<?xml version="1.0"?><rdf:RDF xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:edm="http://www.europeana.eu/schemas/edm/" xmlns:wgs84_pos="http://www.w3.org/2003/01/geo/wgs84_pos" xmlns:foaf="http://xmlns.com/foaf/0.1/" xmlns:rdaGr2="http://rdvocab.info/ElementsGr2" xmlns:oai="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/" xmlns:owl="http://www.w3.org/2002/07/owl#" xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#" xmlns:ore="http://www.openarchives.org/ore/terms/" xmlns:skos="http://www.w3.org/2004/02/skos/core#" xmlns:dcterms="http://purl.org/dc/terms/"><edm:WebResource rdf:about="http://www.dlib.si/stream/URN:NBN:SI:doc-P5UKXE0T/4698b85d-75e5-446a-80a2-45251b01a87a/PDF"><dcterms:extent>254 KB</dcterms:extent></edm:WebResource><edm:WebResource rdf:about="http://www.dlib.si/stream/URN:NBN:SI:doc-P5UKXE0T/3f0c2855-b94f-4b1e-a89b-d5587fbe7bcf/TEXT"><dcterms:extent>54 KB</dcterms:extent></edm:WebResource><edm:TimeSpan rdf:about="1965-2025"><edm:begin xml:lang="en">1965</edm:begin><edm:end xml:lang="en">2025</edm:end></edm:TimeSpan><edm:ProvidedCHO rdf:about="URN:NBN:SI:doc-P5UKXE0T"><dcterms:isPartOf rdf:resource="https://www.dlib.si/details/URN:NBN:SI:spr-ETPSIC7M" /><dcterms:issued>2017</dcterms:issued><dc:creator>Fuszara, Małgorzata</dc:creator><dc:format xml:lang="sl">številka:2</dc:format><dc:format xml:lang="sl">letnik:54</dc:format><dc:format xml:lang="sl">str. 317-336, 423-424</dc:format><dc:identifier>ISSN:0040-3598</dc:identifier><dc:identifier>COBISSID_HOST:34927709</dc:identifier><dc:identifier>URN:URN:NBN:SI:doc-P5UKXE0T</dc:identifier><dc:language>en</dc:language><dc:publisher xml:lang="sl">Visoka šola za politične vede</dc:publisher><dcterms:isPartOf xml:lang="sl">Teorija in praksa</dcterms:isPartOf><dc:subject xml:lang="sl">kvote</dc:subject><dc:subject xml:lang="en">Poland</dc:subject><dc:subject xml:lang="en">Political representation</dc:subject><dc:subject xml:lang="sl">Politično predstavništvo</dc:subject><dc:subject xml:lang="sl">Poljska</dc:subject><dc:subject xml:lang="en">Suffrage</dc:subject><dc:subject xml:lang="sl">Volilna pravica</dc:subject><dc:subject xml:lang="en">woman</dc:subject><dc:subject xml:lang="en">Women</dc:subject><dc:subject xml:lang="sl">Ženske</dc:subject><dc:subject xml:lang="sl">žensko gibanje</dc:subject><dcterms:temporal rdf:resource="1965-2025" /><dc:title xml:lang="sl">Poland| a success story?| political history of introducing gender quota in post-communist Poland|</dc:title><dc:description xml:lang="sl">Thanks to their own activity and the organised women's movement, women in Poland obtained voting rights quite early, in 1918. However, before the introduction of the quota, women's share on electoral lists never exceeded 23%, even in communist times. During the post-1989 systemic transition the share of women in parliament actually dropped to 10-13%, leading women to repeatedly strive to introduce a quota-based system. Gender-neutral quotas of 35% were introduced as late as 2011 thanks to the enormous mobilisation of women and women's NGOs, particularly the Women's Congress (Kongres Kobiet). Since then we have seen a slow but steady increase in women's share of the lower house (Sejm) to 27%. In the upper house (Senat), elected under a majority system, the share of women is much lower (13%) and has not changed. Discourse regarding the quota system has made women's presence in politics an important political issue. Before the 2015 elections Poland's prime minister was a woman, and the elections led to another woman being appointed to this post. However, the party that won those elections had opposed gender quotas on electoral lists, which may represent a threat to the future of the gender quota system in Poland</dc:description><dc:description xml:lang="sl">Zaradi lastne angažiranosti in organiziranega ženskega gibanja so ženske na Poljskem dobile volilno pravico precej zgodaj, tj. leta 1918. Pa vendar pred uvedbo spolnih kvot delež žensk na kandidatnih listah ni nikoli presegel 23 odstotkov, niti v obdobju komunizma. V času sistemskih sprememb, po letu 1989, je delež žensk v parlamentu močno upadel na 10-13 odstotkov. Zato so ženske večkrat poskusile vpeljati kvotni sistem. Spolno nevtralna 35-odstotna kvota je bila sprejeta pozno, šele leta 2011, in še to zaradi široke mobilizacije žensk in ženskih nevladnih organizacij, še posebej Ženskega kongresa (Kongres Kobiet). Od takrat je videti počasno, a konstantno zviševanje deleža žensk v spodnjem domu (senatu), vse do 27 odstotkov. V zgornjem domu, v katerega se voli po večinskem sistemu, je delež žensk precej nižji (13 odstotkov) in se ni spremenil. Po razpravah o spolnih kvotah je prisotnost žensk v politiki postalo pomembno politično vprašanje. Pred volitvami leta 2015 je bila na mestu poljskega predsednika vlade ženska in na to mesto je bila tudi po tem imenovana ženska. Toda volitve je tega leta dobila stranka, ki je na kandidatnih listah nasprotovala spolnim kvotam, kar lahko predstavlja grožnjo za prihodnost spolnih kvot na Poljskem</dc:description><edm:type>TEXT</edm:type><dc:type xml:lang="sl">znanstveno časopisje</dc:type><dc:type xml:lang="en">journals</dc:type><dc:type rdf:resource="http://www.wikidata.org/entity/Q361785" /></edm:ProvidedCHO><ore:Aggregation rdf:about="http://www.dlib.si/?URN=URN:NBN:SI:doc-P5UKXE0T"><edm:aggregatedCHO rdf:resource="URN:NBN:SI:doc-P5UKXE0T" /><edm:isShownBy rdf:resource="http://www.dlib.si/stream/URN:NBN:SI:doc-P5UKXE0T/4698b85d-75e5-446a-80a2-45251b01a87a/PDF" /><edm:rights rdf:resource="http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/" /><edm:provider>Slovenian National E-content Aggregator</edm:provider><edm:intermediateProvider xml:lang="en">National and University Library of Slovenia</edm:intermediateProvider><edm:dataProvider xml:lang="sl">Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za družbene vede</edm:dataProvider><edm:object rdf:resource="http://www.dlib.si/streamdb/URN:NBN:SI:doc-P5UKXE0T/maxi/edm" /><edm:isShownAt rdf:resource="http://www.dlib.si/details/URN:NBN:SI:doc-P5UKXE0T" /></ore:Aggregation></rdf:RDF>