~ETNIK 9 STEVILKA l 2021 VOLUME 9 e NUMBER l 2021 STUDIA UNIVERSITATIS HEREDITATI Znamtvena revija za raziskave in teorijo kulturne dedišcine Letnik 9, številka 1, 1011 / Volume 9, Number 1, Year 2.021 Glavna in odgovorna urednica ter urednica ftevilke / Erlitor-in-chi~f dr. ZrinkaMileu.rniC (Fakulteta za humanisticne študije Univerze na Primorskem, Koper) Izvršni in tehni(ni urerlnik revije, oblikovanje in prelom/ lvfanaging Editor dr.Jonatan Vink!er (Fakulteta za humanisticne študije Univerze na Primorskem, Koper) Umlniski odbor/ Erlitorial Board dr. Verna BikiC (Arheološki institut Beograd, SANU), dr. Valentina Brecko Grubar (Fakulteta za humanisticne hudi je Univerze na Primorskem, Koper), dr.Jadranka Cergol (Fakulteta za humanisticne hudi je Univerze na Primorskem. Koper), dr. Zdravka Hincak (Filozof.,ki fokultet, Sveucili.\te u Zagrebu), dr. Matej Hriberkk (Filozofska fokulteta, Univerza v Ljubljani), dr. Katja Hrobat Virloget (Fakulteta za humanisticne hudi je Univerze na Primorskem, Koper), dr. Alenka Janko Spreizer (Fakulteta za humanisticne hudi je Univerze na Primorskem, Koper), dr. Petra Kavrecic (Fakulteta za humanisticne.hudije Univerze na Primorskem, Koper), dr. Irena Lazar (Fakulteta za humanisticne študije Univerze na Primorskem, Koper), dr. Tea PerinciC (Pomorski i povije.mi muzej Hrvat.'ikogprimorja Rijeka), dr. Marcello Potocco (Fakulteta za humanisticne študije Univerze na Primorskem, Koper), dr. MašaSakaraSucevic (Pokrajinski muzej, Koper), dr. Peter Sek!oca (Fakulteta za humanisticne študije Univerze na Primorskem, Koper), dr. Alenka Tomaž (Fakulteta za humanisticne hudi je Univerze na Primorskem, Koper), dr.Jonatan Vinkler (Fakulteta za humaniHicne.hudije Univerze na Primorskem, Koper), dr.Jana Volk (Fakulteta za humanhticne.hudije Univerze na Primorskem, Koper), dr. Paola Visentini (Museo friulano di Storia Natura!e, Udi ne) Izdajate&/ Puh!isher Univerza na Primorskem -Založba Univerze na Primorskem UniversityofPrimorska-University ofPrimorska Press © 1021 Založba Univerze na Primorskem/ UniversityofPrimorska Press Zanjo/For Publisher: prof dr. Klavdija Kutnar, rektorica Titovtrg4 Sl-6000 Koper ISSN 2350-5443 DOi: https://doi.org/m.16493/2350-5443-9(1) studia universitatis hereditati • LETNIK 9 ŠTEVILKA 1 2021 VOLUME 9 NUMBER 1 2021 ·~ ~ -~ -- ~ Vsebina/Contents • o • Zrinka lv[ileusnic 9 Uvodnik Editoria! [ · L pJ ·-k; II Early Neolichic in North Macedonia and Bulgaria: geographical and culcural relations Zgodnji neolitik v Severni Makedoniji in Bolgariji:geografiki in kulturni odnosi Alessand1-a Cumciosi 45 Le cruscae marmoree dal la mansio cardoantica di Equilus-Jesolo (Venezia). lpotesi interpretative per le ricerche fucure The marble crustae f om the late antique mansio of Equilusjesolo (Venice). lnterpretative hypotheses far ju.ture research „ ndrea Bionl.i 67 Lombard weapons from Fiesole, Tuscany (6'h -7th century C.E.): old archaeological daca for new considerations Langobardsko orožje iz Fiesole v Toskani (0.-7-stoletje n. št): stari arheološki podatki za nove razmisleke J1fenkt1 omaZ; Zrinka Mileusnic 87 Arheološke raziskave na lokaciji Bazoviška ulica 5a v Kopru Archaeological excavations at the Bazoviška ulica 5a site in Koper Sastt Caval, .~pela Prunk, 1'1aJ'a Sakar-a, Tjaša Miklavdc 109 Tridimenzionalno dokumentiranjesceckovsrednjeveškežupe Oabarv Bosni in H ercegovini Three-dimensional d()cumentation ojthe tombstones ojthe medieval parish oJDabar in Bosnia and Herzegovina Uvodnik Zrinka Mileusnic • o • Univerza na Primorskem, Slovenija zrinka.mileusnic@fhs.upr.si L L etošnji, že deveti, letnik revije Studia Uni versitatis Hereditati in njegovo prvo šte vilko težko zacnemo brez pogleda nazaj, v svet in globalno epidemijo ter z njo povezane dogodke, ki so nam v dobrem letu na razlicnih nivojih iz dneva v dan spreminjali življenja. Kljub temu sta naša revija in njena prva letošnja številka dokaz, da se tudi v negotovih casih da hoditi naprej, delati in raziskovati. Z uredniškim delom smo nadaljevali z utiranjem zastavljenih smernic, ki predvidevajo dve letni številki, eno arheološko, kot svojevrsten hommage Oddelku za arheologijo in dedišcino UP FHŠ, ustanovitelju revije, in drugo številko, katere cilj je pokazati razsežnosti raziskovanja na podrocju humanistike in družboslovja. V branje vam prinašamo arheološke teme iz evropskega sveta in vam želimo pricarati bogastvo, širino in možnosti arheološkega sveta, v katerem intenzivno raziskujemo. Prispevki obsegajo cas od kamene dobe do danes, prinašajo nove podatke in interpretativne nastavke ter tudi nove tehnologije. Številko zacenjamo dalec v preteklosti in v geografskem pogledu. Ljubo Fidanoski se v svojem prispevku ukvarja z analizami materialne kulture zgodnje neolitskih skupnosti na obmocju Severne Makedonije in Bolgarije ter kljub razlicnim substratom poskuša identificirati podobnosti in povezave. Prispevke nadaljujemo z vecjim sklopom poznoanticnih najdišc. Prvi med njimi, prispevek Alessandre Cianciosi, nas vraca nazaj na Severni Jadran in prinaša analizo zbirke marmornih najdb (crustae) iz pomembnejših stavb poznoanticne mansio na podeželju v bližini današnjega Jesola. Interdisciplinarno zastavljena raziskava prinaša nove in zanimive interpretativne nastavke, nastavlja pa tudi trdne temelje in izhodišca za raziskovanje tega lagunskega najdišca in tudi širše slike poznoanticnega obdobja. Sledi clanek Andreje Biondija, ki analizira sedem kosov na novo odkritega langobardskega orožja iz depojev Arheološkega muzeja v mestu Fiesole na severovzhodu Toskane. Te predmete, ki so bili le delno objavljeni, odkriti pa so bili na langobardski nekropoli na obmocju Garibaldi in tudi v neznanih kontekstih, smo primerjali s podobnimi gradivi po Kr., odkritimi po vsej državi. Omenjena objava teh predmetov iz 6. in 7. stoletja predstavljaja pomemben doprinos k razumevanju prehoda iz pozne antike v cas prevlade Langobardov. S prispevkom Alenke Tomaž in Zrinke Mileusnic ostajamo v Kopru in spoznavamo rezultate novejših arheoloških raziskav starem mestnem jedru, ki dopolnjujejo in nadgrajujejo koprsko sliko v casu pozne antike in novega veka. Zadnji prispevek nas ponovno odpelje proti Balkanu, kjer so se iz srednjega veka ohranili srednjeveški kamniti nagrobniki -stecki. Gre za široko razprostranjen fenomen, ki je zavarovan tudi kot UNESCOVA dedišcina. A zaenkrat stanje raziskav žal še ne odraža pomena teh spomeniku v prostoru. Zato je Saša Caval v okviru http~:// doi.org/ 1 o. 2.649 3/ 1350-5 4 4 3.9 ( 1) 9-1 o programa Marie Curie zacela s sodobnimi raziskavami steckov. Ceprav deluje na tujih univerzah, je v raziskave povabila tudi slovenske raziskovalce in študente. V pricujocem prispevku, napisanem v soavtorstvu s Špelo Prunk, Mašo Sakaro in Tjašo Miklavcic iz Pokrajinskega muzeja v Kopru, predstavljajo natancen potek tridimenzionalnega skeniranja steckov in njihovo analizo. Ceprav je bilo leto za nami negotovo in ga vecinoma želimo pozabiti ter prepustiti preteklosti, upamo, da boste v tej številki našli nova znanja, nove misli in nove ideje, saj je arheologija pogosto prinašalka novega in razburljivega iz • preteklosti. Želimo vam prijetno branje! • Early Neolithic in North Macedonia and Bulgaria: geographical and cultural relations • o Ljubo Fidanoski Museum of the city of Skopje, North Macedonia fidanoskilj@yahoo.com Zgodnji neolitik v Severni Makedoniji in Bolgariji: geografski in kulturni odnosi Prispevek se osredotoca na razl i cne vidike materialne kulture skupnostih, ki so naseljevale dve izmed najpomembnejših regiji Balkana v zgodnjem neolitiku, Severno Makedonijo in Bolgarijo. Prispevek išce vzroke podobnosti pri nekaterih zvrsteh artefaktov v skupnostih, ki sicer proizvajajo in uporabljajo relativno razl icno materialno kulturo. K#ucne besede: zgodnji neolitik Balkana, zgodnjeneolitska naj dišca in kulture, problem 'kulture', mikroregionalne specihke, kulturni stiki. The paper focuses on different aspects of material culture in communities that inhabited two of the most important regions in the Early Neolichic Balkans, North Macedonia and Bulgaria. Paper seeks to discover the causes for similarities of certain artefact cypes in communities that produce and use relatively different material culcure. Keywords: Balkans EN, EN sites and cultures, the problems of'culture', microregional specihcs, culcuraJ contacts. T T he exquisite beauty of the Balkans lies in the diversity of nature: the forests, meadows and pastures, the diversity of relief forms represented by mountains, ravines, hills, highlands, valleys and plains, the interwoven hydrographic network composed of natura! lakes, many rivers and tributaries, groundwater and springs, and ultimately the presence of diverse peoples and communities, each with its own past, traditions and authenticity. The rich Balkans cultural heritage, archaeology, history and art history interpret it in different ways, with different methodological approaches and under the influence of different schools, often intertwining each other. After the dominance of scientific approaches in the archaeological research in the second half of the 2.01h and especially in the 2.1s1 century, especially with the application of new methodologies and the significant presence of interdisciplinarity, many practiced approaches, methodologies and schools have been changed, but the results of their interpretations have not been substantially altered, which in fact proves the reliability of most hypotheses, most of them, set long tirne ago. In the paper below, I will make an attempt to corroborate some of the already set topics in Southeuropean prehistoric archaeology in the context of the EN culcures of North Macedonia and Bulgaria (especially its western pare), but also to propose some new considerations. For this purpose, I will direct my attention to severa! sites from Amzabegovo-Vršnik culture and Velušina-Porodin culture in North Macedonia and to some sites (known by cultures of different names according to different authors) in hctp~://doi.org/ 10.2.649 3/2350-5443.9( 1) 11-44 western Bulgaria. I underline that in the framework of this analysis I will try to get out of the practiced approaches so far, first in relation to the cultural-historical context. Taking into account the different stare of research at the sites in North Macedonia and Bulgaria, in a narrower and broader context, the different methodological approaches, as well as the different level and quality of the published material this study should be accepted conditionally and hypothetically. Also, in advance, I refer to the limitations regarding the relatively small number of selected reference sites (cultures), in order to direct specific cultural associations on this territory in the Central Balkans region, not taking into account the large number ofEN sites, culmres and complexes from Greece, Albania, Kosovo, Serbia, Romania, etc. Special emphasis will be put on the EN painted pottery as a dominant feature that (in the literature) most ofi:en defines and separates the sites and cultures among themselves. With this analysis, I will unquestionably touch upon those characteristics and properties that set this significant prehistoric cultural heritage under a common denominator. Therefore, the unbreakable common culture and history of all today's entities in the Balkans will again be confirmed, hoping that with such studies it will be possible to find new insights into the Neolithic welfare of this very important part of Europe. The research so far The N eolithic is the most interesting and probably most enigmatic prehistoric period in the entire Balkans and it is especially diverse in North Macedonia and Bulgaria. With scholars from Europe and beyond, even today, this issue on this territory daily provokes new challenges and ideas for new research activities. The specific Neolithic artefacts on the surface of the Macedonian soil -in the past still unknown and unexplored -have attracted the attention of many archaeologists, historians and various enthusiasts (Naumov 2009a, 3). The earliest historically documented interests of Macedonian N eolithic are associated with the research of a series of foreign and domestic archeologists in the 20th century (Naumov 2009a, 3-5; Fidanoski 2017a, 31). In the 1930s, the pioneering studies of Fewkes, concentrated in Pelagonia should be highlighted. From the same period Heurtley (1939) is also an important explorer of Macedonian prehistory, one of the first authors who pointed out severa! prehistoric sites, and his extensive work was completed within the monograph Prehistoric Macedonia. The second half of the 20th century is a turning point in the research of Macedonian Neolithic. Reaching Neolithic issues not only in North Macedonia b1;1,t also in the wider space of the Balkans, an inevitable name in the literature is Milojcic, as one of the pioneers of the Balkan N eolithic periodization. Since the end of the 1950s, a number of (\ archaeologists have emerged that are intensively beginning to deal with this interesting prehistoric period, in particular, the research of Grbic, Galovic, P. and J. Korošec, and especia1ly the work ofM. and D. Garašanin. In this period, perhaps the most significant archeologi.r:ca _.::;::;-:,=;:;;:::::= investigations on the Neolithic sites in North Macedonia were performed, and from their results, several papers and two monographs were (l_ published. Here, in particular, the works of Gr- bic and his associates (Grbic et al. 1960), Poro- din, andBarutnica by P. andJ. Korošec (Korošec and Korošec 1973). In the period afi:er the 1960s, (l_ M. and D. Garašanin have a great contribution to Macedonian prehistoric archaeology which explored most of the prehistoric site s in N orth Macedonia (at that tirne known), regularly publishing the obtained results. As one of the rare foreign scientists, a special place in the archaeology of the Macedonian Neolithic has Gimbutas (USA), which explored the site Barutnica-Amzabegovo in the late 1960s and early 1970s, and for the first tirne (together with collaborators), published a comprehensive monography of the site -Anza (Gimbutas 1976a). It contains a series of interdisciplinary analyzes, first made on a Macedonian archaeological site. The analyses refer to the geological site characteristics, the mov able and immovable heritage, animals and plants remains, the anthropological remains and the reconstruction of site's paleo-environment. The period of the seventies marks the appearance of the journal Macedoniae acta archaeologica, which regularly publishes the !atest data on Macedonian archaeology in general. In this period and then, the work of a dozen domestic archaeologists is notable throughout the whole territory ofNorth Macedonia: Sanev, Saržoski, Simoska, Kitanoski, Todorovic, Kuzman, Bilbija, Zdravkovski, Jovcevska, Mitkoski and others. In the early 1980s, one of the most important monographs on Balkan Prehistory -Prehistory of the Yugoslav Countries (Praistorija Jugoslavenskih zemalja), edited by Benac, was published, thus validating the benefits from the previous studies of the Neolithic in North Macedonia and other countries of former Yugoslavia. In this edition for the first tirne are formulated the two most important Neolithic cultures in Macedonia: Amzabegovo-Vršnik and Velušina-Porodin. The results of recent investigations, as well as rhe revision of some of the views, were-actualized severa! years ago in an edited book in honor of M. Garašanin -Hommage to Milutin Garašanin, edited by Tasic and Grozdanov (2006), and in two monographs: Neolithic communities in the Republic ofMacedonia by Naumov, Fidanoski, Tolevski and lvkovska (2009) and Patterns and Corporeality: Neolithic Visual Culture from the Republic of Macedonia by Naumov (20096). In the last ten years other edited books and monographs were published, enlighting the newest insights on Macedonian Neolithic, such as: Anzabegovo: naselba odraniot i sredniot neolit vo Makedonija (Anzabegovo: Settlement from the Early and Middle Neolithic in Macedonia) edited by Sanev (2009a); Neolitski antropomorfni predmeti vo Republika Makedonija (Neolithic Anthropomorphic Objects in Republic of Macedonia) by Naumov and Causidis (20II); Grncarica: naselba od raniot neolit ( Grncarica: Settlement from the Early Neolithic) by Jovcevska (2013); Neolitski figurini vo Makedonija (Neolithic Figurines in Macedonia) by Naumov (2015); Grncarica: a Contribution to the Early Neolithic Puzzle of the Balkans by Stojanovski (20I7); Dragiša Zdravkovski In Memoriam: Cultural Manifestations during the Neolithic Period on the Territory of the Republic oj Macedonia and neighboring Regions) edited by Stojanova Kanzurova (2018); Geneza i razvoj na Anzabegovo-Vršnickata kultura grupa ( Genesis and Development ojthe Anzabegovo-Vršnik Cultural Group) by Zdravkovski (2018) and the edited series by Fidanoski and Naumov (2016; 2017; 2018) Neolithic in Macedonia. Prehistoric sites and cultures on the territory ofBulgaria are probably one of the best studied in the Balkans. At the very beginning of the 201h century, the work of Cilingirov and Popov, the first Bulgarian prehistorians, should be noted, leaving behind important data on prehistoric sites in Bulgaria. In the period prior to the Second World War, the name ofMikov should be noted, which first started the research of the eponymous prehistoric site ofKaranovo, and in the postwar period, togerher with one of the pioneers of the Bulgarian archaeological school, Georgiev, lay the foundations of the Karanovo culture and periodization, thus strengthening the foundations of Bulgarian prehistoric archaeology. The latter, especially in the second half of the 201h century, is intensively investigating prehistoric sites and regularly publishes the results. The work of Gaul, who first noticed the homogeny of the Neolithic of western Bulgaria, formulates the culture of West Bulgarian painted pottery (Todorova and Vaysov 1993, 97). After postulating the periodization and cultural specifics of the Bulgarian Neolithic, the work on this prehistoric period was further intensified in the period after the 1960s. In this period, the research of: Detev, Petkov, Todorova, Radunceva, B. Nikolov, V. Nikolov, M. Cohadžiev, S. Cohadžiev, M. Kancev, K. Kancev, Stanev, Perniceva, Bakamska, Gn,bska-Kulow, Kulov, Gatcov, Vaysov, Bojadžiev, Leštakov and others should be ponted out. During this period, international cooperation was inten sified, whereby the quality of studies has been enhanced, taking into account the interdisciplinarity, which is a direct result of the joint internacional research, headed by: Merpert, Hiller, Lichardus, Pavuk and others. During the last forty years, the results of a large number of archaeological investigations were published in severa! important monographs mainly on concrete sites and reviews on Bulgarian Neolithic: Kapitan Dimitrievo (Nikolov 1999a), Balgarcevo (Pernicheva-Perets, Gr~bska-Kulow and Kulov 2.011), Ohoden (Ganecovski 2.009), Yabalkovo (Roodenberg, Leshtakov and Petrova 2.014), Hoeo-1CaMeuuama enoxa 8 Er,Azapu.Jt (New Stone Age in Bulgaria) (Todorova and Vaysov 1993), and other volumes. This period is marked by many works in Bulgarian and foreign scientific publications and especially active participation in scientific meetings, symposia, conferences, etc. Apart from the regular publication of the journals Arheologiya (Archaeology), Arheološki otkritija i razkopki (Archaeological discoveries and excavations), Razkopki i proucvanija (Excavations and studies), reaffirmation of one of the most important scientific journals of the last century, Studies of Prehistory (Studia praehistorica) is of key importance. Also the publication of severa! edited books from severa! scientific meetings -namely in honor of the older generation prehistorians and scientific conferences, such as: Karanovo (Hiller and Nikolov 1997; Hiller and Nikolov 2.000; Hiller and Nikolov 2.002.; Hiller and Nikolov 2.005), Praistoriceska Trakiya (Prehistoric 7hrace) (Nikolov, Bacvarov and Kalcev 2.004), In the Steps o/James Harvey Gaul Vols. 1 and 2. (Stefanovich, Todorova and Hauptmann 1998; Todorova, Stefanovich and Ivanov 2.007), Von Domica bis Drama, Gedenkschrift /ur Jan Lichardus (Nikolov and Bacvarov 2.004), Prae in Honorem Henrieta Todorova (Stefanovich and Angelova 2.007), Southeast Europe and Anatolia in prehistory: Essays in ho nor o/ Vassil Nikolov on his tfs'h anniversary (Bacvarov and Gleser 2.016) and others. In short, it can be concluded that in the past period in North Macedonia and Bulgaria the N eolithic is relatively well studied and appropriately presented. However, one should bear in mind that Bulgarian literature abounds with more bibliographic units, unlike the Macedonian one. 1 think that this is due to two decisive conditions, longer traditions of research (and therefore continuous publication in severa! scientific journals, edited books and monographs) and the scope of the research itself (many Neolithic sites are explored in full or on a large scale). The material The large number of Neolithic sites (and cultures) in the Balkans, in order to get more objective evaluation of their characteristics and properties they carry with them, require equal scientific treatment. The deliberate "exclusion" of a large number of related sites from Greece, (\ Albania, Serbia and Romania has been made in order to preserve the core of the topic i.e., preventing the spread of the focus towards the larger Central Balkans' area. In other words, frnther in my work, 1 will pay full attention onl ,,;::::::::!::::;;:::::= to specific Macedonian sites (Pelagonia, Slcopje and Ovce Pole Plains) and Western Bulgaria (Sofia and Pernik Plains as well as Struma Val-,1 ley), minimally couching other sites important ~ for the topic from the rest of Bulgaria and the wider Balkan regions. Bearing in mind the state of Macedonian and Bulgarian knowledge of the Neolithic in l_ this area (explained in the chapter above), in the paper below I will make a selection of a tocal of 11 sites from North Macedonia and Bulgari'4n North Macedonia, 1 will focus on five sites: Barutnica- Amzabegovo, Cerje-Govrlevo, Veluška Tumba-Porodin, Cuka-Topolcani and Vrbjan- ska Cuka-Slavej, and in Bulgaria on six: Slatina- Sofia, Krajnici, Galabnik, Vaksevo, Rakitovo and Kovacevo. In addition, 1 emphasize that 1 will analyze exclusively the sites, not cultures, cultural zones, blocks and complexes, for one reason -the large number of culcures and other social categories by themselves bear more ambiguity rather than explanations (see the chapter below). The focus of this work will be directed to only one important segment of pottery, animal husbandry and architecture. As I have stated above, due to possible (unwanted) spreads in different directions, the scope will be limited to stated social, economical and cultural categories as the basic characteristics of the Balkans N eolithic communities. However, 1 am fully aware of all possible comments because of not discusing the largely discovered so-called coarse pottery, the various symbolic ceramic objects, funeral practices and the economy. Part of these aspects will get their place, but only as an additional illustration of the thesis. It should be noted again, that this limited selection of sites and elements of material culture has been made in order to avoid generalized views. If ali the geographical and cultural-historical aspects should be taken into account, we can reaffirm the familiar views on the homogenity of the Balkan N eolithic -in that way entering into a full generalization of the various EN communities inhabiting large territories in Southeastern Europe. Neolithic in N orth Macedonia and Bulgaria: territory, timeline, cultures, cultural zones, blocks and complexes The Neolithic in Macedonia and Bulgaria appears as an already formed culture introduced by the EN settlers from Anatolia, most probably through Greece mainland, according to the majority of authors (Gimbutas 1976b, 76; Garašanim989, 27; Nikolov 1990, II; Todorova and Vaysov 1993, 58-63; Sanev 1995, 23; Thissen 2000, 149-51; Pavuk 2007, 165; Naumov 2009c, 19). In general, this model has long been set and accepted in contemporary prehistoric archaeology, with few additions and corrections. In short, these hypotheses are made on the basis of analyzes of immovable and movable archaeological cultural heritage: architecture, funeral practices and ceramics; and economy: agriculture, hunting, craftsmanship, and exchange. As a direct result of these elements, certain insights have been obtained about the social aspects of mankind whether it is today, 1,000 or 10,000 years ago. Territory Within the Balkans prehistoric archaeology severa! views on the pathways under which the first Neolithic settlers moved, where they originally settled and how they continued the processes of neolithization of Europe, are relevant. The most important region for the emergence of the EN in the Balkans is Thessaly, because from here probably through different pathways, the rest of the peninsula was inhabited. It is quite certain that the N eolithic man was orientated on che natural-geographical characteristics of the relief, and as a result, he probably moved along che river flows. The two main routes where che first Neolichic communities in the Central Balkans region probably migrated, were the valleys of Vardar and Struma rivers. This topic is of great importance in the literature (Gimbutas 1976a; Sanev 1978; Garašanin 1979; Garašanin 1989; Cohadžhiev 1990; Nikolov 1990; Todorova and Vaysov 1993; Sanev 1995; Nikolov 1996a; Nikolov 1996b; Nikolov 1999b; Nikolov 1999c; Lichardus-ltten et al. 2002; Nikolov 2002a; Nikolov 2003; Sanev 2004; Zdravkovski 2006; Bogdanovic 2007; Cohadžhiev 2007; Pavuk 2007; Naumov 2009c; Zdravkovski 2009); and che hypotheses are most ofi:en argued on the basis of natura! pathways in the above mentioned river flows. Bearing in mind the great Neolithic heritage on the wider territory ofNorth Macedonia and Bulgaria, there are basically not more than two or chree views on the pathways used by the EN population. According to Nikolov (1990, II, 15), those roads are the river flows of Mesta, Struma and Vardar, che most important of which is along the Seruma river, and according to him the Vardar Valley, has a secondary role. Todorova and Vaysov (1993, 94), agree that chese river flows had crucial role in the neolithization processes, but they see the Vardar valley pathway as the main one. The course ofVardar is crucial for the formation of Neolithic settlements in the Republic of Macedonia according to N au Figure 1. EN sices in Norch Macedonia and wescern Bulgaria (group r: 1. Barumica-Amzabegovo, 2,_ Cerje-Govrlevo, 11. Kovacevo; group 2: 3. Veluška Tumba-Porodin, 4. Cuka-Topolcani, 5. Vrbjanska Cuka-Slavej; group r Slacina-Sofia, 7Krajnici, 8. Galabnik, .9. Vaksevo, ro. Rakicovo). o 100 Figure 2. EN culcures in Norch Macedonia (Fidanoski 200.9a). mov's opinion (2,009c, 26). Recently, a relatively new idea about the first N eolithic pathways in North Macedonia was suggested by Zdravkovski (2006, 99; 2009, 2,0) -that Pelagonia was initially inhabited, after which the Neolithic communities migrate towards the Polog, the Skopje and Ovce Pole Plains, from where through Bregalnica valleythey head eastwards to Struma valley. Considering the already set theses for natura! communications as the basis for the EN pathways of movements and contacts, thus supported by the rich material culture, I consider that a model of territorial "borderlines" should be established (Fig 1-3). N amely, by reduction of the geographical space one interna! model of geographical communication can be obtained, including only North Macedonia and western Bulgaria. In the central part of this geographical analysis there are three sites containing EN and MN phases/ layers: Cerje-Govrlevo, Barutnica-Amzabegovo and Kovacevo -group I. The EN sites of Pelagonia: Cuka-Topolcani, Vrbanjska Cuka- Slavej and Veluška Tumba-Porodin, belong to the so called group 2. The EN and MN sites: Slatina-Sofia (Sofia Plain), Ga.labnik (Radomir Plain), Vaksevo, Krajnici, Kovacevo (Struma VaHey), and Rakitovo (Rhodope massif), belong to group 3. From a geographical point of view, group I has direct natura! communications with the other two groups, and maybe has the best position (set in this artificially reduced region). Accordingly, group I through the vaHey of Vardar and Bahuna Mountain, Veles region, or through Figure 3. EN culmres in Bulgarhl (t. Western Bulgarian Painted Pottery culmre, 1. Slatina-Sofia cul mre in earliest phase and in lacer phases treaced as Kremikovci cukure, 3. Galabnik cul mre in earliesc phase, 4, 5. Procoscarcevo and Starcevo culcure, 6. Krajnici culcure in earliesc phaseand in lacer phases creaced as Galabnik culcure, 7-Karanovo I culture, 8. Kovacevo). Gradsko, Selecka Planina (Mountain), Prilep region, communicates with group 2. Group I can communicate directly with group 3 of the Vardar Valley, north to the Pcinja riverflow, or south along Bregalnica riverflow. The communication of group 2 andgroup 3 geographically does not allow a direct approach, that is, it may have taken place southwards through Thessaly, then along the Struma riverflow to north, or north again through Vardar riverflow, and then further to north to Pcinja riverflow or south along the Bregalnica riverflow. From what has been said so far, it can be confirmed that Vardar and Struma and their tributaries are essential for Neolithic migrations. However, on the basis of the material culture the dynamics of communications vary in a different phase/s (see the chapter Neolithic heritage), that is, in the EN group 2 andgroup 3 although geographically distant show greater similarities, and in the MN this is the case with group I and 3. Time Unlike the dominant approach in older studies r-::=--== -that material culture is the basic chronological and periodization indicator, today absolute dates are the primary means of (precisely) defining Neolithic contexts. Absolute dates, which are continuously made in large numbers for sites around the world for decades, are rare for N orth Macedonian Neolithic sites. Unfortunately, until today only for a total of 11 (N eolithic) sites are available absolute dates. There is a large number of dates for Barutnica-Amzabegovo, and a smaller number of dates for Cerje-Govrlevo, Vršnik-Tarinci, Grncarica-Krupište, Cuka-Topolcani, Tum ba-Porodin, Vrbjanska Cuka-Slavej, Veluška Tumba-Porodin, Tumba-Mogila, Markovi Kuli and Golema Tumba-Trn (Gimbutas 1976b; Srdoc et al. 1977; Thissen 2.000; Thissen 2.005; Reingruber and Thissen 2.005; Whittle et al. 2.005; Fidanoski 2.009a; Naumov 2.009c; Fidanoski 2.012.; Naumov 2.016; Naumov et al. 2.016; Stojanovski 2.017; Veljanovska 2.017; Fidanoski 2.018; Naumov et al. 2.018; www.14sea.org). According to the scope of research for the purposes of this analysis, the dates of the following Macedonian EN and MN sites will be given. Calib atcd date~ BC (w) for BarurnicaAmzabcgovo (~ 7hictlc cc al. 2.005). 7,560±70 BP, 6,510-6,2.30 (95,4%) (20-) cal BC, 7,2.30±170 BP, 6,450-5,750 (95,4%) (2.0-) cal BC, 7,2.10±50 BP, 6,2.10-5,980 (93.3%) (vr) cal BC, 7,180±60 BP, 6,2.20-5,970 (85,2. %) (2.0-) cal BC, 7,150±70 BP, 6,12.0-5,840 (86,7%) (2.0-) cal BC, 7,12,0±100 BP, 6,uo-5,770 (95,4%) (2.0-) cal BC, 7,110±12,0 BP, 6,210-5,730 (95,4%) (w) cal BC. 7,110±12.0 BP, 6,2.2.0-5,730 (95,4%) (2.0-) cal BC, 7,080±60 BP, 6,070-5,800 (95,4%) (2.0-) cal BC, 7,050±150 BP, 6,250-5,600 (95.4%) (2.0-) cal BC, 7,050±80 BP, 6,030-5,730 (93.5%) (2.0-) cal BC, 7,000±2.70 BP, 6,500-5,300 (95.4%) (2.0-) cal BC, 7,000±2.80 BP, 6,500-5,300 (95.4%) (2.0-) cal BC, 6,830±70 BP, 5,850 (95,4%) (2.0-) cal BC, 6,940±80 BP, 5,930-5,660 (85.9%) (2.0-) cal BC, 6,840±12.0 BP, 5,930-5,520 (91.5%) (20-) cal BC, 6,850±50 BP, 5,810-5,630 (95,4%) (20-) cal BC, 6,800±140 BP, 6,000-5,450 (95,4%) (2.0-) cal BC, 6,700±150 BP, 5,900-5,300 (95,4%) (2.0-) cal BC, 6,630±150 BP, 5,850-5,300 (95,4%) (2.0-) cal BC, 6,510±110 BP, 5,670-5,260 (95.4%) (2.0-) cal BC. 6,440±12.0 BP, 5,650-5,050 (95,4%) (2.0-) cal BC. Calibraccd datcs BC (2.0) for Ccrjc-Govrlcvo (Fidanoski 2012., Fig. 38a, b). 6,960±50 BP 5,92.3-5,735 (86,9%) (2.0-) cal BC, 6,955±34 BP 5,893-5,72.8 (94,4%) (2.0-) cal BC, 6,894±34 BP 5,814-5,714 (85,9%) (20-) cal BC, 6,516±139 BP 5,714-5,2.2.8 (94,4%) (2.0-) cal BC. Calibraccd datcs BC (20) for siccs ofVdušinaPorodin culmrc (Whicclc cc al. 2.005). Cuka-Topolcani 7,680±160 BP, 6,862-6,2.36 (87,7%) (20-) cal BC, 7010±190 BP, 6,2.53-5,558 (95.1%) (2.0-) cal BC. Vrbjanska Cuka-Slavej 6996±24 BP, 5,981-5,807 (95,4%) (2.0-) cal BC, 6946±44 BP, 5,972.-5,732 (95,4%) (20-) caJ BC. Veluška Tumba-Porodin 6950±120 BP, 6,034-5,635 (95.4%) (2.0-) cal BC, 6900±90 BP, 5,928-5,641 (89,2.%) (2.0-) cal BC, 6890±140 BP, 6,032-5,553 (95.4%) (2.0-) cal BC. For Barutnica-Amzabegovo dates, according to stratigraphical data and comparative analyzes on the material, Gimbutas (1976b, 2.9) positioned the EN between 6,100-5,800 cal BC and the MN between 5,800-5,500 cal BC. According to comparative and contextual data for the transitional phase between EN and MN the values for Cerje-Govrlevo fall in the interval between 5,900-5,700 cal BC. Regarding the data for Cuka-Topolcani, Vrbjanska Cuka-Slavej and Veluška Tumba-Porodin, according to some authors, later dates are expected i.e., between 6,000 and 5,500 cal BC (Thissen 2.000, 2.07; Naumov 2.009c, 2.6; Fidanoski 2.009a, 34). The dataset ofBulgarian Neolithic is much larger and obtained from severa! EN, MN and LN sites, but still new dates are welcome (Nikolov 1992., 11-2.; Todorova and Vaysov 1993, 86-91; Reingruber and Thissen 2.005; Gorsdorf and Bojadžiev 1996; www.I4sea.org). For the purposes of this work the EN and MN dates of the mentioned sites with available dates shaU be provided below. Calibrarcd darcs BC (1cr) for Slatina-Soha, Galabnik and Kovacevo (Rcingrubcr and ll1isscn 2.005). Slatina-Soha 6,970±60 BP, 5,970-5,780 (10-) cal BC, 6,960±60 BP, 5,900-5,760 (1· --~ 1 2 3 , 1 1 \ s o, w w ,5 ) 6 Figure 5. Norch Macedonia Cuka-Topol can i 1 (Fidanoski 2.00.96, Pl. 3.9, 8); Veluška Tum6a-Porodin 2.-4 (Fidanoski 2.00.96, Pl. 30, 2.-4); Vr6janska Cuka-Slavej 5, 6 (Fidanoski 2.00.96, Pl. 41, 15, 16); Bulgaria Gala6nik 7-9 (Pavt'.1k 2.007, A66. 3, 6-8, 16.9); Slacina-Sofia JO, n (Todorova and Vaysov 1993, Fig. 41, 42., 2.9.9); Rakicovo 12. (Macanova 2.002., Taf 12., 2., 2.17). ornamentation of the (visible parts of the) bottoms, especially the higher ones, is nowhere to be found in Macedonia. Also painting of the plates (both on the inside and outside), which is especially common in western Bulgaria, is very rare in North Macedonia. lhe precise conceiving and employement of che painted compositions, as well as che ac cive using ofche iconography in che accentu acion of the local idencities clearlv indicates che mental capacity of the N eolich ic popula tions which settled Macedonia and che Bal 00 kan Peninsula in general. I his potencial for N detailed organizing of a micro space (a vessel), but also a larger culcural environment (a setclemenc), points to the complex character of the visual culcure applied in the symbolic communicacion. Hence, it can be considered chat the painced compositions did not concent geometrical principles only for che simple enhancement of the vessels, but also because of the implementation of more complex and essential concepts of the Neolithic communicies. ll1e employmenc of symmecrywichin che imagerymedia is oh:en in relation wich the metaphorical transposicion of che permanenc values of one culcure and its essencial living processes. In chis context it can be considered that che Neolichic painced compositions were closely relaced to che processes that consolidace che unity of che com munities and made possible che maintenance of their continuicy. (Naumov 2.009d, 12.5) One could conclude that every closed geographical space (valley or plain) enabled suicable conditions for isolaced, independenc existence of che communities, which succeeded to develop specihc visual characceriscics in each region for a really short time. le poincs to the fact chat che communities inhabiting these regions: i) have already had developed authentic visual feacures, prior to setcling there, ii) developed new local visual idencities contacting ,vich the narive Mesolithic populacions and iii) gradually formed autochtonous culcural characteristics as chey moved from the poinc of origin, regardless of whecher those were ll1essalian or Anacolian settlements. Later, probably in che following Neolichic phases [in North Macedonia], a more intense communication among these regions commenced, which resulced in occurrence of similarities in che painced patterns, alcernacely in each region. Such visual communication culminated in the Middle Neolichic when wichin whac is now considered Amzabegovo- Vršnik group, idencical mocives • and composition units could be identihed, equally in che regions of Ovce Pole, Skopje and Polog. In che same period che communities from Pelagonia continued using the 'old' visual elemencs on che vessels, ,vhich shows chat che Early Neolichic traditions have much longer concinuance in chis region, parcly encering whac could condicion-• ally be referred Middle Neolithic. (Nau mov 2.00.9d, 13) ~=;;:::::::= Of special interest is one unusual variant of jars with a horizontally elongated form, an al-,1 most imperceptible rim (which seems more like ~ an opening in the body than a rim), and a rounded bottom (Fig. 6: 3-6). Such variants of jars are very rare in Balkan's EN (and MN) even for well-studied collections. Within th~s study five l_ spedmens are analyzed: Vrbjanska Cuka-Slavej, Cuka-Topolcani and Veluška Tumba-Porodin from Velušina-Porodin Culture; Rakitovo (JS:.--af anovo culture) (Nikolov 1996a, 1); and Cavdar from the culture of Western Bulgarian Painted Pottery Neolithic (Todorova and Vaysov 1993, 20, 293, 97-99). The specimen from Vrbjanska Cuka-Slavej (Fig. 6: 3) is unique due to its perforated (horizontal) handles, but given its slightly carinated form it is analogous with the jar of Veluška Tumba-Porodin (Fig. 6: 5). The jars from Cuka-Topolcani (Fig. 6: 4), from Rakitovo (Fig. 6: 6) and Cavdar are characterized by a well rounded form. That these vessels probably bear more than only utilitarian purpose, can be Pl. III O --,5 - O, --5 1 3 4 7 w w= 5 Figure 6. Norrh Macedonia Cerje-Govrlevo 1 (Fidanoski 2.011, Fig. 2,1, 85); 7 (Fidanoski 1012,, Fig. 62.); Vr6janska Cuka- Slavej 3. (Fidanoski 2.00.96, Pl. 41, 6); Cuka-Topolcani 4, 5 (Fidanoski 100.96, Pl. 40, 1; Pl. 66, 5); Bulgaria Vaksevo 1 (Cohadžhiev 1001, Fig. 1.9, 88; phoro 6y Lj. Fidanoski); Rakicovo 6 (Macanova 1002,, Taf. 11, 2,, 2.17); Krajnici 8 (Tchohadjiev and Bakamska 1.9.90, Ta61. 2.5, 1, 75). PI. TV o N"\ 9 4 10 s 6 3 2 7 8 Figure 7. Norch Macedonia Barutnica-Amza6egovo 1, 3 (Gim6utas 1.9766, Fig. 35. 2., 58; Fig. 2..9. 1, 52.); 2. (Garašanin and Garašanin 200.9, T. XXI, 1, 188); Cerje-Govrlevo 4, 5 (Fidanoski 2.00.96, PI. 58, 4, 5); Bulgaria Gala6nik 6 (Cohadžh i ev 1.9.90, Fig. 7, 11, 14); 10, 11 (Todorova and Vaysov 1.9.93, Fig. 11, 12., 2..92.); Slacina-Sofia 7-.9 (Si rakova 2004, Fig. 1, 2., 16; Fig. 2, 1, 18; Fig. 4, 2., 22). concluded based on the painted ornamentation (with pale white paint on their entire surface, except for the specimen from Cuka-Topolcani, which has dark brownish/black paint). Their composition is dynamic and diverse, for which is difficult to find analogies in related cultures. Askoi are rarely found in the Neolithic, with the exception of some sites in North Macedonia, but this is a topic for another study. Of interese for this paper is the askos discovered in Vaksevo, which has analogies with the specimens from Cerje-Govrlevo, thus suggesting very probable communication (Fig. 6: 1, 2). Here presented specimen from Cerje-Govrlevo (Fig. 6: 1) is typical for the site -with an eccentrically manufactured neck on an irregularly rounded belly (the severe irregularity probably derives from secondary reasons as layer/deposit destructions and fire), while the one from Vaksevo (Fig. 6: 2) is characterized by a centrally placed neck on a curved belly. Minor differences are present within the handles' position -the handles on the specimen from Cerje-Govrlevo are placed more apart and the fifth handle is placed higher, than those on the specimen from Vaksevo. At the very end, I point to two more specimens of ceramic objects. This category of objects contains a wide range of artifacts: anthropomorphic and zoomorphic representations, altars, tables, models of houses, anthropomorphic models of houses, and sometimes a combination of some of them -well defined by Naumov (2010, 234) as Neolithic concepts oj hybridism. Given the economical, social and symbolic complexity of this ceramic objects' category, a completely different analysis is needed to clarify some of the questions arosen concerning these objects. For this study, I decided to present only two almost identical altars of three-legged tables found in Cerje-Govrlevo (Fig. 6: 7) and Galabnik (Fig. 6: 8). They are made ofbulky clay lump, well fiattened and smoothed on the upper surface with a shallow oval recipient, placed on three legs on the corners, thus forming a triangular object. Both specimens have the same ornaments of triangular incissions in parallel rows on the upper surface and on the legs. In a word, they are very interesting for this study given that they appear as if they were made by one manufacturer. Architecture The settlement of Cerje-Govrlevo was positioned on a fiattened terrace (plateau) on a mountain slope, surrounded by two streams and several mountains (Bilbija 1986, 35). Relatively similar to the previous one is the settlement of Barutnica-Amzabegovo which was settled ona river terrace, in a hilly relief (Weide 1976). Both of them belong to the so-called fiat settlements (or settlements on river terraces). In contrast, the settlements in Pelagonia -the ones of Velušina- Porodin culture are mounds, such as Veluška Tumba-Porodin, Cuka-Topolcani and Vrbjanska Cuka-Slavej, thus artificially made, slightly higher than the surrounding area. Pelagonia Plain which is the largest plain in North Macedonia is characterized by small rivers and swamps in some periods of the year (Naumov et al. 2018, 256-57). These not so high elevations (mounds or tells), reffered as mogi.la, cuka or tumba, are often the toponyms from which the name was derived. In western Bulgaria, low elevated settlements are rare, unlike fiat settlements on river terraces, which in Thrace is opposite (Todorova and Vaysov 1993, 150). Except Galabnik, being a mound -has settlement analogies with the Pelagonia sites (artificial elevation), the rest of them (Slatina-Sofia, Krajnici, Vaksevo, Kovacevo and Rakitovo were positioned on river terraces in the immediate vicinity to mountainous relief (Nikolov 1992; Todorova and Vaysov 1993, 150; Lichardus-Itten et al. 2002; Bakamska 2007, 175; Cohadžhiev 2007; Cohadžhiev et al. 2007, 182). In that context, the affinity of settling fiat areas on river terraces in Amzabegovo-Vršnik culture and almost all sites in western Bulgaria, except Galabnik is -evidenc -unlike the settlements of Velušina-Porodin culture and Galabnik. Concerning architecture, in ali the sites included in this paper, without exception one common element is present -the aboveground houses were builc of wooden construction daubed in clay (Cohadžhiev 2007, 63, Tolevski 2009, 6162). However, within three setdements: Barutnica- Amzabegovo, Galabnik and Kovacevo, the mud-brick technique has also been used ( Gimbutas 19766, 32, 34; Cohadžhiev 2007, 63). Talking about houses' groundplans, there are examples with a rectangular, square and trapeze plans. Houses with rectangular and square foundations were discovered in Cerje-Govrlevo, Veluška Tumba-Porodin, Vrbjanska Cuka-Slavej and Galabnik (Grbic et al. 1960, 12; Mirkoski 2005, 33, 35; Cohadžhiev 2007, 63, Fidanoski 2012, 35). The houses with a trapezoida! groundplans are much more frequent and are registered in Cerje- Govrlevo, Barutnica-Amzabegovo, Veluška Tumba-Porodin, Slatina-Sofia and in large number in Rakitovo (Grbic et al. 1960, 20; Nikolov 1999d, 101; Radunceva 2002, 14-33, 50; Sanev 20096, 40; Fidanoski 2012, 35). Concerning objects' size (Grbic et al. 1960, 12; Zdravkovski 1990, 75-6; Nikolov 1999c, 101; Radunceva 2002, 1433; Mitkoski 2005, 33, 35; Cohadžhiev 2007, 63; Sanev 20096, 40; Fidanoski 2012, 35, 41), there are houses with different dimensions, as in Cerje-Govrlevo (4 x 4,5 x 4,5 x 4,7 m, 5,5 x 5,5 m, 7,6 X 6 m); Barutnica-Amzabegovo (8,3 x 8,7 m); Veluška Tumba-Porodin (6 x 4 m, 12 x II m); Vrbjanska Cuka-Slavej (9 x 12,5 m -first house phase of house 1, 11,3 x13 m -second phase of house 1, 8,7 x 10,3 x 4,9 m); Galabnik (4,5 x 5,7 m, 5,2 x 6,7 m, 6,6 x 7,2 m, 7,4 x 6,8 m, 7 x 8,8 m); Slatina-Sofia (9,7 x 9,3 x 12,4 x 12,3 m); Kovacevo (4 x 4 m, 4 x 6 m, 5 x 6 m, 10 x 10 m) and Rakitovo (second EN phase -7,4 x 7,4 x 3 x 3,1 m, 7,4 x 7,4 x 4,3 x 6 m, 7,5 x 4 x 3,8 m, 7 x 7 x 4 x 3,5 m, 7,4 x 6,5 x 3 x 4 m, 7,6 x 7,8 x 7,6 x 5 m, first EN phase -4 x 5,5 x 2 x I m, first phase of house 13 -5,5 x 5,5 x 3,5 x 4,7 m, second phase ofhouse 13 -4 x 7,5 x 4 x 8 m, 10 x 7 x3 m). Of particular interest for the topic is another element ( except the inventory in which almost always an oven was constructed, and sometimes even a parapet walls) -the floor construction. In general, the most common are two techniques: 1. a thick layer of tamped clay and over it another final layer of clay/mud and 2. a construction of parallel wooden piles covered by clayish layer. Unfortunately, in this respect, we do not have much dara except for Slatina-Sofia, where a well-preserved house whose floor is derived from the second technique was documented (Nikolov 1992). In North Macedonia, both in Cerje-Govrlevo and Veluška Tumba-Porodin, both techniques are used, with one difference. In the first setdement within the earliest phase ofliving, the floor was made with the second technique, and in the following (MN phases) the floors were ('\ made by the first technique -which is vice versa in Veluška Tumba-Porodin (Simoska and Sanev 1975, 44; Fidanoski 2012, 47). • Animal husbandry Analyzing the faunal remains of the Balkans' EN and MN sites, severa! regional tendencies can be noticed. Unfortunately, in North Mac-,1 edonia archaeozoological analyzes are rare (Ivk-~ ovska 2009, 53) and hence, the dara on this important economical, social and cultural aspect is very limited. However, the faunal analyzes of ,1 the material from all phases ofBarutnica-Amz-~ abegovo are thorough, from which the ones belonging to the EN (phase I) and the ones of the MN (phases II and III) are the most inter=e=st.;----== ing for this study. In contrast to North Macedonia (Bokonyi 1976, Tab. XXXIII), in Bulgaria (Bokonyi 1992, Tab. 1; Ninov 2001, Tab. 8; Benecke and Ninov 2002, 558; Kovacev and Georgiev 2002, Tab. 1; Cohadžhiev 2007, Tab. 6) the level of archaeozoological data is much better: Barutnica-Amzabegovo (domestic animals from phase I -96,58%, from phase II -97,07% and frorn phase III -94,23%; wild animals from phase I -3,42%, from phase II -2,93% and frorn phase III -5,76%); Kovacevo ( do mestic animals -97,2 % and wild animals -2,8%); Slatina-Sofia, horizon 1 (domestic animals 90,64% and wild animals -9,36%); Krajnici (domestic animals -87% and wild animals -13%); Rakitovo (domestic animals -70,79% and wild animals -29,21%) and Vaksevo (domestic animals -69,8% and wild animals -28,4%). Concerning domestic animals distribution, more differences were noted. So, apart from everywhere marginally present dogs, the relations between sheep/goat, catde and pig dif.. fer in all sites (Bokonyi 1976, Tab. XXXIII; Kovacev 1988, Tab. 8; Bokonyi 1992, Tab. 1; Ninov 2001, Tab. 8; Benecke and Ninov 2002, 558; Cohadžhiev et al. 2007, 188): Barutnica-Amzabegovo (phase I: sheep/goat 78,3%, catde -9,6% and pig -8,26%; phase II: sheep/goat -72,4%, catde -13,47% and pig -9,87% and phase III: sheep/goat -76,42%, catde -6,84% and pig-8,83%); Kovacevo (sheep/goat -52,6%, catde -29,8% and pig -17,6%); Slatina-Sofia, horizon 1 (sheep/goat -42,86%, catde -46,68% and pig -9,98%); Krajnici (sheep/goat -38,8%, catde -55,5% and pig-5,7%); Rakitovo (sheep/goat -28,98%, catde -62,81% and pig -7,79%) and Vaksevo (sheep/goat -12,38%, catde -64,6% and pig -21,23%). According to the faunal remains one general condusion can be made: the dominant economical aspect of EN and MN sites is stockbreeding, the role of hunting is marginal, with almost equal distribution in Barutnica-Amzabegovo, Kovacevo, Slatina-Sofia and Krajnici, while in Rakitovo and Vaksevo the hunting had more important role. As for the domestic animals distribution, the higher percentage of sheep and goat in Barutnica-Amzabegovo and somewhat less in Kovacevo, in Slatina-Sofia, the sheep/goat distribution is more or less equal with catde, whereas in Krajnici, Rakitovo and Vaksevo, the catde was preffered. Ivkovska (2009, 61 63) believes that this is primarily due to the climate -the catde favors humid climate, unlike sheep and goat that prefer drier and warmer climates. Therefore, according to her, closer analogies with regard to the livestock structure have the southern (warmer and drier) parts of the Balkans -North Macedonia and Greece, while the Bulgarian and Serbian Neolithic animal husbandry is more oriented towards animals which prefer more humid environment. Concluding remarks Thanks to the archaeological research in the Balkans, today we have a vivid image of the N eolithic processes on this territory. The accumulated knowledge on this remarkable period of human history has already been more than a century old. But, stili there is a plenty of space for new analysis and research, not only of newly discovered sites, but also for those who are well known today. The processes of Balkans neolithization, the earliest setdements, their development and communications even today present a challenge for many authors. Based on the knowledge so far, the signif.. kance of the natura! pathways for the first Neolithic setders in the Balkans, the river flows of Vardar, Bregalnica, Seruma, Mesta and others is confirmed. It was along their streams that the earliest Neolithic pioneers were moving and communicating with the remote regions of Pelagonia, Skopje and Ovce Pole Plains, the Seruma Valley, the Sophia, Pernik and Radomir Plains, the Rhodope massif, etc. In accordance with absolute chronology, relative chronology and the comparative method, the tirne intervals and phases in which the Neolithic communities fluorished in the Balkans. Although there are stili ambiguities regarding periodization, it can be concluded that in the period from 6,200 to 5,800 cal BC a large number of micro-regions were inhabited in North Mace donia and Bulgaria. In the period from 5,800 to 5,500 cal BC there is an absolute dominance of a large community/ies, regardless of whether we refer to it as the second phase ofEN, MN, developed Neolithic, Starcevo, Amzabegovo-Vršnik, Kremikovci, Kremenik, etc. In order to improve our knowledge about the Neolithic in North Macedonia and Bulgaria based on the analogies or closeness of the material culture, many cultures, cultural zones, blocks and complexes have been established. However, at this point they are not of great benefit because of the specificity that every site carries, especially in the EN. Without undermining the significance of the hierarchy in systematic and methodological approaches -long tirne ago introduced into archeology -material culture does not allow an absolute generalization of the communities that lived on this territory (and basically everywhere in the world) during a particular period. On the other hand, cultures and complexes are already firmly grounded in the archaeologists' minds; so, on this territory there are severa! cultures formulated: Amzabegovo- Vršnik, Velušina-Porodin, Western Bulgarian Painted Pottery Neolithic, Galabnik, Slatina, Kovacevo and Karanovo culture -all of these considered as members of the Balkan-Anatolian EN Complex. In this analysis, eleven sites have been individually considered: Barumica-Amzabegovo, Cerje-Govrlevo, Veluška Tumba-Porodin, Cuka-Topolcani, Vrbjanska Cuka-Slavej (from North Macedonia), Slatina-Sofia, Krajnici, Galabnik, Vaksevo, Rakitovo and Kovacevo (from western Bulgaria). Pottery, architecture and animal husbandry as a new phenomenon in the Neolithic are the essential economical, social and cultural aspects according to which we define the sites, cultures, etc. Based on the considered material culture in this study, differences were noted in all sites, but in the same tirne and more importantly, many analogies were found. In brief, in relation to the EN and MN painted pottery, Cerje- Govrlevo, Barutnica-Amzabegovo, Krajnici, Kovacevo, Vaksevo, Slatina-Sofia (later phases) and Galabnik (later phases) show many similarities. The same can be concluded for the pottery from Veluška Tumba-Porodin, Cuka-Topolcani, Vrbjanska Cuka-Slavej, Rakitovo, Slatina-Sofia (earlier phases) and Galabnik (earlier phases). Accordingly, it can be concluded that in the EN, the material culture of Pelagonia has more similarities with the sites of the Struma Valley and Sofia Plain, and the sites of Skopje and Ovce Pole Plains have stronger communication with the same sites from the later phases of the same regions in Bulgaria. This thesis according to absolute chronology is problematic, which raises a number of questions that have yet to be answered. Do we have a sufficient14C dataset? Are the phases well and precisely defined or they ~ need revision? , \ In which directions and in what way do remote groups of sites communicate? On which factors is this communication depen:dent? What is the number of unpublished material from the explored sites? Has the tirne been right for new surveys and explo-(l_ rations of theknown unexplored Neolithic sites? Regarding the selected locations to form settlements there, on one hand there is tenden-(l_ cy that some sites, as Cerje-Govrlevo and Barutnica- Amzabegovo and the Struma and Sofia Plain sites, to be positioned on river terraces, while on the other hand, the ones in Pelagonia and exclusively Galabnik (from Radomir Plain) artificialy elevated the settlement space, thus creating mounds. It is logical to conclude that this is closely related to the natura! environment and geomorphological features -the sites in plains and valleys are vulnerable to serious hydrological impacts and those on the river terraces or fiat settlements rely on more stable water-level. The architecture itself is almost identical in all analyzed sites -aboveground houses built of wooden construction daubed in mud, rectangular, square or trapeze groundplans and almost in ali cases oven was made in the interior. Smali differences are noted in building techniques, buc this can also be considered as one of the specifics of each site or other economical, social or natural resources. Finaliy, it can be concluded, on the basis of the animal husbandry, that almost in all sites for which there is archaeozoological data, there is absolute dominance of stockbreeding, while hunting was not so important. Larger differences are noted in the domestic animals distribution -the domination of the sheep/goat and cattle, which is in favor of sheep/goat in North Macedonia, which is not the case in Bulgaria. According to the studies this is probably a result of the different climatic conditions. From ali of the above mentioned we can conclude that EN (and MN) communities in North Macedonia and Bulgaria have very similar material culcure, but each one preserves its own specificities that separate it from others. In fact, due to the inevitable economical (and social) contacts and natura! (geographical) communication, these two pathways intertwine, thus not allowing either pred se idencification of their identity nor broad generalization. Summary One of the key ropics ofEuropean prehiscory-che Neolichizacion of che Balkans is stili subject to a variecy of exploracions, polemics, ideas and hypocheses. Bearing in mind che geographical posicion of chis terricory in Soucheascern Europe and wider in che immediace vicinicy of che hocspot of che large (boch Aceramic and Ceramic) Neolichic culcures and sites of the Eascern Mediterranean, in the second half and especially cowards che end of the 7th millennium cal BC, a large number ofNeolithic sices has been documented. The earliest Neolichic sices in Europe were discovered in Greece, which are characterized by a particularly auchentic material culture, and later a number of EN sices were discovered in Norch Macedonia, Bulgaria, Serbia, Romania, and a smaller number in Albania. Considering che rich material culcure some sices from Norch Macedonia and Bulgaria are of special interese, which apart from che visi ble differences, are discinguished by great similarities in some cacegories of arcefaccs, in different micro-regions wichin che two councries. Hence, the paper focuses on discovering che causes of similarities in certain arcefaccs in commw1ities chat, alchough living in che same period, practice almosc the same lifestyle, buc are somewhac characterized by a relacively different material culcure. Povzetek Ena kljucn ih tem evropske prazgodovine -neolitizacija Balkana je še vedno predmet številnih raziskav, polemik, idej in hipotez. Upoštevajoc geografski položaj ozemlja v jugovzhodni Evropi in širše v neposredni bližini žarišca velikih neolitskih kulcur ("keram icni h " in "akeramicnih "), je bilo tu dokumentiranih veliko število neolitskih najdišc, ki sodijo v cas druge polovice, oziroma na konec 7-tisocletja pred našim štetjem. Najstarejša neolitska n ajdišca v Evropi so bila odkrita v Grciji. Zanje je znacil n a še posebej avtenticna materialna kultura. Pozneje so bila odkrita številna zgodnjeneolicska n ajdišca še v Severni Makedoniji, Bolgariji, Srbiji in Romuniji ter manjše število v Albaniji. Glede na bogato materialno kulturo so še zlasti zanimiva nekatera najdišca Severne Makedonije in Bolgarije, ki jih v razl icni h mikroregijah v obeh državah poleg vidnih razlik odlikujejo tudi velike podobnosti v nekaterih kategorijah artefaktov. Prispevek se osredoroca na odkrivanje vzrokov, ki so botrovali podobnostim nekaterih artefaktov v ceh skupnostih, katere, ceprav živijo v istem obdobju in prakcici rajo skoraj enak življenjski slog zaznamuje precej drugac na materialna kulcura. Reftrences Angeleski, S. 2012. The Early and Middle Neolithic in Macedonia: Links with neighmouring areas. Oxford: Archaeopress. British Archaeological Reports - Incernational Series 2332. Bacvarov, K. and R. Gleser., eds. 2016. 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Lombard weapons from Fiesole, Tuscany (6th-7th century C.E.): old archaeological data for new considerations • Andrea Biondi, Ph.D. student Faculcy ofHumanities, Universiry of Primorska, Slovenia Universica Catrolica del Sacro Cuore, Iraly .922o3oo1@student.upr.si biondjandrea23@gmail.com The article focuses on the analysis of seven Lombard weapons datable between the end of 6th and the 7th century C.E. and present in the Archaeological Museum ofFiesole, in the north-eastern area of T uscany in Ttaly. These objects, only partially published, and com ing both from the Lombard necropolis of Area Garibaldi and from unknown concexts, have been compared with similar materials on national scale of che 6th-7th cencury C. E. and represent a relevant term of archaeological analysis for the transition between Late Antiquity Era and Lombard domination in Fiesole. Keywords: Fiesole, Lombards, axe, spear, scramasax. Langobardsko orožje iz Fiesole v Toskani (6. -7. stoletje n. št.): stari arheološki podatki za nove razmisleke Clanek se osredotoca na analizo sedmih kosov langobardskega orožja, ki jih je mogoce umestiti v obdobje med koncem šestega in sedmega stoletja po Kr. in ki se nahajajo v Arheološkem muzeju v mestu Fiesole na severovzhodu Toskane. Te predmete, ki so bili le delno objavljeni, odkriti pa so bili na langobardski nekropoli na obmocju Garibaldi in tudi v neznanih kontekstih, smo primerjali s podobnimi gradivi iz 6. in 7. stoletja po Kr., odkritimi po vsej državi. Omenjeni predmeti predstavljajo pomemben del arheoloških analiz za prehod iz obdobja pozne antike v cas prevlade Langobardov v Fiesolu. K#ucne besede: Fiesole, Langobardi, sekira, sulica, scramasax. T T he presence of Lombards and the formation of their identity are significant research themes that over tirne have at tracted various interdisciplinary studies. The weapons analyzed in this paper were found on the site of the current Town Hall of Fiesole at the end of the 19th century. They represent only a small part of the larger Ph.D. study by the writer (7he definition of Lombard identity (cc. 5th - Sth A.D.). Archaeology of social construction between barbaricum, Italy and Tuscany) underway at the Faculty ofHumanities at the University of Primorska in Slovenia. http~:// doi.org/ 1 o. 2.649 3/ 1350-5 4 4 3.9 ( 1 )67-86 From a European point of view, the reminded themes are deeply related to the general European matters concerning the integration between German invaders and local communities in terms of migration, identity, and social construction problems. From this point of view, that is the same of the reminded Ph.D. project, also the analysis proposed here on the selected weapon is related to all those archaeological and historical studies that concern the relationship between the barbaricum and the Mediterranean world and the formation of European consciousness. From the 5th century, the societies that characterized the European contest deeply changed. This great historical phase brought on a new civilization that, among various differences, spread all over Europe and that was created by the early Christian culture and by multiculmral values. The archaeological materials presented here represent this historical phase in Fiesole. In a broad sense, these objects allow us to understand the development of Fiesole, thus considering them as a fundamental material aspect of the Lombard society that characterized the town since the end of the 6th century C.E. As we will see, the weapons in question do not come from 00 scientifically documented archaeological layers, \C but their analysis, however, constitute a fundamental part for the smdy of the Lombard heritage ofFiesole. In the last years, various studies have been carried out on the Lombard presence in Tuscany between the 6th and the 8th century C.E., though at the moment there is not a complete or defined research. All these cases regard coastal Tuscany or the south-western part of the region, but the northeastern part (along the Apennine mountains) is the richest from an archaeological point of view. Furthermore, between the end of the 6th C.E. and the end of Lombards' Kingdom, it was the site of the military border between Lombards and Imperials. Tuscany was not conquered by the Lombards in the first phase of their Italian invasion, but in a second one, at the tirne of King Agilulf of the Bavarian dynasty around 593-594 C.E. From this moment (or little before), in Tuscia there was one of the most important Italian Lombard cities, that is Lucca as a ducal capital. However, also other cities, such as Chiusi (the other Tuscan ducal city), Arezzo, Pistoia, Siena, and Pisa have Lombard traces. Besides these cases, several significant early medieval urban burials were dug also in Fiesole, between 1986 and 2,015. Fiesole could be a particularly important step forward for the knowledge ofLombard presence in Tuscany because of the presence of 90 partially or completely unpublished tombs from the various cemeteries dated between the 6th and the 8th centuries C.E. One of the most important scholars who published on Fiesole Lombard materials (but not on the complete amount) was Otto von Hessen in 1971 (von Hessen 1971b). Fiesole during Lombard domination As already mentioned, between the second half of the 6th and the 7th century C.E. Tuscany saw many changes in political and historical conditions so that severa! cities (Ciampoltrini 1994, 615-633; Vaccaro and Citter 2,003; Brogiolo 2,005; Citter 2,012,) -such as Lucca (Ciampoltrini and Notini 1990; Ciampoltrini 2,011), Pisa (Alberti and Paribeni 2,011), Pistoia (Vannini 1985; VanniniI987; Vannini 1997, 37-54), Florence (Scampoli 2-010), Fiesole (von Hessen 1971b; Von Hes- sen 1975; Biondi 2,0186; Biondi 2,019a), Sien~ (Cantini 2,005), Arezzo (Molinari and Nespoli 2,005), Luni (Lusuardi Siena 2,003), Cosa (Celuz-('\ za and Fentress 1994), Roselle (Celuzza and Fentress 1994), and Chiusi (Falluomini 2,009) met some sensitive topographical and material transformations while the stability of the urba'h structures proved to be particularly firm in those more strategically imporcant demic centers (iG1;:ar=-:::;::::::= nut 2,002,; Petersen 2,013). Following the Lombard invasion of Italy in 568 C.E., the duchies of Lucca and Chiusi were (l_ created (perhaps due to the pre-existence in loco of garrisons of Lombards foederati and exercital- es of the Empire) and Tuscia gradually went out from the political influence of the Eastern Ro-(l_ man Empire (Jarnut 2,002-). Only with the offensive of King Agilulf of 593-594 C.E., also th.e ,north- eastern portion of the region, with thei_ centers of Pistoia, Fiesole, and Florence (Vannini 1997; Magno 1998; Biondi 2.018a), were finally included in the Lombard Regnum, through the diverticulum of the via Cassia between Lucca and Pistoia (Alfieri 1992-). Moving on to the topography of Fiesole (Fig. 1), the actual Archaeological Area is located in its northern portion with the remains of the theater, the baths and the temple dating from the 1st century C.E. and progressively deconstructed from the 4th century C.E. and partially used for funerary purposes between the 4th and Fiesole between the 6th and the first half of the 8th century C.E. 100 m Vi/la Marchi-Mussi o Mante Ceceri Legend ~ Public roman areas of the 1st centu,y C.E. -Necropolis and isolated tombs -Hellenistic city wa/1s -Actual urban grid Figure 1. Plan of che cicy ofFiesole bmveen che 5th and che 8th cencury C.E. (plan: Andrea Biondi). the 7th cencury C.E. (von Hessen 1971b; Aleardi 1990; Biondi 2019a). The area of the temple was investigated by E. Galli between 1910 and 192,4 and it returned late ancient and early medieval deposits with a necropolis of 2,7 tombs of the Lombard phase datable between the end of the 6th and the middle of the 7th cencury C.E. (von Hessen 1971b; Biondi 2,019a). The burials had homogeneous characters from an organizational (east-west oriented, excavated respecting the volumes of the 1st cencury C.E. temple), stratigraphic, struccural, and depositional point of view. Furthermore, the tombs contained sets of weapons, belt elements, ceramics, and ornaments from the end of the 6th to the mid of the 7th century C.E. (von Hessen 1971b). In the central area of the city, the Cathedral of S. Romolo and Piazza Mino da Fiesole were places of excavations between 1955 and 2004 (Aleardi 1990; De Marinis 1995; Biondi 2019a). Between 1955 and 1990, 7 graves were brought to light: they had no funeral equipment, were oriented east-west and were located between the northern area of the transept and the crypt of the Cathedral of S. Romolo (De Marinis 1995). According to the archeologist and Superintendence functionary G. De Marinis, under the current Cathedral of S. Romolo were to locate the remains of the city capitolium, while the forum had to be identified in the area of the current Piazza Mino da Fiesole (De Marinis 1995). Also in 1955, an isolated tomb was found at the site of the seminary of Fiesole: it was oriented south/westnorth/ east, it had no funeral equipment and limited bone remains of the deceased. Therefore, the central area of the city would have been de-functionalized as early as the 5th-6th century C.E. and from the 7th century C.E. some burials without funeral equipment would have been implanted, suggesting a necropolar destination of the entire northern side of the urban ancient forum (Biondi 2,019a). In the souchern portion of Fiesole, in the park of Villa Marchi-Mussi, a single isolated tomb with two silver pins and a pottery (now missing) was found during che 20th century (Pasqui 1907). The western portion of the city would have been the seat of an arce, a strong point of the city defenses, placed to guard the road network between Florence and the Mugello and datable to the Etruscan-Hellenistic age (4th-3rd century B.C.E.). The basilica of S. Alessandro (mentioned since 966 C.E. with the name ofSan Pie o ero in Gerusalemme) is located in the souch/east l" of the arce and it is dedicated to one of the oldest bishop-saints of the diocese of Fiesole. In 1814, 10 tombs dug directly in the rock were brought to light under its churchyard (Aleardi 1990). One of these was covered by a stone slab with a carved cross comparable with a case of Arsago Seprio in Lombardy (De Marchi 2015), while a gold cross with decorations ( today missing) was recovered within a second tomb (Aleardi 1990). These elements and the fact that the tombs were arranged in relation to the church would lead to date them between the late 7th and 8th centuries C.E., a moment in which the practice of burying with funeral equipment was graduaUy lesser-used and the social distinction would no longer be entrusted to the materiality of the objects, but to the relationship of burials with ecclesiastical buildings, as a consequence of the catholicization ofLombard society (Rotili 2001; Giostra 2014). The eastern pare of the city was characterized by a predorninam necropolar function between the end of the 6th and the middle of the 7th century C.E. In this context is located the site of Area Garibaldi (where were found some of the analyzed weapons), the site of Piazza Garibaldi, and that of via del Bargellino. The necropolis of via del Bargellino is the only extra-urban one known for Fiesole and was identified by G. Maetzke in 1957 (Aleardi 1990). Here, among the collapses of the Hellenistic burial chambers of the 3rd-1st century B.C.E., were brought to light two tombs with bone remains of adult indi viduals and some fragments of pottery currently missing. The tombs of Piazza Garibaldi, found between 1878 and 1882, would be framed in a 7th century C.E. period of deposition inside still visible but partially defunctionalized buildings of the 1st-2nd century C.E. that were probably used as a sepulchral area already from che 4th-5th century C.E. (Aleardi 1990). According to the analysis of the grave goods (ceramics, bele elements and glass objects) of these burials made up by O. von Hessen (von Hessen 1971b), R. Francovich (Francovich 1984), and C. Giostra (Giostra 2000), the tombs could be datable to the second half of the 711:h cencury C.E. • Finally, the Area Garibaldi (Fig. 2) was excavated between 1986 and 2015 and would have seen the foundation of at least two domus in the upper imperial era (1st-2nd century C.E.) direct-(\ ly on outcrops of natural rock ( Cianferoni, Minucci and Pianigiani 2009). From the 4th-5th century C.E. these domus were subdivided into small rooms for craft and production use with shops open around the courtyard of the previous southern domus, a caupona and at least a macei_..-- _cet . lum (De Marinis 1990; Cianferoni, De Tomma- so and Megale 2015). The 6th century C.E. (especially its second half) would have represenced a (l_ more sensitive moment of urban change as massive layers of collapse of Roman structures were formed throughout the area and, above all, a clear promiscuity between structures and tombs (l_ was established (Biondi 2019b). In detail traces of housing structures (in ,perishable materials) and some burials have been.i_ documented (Aleardi 1990). Finally, the first Lombard tombs were excavated in these collapses from the last decade of the 6th century C.E. and, overaU, the area would have seen a Lombard presence till the middle of the 7th century C.E. with at least 40 tombs (Biondi 2019c). From a general point of view, when Lombards arrived in Fiesole, they would not have substantially changed the necropolar destination of Area Garibaldi, reconfirming, on the contrary, a trend in land use already started between the end of the 4th and the 6th century C.E. (Biondi 2019c). -- D Town Hall -Discovery area ~ Actual Area Garibaldi -- D Town Hall -Discovery area ~ Actual Area Garibaldi Figure 2.. Decail of che Area Garibaldi in Fiesole and of the zone of che finds of che 1.9ch cencury (plan: Andrea Biondi afcer che free and open source dacabase ofT uscany Regi on -CASTO RE). To conclude the discussion about the eastern part of the city, we want also to remember an isolated tomb discovered under the Mante Ceceri Middle School, in the locality of Borgunto (east of Fiesole): this was caracterized just by the presence of few ceramic fragments (currently missing) with a generic dating to the full 7th cenmry C.E. (Aleardi 1990). lhe objects As already anticipated, the objects analyzed do not come from scientifically documented tombs. In the inventory of the Archaeological Museum ofFiesole, realized by the archaeologist E. Galli, the first conservator of the reminded institution, they are reported from various origins. We have also to remind that the inventory is datable in its first edition to 1910 and was created by E. Galli severa! years afi::er the discovery of the finds in question. However, in the pages describing the objects, some relevant informations are reported which overall reflects the knowledge of the tirne regarding materials that were defined with the generic and improperly definition of barbaric. In the inventory, for each object, with the exception of a single spear head, it is recorded the specific number, the provenance and a sort of summary description with ali the available informations about the context. In detail, the findings chosen and analyzed for this contribution are the following (in numerical order): Number 650, spear head (Figg. 5 and 10); Number 657, scramasax (Figg. 5 and n); Number 666, axe head (Figg. 3 and 6); Number 667, axe head (Figg. 3 and 7); Number 670, axe head (Figg. 4 and 8); Number 679, axe head (Figg. 4 and 9); A spear head without inventory number and not cited by Edoardo Galli (Figg. 5 and n). Following the order just mentioned, the first spear head (number 650) is described by E. Galli in 1910 as "Ferro di lancia di schema rettangolare, con tozza punta, angoli inferiori delte pinne arrotondati e corto cannone conico d 'innesto. Non si nota la costola longitudinale ne! mezzo. Lunghezza: 0,34" (Galli 1910, 335)1 Regarding the • Here che English craduccion from cheoriginal documenc: Spearhead wich a reccangular design, wich a scubby cip, rounded lower fin corners and ashorc conical grafe sockec. ll1e longicudinal rib in che middle is nor nociced. Lengch: 0-34. provenance of the object, E. Galli reports "Jgno ta; dono del Marchese Carlo Strozzi, epoca indeterminata" (Galli 1910, 335)1. Therefore, the find comes from the private collection of the Marquis Carlo Strozzi, representative of one of the most illustrious and ancient Florentine noble families, who donated various finds to the Archaeological Museum of Fiesole at the end of the 19th century. The Marquis, as it is known, acquired the objects of his collection both as a family inheritance and by purchasing them on the antiques market. For this reason, therefore, the provenance of this object is completely unknown. Also the axe head number 670 derives from a donation of the Marquis Carlo Strozzi as it has been reported: "Localita ed epoca indeterminata; dono delMarchese Carlo Strozzi" (Galli 1910, 344)3. Subsequently E. Galli describes the axe head as "Accetta di forma identica a quelle menzionate sotto i numeri tftftf-7, con questa sola dijferenza, che l'esemplare Strozzi ha la parte posteriore foggiata a martello molto piu prolungata. Lung- hezza: 0,20; taglio o,Is'' (Galli 1910, 344)4. Also in this case we do not know neither the provenance of the object, nor the exact date of discov ery. However, E. Galli noticed some similarities between the specimen in question and the numbers 666 and 667 that we will see in the next lines. The specimens 657, 666 and 667 are identifiable in order as a scramasax and two axe heads and were found in 1879 in the rear portion of the Town Hall ofFiesole: "Fiesole, PiazzaMino a tergo del Palazzo Pretorio, IS79" (Galli 1910, 342.)5. In detail, the scramasax (number 657) is described as 2. Here che English craduccion from cl1e original documenc: Unknown; gi ft of che M ar9uis Carl o Scrozzi, undecerrni 11ed period. Here che English craduccio11 from che original document: lndecer minace place and rime; giftof che Marquis Carlo Scrozzi. Here che English craduccio11 from che original documenc: Axe head idencical in shape co chose mencioned under numbers 666-7, wich chis onlydifference, chac che Scrozzi model has a much longer hammer-shaped back. Lengcl1: 0.2.0; cuco.15. Here che English craduccion from che original dornmenc: Fiesole, Piazza Mino 011 che back of che Palazzo Pretorio, 187.9. Lama di colcello di forma rettangolare, ad un sol taglio e con largo codolo per nssan,i il manico. Frammentata alla punta; lunghez za: 0,2.7 (Galli 1.910, 33.9)6. The other two specimens, already mentioned in connection with the comparison with the axe head number 670, are described on the same page of the inventory by E. Galli. In detail the scholar reports: Numero 2. accette (.\ecures) formate da un taglio o penna molco prolungata in basso, di schema rettangolare, dal foro ovale per il manico, nancheggiato sulle due aperture da orecchiette, e dal dorso foggiato a mar• tello. Laspetto generale di siffatte scuri richiama quello della cateia celtica dei pit'.1 antichi monumenti etruschi e liguri (cfr. stele nesolana di Sarthi Animies e stele primitiva della Val di Magra di proprieta Baccani a Pontremoli). Lunghezza rispettiva: 0,15 e 0,17; caglio 0,14 e 0,15 (Galli 19w, H2.)7. • From the description of E. Galli, it is clear that the axe heads had been identified not ~s =a:::;;:::::::= Lombard weapons but, on the contrary, as objects of possible Etruscan or Ligurian origin. ,1 This erroneous consideration can be attribut-~ ed to the fact that at the tirne, at least for Tuscany, the material knowledge on the phases following the 5th century C.E. was stili rather scarce and, at the same tirne, the scientific communi-l_ ty and puhlic opinion were more attracted by roman and etruscan origins rather than by Middle Ages. Furthermore, che area in which these 3 weapons were found could be identifiable with the current Area Garibaldi. Unfortunately, it is 6 H ere che English craduccion from che original documenc: Reccangular knife blade, single cuc a11d wich a wide cang co fix che handle. Fragmenced ac che cip; le11gch: 0.2.7 7 H ere che English craduccion from che original documenc: Number 2. axes (secures) formed by a very prolonged cuc or pen ac che botrom, wich a reccangular pattern, wich an oval hole for che handle, Aa11ked on che cwo openings by orecchiecce, and a hammer-shaped back. TI1e general appearance of such shuccers recalls thac of che Celcic cacheia of che mosc a11cie11c Ecruscan and ligurian monumencs (se,e Fiesolanscele ofSarchi A11imies a11d primicive stele of Val di Magra ow11ed by Baccani i11 Poncremoli). Respeccive lengch: 0.15 ando.17; cuco.14a11do.15. not possible to exactly place the objects analyzed but, considering the presence of the currently documented necropolis, it is absolutely plausible that these come from tombs destroyed during some agricultural activities or works linked to the extension of the Town Hall at the end of the 19th century. In fact, as we can see from rhe historical cartography, the area seems to be used for cultivation between the 1820 and 1830 (the period in which was realized the cadastral cartography reported), while, on the west front towards the current Piazza Mino da Fiesole (formerly Piazza della Cattedrale), stands the actual Municipal Palace ofFiesole, dating from the 15th century C.E. at least. The last cited objects in the inventory is an axe head identified with number 679. E. Galli describes it as Accetra di cipo a11alogo ai 1111. 666-7 e 670, r,erc') col ta" io largo prolu11gato in basso e esi11ence a unca in alco. Manca del prol ungamenco marcello sul dorso. Lunghez z .~,\5, caglio: 0,14 (Galli 1910, 347)8. About its provenance, we just know that it was found in Fiesole in 1895 but in an indeterminate place: "Fiesole, localita indeterminata, IS9s'' (Galli 1910, 347)9• As already considered for the other axe heads, E. Galli recognized a certain material and technical similarity between the axe head number 679 and the other objects, but he remained convinced of their greater antiquity, wrongly dacing them back to the Ecruscans and the Ligurians. As already mentioned, che last object analyzed, a spear head, does not have any inventory number and, coday, are boch unknown the exacc dace of entry into che collections of the Archaeological Museum ofFiesole and its provenance. Finally, all the objects are currently exhibited in a showcase in the Room 5 of the Archae- Here che English crnduccion from cl1e original document: Head axe ofa cype si milar to nos. 666-7 and 670, bucwich a wide cuc excended ac che boctom and endingwich a poincac che top. 'TI1e hammer excension on che back is missing. Lengch: 0.15, Cuc: 0.14. Here che English traduccion from che original docnmenc: Fiesole, undecermined localicy, 1895. ological Museum of Fiesole, ac the beginning of the section dedicated to the local Middle Ages. The analysis From a methodological point of view, after che analysis of th.e archaeological, archival, and written dara available, we moved on to the analysis of the material and morphological characceristics of the weapons. Starting from the axes, as known, their presence among the Lombard grave goods in Italy is quite rare. This low recurrence it has been interpreted also as the result of their limited use in barde and, from another point of view, it must be reminded that there is a current scientific problem related to the concrete definition of their use (Parenti 19946, pp. 483-486). Some known axe heads, in fact, could have been used both for war purposes and as a simple carpentry tool (Parenti 1994a; Parenti 19946; Giostra 2014). Nevertheless, the axe heads found with other objects cypical of warrior kits are usually considered weapons. In Fiesole, it is present a tomb, under review by the writer but of uncertain position, excavatedin 1988 in the Area Garibaldi wich an axe head (in addition to the four analyzed here). In this case, che kit belonging to a male individual aged 50-60 consisted of a blue glass cup, a hernial bele, a knife, and a short hlade axe head10• If placed in relation to some anthropological characteristics of the individual, such as che consistent development of the musculature of the crunk and upper limbs, and considering also the absence of other important elements of a warrior kit, this axe head actually represents same interpretative problems as, considering the reminded physical aspects, it could have belonged to an individual that may just not even have been specifically a warrior (Biondi 2019a). Therefore, relying on the current available dara, neither for the romb of 1988 it is possible to distinguish che function of the axe solely on the basis of its morphological features. Remaining in Fiesole, we must 10 'TI1e axe head of cl1e combwas found in che same posicion of chac of comb4idencified in Povegliano Veronese (Gioscra 2.014). also remember the considerations expressed by R. Parenti in 1994 on the axe heads examined here (Parenti 1994b). Although R. Parenti had already included these last objects in some general considerations relating to the actual use of bearded axes, we believe that the reinterpretation of the 1910 inventory documents ofE. Galli, proposed here, will definitively help to include in the scientific debate the objects examined in the light of more general considerations on the Lombard presence in Fiesole. Starting with the material and morphological analysis of the axe heads, it has been firstly considered the shape of the hlade. As known, the hlade technically corresponds to the portion of the weapon that includes the cut ( the side with which the shot was carried), the upper back and the lower back. The nape and the form of the handling can be used as other criteria for classification. The four axe heads examined are all belonging to the type of bearded axes (Bartaxte) but some differences can be identified among them. As known, the distinctive feature of the specimens from this group of shape hlade is the downward development of the hlade, whose cut assumes a L profile (Parenti 1994b; Cagnana 2003). The two axe heads marked with inventory numbers 666 and 670 (Figg. 3, 4, 6 and 8) are both characterized by sub-rectangular blades slightly narrowing from top to bottom. The upper backs are curved and inclined upwards. The axe head marked with inventory number 667 (Figg. 3 and 7) has the width of the rectangular hlade that is more constant in its length than for number 666 and 670 but has a similar upper back that is slightly inclined upwards. The last axe head, inventory number 679 (Figg. 4 and 9), has a trapezoida! bearded hlade: the particular conformation is characterized by a sensitive variation in width along the development of the hlade. Regarding other morphological aspects related to the axe heads, the number 670 has two couples of triangular reinforcement shoulders symmetrical to each other ( one on the up- lnv. n. 666 o 5 10cm o 5 10 cm lnv. n. 667 o 5 10cm o 5 10cm Figure 3. Head axes n. 666 and n. 667 (phoco: Andrea Biondi). per back and one on the lower back). Number 667, on the contrary, has a simple cylinder handle. Numbers 666 and 679 have T-shaped han-,1 dles with characteristic dilations of the final por-~ tion that curves into two shoulders ( one upper and one lower). About the napes of the four axe c::==-:===: heads ( that, as known, is an element collocated behind the handle hole whose function was above all related to the balancing of the object), these are present in 3 of the 4 analyzed specimens (number 666, 667 and 670). In two of the specimens (667 and 670), napes are distinct from the backs and have a rectangular shape. For 6 67 the nape has a small shape (3 cm) whereas the nape of number 670 has a large shape (8 cm). Regarding numbers 666 and 679, with T-shaped handles, the first has just a 1,5 cm long nape before the T end, whereas number 679 has not nape. lnv. n. 670 o 5 10 cm o 5 10 cm lnv. n. 679 o 5 10 r:m o 5 10 cm Figure 4. Head axes n. 670 and n. 679 (phoco: Andrea Biondi). Overall, axe heads number 667 and 670 have a width between the nape and the blade of 18 and 2.1 cm. The other two axe heads are smaller in this value, presenting 14 cm (number 666) and 16 cm (number 679). Finally, the downward development of the blades of ali the specimens oscillates between 14 (numbers 666, 667 and 670) and 15 cm (number 679). According to current literature, from a cronologichal point of view, the bearded axes found in Italy are generally dated to the late 6th and throughout the 7th century (Parenti 1994a, 117; Parenti 19946, 483) and, about the specimens considered here, they would be in line with the frequentation currently known for the necropolis of the Area Garibaldi dated between the end of the 6th century and the 7th century. Just to make a concise summary, in Italy speci mens of bearded axes have been found between Cividale del Friuli (Ahumada Silva, Lopreato and Tagliaferri 1990, 43, XIX, 1), Testona (von Hessen 197ra), Sirmione (Bolla 1996), Langasco di Camporone (Bianchi and Cagnana 1995), Tesis di Vivaro (Ahumada Silva 1991, 76, 165), Castelvecchio di Peveragno (Micheletto 1996, 12.2.-12.3) and near !mola (Baruzzi 1978, 42.6-42.7; Gelichi 2.005, 367, 16.3). In particular, aspecimen very similar to the one with a trapezoida! blade from Fiesole (number 679), but with a slightly narrowed blade, it has been found near !mola in Emilia Romagna and reported by S. Gelichi (Gelichi 2.005, 367, 16.3). However, the find, now kept in the Museum of !mola, does not come from a certain context and it is not datable with certainty. Another possible comparison for the axe head nurnber 679 from Fiesole, is constituted by the axe head found in romb 2.4 of the necropolis of S. Stefano in Pertica in Cividale del Friuli (Ahumada Silva, Lopreato and Tagliaferri 1990, 43, XIX, 1). This last one is overall slightly smaller than the Fiesolan specimen and, with the romb, is dated to first years of 7th century C.E. (Brozzi 1990). In conclusion, among ali the Italian sites, in this moment Fiesole retains the highest number of specimens of bearded head axes with a total of 4 currently known cases. About the two analyzed spear heads, as known, this type of weapon is one of the most frequently attested weapons in the depositions of warriors (on foot and horsemen) in Italy, in association with spatha and shield ( Giostra 2.012., 2.32.). Therefore, for Lombard the spear was an object which, in addition to its functionality, had also a strong social and culcural value sanctioning, in fact, the maturity of a young man and was also deeply related to kings' power (Gasparri 1983). From a material point of view, it is possible to classify the spear heads on the shape of the hlade, which corresponds by definition to the part of the weapon between the two wires. Other criteria of analysis are the blade-socket ratio and the shape and decoration of the socket. lnv. n. 650 Spear head without inv. n. o 5 10 cm lnv. n. 657 o 5 10 cm o 5 10 cm Figure 5. Spear head wichouc inv. n., spear head n. 650 and scramasax n. 657 (phoco: A ndrea Biondi). The spear head number 650 (Figg. s and 10) can be idenrified as a cusp with parallel wires and with an elongated and narrow body whose width does not noticeably vary along the hlade (with the exception of the tip and the narrowing that precedes the socket). This specimen has also a spine that runs out in the middle of the hlade. The other spear head (Figg. s and 10) that, as we have reminded, unformnately has not an inventory number, has a triangular body hlade with the width growing progressively from the end up at the base, where the narrowing that precedes the socket is dampened with oblique edges converge towards the socket. There is also a median spine all along the blade. About other aspects, both the spear heads have blades longer than the sockets and present truncated cone-shaped simple socket without any decoration (as burin engraving or metal molding). The specimen number 650 belongs to one of the oldest variants attested for the Lombards. The considered specimen from Fiesole is 40 cm length and 3,2 cm width and, at the moment, in addition to the unpublished example of Fiesole analyzed here, this variant is known in ltaly in north-eastern contexts, like Lombardy, Veneto (De Marchi and Cini 1988) and Friuli Venezia Giulia and it is more present abroad than in ltaly. As comparisons we consider the specimen from tomb 5 ofTrezzo sull'Adda (Roffia 1986, 93) and other examples from Pacengo (von Hessen 1968, 31), from Brescia (Panazza 1964, 168), from tomb 35 of the necropolis of San Mauro in Cividale del Friuli (Ahumada Silva 2010, 76) and from Offanengo (von Hessen 1965, 31). From a chronological point of view, this type can be placed between the beginning and the last third of the 7th century C.E. (De Marchi and Cini 1988). The second specimen of spear head (without inventory number) is characterized by a rhomboid-shaped blade, longer than the socket and has been found both in North Italy and in the Centre of the peninsula (von Hessen 197ra; Sesino 1989; Rupp 1997; Paroli and Ricci 2007). The example ofFiesole is 26 cm length and 4 cm width and, from a chronological point of view, could be dated throughout the 7th century C.E. In conclusion, as seen for the axe heads, the two specimens of spear head considered would also be in line with the frequentation of the Area Garibaldi, dated between the end of the 6th century and throughout the 7th cenmry C.E. The last object analyzed in this paper is a specimen of scramasax (Figg. 5 and 11) which is described as a spearhead in the aforementioned inventory of the Archaeological Museum ofFie- sole by E. Galli (number 657)". Scramasax, in association with spathae or alone, is a frequent object that has been found in various sites and warriors' burial in Italy (von Hessen 1971a). As known, the morphological evolution of this weapon follows a progressive increase in the length and also in the width of the blade. The presence of grooves (Blutrillen) near the back on both sides of the blade is another usual aspect for this type of weapon. F rom a material point of view, the scramasax in ltaly are divided into 3 groups depending on the length of the blades (Giostra 2012, 22.9-231). Regarding this aspect, we have the kurzsax ( datable to the 6th cenmry and to the beginning of the 7th century C.E.) that presents a length of the blade between 19 and 30 cm and a maximum width between 2.,6 and 3,5 cm. Between 570 and 640 C.E., a more massive short sax (blade length 23-30 cm) with a width of 3,5-4 cm is also documented. Since the end of the 6th century C.E. and up to the third quarter of the 7th century C.E., a medium-sized sax (blade length 30-46 cm; width 3,5-5,8 cm) spread, while, from the last quarter of the 7th century C.E. there is the Langsax, with a significant increase (between 48 and 80 cm) in the length of the blade (Giostra 2012., 2.29-2.31). The scramasax number 657 here analyzed has not a good complex state of conservation with a 27 cm residual length (without the tip), a thickness of 0,5 cm and a 3 cm width with the usual grooves (Blutrillen) near the back on both sides of the blade. The specimen number 657 from Fiesole can be considered as a Kurzsax. In ltaly, reporting the comparisons listed by C. Giostra (Giostra 2.012, 2.2.9-230), this type of weapon was found in the tomb 2,4 of necropolis of S. Stefano in Pertica (length 25 cm; width 3,3 cm, first decades of the 7th century C.E.; Ahumada Silva, Lopreato and Tagliaferri 1990, 47 (n. 5), 102 (n. 11), tav. XXIII, 2) and in the tomb 43 of necropolis of S. Mauro (length 2,4 cm, but the tip is missing; width 3,6 cm; last third of the 6th 11 ll1ere is also anocher scramasax known for Fiesole and ic belongs co romb XX in che Area Garibaldi chac was discovered in w10. This lase speci men is inediced and is beingscudied by chewricer. century C.E., Ahumada Silva 2000, 202, n.3) in Cividale del Friuli, Monselice (tombs 748 and 749; De Marchi and Possenti 1998, 202-203, tavv. I7n e IV/a), tomb 3 of via Monte Suello in Verona (length 20 cm approx.; width 2,8 cm; early 7th century C.E.; Modonesi and La Rocca 1989, 69, tav. V, 2), Sirmione (hypothetical length approx. 28,5 cm; width 3,4 cm; find without context; Sesino 1989, 73, 5.b, tav. IX), Testona (6 specimens pardy fragmentary, however with a length that can be reconstructed between 26 and 29,2 cm; width 3,3-3,6 cm; decontextualized; von H essen 1971a, 18, 63, nn. 92, 93, 95-98, tav. 10), in the tombs 6, 51, 76, 84, 86, 119, 122, 137, 145 of Nocera Umbra (length 22,6-25,5 cm; lengthsax t. 119 2,9 cm; 570-630 C.E.; Rupp 2005, 11, 69, 96, 105, 108-109, 139, 142, 155, 163, tavv. 15,10; 69,8; 92,20; 100,17; 103,5; 130,5; 133,11; 145,6; 152,9), in the tombs 90 (length 19 cm; width 2,5 cm; beginning of the 7th century C.E.), 111 (length 23,5 cm; width 2,3 cm; first quarter of the 7th century C.E.), 170 (length cm 28,2; width 3,2 cm; end of the 6th century C.E.), 176 (length 28 cm; width 3,4 cm) and 180 (length 26 cm) of Castel Trosino (Paroli and Ricci 2007) and in the tomb inside the oratory of SS. Nazaro and Celso (length 29,1 cm; width 4 cm; first decades of the 7th century C.E.) at Garbagnate Monastero (Sannazaro 1994, 300-301, n. 2, fig. 190,1). In conclusion, as already seen for the axe heads and spear heads, also for the scramasax number 657 there is a chronological confirmation of what is known for the Area Garibaldi, since the object can be dated between the end of 6th and the beginning of the 7th century C.E. Conclusion An essential part of the work presented here was the preliminary research carried out on the inventory of the Archeological Museum of Fiesole by E. Galli in 1910. As already mentioned, the scholar made a list of all the objects present in the museum collections long afrer the first acquisitions and afi:er at least 20 years with respect to the finds analyzed. Despite some aspects revised from an interpretative point of view, such as the question relating to the attribution of axe heads 666 and 667 to the Etruscan era, overall E. Galli recognized some material aspects recurrent among the axe heads, while limited itself to an unspecified dating, as regards the tip of spear head (number 650). Unfortunately, the fact that at least one axe (number 670) and the aforementioned spearhead (number 650) are not surely from Fiesole does not help to improve the reconstruction of the context of the Area Garibaldi but, at the same tirne, they nevertheless offer the possibility of describing a further part of the medieval heritage of Fiesole and of updating the actual state and origin of local museum's collections. From an archaeological point of view, in Italy the axes (of all specimens) do not represent a particularly frequent find in tombs: consequendy, having the (\ described four bearded axes, together with the one already known and discovered in 1988 in the Area Garibaldi, is a relevant fact. About the social value related to weapons, even if we do not know nothing about the original positions of the objects within any possr,:;ilšITT;:e:::;:.:::::::= burials, they represent elements of medium and high level within the Lombard material panorama. About these aspects, the analyzed spear -(l_ heads could have been important material and symbolic objects also among the Lombards' community ofFiesole and they could be also accompanied by eventual complete outfits. An ex-(l_ ample of this hypothetical statement is given by the case of tomb XI of the Area Garibaldi, dat- able to the fi.rst quarter of the 7th century C.E. (Biondi 2019c, 322). Studied and publishedby the writer, tomb XI belonged to a young warrior with a complete set of weapons and objects composed by spatha, spear, shield, belt elements (without decorations) and a bone comb. However, the dispersion of the original contexts does not allow further evaluations for the two specimens here analyzed. Finally, the type of the considered scramasax, is a rather frequent weapon in Lombard depositions of the 6th-early 7th century C.E. Also in this case, as for the spear heads, it was probably an integral part of a burial set and, although it is not possible to reconstruct the original context, it represents the second known specimen for Fiesole, and the only one published at the moment. In conclusion, the result of the application of the type of material and historical analisys (referring to local museum's documents) used in this paper will be that, extending it to the entire Lombard material heritage of Fiesole, it will be possible to try to trace a chronological occurrence of the town between the 5th and the 8th century C.E. From this point of view, as already affirmed, Fiesole seems to constitute a promising case scudy for the archaeological analysis of the passage between the first and the second phase of the Lombard settlement in Tuscany and, more generally, for the debate on regional and national urbanism in the transition from Late Antiquity to the early Middle Ages. Catalogue The 7 finds analyzed in this contribution are presented following the order of the discussion in the text starting with the 4 ax heads (inv. nn. 666, 667, 670 and 679), followed by the 2. spear heads (inv. n. 650 and that one without number) and, finally, concluding with the scramasax (inv. n. 657). As seen, the finds are reported on the basis of the corresponding inventory numbers of the Archaeological Museum of Fiesole, except for one of the two spearheads currently devoid of any numerical reference. Furthermore, the objects have been described following the following order: Data about discovery, context, year, and data available; Analysis, brief description of the find with relative dimensional, morphological, and conservation data. In the description of the objects the following abbreviations refer ring to dimensional aspects are used: -L.= lenght (maximum value); -W = weight (maximum value); -T. = thickness (maximum and minimum value); -D. = diameter (maximum value referring to sockets and maximum and, eventually, minimum value for handle holes); -Pres. = preserved dimensional value (in case of fractured objects). Dating, definition of the chronological period in which the object can be dated. Finally, to complete the catalog, there have been inserted the descriptive drawings of the finds together with the photos of each object. Axe head (inv. n. 666, fig. 6) Data about discovery: found in 1879 in the rear po rti on of the T own Hall of Fiesole without any other archaeological indications. Analysis: forged iron; intact. L.= 14 cm; W.= 14 cm; D. (handle hole) = 3,5 cm; T.= 3,5 0,5 cm. Iron bearded axe head characterized by sub-rectangular hlade slightly narrowing from top to bottom. The upper back is curved and inclined upwards. The specimen has T-shaped handle with a circular handle hole and the characteristic dilations of the final portion that curves lnv. n. 666 A' 1 ,:., · 6' 1 C:-~C" . . • : 1 ' . ~ . . . . :i . .,.: 1 1 6" 8 '·8" • 1 A" ~l 0 5 'IOo:n Figure 6. Head axe n. 666 (drawing: Andrea Biondi). lnv. n. 667 c·-c· o 00 ~: .. O 5 10 cm Figure 7. Head axe n. 667 (drawing: Andrea Biondi). into two shoulders (one upper and one lower) and a 1,5 cm long nape before the T end. Dating: end of the 6th century -7th century C.E. Axe head (inv. n. 667, fig. 7) Data about discovery: found in 1879 in the rear portion of the Town Hall ofFiesole without any other archaeological indications. Analysis: forged iron; intact. L.= 18 cm; W.= 14 cm; D. (handle hole) = 2,5 cm; T.= 3 0,5 cm. Iron bearded axe head characterized by sub-rectangular hlade slightly narrowing from top to bottom with the width of the rectangular hlade that remains constant in its length. The specimen has a simple cylinder handle hole with rectangular shoulders and a nape with a small shape (3 cm). Dating: end of the 6th century -7th century C.E. Axe head (inv. n. 670, fig. 8) Data about discovery: unknown origin. The object was donated to the Museum ofFiesole by the Marquis Carlo Strozzi at the end of the 19th century. Analysis: forged iron; fractured along the central part of the hlade. L= 21 cm; W= 14 cm; D. (handle hole) = 3 cm; T.= 2 -0,5 cm. .. A'·A" 1 c·-{f ~ -c· • 1 ... 8' -8" lron bearded axe head characterized by sub-rectangular blades slightly narrowing from top to bottom. The upper back is curved and inclined upwards. The axe head has with a circular handle hole and two couples of triangular reinforcement shoulders symmetrical to each other ( one on the upper back and one on the lower back) and a long rectangular nape (8 cm). Dating: end of the 6th century -7th century C.E. Axe head (inv. n. 679, fig. 9) Data about discovery: the object was found in Fiesole in a undetermined locality in 1895. • lnv. n. 6/0 a ,.._,.. 1 C-~ --.. .. .g, --C" • 6' -6" 1 ~ Figure 8. Head axe n. 670 (drawing: Andrea Biondi). Analysis: forged iron; intact. L.= 16 cm; Q.._ W.= 15 cm; D. (handle hole) = 4x3 cm; T.= 4 0,5 cm. Iron bearded axe head characterized lzy a trapezoida! blade with a sensitive variation in width along the development of the hlade ( the lower edge of the cut measures 1/3 less than the maximum width). The upper back is curved and strongly inclined upwards, unlike other specimens belonging to this type (where it is generally perpendicular to the rod). The axe head has a T-shaped handle with an elliptical handle hole, characteristic dilations of the final portion that curves into two shoulders ( one upper and one lower) and has not nape. 1 A" 0' A'. A„ 1 c·-tDIJc*·' \ 11--C" 1 B" 1 • B' -B" Figure 9. Head axe n. 679 (drawing: Andrea Biondi). Dating: end of the 6th century -7th century C.E. Spear head (inv. n. 650, fig. 10) Data about discovery: Unknown ongm. The object was donated to the Museum of Fiesole by the Marquis Carlo Strozzi at the end of the 19th century. Analysis: forged iron; fractured along the blades and at the tip. Restored in the socket. Pres. L.= 40 cm; Pres. W.= 3,2 cm; D. (socket) = 2,5 cm; T.= 1 -0,1 cm. lron spear head with parallel wires and with an elongated and narrow body whose width does not noticeably vary along the hlade (with the exception of the tip and the narrowing that precedes the socket). The object has also a spine that runs out in the middle of the hlade. The length of the hlade exceeds that of the socket and the object has a truncated cone-shaped simple socket without any decoration (as burin engraving or metal molding) and partially restored. Dating: 600-670 C.E. Spear head without inv. n. (fig. 10) Data about discovery: the exact entry into the collections of the Archaeological Museum of lnv. n. 650 Sp(NV' h88d witnout inv. n. -o Figure ro. Spear head wichouc inv. n. and spear head n. 650. The rescored parcs are marked in black (drawing: Andrea Biondi). Fiesole and the provenance of the spear head are unknown. Analysis: forged iron; fractured along the blades and at the tip. Restored in the socket and the central spine. Pres. L.= 26 cm; Pres. W= 4 cm; D. (socket) = 2.,5 cm; T.= 1,5 -0,1 cm. lron spear head with triangular body hlade and with the width grows progressively from the end up at the base, where the narrowing that precedes the socket is dampened with oblique edges converge towards the socket. There is also a median spine ali along the hlade. The object has the length of the hlade exceeding that of the socket and has a truncated cone-shaped simple socket without any decoration (as burin engraving or metal molding) and partially restored. Dating: 7th century C.E. Scramasax (inv. n. 657, fig. 11) Data about discovery: found in 1879 in the rear po rti on of the T own Hall of Fiesole without any other archaeological indications. Analysis: forged iron; fractured along the hlade and at the tip. Pres. L.= 27 cm; Pres. W= 3 cm; T.= 0,5 -0,1 cm. Iron scramasax with Blutrillen near the back on both sides of the hlade. From a classifi lnv. n. 650 Spcar hoad without inv. n. · .. - .·· -~ -o N 00 Figure 11. Scramasax n. 657 (drawing: Andrea Biondi). cation point of view, the specimen can be considered as aKurzsax. Dating: end of 6th century -beginning of the 7th century C.E. Summary In che last decades researches focusing on material culture and topographical aspects of che 5th and che 8th cencw·ies C.E. have been developed in Icaly and in T uscany in order to analyse che dynamics of urban transformation becween Lare Anciquicy and Early Middle Ages and che Lombard phenomenon. Fiesole, in che norch-eastern area of T uscany, could represenc a relevam term of archaeological analysis for che transicion becween che late ancique phase and che Lombard one. The analysis ofche weapons presenced in che arcide, only parcially published, and coming boch from Area Garibaldi in Fiesole and from unknown concexcs, can enrich chis frarnework. These objects (axe heads, spear heads and ascramasax), dacable becween che end of 6th and che 7th cencury C.E., have been compared wich similar materials on national scale, which have highlighced mulciple analogies becween Fiesole and ocher concexts of che 6ch-7ch cencury C.E. in central and norchern Icaly. The resulcing dara -once induded in an up-to-dace discussion abouc che evolucion oflcalian cicy becween 5th and 8th century C.E.-could allow co remove che archaeologicaJ research in Fiesole from forcuicy, from che indicacion of che puncciform evidence and from che underestimating of its innovative power. Povzetek V zadnjih deseclecjih so se v Italiji in v Toskani okrepile raziskave, ki se osredotocajo na materialno kulturo in topografske vidike 5. in 8. scolecja po Kr., in sicer z namenom analize dinamike urbane preobrazbe v obdobju med pozno antiko in zgodnjim srednjim vekom ter pojavom Langobardov. Fiesole na severovzhodu T oskane bi lahko predstavljal pomemben del arheoloških analiz za prehod med poznoanticno in langobardsko fazo. Orožje. analizirano v pricujocem clanku, je bilo doslej le delno objavljeno, prihaja pa tako z obmocja Garibaldi v Fiesolu kakor tudi iz neznanih kontekstov. Pricujoca analiza lahko potemtakem obogati okvir raziskav. Primerjava ceh predmetov (glave sekir, kopja in en scranmsax), ki jih je mogoce uvrstiti v obdobje med koncem 6. in 7. scoletja po Kr., s podobnimi gradivi, odkritimi po vsej državi, je pokazala na vec podobnosti med Fiesolom in drugimi konteksti iz obdobja med 6. in 7.scol. po Kr.v (\ osrednji in severni Icaliji. 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Roma: Viella. \O 00 • • Arheološke raziskave na lokaciji Bazoviška ulica sa v Kopru Alenka Tomaž, Zrinka Mileusnic Univerza na Primorskem, Fakulcera za human isticne študije, O ddelek za arheologijo in dedi šcino, Inštitut za arheologijo in dedišcino alenka.romaz@fhs.upr.si zrinka.mileusnic@fhs.upr.si V starem mestnem jedru Kopra so se ohranileštevilnearheološke ostaline, naselbinskega, gospodarskega in pogrebnega znacaja. Najzgodnejša poselitev na obmocju koprskega mestnega jedra sodi v cas antike, natancn eje v cas 1. stoletja n.š., kateri sledi sosledje arheoloških ostalin srednjega in novega veka. V clanku predstavljamo rezultate arheološke raziskave na lokaciji Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a. Odkrite arheološke ostaline lahko na osnovi arheoloških najdb uvrstimo v cas od pozne antike do novoveškega obdobja. K#ucne besede: urbana arheologija, Koper, pozna antika, srednji vek, novi vek. Archaeological excavations at the Bazoviška ulica 5asite in Koper Numerous archaeological remains of set demenc, economic and burial character have been preserved in the old town ofKoper. The earliest setdement in the area of Koper's city centre dates back to antiquity, more precisely to the 1" century A D, which was followed by a sequence of archaeological remains of the MedievaJ period, early Modem and late Modem Period.11,e arcicle presents the resulcs of the archaeological research at the Koper site, Bazoviška ulica 5a. Oiscovered archaeological remains can be dated on the basis of archaeological finds from the late Antiquity to the late Modem period. Key words: urban archaeology, Koper, late antiquity, medieval period, modem period. A A rheološko najdišce Koper, ki pokriva staro mestno jedro Kopra, je bilo vpisano v Register nepremicne kulturne dedišcine (RKD) relativno zgodaj, ob formiranju samega Registra sredi 90-ih let 20. stoletja (RKD, EŠD 2.36). Vse do 80-tih let 2.0. stoletja je bilo staro mestno jedro brez sistematicnega natancnega beleženja posameznih lokacij arheoloških dokumentiranj (Trenz, Lazar in Guštin 2,011, 99). Prvi topografski pregled arheoloških ostalin v mestnem jedru Kopra je konec 80-ih podal Matej Župancic, ki je za to obmocje skupno navedel 15 posamicnih lokacij (Župancic 1989). Dobrih trideset let kasneje, v pregledu arheoloških raziskav v mestnem jedru Kopra, avtorjev Alfreda Trenza, Evgena Lazarja http~:// doi.org/ 1 o. 2.649 3/ 1350-5 4 4 3.9 ( 1)87-1 07 in Mitje Guština, pa je bilo skupno oznacenih 86 locenih lokacij raziskav (Trenz, Lazar in Guštin 2.011, 99). Množenje dokumentiranih arheoloških lokacij znotraj mestnega se eksponentno dopolnjuje in nadgrajuje tudi v desetletju po objavi knjige Urbana Arheologija Kopra (Guštin 2.011a), predvsem kot posledica obsežnih gradbenih del v samem mestnem središcu. Eno od teh predstavlja tudi lokacija sondiranja na Bazoviški ulici 5a, katerega rezultate predstavljamo v clan ku. Lokacija testne sonde, na Bazoviški ulici 5a, se nahaja v severovzhodnem delu nekdanjega koprskega otoka. O historicni sliki širšega obmocja raziskave je bilo v preteklosti že precej povedanega na drugih mestih (Guštin 2.0116), tudi arheološka slika prostora je bila dokaj nadrobno predstavljena v clanku „Pregled arheoloških raziskav v mestnem jedru Kopra", avtorjev Alfreda Trenza, Evgena Lazarja in Mitje Guština, objavljenem v publikaciji Urbana arheologija Kopra (Trenz, Lazar in Guštin 2011), zato jih na tem mestu ne bi ponavljali, nekoliko podrobneje bi osvetlili le nektere lokacije v neposredni okolici obmocja raziskave. Arheološke raziskave na Bazoviški ulici sa so bile locirane v severovzhodnem delu nekdan jega koprskega otoka v predelu Bošadrage, cetrti, 00 ki predstavlja najširše obmocje znotraj koprske 00 ga starega jedra, kjer se je ohranila pretežno stanovanjska gradnja nižjih slojev -manjših trgovcev, obrtnikov, ribicev kmetov. Urbanisticno gledano, je Bošadraga sicer organsko zrašcena, a vendarle na dokaj pravilni mreži ulic. Stavbe so v glavnem eno-ali dvonadstropne, grajene po aditivnem nacelu (Tomaž et al. 2017). Na franciscejskem katastru iz 1818, parcelacija terena sledi znacilni mediteranski grucasti zasnovi, kjer se stavbe z daljšo stranico procelja odpirajo na ulico. Prizidane ena ob drugo tvorijo zamejene otoke, notranja dvorišca pa zapolnjujejo manjši vrtovi. Lokacija stavbe Bazoviške sa se prostorsko navezuje na dvorišcni del palace De Belli, v katerega tudi delno sega. Kot je razvidno iz franciscejskega katastra (slika 1), je ožja okolica stavbe doživela predelave tekom 19. stoletja, ko je bila v prazen vmesni prostor vzidana današnja stavba Bazoviška 7. Pred tem lahko intenzivnejšo gradbeno dejavnost umestimo sredino in drugo polovico 16. st., ko je bila zgrajena palaca De Belli (Bernik 1968,79) in pa samostan observantov (Naldini 1700 (2001), 140-141). Obravnavana zgradba se je torej nahajala na dokaj prominentnem delu mestne cetrti, v ozadju palace kot dominante in ob glavni povezovalni ulici proti obodnemu trgu. Raziskana površina sonde je v središcu obmocja, ki ga na severni steni zamejuje rob klifa in na njem stojece obzidje, na južni strani glavna komunikacija od središca proti vzhodnemu delu otoka -današnja Cankarjeva ulica in na vzhodu kompleks palace De Belli Slika 1. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, izsek iz karte franciscejskega katastra (181.9, Archivio di scaco Triesce) z vrisa-~ no sondo ( rdece) (pripravil: A. Ogorelec, arhiv UP FHŠ , \ IAD). (RKD, EŠD 249). Karta franciscejskega katastra kaže na tem obmocju nenavadno veliko nepozidanih površin, kar je verjetno povezano z blizv„ i_n.;;.o=;:;:= oz. lastništvom minoritskega samostana (današnje gimnazij-e) in palace De Belli (Tomaž et al. 2017). V neposredni bližini lokacije testne sonde ,1 na Bazoviški sa med pomembnejše arhitekturne ~ spomenike poleg palace De Belli sodi še Rotunda sv. Elije (oz. Marijinega vnebovzetja) (RKD, EŠD 253), ki velja za enega najstarejših arhitekturnih spomenikov Kopra. Njen nastanek ne-l_ kateri razlicni avtorji sicer vežejo za razlicna casovna obdobja , nekateri jo celo postavljajo že v predromansko obdobje (Tomaž et al. 2017), ~ e kakor pa sodi najkasneje v 11. stoletje (Zadnikar 1982; Zadnikar 2001, 67). Rotunda je bila uporabljana kot krstilnica, kasneje spremenjena v cerkev, leta 1694 pa je doživela tudi spremembo orientacije, pri cemer je bil vhod postavljen na vzhodno stran stavbe (Naldini 1701/2001). Konec 19. stoletja je služila kot skladišcni prostor, v zacetku 20. kot gledališce, ko je bil na zahodni strani dodan prizidek z zaodrjem (Leiss 1912). O raziskanih arheoloških lokacijah v neposredni bližini testne sonde na Bazoviški saje sicer na voljo kar nekaj podatkov, vendar so le-ti / ! i / . ---: I / 206i5 / \ 219/1 / ! j 1 X 401480.9400 i y 45719.9700 x 401 soo.6Joo z 8.5600 ! y45719.1400 X 401492.0900 ·· .. /.-... y 45718.3000 z 8.7200 ' .z 9.0300 206i3 ···-• •• /-· ......... / . •.; 219/2 X 401493.685·~ .. y 45712.535 7.7.043 ! / I I ! / / ; ·· -----~::.:_----.... / :· -. 20614 !•-. / / --~ , ! / ··-... ! 211/2 / 21112 / / i 211/1 Slika 2. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, lokacija sonde na katastrskem nacrtu k.o. Koper z vrisanim cencroidom (pripravil: A. Ogorelec). tudi precej skopi, ceprav govorimo o enem od bolj izstopajocih geomorfoloških predelov nekdanjega koprskega otoka. V katalogu raziskanih lokacij Kopra iz leta 20II, je zabeleženo, da naj bi bil po navedbah F. Semija oz. M. Župancica v bližini palace de Belli leta 1917 najden mozaik, omenjata pa se tudi dva Klavdijeva novca; v letu 1972, pa naj bi bil v bližini najden tudi bronast kip Aktajona (Trenz, Lazar in Guštin 20II, 12,2,, št. 46). Na lokaciji Cankarjeve ulice II, 13, 15 in Bazoviške ulice I so bili v 90-ih letih 20. stoletja ob sondiranju in geofizikalnih raziskavah odkriti ostanki iz casa pozne antike (5.-7. stoletje), srednjega veka in novega veka (Mileusnic 20II; Trenz, Lazar in Guštin 20II, 122, št. 47). Seveda ne gre spregledati tudi ohranjenih zidov in struktur vzolž Cankarjeve ulice, cetudi niso dopušcale tocnejšo interpretacijo, je pa bilo ob arheološkem nadzoru ob gradnji zaznano, da so bili deloma ohranjeni poznoanticni kamniti ob- jekti postavlj ani neposredno na geološko osnovo, sledila pa so jim nasutja in zidane strukture srednjega veka (Trenz, Lazar in Guštin 20II, 120, št. 41). Na obmocju Gimnazije Koper, na Cankarjevi ulici 2, pa sta bila ob testnem sondiranju odkrita dva zidova, eden v obliki suhozida, drugi je bil vezan z malto (Trenz, Lazar in Guštin 20II, 12,2,, št. 45). Sosledje poznoanticnih ostalin, najdb srednjega in novega veka ter modernih posegov v prostor je bilo dokumetnirano tudi ob testni sondi v atriju Dijaškega doma (Tomaž 2,013). Glede na dostopne podatke lahko sklepamo, da je bilo širše obmocj e lokacije testne sonde na Bazoviški 5a poseljeno že v (pozni) antiki in, da so bile arheološke ostaline kasneje mocno izpostavljene mlajšim, predvsem novoveškim, posegom v prostor. Neredko, namrec poznoanticnim ostalinam sledi sosledje premešanih nasutij in gradbenih posegov, v katerih se v sekundarnem kontekstu pojavljajo drobne najdbe, ki jih lahko o °" Slika 3. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, sogled na sondo r po odstranitvi kamnitih plo šc SE r (foto: A. Ogorelec, arhiv UP eni za arheološki testni izkop, skladno s Pravil-l_ FHŠIAD). vežemo za srednji oziroma zgodnji novi vek ter tudi kasneje. Arheološke raziskave Predhodna arheološka raziskava v obliki testnega sondiranja je bila izvedena na obmocju pare. št. 219/ 4 k.o. Koper (prej del pare. št. 219/2 k.o. Koper), tik ob severni steni objekta na naslovu Bazoviška sa (pare. št. 2.11/2 k.o. Koper) z namenom dolocitve sestave in obsega arheoloških ostalin na obravnavanem obmocju (slika 2.). Izkop rocne testne sonde v skupni površini 4,5 m.,_ je v letu 2017 opravila ekipa Inštituta za arheologijo in dedišcino, Fakultete za humanisticne študije, Univerze na Primorskem pod vodstvom Alenke Tomaž. Metodologija in potek raziskave Metodologija terenskih raziskav je bila pogojena s standardi arheoloških raziskav, ki so predvid nikom o arheoloških raziskavah (Ur. l. RS 3/2013). Arheološke plasti so bile izkopane rocno stratigrafsko, ohranjali so se ostaline zidanih struktur. Dokumentacija je obsegala geodetsko, ,1 fotografsko in opisno dokumentiranje evidenci-~ ranih plasti in arheoloških ostalin. Rezultati arheološkega testnega sondiranja Testno sondiranje, cetudi na relativno majhni raziskani površini, na lokaciji Bazoviška 5a v Kopru je razkrilo zanimivo in precej kompleksno stratifikacijo plasti in arheoloških ostalin. Stratifikacija plasti in interpretacija stratifikacije sta najbolje razvidni iz vzhodnega preseka sonde (slika 4), na katerem si v sosledju sledi vecina odloženih plasti in arheoloških ostalin in pa iz matrike (slika s), ki razloži vsa razmerja med dokumentiranimi plastmi in arheološkimi ostalinami. x=401495.251 y=45712.648 z=8.374 x=401494.782 y=457] 2.598 z=7.002 ~r>~.:OWr--A~ 'it:~,..,.201=1 50NOA1 ~ 1 , x=401495.251 y=45712.648 z=8.374 x=401494.782 y=457] 2.598 z=7.002 ~r>~.:OWr--A~ 'it:~,..,.201=1 50NOA1 ~ 1 , Legenda: apno ~ opeka kamen x=401494.929 y=45711.714 z=8.460 8.400 nmv x=401494.443 y=45711.739 z=?.065 Slika 4. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a,srratifikacija plasti in arheoloških ostalin -presek 1 -vzhodni presek (pripravila: A. Ogorelec, M. Ravnik, arhiv UP FHŠ IAD). Dokumentirano stratifikacijo plasti in ar-najdb jo lahko opredelimo v poznoanticno obheoloških ostalin lahko smiselno lahko razloži-dobje.' mo skozi šest faz uporabe prostora, ki so se od-Najstarejšo novoveško fazo uporabe prosložile na geološki osnovi (SE 25, svetlo olivno tora (fazo 2) definira sosledje nasutij, utrditev rjava plast ilovice in meljaste ilovice ter oksidov), in odpadne jame. Najnižje v stratifikaciji je ležaplasti, ki je nastala pred prvimi clovekovimi la tanka plast oz. utrditev rumenkastim robom posegi v prostor. SE 2,1/22,, debeline 0,05 m, sestavljena iz pešcene Najstarejšo fazo uporabe prostora pred-ilovice, lisaste olivno in temno sive barve, stavlja faza I, v kateri se je odložila SE 24, plast opek, polžev, oksidov in najdbami, ki je v celoti pešcene ilovice, olivne barve, z odlomki kera-prekrivala poznoanticno plast SE 2,4. Nad njo se mike, opeke OZ. gradbenega materiala, drobci Za nara n c n ejšo opredelirevodkririh arheoloških najdb glej nasledoglja, kosti, polžev, oksidov (slika 6). Na osnovi nje poglavje. 1 SE l 1 1 Faza 6 1 SE 2 1 1 SE3 1 1 1 SE6 1 1 1 SE 7 1 Faza 5 1 1 SE4 1 1 1 1 SElO 1 Fa:za 4 1 SE8 1 1 SEll 1 1 1 SE S 1 1 SE12 1 1 1 SE13 1 1 1 SE9 1 Faza 3 Fa:za 2 1 SE 11 1 1 1 SE 19 1 1 SE20 1 1 SElS 1 1 SE 14 1 1 SE 16 1 1 SE18 1 1 1 SE 23 1 1 1 SE 21 = 22 1 Faza 1 1 SE 24 1 1 SE 25 1 jama ia gašenje apna odpadna jama gradbenega materiala odpadna jama kamnitega materiala ja;,k Slika 5. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, stratifikacija plasti in arheoloških ostalin -matrika-sosledje in odnosi med scrati gratskimi enotami (pripravili: A. Tomaž, M. Ravnik). je odložila ruševinska plast s kamni SE 2.3, debeline okoli 0,40 m, sestavljena iz ilovnatega melja, temno sive barve, kamnov razlicnih velikosti, školjk, polžev in premešanimi najdbami. Ruševinsko plast kamnov SE 2.3 je prekrivala tanka plast oz. utrditev, debeline 0,08 m sestavljena iz pešcene ilovice, lisaste svetlo olivno rjave in olivne barve, kamnov (tudi ožganih), opek, drobcev ožgane ilovice, oglja, malte/preperelih kamnov (SE 18), ki predstavlja tudi zadnjo od odloženih plasti faze 2 (slika 7). Vanjo je bila vkopana vecja odpadna jama, v tlorisu oglate oblike, SE 19 (vel. 1,4 x 0,3 x 0,08 m), ki jo je Q.._ zaponjevalo polnilo SE 2.0, sestavljeno iz pešcene r in meljaste ilovice, zelo temno sivo rjave ba~ kamnov, drobcev malte, drobcev oglja, drobcev oksidov in premešanih najdb (keramika, kost). Tudi naslednjo novoveško fazo (3 faza) zaznamujejo nasipavanja obmocja (SE 14 in SE 15) in gradbena odpadna jama (SE 16/17). Arheološke ostaline faze 2 je prekrivalo cvrsto nasutje, debeline 0,25 m, sestavljeno iz pešcenega in ilovnatega melja, temno sive do temno sivkasto rjave barve, plošcatih kamnov, opek in premešanih najdb (SE 14), nad njim pa se je v enem delu nahajala mehka plast, debeline 0,30 Slika 6. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, kompozitni fococloris -SE 2.4-faza r (pripravila: A. Ogorelec, M. Ravnik, arhiv UP FHŠIAD). Slika 7. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, kom pozimi focotloris -SE 18, SE 21=22., SE 20 -faza 2, (pripravila: A. Ogorelec, M. Ravnik.arhiv UP FHŠ IAD). Slika 8. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, kompozicni foco tloris -SE r3, SE 9, SE r4, SE r5 -fazi 3, 4 (pripravila: A. Ogorelec, M. Ravnik, arhiv UP FHŠ IAD). m, sestavljena iz ilovnatega peska, temno sivkasto rjave barve, opek, školjk in s premešanih najdb (SE 15). Na drugi strani izkopnega polja je bila na nivoju SE 14 dokumentirana odpadna gradbena jama (SE 17), ovalne tlorisne oblike, zapolnjena z rahlo sprijetim zasutjem, sestavljenim iz meljastega peska, svetlo rjavkasto sive barve, kamnov, opek in najdb (SE 16). Tudi naslednjo novoveško fazo uporabe prostora (Jaza 4) zaznamuje sosledje nasipavanja in utrjevanja terena. V njeni stratifikaciji so bile evidentirane plasti, povezane z izravnavanjem in utrjevanjem terena (SE 9, SE 12. in SE 10), skromni ostanki suhozida, debeline 0,30 m (SE 13) ter arheološke ostaline pomožnih gospodarskih aktivnosti, kot je npr. apnenica SE 8/11 oziroma jama za gašenje apna,nepravilne tlorisne oblike z mocno utrjenim apnenim robom (slika 8). Novoveško fazo 5 definira tanjša plast SE 5 (sestavljena iz pešcenega melja zelo temno sive barve, kamnov, opek, drobcev malte, ometa, oglja, polžev in premešanih najdb), v katero je vkopana velika gradbena odpadna jama SE 4, zapolnjena z razlicnimi polnili. Vkop za odpadno jamo (SE 4) je bil pravilne oglate tlorisne oblike, velikosti 1,9 x 1,0 m in nepravilnega preseka ter globine 0,50. Zapolnjevala so ga polnila razlicnih sestavov gradbenega materiala: SE 3, SE =(5=m-SE 7. Na osnovi sestave polnil lahko jamo SE 4 opredelimo kot odpadno jamo, zasuto z odpadnim gradbenim materialom. Vkop jame SE 4 je l_ posegel precej globoko in je poškodoval tudi ostaline faze 4 (SE 10 in SE 8/11). Najmlajšo fazo uporabe prostora na obmocju raziskave predstavlja novoveška faza o, ,1 kamor sodita zabetoniran kamniti tlak ob hiši, ~ narejen iz klesancev, velikosti med 0,2.5 x 0,40 m in 0,60 x 0,40 (SE 1) in pa premešana Rlast t.i. paleoornica (SE 2), debeline 0,35 m, sestavljena iz pešcenega melja temno olivno rjave bar- ve, kamnov razlicnih velikosti, opek, ometa, polžev, drobci betona in premešanih najdb (keramika, kost, steklo), katero lahko razumemo kot nekdanjo obdelovalno površino (paleo-orni- co ), kar bi nakazoval tudi izris uporabe prostora na franciscejskem katastru v tem predelu Kopra, namrec tu so na katastru izpricani predvsem vrtovi in obhišnice. Arheološko testno sondiranje na lokaciji Koper, Bazoviška 5a je pokazalo, da lahko plasti in 120 100 80 1 60 40 20 1 o SE 2 SE 3 SE 6 SE 7 SE S SE 10 SE 12 SE 9 SE 16 SE 15 SE 14 SE 19 SE 18 SE 23 SE 21 SE 24 faza 6 faza S faza 4 faza 3 faza 2 faza 1 • keramika • kamni • gradbeni material • zelezni predmeto • steklo • kosti • ostalo Slika 9. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, gradi cni prikaz distribucije arheološkega gradiva po posameznih fazah uporabe prostora in SE glede na vrsto materiala (pripravila: Alenka Tomaž). arheološke ostaline smiselno umestimo v šest razlicnih faz uporabe prostora. Najstarejšo fazo - fazo I lahko na osnovi najdb opredelimo v poznoanticno obdobje. Poznoanticna plast je edina tudi edina intaktna. 1 Preostalih pet faz uporabe prostora (jaze 2-6) pa lahko povežemo predvsem z novoveškimi gradbenimi posegi, to je utrjevanji terena, odlaganjem odpadnega gradbenega materiala, ter pomožnimi gradbenimi aktivnostmi (jama za gašenje apna), ki so se odvijale tik ob sami hiši na lokaciji Bazoviška sa oziroma v fazi 6 tudi kot prostor, namenjen drugim dejavnostim. Intenzivna uporaba obravnavanega prostora za potrebe gradbene dejavnosti z vidika zarisa uporabe prostora na franciscejskem katastru morda malce preseneca, pa vendar je potrebno ta prostor, ki je sicer bil namenjen vrtovom, v tako ozko zamejenih okoljih, kot je kare Bošadrage, razumeti tudi kot prostor, ki je bil po potrebi uporabljen za pomožne gradbenih aktivnosti. Analiza in katalog drobnih najdb V evidentiranih plasteh, nasutjih in arheoloških ostalinah so se ohranile številne drobne najdbe. 2. Poznoa n ticni odlomki keramike se nahajajo cudi v sekundarnih koncekscih kasnejših novoveških nasutij, koc razvidno v nadaljevanju. Med njimi so bili odkriti številni odlomki keramicnih predmetov, stekleni predmeti, odlomki kovinskih predmetov in živalske kosti (slika 9). Ohranjenih je bilo tudi precej odlomkov modernega gradbenega materiala in delov modernih kovinskih najdb (plocevinka ipd.). Kovinski predmeti, ki so bili najštevilcnejši v fazi 5, so bili že ob izkopu v slabem stanju, najveckrat fragmentirani in mocno korodirani, kar onemogoca njihovo morfološko in kronološko opredelitev. Najbolj številni v vseh fazah rabe prostora in datacijsko tudi najbolj izpovedni so keramicni predmeti, praviloma ostanki transportnega, kuhinjskega in namiznega posodja. V nadaljevanju predstavljamo izbor keramicnih najdb v okviru posameznih faz rabe prostora kot izhodišce interpretacijo raziskanega najdišca. V pregled smo vkljucili tudi nekaj boljše ohranjenih predmetov iz stekla in kamna. Na obravnavanem obmocju je najstarejša raba prostora z arheološkim gradivom dokumentirana v casu pozne antike (jaza I). Vanjo sodijo najdbe iz plasti SE 2.4, med njimi 33 odlomkov loncenine, s odlomkov gradbenega materiala in del izkopanih kosti (slika 9). To je edina plast na celotnem najdišcu, za katero je znacilen casovno enot:en material, brez vrinjenih mlajših predmetov, ki bi bili posledica kasnejših gradbenih dejavnosti na tem obmocju. Keramicno gradivo je precej fragmentirano in slabo ohranjeno. Med izkopanimi odlomki smo lahko prepoznali le štiri tipološko izpovedne primerke (37-39 iz plasti SE 24 in odlomka II iz plasti SE s in 23 iz plasti SE 14). Vsi odlomki pripadajo poznoanticnemu posodju, prepoznavnemu po znacilnih fakturah, obdelavi površine in morfoloških znacilnostih. Odlomki 23, 37 in 39 so deli transportnega posodja, amfor. Odlomek ostenja amfore z znacilno narebreno zunanjo površino (23) lahko na splošno tipološko uvrstimo med poznoanticne amfore tipa Later Roman I ali 2. Casovno amfore tega tipa uvršcamo v cas od poznega 4. do 7. stoletja, njihova proizvodnja izhaja iz vzhodno sredozemskih delavnic od koder so bile razširjene po celotnem Sredozemlju in uporabljene za transport razlicnih vsebin (Perko 2000, 439440; Vroom 2005, ss). Enaka tipološka opredelitev velja za odlomek 37, del amfore, ki se je ohranila le v predelu rocaja na prehodu v ustje. Natancneje jo tipološko ne moremo opredeliti, na podlagi ohranjene oblike rocaja in prehoda v ustje pa domnevamo, da gre za tip Late Roman 1. Na podlagi prehoda v ustje, ki je kratek, domnevamo, da gre v tem primeru za mlajšo razlicico tipa Late Roman 1, ki se pojavlja od 5. stol. dalje (Bekljanov Zidanšek 2012, 144, T. 1: s). Enako tipološko in kronološko opredelitev verjetno lahko pripišemo tudi amfori G39, ohranjeni le v predelu ustja, ceprav bi morda šlo tudi za primer poznoanticne amfore siro-palestinske proizvodnje (LR 5/6) ali za veliko poznoanticno amforo severnoafriške proizvodnje (Perko 2000, 438: št. 29 in 439: št. 39). V obeh primerih gre za amfore široke razprostranjenosti, katerih proizvodnja in uporaba casovno ustreza že omenjenemu casovnemu okvirju. Poznoanticne amfore so široko zastopane v poznoanticnih naselbinah na ozemlju današnje Slovenije, tako v njenem obalnem delu, kjer najdbe izvirajo iz urbanih kontekstov današnjega Kopra, Izole in Pirana in iz morja , kakor tudi v celinskem delu, kjer jih najdemo v poznoanticnih višinskih naselbinah. Tem najdbam se casovno pridružujeta še dva odlomka ostenja II in 38 s tipicno poznoanticno fakturo, pri odlomku 38 pa še z metlicenjem dodelano površino. Zaradi stanja ohranjenosti bolj podrobna opredelitev ni možna, vsekakor pa skupaj z že omenjenimi odlomki amfor potrjujeta intenzivno življenje koprskega otoka v pozni antiki, kot mesta vpetega v takratne trgovske tokove. V novoveško utrditveno fazo 2 sodijo plas- ti oz. arheološke ostaline z oznakami SE 23, SE 21, SE 18 in jama s polnilom SE 19. V SE 23 ~o bili odkriti trije odlomki keramike, trije odlomki gradbenega materiala, vec odlomkov stekla in 8 delcev kosti. V SE 21 so bili odkriti vsega 4 odlomki keramike, dva delca gradbenega materiala, (\ tri kosti ter vecje število polžjih hišic. V SE 19 je bilo odkritih pet odlomkov keramike in dva odlomka stekla, v SE 18 pa le dva odlomka gradbenega materiala (slika 9). Med vsem gradivom je bil le en odlomek tudi tipološko izpoveden, da ga na osnovi njegovih znacilnosti lahko okvirno o~p~re;:::_:::;;:::::::= delimo v cas 16. -17. stoletja. V novoveško fazo nasipavanja in gradbene odpadne jame (fazo 3) sodita plasti SE 14 in SE 15 (l_ ter polnilo vkopa SE 16. V plasteh te faze je bilo ohranjenega najvec drobnega gradiva. V SE 14 je bilo odkritih 28 odlomkov keramike, 4 odlomki gradbenega materiala ter 47 odlomkov stek-(!__ la. V SE 15 so bili odkriti 4 odlomki keramike in 7 odlomkov stekla, v polnilu odpadne jame SE ,16 pa je bilo odkritih 20 odlomkov keramike..xerl_ dva odlomka stekla (slika 9). Kar nekaj primerkov keramicnega gradiva je tudi tipološko in casovno opredeljivega. Glede na tipološke in tehnološke znacilnosti, gradivo faze 3 ni homogeno in sodi v razlicna casovna obdobja. Med casovno najstarejšimi najdbami faze 3 je zagotovo odlomek poznoanticne amfore (23) iz casa med 5. in 7. stoletjem, ki je bil odkrit v sekundarnem kontekstu (SE 14) in je opisan zgoraj, med gradivom 1. faze dejavnosti na tej lokaciji. Preostale datacijsko izpovedne odlomke lahko opredelimo v cas od 15. stoletja dalje. Gradi vo odraža dinamiko gradbenih dejavnosti, ki so vzrok za casovno zelo širok razpon keramicnega gradiva iz plasti 3. faze in obsega razlicne tipe kuhinjskega in namiznega posodja. Ohranjeno kuhinjsko posodje pripada posodam za pripravo hrane na ognju, kot so lonci (26, 30) in kotlicki (24, 34, 36). Ohranjena primerka loncev (26, 30) sta izdelana iz zrnate gline in sta crne barve, kar je znacilnost novoveškega kuhinjskega posodja. Zaradi izpostavljenosti ognju pri kuhanju, so loncarske mase vsebovale razlicne primesi, ki so bile dodajane zaradi povecanja funkcionalnih lastnosti posode tj. povecanja njihove odpornosti na visoke temperature. Pri loncih gre za lokalno izdelano keramiko, enkrat žgano, praviloma v redukcijski atmosferi, ki se odraža v temnejših barvah, praviloma temno sivih ali temno rjavih in crnih odtenkih. Tipološko gre za skupino, katere oblika se prilagaja uporabi in zato ne kaže vecjih razvojnih trendov. Njihovo okraševanje pa z enostavnimi posegi (vbodi, odtisi, vrezi) najdemo na zunanjem zgornjem delu recipienta, kot je tudi primer okrasa s horizontalno linijo odtisov na odlomku 26. Ceprav je, kot je že povedano, oblika takšnega posodja bila dokaj stabilna in jo lahko povežemo s tradicijo poznoanticnega loncarstva, na podlagi analogij omenjena odlomka lahko uvrstimo v 16. stoletje (Bradara 2016, 114-117, št. 26). Ohranjeni deli kotlickov (24, 34, 36) pripadajo tipu posodja, ki je bil v uporabi od 10. do 19. stoletja po celotnem severnojadranskem obmocju, bolj množicno pa stopijo v uporabo v 13. in 14. stoletju. Za kotlicke je znacilno ustje, oblikovano na nacin, da vanj trdno namestimo pokrov, iz ustja pa sta modelirana po dva polkrožna rocaja ali ušesi z luknjo za vstavljanje kovinskega dela za obešanje. Ta del se je ohranil pri odlomku 36 in ponuja dovolj podatkov za tipološko opredelitev. Vse ohranjene odlomke lahko uvrstimo v novoveško fazo uporabe in sicer od 16. do 18. stoletja, kar je tudi cas najbolj intenzivne rabe kotlickov na obmocju Istre, kot kažejo tudi številne datirane najdbe iz razlicnih lokacij (Mileusnic in Badovinac 2012, 148, T.1:3). Glazirane posode iz bolj precišcene loncarske mase (28, 32) sodijo med posodje, ki je bilo v uporabi v kuhinji in za mizo. Na podlagi primerjalnega gradiva pa omenjena odlomka lahko datiramo v 16. ali 17. stoletje (Bradara in Saccardo 2007, 174, Št . .. 144). Med namizno posodje 16. stoletja sodita odlomka gravirane keramike (35) in majolike (31). Oba odlomka sta skromno ohranjena in ne dopušcata natancnejše analize in tipološke ali morfološke opredelitve, razen okvirne. Najmlajši predmeti iz plasti 3. faze pripadajo mlajšim tipologijam namiznega posodja, okrašenega z engobo, ki je lahko monohromna in bele barve (25) ali nad engobo še poslikana z rumeno, oranžno in zeleno barvo, kot je primer pri odlomkih krožnikov 27 in 33. Tovrstno posodje je bilo zelo razširjeno v 18. in 19. stoletju, verjetno zaradi cenejše izdelave in vecje dostopnosti uporabnikom (Bin 2007, 378, T.113: 35). Na temelju opaženega, lahko recemo, da gradivo iz 3. faze vecinoma dokazuje potek gradbenih dejavnosti v casu od 16. stoletja dalje. V naslednjo novoveško fazo nasipavanja in utrjevanja terena (faza 4) sodijo plasti SE 9, SE 12, SE 13, SE 10 ter apnenica SE 8/11. Drobno gradivo faze 4 je bilo odkrito v plasteh SE 12, SE 10 in SE 9 (slika 9), pri cemer se je tipološko pricevalno gradivo nahajalo le v SE 9. Najdbe so casovno raznolikega nastanka in odražajo dinamiko gradbenih posegov. Kot najstarejšo, lahko opredelimo posodo 20, okrašeno z znacilno gravirano risbo vrezano v engobo in dodatno poslikano z zeleno in rjavo barvo. Ceprav je ohranjena le v predelu dna in je površinski premaz dokaj slabo ohranjen, pa kompozicijske znacilnosti ohranjenega okrasa, razpotegnjenega cez celotno notranjo površino omogocajo okvirno casovno opredelitev v cas 15. -16. stoletja. Ceprav manjši, odlomek ostenja majolike 19, ponuja dovolj podatkov za natancnejšo opredelitev v cas 16. in 17. stoletja. Gre za znacilen nacin okraševanja majolike iz delavnic v Deruti, imenovana rajfaellesca (Bradara 2016, 145, št. 57). Zanj je znacilen okras vejic in drugih rastlinskih motivov po vecjem delu bele površi ne, ki obkroža notranji okvir, v katerem je upodobljen glavni motiv. Na ohranjenem primerku je viden samo okras vejic, izveden s slikanjem v oranžni, rumeni in modri barvi. Najmlajši odlomek pripada krožniku 18 iz beloprstene keramike s transferno potiskanim okrasom v modri barvi. Tako okrašeno posodje je zelo razširjeno in ga uvršcamo v cas med 18. in 20. stoletjem (Bradara in Saccardo 2007, 90, št. 221-223). V novoveško fazo nasipavanja,fazo 5, sodijo plast SE 5 ter polnila SE 3, SE 6 in SE 7 vkopa SE 4. V polnilu SE 3 je bila odkrita moderna kovinska posoda, v SE 6 so bili odkriti trije odlomki keramike ter številni odlomki kovinskih najdb, stekla in kosti, v polnilu SE 7 pa 7 odlomkov keramike, deli kovinskih predmetov ter stekla (slika 9). V glavnem gre za gradivo, ki ga lahko povezujemo z 19. -20. stoletjem, kot je primer skodelice z rocajem izdelane iz porcelana (14). V plasti SE 5 pa je bilo odkritih 40 odlomkov keramike, delci gradbenega materiala, deli železnih modernih predmetov, odlomki stekla ter kosti. Casovno je gradivo nekoliko bolj raznoliko in jasno kaže na premešan znacaj plasti, s katerimi so nasipavali teren, morda celo z materialom iz drugih lokacij, kar je razvidno iz njegove vsebine in vecjega kronološkega razpona predmetov kot v prejšnji fazi, saj se poveca število starejših najdb, med katerimi prevladujejo najdbe 15. in 16. stoletja. Najstarejša najdba pripada prej obdelanemu odlomku ostenja poznoanticnega lonca (11). Poleg tega najdemo tudi ostanke kuhinjske keramike iz 15. in 16. stoletja. Takšen primer je lonec 6, katerega ustje in prehod v vrat zagotavljata jasne diagnosticne elemente za navedeno casovno opredelitev in umestitev v široko razprostranjeno tipologijo (Bradara 2016, 117). Posebnost med najdbami 5. faze predstavlja odlomek španske majolike (9 ). Gre za krožnik, na notranji strani okrašen z belo glazuro, na kateri je okras izveden s slikanjem z modro barvo. Enostaven, a znacilen okras sestavlja mreža z velikimi ocesi, ki predstavlja preplet vejic znotraj katerih je naslikan rastlinski motiv. Tako okrašeno posodje sodi med izdelke keramicnih delavnic Valencije iz 15. stoletja (Bradara 2016, 161, št. 62). Španska keramika, nastala pod vplivom vzhodnih islamskih delavnic, je doživela razvojne spremembe, ki so vkljucevale tudi vsebinsko oz. spremembo motivov, predvsem s kršcansko simboliko. Njeno distribucijo, za razliko od npr. italijanskih tipov majolike, ne povezujemo s klasicno trgovino, temvec predvsem z individualnim in verjetno direktnim prenosom pod mocnim vplivom romarjev. Zato lahko recemo, da med ostalim gradivom tovrstne najdbe predstavljajo luksuzne izdelke 15. stoletja. Za ohranjeni odlomek 9 pa domnevamo, da je kQt del nasipne plasti na lokacijo, na kateri je bil najden, prinesen iz nekega mestnega smetišca, kjer je bil deponiran po prenehanju uporabe oz. po tem ko je bil odvržen. (\ Majoliki pripada tudi vrc, ohranjen le v spodnjem delu, na prehodu iz noge v ostenje (G10). Na podlagi ohranjenih elementov okrasa, vrc okvirno lahko uvrstimo med izdelke delavnic italijanskih pokrajin Marche ali Romagna iz 15. in 16. stoletja (Bradam 2016, 150, št. 51). ~=-= Ostali datacijsko okvirno opredeljivi odlomki pa sodijo v mlajši cas in sicer v obdobje med 18. in 20. stoletjem. To so odlomek belo-(l_ prstene keramike s transfernim potiskom v rjavi barvi (8), nekoliko mlajša, verjetno iz 19. ali 20. stoletja, pa sta ustje keramicne posode za miner- alno vodo (7) in odlomek porcelana (12). (l_ V fazi tf, ki predstavlja recentno fazo paleo-ornice (SE 2), na kateri je bil izgrajen kamnit tlak, je bilo odkritih 19 odlomkov keramike, 9 odlomkov gradbenega materiala, 12 odloU:kov stekla, 11 kosti ter deli plastike, ometa, varovalke, polžev in školjk (slika 9). Najdbe, ki so bile evidentirane v SE 2, sodijo v razlicna casovna obdobja novega veka. Nekaj najdb lahko povežemo s casom med 18. in 20. stoletjem (2, 3, 4), posamezne najdbe pa zagotovo sodijo v 20. stoletje (1, 5). Katalog najdb Katalog izbranega gradiva je oblikovan po posameznih stratigrafskih enotah (SE). Gradivo ~ 4 3 5 O 10cm -----i Slika 10. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, izbor arheološkega gradiva iz SE 2 (foto gradiva: Aleš Ogorelec, priprava cabel: Alenka Tomaž, arhiv UP FHŠ IAO). je predstavljeno v opisu in s fotografijo. Velikost je zabeležena v centimetrih (cm). Za skupine predmetov so podane najmanjša in najvecja dimenzija.~ 1 SE 2, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 z-4. Odlomek ustja z ostenjem globokega krožnika, izdelanega iz beloprstene keramike. Okrašen s podglazurnim slikanjem v rdeci barvi. Velikost: 7,0 x 6,o cm. Datacija: 20. stoletje. 2 SE 2, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 z-6. Odlomek ustja z ostenjem sklede iz beloprstene keramike. Velikost: 7,1 x 7,1 cm. Datacija: 18. -20. stoletje. 3 SE 2, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 2-8. Odlomek prstanastega dna z ostenjem krožnika, izdelanega iz porcelana. Površini sta okrašeni z zelenim transfernim potiskom. Velikost: 3,0 x 4,6 cm. Datacija: 20. stoletje. 4 SE 2, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 2-9. Odlomek prstanastega dna z ostenjem krožnika, izdelanega iz beloprstene keramike. Notranja površina okrašena s transfernim potiskom. Velikost: 2,7 x 2,5 cm. Datacija: 18. -20. stoletje. 5 SE z, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 z-1. Steklenicka iz brezbarvnega prozornega stekla v obliki smrecice. Na ustju viden navoj. Velikost: 5,0 x 3,z cm. Datacija: 20. stoletje. Legenda: zap. še. -zaporedna številka; KPB -Koper -Bazoviska ulica 6 SE 5, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 5-13. Odlomek roba ustja z ostenjem lonca, izdelanega iz drobnozrnate loncarske mase. Groba površina je siva. Velikost: 3,0 x 4,3 cm. Datacija: 15. -16. stoletje. 7 SE 5, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 5-14. Odlomek ustja z ostenjem loncenke z glazuro rumene barve. Velikost: 3,7 x z,8 cm. Datacija: 19. -zo. stoletje. 8 SE 5, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 5-5. Odlomek ostenja posode iz beloprstene keramike. Okrašen s transfernim potiskom v rjavi barvi. Velikost: 1,7 x 2,2 cm. Datacija: 18. -zo. stoletje. 9 SE 5, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 5-12,. Odlomek dna z ostenjem krožnika, izdelanega na vretenu iz zelo finozrnate keramike. Notranja in zunanja površina sta engobirani in glazirani z brezbarvno glazuro. Na notranji strani slikan okras modre barve v motivu mreže. Velikost: 5,5 x 10,0 cm. Datacija: 15. stoletje. 10 SE 5, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 5-3. Odlomek dna z ostenjem vrca iz majolike. Na zunanji strani ima slikan okras z modro, rjavo rumeno in crno barvo. Velikost: 2,3 x 6,o cm. Datacija: 16. -17. stoletje. 11 SE 5, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 5-17. Odlomek dna z ostenjem posode, izdelane na vretenu iz drobnozrnate loncarske mase. Gladka površina je na notranji strani siva, na zunanji 8 6 7 11 12 o o ~ O 10cm Slika 11. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, izbor arheološkega gradiva iz SE 5 (foto gradiva: Aleš Ogorelec, priprava tabel: Alenka Tomaž, arhiv UP FHŠ IAO) . • 13 O 10cm -----14 Slika 12. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, izbor arheološkega gradiva iz SE 6 (foto gradiva: Aleš Ogorelec, priprava tabel: Alenka Tomaž, arhiv UP FHŠ IAO). rjava. Velikost: 2,4 x 3,0 cm. Datacija: pozna antika(?). 12. SE s, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 s-6. Odlomek vratu in ostenja posode, izdelane iz porcelana. Velikost: 3,5 x 3,9 cm. Datacija: 2.0. stoletje. 13 SE 6, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 6-1. Odlomek stojne ploskve kozarca na peclju (?), izdelanega iz svetlo zelenega prozornega stekla. Velikost: 1,0 x 2.,0 cm. Datacija: novi vek (?). 14 SE 6, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 6-4. Odlomek skodelice s prstanastim dnom in rocajem, izdelane iz porcelana. Premer: 7,2. cm, višina: S,S cm. Datacija: 19. -2.0. stoletje. 15 SE 7, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 7-2.. Odlomek ustja z ostenjem lonca, izdelanega na vretenu iz drobnozrnate loncarske mase. Gladka površina je temno siva. Velikost: 2.,2. x 3,2 cm. D atacija: novi vek. 16 SE 7, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 7-3. Odbitek obsidiana crne barve z belimi vložki. Vidne sledi odbijanja (?) N a posameznih delih • 15 16 ' o 10cm ----., Slika 13. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, izbor arheološkega gradiva iz SE 7 (foco gradiva: Aleš Ogorelec, priprava rabe!: Alenka Tomaž, arhiv UP FHŠ IAO). ·"-·r ~_.;_::.:·· t,;. •• ti,;.:..:·~'--,,,-.,._~". . ,,. . -: . ~ 17 19 18 21 22 O 10cm Slika 14. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, izbor arheološkega gradiva iz SE 9 (foco gradiva: Aleš Ogorelec, priprava rabe!: Alenka Tomaž, arhiv UP FHŠ IAO). prekrit z malto. Velikost: 3,7 x 2,5 cm, debelina: 0,4 cm. 17 SE 9, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 9-3. Odlomek ustja z ostenjem lonca, izdelanega na vretenu iz drobnozrnate loncarske mase. Gladka površina je na notranji strani rdece rjava na zunanji pa rjava. Velikost: 2,0 x 4,0 cm. Datacija: novi vek. 18 SE 9, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 9-2. Odlomek prstanastega dna in ostenje krožnika iz beloprstene keramike. Notranjost okrašena s transfernim potiskom v modri barvi. Velikost: 4,0 x 1,6 cm. Datacija: 18. -20. stoletje. 19 SE 9, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 9-4. Odlomek ostenja posode, izdelane na vretenu iz finozrnate loncarske mase. Površina je glazirana z belo glazuro in poslikana z modro, rumeno, oranžno in rjavo barvo. Velikost: 2,7 x 2,3 cm. Datacija: 16. -17. stoletje. 20 SE 9, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 9-7. Odlomek dna posode. Notranja površina je engobirama, gravirana, poslikana z rumeno in rjavo in glazirana. Premer: 5,4 cm, višina: 1,2 cm. Datacija: 15. -16. stoletje. 24 o 1~m w w --- Slika 15. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, izbor arheološkega gradiva iz SE 14 (foco gradiva: Aleš Ogorelec, priprava cabel: Alenka Tomaž, arhiv UP FHŠ IAD). 2.1 SE 9, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 9-5. Plošcata, krožno oblikovana, kamnita plošcica, sive barve. Pokrov? Premer: 4,0 cm, debelina: 1,1 cm. 2.2. SE 9, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 9-6. Plošcata, krožno oblikovana, kamnita plošcica, sive barve. Pokrov? Premer: 4,0 cm, debelina: 0,9 cm. 2.3 SE 14, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 14-/. Odlomek ostenja poznoanticne amfore (LRA 1). Velikost: 3,0 x 3,5 cm. Datacija: 5. -7. stoletje (Vroom 2.005, 52.-53). 2.4 SE 14, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 14-14. Odlomek ustja z ostenjem kotlicka z nastavkom za pokrov, izdelanega na vretenu iz finozrnate loncarske mase. Gladka površina je rdece rjava. Velikost: 3,0 x 3,5 cm. Datacija: 16. -18. stoletje. 2.5 SE 14, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 14-13. Odlomek ustja z ostenjem krožnika, izdelanega na vretenu iz zelo finozrnate loncarske mase. Površina je glazirana z belo glazuro. Velikost: 3,5 x 4,7 cm. Datacija: 18. -2.0. stoletje. 2.6 SE 14, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 14-8. Odlomek posode, izdelane na vretenu iz drobnozrnate loncarske mase. Gladka površina je na ,;::::=;::::::::: notranji strani siva, na zunanji pa lisasta siva m temno sivo rjava. Ostenje je okrašeno z razclenjenim plasticnim rebrom. Velikost: 3,4 x 3,5 cm. ,1 Datacija: novi vek. "'- 2. 7 SE 14, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 14-n. Odlomek ostenja posode, izdelane iz finozrnate loncarske mase. Na zunanji strani premaz bele ,1 gline, notranjost je glazirana in poslikana z ru-"-meno, modro, oranžno, crno in zeleno barvo. Velikost: 5,0 x 8,5 cm. Datacija: 18. -2.0. stoletje . ..,,;,,=-~= 2.8 SE 14, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 14-1. Odlomek dna z ostenjem posode, izdelane na vretenu iz fino zrnate loncarske mase, z glazuro rjave barve na notranji strani. Premer dna: 4,4 cm, višina 1,5 cm. Datacija: novi vek. 2.9 SE 14, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 14-5. Odlomek dna z ostenjem posode, izdelane na vretenu iz fino zrnate loncarske mase, z glazuro rjave barve na notranji strani. Velikost: 4,1 x 4,9 cm. Datacija: novi vek. 30 31 32 O 10cm Slika 16. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, izbor arheološkega gradiva iz SE 15 (foto gradiva: Aleš Ogorelec, priprava tabel: Alenka Tomaž, arhiv UP FHŠ IAO). 34 35 36 o 10cm l - Slika 17. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, izbor arheološkega gradiva iz SE 16 (foto gradiva: Aleš Ogorelec, priprava tabel: Alenka Tomaž, arhiv UP FHŠ IAO). 30 SE 15, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 15-2. Odlomek ustja z ostenjem lonca, izdelanega na vretenu iz drobnozrnate loncarske mase. Gladka površina je crna. Velikost: 2,0 x 3,5 cm. Datacija: novi vek. 31 SE 15, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 15-1. Odlomek ustja z ostenjem sklede iz majolike. Površina je glazirana z belo glazuro in slikana z modro in crno barvo. Velikost: 2,7 x 4,5 cm. Datacija: 18. -20. stoletje. 32 SE 15, sonda 1, zap. Št. KPB17 15-3. Odlomek dna z ostenjem posode, izdelane na vretenu iz fino zrnate loncarske mase, z glazuro rjave barve na notranji strani. Velikost: 4,0 x 7,5 cm. Datacija: novi vek. 33 SE 16, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 16-9. Odlomek ostenja sklede, izdelane iz finozrnate loncarske mase. Na zunanji strani premaz bele gline, notranjost je glazirana in poslikana z rumeno, modro, oranžno in zeleno barvo. Velikost: 5,0 x 9,3 cm. Datacija: 18. -20. stoletje. 34 SE 16, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 16-2. Odlomek ustja z ostenjem kotlicka z nastavkom za pokrov, izdelanega na vretenu iz finozrnate loncarske mase. Gladka površina je na notranji " 37 38 39 O 10cm ----•=i Slika 18. Koper, Bazoviška ulica 5a, izbor arheološkega gradiva iz SE 24 (foto gradiva: Aleš Ogorelec, priprava tabel: Alenka Tomaž, arhiv UP FHŠ IAO). strani rjava in na zunanji crna. Velikost: 3,0 x 6,5 cm. Datacija: 18. -20. stoletje. 35 SE 16, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 16-13. Odlomek ustja z ostenjem krožnika, izdelanega na vretenu iz finozrnate loncarske mase. Notranja površina je engobirana, gravirana, poslikana z zeleno barvo in glazirana. Velikost: 4,0 x 5,8 cm. Datacija: 16. stoletje. 36 SE 16, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 16-1. Odlomek rocaja kotlicka, izdelanega na vretenu iz finozrnate loncarske mase. Gladka površina je na notranji strani rdece rjava, na zunanji pa crna. Velikost: 3,5 x 6,7 cm. Datacija: 16. -18. stoletje. [Slika 17 približno tukaj] 37 SE 24, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 24-1. Odlomek rocaja z ostenjem posode, izdelane na vretenu iz finozrnate loncarske mase. Gladka površina je rdece rjava. Velikost: 4,0 x 3,8 cm, debelina: 1,3 cm. Datacija: pozna antika. 38 SE 24, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 24-2. Odlomek ostenja posode, izdelane na vretenu iz drobnozrnate loncarske mase. Gladka površina je rdece rjava. Na zunanji strani sledi metlicenja. Velikost: 3,1 x 4,4 cm. Datacija: pozna antika. 39 SE 24, sonda 1, zap. št. KPB17 24-3. Odlomek odebeljenega in profiliranega ustja z ostenjem vrca, izdelanega na vretenu iz finozrnate loncarske mase. Gladka površina je rdeca. Velikost: 3,5 x 6,o cm. Datacija: pozna antika. Zakljucek Arheološka raziskava izvedena s testnim sondiranjem na lokaciji Bazoviška ulica 5a v Kopru je omogocila vpogled v stratifikacijo plasti in arheoloških ostalin iz šestih razlicnih faz uporabe prostora. Najstarejšo fazo uporabe prostora ohranjene v arheološkem zapisu -fazo I z najdbami umešcamo v cas pozne antike. Plasti iz prve faze so tudi najmanj poškodovane in brez najdb, ki bi predstavljale mlajšedobno gradivo, ki \\ bi v plast pripela kot posledica intenzivnih gradbenih dejavnosti v mlajših obdobjih. Preostalih pet faz uporabe prostora (faze 2-0) povezujemo s poznosrednjeveško in predvsem novoveško rabo prostora in z novoveškimi 1::::::::-,,=,= gradbenimi posegi, ki so se odvijali tik ob sami hiši na lokaciji Bazoviška 5a. Najstarejšo fazo uporabe prostora na sploh predstavlja faza I (SE 24), ki jo na osnovi odkrite-(l_ ga arheološkega gradiva lahko opredelimo v poznoanticno obdobje. Najstarejšo novoveško fazo uporabe prostora (faza 2) definirajo nasutja, utrditve in odpadne jame (SE 18, SE 19/20, SE 23, SE (l_ 2,1/2,2,. SE 18), kateri sledi3faza, katero zaznamujejo nadaljnja nasipavanja obmocja (SE 14 in SE, 15) in gradbena odpadna jama (SE 16/17). V na-.l.._ slednjo novoveško fazo nasipavanja in utrjevanja terena (faza 4) sodijo plasti SE 9, SE 12, SE 10, ostanki suhozida (SE 13), ter ostaline pomožnih gospodarskih aktivnosti, kot je npr. apnenica SE 8/11. V novoveško fazo nasipavanja z gradbeno odpadno jamo (faza 5) sodijo plast SE 5 ter odpadne jame z gradbenim materialom SE 4 s pol- nili SE 3, SE 6 in SE 7. Najmlajšo fazo na obravnavanem obmocju predstavlja novoveška faza o, kamor sodita kamniti tlak ob hiši, narejen iz klesancev, SE I in paleoornica SE 2, t.j. obdelovalna zemlja nekdanjih vrtov obravnavanega obmocja. Keramicno gradivo, najdeno v plasteh znotraj izkopane arheološke sonde, odraža dve loceni zgodovinski obdobji. Najstarejšo fazo in posamezne najdbe v sekundarnih kontekstih povezujemo s poznoanticnim obdobjem, natancneje od 5. -7. stoletjem. Na drugi strani pa vecina odkritih arheoloških ostalin sodi v novoveški cas med 15. in 20. stoletjem. Novoveške najdbe se pojavljajo premešane, predvsem v nasutjih in izravnavah oz. odpadnih jamah, v vseh novoveških fazah najdišca (faze 2 -6), zaradi cesar ugotavljamo, da je njihova lega sekundarna in ustreza novoveškim kontekstom v obalnih mestih, za katere je znac ilna intenzivna gradbena dejavnost, kljub zaznanemu ohranjanju osnovnih srednjeveških urbanih zasnov. Sosledje poznoanticnih, srednjeveških in novoveških arheoloških kontekstov najdemo na obmocju Kopra na številnih lokacijah, kot npr. primer na Muzejskem trgu (Mileusnic, Predan 2011, 25-34), Kapucinski vrt (Cunja 1996), na Kreljevi 1 (Guštin in Sakara Sucevic 2011), pa na Kreljevi 6 (Zanier 2011), ali pa bližnji lokaciji D ijaškega doma (Tomaž 2013). Rezultati arheoloških raziskav na Bazoviški 5a zatorej potrjujejo sosledje arheoloških ostalin in uporabo prostora na raziskani lokaciji in dopolnjuje širšo sliko poselitve koprskega otoka in rabe prostora, ki jo je moc slediti tudi na drugih arheološko raziskanih, a vecinoma neobjavljenih lokacijah v Kopru. Povzetek V clanku predstavljamo rezulrate arheološkega testnega sondiranja na Bazoviški ulici F, v predelu Bošadrage v Kopru. Testno sondiranje je potrdilo stratifikacijo plasti in arheoloških ostalin, ki smo jih umestili v šet razli cnih faz uporabe prostora. Najstarejšo fazo uporabe prosrora -fazo 1 je na osnovi arheoloških najdb opredeljena v poznoanticno obdobje. Preostalih pet faz uporabe prosrora (faze 2-6) pa povezujemo predvsem z zgodnjimi in poznimi novoveškimi gradbenimi posegi. Najzgodnjejšo novoveško fazo uporabe prosrora (faza 2) definirajo nasutja, utrditve in odpadna jama, kateri sledi3faza, katero zaznamujejo nadaljnja nasipavanja obmocja in vecja gradbena odpadna jama.Tudi naslednji novoveški fazi uporabe prosrora (fazo 4 in fazo 5) zaznamujejo nasipa vanje in uttjevanja terena, pri cemer so bile v fazi 4 odkcire še ostaline pomožnih gospodarskih/gradbenih aktivnosti, v fazi 5 pa vecja odpadna jama z modernim gradbenim materialom. Najmlajšo fazo na obravnavanem obmocju predstavlja novoveška faza o, kamor sodita kamniti tlak ob hiši, narejen iz klesancev in paleoornica, nekdanja obdelovalna zemlja vrtov obravnavanega obmocja. Keramicno gradivo, najdeno v plasteh in arheoloških ostalinah sond!e, odraža dve loceni zgodovinski obdobji. Najstarejšo fazo in posamezne najdbe v sekundarnih kontekstih povezujemo s poznoanticnim obdobjem, natancneje od 5. -7. stoletjem, na drugi strani pa veci na odkritih arheoloških ostalin sodi v novoveški cas med 15. in w. srolerjem. Novoveške najdbe se pojavljajo premešane, predvsem v nasutjih in izravnavah oz. odpadnih jamah, v vseh novoveških fazah najdišca (faze 2 -o), zaradi cesar ugotavljamo, da je njihova lega sekundarna in ustreza novoveškim kontekstom v obalnih mescih, za katere je znacilna intenzivna gradbena dejavnost, kljub zaznanemu ohranjanju osnovnih srednjeveških urbanih zasnov. Sosledje poznoanticnih , srednjeveških in novoveških arheoloških kontekstov najdemo na obmocju Kopra na številnih lokacijah. Lokacija na Bazoviški 5a tako dodatno potrjuje sosledje arheoloških ostalin, ki ga je moc slediti tudi na drugih lokacijah v Kopru. Summary In this arricle, we present che resulrs of archaeological test excavarion at Bazoviška ulica 5a, located in che area of Bošadraga in Koper. The rese excavation produced stratificarion of layers and archaeological remains, which were placed in severa! different phases of land use. According to archaeological finds, the oldesr phase ofland use, Phase I dates ro the Lare Antiguity period. The remaining five phases (Phases 2,-6) are associared mainlywuth construcrion inrerventions in the Early and Lare Modem Period. The earliest modem phase ofland use (Phase 2.) is defined by levelling, earchworks and wasre pit, followed by Phase 3, which is marked by furrher levelling of the area and a more exrensive construcrion waste pit. The subseguent modem phases of space use (Phase 4 and Phase 5) are also marked by backfillingand consolidarion ofche terrain. Phase 4 is also associated wich secondary economic/construcrion activities, while in Phase 5 there is an enormous waste pit wirh modem-day construction debris. The youngest phase in che area in question is Phase 6, defined by a stone pavemene next to the house and a sub-surface soil. the former arable land of the gardens of the area in question. Ceramic finds discovered in layers. and archaeological remains of the test probe belong co two separate historical periods. The oldest phase and specific finds from secondary contexts are associated with the Late Antiguity Period. more precisely from the srh co the 7th Century. On the other hand. most discovered archaeological remains belong to modem times between the 1sth and 20th Centuries. Modem finds appear mixed, especially in fillings and levelling orwaste pits, in ali Modem phases of the site (Phases 2. -6). due co which we fi nd that they are deposited in che secondary contexts, wh ich corresponds co other modem concexts in coastal towns. which are characterized by intensive construction activity. despite the apparent concinuation of the basic medieval urban designs. A sequence of Late antiquity, Medieval and .Modem archaeological contexts can be found at many locations in Koper. Location at Bazoviška sa thus furcher confirms che archaeological remains, which can also be craced at other locations in Koper. Viri in literatura Bernik, S. 1968. Organizem slovenskih obalnih mest Koper, Izola, Piran. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, Piran: Medobcinski zavod za spomeniško varstvo. Bekljanov Zidanšek, I. 2012.. »Nekaj amfor z morskega dna ob obali severozahodne Istre.« V: Potopljena preteklost. Arheologija vodnih okolij in raziskovanje kulturne dedišcine v Sloveniji, ur. 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Guštin, M. 2.oIIb. »Zgodovina Kopra v luci arheoloških raziskav.<< V Urbana • arheologija Kopra, ur. Mitja Guštin, 7-16. Koper: Univerzitetna založba Annales, Annales Mediterranei, Archaeologia urbana 1. Guštin, M. In M. Sakara Sucevic 2.oII. » Poznoanticna poselitev na Kreljevi 1 v Kopru.« V Urbana arheologija Kopra, ur. • Mitja Guštin, 35-38. Koper: Univerzitetna založba Annales, Annales Mediterrane.1,,· =::::;:.:= Archaeologia urbana 1. Leiss, A. 1912. »La rotonda di St. Elio e la Chiesa dei Carmini a Capodistria.« Pagine lstriane, 43-2.47. Mileusnic, Z. 2011. »Arheološke raziskave Damijana Snoja v letih 1992.-1994.« V Urbana arheologija Kopra, ur. Mitja Guštin, 73-82.. Koper: Univerzitetna založba Annales, Annales Mediterranei, Archaeologia urbana 1. Mileusnic, Z. in D. Badovinac. 2.012. »Srednjein novoveška keramika iz starega mandraca v Kopru. Arheološke raziskave 2.007.« V Potopljena preteklost. Arheologija vodnih okolij in raziskovanje kulturne dedišcine v Sloveniji, ur. Andrej Gaspari in Miran Eric, 145-156. Ljubljana: Didakta. Mileusnic, Z. in P. Predan 2011. »Dominikanski samostan in velika kaznilnica na Muzejskem trgu v Kopru.« V Urbana arheologija Kopra, ur. Mitja Guštin, 2.5-34. Koper: Univerzitetna založba Annales, Annales Mediterranei, Archaeologia urbana 1. Naldini, P. 1700 [2001]. V Cerkveni krajepis ali Opis mesta in škofije justinopolis, ljudsko Koper, ur. Darko Darovec. Koper: Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko, Znanstveno-raziskovalno središce Republike Slovenije, Škofija. Pravilnik o arheoloških raziskavah (Ur.l. RS 3/2013). RKD -Register kulturne dedišcine. (https:// gisportal.gov.si/portal/ apps/webappviewer/index. html?id==df5boc8a300145fda417eda6boc2b52b; dostop: 16.6.2021). Republika Slovenija, Ministrstvo za kulturo. Tomaž, A. 2013. Prvo in koncno porocilo o arheološkem izkopu testnih sond na lokaciji Cankarjeva ul. 5 v Kopru za nacrtovano investicijo -Rekonstrukcija 3. objekta Dijaškega in študentskega doma Koper. Koper: Univerza na Primorskem. Tomaž, A., M. Ravnik, Z. Mileusnic, N. Cebron Lipovec. 2017. Prvo in koncno porocilo o arheološkem izkopu testne sonde na lokaciji Bazoviška ul. 5a v Kopru. Koper: Univerza na Primorskem. Trenz, A. A., E. Lazar in M. Guštin. 2011. » Pregled arheoloških raziskav v mestnem jedru Kopra.<< V Urbana arheologija Kopra, ur. Mitja Guštin, 99-136. Koper: Univerzitetna založba Annales, Annales Mediterranei, Archaeologia urbana 1. Vidrih Perko, V. 2000. »Amfore v Sloveniji.« Annales, Ser. Hist. Sociol. 10/2 (22): 421455. Vroom, J. 2005. Byzantine and Modern pottery in the Aegean. -Utrecht. Zadnikar, M. 1982. Romanika v Sloveniji. Ljubljana: DZS. Zadnikar, M. 2001. Romanske cerkve v Sloveniji. Družina, 66-67. Zanier, K. 2011. »Raziskave znotraj palace Baseggio na Kreljevi ulici 6, v Kopru.« V Urbana arheologija Kopra, ur. Mitja Guštin, 39-46. Koper: Univerzitetna založba Annales, Annales Mediterranei - Archaeologia urbana 1. Župancic, M. 1989. »Inter utrumque tuta.« V Prispevki k zgodovini Kopra, ur. Mitja Guštin, 15-20. Koper. „ t f ... .... l ..... . Tridimenzionalno dokumentiranje steckov srednjeveške Župe Dabar v Bosni in Hercegovini Saša Caval Universiry ofReading, Velika Britanija s.caval@reading.ac.uk Špela Prunk Park Škocjanske jame; Pokrajinski muzej Koper spela.prun k@pokraji nski muzej koper.si MašaSakara Pokrajinski muzej Koper masa.sakara@pokrajinskimuzejkoper.si Tjaša Miklavcic Pokrajinski muzej Koper tjasamik@siol.net Srecki so srednjeveški kamniti nagrobniki, ki jih najdemo še vedno in situ v pokrajinah držav Zahodnega Balkana. Okoli 8% steckov ima raznovrstne dekoracije v obliki nizkega reliefa, medtem, ko manj koc 400 nagrobnikov nosi tudi napise. Zaradi klimatskih vplivov vrezani napisi in ornamenti izginjajo s površine sceckov, zaradi cesar jih je vse težje odkriti in prepoznaciV sklopu arheoloških raziskav s teckov na obmocju srednjeveške župe Dabar (današnji obci ni Berkovici in Bileca), je bil izveden pilotski projekt 3D skeniranja s ceckov z rocnim skenerjem. Osem s ceckov, dva z napisom in šest z dekoracijami, je bilo skeniranih v celoti, z namenom da bi lahko ovrednotili vidnost in prepoznavanje umetnostnih izrazov, ter samo tehniko detajlnega dokumentiranja materialne kulture. Clanek predstavlja potek skeniranja in analizira rezulcace. K#ucne besede: s recki , srednji vek, tridimenzionalno skeniranje, 30 , dedišci na, kamniti spomeniki, Bosna in H ercegovina Three-dimensional documentation of the combscones of the medieval parish ofOabar in Bosnia and H erzegovina Stecci are medieval combscones thac can be found in situ in che landscapes ofthe Western Balkans. Only approx. 8% of stecci have various decoracions in che form oflow relief, while less chan 400 combstones also bear inscriptions. Climate influences ofcen cause erosion of chese engravings, which makes chem increasingly difncult to detece and identify. As pare of che archaeological research on che scecci phenomenon in the area of che medieval župa Oabar (modem municipalities ofBerkovici and Bileca), a pilot scudy of 30 scanni ng of chese monuments wich a hand-held scannerwas performed. Eighc combscones, cwo with an inscription and sixwith decoracions, were chus scanned in cheir entirery, in order to evaluace che visibilicy and recognicion of che engravings, and to assess che technique for detailed documentation of material culcure itsel( 11,e arcicle presents che process of scanning and analyzes che resulcs. Keywords: scecci, medieval period, chree-dimensional scanning, 3D, heircage, combstones, Bosnia and H erzegovina l<•i.!WWWI D D igitalno zajemanje podatkov postaja vse pomembnejši del dokumentiranja, proucevanja in predstavljanja arheološke dedišcine (Zachar et al. 2017). Z razvojem tehnik 3D digitalizacije je ta vedno bolj dostopna in posledicno prisotna tudi v dokumentiranju in predstavljanju arheoloških predmetov. Digitalni tridimenzionalni model predmeta oz. objekta, kot njegova kopija v virtualni obliki, nam omogoca njegov ogled in opazovanje na drugacen nacin v primerjavi s preucevanjem fizicnega predmeta. Lahko ga razumemo kot njegov digitalni nadomestek (Štuhec 2012, 94; 2017, 15-19; Joncic in Zachar 2017, 23-30). 3D skeniranje je še posebej primerno za predmete z razlicnimi reliefnimi znacilnostmi, kot so okrasi ali napisi, ki so zaradi procesov staranja predmeta pogosto težko prepoznavni ali berljivi. Prav zato smo metodo želeli preizkusiti na srednjeveških nagrobnih spomenikih oz. steckih v Bosni in Hercegovini. Ti so namrec okrašeni z reliefnimi upodobitvami in napisi, ki so zaradi atmosferskih dejavnikov, ki so nanje vplivali v zadnjih stoletjih, velikokrat težko berljivi. Za proucevanje podobnih reliefnih okrasov in branje napisov na objektih in predmetih si raziskovalci obicajno pomagajo s papirjem, ki ga prislonijo na reliefno površino, pobarvajo ali zmocijo in oblikujejo po površini ter na ta nacin dobijo obris oz. obliko vrezanih motivov ali crk. Vendar pa rocna oblika kopiranja takšnih okrasov in napisov (npr. kopiranje na paus papir ali pa t.i. squeeze) ni dovolj natancna in je odvisna od posameznikove sposobnosti prepoznavanja omenjenih elementov ter od mehkobe in oblikovalnosti papirja. Poleg tega se predmet obicajno natancno pregleda tudi z uporabo razlicnih nacinov osvetlitve in opazovanjem iz razlicnih smeri (Hameeuw in Willems 2001, 163). Tudi prenos oz. dostop do takšnih rezultatov je še vedno omejen na osebni pristop h kopiji. Prav v tem je prednost digitalnega dokumentiranja, saj mogoca enostaven prenos informacij med raziskovalci in olajša nadaljnje preucevanje. 3D dokumentiranje steckov je potekalo v okviru projekta Social Landscapes as Multicul tura! Spaces: Stecci in Bosnia and Herzegovina (SOLMUS), finaciranem preko programa EU Horizon 2020, MSCA-IF-2017 (797881), ter s sodelovanjem Pokrajinskega muzeja Koper in Parka Škocjanske jame, Slovenija. Stecki Steck i so srednjeveški nagrobniki, razpršeni po krajinah Srbije, Hrvaške, Crne gore, in zlasti Bosne in Hercegovine (BiH) (sl. 1). Predstavljajo poseben pogrebni pojav, v katerem se prepletajo tradicije, vere, umetniški in estetski izrazi ter pisave. Morfološko so zelo raznoliki, saj jih najdemo v obliki psevdosarkofagov, križe.v, plošc, stebrov in skrinj (sl. 2). Približno 8% steckov nosi napise in okrase, ki ikonografsko kažej~ na kontinuiteto srednjeveške Evrope, kakor tudi edinstvene lokalne tradicije. Število teh sporne-(\ nikov je izjemno visoko: trenutno je na Zahodnem Balkanu zabeleženih vec kot 72.000 steckov, in samo v BiH jih najdemo vec kot 60.000. Steck i utelešajo zgodovinske, kulturne in verske elemente srednjeveškega Zahodnega Balkana ter pricajo o pogledih srednjeveških skupn,;::o=s=-:::;;::::= ti na življenje in smrt, o prepletu simbolizma in resnicnosti. Poosebljajo stoletja bosanske strpnosti, ki se je razvila iz dolgotrajnega sobivanja (l_ lokalnih raznolikih etnicn ih in verskih skupin, vendar se stecki ne pripisujejo nobeni od teh etnicnih ali verskih skupin in še vedno veljajo za skrivnostne spomenike preteklosti. (l_ Kdaj naj bi se stecki zaceli pojavljati ostaja nejasno. Nekatere teorije jih povezujejo z megalitskimi tradicijami, druge pa jih predstavljajo kot romanske ali gotske obmorske urbane hiše, kot lokalne srednjeveške kršcanske sarkofage ali bosanske podeželske hiše. Zakaj se pojavijo v 12. stoletju, kaj je sprožilo njihovo zacetno ustvarjanje ter morebiten obstoj predhodnih oblik ostaja vecinoma neznano. Najzgodnejši stecek, datiran po napisu, je nagrobnik župana Trebinja Grdeše (1151-1177), v južni Hercegovini. Trenutno poznavanje zacetkov te dedišcine, ki je že od leta 2016 vpisana tudi na UNESCO-v seznam svetovne dedišcine (https://whc.unesco.org/en/ list/1504), je rezultat stanja raziskav saj so vsi do l~J/ ' _, Q) ' a:: :C ·i ' ' ! a:: en / -i "" .· ;_c.--......._ CI) ·~ E o ~ v, C ~ o "O «> -, Slika 1. Razširjenosc sceckov na Zahodnem Balkanu (Bešlagic 1982-). Scecci sices in che \X'escern Balkans (Bešlagic 1982-). STELA PSEVDO-SARKOFAG STEBER P L OŠCA KRIŽ SKRINJA Slika 2. Tipi steckov (Asboth 18.90). Types ofstecci tombstones (Asboch 18.90). sedaj raziskani grobovi ali napisi datirani v cas po Grdešinem spomeniku. Napisi in okrasi na steckih Od preko 72..000 nagrobnikov jih ima le približno 6000 (8,3%) okrase, izdelane vecinoma v nizkem reliefu, nekaj pa tudi v ugreznjenem reliefu. Motivi so tako posvetni kot religiozni, in povezujejo srednjeveško stvarnost s predhodnim rimskim obdobjem in prazgodovinsko tradicijo. Ameriška umetnostna zgodovinarka Marian Wenzel je v šestdesetih letih 2.0. stoletja podrob ~ --..... _ ~ --..... _ Slika 3. Ikonografija in napisi na steckih (povzeto po Wenzel r.965; Vego r.9626, 40; fotografije: E. Bujak. www.nekropola.ba). Tue iconography and epicaphs on the stecci combscones (afcer Wenzel r.965; Vego r.9626, 40; phocos: courcesy ofE. Bujak. www.nekropola.ba). no pregledala okrase steckov, vzpostavila tipologijo in ugotovila, da naj bi vecina ikonografije izvirala iz lokalnega srednjeveškega kovinskega posodja, pri cemer je izoblikovala izraz „bosanski slog" (Wenzel 1965, 14; 1962; 1999). Preprosti motivi, razdeljeni na družbene in verske simbole, figuralne cloveške in živalske kompozicije, arhitekturne postavitve, rastlinski in geometrijski okrasi delujejo kot abeceda opusa steckov (sl. 3). Ti številni motivi so bili nadalje kombinirani za bolj dodelane scenske predstavitve kot so npr. ples kola, viteški turnirji, lov na divje živali, itd. Wenzlova je menila, da so spomeniki ritualni, narejeni zato, da pomagajo blaginji pokojnikov v posmrtnem življenju. Prepricana je bila, da so nastali v razmeroma ozkem casovnem obdob ju, v 14. in 15. stoletju. Vendar pa njena hipoteza, ki povezuje ikonografijo steckov s kršcanskimi elementi, »ojacanimi z nekaterimi klasicnimi ikonografskimi ureditvami<<, in podobnost s pogansko ikonografijo (Wenzel 1965, 11-21; Lovrenovic 2009) petinpetdeset let pozneje zveni bolj kot domneva in klice po reviziji. Ker sta evolucija in razvoj teh okraskov še vedno nejasna, ta prvi in izredno pomemben prispevek M. Wenzel predstavlja zacetni korak v raziskovanju pogosto neodvisne teme fenomena steckov. V okrasih na steckih je mogoce zaznati kulturno osmozo prazgodovinske in srednjeveške, predkršcanske animisticne in kršcanske doktrinarne religije (prim. Thomas et al. 2017). Vprašanje njihove verske pripadnosti je v zgodovinopis ju prisotno že od zacetka usmerjenih študij, pri cemer so ga poskušali razrešiti z mnogimi, tudi povsem nasprotujocimi si teorijami. Povezovali so jih s predkršcanskim sredozemskim, ilirskim, vlaškim, japodskim (Mužic 2009), mitraisticnim (Purgaric-Kužic 1995), megalitskim verskim in duhovnim pojmovanjem (Bešlagic 1982), pa tudi s kršcanskimi tradicijami. Od sredine dvajsetega stoletja dalje so postopoma zaceli prevladovati pogledi na njihov nebogomilski izvor oziroma medkonfesionalnost (Lovrenovic 2009). N ekaj manj kot 400 s teckov ima vklesane napise v dveh pisavah v lokalnem jeziku (sl. 3). Obe pisavi, glagolica in bosancica, sta povsem lokalni, nastali v osrednjejužnoslovanski redakciji v 9. oz. 10. stoletju, in danes izumrli (Nakaš 2012; Kardaš 2015). Posebne politicne, kulturne in konfesionalne okolišcine v srednjeveški bosanski državi so se odražale v razvoju pismenosti in same pisave (Dordic 1971). Glagolica, najstarejša slovanska pisava, se je v hrvaški rimskokatoliški cerkvi ohranila do 19. stoletja. Zgodnejšo glagolico naj bi konec trinajstega stoletja nadomestila izrazito locena razlicica cirilice, t.i. Bosanska cirilica ali Bosancica (glej in primerjaj Nakaš 2012, 2018; Juric-Kappel 2005; Kardaš 2015; Vražalica 2018). Bosancica se je pogosto uporabljala tako v lokalni bosanski kot v rimskokatoliški cerkvi v zgodovinskih deželah Bosne, Hercegovine in Dalmacije (Loverenovic 2009; Vego 1962a). Napisi na steckih so bili zbrani in objavljeni že v šestdesetih letih dvajsetega stoletja (Vego 1962a-70), vendar je sama disciplina srednjeveške epigrafike od takrat le malo napredovala. Poleg 325 napisov, ki jih je objavil prof. Vego v svojih monografijah (Vego 1962a-70), jih je danes znanih še dodatnih 59 (Bešlagic 2004, 13). Ker vecina napisov imenuje pokojnika, so zgodovinarji poskušali identificirati imenovane posameznike preko zgodovinskih dokumentov, ki se hranijo predvsem v Državnem arhivu v Dubrovniku na Hrvaškem (npr. Markotic 1990; Kurtovic 2010). Vendar to gradivo ponuja vec kot le potrditev, da je oseba res obstajala, saj je dragocena ilustracija družbenega in ekonomskega položaja ter ideoloških stališc ljudi, tako politicnih kot verskih. Vklesani napisi hkrati prikazujejo odnos do pokrajine in okolja, stopnjo pismenosti in obrti in, ceprav geografsko obrobni del, stecki dokazujejo ideološko in versko pripadnost srednjeveškega Zahodnega Balkana Evropi. Napisi na nagrobnikih so zapisani v klasicni formuli: Tu leži ... (A se leži ... ), ki je kot taka znana že iz klasicnih grških casov. Glede na vsebino so razdeljeni na verske formulacije, epitafe, ki prenašajo moralna sporocila ali priklice, sekularne opise (junaške) smrti in družinske vezi ali preprosto nosijo samo ime pokojnika (Lovrenovic 2009). Napisi so na stecke pisali pisarji, t.i. dijaki. Stecki nimajo osnovne, glavne ploskve za napis. Napise najdemo najveckrat ob robu stecka, na sekundarnem mestu, kjer se zdijo bolj kot dopolnilo k okrasu (ce ta obstaja), a brez ocitne povezave med vsebinama. Napisi pogosto sledi-(\ jo obliki in robovom s tecka in so vgravirani pod kotom, ki ustreza kotu pogleda bralca napisa (Vego 1962.a-70; Lovrenovic 2009). • Metoda 3D skeniranja steckov Tridimenzionalne modele s teckov smo izdelale z dvema tehnikama: fotogrametrijo in uporabo 3D skenerja. Na ta nacin smo dopolnile osnovno dokumentacijo, ki jo sestavljata fotografija in ris-(l_ ba. V nadaljevanju bomo predstavile potek zaje- ma podatkov s 3D skenerjem. Za delo smo uporabile prenosni skener EinScan Pro 2X Plus (Multifunctional Handheld 3D (l_ Scanner). Gre za skener, ki deluje na strukturira- no belo svetlobo (ang. structured light scanner). Z oddajanjem linearnih vzorcev sistem pre,e..ozna geometrijske znacilnosti predmeta in na pod- lagi sprememb na vzorcu izracuna 3D koordinate skeniranega predmeta (Ebrahim 2.011, 2.0-21). Osnovni podatek, ki ga dobimo s skeniranjem, je oblak tock. Programska oprema, ki je na voljo skupaj z uporabljenim 3D skenerjem, omogoca osnovno obdelavo podatkov, kot je preoblikovanje zajetih tock v poligonalno mrežo, osnovno odstranjevanje šuma, zapolnjevanje manjših praznin, ipd. Za naprednejšo obdelavo 3D modelov in manipulacijo podatkov pa se je potrebno posluževati dodatnih programov (npr. SolidEdge, MeshLab, idr.). Doticni skener ima možnost staticnega (ang. fixed mode), ki je primeren za manjše predmete, ali rocnega (ang. handheld mode) nacina skeniranja, pri cemer lahko uporabimo visokolocljivostni (ang. HD mode) ali hitri (ang. rapid mode) nacin skeniranja. Za skeniranje steckov smo uporabile nacin hitrega rocnega skeniranja (ang. handheld rapid scan). V tem nacinu lahko skeniramo predmete do velikosti 4 m. Terenski zajem podatkov Skeniranje poteka tako, da se s skenerjem obkroži predmet ob cemer naprava sprotno zapisuje prejete podatke. Pri tem je potrebno paziti na ohranjanje razdalje med skenerjem in predmetom, ki varira med 45 cm in 55 cm, z optimalno razdaljo 51 cm (Shining 3D 2018). Skener torej zaznava površino predmeta in povezuje skenirana podrocj a med seboj na podlagi že dokumentiranih tock. Za povezovanje skeniranih površin med seboj smo uporabljale povezovanje na podlagi geometrije predmeta (ang. Jeature alignment}. Za takšen nacin skeniranja je potrebna razgibana površina oz. predmet z vec geometrijskimi elementi, cemur stecki praviloma ustrezajo. Drugi možnosti povezovanja skeniranih površin sta uporaba markerjev (ang. marker alignment}, pri katerem potrebujemo dodatne tocke (dodamo jih sami, tocke obicajno nalepimo na predmet) ali hibridna poravnava (ang. hybrid alignment}, pri kateri uporabljamo kombinacijo predhodno opisanih nacinov poravnav. Za uspešno zajemanje podatkov je najbolje, da je potek skeniranja kontinuiran in enakomeren. Ker se podatki sprotno shranjujejo, lahko tudi v primeru, da skeniranje predcasno prekinemo, kasneje nadaljujemo od zadnjega dokumentiranega mesta, vendar le v primeru, da je površina dovolj razgibana. V nasprotnem primeru skener nima dovolj referencnih tock za prepoznavanje mesta prekinitve in nadaljnjo poravnavo. Površino predmeta lahko skeniramo z uporabo dodatne kamere, ki poleg reliefa predmeta zazna tudi njegovo teksturo in barvo. V našem primeru dodatne teksturne kamere nismo upo rahljali, saj so nas zanimali predvsem geometrijski podatki o spomeniku. Poleg tega je teksturo mogoce dodati iz fotografij kasneje tekom obdelave podatkov (Joncic in Zachar 2017, 28). Poleg dolocitve nacina poravnave in odlocitve glede uporabe kamere, je pri nastavitvah potrebno dolo citi tudi nacin delovanja skenerja (ang. operation mode). Za skeniranje steckov smo uporabili klasicen (ang. classic) nacin delovanja, pri katerem je hitrost skeniranja 15 zajemov na sekundo (ang. frames/sec). Procesiranje podatkov pri tem nacinu deloma poteka že tekom samega skeniranja, kar skrajša cas procesiranja podatkov po koncanem skeniranju. Resolucijo skeniranja prav tako dolocimo sami, izbiramo pa lahko med nizko, srednjo ali visoko (ang. low, medium, high detail), na lestvici med 3,0 mm in 0,2 mm. Za skeniranje steckov smo uporabile srednjo resolucijo. Izbor omenjenih metod sta pogojevala casovna omejitev, ki smo jo imele za izvedbo skeniranja ter velikost podatkov, saj drugacni nacini delovanja skenerja, kot je npr. uporaba teksturne kamere al.i višja resolucija skeniranja, obcutno povecajo cas zajemanja ter velikost podatkov, kar obenem zahteva tudi zmogljivejšo racunalniško opremo. Ker je za uporabo skenerja nujno potrebna elektrika, smo se raziskavo odlocili izvesti na dveh lokacijah, kjer je bila ta dovolj blizu za prikljucitev instrumenta. Na lokalnem pokopališcu v Milavicih smo ob izkopavanjih dokumentirali šest steckov, na zašcitenem arheološkem najdiš cu Trebesin pa dva, skupno torej osem s teckov. Že takoj na zacetku skeniranja smo naletele na problem, katerega glavni razlog je bil preosvetljenost predmeta. Skener je namrec mocno obcutljiv na svetlobo podatkov (Joncic in Zachar 2017, 31), ki v kombinaciji z belo površino (naravna barva apnenca, iz katerega so izdelani s tecki) onemogoca izdelavo ne le kvalitetnih posnetkov, t emvec kakršnihkoli posnetkov sploh. N agrobnike smo zato poskusile zasenciti, vendar se je svetloba od njihove površine še vedno odbijala tako mocno, da skener površine ni zaznal. Poskusile smo s skeniranjem ob manjši jakosti svetlobe, torej po soncnem zahodu oz. ob mra a b Slika 4. a • Primer odprtega oz. nezapolnjenega modela stecka (površina, ki ni bila zajeta tekom skeniranja je temnejše barve); b • Primer zaprtega oz. zapolnjenega modela srecka . a • An example of open oran unfilled cornbscone model (che surface chac was not covered during che scanning is darker ~ in color); b • Example of closed or filled combscone model. ~ ku in nadalje v temi, kar se je izkazalo za uspešno. Skeniranje v takšnih pogojih je potekalo brez vecjih problemov. Druga možnost izvedbe skeniranja steckov ob dnevni svetlobi bi bila, ce bi jih premazale s temnejšo barvo (npr. z v vodi razstopljenim ogljem), kar bi omililo blešcanje. V tem primeru bi bilo potrebno preveriti, kakšna barvila lahko uporabljamo, da na ta nacin ne poškodujemo spomenikov. Racunalniška obdelava Po terenskem delu je sledila osnovna racunal niška obdelava zajetih podatkov. To omogoca že programska oprema samega skenerja, za zah tevnejšo obdelavo pa se je, kot že omenjeno, pot rebno posluževati dodatnih programov, ki orno gocajo vecjo manipulacijo s podatki. Osnovni podatek skeniranja je oblak oz. množica tock definirana s tridimenzionalnimi koordinatami. S pomocjo programske opreme oblak tock preoblikujemo v poligonalni model (mesh), ki je\\ sestavljen iz množice trikotno oblikovanih ploskev. Gostota ploskev narekuje resolucijo 3D modela. Ta podatek nam služi za izdelavo konc • nega modela predmeta (sl. sb). Pri izdelavi mo- dela predmeta lahko izbiramo med dvema opci-:· :;:.:::::::= jama: nezapolnjen oz. odprt (ang. unwatertight) ali zapolnjen (ang. watertight) model (sl. 4). Pri slednjem program površine, ki niso bile zajete (l_ tekom skeniranja (manjkajoce površine oz. luknje), avtomaticno zapolni (sl. 46). Pri tem se je potrebno zavedati, da so te površine arbitrar- (l_ a b Slika 5. Milavici nekropola, enota 1: a • fotografija in b • 30 model srecka (cip psevdosarkofag oz. slemenjak z arhitekturnim okrasom ter z vitico in criliscnirn trakom). Milavici cemecery, unit 1: a • phoco and b • 30 model of scecak (a pseudo-sarcophagus or gabled cype. wich archicectural decoracion and a cendril and a chree-leaf ribbon). ne, kar moramo upoštevati pri nadaljnji uporabi modela. Oblike datotek v katerih lahko shranimo 3D podatke in modele izdelane v programu skenerja so: .prj, .ase (separated), .ase (whole), .sel, .obj, .oly, .3mf in .p3. Prednost tridimenzionalnih modelov je v tem, da omogocajo opazovanje predmeta na drugacen nacin kot to pocnemo s fizicnim predmetom. Modelu lahko spreminjamo osvetlitev, barvo, dodajamo ali odvzemamo teksturo, obracamo, ipd. Doloceni reliefi na zgornji površini steckov so denimo že mocno poškodovani zaradi vpliva atmosferskih dejavnikov (erozija kamna), kar otežuje njihovo berljivost. Takšne površine enostavneje preberemo oz. prepoznamo prav iz tridimenzionalnega modela. Poleg tega nam ta omogoca dodatno raziskovanje spomenikov tudi po opravljenem terenskem delu ter kot tak predstavlja pomemben del dokumentacije najdišca. Obenem so tridimenzionalni modeli predmetov pomembni tudi z vidika njihovega predstavljanja širši zainteresirani javnosti tako v izvornem okolju, kot tudi drugje, recimo v tujini, kjer tovrstni spomeniki niso poznani. Služijo lahko kot podlaga za njihovo preucevanje, varovanje, promocijo ter predstavljanje, bodisi z izdelavo kopije ali kot virtualna vsebina. Rezultati skeniranja steckov Osem skeniranih steckov se nahaja na dveh najdišcih: Milavici v današnji obcini Bileca in Trebesin v današnji obcini Berkovici. Obe lokaciji sta v srednjem veku sodili v Župo Dabar. Milavici Pokopališce v Milavicih je v uporabi že vsaj zadnjih 650 let. Sodobni pokopi so skoncentrirani v osrednjem spodnjem delu pokopališca, medtem ko so srednjeveški stecki postavljeni v vecjem delu ograjenega pokopališca, še posebej v njegovem zahodnem delu. Danes je na tem pokopališcu ohranjenih 352, steckov (Pekic 2-005). Naše raziskave so se osredotocile na dve lokaciji znotraj pokopališca (obmocje 1000 in 2-000), in sicer na grobove s stecki v skrajnem JZ vogalu pokopališca (obmocje 1000) in na osrednji, dvignjeni del (obmocje 2000), kjer steckov ni bilo. 3D skeniranje je bilo opravljeno na nagrobnikih v obmocju 1000, ko so bili ti že premaknjeni s svojega originalnega mesta na zacasno odložišce izven pokopališca. Nagrobniki s pripadajocimi grobovi in pokopi so bili dokumentirani kot ena enota in tako smo torej arheološko raziskali enote I do 7. Pri teh enotah smo prvotno nagrobnike fotografirali z namenom, da z vnosom fotografij v Agisoft Metashape program izdelamo 3D modele nagrobnikov. Takšen format bi omogocil trajni posnetek tedanjega stanja vsakega posameznega stecka ter omogocil lažji dostop za preucevanje in analiziranje oblik, okrasov, napisov itd., torej za neomejeno napredovanje znanstvenega raziskovanja steckov. S fotogrametricnimi rezultati smo bili srednje zadovoljni, zato smo poskusili še s 3D skeniranjem. Pri prvih treh enotah je bil dokumentiran le prvi nadzemni element, tj. stecek prve enote (sl. 5), medtem ko so bile pri enotah 4 do 7 nadzemni elementi dokumentirani in skenirani, podzemni elementi pa tudi stratigrafsko izkopani, dokumentirani in vzorceni. Nadzemni del enote je vseboval kamniti nagrobnik, stecak, ter kamnite opore pod vogali in stranicami nagrobnika v obliki naravnooblikovanih kamnov. Vloga teh kamnov je bila zagotoviti staticno oporo stecku, da je ta ostal v bolj ali manj vodoravnem oz. prvotno zamišljenem položaju. Podzemni del enote je vseboval grobno jamo z grobno strukturo, znotraj katere je ležal skelet v iztegnjenem položaju. Grobna stuktura je bila v našem primeru sestavljena ali iz kamnitega suhega zidu v dveh vrstah, ali pa iz apnecastih naravnih plošc, ki so omejevale grobno kamro. Enake apnencaste plošce so bile uporabljene tudi za pokrov grobne kamre. Tridimenzionalno skeniranje se je izkazalo kot zelo uporabno, saj je ponudilo dokumentiranje z izredno visokim nivojem zajema informacij. Dobro vidne dekoracije na steckih so pridobile pri detajlih (enota 4, sl. 6), medtem ko so se na dveh nagrobnikih pokazali okrasi, ki so bili prostemu ocesu slabo vidni (enota 6; sl. 7b) ali celo nevidni. b a Slika 6. M ilavici nekropola, enota 4: a -fotografija; b-3D model srecka z dobro vidnimi dekoracijami. M ilavici cemetery, unit 4: a-a phocograph; b-a3D model of stecakwich well visibledecorations. a b Slika 7-M ilavici nekropola, enota 6: a-fotografija; b-3D model srecka z dobro vidnimi dekoracijami v obliki meca in šcita na zgornji površini. Milavici cemecery, unit 4: a-a photograph; b-a3D model of the combstonewith well-visibledecoracions in cheshape of a sword and shield on che upper surface. Tudi iz skeniranja globoko vrezanega napisa pališcu; napis, ki ga je prof. Vego (19626, 40, 41; na nagrobniku Bogdana Hateljevica (sl. 8; Pekic št. 93) datiral v konec 14. in zacetek 15. stoletja, 2005, 202; Caval, v tisku) smo pridobili nove inmedtem ko so kasnješe zgodovinske raziskave formacije, ki prej niso bile prepoznane. Ta nagpostavile napis v drugo polovico 14. stoletja, a robnik smo tridimenzionalno dokumentirali vsekakor pred leto 1390 (Pekic 2005, 202). Nazato, da ovekovecimo edini napis na tem poko-pis je edina dekoracija nagrobnika in se razpro a b a b 1~ -~-- Slika 8. Milavici nekropola, scecak Bogdana Haceljevica: a-focografija srecka z napisom; b -Vegov prepis (Vego r.962.b, 40, še . .93); c-3D skeni vseh štirih stranic z dobro vidnim napisom in novo odkrito peto vrstico na prvi stranici napisa. Milavici cemetery, scecak ofBogdan Haceljevic: a-a phocograph; 6-cranscripcion of che nscription by M. Vego (Vego r.962.b, 40, No . .93); c -a 3D model of the tombscone wich well-visible inscripcion and newly discovered fi fi:h line of inscripcion on the first side of the tombstone. stira na vseh štirih stranicah nagrobnika. Kljub globoko vrezanem napisu je skeniranje izlušcilo dodatno vrstico napisa, in sicer kot peto vrstico na prvi strani nagrobnika. Celoten napis se sedaj bere s k„ P\n.)gadany Hatelevi}y Rodi~a v evode slu~ ll dobri ~asy rodih se u dobra ' ctru' ini pr.ivo ~ine i t'.unrahy g(ospo)d(i)nt'.1 vamo skJ1e a sai rnl.tgf' sinove moi postavi{e mena«. V prevodu v današnji bosanski jezika pa» Ase leži Boga(!) dan Hateljevic R(a) d1, ,,Jvode luga.udobricasrodihseuDobre. U družin(i) pravo (prava?) cinje(h) i umreh g(ospo)d (i) nu vjrno služe(ci). A sai biljeg sinovi moji postavi.k meni (Vego r.962.b, 41; prof Radmilo Pekic ustna informacija) Trebesin Druga lokacija, kjer smo poskenirali dva stecka je Trebesin, zaselek vasi Klecki nad mestom Berkovici (Pekic 2005, 194-195, 202-203). Izven ograjenega srednjeveškega in novoveškega pravoslavnega pokopališca je nekaj razmetanih skupin skupno sedemnajstih steckov, ki dajejo vtis ovac, ki se pasejo okoli hiš. Prvi je bil prevrnjeni nagrobnik v obliki visokega slemenjaka na podstavku, mocno obrasel z grmovjem in ga je bilo zato težko dokumentirati (sl. 9). Zanimivo je, da v Vegovem opusu tega napisa ni, ga je pa objavil Šobajic (1954, 40) desetletje prej. Iz zelo težko berljivega epitafa je Šobajic lahko razbral le zacetek, ki sicer pravi »Ase le' i Raneua Pi}ovi}(y) bih(y) sluga«, oziroma »Ase leži Raenia Picovic bih sluga / .. ./«. Skenirana oblika napisa potrebuje dodatno obdelavo. Drugi skenirani nagrobnik je delno vkopan v zemljo in še bolj erodiran od prvega. V surovi digitalni obliki je zgornja stranica stecka še vedno težko berljiva, predvsem zaradi naravnih razpok in kHmatskih poškodb nagrobnika (sl. 10). Vseeno so vidni vrezani križi in poševni napis, ki do sedaj še ni bil ne registriran, ne prebran. Obe daljši stranici nagrobnika sta okrašeni z motivom žensk, ki plešejo kolo, ki je na vrhu stranice zakljuceno z viticnim in trolistnim trakom. Omenjeni trak se nadaljuje tudi na krajših stranicah, ki so hkrati okrašene še z živalsko figuraliko, morda predstavitve konj, kar pa je zaradi vkopanosti stecka v zemljo trenutno nevidno. a b a b o d Slika 9. Trebesin, scecek 1: a -fotografija; b • 30 model scecka z dobro vidnim napisom v razlicn ih vizualizacijah. Trebesin: a-a phocograph; 6-a 30 model of che combsconewich well-visible inscripcion in variousvisualisacions. • Slika 10. Trebesin, stecek 2: a -fotografija; b • 3 O model scecka z vidnim napisom in dekoracijami na vrhnji in scrans-kih stranicah. Trebesin: a-a photograph; 6-a30 model of the tombsconewich visible inscription and decoracions on the top and side surtaces. Vsi okrasi razen najglobljega križa so prostemu ocesu nevidni. Zakljucek Ocitno je, da je tridimenzionalno skeniranje v našem primeru prineslo izredno bogate informacije, ki jih sicer ne bi bilo mogoce zajeti. Tridimenzionalno modeliranje iz fotografij se je sicer izkazalo za bogatejši podatkovni paket od samega branja informacij samo iz fotografij, a 3D skeniranje z rocnim skenerjem je neprimerno bolj natancna tehnika. Znotraj institucij, ki dokumentirajo, varujejo, vrednotijo, raziskujejo in interpretirajo kulturno dedišcino se z uporabo digitalizacije odpirajo nove obsežne možnosti raznovrstnega predstavljanja in interpretacije materialne kulture. Moderne tehnologije, kot na primer 3D skeniranje in modeliranje, so cedalje bolj dostopne in hkrati enostavne za uporabo. 3D skeniranje predstavlja pomemben element tudi pri muzejskem delu, saj je prvobitno poslanstvo muzejev varovanje in preucevanje premicne kultu.me dedišcine, in nato njeno pred-Q.._ stavljanje javnosti. Obe vlogi zahtevata dobro oz. popolno dokumentacijo predmetov, ki jo ta tehnika ponuja. Digitalna vsebina tako doku~tiranega predmeta ima izjemno dokumentar- no vrednost, ki jo lahko opredelimo znotraj treh osnovnih muzelaskih vidikov: varovanje, proucevanje, predstavljanje. Ker je ves arheološko pridobljen material predan v kuratorstvo muzeju, velja omeniti vlogo 3D informacij znotraj omenjenih treh vidikov. Varovanje: vse muzealije, ki so vpisane v inventarno knjigo muzeja imajo status spomenika in predstavljajo neprecenljivo dedišcino, ki jo moramo skrbno varovati. Muzealije so zato zavarovane za primere kraje, poškodovanja, požara in naravnih nesrec. V primeru poškodbe, kraje ali unicenja predmeta je kljucna zelo dobra dokumentacija, ki omogoca njegovo rekonstrukcijo, izdelavo kopije ali identifikacijo v primeru kraje. V tem primeru ima tridimezionalni model predmeta odlicno dokumentarno vrednost, ki parira originalu. Preucevanje: preucevanje predmetov kulturne dedišcine se v primeru digitalnih modelov lahko enostavno in hitro prenaša med napravami. Metoda 3D skeniranja je primerna dopolnilna tehnika preucevanju, saj lahko izdelan 3D model digitalno poljubno obracamo, osvetljujemo z razlicnih kotov, povecamo ali pomanjšamo, in tudi natisnemo. Pri tem se moramo zavedati tudi pomanjkljivosti, ki jih digitalna oblika predmeta ima. Te se kažejo predvsem pri dolocanju strukture materialov, barvnih tonov ter teže in velikosti muzealij. Predstavljanje: Z ustrezno racunalniško obdelavo 3D modelov predmetov lahko pridemo do atraktivnih in zanimivih predstavitev ter interpretacij. 3D modeli predmetov se lahko uporabijo v animacijah, koc na primer predstavitev njihove postopne izdelave ali pa arheološkega postopka izkopa predmeta. Uporabijo se lahko v hologramih, ki pogosto služijo kot nadomestilo za originalne predmete, predvsem na obcasnih razstavah. Prav tako je na ta nacin olajšano predstavljanje vecjih predmetov, ki jih muzeji hranijo v depojih ali pa so, kot je to primer steckov, ohranjeni in situ. V kombinaciji s 3D tiskom predmetov za potrebe prakticnega pristopa pa približamo kulturno dedišcino tako otrokom koc tudi slepim in slabovidnim obiskovalcem muzejev. 3D dokumentiranje kulturne dedišcine torej prispeva k boljši dostopnosti kulture ranljivim skupinam, vpliva na pozitivnejše muzejske izkušnje vseh segmentov obiskovalcev, širi obzorje muzejskih delavcev in vzpodbuja splošno vkljucenost javnosti cer senzibilizira splošno javnost za položaj ranljivih skupin v družbi. Glede na podatke, ki nam jih tridimenzionalno skeniranje posreduje, ima ta tehnika izredno pozitivno prihodnost ne le v muzeologiji in raziskovanju, temvec tudi veliko širše. V pri hodnosti nameravamo to tehniko uporabiti na vseh steckih, ki bodo del arheoloških izkopavanj. V primerjavi s financnim zalogajem, ki ga nakup rocnega 3D skenerja zagotovo predstavlja, je vrednost pridobljenih informacij vsekakor neprimerljivo vecja, saj skeniranje prakticno zamrzne trenutno stanje predmeta in tako omogoci casovno neomejeno raziskovanje, analiziranje, in manipulacijo pridobljenih informacij. Zahvala Avtorice se zahvaljujejo študentkam in študentom ter kolegicam in kolegom, ki so sodelovali pri izkopavanjih v Milavicih leta 2.019, še posebej dr. Alessandri Cianciosi in dr. Krishu Seetah, kolegicama Prof. Ljubici Srdic in Ljiljani Vrucinic in Republiškega Zavoda za ohranjevanje zgodovinske, kulturne in naravne dedišcine Banja Luka, BiH, ter zgodovinarju Prof. Radmilu Pekicu za pomoc, svetovanje in vzpodbudo pri raziskavah steckov in uporabi novih tehnik dokumentiranja kulturne dedišcine. Summary Digical daca capture is becoming an increasingly important part of documencing, scudying, and presencing archaeological hericage. Wich che developmenc of chree-dimensional digicizacion, chis technique is becoming more accessible and presenc in che documencacion and presencacion of archaeological objeccs. 3D scanning is especially suicable for objects with various relieffeatures, such as ornamencs or inscriptions, which are ofcen difficulc to idencify or read due co che ageing processes of che objecc. This is che reason why we cest ed che mechod on medieval tombstones in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Three-dimensional models of che stecci tombstones were made usi ng two techniques: phocogrammecry and 3D scanning. For scanning, we useda porcable scanner EinScan Pro 2.X Plus (Mulcifunctional Handheld 3D Scanner) based on struccure lighc cechnology. The scanner projects a series oflinear lighc patterns on an objecc, che camera records chem and a sofcware chan calculaces che distance of each poinc in che pactern The result of a scanning process is a poinc doud, which can be furcher processed. The eighr srecci rhar were scanned in rhis pilot case srudy originared from rwo sires: from Milavici, an over 650 years old orrhodox cemerery wirh 352 srecci, and stili in use. where we scanned six rombsrones, and Trebesin, a smaller site wirh 17 srecci, from which cwo were scanned. Since che scanner is highly sensicive to lighr dara, which in a combinarion wirh rhe whice surface (limestone) prevenrs che produccion of qualiry images or any images at ali, rhe fieldwork was conducted ah:er sunser and furrher in dark. The fieldwork was followed by basic computer processing of che captured data.1his is already made possible by rhe scanner's soh:ware itself. yet for more complex processing it is necessary to use additional soh:ware chat enable greater dara manip ulation. The file formars in which we can store 3D dara and models created in che scanner program are: .prj .. ase (separated) .. ase (whole), .sel .. obj .. oly, -3m( and .p3. The advanrage of eh ree-dimensional models is chat they allow us to observe an object in a different way rhan we do wirh a physical objecr. The model can be changed lighcing, colour, add or subrract texrure, turn, etc. Certain reliefs on rhe upper surface of che stecak tombstones, for example, are already severely damaged due to rhe influence of atrnospheric faccors (stone erosion), which makes cheir readability difnculc. Such surfac es are easier to read from the rhree-dimensional model. In addition, it allows us to explore monuments further even ah:er rhe fieldwork and, as such, represenrs an integral pare of che documenrarion of che site. (Simultaneously, chree-dimensional models arealso significanr for rheir presentarion to che broader interesred public, boch in the original environmenr and elsewhere. They can serve asa basis for cheir srudy, protecrion, promotion, and presentation, either by making a copy or vir rual conrenr. A simple glance ar che resulcs displays rhar chree-dimensional scanning in our case yielded extremely rich information chat would nor otherwise be identified and captured. Three-dimensional modelling from phocographs has proven robe a richer dara package chan jusr reading information from photographs alone, buc 3D scanning with a hand-held scanner is disproporrionally richer and more accurare with dara it teases our. 3D models enable detailed research, analysis, and manipulation of rhe obtained information in every sector dealingwith the culrural herirage. Povzetek Digitalno zajemanje podatkov postaja vse pomembnejši del dokumentiranja. preucevanja in predstavljanja arheološke dedišcine. Z razvojem tridimenzionalne digitalizacije je ta tehnika vse bolj dostopna in prisotna v dokumentaciji ter predstavitvi arheoloških predmetov. 3D skeniranje je še posebej primerno za predmete z razl i cnimi reliefnimi lastnostmi, kor so okras ali napisi, ki jih je zaradi staranja predmeta pogosto težko prepozna- ti ali prebrati. To je razlog, da smo metodo preizkusili na srednjeveških nagrobnikih v Bosni in Hercegovini. Tridimenzionalni modeli nagrobnikov (steckov) so bili narejeni z dvema tehnikama: fotogrametrijo in 3D skeniranjem. Za skeniranje smo uporabili prenosni skencir EinScan Pro 2.X Plus (vecnamenski rocni 3D skener). ki temelji na strukturni svetlobni tehnologiji. Opticni bralnik projicira vrsto linearnih svetlobnih vzorcev na predmet, kamera jih zabeleži in programska oprema iz-(\ racuna razdaljo vsake tocke v vzorcu. Rezultat postopka skeniranja je oblak tock, ki ga je mogoce nadalje obdelati. Osem steckov; ki so bili skenirani v tej pilotni študiji primera., izvira iz dveh krajev: iz Mi lavicev, vec kor 650 let ~;::::::;;;::::::::: starega pravoslavnega pokopališca s 352 srecki. ki Je še vedno v uporabi, na katerem smo pregledali šest nagrobnikov, in Trebesina, manjšega mesta s 17 srecki, kjer ,1 smo skenirali dva nagrobnika. Ker je opticn i bralnik zelo ~ obcutljiv na svetlobne podatke, kar v kombinaciji z belo površino (apnenec) preprecuje nastanek kakovostnih slik ali kakršnih koli slik, smo terensko delo izvajali po soncnem zahodu in kasneje v remi. Terenskemu delu jel_ sledila osnovna racunalniška obdelava zajetih podatkov. Obdelavo omogoca že sama programska oprema opticnega bralnika, vendar je za zahtevnejšo obdelavq;:i;reba uporabiti dodamo programsko opremo, ki omogoca vecjo manipulacijo s podatki. Formati datotek. v kate- re lahko shranimo 3D podatke in modele, ustvatjene v programu za opticni bralnik, so: .prj . . ase (loceno) , .ase (celo), .sd, .obj, .oly, .3mf in .p3. Prednost tridimenzionalnih modelov je, da nam omogocajo opazovanje predmeta na drugacen nacin kot pri fizicnem objektu. Modelu je mogoce spremeniti osvetlitev, barvo, dodati ali odvzeti teksturo itd. Nekateri reliefi na površini steckov so na primer že mocno poškodovani zaradi vpliva atmosferskih dejavnikov (erozija kamna), zaradi cesar so težko berljivi.Takšne povr šine je lažje razbrati iz tridimenzionalnega modela, ki nam poleg cega omogoca nadaljnje raziskovanje spomenikov tudi po terenskem delu in koc tak predstavlja sestavni del dokumentacije o lokaciji. Hkrati so tridimenzionalni modeli pomembni tudi za njihovo predscavicev širši zainteresirani javnosti, tako v prvotnem okolju koc drugod. Lahko so osnova za njihovo preucevanje, zašci to, promocijo in predscavicev, bodisi z izdelavo kopije oz. navidezne vsebine. Preprost pogled na rezultate pokaže, da je tridimenzionalno skeniranje v našem primeru dalo izredno bogate informacije, ki jih sicer ne bi mogli prepoznati in zajeti. Tridimenzionalno modeliranje na fotografijah se je izkazalo za bogatejši podatkovni paket kot samo branje informacij s fotografij, toda 30 skeniranje z rocnim opticnim bralnikom je nesorazmerno bogatejše in ponuja natancnejše podatke. 30 modeli omogocajo podrobnejše raziskave, analize in obdelavo pridobljenih informacij v vseh sektorjih, ki se ukvarjajo s kulturno de dišcino. Viri in literatura Ebrahim, M. A.-B. 2011.3D laser scanners. History, applications, and future. Assiut: Assiut University. https://doi. org/10.13140/2.1.3331.3284 Bešlagic, š. 1982. Stecci: kultura i umjetnost. Sarajevo: Veselin Masleša Bešlagic, Š. 2004. Leksikon stecaka. Sarajevo: Svjetlost. Caval, S., v tisku [2021]. 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"Datiranje natpisa na stecku Vukašina Dobrašinovica iz Konjskog kod Trebinja." Godišnjak Centra za balkanološka ispitivanja 39: 163-171. Lovrenovic, D. 2009. Stecci: bosansko i humsko mramorje srednjeg vijeka, Sarajevo: Rabic. Markotic, V 1990. "The political and administrative aspect of the medieval inscriptions in Bosnia and Hercegovina." journal of Croatian Studies 31: 87-98. Mužic, I. 2009. "Vlasi i starobalkanska pretkršanska simbolika jelena." Starohrvatska prosvjeta 3/36: 315-349. Nakaš, L. 2012. "Jeziki grafija revidiranih natpisa." V Bosanskohercegovacki slavisticki kongres l. Zbornik radova (Vol. 1), uredil Senahid Halilovic, 119-127. Sarajevo: Slavisticki komitet, Nakaš, L. 2018. "Pismo natpisa stecaka." Godišnjak Centra za Balkanaloška Ispitivanja 47: 177-191. Pekic, R. 2005. Župa Dabar u srednjem vijeku. Bileca: Prosvjeta. Purgaric-Kužic, B. 1996. "Dosadašnja istraživanja o steccima." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest 28(1): 242-53. Shining 3D. 2018. 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Zbornik srednjovjekovnih natpisa BiH I. Izdanja Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu. Sarajevo: Zemaljski muzej. Vego, M. 19626. Zbornik srednjovjekovnih natpisa BiH II. Izdanja Zemaljskog muzeja • u Sarajevu. Sarajevo: Zemaljski muzej. Vego, M. 1964. Zbornik srednjovjekovnih natpisa BiH III. Izdanja Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu. Sarajevo: Zemaljski muzej. Vego, M. 1970. Zbornik srednjovjekovnih natpisa BiH TV. Izdanja Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu. Sarajevo: Zemaljski muzej. Vražalica, E. 2018. "Bosancica u cirilicnoj paleografiji i njen status u filološkoj nauci." Književni jezik 29: 7-27. Wenzel, M. 1962. "Bosnian and Herzegovinian tombstones -who made them and why." Sudost Forschungen 21: 102-143. Miinchen: de Gruyter Oldenbourg. Wenzel, M. 1965. Ornamenta! motifs on Tombstones ftom Medieval Bosnia. Sarajevo: Veselin Masleša. Wenzel, M. 1999. Bosnian Style in Metalwork and Tombstones. Sarajevo: Sarajevo Publishing. Zachar,J., Horna.k, M. in P. Novakovic:, ur. 2017. 3D digital recording oj archaeological, architectural and artistic heritage. CONPRA Series, Vol. I., Ljubljana: Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete. Studia um11ersittttis hereditati je humaniHicna znamtvena revija za raziskave in teorijo kulturne dedi,šcine z mednarodnim uredni.~kim odborom. Objavlja znanstvene in strokovne clanke s šidega podrocja kulturne dedišcine (arheologija, arhitektura, etnologija, jezikoslovje, literarna, kulturna, glasbena, intelektualna, religijska, vojaška zgodovina, zgodovina idej itn.) in pregledne clanke ter recenzije tako domacih kot tujih monografij z omenjenih podrocij. Revija izhaja dvakrat letno. Izdajata jo f:1kulteta za humanisticne študije (Oddelek za arheologijo in dedišcino) inZtt!oib11 Uniz,erze Jkl Primorskem. Poglavitni namen revije je prispevati k razvoju raziskav kulturne dedišcine. v najširfrm in k topog!ednemu interdisciplinarnemu pristopu k teoreticnim in prakticnim raziskovalnim vprafanjem. Tako revija posebno pozornost namenja razvoju slovemke znanHvene in Hrokovne terminologije, konceptov in paradigem na podrocju raziskovanja kulturne dedišcine v okviru humanisticnih ved. Naslov urednifttw Studia universittttis heredit11ti, uredni.~ki odbor/ editorial board i:akulretaza humanisticne študije Univerze na Primorskem, Titov trg 5, S1•6000 Koper suh.editorial@fhs.upr.si Navodila za avtorje Guidelines for authors Norme redazionali