Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije
Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei
Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies
Series Historia et Sociologia, 30, 2020, 3
UDK 009                     Annales, Ser. hist. sociol., 30, 2020, 3, pp. 343-516, Koper 2020  ISSN 1408-5348

KOPER 2020
Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije
Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei
Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies
Series Historia et Sociologia, 30, 2020, 3
UDK 009                               I SSN 1408-5348
e-ISSN 2591-1775

ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 30 · 2020 · 3
ISSN 1408-5348 UDK 009  Letnik 30, leto 2020, številka 3
e-ISSN 2591-1775
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ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 30 · 2020 · 3
Nadja Furlan Štante: Strengths and Weaknesses 
of Women's Religious Peacebuilding (in Slovenia) ..... 343
I punti di forza e di debolezza degli sforzi 
religiosi delle donne nella construzione 
della pace (in Slovenia)
Prednosti in pasti ženske religijske 
izgradnje miru (v Sloveniji)
Anja Zalta: The Problem of 
Islamophobia and its Consequences 
as Obstacles to Peacebuilding in 
Bosnia and Herzegovina ....................................... 355
Il problema dell’islamofobia e 
le sue conseguenze come 
ostacolo nella costruzione 
della pace in Bosnia-Erzegovina
Islamofobija in njene posledice kot 
prepreka pri izgradnji miru v 
Bosni in Hercegovini
Maja Bjelica: Listening to Otherness. 
The Case of the Turkish Alevis .............................. 367
Ascoltare l’alterità: l’esempio degli 
Alevi della Turchia
Poslušanje drugosti: primer turških Alevijev
 
Bojan Žalec: Fair Cooperation and Dialogue 
with the Other as a Rational Attitude: 
The Grammarian Account of Authenticity ................ 383
Equa cooperazione e dialogo con l’altro 
come atteggiamento razionale: la considerazione 
grammaticale dell’autenticità
Pošteno sodelovanje in dialog z drugim kot 
racionalna drža: slovnična pojasnitev avtentičnosti
Mateja Centa & Vojko Strahovnik: 
Epistemic Virtues and Interreligious 
Dialogue: A Case for Humility ................................. 395
Virtù epistemiche e dialogo interreligioso: 
il caso dell’umiltà
Spoznavne vrline in medreligijski dialog: 
primer ponižnosti
Rok Svetlič: The Realm of Abstract 
Worship – Hegel's Interpretation of Islam ............... 405
Il regno dell'adorazione astratta – 
l'interpretazione di Hegel dell'islam
Kraljestvo abstraktnega bogoslužja – 
Heglova interpretacija islama
Gašper Mithans: Religious 
Communities and the Change of 
Worldviews in Slovenia (1918–1991): 
Historical and Political Perspectives ........................ 415
Le comunità religiose e il cambiamento della 
visione del mondo in Slovenia (1918–1991): 
prospettive storiche e politiche
Religijske skupnosti in spremembe svetovnega 
nazora na Slovenskem (1918–1991) v 
zgodovinsko-politični perspektivi
Aleš Maver: Državljanske 
vojne v »krščanskih časih« ...................................... 435
Le guerre civili in «tempi cristiani»
The Role of Civil Wars in »Christian Times«
Martin Bele: Rodbina Hompoških ........................... 447
La stirpe di Hompoš
The Noble Family of Hompoš
Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije - Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei - Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies
VSEBINA / INDICE GENERALE / CONTENTS
UDK 009                                  V olume 30, Koper 2020, issue 3                                  ISSN 1408-5348
e-ISSN 2591-1775

ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 30 · 2020 · 3
Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije - Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei - Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies
Faris Kočan & Boštjan Udovič: Diplomacija 
s (kolektivnim) spominom: kako preteklost 
vpliva na izvajanje diplomacije?.............................. 457
Diplomazia con la memoria (colletiva): 
in che modo il passato incide sull'attuazione 
della diplomazia?
Diplomacy with (Collective) Memory: 
How the Past Influences the 
Diplomatic Intercourse?
Andrej Kirbiš: The Impact of Educational 
Habitus on Subjective Health and 
Substance Use and the Moderating Effect 
of Gender: Findings from a Nationally 
Representative Study of Slovenian Youth ................. 469
L’influenza dell’habitus educativo sulla 
salute soggettiva e l’uso delle sostanze 
e il ruolo di moderazione del genere: 
analisi di indagine rappresentativa della 
gioventù slovena
Vpliv izobraževalnega habitusa na subjektivno 
zdravje in uporabo substanc ter moderatorska 
vloga spola: analiza reprezentativne raziskave 
slovenske mladine
Nives Lenassi & Sandro Paolucci: 
Italijanski in slovenski jezik ekonomije 
in poslovanja: anglicizmi med citatnimi 
zapisi in pomenskimi kalki ..................................... 485
Italian and Slovenian Economics and 
Business Vocabulary: Anglicisms as Citation 
Loans and Semantic Calques
L’italiano e lo sloveno dell’economia e degli 
affari: anglicismi tra prestiti integrali e 
calchi semantici
Cvijeta Brajičić: Words of Italian 
Origin in the Written Legacy of 
Stefan Mitrov Ljubiša ............................................. 499
Parole di origine italiana nell'eredità 
scritta di Stefan Mitrov Ljubiša
Besede italijanskega izvora v pisni 
zapuščini Stefana Mitrova Ljubiše
OCENE/RECENSIONI/REVIEWS
Gerhard Giesemann: 
Teologija reformatorja Primoža 
Trubarja (Žiga Oman) ............................................ 513
Roland Kaltenegger: 
Die Operationszone 'Adriatisches 
küstenland'. Der kampf um Triest, Istrien 
und Fiume 1944–1945 (Klemen Kocjančič) ............... 514
Kazalo k slikam na ovitku ..................................... 516
Indice delle foto di copertina ................................. 516
Index to images on the cover ................................. 516

ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 30 · 2020 · 3
469
received: 2020-01-14                  DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2020.31
THE IMPACT OF EDUCATIONAL HABITUS ON SUBJECTIVE HEALTH AND 
SUBSTANCE USE AND THE MODERATING EFFECT OF GENDER: FINDINGS 
FROM A NATIONALLY REPRESENTATIVE STUDY OF SLOVENIAN YOUTH
Andrej KIRBIŠ
University of Maribor, Faculty of Arts, Department of Sociology, Koroška cesta 160, 2000 Maribor, Slovenia
e-mail: andrej.kirbis@um.si
ABSTRACT
The main purpose of our research was to examine the relationship among various indicators of educational 
habitus, subjective health and substance use and the moderating role of gender.  The results indicated that 1) over 
one third of bivariate correlation coefficients between habitus and health outcome measures were statistically 
significant; 2) the most consistent correlate of subjective health was satisfaction with the Slovenian educational 
system, while school adjustment most consistently correlated with substance use; 3) when controlling for several 
socioeconomic and parenting confounders in multivariate analyses, only in two out of twelve examined cases did 
habitus predictors remain significant (only for substance use); 4) gender moderated the impact of two indicators 
of educational habitus on overall substance use, but not on overall subjective health. 
Keywords: educational habitus, inequalities in health, school perceptions, gender, cultural capital
L’INFLUENZA DELL’HABITUS EDUCATIVO SULLA SALUTE SOGGETTIVA E L’USO DELLE 
SOSTANZE ED IL RUOLO DI MODERAZIONE DEL GENERE: ANALISI DI INDAGINE 
RAPPRESENTATIVA DELLA GIOVENTÙ SLOVENA
SINTESI
Lo scopo della nostra ricerca era esaminare la relazione tra diversi indicatori di habitus educativo, salute sog-
gettiva e uso di sostanze, esaminando anche il ruolo di moderazione del genere. I risultati hanno mostrato che un 
buon terzo dei coefficienti di correlazione bivariata tra indicatori di habitus e indicatori di salute era statisticamente 
significativo; che la soddisfazione per il sistema educativo è stata collegata in modo più coerente agli indicatori 
sanitari soggettivi, al consumo di droghe e all'adattabilità scolastica; che nelle analisi multivariate, comprese le 
variabili di controllo in due casi dell'indicatore di habitus, rimane una previsione statisticamente significativa; e che 
il genere ha moderato la relazione di due indicatori dell'habitat educativo con uso di sostanze.
Parole chiave: habitus educativo, disuguaglianze nella salute, percezioni dell’ambiente scolastico, genere, 
capitale culturale

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Andrej KIRBIŠ: THE IMPACT OF EDUCATIONAL HABITUS ON SUBJECTIVE HEALTH AND SUBSTANCE USE AND THE MODERATING EFFECT OF, 469–484
INTRODUCTION
1
School is a crucial social environment for young 
people (Crosnoe & Muller, 2004; Jamal et al., 2013; 
Lovenjak & Peklaj, 2016; OECD, 2015). School is 
where young people spend a large part of their days, 
form relationships with their schoolmates and teach-
ers, and have their competencies publicly assessed 
(Hughes, 2012; Juvonen, 2018; Košir & Tement, 2014; 
Mikuš Kos, 1993; Ryan et al., 1994). Consequently, 
the school environment has a significant influence on 
numerous aspects of young people’s health, wellbe-
ing and personal development (Inchley et al., 2016; 
Jamal et al., 2013; Kuperminc et al., 1997; Langford 
et al., 2014; Pilkauskaite-Valickiene & Gabrialaviciute, 
2015; Riekie et al., 2017; Ruus et al., 2007; Sweeting & 
Hunt, 2014). In this article, we examine the impact of 
young people’s perceptions of the school environment 
and their attitudes towards education (educational 
habitus) on their subjective health and substance use. 
We test these effects on a subsample of school-enrolled 
youth from a nationally representative survey sample 
of young people from the Slovenian Youth 2013 Study 
(Flere et al., 2014).
CULTURAL CAPITAL, EDUCATIONAL HABITUS AND 
HEALTH
The resources individuals have at their disposal 
can also be termed “capital”, which French sociolo-
gist Pierre Bourdieu defined as “accumulated labor (in 
its materialised form or its ‘incorporated’ embodied 
form)” (Bourdieu, 1986, 46). Bourdieu differentiated 
between three forms of capital: economic, social and 
cultural. In the present study, we focus on the latter. 
Cultural capital refers to the skills, habits, styles, 
behaviour and aesthetic preferences (tastes) one ac-
quires through the socialization process and is related 
to one’s position in the social structure (Bourdieu, 
1984; also see Swartz, 1997). In particularly, em-
bodied cultural capital refers to lasting dispositions 
that guide one’s actions and tastes (Bourdieu, 1984; 
1986). Habitus has previously been operationalized 
in a variety of ways by Bourdieu and his contempo-
raries (e.g., Edgerton & Roberts, 2014; Lahire, 2003; 
Reay, 2004). Bourdieu sees the habitus as durable 
“schemata or structures of perception, conception and 
action” (Bourdieu, 2005, 43), and Edgerton and Rob-
erts (2014, 195) conceptualize habitus as a “learned 
set of preferences or dispositions by which a person 
orients to the social world” (also see Swartz, 1997). As 
Dumais (2002, 45) succinctly puts it, habitus is “one’s 
1 The study was supported by a scientific programme group at the Department of History, Faculty of Arts, University of Maribor (P6-
0138 (A): The history of North-East Slovenia between Central Europe and the European Southeast), and by project No. V5-1726 
(Cultural Participation of Young people in Slovenia and Europe: Analysis of Trends, Determinants, Consequences and a Proposal of 
Solutions) at the Department of Sociology, University of Maribor, financed by the Slovenian Research Agency (ARRS) and the Ministry 
of Culture of Republic of Slovenia.
view of the world and one’s place in it”. Habitus not 
only refers to mental attitudes and perceptions but is 
also expressed through permanent ways “of standing, 
speaking, walking, and thereby of feeling and think -
ing” (Bourdieu, 1990, 70).
Numerous studies have shown that habitus impacts 
educational outcomes (e.g., Dumais, 2002; Edgerton & 
Roberts, 2014; Flere et al., 2010; Nash, 2002). Less is 
known, however, about whether habitus impacts non-
school related outcomes, including young people’s 
subjective health. In recent years, more and more 
studies have indicated that perceptions of and attitudes 
towards the school environment and education may 
act as important resources young people possess that 
impact their health outcomes (Lazzeri et al., 2014; 
Ravens-Sieberer et al., 2009; Shek & Li, 2016; Sonmark 
& Modin, 2017; Suldo et al., 2006). It remains less 
clear which school and education-related perceptions 
and behaviours have the most substantial impact on 
young people’s health, relative to one another. Most 
studies examine only a small number of school-related 
perceptions simultaneously, e.g., perceived school 
climate (including social support from classmates 
and teachers), satisfaction with school, perceptions of 
school stress, academic grade, or some combination 
of these. In our study, we examine the impact of six 
indicators of habitus on health.
Within the cultural capital framework, we argue it 
may be fruitful to examine the health-related impact 
of a specific type of habitus: “educational habitus”. 
The term has recently been used when referring to in-
ternal dispositions and schemes of perceptions which 
orient young people in the educational process and 
guide their behaviours, as well as to behaviours in 
the educational process. Building on Nash (2002) and 
his use of the term “educated habitus”, Edgerton and 
colleagues (2014, 190) use the term “school-related 
habitus” to refer to “positive response to the pur -
poses, priorities, and processes of school, including 
positive perceptions of teachers” (my emphasis). In 
their research, Edgerton and colleagues (2013; 2014) 
operationalize habitus as students’ expected level 
of educational attainment, perceptions of teachers, 
perceptions of the desirability of post-secondary edu-
cation and self- assessment of their potential as post-
secondary students. Educated habitus is positively 
linked to “academic practices”, i.e. practices which 
are particularly conducive to educational achievement 
(e.g. assignment completion and task perseverance). 
Edgerton and colleagues (2013; 2014) also found that 
educational habitus had a positive impact on aca-
demic achievement. Positive school achievement, in 

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Andrej KIRBIŠ: THE IMPACT OF EDUCATIONAL HABITUS ON SUBJECTIVE HEALTH AND SUBSTANCE USE AND THE MODERATING EFFECT OF, 469–484
turn, may lead to better health. Ravens-Sieberer and 
colleagues (2009), for example, found that perceived 
school climate and demands have a positive impact 
on positive school adjustment, which then favourably 
affects life satisfaction and health.
Other studies have also found that positive percep-
tions of the school environment – such as perceived 
low school demands and stressfulness, a perceived 
high-quality school climate (e.g., peer and teacher 
support), perceived enjoyment of school, satisfaction 
with school and academic achievement – are related to 
better self-reported health, higher levels of life satisfac-
tion and fewer health complaints (Lazzeri et al., 2014; 
Ravens-Sieberer et al., 2004; 2009; Shek & Li, 2016; 
Suldo & Huebner, 2006; Suldo et al., 2006). A study 
of Croatian adolescents even found that the school 
environment was a “more consistent and stronger pre-
dictor” of health outcomes than family affluence and 
peer groups (Simetin et al., 2011, 122).
Among perceived school environment indicators, 
in particular, stress related to schoolwork and school 
demands was found to be associated with lower 
subjective health and more health complaints, more 
so for girls than boys (Aanesen et al. 2017; Eriksson 
& Sellström, 2010; Låftman & Modin, 2012; Ravens-
Sieberer et al., 2009; Wiklund et al., 2012). For 
example, students with higher rates of school-related 
stress report having more headaches, backaches, and 
psychosomatic problems, such as tiredness and sad-
ness (Torsheim & Wold, 2001; Wiklund et al., 2012). 
In addition, students’ perceptions of their school 
performance were also found to be associated with 
health outcomes, including with higher life satisfac-
tion (Suldo et al., 2006), better self-rated health and 
fewer health complaints (Ravens-Sieberer et al., 
2004). Some studies also found positive associations 
between students’ actual school performance (school 
grades) and their health perceptions (Piko, 2007) and 
health outcomes (Ravens-Sieberer et al., 2004). In ad-
dition, in a longitudinal study, Herd (2010) found that 
school performance was linked to health outcomes in 
later life, as well. 
Perceptions of the school environment were previ-
ously found to be related not only to young people’s 
general health outcomes but also to their mental 
health. In a study of early adolescents, perceptions 
of school belonging and within-school relationships 
were associated with fewer mental health problems 
(Gaete et al., 2016). Similarly, school functioning 
(fewer school problems) was found associated with 
fewer symptoms of anxiety and depression, more so 
for boys than girls (Derdikman-Eiron et al., 2011). 
Some research also found negative correlations 
between students’ perceived or actual school per -
formance and depression (Cole et al., 2001; Fröjd 
et al., 2008; Huang, 2015; Ranđelović et al., 2015; 
Undheim & Sund, 2005).
The evidence, therefore, shows that students’ 
school perceptions and their links with health out-
comes are dependent on gender. In several studies, 
stress related to school was particularly associated 
with various symptoms of mental health problems, 
such as depression, aggression, and anxiety. Sub-
stantial variability was found regarding the strength 
of these links between genders (see, for example, 
Little & Garber, 2004; Moksnes et al., 2013). While 
in some cases stronger associations between school-
related stress and depression (Sund et al., 2003) 
and aggression (Little & Garber, 2004) were found 
among boys, in other studies stronger associations 
were found among girls for depression (Khanehkeshi 
& Basavarajappa, 2011; Little & Garber, 2004), ag-
gression (Khanehkeshi & Basavarajappa, 2011) and 
anxiety (Wiklund et al., 2012). As argued by Mok-
snes and colleagues (2013), the gender-dependent 
impact of school stress might be related to the type 
of stress members of each gender are experiencing 
at school. The authors found positive associations 
between general school stress and depression among 
girls, while stress related to school performance was 
positively associated with depression and anxiety 
among boys (Moksnes et al., 2013).
In Slovenia, a few previous studies on perceptions 
of the school environment have given mixed results. 
On the one hand, the school was found to be the most 
important stressor for young people (Koštal, 2000; 
Lovenjak & Peklaj, 2016). On the other hand, more 
recent cross-national studies have indicated that Slove-
nian students spend a relatively small amount of their 
time occupied with school activities. For example, 
analysing Slovenian Youth 2013 data, Tavčar Krajnc 
and colleagues (2014) found that Slovenian youth 
spend the least amount of their time studying, as com-
pared to other youth in the region. The most substantial 
proportion of Slovenian youth (38%) reported studying 
up to one hour per day, while in Kosovo, the largest 
proportion (31%) of youth reported studying 2-3 hours 
daily. In addition, 19% of Slovenian youth said that 
everyday life in their school/university was “(very) dif-
ficult and stressful”, compared to 28% in Croatia and 
30% in Kosovo.
Several mechanisms that might play a role in 
the positive impact of habitus on health deserve 
mentioning. Ravens-Sieberer and colleagues (2009), 
for example, found that school climate, demands 
and adjustment impact satisfaction with life, which 
then improves health. Educational habitus, including 
academic achievement, might play a role in the forma-
tion of positive self-concepts such as self-esteem and 
internal locus of control (Bodovski, 2015), which may 
in turn increase general wellbeing (Ravens-Sieberer 
et al., 2009). An unfavourable school environment, 
on the other hand, may have a detrimental impact on 
health behaviours, increasing the odds of smoking, 

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Andrej KIRBIŠ: THE IMPACT OF EDUCATIONAL HABITUS ON SUBJECTIVE HEALTH AND SUBSTANCE USE AND THE MODERATING EFFECT OF, 469–484
alcohol use and other unhealthy behaviours (Lazzeri et 
al., 2014; McLellan et al., 1999). For example, Jamal 
and colleagues (2013, 5) emphasize that “where young 
people feel educationally marginalised and/or unsafe 
[…]” the “process of identity construction based on 
aggression and substance use appears to be an impor -
tant source of bonding, social support and security”. 
Higher perceived social support in school, on the 
other hand, might be positively related to health and 
wellbeing (Sonmark & Modin, 2017), for example, via 
better coping with school-related and other stressors 
(Rosvall, 2019), which could also be efficiently pro-
moted through school-based mental health promotion 
programmes (Fenwick-Smith et al., 2018).
STUDY AIM
Despite previous studies on the importance of 
the school environment for European and Slovenian 
youth, there has not yet been a comprehensive analy-
sis of the health impact of young people’s perceptions 
of the school and educational environment (educa-
tional habitus) using various measures of health and 
health behaviours, as well as different measures of 
educational habitus. The present research aimed to fill 
this gap and to examine whether educational habitus 
is related to subjective health outcomes and health 
behaviours among Slovenian youth, and to investigate 
differences in the associations according to respond-
ents’ gender. We frame our analysis within Bourdieu’s 
perspective on the importance of cultural capital for 
one’s success in life and youth outcomes, and on the 
importance of (educational) habitus. We examine 
the relationship among various indicators of adoles-
cent educational habitus and subjective health and 
substance use, using a subsample of school-enrolled 
youth from a nationally representative survey sample 
of young people from the Slovenian Youth 2013 Study 
(Flere et al., 2014).
METHODOLOGY
Sample
The Cepyus-FES Slovenian Youth 2013 Study 
consisted of a stratified quota sample. The target 
population surveyed were Slovenian youth residing 
in the Republic of Slovenia and who were on May 
28th, 2013, aged between 16 and 27 years. The sam-
ple consisted of 907 respondents (N = 907; M(age) = 
21.90; SD = 3.25; 48.3% women). The survey was 
conducted between May 29th and July 20th in the 
form of a face-to-face interview within respondents’ 
households (for details on sampling and data collec-
tion, see Flere & Divjak, 2014). We carried out our 
analysis on a subsample of school-enrolled young 
people (n = 608; M
age
 = 20.9 years).
Measures
Health outcomes
We examined four single-item indicators of sub-
jective health and four measures of substance use. 
Single item measures have become “the norm for 
measuring overall health in population studies pub-
lished in the international literature” (Rohrer et al., 
2005, 438). First, we employed the most frequently 
used indicator of self-rated health: “In general, how 
would you rate your health? Would you say it is?” 
(1 = poor; 5 = excellent). Self-perceived stress was 
measured with the following question: “How often 
would you say you experience stress? ‘Stress’ refers 
to a situation in which a person feels tense, restless, 
nervous or anxious and is out focus.” The responses in 
our questionnaire were recorded on a 5-point Likert 
scale: 1 = “Never or a few times per year”; 5 = “Most 
days per week”. Self-reported depression was meas-
ured with the following question: “How much did the 
following statement apply to you over the past week? 
In the past week, I felt sad and depressed” (1 = did not 
apply to me at all; 4 = applied to me very much). We 
also used a single-item measure of self-rated mental 
health: “In general, would you say your mental health 
is…?” (1 = poor; 5 = excellent). Finally, we also meas-
ured satisfaction with life (1 = completely unsatisfied; 
10 = completely satisfied). We analysed five items 
separately, and we also carried out exploratory factor 
analysis, where one factor emerged. We standardized 
all five measures and created a summation scale of 
a five-item overall subjective health (Cronbach’s α = 
0.67), which was also analysed as the outcome vari-
able in bivariate and multivariate analyses. To carry 
out ordinal regression analysis, we ranked respond-
ents into quartiles (1 = lowest subjective health; 4 = 
highest subjective health).
We measured substance use with four items. 
Alcohol use was measured with a question: “Do 
you drink alcohol?” (1 = yes, regularly (every day); 
2 = yes, several time a week; 3 = on weekends; 4 
= rarely; 5 = never), while tobacco use was tapped 
with the question “Do you smoke tobacco/cigarettes” 
(1 = yes, regularly (every day); 2 = occasionally; 3 
= non-smoker). In addition, illegal substance use 
was tapped with questions about the frequency of 
soft drugs (marijuana, hashish) and hard drugs use 
(cocaine, heroin, ‘speed’, LSD, ecstasy) (1 = never; 
2 = once; 3 = 2-5 times; 4 = more than five times). 
As with subjective health variables, we standardized 
all four measures and created a summation scale of a 
four-item substance use scale (Cronbach’s α = 0.63), 
which was also analysed as the outcome variable in 
bivariate and multivariate analyses. When perform-
ing ordinal regression analyses, we ranked respond-
ents into quartiles. For ease of interpretation, those 

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respondents who reported the worst health behav-
iour were ranked in the lowest quartile (1 = highest 
substance use; 4 = lowest substance use).
Educational habitus
The concept of habitus has previously been 
operationalized in a variety of ways. We aimed to 
examine young people’s habitus in the educational 
(school) field, i.e. educational habitus. We included 
six indicators of habitus, which refer to one’s (educa-
tional) dispositions, behaviours and outcomes. First, 
perceived school stressfulness was measured with 
the following question: “What is your opinion about 
studying at the school/faculty you are enrolled in?” (1 
= Very difficult and very stressful; 5 = Very easy and 
without stress).
Second, satisfaction with the educational system 
in Slovenia was tapped with the question: “In gen-
eral, how satisfied are you with the quality of educa-
tion in Slovenia?” (1 = Very dissatisfied; 5 = Very 
satisfied). Third, satisfaction with attending one’s 
school (school adjustment) was measured with the 
question: “Would you say that you go to the school/
faculty you are enrolled in …?” (1 = Very reluctantly; 
5 = Very eagerly). 
We also measured young people’s expectations of 
getting a job. We asked whether respondents believed 
they would get a job after finishing school. While not 
all jobs are alike, in a social climate with increasing 
youth unemployment, caused by structural and labour 
market changes in recent decades, expectations re-
garding acquiring a job may reveal one’s habitus. The 
question for measuring job prospects was: “Do you 
think that after finishing undergraduate/postgraduate 
study, it will be possible for you to find a job?” (1 = 
No, I do not believe that I will find a job quickly; 2 
= Yes, I will find a job after some time; 3 = Yes, I will 
find a job immediately after).
Finally, we also tapped average school grade in the 
previous year with a 4-point scale (1 = Between 1-2 
/unsatisfactory-satisfactory (students: between 5-6); 4 
= Between 4-5/very good-excellent (students: between 
8-10) and the average amount of studying daily (in 
hours). Both were included not only as important indi-
cators relating to school outcomes but also since these 
were examined in previous studies on the link between 
school perceptions and youth wellbeing.
Control variables
Several control variables were included in our 
regression models. Age (from 16 to 27 years), gender 
(1 = male; 2 = female), paternal and maternal educa-
tion (1 = primary school or less; 2 = completed high 
school; 3 = higher education), self-assessed family 
economic/material status (1 = highly below average; 
10 = highly above average) and size of the residential 
settlement (1 = less than 2,000 inhabitants; 4 = more 
than 100,000 inhabitants) were included as standard 
sociodemographic controls.
To eliminate the confounding effect of parenting 
on the habitus-health link, we included parenting 
styles as controls, since parenting has previously 
been found as a consistent link to both youth educa-
tional and health outcomes. We measured parenting 
style with nine items on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = 
“very uncharacteristic of me”; 5 = “very charac-
teristic of me”), which were adapted from a study 
on parenting by Robinson and colleagues (1995). 
Respondents were asked how they were treated by 
their parents when they were elementary school 
pupils. The three authoritative parenting style items 
measured were: “My parents were aware of my 
problems or concerns about school.”; “My parents 
gave me reasons why rules should be obeyed.” and 
“My parents allowed me to give input into family 
rules.” A summation scale of authoritative parenting 
was created, with Cronbach’s alpha reaching 0.67. 
The three permissive parenting style items were: “If 
I caused a commotion about something, my parents 
usually gave in to my wish”, “I was given rewards 
(toys, candies etc.) in order to behave well”, “My 
parents threatened punishments that were never 
implemented in practice” (Cronbach’s α = 0.65). 
Finally, authoritarian parenting items were “My 
parents yelled or shouted at me if I misbehaved”, 
“If I did not meet my parents’ expectations, I was 
scolded and criticized” and “I was slapped if I mis-
behaved” (Cronbach’s α = 0.72).
Plan of analysis
In the Results section, we first examine bivariate 
associations (Spearman’s rho) between educational 
habitus indicators and subjective health and sub-
stance use and control variables at the total sample 
level. We then perform ordinal regression analyses 
with habitus indicators as predictors variables due 
to the ordinal health and substance use indicators. 
We also include interaction variables in our models 
to examine whether gender moderates the associa-
tions between perceived habitus and overall sub-
jective health and substance use. Habitus indicators 
were dichotomized in multivariate analyses.
RESULTS
Table 1 shows the determinants of educational 
habitus as indicated by bivariate analysis. We inves-
tigated 66 associations between subjective health 
outcomes and substance use and educational habitus 
indicators. Twenty-five (38%) of these coefficients 
were statistically significant, indicating the impor-

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tance of educational habitus for the health outcomes 
and health-risk behaviours of Slovenian youth. 
Satisfaction with the educational system in Slovenia 
was the most consistent habitus correlate of subjec-
tive health outcomes, as it proved associated with 
four out of five subjective health measures and with 
the overall subjective health scale. More satisfied 
youngsters reported higher satisfaction with life (rho 
= 0.22; p < 0.001), lower stress levels (rho = 0.16; p < 
0.001), better self-rated health (rho = 0.15; p < 0.01) 
and mental health (rho = 0.14; p < 0.001), and better 
overall subjective health (rho = 0.22; p < 0.01). There 
were also several other significant habitus correlates 
of subjective health (see Table 1). School adjustment 
and job expectation were also significant correlates of 
overall subjective health.
Perceived 
school 
stressfulness
Average 
academic grade
Hours of 
studying daily
Satisfaction 
with the 
educational 
system in 
Slovenia
School 
adjustment
Job 
expectations
SRH 0.15** 0.12*
STRESS 0.18*** -0.12** 0.16***
DEP.
SRMH 0.14***
LS 0.10* 0.22*** 0.18*** 0.16**
Subjective health 0.22** 0.12* 0.13*
Alcohol use -0.13** 0.09*
Tobacco use -0.10* 0.15*** 0.11** 0.09*
Soft drugs 0.09*
Hard drugs 0.11**
Total substance use -0.10* 0.10* 0.13** 0.13**
Gender (male) -0.10* 0.18*** 0.22*** 0.19*** -0.14*
Age 0.13** 0.13** -0.09* 0.09* -0.11*
Father’s education
Mother’s education
Family economic status 0.14*** 0.13*
Size of residential 
settlement
Authoritative parenting 0.15*** 0.14*** 0.17***
Permissive parenting -0.09* -0.08*
Authoritarian parenting -0.09* -0.11*
Note: * < 0.05; ** < 0.01; *** < 0.001. Only significant correlations are shown (p < 0.05). Higher scores on health variables indicate 
more favourable health outcomes. Higher scores on school variables indicate higher values on educational habitus.
Table 1: Determinants of educational habitus (bivariate analysis) (Flere et al., 2014).
Tabela 1: Dejavniki izobraževalnega habitusa (bivariatna analiza) (Flere et al., 2014).

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Habitus measures were found to be even more 
consistently linked with substance use than with 
subjective health. School adjustment was the most 
consistent habitus correlate of substance use, with 
four out of five coefficients being significant. Total 
substance use correlated with four out of six habitus 
measures, three of them being positive, indicat-
ing a favourable impact of habitus on lowering the 
frequency of substance use. Table 1 also shows that 
out of 25 significant coefficients, only four were 
negative, while 21 were positive, indicating an over -
all favourable impact of educational habitus on better 
subjective health and lower substance use. Finally, 
Table 1 also shows that several control variables were 
linked with habitus, mostly in the anticipated direc-
tion, with few exceptions (e.g., residential settlement 
proved non-significant). Authoritative parenting had 
a significant positive impact on habitus, while both 
permissive and authoritarian parenting had a negative 
impact, confirming the need for these to be controlled 
for in our multivariate models.
Before turning to the multivariate analyses, Table 2 
shows that control and cofounding variables also 
impact subjective health and substance use: gender, 
age, parental education, family economic status and 
parenting styles have an impact on subjective health 
and substance use. Since size of residential settlement 
again proved to be non-significant, we did not include 
it in our multivariate analyses. As with the results of 
habitus correlates in Table 1, Table 2 indicates that au-
thoritative parenting has a favourable impact on better 
subjective health and lower substance use, while both 
permissive and authoritarian parenting styles show a 
deleterious effect on youth. This again confirms the 
SRH STRESS DEP. SRMH LS
Subjective 
health
Alcohol 
use
Tobacco 
use
Soft 
drugs
Hard 
drugs
Total 
substance 
use
Gender 
(female)
-0.19*** -0.18*** -0.22*** -0.14*** -0.08*** -0.25*** 0.18*** 0.09* 0.10*
Age -0.09* -0.10* -0.18*** -0.15*** -0.19***
Father’s 
education
0.13** 0.10* -0.13** -0.13** -0.16*** -0.17***
Mother’s 
education
-0.12** -0.18*** -0.16***
Family 
economic 
status
0.16* 0.14*** 0.11** 0.19*** 0.39*** 0.29*** -0.09*
Size of 
residential 
settlement
Authoritative 
parenting
0.16*** 0.27*** .018*** 0.11** 0.09* 0.10* 0.13***
Permissive 
parenting
0.08* -0.13*** -0.17*** -0.15***
Authoritarian 
parenting
-0.15*** -0.14*** -0.13*** -0.10* -0.10** -0.18*** -0.16***
Notes: * < 0.05; ** < 0.01; *** < 0.001. Only significant correlations (p < 0.05) are shown. Higher scores on health variables indicate more 
favourable health outcomes. Higher scores on school variables indicate higher values on educational habitus.
Table 2: The impact of control variables on subjective health and substance use (bivariate analysis) (Flere et al., 2014).
Tabela 2: Odnos med kontrolnimi spremenljivkami in subjektivnim zdravjem ter uporabo substanc (bivariatna 
analiza) (Flere et al., 2014).

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Estimate Std. Error Wald df Sig.
95% Confidence 
Interval
Lower 
Bound
Upper 
Bound
Gender (female) -2.5 1.74 2.14 1 0.144 -5.96 0.87
Age 0.07 0.06 1.41 1 0.235 -0.04 0.18
Father’s education (low group) -0.53 0.50 1.12 1 0.290 -1.52 0.46
Father’s education (middle group)1 -0.37 0.29 1.58 1 0.208 -0.93 0.20
Mother’s education (low group) 0.36 0.46 0.61 1 0.435 -0.54 1.26
Mother’s education (middle group)2 0.17 0.29 0.34 1 0.558 -0.40 0.74
Family economic status 0.34 0.09 14.56 1 0.010 0.16 0.51
Authoritative parenting 0.45 0.14 10.46 1 0.001 0.18 0.73
Permissive parenting 1.12 0.15 0.66 1 0.417 -0.17 0.41
Authoritarian parenting -0.45 0.15 8.58 1 0.003 -0.748 -0.15
Average grade 0.18 0.83 0.05 1 0.824 -1.44 1.81
Hours studying 0.30 0.83 0.13 1 0.722 -1.33 1.92
Satisfaction with educational system 0.36 0.79 0.21 1 0.646 -1.19 1.91
School adjustment 0.72 0.83 0.74 1 0.388 -0.91 2.34
Perceived school stressfulness -1.35 0.86 2.38 1 0.123 -3.06 0.37
Job expectations -1.24 0.85 2.11 1 0.146 -2.91 0.43
Average grade x Gender -0.02 0.51 0.01 1 0.973 -1.01 0.97
Hours studying x Gender -0.34 0.52 0.44 1 0.507 -1.36 0.67
Satisfaction with educational system x Gender 0.11 0.48 0.05 1 0.819 -0.84 1.06
School adjustment x Gender -0.39 0.50 0.63 1 0.427 -1.37 0.58
Perceived school stressfulness x Gender 0.66 0.51 1.63 1 0.201 -0.35 1.67
Job expectations x Gender 0.92 0.51 3.26 1 0.071 -0.08 1.93
Note: 1 = reference group is father's high-education group. 2 = reference group is the mother's high-education group.
Table 3: Ordinal regression analysis (parameter estimates) for predicting overall subjective health among 
Slovenian youth (Flere et al., 2014).
Tabela 3: Ordinalna regresijska analiza (ocena parametrov) napovedovanja subjektivnega zdravja slovenske 
mladine (Flere et al., 2014).

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Estimate Std. Error Wald df Sig.
95% Confidence 
Interval
Lower 
Bound
Upper 
Bound
Gender (female) -2.36 1.75 1.83 1 0.176 -5.79 1.06
Age -0.04 0.06 0.52 1 0.470 -0.15 0.07
Father’s education (low group) 1.09 0.52 4.30 1 0.038 0.06 2.11
Father’s education (middle group)1 0.04 0.29 0.02 1 0.880 -0.52 0.61
Mother’s education (low group) 0.65 0.46 1.94 1 0.163 -0.26 1.56
Mother’s education (middle group)2 0.53 0.29 3.42 1 0.064 -0.03 1.10
Family economic status -0.06 0.09 0.48 1 0.487 -0.23 0.11
Authoritative parenting 0.06 0.14 0.21 1 0.647 -0.21 0.33
Permissive parenting -0.38 0.15 6.72 1 0.010 -0.70 -0.09
Authoritarian parenting -0.25 0.15 2.75 1 0.097 -0.54 0.05
Average grade -0.35 0.83 0.18 1 0.673 -1.98 1.28
Hours studying -1.69 0.83 4.16 1 0.041 -3.32 -0.07
Satisfaction with educational system -0.55 0.79 0.49 1 0.484 -2.10 0.10
School adjustment 2.20 0.84 6.86 1 0.009 0.56 3.85
Perceived school stressfulness -0.53 0.87 0.37 1 0.541 -2.23 1.17
Job expectations -0.25 0.85 0.09 1 0.766 -1.91 1.41
Average grade x Gender 0.30 0.51 0.36 1 0.548 -0.69 1.30
Hours studying x Gender 1.19 0.52 5.29 1 0.022 0.18 2.21
Satisfaction with educational system x Gender 0.48 0.49 0.98 1 0.321 -0.47 1.43
School adjustment x Gender -0.10 0.50 3.97 1 0.046 -1.98 -0.02
Perceived school stressfulness x Gender 0.15 0.51 0.09 1 0.768 -0.85 1.15
Job expectations x Gender 0.18 0.51 0.13 1 0.724 -0.82 1.18
Note: 1 = reference group is father's high-education group. 2 = reference group is mother's high-education group.
Table 4: Ordinal regression analysis (parameter estimates) for predicting overall substance use among Sloveni-
an youth (Flere et al., 2014).
Tabela 4: Ordinalna regresijska analiza (ocena parametrov) napovedovanja uporabe substanc slovenske mladine 
(Flere et al., 2014).

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need for parenting styles to be controlled for in multi-
variate analysis, to provide a more thorough test of the 
health-impact of educational habitus.
In Table 3 and Table 4 we present the results 
of two ordinal regression analyses as a more 
stringent test of the impact of educational habi-
tus on subjective health and substance use, with 
sociodemographic, socioeconomic and parenting 
control variables included in regression models. 
In addition, we included six interaction terms 
between gender and habitus indicators in each 
regression model to test whether gender moderates 
the impact of habitus on overall subjective health 
and substance use.
Table 3 shows the regression model predict-
ing overall subjective health. The full model was 
significant (p < 0.001) and explained 24.9% of the 
variance (Nagelkerke) in overall subjective health. 
Among demographic and socioeconomic control 
variables, only family economic status proved a 
significant predictor of better subjective health (see 
estimated coefficients in Table 3). Two additional 
controls proved significant: authoritative parenting 
improved subjective health, while authoritarian par -
enting decreased it. Taking into account the control 
variables, neither the six habitus indicators nor the 
interaction terms proved significant predictors of 
subjective health. 
Table 4 shows the ordinal regression model predict-
ing youth substance use. The full model was signifi-
cant (p < 0.01) and explained 17.1% of the variance 
(Nagelkerke) in overall substance use. Among control 
variables, lower paternal education proved a predictor 
of lower substance use. Additionally, among parent-
ing controls, permissive parenting proved to have a 
deleterious impact on substance use, i.e. increasing 
substance use frequency. Taking into account the 
control variables, two of the six habitus indicators 
proved significant predictors of substance use at the 
total sample level. A lower number of hours studying 
and better school adjustment decreased substance 
use frequency, while the other four habitus predictors 
proved non-significant.
In addition, both significant habitus predictors of 
substance use also interacted with gender. Among 
men, fewer hours studying was linked with more 
frequent substance use, while among women, more 
hours studying was linked with lower substance use. 
The second significant interaction term was between 
school adjustment and gender. While better school 
adjustment was linked with less frequent substance 
use in both genders, the health beneficial effect of 
school adjustment was significantly higher among 
men than among women. Our results thus indicate 
that habitus indicators have no impact on overall 
subjective health and that gender plays no moderat-
ing role. On the other hand, the hours spent studying 
for school obligations and school adjustment predict 
substance use over and above several control vari-
ables. In addition, gender moderates their impact on 
substance use: hours studying is protective for 
women (but a risk for substance use among men), 
and school adjustment is more protective for men’s 
substance use than women’s.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
School contexts have a significant impact on the 
health and wellbeing of school-enrolled youth (Lang-
ford et al., 2014; Ravens-Sieberer et al., 2009; Suldo 
et al., 2006). In our study, several significant bivariate 
associations were found between educational habitus 
and health outcomes. On the other hand, multivariate 
analyses indicated that when controls and confound-
ers were included in the model, habitus did not play 
as significant a role in Slovenian youth’s subjective 
health. However, it did play a role in the young peo-
ple’s health behaviours.
Among the habitus indicators we analysed in the 
bivariate analysis, satisfaction with the educational 
system in Slovenia was positively associated with the 
largest number of subjective health indicators. At the 
total sample level, students who were more satisfied 
with the educational system also reported better self-
rated health and mental health, less perceived stress, 
higher life satisfaction and better overall subjective 
health. It needs to be emphasized that satisfaction 
with the educational system might be a reflection (i.e. 
a consequence) of one’s experiences with school and 
could then determine one’s actions within the school 
field. In this sense, satisfaction with the educational 
system might function as habitus typically does: as a 
system of “durable, transposable dispositions, struc-
tured structures predisposed to function as structuring 
structures” (Bourdieu, 1990, 53). As Edgerton and 
Roberts (2014, 198) put it, “As the circumstances 
of one’s social origins – and associated life chances 
– tend to influence one’s perceptual and behavioral 
dispositions, so too do one’s consequent actions 
(practices) tend to contribute to the perpetuation or 
reinforcement of like circumstances and life chances.” 
Satisfaction with the educational system thus is re-
flected by it, while at the same time, it guides one’s 
action within the educational field. More importantly, 
our multivariate models indicate that the educational 
satisfaction indicator might only be a proxy for some 
other determinant of health and substance use, e.g., 
family socioeconomic status or parenting styles, which 
shows the importance of including relevant controls 
when examining the health impact of habitus.
Contrary to some previous studies (e.g., Piko, 
2007; Ravens-Sieberer et al., 2004), in our study, 
the academic grade was not a significant correlate 
of overall subjective health, nor substance use when 

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Andrej KIRBIŠ: THE IMPACT OF EDUCATIONAL HABITUS ON SUBJECTIVE HEALTH AND SUBSTANCE USE AND THE MODERATING EFFECT OF, 469–484
controlling for demographic and socioenomic vari-
ables and parenting confounders. Our results indicate 
that future studies of academic outcomes should 
increase the focus on outcomes other than academic 
achievement, since other educational and school 
variables might play as important a role as the aca-
demic grade, including on health-related outcomes 
and behaviours.
We also found that gender moderated the asso-
ciation between educational habitus and substance 
use, but not subjective health. This is not in line 
with some previous studies, where stronger asso-
ciations of the perceived school environment with 
subjective health outcomes were detected among 
women (Aanesen et al., 2017; Eriksson & Sellström, 
2010; Låftman & Modin, 2012; Ravens-Sieberer et 
al., 2009; Wiklund et al., 2012). Compared to Slo-
venia, in other countries school perceptions seem 
to play a more critical role in the health outcomes 
of women, which may partly be due to the higher 
expectations of parents and teachers regarding the 
importance of educational achievement for girls. In 
our study, gender did moderate the habitus’ health 
impact on substance use. The results indicate that a 
higher number of hours studying is protective against 
women’s substance use, but a risk factor for men. It 
may be that a higher number of hours spent study-
ing among men is an indicator of having difficulties 
with school subjects or assignments, or a potential 
indicator of male students also having other types 
of school problems (e.g., school deviance), which 
could partly explain the association of the number 
of hours studying with more frequent substance use 
among men. Among women, on the other hand, the 
number of hours studying may be more a proxy for 
their diligence and higher school motivation (e.g., 
putting in additional studying time to get a maximum 
grade). Future studies should examine these gender 
differences in more detail.
Previous studies of the health of Slovenian youth 
have detected relatively low levels of socioeconomic 
inequality, with family and parental socioeconomic 
status proving to be a weak or insignificant predictor 
of young people’s health (e.g. Kirbiš & Tavčar Krajnc, 
2014; Kirbiš & Tement, 2014). In our study, we found 
that one’s educational habitus also does not play a 
significant role in youngsters’ subjective health but 
does play a role in their substance use. Future stud-
ies should investigate what determinants impact the 
health of Slovenian youth, including other indictors 
of habitus, e.g. cultural participation. In future studies 
on the health-impact of habitus, researchers should 
investigate the potential moderating role of age and 
type of schooling, since, at higher levels of educa-
tion, specific school environment characteristics may 
become more pronounced concerning health (e.g., 
Klinger, 2015; Ravens-Sieberer et al., 2009).
Although our study results point to some interest-
ing results, the study implications are limited, owing 
to the use of several general educational indicators. 
For example, is satisfaction with the educational 
system perhaps a proxy for some more immediate de-
terminant, such as teacher-student relationship (see, 
for example, Košir & Tement, 2014)? To investigate 
the role of the type of schooling, and in particular 
gender and parental education in these associations, 
future studies should include additional measures of 
subjective health, for example, specific mental health 
indicators (e.g., anxiety, aggression) and other health-
behaviours, including fruit and vegetable consump-
tion, junk food and meat consumption and frequency 
of physical activity. Moreover, since sources of school 
stress might vary at different stages of education and 
between genders (e.g., Klinger, 2015; Moksnes et al., 
2013; Ravens-Sieberer et al., 2009), measuring differ-
ent types of school stressfulness might also contribute 
to a more detailed analysis. Finally, the direction 
of the causality between the variables in our study 
remains unclear, owing to the cross-sectional nature 
of the Slovenian Youth 2013 Study data. It may be, 
for example, that substance use decreases students’ 
wellbeing in school, their positive perceptions of the 
school environment, satisfaction with the educational 
system and their school adjustment. These are all pos-
sibilities that need to be examined in future research, 
preferably with panel data. Broadening the scope of 
examined health measures in future studies to include 
various dimensions of health – such as physical 
health, mental health, subjective wellbeing, but also 
health-behaviours such as substance use – is critical 
for successful future interventions for improving youth 
health outcomes. Substance use, in particular, is 
becoming more widespread and problematic among 
Slovenian youth and thus needs to be focused on; 
a recent cross-national HBSC study of 45 countries, 
for example, indicated that in 2018 Slovenian ado-
lescents rank third in the frequency of marijuana use 
(Inchley et al., 2020).
Despite limitations, our study indicates that several 
examined indicators of educational habitus may have 
an impact on health-related outcomes of Slovenian 
youth. Improving the experience of attending a school 
(school adjustment), increasing satisfaction with the 
Slovenian educational system and decreasing the time 
needed to study (among men) might have a particularly 
positive impact on young people’s health behaviours 
and outcomes. Of course, this should not be done by 
increasing specific non-productive and potentially 
deleterious socialization patterns in school. An ex-
ample is the negative impact of permissive parenting 
detected in our study, which suggests that authorita-
tive socialization – by parents and teachers – should 
be more widely implemented, i.e. by adults setting 
firm rules, but also providing support to students. Our 

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results also suggest that decision-makers and educa-
tion professionals (e.g., school counsellors, teachers) 
should focus on policies and intervention health 
programmes that are tailored to specific subgroups 
of students. They should consider gender, as well as 
target specific dimensions of the school environment 
and experiences. This is crucial, since school and 
educational processes may impact not only students’ 
educational and professional outcomes but also their 
health-related outcomes (e.g., Lazzeri et al., 2014; 
McLellan et al., 1999; Ravens-Sieberer et al., 2004; 
Shek & Li, 2016; Suldo & Huebner, 2006), although 
the impact seems less pronounced in Slovenia. Future 
studies should further investigate which cultural, so-
cial or economic resources play the most significant 
role in youth’s wellbeing.

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VPLIV IZOBRAŽEVALNEGA HABITUSA NA SUBJEKTIVNO ZDRAVJE IN UPORABO 
SUBSTANC TER MODERATORSKA VLOGA SPOLA: ANALIZA REPREZENTATIVNE 
RAZISKAVE SLOVENSKE MLADINE
Andrej KIRBIŠ
Univerza v Mariboru, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za sociologijo, Koroška cesta 160, 2000 Maribor, Slovenija
e-mail: andrej.kirbis@um.si
POVZETEK
Namen naše raziskave je bil preučiti odnos med različnimi kazalniki izobraževalnega habitusa, subjektivnega 
zdravja ter uporabe substanc, ob tem pa smo preučili tudi moderatorsko vlogo spola. Izvedli smo analizo podvzor -
ca šolajočih se mladih, zajetih v anketnih podatkih nacionalnega reprezentativnega vzorca raziskave Slovenian 
youth 2013, v kateri so ciljno populacijo predstavljali prebivalci s stalnim prebivališčem v Republiki Sloveniji, stari 
od 16 let do 27 let (N = 608, M
starost
 = 20,9 leta). Zdravstvene izide smo preučili s petimi kazalniki subjektivnega 
zdravja (samoocenjeno zdravje, duševno zdravje, pogostost doživljanja stresa, samoocenjena depresivnost in 
zadovoljstvo z življenjem) in štirimi kazalniki uporabe substanc (pogostost uživanja alkohola, kajenja ter uporabe 
mehkih in trdih drog). Izobraževalni habitus smo merili s samoocenjeno težavnostjo šolanja, šolskim uspehom, 
povprečnim dnevnim številom ur učenja/študiranja, zadovoljstvom z izobraževalnim sistemom v Sloveniji, (ne)
pripravljenostjo obiskovanja šole in pričakovanji mladostnika glede težavnosti pridobitve zaposlitve po koncu 
šolanja. Rezultati so pokazali, da: 1) je bila statistično značilna dobra tretjina bivariatnih korelacijskih koeficientov 
med kazalniki habitusa in zdravstvenimi kazalniki; 2) je bilo zadovoljstvo z izobraževalnim sistemom v Sloveniji 
v bivariatnih analizah najbolj konsistentno povezano s kazalniki subjektivnega zdravja, z uporabo drog pa šolska 
prilagojenost; 3) sta v multivariatnih analizah ob vključitvi vrste socioekonomskih in starševskih kontrolnih spre-
menljivk le v dveh primerih kazalnika habitusa izmed dvanajstih ostala statistično značilna napovedovalca (zgolj 
uporabe substanc); 4) je spol moderiral odnos dveh kazalnikov izobraževalnega habitusa z uporabo substanc, ne 
pa tudi s subjektivnim zdravjem. Prispevek sklenemo z implikacijami rezultatov.
Ključne besede: izobraževalni habitus, neenakosti v zdravju, zaznave šolskega okolja, spol, kulturni kapital

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