and Revija SRP): http://www.livesjournal.eu (http://www.revijasrp.si)
Internet use of Revija SRP is without limits; the same is valid for LiVeS Journal., for which the wider accessibility is intended by the means of two parallel languages, even to the roots of diasporas. It is expected that the new translators among the contributors gradually will add new translations of the texts from Revija SRP in the »global language« (for the global historical memory), today in English (British or American). Every original text is unique as a fact of authorship, but translations may be several, so in the Internet edition of LJ new translations also could be added to the preliminary ones, or those could be replaced.