ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
457
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER:
FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN
Darko DAROVEC
University of Maribor, Faculty of Arts, 
Koroška 160, 2000 Maribor, Slovenia
e-mail: darko.darovec@um.si
Institute IRRIS for Research, Development and Strategies of Society, Culture and Environment, 
Čentur 1f, 6273 Marezige, Slovenia
e-mail: darko.darovec@irris.eu
ABSTRACT
On the case of the literary tale of Fran Levstik, Martin Krpan (1858), the article il-
luminates Levstik’s political agenda and literary implementation of the outlaw hero, Martin 
Krpan, for the needs of Slovenia’s nation-building process, a phenomenon that was charac-
teristic of almost all emerging European nations at the time. An analysis of Levstik’s Martin 
Krpan reveals a unique phenomenon that was tailored to a specific program: namely, the 
conscious desire to create a national literary character that would constitute a foundation 
for both further literary creation and the national political struggle. Levstik was the most 
prominent writer among the emerging Slovenian intellectual class in the second half of the 
19th century. The value of his tale resides in its merging of mythical and literary narra-
tives into a functionally connected organism, the simultaneity of “historical” and “non-
historical” elements, and the interaction between symbolic and real ambiguities. Levstik’s 
structure for both his literary-political program and his tale about Martin Krpan originates 
in historical realities and cultural memory of the 15th and 16th centuries: economic (trans-
portation), social (peasant revolts), and political (defense against the Ottoman Turks). Lev-
stik combines these elements with the fundamentals of folkloric and ethno-symbolic cultural 
heritage of that period. In Martin Krpan, Levstik skillfully conceals “historical realities” 
behind metaphors and symbolism, which is typical of myths. In this way, he provides a 
path toward the realization of national political ambitions. But the “real” myth Levstik 
created was more than simply that of Martin Krpan and his adventures. It was more than an 
argument for the historical origin or vocation of a nation, the defense of the civilization, or 
the demand for political rights or mimetic narrative prose, i.e. the ability to create a virtual 
real world. The “real” myth of the literary tale was the elevation of the Slovenian language 
to the essential distinguishing and constitutive element of the Slovenian nation-building 
process in comparison with the “Other(s).” 
Keywords: Fran Levstik, Martin Krpan, mythmaker, outlaw hero, national myths, nation 
and state building, cultural memory, slovenian language, 19th century
Received: 2021-01-15                            DOI 10.19233/AH.2021.20
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
458
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
CREATORE DI MITI DELLA FORMAZIONE NAZIONALE SLOVENA:
IL MARTIN KRPAN DI FRAN LEVSTIK
SINTESI
Basandosi sul racconto letterario sloveno Martin Krpan z Vrha (1858) di Fran Levstik, 
l’articolo si propone di far luce sull’agenda politica dell’autore, sul suo tempo e sulla 
creazione letteraria di un eroe originario sloveno ai fini della formazione nazionale, non 
diversamente da quanto stava avvenendo in quel periodo in molte altre nazioni emergenti 
europee. L’analisi di quest’opera documenta un processo storico e culturale significativo: 
una volontà programmatica e consapevole di realizzare una figura letteraria nazionale 
che possa fungere da base sia per la creazione letteraria che per la lotta politica (nazio-
nale). Levstik fu tra i primi e più importanti letterati dell’emergente classe intellettuale 
slovena della seconda metà dell’Ottocento. Il merito del suo racconto sta nell’unione 
della narrazione mitica e di quella letteraria, in un insieme organico che rende possibile 
una stretta contiguità tra lettura «storica» e «non storica», un intreccio di polisemia 
simbolica e reale. Levstik traeva ispirazione per l’intera struttura del proprio programma 
letterario-politico e per il racconto dell'eroe fuorilegge Martin Krpan dagli eventi storici 
e dalla memoria culturale del Quattro e Cinquecento, dalla storia economica (trasporto), 
sociale (le rivolte contadine) e politica (la difesa dai turchi ottomani), amalgamandoli 
con talune caratteristiche del patrimonio culturale folclorico ed etnico-simbolico del pe-
riodo. Le «realtà storiche», tipiche dei miti, e le «verità storiche» sono nel suo racconto 
abilmente celate dietro il velo della metafora e dei simboli, indicando la strada verso la 
lotta politica (nazionale). Ma il «vero» mito che Levstik voleva creare fu la lingua slovena 
stessa. E infatti, la lingua e la cultura a essa associata furono due essenziali elementi 
distintivi e costitutivi del processo della costruzione della nazione e dello Stato sloveni 
rispetto «all’Altro (agli Altri)».
Parole chiave: Fran Levstik, Martin Krpan, creatore di miti, eroe fuorilegge, miti nazio-
nali, formazione nazionale e statale, memoria culturale, lingua slovena, Ottocento
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
459
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
INTRODUCTION
This paper1 will reveal how cultural memory of smuggling and peasant 
revolts, and their historiographical traditions, influenced the emergence of 
a literary tale that over time has been transformed into a national myth with 
which the Slovenian people have identified since its emergence in the mid-19th 
century. I’m referring to Martin Krpan z Vrha by the Slovenian writer Fran 
Levstik (1831–1887) first published in 1858.2 The intention of this paper is to 
put forward a complex interpretation of this literary work that still stirs the ima-
gination thirty years after the creation of the independent Slovenian state (1991) 
– an event that also included revolt as one of its constitutive elements. However, 
we will not bring contemporary symbols of nation building into the discussion 
at this point. Rather, we will first discuss how Slovenian writers participated in 
the nation-building process during the second half of the 19th century. Levstik 
created a national myth was more than simply outlaw hero Martin Krpan and 
his adventures, the creation of an original hero of the Slovenian nation as an 
argument for the historical origin or vocation of a nation (the defense of the 
civilization, or the demand for political rights), but especially the elevation of 
the Slovenian language to the essential distinguishing and constitutive element 
of the Slovenian nation-building process. 
The Slovenian social sciences and humanities have already dedicated much 
attention to Lestvik’s legendary tale about Martin Krpan. As with any other re-
cognized and established literary work, this one – with its particular interpretive 
power and symbolism – also supports a range of interpretations and reinter-
1 This paper is the result of research carried out in the research project Cultural Memory of 
Slovene Nation and State Building (ARRS, J6-9354), in the research project Social functions 
of fairy tales (ARRS J6-1807) and in the research program The past of North-eastern Slovenia 
among Slovenian historical lands and in interaction with the European neighbourhood (ARRS, 
P6-0138), funded by the Slovenian Research Agency (ARRS). My thanks to Edward Muir, 
Nancy Wingfield, Furio Bianco, Vanesa Matajc and Darja Mihelič as well as the anonymous 
reviewers for their comments.
2 In recent years, characters and metaphors related to Martin Krpan have been used for various 
marketing purposes in Slovenia. The competition for the strongest Slovenian man (http://www.
martinkrpan.si/default.asp) is named after Krpan along with companies, pubs, shops, streets, an 
elementary school, a gallery, a fitness club, a sports program, a pop ensemble, and a number of 
products ranging from pâté to a bus, a snow cannon, and even a dredger in the Port of Koper. 
Translations into: English: Martin Krpan, 1960 (http://www.dedi.si/virtualna-knjiga/15512) and 
2004 (translated by Erica Johnson Debeljak); Esperanto: Martin Krpan z Vrha, 1954; Croatian: 
Martin Krpan, 1949; Italian: Martin Krpan, 1983; Hungarian: Martin Krpan, 1963; Macedonian: 
Martin Krpan, 1965; German: Martín Krpán, 1960; Russian: Martin Krpan : slovenskaja narod-
naja povest´, 2001; Slovakian: Martin Krpan z Vrhcu, 1950; Serbian: Martin Krpan, 1939; Swed-
ish: Martin Krpan från Vrh, 2004. In 1954, the expressionist painter Tone Kralj created a series 
of large full-page color illustrations of the story. His picture book, reprinted thirteen times, is 
now the most recognizable image of Martin Krpan. The 1954 edition is quoted in this article 
(translated by Luka Hrvatin and the author). Cf. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Martin_Krpan and 
https://sl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Martin_Krpan_z_Vrha.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
460
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
pretations, including historical, literary-historical, and other interdisciplinary 
interpretations that sometimes contradict each other.3
Arriving on the heels of the romantic poet France Prešeren (1800–1849) who al-
ready laid strong foundations in the field of poetry, Levstik belongs to a generation 
of Slovenian writers who made significant accomplishments in terms of increasing 
the recognition of Slovenian prose. Just as Prešeren followed contemporary Euro-
pean artistic trends of his time, so too did Levstik in his literary creation. In this 
sense, his artistic program was closely in line with Slovenia’s first organized politic 
movement known as Zedinjena Slovenija (United Slovenia), which began in 1848. 
This movement was part of simultaneous German, Italian, Hungarian, Southern 
Slav – and indeed pan-European – political efforts to establish national states.4 
The literary tale includes both historical facts and the mythical and symbolic 
analogies of a multi-layered archaic folk tale, which combined, became both a 
national mythical image and part of the literary-political program of a national 
awakening in accordance with the author’s intentions. This work was followed by 
those of the most important Slovenian writers of the second half of the 19th century 
– Josip Jurčič, Ivan Tavčar, Janko Kersnik, Anton Aškerc,5 Fran Saleški Finžgar, 
and Ivan Cankar – who together created the foundation of Slovenian statehood: 
namely, the expressiveness of the standardized Slovenian language.
I.
My father once told me that the literary hero and smuggler from the literary tale 
Martin Krpan, first published in 1858 and now known to all Slovenians, illustrates 
the centuries-old role the Slovenian territory played in the defense of Christian ci-
vilization, and particularly the Habsburgs (Vienna), against the Ottoman Turks. My 
father was in his final year of law school in Ljubljana when the Second World War 
broke out. However, when I began research on this subject, I discovered that despite 
its numerous representations, the literary tale of Martin Krpan has in fact never been 
interpreted as a work that “defends religion,” a common myth in many Southeastern 
European countries, including the Bosnian enclave, which built its mythical heroes 
on the “defense of Islam”. The French theologian Bernard of Clairvaux among the 
3 I would like to emphasize the following works in this extensive bibliography: Slodnjak, 1931; Orel, 
1931; Logar & Ocvirk, 1933; Koblar, 1933; Vidmar, 1951; Levstik, 1952; Tomaževič, 1958; Mahnič, 
1958; Vilfan, 1962; Vilfan, 1963; Pogačnik, 1977; Paternu, 1978; Kocijan, 1979; Skušek, 1980; 
Žižek, 1980; Kos, 1982; Mitrović, 1982; Močnik, 1994, 199–201; Velikonja, 1996; Košuta, 1996; 
Pogačnik, 1999; Hladnik, 2002; Simoniti, 2003, 77–78, 316; Kmecl, 2004, 140–159; Trobič, 2005; 
Baskar , 2008, 75–92; Jazbec, 2009; Čeh, 2021. 
4 For a thorough study on the forms and collective ideas that influenced the formation of national collective 
consciousness, cf. Smith, 1999. On p. 60, he notes: “By 1800, most of Western Europe was caught in the ro-
mantic quest for origins; by 1850, it has spread to Eastern Europe, and during the next century was diffused 
to Asia and Africa.” On influeces of the three nineteenth-century nation building writers, Slovenia’s France 
Prešeren, Denmark’s Hans Christian Andersen, and Iceland’s Jónas Hallgrímsson, cf. Helgason (2011).
5 Cf. recent work of Darja Mihelič (2021).
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
461
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
first used the term Antemurale Christianitatis in 1143 when describing a Frankish 
garrison defending the town of Edessa (present-day Sanliurfa, Turkey) the Seljuk 
Muslims, but the metaphor of the bulwark was also known in Croatian and Serbian 
medieval literature. It was, and remains, part of the process of Croatian state building.6
Fran Levstik (1831–1887), the author of the Slovenian literary tale Martin 
Krpan (Levstik, 1858a), would certainly have found examples of the antemurale 
myth in neighboring Slavic countries, especially in folk literature about hajduks 
and uskoks, the popular outlaw folk heroes from Western Balkans (cf. Wolff, 2001). 
In folk songs, hajduks and uskoks are described as brave men defending justice and 
punishing injustice.7 
One special characteristic of the literary tale of Martin Krpan that has yet to be 
properly interpreted is that the author, Fran Levstik, represents a true example of 
a mythmaker.  The literary tale follows a specific literary and political program: to 
create a character for the Slovenian nation-building process. Levstik realized that 
the territory mostly inhabited by Slovenian-speaking people in 19th century did not 
yet have a common heroic character 8 needed for the formation of “an imaginary 
community,” as Benedict Anderson clearly presents the phenomenon of the creation 
of national states, especially in his explanation of the role of the press (in particular 
periodicals) and intellectuals in the nation-building and state-building process 
(Anderson, 1991, 67–82)9. 
We can assume that Levstik was well aware of the fact that the mythic images that 
play a decisive role in community identity formation are usually constructed from in-
dividual characters portraying folk heroes, precisely because they fall into the category 
of the origin myths (Eliade, 1963, 8–18). Furthermore, it should be emphasized that 
Levstik’s conscious choice of an outlaw hero character was no doubt made on the basis 
6 For this discussion, I would like to point out two collections of scientific papers edited by Pål Kolstø 
(2005; 2014). The articles offer in-depth comparative interpretations and interdisciplinary analyses 
of symbolic state-building in Albania and the former republics of Yugoslavia, with the exception of 
Slovenia. The articles from the 2005 edition are especially interesting for our topic: Ivo Žanić, 2005; 
Vjekoslav Perica, 2005 and Bojan Aleksov, 2005.
7 The most famous hajduks are Starina Novak, Mijat Tomić (both from Bosnia), Stari Vujadin (from 
Livno), Bajo Pivljanin and Mali Radojica (from Dalmatia), Kostreš Harambaša (from Udbina), and, 
in the 19th century, Hajduk Veljko (from the Negotin area) and Stanoje Glavaš (from Smederevska 
Palanka). The base of the uskoks was initially Klis Fortress, conquered by the Turks in 1537, then Senj 
in Austrian territory, and Ravni Kotari in Venetian territory. In Croatian uskok songs, the heroic deeds 
of Ivo Senjanin, Tadija Senjanin, and Đuro Daničić are praised, while songs about uskoks from Ravni 
Kotari are more likely to address Od Zadara Todor, Petar Smiljanić, Stojan Janković, Ilija Smiljanić, 
Vuk Mandušić, and Ilija Mitrović. Muslim heroic songs from the Bosnian Frontier (Bosanska Krajina) 
feature similar motifs: Mustajbeg of Lika, Alija Đerzelez, Mujo Hrnjica and his brother Halil, Alija 
Bojičić, Budalina Tale, and Dizdarević Meho appearing as heroes in these epic poems (Jurančič, 1959, 
169). Similar characters portraying folk heroes are also present in the literature and folk literature of 
other Southeastern European countries (Maretić, 1966; Mijatović, 1974; Stanojevič, 1973).
8 On the concept of character that also has value in aesthetics, cf. Komel, 2011, 95–101.
9 Anderson’s findings were developed by Smith (1999), a study that was an important reference work 
for this paper. 
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
462
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
of his ethnographic field research (Slodnjak, 1931; Mahnič, 1958). He discovered that 
the historical role of the outlaw hero (smuggler, in this case of salt) – who enjoyed a 
degree of support from his community – was already very much present in Slovenian 
folk literature, which had only started to be written during that period.10 In making 
his choice of outlaw hero as the main character of the literary tale,11 he also took into 
consideration the folk literature from other Southeastern countries. Levstik was also 
inspired by works from Western Europe, particularly from the 18th century when many 
myths and legends were created, some of them based on real historical episodes when 
individual smugglers were transformed into folk heroes. A typical representative of this 
type of hero is the French smuggler Mandrin from the mid-18th century.12 Smuggling 
became a popular topic in various literary genres, folk songs, and, last but not least, 
national mythologisations. Moreover, renowned smugglers sometimes became deeply 
implicated and involved in the processes of state formation and consolidation (Gallant, 
1999, 26–27, 51), and their rebellion became a synonym for civil bourgeois revolution 
embodying freedom and equality within the economic framework and fraternity of 
the community. In contrast, the dominant character of the folk hero in Southeastern 
Europe during the 19th century was associated both with the defense of “religion” and 
the outlaw hero.
This type of outlaw hero belongs to the so-called social banditry, a phenomenon 
brilliantly presented by Eric Hobsbawm in Bandits.13 In this study he demonstrates how 
myths about outlaw heroes are structured. Graham Seal’s book The Outlaw Legend 
(Seal, 1996)14 is also of interest as a methodological and theoretical reference work 
that traces the development of the outlaw hero myth (personified above all by Robin 
Hood) in English, American, and Australian cultures. Historians criticized Hobsbawm’s 
treatise: they argued that it is dangerous for historiographers to draw conclusions solely 
on the basis of folk tales, and claimed that the real bandits, around which such legends 
were created, were violent and bloodthirsty. The critics often tried to prove their point 
with individual cases and actual historical documents.15 However, their criticism did 
not diminish the importance of Hobsbawm’s study because it essentially ignored the 
basic concept Hobsbawm elaborated, as well as his detailed discussion about why in-
dividual bandits were transformed into legends or myths. Hobsbawm also emphasizes 
the universality of the phenomenon: 
10 More extensive collections of folk literature were collected and recorded only by Štrekelj (1895–1923).
11 It is worth noting in this regard that Jacob Grimm, one of the most ardent admirers of Serbian and Croatian 
folk poetry, wrote a letter to Vuk Stefanović Karadžić in 1822 claiming that “there is not and will not be any 
nation with songs like these.” (Jurančič, 1959, 138)
12 Mandrin united a band of more than two hundred smuggler-rebels who, among other things, demanded 
social change. For this reason above all, Mandrin was praised as a hero for more than a century afterwards. 
Cf. Fonvieille, 1995; Lusebrink, 1979.
13 Hobsbawm first published the book Primitive Rebels in 1959, with subtitle Studies in Archaic Forms of So-
cial Movement in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Also due to criticism from some scholars, he supplemented 
this study with the work Bandits (1969). Here I quote the revised 1981 edition.
14 Cf. also Kooistra, 1989, and the extensive literature listed there. 
15 Cf. Slatta, 2004, 22–30, with the list of essential literature by critics of Hobsbawm’s concept of social banditry.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
463
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Social banditry of this kind is one of the most universal social phenomena known 
to history, and one of the most amazingly uniform. Practically all cases belong to 
two or three clearly related types, and the variations within these are relatively 
superficial. What is more, this uniformity is not the consequence of cultural dif-
fusion, but the reflection of similar situations within peasant societies, whether 
in China, Peru, Sicily, the Ukraine, or Indonesia. Geographically it is found 
throughout the Americas, Europe, the Islamic world, South and East Asia, and 
even Australia. Socially it seems to occur in all types of human societies that lie 
between the evolutionary phase of tribal and kinship organization, and modern 
capitalist and industrial society, but include the phases of disintegrating kinship 
society and transition to agrarian capitalism. (Hobsbawm, 1981, 18)
Fig. 1: Fresque de Mandrin Yves Morvan Brioude - Images 
of the Anti-Tax Smuggler Louis Mandrin (1725–1755) - the 
18thC French Robin Hood (Wikimedia Commons).
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
464
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Hobsbawm divides social banditry into three main forms: “[1] the noble robber or 
Robin Hood, [2] the primitive resistance fighter or guerrilla unit of what I shall call 
the haiduks, and [3] possibly the terror-bringing avenger.” (Hobsbawm, 1981, 20)
Outlaws and system of vengeance were deeply intertwined with each other 
and thus their outcomes often reflected the legal systems of the various political 
entities in Southeastern Europe especially during early modern period.16 The 
outlaw-hero phenomenon also reflects the importance of common law among 
the people, especially in comparison with the increasingly forceful scholarly 
or state law that began to prevail from the 16th century onward. Therefore, this 
discussion also requires some engagement with aspects of the opposing but 
interacting notions of “law” and “lore”. As Seal has stressed, “the argument is 
advanced that in those situations where the law of the state is found inadequate 
or oppressive certain individuals will revolt against the power of the state.” 
These outlaw individuals will be given the support of otherwise law-abiding 
citizens as long as they are seen to be operating in accordance with the moral 
code of the outlaw hero tradition, that is outside the “law” but inside the “lore”. 
Outbreaks of social banditry represent ideal circumstances for investigating this 
general proposition (Seal, 1996, XII).
According to maintain the respect, sympathy, and active support of his own 
social group, the outlaw hero must adhere to, or at least be seen to adhere to, a 
relatively rigid set of guidelines. Some actions are appropriate, even laudable, 
while others are reprehensible and may not be countenanced if the outlaw is to 
become a hero. In to the outlaw hero tradition, as articulated by Hobsbawm and 
expanded upon by Seal, the outlaw must act in according to moral tenet or codes 
embodied in the following ten elements of narrative and character: the outlaw 
hero must be a friend to the poor, a trickster, forced into outlawry,17 betrayed, op-
pressed, brave, generous, courteous, not indulge in unjustified violence, and live 
on after death. The last motif is Seal’s (1996, 11) appendix to Hobsbawm’s (1981, 
42–43) and is essential to understanding the civilizational-cultural dimension of 
the outlaw hero character, which is not only embedded in the cultural patterns 
of the image of Jesus, but also often appeared in earlier primitive societies in 
religious rituals that created and preserved the social order (comp. Radcliffe-
-Brown, 1952, 188–211).
16 To the concepts of conflict resolution between customary law and legal process in medieval and early 
modern Europe was dedicated two issues of Acta Histriae in year 2017. I especially highlight the studies 
of Muir (2017), Oman (2017), Povolo (2017), Martin (2017), Faggion (2017), Casals (2017), Bellabarba 
(2017), Vidali (2017), Resta (2017), Carroll (2017). It is worth noting in this regard some other studies 
published in Acta Histriae: Povolo (2015), Carroll & Cecchinato (2019), Casals (2019), Oman (2019) etc. 
Cf. also Tepavčić (2018), Oman (2018) and Darovec (2018).
17 Claude Lévi-Strauss believes that the trickster of many mythologies acts as a “mediator”, representing the op-
position between life and death. The theory of myth is one of the central themes developed by Lévi-Strauss in 
the following works in particular: Lévi-Strauss, 1963, chap. XI: The Structural Study of Myth; Lévi-Strauss, 
1966; Lévi-Strauss, 1976; Part Three: Mythology and Ritual; Lévi-Strauss, 1969; Lévi-Strauss, 1988.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
465
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Not all of these elements are present in each iteration of a particular outlaw, 
but enough will be there to indicate that an intricately balanced combination of 
traditional motifs is being invoked along with the values and attitudes embedded in 
those motifs. Moreover, in almost every individual case of the outlaw hero tradition, 
there is clear evidence of serious social, economic, cultural, and political tensions 
within and between the various communities and groups involved (Seal, 1996, 11; 
Brown, 1990, 258–281).
This discussion brings us closer to addressing the structural and morphological 
characteristics of tales. Certainly, Vladimir Propp broke new ground in this area. 
His aim was to study the genesis of the phenomena (rather than events) from the 
historical past that correspond to the form and structure of tales and their common 
origin (Propp, 1984, 48–64).18 In his analysis of the historical roots of the wonder 
tale, he devotes special attention to various characters from different tales, including 
bandits. Nevertheless, Propp admits that at first glance it seems “absurd or perhaps 
even savage” that “all wonder tales are of one type in regard to their structure.” On 
the basis of this statement and the assumption that “there is no serious reason to 
isolate tales from myths,” Claude Lévi-Strauss placed tales and myths into a unity, 
an atemporal mythological matrix structure “whose form is indeed constant.” (Lévi-
-Strauss, 1984, 170, 175, 176, 184).
Propp enumerates seven main characters in mythical tales: the villain, the 
donor, the magic helper (heroes can only manage without a magic helper if they 
have supernatural powers), the princess (the sought-after person) and her father, the 
dispatcher, the hero, and the false hero (Liberman, 1984, XXX; Lévi-Strauss, 1984, 
173). Lévi-Strauss went on to stress that the fundamental tale, of which all tales 
offer only an incomplete realization, is formed of two parties the functions of which 
are recurrent – some being simple variants and some belonging specifically to each 
partie. During the first partie, the functions are: struggle, branding the hero, victory, 
liquidation of lack, return, pursuit of the hero, and rescue. During the second partie, 
they are: the hero’s unrecognized arrival, the assignment of a difficult task, success, 
recognition of the hero, the exposure of the false hero, and the transfiguration of the 
hero (Lévi-Strauss, 1984, 181).
Now let us return to the story of Martin Krpan. It appears that Fran Levstik 
invented this literary tale, seventy years before Propp’s analysis of fairy tales and 
a hundred years before Lévi-Strauss’s analysis of myths on the basis of theoreti-
cal and methodological elements. Although the literary greatness of Martin Krpan 
resides in part in its use of “mythical procedures” and in part in its deconstruction 
of mythical ideology (which for Levstik presumably presented a romantic lie; 
18 This volume is a miscellany by Vladimir Propp (1984), a famous Russian folklorist, the author of the 
book Morphology of the Folktale (1928). It contains seven articles, two chapters from the book Histori-
cal Roots of the Wondertale (1946), and the introduction to the book Russian Heroic Epic Poetry (1955). 
Claude Lévi-Strauss’s critique of Morphology of the Folktale was added to the book in the form of a special 
supplement (167–189). Citations are to this edition (Propp, 1984). The source is Lévi-Strauss’s Structural 
Anthropology 2, Chapter 8. Propp’s method was later formalized by Greimas, 1976, 5–26.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
466
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Močnik, 1994, 201), the tale nevertheless follows the rules of mythology. In 
fact, this was its primary purpose as will become clear in this discussion. The 
typical mythical process presents the solution to a problem that has emerged 
in society with dramatic anxiety or even traumatic urgency. The myth achieves 
this by actualizing the contradiction with a well-known, domestic, uneventful 
contrast or relationship, and resolving it with modest means, almost aesthetically. 
Thus the most difficult problems are solved with the minimum number of mental 
operations (Močnik, 1994, 196–197). Levstik’s basic “mythical problem” was the 
Slovenian language, the Slovenian word. 
One of the special charms of the tale or myth of Martin Krpan is that Levstik 
never published its second part, which remains virtually unknown to the reading 
public. With the second part, he encompassed the rules mentioned above as well as 
the concept of mythical tales. Nevertheless, or indeed perhaps precisely because of 
this lack, the myth was established.
Fig. 2: Mullah Nasreddin Hodja (1208–1285). Example of 
representations of the weak horse as helper, the best known 
rider of such a horse being Nasreddin from the 13th century. A 
17th-century miniature of Nasreddin, currently in the Topkapı 
Palace (Turkey) Museum Library (Wikimedia Commons).
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
467
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
II.
An analysis of Levstik’s Martin Krpan reveals a unique phenomenon that was 
tailored to a specific program: namely, the conscious desire to create a national li-
terary character that would constitute both a foundation for further literary creation 
and for the national political struggle. Levstik was only twenty-seven years old when 
in the same year (1858) published in a literary form his literary-political programme 
Rambling from Litija to Čatež (Levstik, 1858b),19 than a critical essay entitled Mista-
kes in Slovenian Writing (Levstik, 1858c), and the literary tale Martin Krpan, which 
served as a model for the realization of his ideas. Only twenty pages long, this lively 
text presents Martin Krpan, a Slovenian peasant, as the central character whose role 
is to save the Emperor in Vienna, and indeed the entire empire and religion, from the 
Turkish threat. This is the central heroic deed in the tale.
What must be emphasized here is Levstik’s conscious choice of main character 
– a peasant, a social rebel, a smuggler, a righteous avenger, and at the same time 
a savior of the community against the danger of “the other”. These choices were 
crucial in creating a character with whom the Slovenian nation (in formation) 
could identify. The portrayal of the hero character shows the specific qualities of 
the Slovenian nation in formation: it lacked not only its own centers of power, 
but also nobility, bourgeoisie, official authorities, and, until the mid-19th century, 
suitable schools in the area where its ethnic community lived, there were only a 
few small-circulation newspapers published in Slovenian. The relatively sparsely 
populated region was comprised of small villages and towns. A substantial majo-
rity of its population was based in rural areas that were divided into administrative 
units dominated by German culture with a smaller presence of Italian (Venetian) 
traders. Romanesque towns and their administrative areas were located at the far 
western part of the region, spread out on a relatively wide hinterland populated by 
Slavs. Today, the eastern part of the Slovenian territory borders Hungary, which 
obtained dual power under the Habsburg Monarchy in 1867, and Croatia, with 
which Slovenia shares common Slavic linguistic roots. The populations of all 
of the nations that shared borders with Slovenia are of majority Catholic faith. 
Located on this important European crossroads, Slovenian lands have been si-
gnificantly influenced by their surroundings in terms of their social (political, 
economic, cultural), geostrategic, and environmental aspects. 
Slovenians are said to belong to those nations or people that were founded on culture 
and language, rather than on a glorious past of kings and military rulers (Hroch, 2000). 
Anton Tomaž Linhart (1756–1795) was the first intellectual to describe the territory of 
19 Since 1958, a 22-km-long trip has been organized each year along Levstik’s trail in memory of this ramble. 
The number of participants grows every year. In recent years more than 20,000 people have participated 
in the walk  (http://sl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Popotovanje_iz_Litije_do_%C4%8Cate%C5%BEa). The trav-
elogue format became popular in European literature at the end of the 18th century and the early decades of 
the 19th century.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
468
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
the Slovenian people as a whole. Linhart, like Prešeren, belonged to the Zois circle. 
Žiga Zois, son of an Italian father and Slovenian mother, was the richest man on the 
Slovenian territory in that era. He gave patronage to many cultural figures personalities 
and encouraged them to write and explore the Slovenian character. Linhart established 
himself both as a historian and as a playwright (Linhart, 1789; 1790).  In a historical 
discussion An Essay on the History of Carniola and Other Lands of the Austrian South 
Slavs, written in German in the years 1789 and 1791, Linhart responded to the que-
stion – “Who are we, Carniolans?” – in the following way: “The people living in the 
southern part of the Austrian province between the Drava River and the Adriatic Sea, 
belonging to the large and characteristic branch of Slavic peoples, which, according to 
its language and origins, is the same ethnic branch and is divided only by coincidence – 
although historically not quite correctly – into Carniolans and Winds.” He wanted to tell 
the history of this people “by connecting its fates and adventures into a whole,” and not 
“partially, scattered in the annals of the lands in which this people live.” By referring to 
the importance of this nation’s development, he rejected the presentation of Slovenian 
history in provincial segments. He regarded the division of Slovenians according to 
provinces as a result of historical development, and instead insisted that the people 
who lived in this territory be unified. This contention found international support in 
the famous work by Jernej Kopitar, a linguist and professor at the University of Vienna 
(1780–1844), entitled Grammar of the Slovenian language in Carniola, Carinthia and 
Styria (1808) (Grafenauer, 1974, 133–135). It should also be noted that it was Kopitar 
who convinced Karadžić to collect and record Serbian and Croatian folk literature in a 
systematic way (Jurančič, 1959, 137). 
Slovenian intellectuals only began to assert themselves during the mid-19th centu-
ry. This process was accelerated by the education of young people moving from rural 
to urban areas, as was the case with Levstik. It is essential to be aware that individual 
intellectuals played outsized roles in the civilizational process during many historical 
periods. However, the 19th century also brought an unusual amount of significant 
social change: widespread literacy, a higher level of education and communication, 
the wider dissemination of information. Numerous books and newspapers began to be 
published. Oral literature, laws, and customs were collected and recorded. This new 
social reality demanded modified forms of organization that ultimately manifested 
themselves in the form of nation states. As a distinctive factor, language already had a 
considerable influence on the formation of individual communities in the pre-national 
era. However, in the period when nation states were in formation, language became 
one of the most important, if not the most important element of unification (Ander-
son, 1991).20 In this period, various national mythologies were created and presented 
20 Study of Anderson clearly shows the importance of intellectuals and their role in the creation of nationalisms 
in the 19th and 20th century and their dissemination in the mass media, newspapers, literature (stories, novels, 
etc.), and later on radio and television. Anderson’s influential research also showed other interesting features 
of nation formation in modern times, especially a comparison with Latin America and Asia, in which reflected 
European conditions played an important role. On the role and impact of the weekly magazine Mladina for 
Slovenia‘s Independence in 1991 cf. Horvat, 2021, for other mass media cf. Tratnik, 2021.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
469
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
as advanced ideas. The humanistic sciences also entered the fray, competing for 
which one of them would be the most effective in establishing national symbols and 
mythologies (cf. Bajt, 2011; Tamm, 2008).
Recently, researchers have begun to dedicate considerable attention to these 
issues.21 For example, Smith in Myths and Memories defined the four main cate-
gories of originating national myths:22 primordial (original), perennial (eternal), 
modernist (as a result of the process of modernization), and ethno-symbolic 
(Smith, 1999, 1–27). Kolstø, in the introduction to his collection of scientific 
papers about myths and borders in Southeastern Europe, notes that specific forms 
of national mythologies appeared more in this region than elsewhere in Europe 
because of the many borders and bordering countries. He divides originating 
myths into the following four categories: sui generis, antemurale, martirium, and 
antiquitas (Kolstø, 2005, 1–34).
However, if we apply these classifications and the description of the manifestations of 
national mythologies in contemporary scientific literature to Martin Krpan, we encounter 
a problem: which category or categories does Levstik’s tale belong to? The pivotal event 
of the story – the duel – suggests that this work belongs primarily to the category of 
antemurale myths.23 And yet the entirety of Levstik’s tale is also rich in ethno-symbolic 
traditions. Its mythical narrative, attractive to both preschool children and top-level aca-
demics, establishes “a lack of temporal commitment; an autonomy and openness related 
to meaning,” (Paternu, 1978, 234) which is a de facto characteristic and condition of 
every durable and resistant literary work. It is also successful with the use of metaphors 
and symbols in establishing a unique combination of individual categories within the 
21 I drew on the following works as a theoretical and methodological basis for the study of these phenomena: 
Smith, 1999; Hosking & Schöpflin, 1997; Kolstø, 2005. These studies have a lot in common with other 
important comparative studies of the reference literature.
22 Kolstø explains the social use of myths as follows: “When we study the function of myths, we ought not to 
assume that myths function in any specific way of and by themselves. Myths cannot act, only people can. To 
ask about how myths function, therefore, is to ask about how myths are used and misused by people. This is 
to inquire into the application of political myths. It is probably possible to find historical myths that have been 
narrated throughout the ages without being fuelled by any particular political motive. The opposite phenom-
enon, however, seems to be much more common: political aspirations are often fuelled by myths and many 
myth-makers do have a political agenda, myths are regularly produced and propagated in order to bolster 
specific group claims.” Kolstø, “Introduction, Assessing the Role of Historical Myths in Modern Society” 
(Kolstø, 2005, 30). Kolstø distinguishes between the so-called “enlighteners” and “functionalists” as interpret-
ers of myths. The enlighteners believe that professional historians should reject myths, while the functionalists 
see the creation of myths as an inevitable, even friendly and harmless element of a well-functioning human 
society (Kolstø, 2005, 2–3). To find out which phenomena can be defined as myths cf. Overing, 1997, 1–18.
23 This is what Kolstø says about the antemurale myth: “This myth comes in many different guises and under 
many different labels: ‘antemurale christianitatis’, ‘Europe’s last outpost’, ‘defenders of the gates’, ’the 
bearers of true civilization’, and so on. Typologically, this myth is very different from the myth of being 
sui generis. Rather than insisting on the uniqueness of the group, it is now included in some larger and 
allegedly superior cultural entity that enhances its status vis-à-vis other groups who do not belong.” (Kol-
stø, 2005, 19–20). The antemurale myth, as defined by Kolstø, is typical of the countries of Southeastern 
Europe, although the phenomena of the antemurale christianitatis metaphor can be encountered in other 
countries as well, especially Poland, Hungary, and Spain (Kolstø, 2005, 24).
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
470
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
national myths; the lack of temporal commitment creates an impression of originality and 
eternity in terms of the hero’s (national) economic activity on the selected ethnic territory. 
The duel at the court and its outcome contains unambiguous associations to ideas about 
the victimized role of the Slovenian nation at the hands of the Turks, something that was 
still very much present in the collective memory of the community. With the elevation of 
the peasant class to the carrier of bourgeois transformation,24 the tale predicts the unique 
or chosen role of the people (sui generis).25 But the primary purpose and mission of this 
literary tale – as imagined and theoretically justified by the author – was modernistic. This 
is the main reason its seed fell on fertile ground.
The success of Martin Krpan was undoubtedly due to its having been based 
on the mentality, “the historical truth”, and the collective memory of the nation. 
Levstik wanted to “hold up a mirror” to the Slovenian people, and, at the same time, 
to convince them. As the author put it: “He who is original is able to rightly embra-
ce any thought with the particularity of his own spirit and then express it beautifully 
in his own manner.” (Paternu, 1978, 245)
III.
The story is relatively simple. A strong and very large fellow named Martin Krpan 
lives in a village in Slovenia. He makes his living by smuggling sea salt from the 
coastal towns of Istria to the hinterland and exchanging it for agricultural products.
This is how Fran Levstik describes Martin Krpan, using the words of the narrator 
Močilar:
There is a village in Innerland, called Vrh. In ancient times, a strong and po-
werful man Krpan lived in that small village. He was the kind of man the likes 
of which don’t come along very often. He didn’t care about work, instead he 
carried English salt on his little mare from the sea, which in those days was 
strictly forbidden. The border guards kept an eye on him so as to catch him una-
wares; they feared an honest fight with him, as they would later with Štempihar. 
24 Although Levstik opposed German culture in his idea about the emergence of the Slovenian nation 
because “in the first place, their culture has taken everything that was ours... our authentic traditions, 
our history and our historical message, our national compassion; almost our national language” (Slod-
njak, 1931, 30), he did model his thought patterns on Serbian epic poetry by Vuk Stefanović Karadžić 
(1787–1864) and also on German art. Among others, he was influenced by Gotthold Ephraim Lessing 
(1729–1781), Johann Gottfried von Herder (1744–1803), Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749–1832), 
and Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling (1775–1854). Although many national mythologies are estab-
lished on the basis of important (military) leaders, usually of noble blood, Lessing established a German 
literature on the basis of the growing German bourgeoisie. In this way, he obviously set an example for 
Levstik who also used that social class to establish the Slovenian literature. However, in Levstik’s case, 
the bourgeoisie was represented by the rural population (Slodnjak, 1931, 12–13).
25 Even from this point of view, Levstik’s Krpan can be interpreted in different ways, or as Kolstø writes (2005, 20): 
“Skillful myth-makers may succeed in explaining that sui generis and antemurale belong to different levels of 
identity, as it were. Expressed in Armstrong’s terminology, they may function as myth and counter-myth.”
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
471
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
But Krpan just kept out of their way and took care that they wouldn’t be able to 
lay their hands on him.26
One day, while on his travels with his mare (mule or donkey),27 Krpan encoun-
ters a carriage carrying the Emperor (the donor). Due to his great strength, Krpan is 
able, in order to let the royal carriage continue on the snowbound road, to pick up 
26 Levstik, 1858a, 4. In this introductory description, Krpan is depicted as a hero and a trickster with almost super-
natural powers. Levstik’s choice related to the name of the place from which Krpan originates is also interesting. 
The second time it appears in the story, he provides a fuller place name – Vrh pri Sveti Trojici (vrh means top 
or hill, sveta trojica means holy trinity). According to the Atlas of Slovenia (Ljubljana, 1985) there are several 
Slovenian villages named Vrh and Sveta Trojica, and they are spread over the entire Slovenian territory. With 
Innerland, he designates the Inner Austrian provinces where Slovenians lived, and not only the province of Inner 
Carniola, as most interpretations have. Inner Austria (German: Innerösterreich) was a term used from the late 14th 
to the 18th century for the Habsburg hereditary lands, referring to the Imperial Duchies of Styria, Carinthia and 
Carniola, the lands of the Austrian Littoral, the County of Görz, the Imperial Free City of Trieste, the possessions 
in the March of Istria around Pazin, and the free port of Rijeka. The residence of the Inner Austrian Archdukes 
and stadtholders was at the Burg castle complex in Graz. With English salt, the author was probably recalling 
the so-called Napoleon Continental System that prohibited trade between European countries and Great Britain. 
Štempihar was a real smuggler, tried and executed in Vienna at the end of the 18th Century (author’s note).
27 Sources from the Venetian period refer to peasant traders on packhorses as Cranzi, after the Carniola region, 
or Mussolati, after the expression in the Istrian dialect muša (slo. mezeg or mula, it. mula, en. hinny), an 
offspring of a horse and a donkey. The traders were thus named after their means of transportation.  In the 
story, this might symbolize the rule of the opposite representation of the most common human helper in the 
folk tales and poems: the horse. Many heroes from Southeastern European folk tales possess a beautiful or 
magical horse (often named Šarec, i.e. Prince (Kraljevič) Marko, Mujo Hrnjica). There are also examples of 
representations of the weak horse as helper, the best known rider of such a horse being Nasreddin from the 13th 
century, considered a popular philosopher and wise man, and remembered for his funny stories and anecdotes 
(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nasreddin). Another example is Hitar Petar in the Bulgarian and Macedonian 
folk tradition (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hitar_Petar). 
Fig. 3: Martin Krpan meets the Emperor: branding the hero. Illustration by Tone Kralj (Levstik, 1954).
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
472
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
his mare (along with the salt she carries) and move her aside with ease (branding 
the hero). As a consequence of this action, he attracts the notice of the Emperor. 
When the Turk, Brdavs,28 (the villain) appears in Vienna and begins to win every 
duel he fights with members of Viennese nobles (knights), and thus threatens to 
destroy the entire imperial military elite, the Emperor’s last hope lies with Krpan.29 
(Between September 27 and October 14, 1529, the Turkish army besieged Vienna 
with a large army of 140,000 men under the command of Suleiman I, the Magnifi-
cent. Vienna was besieged again in 1683.) Martin Krpan, with his rural toughness 
and cleverness, manages to defeat the mighty Brdavs in a duel (the struggle) while 
mounted on his little mare (the helper). Brdavs drives his mighty (Turkish) sword 
into the club that Krpan has fashioned out of a linden tree (the symbol of the Slavs). 
Linden wood is soft and the sword cuts deeply into the wood. Brdavs is unable to 
pull the sword out again (the trick). Krpan then disarms Brdavs and cuts off his 
head with an axe (the victory), which he also made himself. Thus, Krpan saves 
Vienna from the Turk (the liquidation of lack). All he wants as a reward is an 
imperial document that will permit him to carry out his trading activities legally 
and without hindrance (the rescue).
The character of Martin Krpan is important not only because the tale illustra-
tes a commercial activity that had been going on during the centuries from the 
medieval period to the Modern Ages: the exchange of various goods between the 
Slovenian population from the coastal Mediterranean region and the hinterland. It is 
also important that the myth was shaped around an invincible, strong, and cunning 
merchant-smuggler as well as a shrewd soldier as will become clear in the following 
discussion: a Slovenian peasant who defeated the notorious Brdavs, a Turk sowing 
death among the Viennese warriors and lords. This myth elevates the Slovenia nation 
to the position of the last bastion of Christian countries against the Turks: “So we 
said: if no other living soul can defeat him, then Krpan can. Listen, you are the last 
hope of the Emperor and the city of Vienna.” (Levstik, 1858a, 14) And it is indeed a 
historical fact the Slovenian territory represented the last bastion of the Austrian Em-
pire (and also of modern Europe) against the Turkish menace. First, this was a result 
of Slovenia’s geographical position and conditions. Second, it was due to the fact that 
the Vojna krajina (Military Frontier), a defensive network of fortifications against 
the Turks on what is today the territory of Croatia, received most of its financial and 
military aid from Slovenian territory. 
In this regard, it is also interesting that the tale was written in the second half 
of the 19th century, during the period when Slovenian national identity was in the 
28 Based on a survey conducted around 2000, Baskar (2008, 84) notes that all respondents knew the character 
of Martin Krpan in one form or another, but “only” a minority of respondents recognized a Turk in the villain 
Brdavs. Others could not explain the national origin of this character. The tale never mentions the word Turk, 
but, certainly when it was published, everyone in the target audience recognized that Brdavs was a Turk.
29 The Emperor forgets about this event, and it is the coachman (the dispatcher) who reminds him of it (Močnik, 
1994, 200).  In this work, the author provides an interesting comment, suggesting that the coachman demon-
strates in this act the Hegelian point of view according to which knowledge is the privilege of servants.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
473
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
process of formation, some ten years after the revolutionary year of 1848 during 
which the political program of Zedinjena Slovenija (United Slovenia) was publis-
hed. The program included some quite typical, but nevertheless visionary, points of 
view: “People should live in their own country as they please: Germans in German 
fashion, Italians in Italian fashion, Hungarians in Hungarian fashion. And we, Sla-
vs, demand fiercely and with all our power that others let us live in our country as 
we please: Slovenians in Slovenian fashion.” In 1848, none of the following Slavic 
peoples – Czechs, Croats, Vojvodina Serbs, and Slovenians – made specific deman-
ds of Austria. These ethnic groups emphasized that they wanted to remain part of 
the Austrian Empire and fight on its side. This was partly in reaction to the attempts 
of Germans to create their own continental empire. In the program, it was also 
stressed that “now we can mingle as a free nation among other free nations, because 
there has never been such a perfect time for Slovenians, even the sun is shining,” 
and “we shall not miss this precious moment.” Due to its historical fragmentation 
and subordination to other countries and the subsequent absence of political and 
economic elites, the unifying role in the Slovenian nation-building process was 
played by cultural figures like Levstik and those in his circle: “Slovenians from the 
Slavic Adriatic coast to the banks of the Drava River, overcome your prejudices and 
provincial disputes, embrace each other like brothers and create a Slovenia in your 
hearts that does not yet politically exist. Send your request to the highest throne and 
demand the political establishment of Slovenia’s boundaries.”30
30 Gestrin & Melik, 1979, 448. For a review of political history on the Slovenian territory during this period, 
cf. Gestrin & Melik, 1966.
Fig. 4: Villain and Hero. Martin Krpan 
shaking hands with Brdavs (the ordeal). 
Illustration by Tone Kralj.
Fig. 5: The duel between Krpan and 
Brdavs. Illustration by Tone Kralj.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
474
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Slovenian lands were under Habsburg or Venetian rule for centuries and con-
sequently did not develop the economic and political elites that in larger nations 
formed the main constitutive element in the creation of nation states. For this 
reason, Levstik chose a rebel peasant as his constitutive mythos.31 And who might 
this rebel peasant have been? Certainly, one of the men who participated in the 
peasant revolts.32 Of course, these revolts were ultimately suppressed and the 
peasants were the losers. Still, sooner or later, the oppressed and the peasants 
were defeated, and victory is needed for the creation of a constitutive identity. 
Rebellion is also important for victory, but it is not necessary only to win. Certain 
(military) skills, material (financial) resources, knowledge, experience, social 
acceptance, and especially shrewdness are also necessary. But where and how 
could peasants of that period find such qualities? The peasants may have acquired 
some of the skills of warfare in the so-called peasant army or černida (Pezzolo, 
2007, 67–112), that was formed in the Austrian and Venetian lands during the 
transition from the Middle Ages to the modern era as a defense against the Turks. 
Rulers were forced into this type of defense as a consequence of Turkish military 
tactics, which were characterized by sudden unexpected attacks and plunders, 
and the depletion of the population. Regular mercenary armies usually were not 
successful in these defensive efforts. 
Peasant trade on what is today the territory of Slovenia, which was fairly farflung du-
ring the period in question, allowed the peasants of that time to expand their horizons and 
improve the material conditions for their survival. If we take into consideration the fact that 
smuggling had expanded dramatically due to higher taxes imposed on this type of trade, 
and that the authorities were almost powerless in their efforts to tamp down smuggling 
31 From Levstik’s literary program (1858b), it seems clear that Levstik intended to create characters in the tale 
of Martin Krpan that would serve “as a mirror” for the Slovenian peasantry, allowing them to see them-
selves as they really were. 
32 Five major peasant revolts took place in this region during the period from the 15th to the mid-19th 
century: the Carinthian peasant revolt in 1478, the Slovenian peasant revolt in 1515, the Croatian-
Slovenian peasant revolt in1572–73, the Slovenian peasant revolt in 1635, and the Tolmin peasant 
revolt in 1713. In addition, over one hundred revolts on a smaller scale took place: 1 in the 14th 
century, 17 in the 15th century, 25 in the 16th century, 48 in the 17th century, 17 in the 18th century, 
and 12 in the 19th century. In certain respects, these revolts taken together could also be compared 
with the broader rebel movement of 1848 (cf. Grafenauer, 1962; Grafenauer, 1974). The peasants’ 
confidence was even greater as a result of the faith they had in their Emperor. In the second half of 
the 15th century, Frederick III invited the peasants to join him in his fight against rebellious feudal 
lords. The most famous of these was the feud with the Counts of Celje (cf. Brunner, 1939). At the 
time of the peasant revolt in 1515, Venetian sources (among them, Marino Sanudo) reported that 
farmers intended to conquer the Venetian area of Friuli in the name of the Emperor, carrying his 
picture on their battle banners (cf. Grafenauer, 1974, 70).
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
475
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
despite an array of measures they adopted,33 we immediately detect in this historical confi-
guration the natural emergence of the cunning, educated, rebel-peasant soldier, also skilled 
in fighting with the Turks, that is embodied in the character of Martin Krpan. Thus Krpan 
represents the ideal figure of the rebel who is socially acceptable, despite being perceived as 
a criminal in the eyes of the authorities. He continues to live within the community, which 
protects him, offers him shelter, and considers him a hero. Moreover, the community comes 
to identify with him and in this way forms its cultural identity.
33 Some official documents from Venetian Istria dating back from the 16th to the 18th century even contain 
the following expressions: “pubblico contrabbandiere di sale” or “professione di commetter contrabandi 
di sale”. There were also larger organized groups of people involved in these activities, among whom 
the Schiavuzzi family of Piran stood out. Cf. Archivio di Stato di Venezia (ASVe), Provveditori al Sal, 
Atti, b. 378; ASVe, Senato, Dispacci, Provveditori da terra e da mar, b. 232; ASVe, Collegio, Suppliche, 
Risposte di fuori, b. 349. The situation was similar in the northern part of what is today Slovenia. This 
can be seen, for example, in the event that took place near the Drava River in Carinthia in 1779. Guards 
killed Martin Pretner, a serf of the Bled seigniory, and Anton Walloch, a serf on the Javornik property. 
They were in a group of eleven serfs (nine from the Bled area and the settlement of Koroška Bela, and 
two from Javornik), who wanted to smuggle salt across the Drava River into Carinthia – near the village 
of Slamenze – and exchange it for grain and linseeds. Archives of the Republic of Slovenia (AS), 721 
Gospostvo Bled, Iustitialia, fasc. 40. The famous chronicler Johann Weichard Valvasor (1689) wrote the 
following about the town of Velike Lašče in Lower Carniola (Levstik’s birthplace in southeastern Slove-
nia): “All the people from this place are salt traders.” (Valvasor, 1689, II, 36, 41)
Fig. 6: Krpan buying salt in Koper. Illustration by Tone Kralj.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
476
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Michel Foucault explains this phenomenon with the notion of tolerated or unpunis-
hed illegalities, according to which “one might say that, under the Ancien Régime each 
of the different social strata had its margin of tolerated illegality: the non-application of 
the rule, the non-observance of the innumerable edicts or ordinances were a condition 
of the political and economic functioning of society ... illegality was so deeply rooted 
and so necessary to the life of each social stratum, that it had in a sense its own cohe-
rence and economy.” (Foucault, 1995, 82)
Lestvik’s tale was created in the 19th century, right in the midst of Slovenian nati-
onal-building process. If we closely examine the Slovenian character of the smuggler 
Martin Krpan, we see that it encompasses the continuity and diversity of smuggling 
as an important component in the lives of many individuals and communities (Krpan 
only partially trespassed the boundary of obedience and also managed at least some 
of the time to get along with the authorities). The smuggler Krpan became a national 
myth that can be classified into the group of nation-building myths or antemurales 
(Kolstø, 2005, 19–26): i.e. a bastion against another culture (in this case, the defense 
of Christianity against Islam). Therefore, this is a phenomenon that demonstrates the 
mythologization of the rebel, who thus came to occupy the position of a national myth 
during the nation-building processes of several Balkan peoples.34 Krpan is a Slovenian 
peasant-smuggler who saves Vienna from the Turks or, more broadly, the Christian 
world from Islam. This implies that the Slovenian nation-building process was based 
not only on social rebellion, but the proximity and defense of borders, and the practice 
of crossing them.35
IV.
Slovenian territory was a borderland and peripheral area, so numerous structural 
elements evolved that enabled and maintained the presence of illegal practices, and in-
deed precisely these qualities, of being a borderland and peripheral area, were exploited 
as an additional resource.
When we talk about rural feudal society in Slovenia, we must emphasize that Slo-
venian lands were not only a peripheral border area, but one where complementary 
non-agrarian activities were inevitable due to limited resources. We should also stress 
that this was a very distinctive border area – between sovereign countries, different 
tax systems, civilizations, Christianity and Islam – that offered the specific structural 
elements that enabled and maintained the presence of illegal practices over the course 
34 There are a number of works in the South Slavic oral tradition about Prince Marko. He is venerated as a 
national hero by the Serbs, Macedonians and Bulgarians, remembered in Balkan folklore as a fearless and 
powerful protector of the weak, who fought against injustice and confronted the Turks during the Ottoman 
occupation. This undoubtedly served as inspiration for Levstik; cf. Slodnjak, 1931, 9–12. About legends of 
Turkish attacks on Slovenian territory cf. Mlakar, 2021.
35 As Schöpflin noted: “through myth, boundaries are established within the community and also in respect to 
other communities. Those who do not share in the myth are by definition excluded.” (Schöpflin, 1997, 20; 
comp. Pavlaković, 2012)
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
477
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
of the centuries. It was a region with limited natural resources, where the population 
systematically engaged in various non-agrarian and often illegal activities. Local popu-
lations were used to crossing state borders on a regular basis to find additional ways to 
survive. These borders were legal as well as administrative borders delimiting taxation 
and economic systems. Here we must emphasize, on the one hand, the resistance of 
individuals and communities to the authorities and, on the other, the behaviors of ad-
justment and adaptation that the population engaged in to survive. Finally, it should also 
be stressed that the peasant trade represented one of the main motivations behind many 
of the Slovenian peasant revolts (Gestrin, 1973a, 45 –67; Gestrin, 1973b, 207–218).
During the 16th century, the Venetians were plunged into a deep crisis due to a 
shift in global trade to the coasts of Western Europe. The wars with the Turks and the 
Habsburgs had also exhausted Venice, and the Habsburgs had been actively supporting 
their Adriatic port city of Trieste in order to boost trade with the hinterland. Thus 
trade with Venetian towns in Istria began to decline, this during a time when between 
three hundred and one thousand Carniolan peasant merchants came to Koper, Piran, 
and Muggia every day. Taxes on all goods were constantly increasing, and the goods 
traded were essential for survival. As a consequence, an overland smuggling industry 
developed and assumed greater proportions. During the final centuries of the Venetian 
Republic, not only peasants, but the bourgeoisie, actively engaged in this industry 
(Darovec, 2004, 175–231).
From the 13th century to the end of the 18th century, trade and economic activities 
expanded between northwest Istria and Koper and the wider hinterland area (the territory 
of present-day Slovenia). Already in the second half of the 15th and 16th century, Koper 
had become the most important trading town in Istria. Trade especially flourished with 
Carniola and other Austrian provinces.
During the 16th century, Slovenian and Croatian lands established strong economic 
ties with each other, and were included in the trade network that occupied the wider 
region. This trade network was especially important because it joined the Adriatic and 
Mediterranean coastal areas with the region around the Danube. At that time, the main 
Fig. 7: Packhorses Transport (Valvasor, 1689, 36, 41).
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
478
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
trade direction in these countries ran from east to west, connecting the Hungarian and 
Croatian territories, via Slovenia and the Adriatic Sea to Italy, and to other parts of the 
Mediterranean. The centers of this long-distance trade that linked the east with Italian 
lands included cities located in the territory of present-day Slovenia – Ptuj, Ljubljana, 
Koper – and other cities such as Villach and Trieste. Goods exchanged on these trade 
routes were largely similar to goods exchanged on other international trade routes. 
However, merchandise travelling from east to west was completely different from that 
travelling in the opposite direction. Large quantities of agricultural products and goods, 
especially livestock, meat, hides, various raw materials and metals, steel products, and 
artisanal products were transported to the west, while Mediterranean agricultural pro-
ducts, wine, olive oil, fish, and salt and, artisanal products, and Levantine and Venetian 
goods were transported to the east (Gestrin, 1973b, 207–208).
In the century of the great peasant revolts in Slovenia and Croatia, financial relati-
onships among the feudal lords strengthened because of the important role of the trade 
described above. On the one hand, all of this was reflected in changes in the feudal 
rents and the structure of the seigniory; these changes can be traced to the efforts of 
feudal lords to get out of the crisis related to seigniory. On the other hand, they were 
also reflected – despite the medieval concept of the social division of labor – in the 
increasing growth of so-called rural trade; that is, the engagement of feudal nobles and 
serfs in trade and bargaining activities. At the same time, the difference between towns 
and villages was increasing – even in the peasant trade itself. In addition to surpluses of 
agricultural and artisanal products, the salt trade had always played an important role 
in this commercial activity, especially the sea salt trade on Slovenian territory carried 
out by peasant traders.
Rural and peasant trade in particular definitely had a decisive impact on the esca-
lation of social conflicts and also on the climactic events of this period: the peasant 
revolts. In this respect, the Slovenian peasant revolts, such as the famous Friulian 
peasant revolt from the 1511, which has been described in several historical accounts 
(Bianco, 1995; Muir, 1998), were slightly different from other revolts (for contraband 
cf. Bianco, 1990). 
Just like professional middle-class trade, peasant trade also had to adhere to the 
traffic and toll regimes. In addition, taxes imposed by both the Venetian and Austrian 
authorities had to be paid on items for consumption. These taxes along with state fiscal 
policies related to transportation fees and trade, the result of pressure from the feudal 
lords, especially the Landstände nobility, became increasingly onerous for the peasants. 
Peasants had to pay the old as well as the new and higher charges. They also had to 
follow the regime of compulsory trade routes and the operating rules of the tollhouses. 
Although Turkish invasions and conquests on Slovenian and Croatian territory did 
not significantly affect the direction of trade, they undoubtedly had a powerful impact 
on the first major peasant revolts on the Slovenian territory. In order to finance the 
defense of their lands against the Turks, the nobility imposed higher taxes. But when 
the Turks first entered Carinthia in 1473, for example, the nobility did not provide for 
the defense of the peasant’s holdings. Further invasions led to the first Slovenian major 
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
479
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
peasant revolt in 1478, involving almost the entire territory of Slovenian Carinthia. The 
second and largest Slovenian peasant revolt took place in 1515 and covered a territory 
of twenty-five thousand square kilometers, involving around eighty thousand rebels at 
its peak, and lasting for nearly a year with preparations alone taking six months. This 
was chiefly influenced by Austria’s war with Venice (the first war between Venice and 
the Habsburgs in 1508–16) and the obstruction of the peasant trade by feudal lords and 
townships, including the introduction of tolls and mandatory trade routes, etc. More 
than sixty castles were attacked. In 1515, prior to the armed revolt, an association 
of peasants demanded that decisions about regional taxes be made by the peasants 
rather than the Landstände nobility. The peasant association brought together peasants, 
rural artisans, and miners. It even exercised the right (for a couple of months) to make 
decisions on some conquered estates regarding taxes and their collection, the higher 
and lower judiciary, and to choose which priests would be appointed to certain parishes. 
During this time, the association also organized its own army. From this period, we 
find historical data about the more or less successful organization of so-called peasant 
armies or černida, first formed to defend against the Turks. They were also present, 
at least on the Venetian side, in the above-mentioned Venetian-Habsburg war (Vilfan, 
1954, 24–29).
Fig. 8: Martin Krpan meets the border officers (community 
support). Illustration by Tone Kralj.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
480
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
 Peasants had a strong dislike of the new policies and their promoters. Tolls imposed 
by feudal lords and other rulers of the land represented a major obstacle to the peasant 
trade. As a consequence of this and the growing importance of the peasant trade as 
a source of income for the serfs, smuggling increased. The movement of contraband 
became a socially acceptable activity: a profession, a necessity, a means of survival, 
and a modus vivendi passed down from generation to generation. Smuggling became 
a ritual with the dimensions of social determinism. In this sense, smugglers could be 
described as social rebels – as defined by Hobsbawm – and were perceived as heroes 
in their community.  These outlaws were celebrated because they were seen, rightly or 
wrongly, to embody a spirit of defiance and protest. They symbolized the opposition of 
the poor and dispossessed to those perceived to be their oppressors. The criminality of 
the outlaw hero has a definite political dimension, even when it was crudely formed and 
poorly articulated – except in folklore. Even if the outlaw heroes did not themselves 
espouse political views or goals, their activities were viewed in that light by their own 
and other communities who perceived the outlaw’s individual rebellion as symbolic of 
their own desires, and as a vicarious blow against their oppressors (Seal, 1996, 197). 
According to Hobsbawm, social rebellion is either a result of the conflict between 
Fig. 9: Krpan with his ailing wife who dies before the main story indicating the ou-
tlaw hero’s moral guidelines to treat women and the poor with the utmost courtesy. 
Illustration by Tone Kralj.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
481
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
traditional and modern culture, or between domestic and foreign culture. It may also 
emerge from the transformation of the means of production or of the social organization 
(Hobsbawm, 1981, 23–24).
In Slovenian lands, the authorities were almost powerless in the fight against 
increased smuggling activities. Nothing seemed to help: not tollhouses, new ways of 
collecting tolls, a revamped system of certificates about the payment of tolls, stricter 
supervision, or rewards offered to those who captured smugglers or reported them. The 
armed servants working at the bigger and more important tollhouses during the 16th 
century, whose responsibility was to secure commercial traffic and prevent smuggling, 
did not generally succeed. The numerous decrees issued by the authorities to different 
offices and the land seigniory in order to prevent the serfs from smuggling contraband, 
which harmed the Chamber, also did not help. This form of smuggling could be dan-
Fig. 10: Krpan chases away the border officers. Illustra-
tion by Hinko Smrekar (Levstik, 1917).
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
482
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
gerous because peasants who carried contraband goods exposed themselves to the risk 
of not only losing what they carried, but also paying heavy fines. With the introduction 
of armed servants at the tollhouses, the peasants were also exposed to the risk of armed 
encounters. Blood was spilled in the conflicts and fatalities sometimes occurred. In 
his study, Sergij Vilfan provided an interpretation based on historical sources of the 
creation of the character of Martin Krpan and its hold on the collective imagination. 
The event he refers in this interpretation to took place in 1610 in the main square in 
Postojna. Infuriated locals killed some border guards with whom peasant traders in the 
area from Trieste to Postojna had been having regular conflicts. After they killed the 
guards, the locals stripped them naked and saw that they were circumcised, indicating 
that they were Muslims or Turks, as quoted in the source. The guards worked for the 
lord of Socerb Castle, which controlled the trade routes to the Habsburg city of Trieste, 
and particularly the illegal trade in salt. They were constantly venting their anger (often 
unjustifiably) on peasant traders with whom they had numerous conflicts. The most 
famous incidents were two conflicts during the same year – one occurring in Hrušica in 
the area of Brkini and the other in Postojna (Vilfan, 1962, 3–4).
Peasant trade and its growth gradually increased the economic power of a signifi-
cant part of the rural population, and this part of the population played an important 
role in the peasant revolts. This was clear from the gathering of peasants in the town of 
Konjice during the Slovenian peasant revolt of 1515. In 1573, during the Croatian-Slo-
venian revolt, many rebel leaders originated from this segment of the serf population 
(Gestrin, 1973a, 3). Indeed, judging from the timing of these events, an argument might 
be made that the revolts during this period broke out each time the income from trade 
and other non-agricultural activities was threatened or dropped, causing the serfs to 
bear the financial burdens and pressure of their feudal condition with greater difficulty. 
V.
This combination of these circumstances that marked the Slovenian collective 
memory – the peasant trade both legal and illegal, the peasant revolts, and the constant 
Turkish threat (reaching all the way to Vienna which was besieged by the Turks in 1529 
and 1683) – can be traced through Slovenian folk literature, and indeed represents the 
historical and literary foundations for the tale of Martin Krpan. In his literary program, 
Levstik wrote that there are “... many fairy tales [circulating among the people] about 
war refugees roaming the hills and woods. Even today, the whole of our country is still 
telling how young men were once hunted down and forced to join the army. The bandits 
and the tenth brothers36 are national property, although nobody likes them, especially 
not the former.” The Reformation when biblical texts were translated into national ver-
nacular languages also provides historical context. In the middle of the 16th century, the 
36 Folk wisdom in Slovenia held that the tenth child brought bad luck. Therefore, these children had to leave 
home and find a job. Rokovnjači [The Bandits] and Deseti Brat [The Tenth Brother] are two novels by the 
Slovenian writer Josip Jurčič.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
483
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
first books were published in the Slovenian language. Levstik emphasizes that it was 
during this period that “Slovenians behaved with more independence than they ever 
had before. Indeed, our most beautiful folk songs originate from this period.” He adds: 
“But the entire history of these times still resides in the whole. There is a lot of work to 
be done, but no one is there to do it.” Therefore, it is time “to draw inspiration from our 
people more than ever before. There is enough substance in the people, especially for 
humorous writing...” Levstik’s insisted that the hero of his story “should be based on an 
important local person,” revealing that the choice of the central protagonist in the story 
was certainly intentional (Kmecl, 2004, 151–152).
Therefore, as Vilfan concludes, the foundation of the story of Martin Krpan is the 
centuries-old economic activity that contributed to the stronger economic connection 
of the lands “from which the Slovenian national consciousness emerged as the basis 
for the formation of Slovenian statehood. What’s more: wherever salt traders went, 
they connected the places in which the Slovenian language lived. In these politically 
fractured lands, the salt traders were the ones that helped people to get to know each 
other and develop a consciousness of a language community.” At the same time, he spe-
culates: “That being the case, was Martin Krpan a representative of the older economic 
foundations that influenced the formation of the Slovenian national entity?” (Vilfan, 
1962, 10). In Levstik’s times, haulers – so-called furmani – embodied one of the most 
important service activities of the peasant population.
Levstik’s tale, replete with symbolism and metaphors, would not have possessed 
the qualities that elevated it to the level of a national myth if it had not, in its 
analysis and subsequent artistic creation, insightfully captured the national spirit, 
collective memory, and imagination of the period. If we read this work from a 
“historical” perspective, it does more than merely reflect the historical facts. More 
than anything, it reveals the socio-political “atmosphere” and the collective con-
sciousness of the Slovenian peasant who did not identify with the nobility, even if 
they were the rare apostates such as Robin Hood and Prince Marko, but did identify 
with a one of their own,37 a peasant who possesses a sort of supernatural power 
in his physical strength complemented by slyness and ingenuity. Levstik draws 
on rural notions and moral standards in his depiction of Krpan’s adventures, as 
well as on the characteristics of the court in Vienna, and the contrasting world of 
peasants and lords (Tomaževič, 1958, 60). Identification with the peasant-smuggler 
who represents the position of a rebel against the authorities/state per se38 is a 
well-established tradition among the peasant class who used to elevate such figures 
to the level of local heroes.
37 Levstik sees the foundation of the Slovenian nation in the peasant and his language, because – as he writes 
in his program – “the treasure of Slovenian language still lies in the peasants and the people outside the 
city.” Therefore, his main advice to writers was to learn the language “where you find its true source, that 
is from the peasant’s mouth...” (Paternu, 1978, 247).
38 In the Tolmin area, people still equate contrabandists with rebels (see adapted folk songs in the dialect: 
Bakalina Žbrejnkl, Čadrg Records, Tolmin, 2013, http://www.macefizelj.si/bakalina/bakalina-zbrejnkl.
html). The memory of the Tolmin revolt from 1713 is present in the local folk tradition.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
484
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Levstik also included in his story – which, although based on folk motifs, was 
still shaped according to the thematic, formal, and genre guidelines of the time – the 
distinctive features of a number of Slovenian folk songs and tales: specifically, the 
most famous Slovenian heroic folk song of that period, Pegam and Lambergar,39 
and several other local folk tales about King Matjaž, Peter Klepec, angry Kljukec, 
(Stanonik, 2009, 293–298) and the smuggler Štempihar from Upper Carniola, a real 
person from the late 18th century who was tried in a court in Vienna.40 Levstik also 
was well acquainted with Vuk Karadžić’s collection of epic poetry. The comparison 
with Serbian epic poetry is therefore appropriate (for example, Prince Marko and 
Musa Kesedžija the Outlaw or Prince Marko and the Arab), 41 as well as with similar 
work from other countries.42 The central event of Krpan’s duel with Brdavs thus 
establishes the antemurale myth.43
The central event in Martin Krpan – the duel – not only suggests a compari-
son with Hobsbawm’s righteous rebel-avenger (Hobsbawm, 1981, 58–69), but 
also allows Krpan to ultimately demand the same rights as the nobles; as he 
39 This tale was produced by the Habsburgs in the mid-15th century after their victory over the powerful Celje 
Counts, who had previously ruled roughly half of what is today Slovenian territory and much of Croatia 
(Gruden, 1910, 370–371). The Slovenian coat of arms is composed of Mount Triglav, the sea, and three 
gold six-pointed stars that form a triangle and symbolize democracy. The stars are taken from the coat of 
arms of the Celje Counts.
40 The comparison of Krpan with the historical French salt smuggler Mandrin from the second half of the 
18th century who appeared in numerous interpretations in the 18th and 19th centuries, is an obvious one. 
Cf. Lusebrink, 1979, 345–364; Fonvieille, 1995.
41 The influence of and comparison with the Kanjoš Macedonović by the Montenegrin writer Stefan 
Mitrov Ljubiša (1824–1878), also a work that awoke a nation, is interesting. Kanjoš Macedonović 
was written in 1870 and contains some of Levstik’s motifs. But Macedonović, the legendary hero 
from Budva, who, despite his small stature, fought against the giant Furlan, an enemy of the Doge 
of Venice, did not evolve into an independent national symbol because he fought for the posi-
tion and glorification of the local Paštrović nobility which embodied the nation (Pogačnik, 1977, 
161–171; Premović, 2021). Slovenian giant Krpan could also be compared with the Istrian Veli Joža 
who expressed (national) opposition to the Venetian (Italian) authorities, and with the Russian Ilya 
Muromets, in whose story we also encounter armed conflict for the defense of Christianity; Trobič, 
2005, 125–127. On the influence of the story of the biblical giant St. Christopher among Slovenians 
cf. Divjak, 2015, 591–630.
42 The area of  South Eastern Europe is also interesting because of the Muslim enclaves in Bosnia and 
Herzegovina. A collection of their songs was published by Hörman (1889). One of the central protago-
nists in the songs is Mujo Hrnjica, also the strongest man in the world, who could only be harmed by a 
golden bullet. This is what he once confided to “his brother in milk” – they were both born prematurely 
and kept alive by forest fairies – and his brother then betrayed him and murdered him with a golden 
bullet. This story is undoubtedly a reflection of the policy of almost all European state authorities of 
that era, as they encouraged and rewarded betrayal among bandits. Cf. Povolo, 2015, 224–227.
43 The general characteristic of the antemurale myth is formed in the structure of the collective memory, 
especially on the basis of ideas that “this ‘wall’ throughout history has been assailed time and again by 
the dark forces of the other side, the group has been chosen by divine providence to sacrifice itself in 
order to save the larger civilization of which it is a part.” (Kolstø, 2005, 20)
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
485
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
fought a (noble) duel and won.44 He was given the latitude to choose his weapon 
and his horse, and ultimately competed ably with the court nobles, besting them, 
because of his shrewd, roguish, and proud character. The derisive quality of the 
court, in which the Emperor is depicted as good and righteous, while the others 
are envious intriguers, draws inspiration partly from some of Hans Christen 
Andersen’s fairy tales, humorous and comic stories with satirical elements 
related to the current perception of society,45 and partly from the peasant rebels 
of the 16th century who had faith in the good ruler, an attitude reflected in the 
44 As far as the duel is concerned, Levstik also “hit the nail on the head”.  The tradition of duels in the Austrian 
empire, including the majority of present-day Slovenian territory, was still present during the 19th century. 
Albert Wiesinger, an expert on 19th century Austria, estimates that around 2,500 duels were fought in Aus-
tria between 1800 and 1893. The culture of duels expanded especially into the student population who 
formed the foundation of the Slovenian intellectual class and also the basis of the Slovenian bourgeoisie 
that was in the process of formation. For duels on Slovenian territory (cf. Cvirn, 1994, 33–43; Studen, 2000, 
305–314); in an international context Billacois, 1990; Carroll, 2007, 27–35.
45 Janko Kos clearly demonstrated the impact of Andersen’s fairy tales on Levstik’s story, especially the An-
derson tale The Swineherd (1841) in which he derided courtiers and also depicted the profanation process 
of the secular authority of the time (Kos, 1982). In his study Orel (1931) pointed out some interesting 
symbolic interpretations. He not only highlighted the Štempihar anecdote and situated salt smuggling in the 
context of Greek mythology, but also pointed out Levstik’s preconceived and conscious move away from 
the stereotypical fairy-tale endings. 
Fig. 11: Prince Marko and Musa Kesedžija, painting by 
Vladislav Titelbah (1900). Musa Kesedžija is on the left 
(Wikimedia Commons).
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
486
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Slovenian folk tales about King Matjaž.46 The events that take place at the court 
in Vienna represent an original feature of Levstik’s work in comparison with 
Slovenian and Serbian literature. While the folk literature of these traditions 
offer many examples of the motif of the folk hero (e.g. the fight with the giant, 
the payment for the victory), no comparisons can be found for the motifs of and 
scenes in the court, especially those that set the hero in a comical, satirical, or 
ironic context (Kos, 1982, 259–261). Modern ideas and efforts to demystify 
authority can be found in these scenes, while at the same time we can observe 
the establishment of modern Slovenian “court” language. We also detect in 
these scenes Levstik’s broader political vision, most surprisingly perhaps, the 
notion of gender equality, for example when he places a greeting to all the 
people from the village of Vrh in the mouth of the Empress – “especially to the 
mother Mayoress.” (Levstik, 1858a, 44)
This section also includes the explicit demand for the demythologisation of 
the official history of that period: “Krpan answers: ‘Listen to me then! I know 
that my fight with Brdavs is worth the name. Who knows? Perhaps some minstrels 
will even compose tales and songs that will tell this story when neither you nor I 
nor our bones reside in the earth, unless Magister47 Gregor orders them to write 
something else in the books.’” (Levstik, 1858a, 54–56)
The character of Krpan is meant to portray the ideal image of the Slovenian pea-
sant as “an unusually free man; absolutely confident, even when it comes to the most 
delicate moments and situations,” a peasant who feels equal to the Emperor, just like 
“a branch is similar to any other branch.” Beneath Krpan’s rough peasant exterior lays 
a flexible spirit –free, proud, indomitable. He is “the first hero in Slovenian literature 
who is completely free; it would be difficult to find anyone similar to him.” (Paternu, 
46 The emergence of the character of King Matjaž in the area of what is today Slovenia was in part the conse-
quence of the fact that Slovenians never had their own ruler, neither territorial not ethnic. It was therefore 
necessary for the community to create its own imaginary ruler. The common characteristics of the tradition 
related to King Matjaž are to show respect for the king, to glorify his kindness and justice, and to create 
an idealized image of a feudal ruler who is even willing to punish the lords in order to protect the serfs. 
Until the 16th century, King Matjaž was the most important character in the Slovenian folk tradition. 
His character is used in many fairy tales, stories, ballads, and songs, some of them with fairly specific 
structure and motifs when compared to the traditions of other nations (cf. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
King_Matja%C5%BE). Hobsbawm describes the phenomena of imaginary rulers as “the norm of human 
life dream of a world” that is “a world of equality, brotherhood, and freedom, a totally new world without 
evil. Rarely is this more than a dream. Rarely is it more than an apocalyptic expectation, though in many 
societies the millennial dream persists, the Just Emperor will one day appear … and all will be changed 
and perfect.” (Hobsbawm, 1981, 27–28) In this respect, it would be very interesting to study the character 
of King Matjaž in light of the contention of Slovenian historians and ethnographers who believe that he is 
the Hungarian King Matija Korvin. But would people choose a real king for their immortal hero, especially 
when that real king had vandalized their properties during his numerous military marches in a number of 
feuds and imposed 85% taxes on his serfs to finance his luxurious life? It seems unlikely. In any case, the 
roots of the legend about King Matjaž are much older than those of the real King Matija Korvin.
47 At this point Levstik is playing with words: there is Minister Gregor, who is the anti-hero of the tale, but in 
this context the author uses the word “Magister” to label him a sorcerer. 
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
487
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
1978, 239). Though Krpan is pious, he is also an individualist as befits a modern 
liberal man, embodying the motif of the protest of the man in the street against the 
authority of the seigniors, and also symbolizing the emerging Slovenian nation.
In the section that deals with payment for Krpan’s heroism, Levstik bravely demon-
strates a genuine mythic “shifting of codes” in order to “deconstruct” the myth or tale. 
First, Krpan is offered the Princess as his wife as a reward; 48 this represents the mythical 
solution. When Krpan rejects this offer, his is offered material resources – i.e. a wage; this 
represents the capitalist solution. Finally, he is offered the role of court jester, which might 
48 When he cut down the linden tree, Krpan was in essence refusing in advance a marriage with the Princess, 
offered to him as a reward for the salvation of the empire. This was the principle source of resentment of 
the Viennese court towards Krpan. At this point, does it become possible to describe Levstik as a visionary? 
At the end of World War I in 1918, the famous Slovenian politician Anton Korošec refused the request of 
the Habsburg Emperor to support trialism in the Habsburg Empire. As a result of this refusal, the Slovenian 
nation, part of the Yugoslav community until 1991, became a community that was mature enough to have 
an independent state. However, if we are acquainted with the mentality of the period, we can discern that 
Levstik made a conscious shift away from the medieval system of dispute settlement that usually ended (fol-
lowing the ideally designed ritual) with marriage. This tradition was very common at the time. Therefore, we 
may interpret this shift as a demand for the modern rule of law and an independent state judiciary.
Fig. 12: Krpan presents Brdavs’s head at court. Illustration 
by Tone Kralj.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
488
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
be interpreted as an expression of Hoffmann’s “grotesque”. We can only admire Levstik’s 
prescience as these three offers correspond to the three circles of exchange that, according 
to Lévi-Strauss, establish every possible sociality: the Princess – exchange of women, 
ham, lambs, etc. – the exchange of goods; court jester – the exchange of words (and, at 
the same time, the pursuit of the hero). In the end, Krpan chooses payment (rescue), in 
the form of concessions on his trading activities, which corresponds to the proto-capitalist 
economy that Levstik apparently recommended to Slovenians: the self-fertilization of 
value in the circle of “money – goods – money multiplied by achievements” (Močnik, 
1994, 200). Thus the story ends when Krpan’s dream – which on a symbolical level 
represents the demand for equal political rights as well as the desire for a rule of law and 
a constitution – comes true. He is given the privilege of free (peasant) trading i.e. the 
possibility to show his spirit of enterprise and creativity without sanction.49
49 The tale was invented during the period of so-called Bach’s absolutism. It is only after 1861 that we can speak 
of constitutional monarchy. Some scholars consider Krpan’s return to his native soil, the inability and reluc-
tance to take responsibility (for the fight), a failure. For example, Simoniti, 2003, 316: “Isn’t Levstik’s Martin 
Krpan a muscleman who is both obedient to authority but constantly cheating the country, and prefers to retain 
a passive stance in battle only so he can once again slip back into the world of anonymity and ease?”
Fig. 13: Krpan turns down the Emperor’s offer to marry the 
Princess. Illustration by Tone Kralj.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
489
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Therefore, the value of Levstik’s tale lies in its combination of mythical and 
literary narrative in a functionally connected organism, including the simultaneity 
of “historical” and “non-historical” elements, the interaction between symbolic 
and real ambiguities; “it offers the reader the opportunity to identify themselves 
with the mythical imagination of the archaic folk tale, and to discern the writer’s 
topical idea through symbolic analogies.” (Paternu, 1978, 233)
VI.
Levstik wrote the second part of the Martin Krpan tale, but it was not published 
during his lifetime. Like the first part, the second one emphasizes the analogy of 
the eternal ingratitude of the Viennese court towards the Slovenian people (martyr-
dom), which had been protecting it for centuries against the Turkish threat. It was 
the cut-down linden tree that formed the basis for the dispute between the court and 
Krpan: “And who would have thought that this feud over a linden tree would last 
forever? Was this tree your God or what?” (Levstik, 1858a, 48)
Fig. 14: Krpan wins the privilege of free trading. Illustration 
by Tone Kralj.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
490
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
The refusal of the marriage with the Princess, on the other hand, represented a 
ritualized foundation for the rejection of peace and an occasion for revenge.50 Even 
more important illustrative element in this part of the story is the envious, scheming, 
and denunciatory role of Krpan’s compatriots, living in Vienna, ie. the Empress’s 
chambermaid Ančika (the traitor, which is missing in first part), who seeks vengeance 
because Krpan caught her stealing her neighbor’s apples, although she already had 
enough of her own, and her paramour, Andrej, who obeyed the Empress’s (exposure 
of the false hero) orders to follow Krpan, poison him, chain him up, and bring him to 
the prison in Vienna (the hero’s unrecognized arrival) where he faces execution (the 
assignment of a difficult task). He is only able to save himself through a spectacular 
escape (recognition of the hero), carried out with the help of the fairytale dwarf king (a 
magic helper). On his way home from the court, Krpan had selflessly helped the dwarf 
king by giving him the small bag with all the money he had received (friend of the poor) 
as payment for winning the duel with Brdavs. In the end, Krpan also settled his scores 
with the two traitors and then runs towards freedom “across the city and then onward, 
following the imperial road out of Vienna” (transfiguration of the hero).
Apparently Levstik deliberately decided to never publish the second part of his 
literary tale about Martin Krpan. It remained in manuscript form until 1931 when it was 
published in Levstik’s collected works edited by Anton Slodnjak (1931).51 However, in 
marked contrast to the first part, the second remains largely unknown to the Slovenian 
public. Why Levstik did not publish both parts of his manuscript about Martin Krpan is 
a mystery. This enigma offers a range of interpretations and reinterpretations that tend 
to confirm the author’s genius – whether his political satire was an artistic work, an 
original socio-psychological work, a deliberate literary-political work, or, most likely, a 
combination of all of these. This is also confirmed by the fact that Levstik perceived the 
myth in a radically un-mythical way, that is, historically and scientifically, an approach 
based on Fredrich Wilhelm Schelling’s historical perspective on myths. Because of this 
approach, the content of the story is “independent and indicates its higher meanings 
more than reveals them, suggests them more than defines them,” the reader is relatively 
free in the process of connecting ideas or “erecting bridges between myth and reality” 
(Paternu, 1978, 244), which can never be entirely translatable.
Perhaps Levstik considered the second part of the work too fairytale-like, per-
haps he decided not to publish because of pressure from censors, or perhaps he 
was simply pleased with the reception of the first part of the tale. Whatever the 
reason, we discover that in the second part of the tale Levstik faithfully followed 
the guidelines of mythic narrative in Lévi-Strauss’s myth matrix as well as Hobs-
bawm and Seal’s moral code of the outlaw hero. Furthermore, I also hypothesize, 
in accordance with the definitions of structuralism, that this action represents a 
“lack” (comp. Miller, 1968) – the opposite but constitutive part of the structure that 
guarantees Levstik’s outlaw myth “life on after death”. 
50 Comp. Petkov, 2003, 93–117; Smail & Gibson, 2009; Dean, 1997, 16–17, 29–30; Carroll, 2006, 232–253.
51 A few years ago both parts were published in a special edition (Levstik, 2009).
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
491
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Taking this into account, can we may just concur with the opinion of Josip Stritar 
about Levstik’s Krpan,52  that “isn’t this precisely the special gift possessed by devoted 
men, that they achieve more than they intend to”?
VII.
As discussed, Levstik’s entire structure for his Slovenian nation-building literary-poli-
tical program and his myth about Martin Krpan originates from the historical events of the 
15th and 16th centuries: ranging from economic (transportation), social (peasant revolts), to 
political-historical (defense against the Turks). He combined these elements in the tale of 
Martin Krpan, with the basics of folklore and the ethno-symbolic cultural heritage of the 
period. In his literary work, Levstik skillfully conceals the “historical realities”. This is 
typical of myths in which “historical truths” are clad in metaphors and symbolism. In this 
way, Levstik revealed the path toward the (national) political struggle.
52 Josip Stritar, a contemporary of Levstik’s, wrote down this about Krpan in an 1874 letter to Josip 
Cimperman (Paternu, 1978, 235).
Fig. 15: Martin Krpan with the cut-down linden tree and the 
horrified Empress and Princess (conflict continuation). Illu-
stration by Tone Kralj.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
492
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
But the “real” mythos that Levstik wanted to create was not only Martin Krpan and 
his adventures; it was not only the argumentation of historical origin or the vocation 
of the nation; it was not even the defense of the civilization, the demand for political 
rights, or mimetic narrative prose (i.e. the ability to create a virtual real world). The 
“real” mythos was the language. “Language is the only means of expressing literature 
and literary art in which language is further developed; literature is language’s strongest 
creator, its endless designer.” (Kmecl, 2004, 141) Therefore, Levstik wrote the tale of 
Martin Krpan in order to create a piece of literature derived from his program, in which 
language would be transformed into the symbolic tool that would shape the Slovenian 
nation. Thus, language becomes the crucial and central issue of Slovenian sovereignty, 
because, as Levstik once emphasized: “language is nationality; if you take it away from 
the people, you take everything from them.” (Kmecl, 2004, 14)53
In this study, we would be remiss if we did not dedicate some attention to Levstik 
as a personality, to his character, and especially to the intellectual circle that gathered 
and worked around him.54  We also note that Levstik wrote a number of works after 
the publication of his literary-political program and the tale about Martin Krpan, but 
they never gained much recognition. Nevertheless, he used them to show the path to 
literary creation and to master the Slovenian language. He was politically active in 
liberal circles, and also faced some bitter political defeats. He died lonely, forgotten, 
and ill. During his life, he held numerous public debates with his peers. He knew how 
to be tough, stubborn, and contemptuous, with a distinctive and often cynical note; yet 
he was also a great idealist. He was driven by his belief in the Slovenian language. 
Prominent representatives of the younger Slovenian intellectuals followed Levstik and 
actually took steps to put his program into practice. The first among them was Josip 
Jurčič whose classic Slovenian novel Deseti brat (The Tenth Brother) was created with 
substantial help of Levstik, despite the fact that Jurčič had shifted his focus in his 
works from the peasant to the middle-class population in response to the development 
of the Slovenian bourgeoisie. Ivan Cankar (1876–1918), the best-known representative 
of Slovenian modernism, occupies the peak of this heritage. In his novel Življenjepis 
idealista (The Idealist’s Biography, 1904), the character, Martin Kačur, described the 
characteristics of the emerging Slovenian political elite in the second half of the 19th 
century (one of whose victims was also Levstik) with psychological perspicacity. 
In post-revolutionary bourgeois Europe, literary genres, short stories, dramas, 
tragedies, and novels were considered the sine qua non of any national literature; for 
Levstik they represented the basic conditions of the Slovenian nation. Even subsequent 
interpretations and presentations of Levstik and his work reveals that both his program 
and his hero succeeded, perhaps even more than he dreamed they would.
53 Anderson illustrates the role of language with the following words: “It is always a mistake to treat lan-
guages in the way that certain nationalist ideologues treat them – as emblems of nationity, such as flags, 
costumes, folk-dances, and that sort of thing. The most important thing about language is its capacity for 
generating imagined communities, building in effect particular solidarities.” (Anderson, 1991, 133)
54 Numerous studies have been devoted to this issue, cf. literature in note 3.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
493
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Krpan’s success among Slovenians was not instant or spontaneous. The story slowly 
gained popularity, following a clever plan derived from Slovenian literary history and 
conceived by cultural personalities (Hladnik, 2002, 228–229). Certainly, the story beca-
me better known when it was reproduced in a textbook for colleges in 1868. Since then 
it has been a part of the canon of youth literature (Janežič, 1868, 208–217). It was also 
reprinted in Levstik’s Zbrani spisi (Collected Essays) edited by Fran Levec in 1891. In 
1917, Martin Krpan was published in a children’s collection with illustrations by Hinko 
Smrekar. In the interwar period, the publishing house Mohorjeva družba reprinted it 
several times. Indeed, Krpan was reprinted even during the period of cultural silence 
between 1941 and 1944. In 1954, the painter, Tone Kralj, illustrated the new jubilee 
edition of Martin Krpan and created a picture book that has been reprinted countless 
times. Kralj’s illustrations of Krpan have lodged themselves into the consciousness of 
average Slovenian people almost as much as the tale itself – just as befits a myth.
Fig. 16: Tone Kralj in the 1930s. In 
1954, he created a series of large full-
-page color illustrations of the story of 
Martin Krpan (Wikimedia Commons).
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
494
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Myths have always possessed an identificational and constitutive social role, even 
when it comes to the negative or positive consequences of the actions taken by people 
who identify themselves with myths. We cannot say that myths are not real or that they 
are fictional, and thus should be repudiated in some way: myths exist. Their existence 
makes them real and active. Indeed, they provide an excellent method for historians, 
anthropologists, and the global interdisciplinary studies about the past and the present 
to which these academics belong, because they help them to explore cultural memory, 
imaginaries, mentalities, perceptions, and social relations.
Fig. 17: Fran Levstik around 1865 (Wikimedia 
Commons).
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
495
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
MITOTVORNI GRADNIK SLOVENSKEGA NARODA:
FRAN LEVSTIKOV MARTIN KRPAN
Darko DAROVEC
Univerza v Mariboru, Filozofska fakulteta, 
Koroška 160, 2000 Maribor, Slovenija
e-mail: darko.darovec@um.si
Inštitut IRRIS za raziskave, razvoj in strategije družbe, kulture in okolja, 
Čentur 1f, 6273 Marezige, Slovenija
e-mail: darko.darovec@irris.eu
POVZETEK
Namen članka je na primeru slovenske umetne pripovedke Frana Levstika Martin 
Krpan z Vrha (1858) osvetliti avtorjevo politično agendo, njegov čas in literarno izvedbo 
stvaritve izvornega slovenskega junaka za potrebe izgradnje naroda, pojav, ki je bil v 
tedanjem času značilen za skoraj vse oblikujoče se evropske nacije. Analiza tega dela 
dokumentirano prikaže svojstven fenomen: gre za programsko, zavestno željo po izo-
blikovanju nacionalnega literarnega lika, ki naj bo podlaga za literarno ustvarjanje in 
politični (nacionalni) boj. Levstik je bil med prvimi in najvidnejšimi pisci nastajajočih 
slovenskih intelektualcev v drugi polovici 19. stoletja. Vrednost njegove povesti je v tem, 
da združuje mitično in literarno pripoved v funkcionalno povezan organizem, saj omo-
goča sovpadanje »zgodovinskega« in »nezgodovinskega« branja, prepletanje simbolnih 
in realnih večpomenskosti. Celotno zgradbo za svoj literarno-politični program in za 
povest o junaku Martinu Krpanu, sicer tihotapcu in s tem v sporu z zakonom, je Levstik 
črpal iz zgodovinskih dogodkov in kulture spominjanja 15. in 16. stoletja, iz gospodarske 
(prevozništvo), socialne (kmečki upori) in politične zgodovine (obramba pred Turki), 
ki jih je prepletal z osnovami tedanje folklorne in etnično-simbolne kulturne dediščine. 
»Zgodovinske resničnosti«, ki so značilne za mite, in »zgodovinske resnice« je v svojem 
literarnem delu spretno zakril s pokrivalom metaforike in simbolizma ter tako pokazal 
pot (nacionalnemu) političnemu boju. A »pravi« mit, ki ga je hotel ustvariti, je bil slo-
venski jezik. Jezik in z njim povezana kultura sta bila nedvomno bistvena razločevalna in 
konstitutivna elementa procesa oblikovanja slovenskega naroda in države v primerjavi z 
»Drugim(i)«.
Ključne besede: Fran Levstik, Martin Krpan, mitotvorec, junak izobčenec, nacionalni 
miti, gradniki naroda in države, kultura spominjanja, slovenski jezik, 19. stoletje
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
496
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aleksov, B. (2005): Adamant and Treacherous: Serbian Historians on Religious 
Conversions. In: Kolstø, P (ed.): Myths and Boundaries in South Eastern Europe. 
London, Hurst & Co., 158–190.
Anderson, B. (1991): Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of 
Nationalism. London, Verso. 
AS, 721 – Archives of the Republic of Slovenia (AS), 721 Gospostvo Bled, Iustitialia, 
fasc. 40. 
ASVe, 232 – Archivio di Stato di Venezia (ASVe), Senato, Dispacci, Provveditori da 
terra e da mar, b. 232.
ASVe, 349 – Archivio di Stato di Venezia (ASVe), Collegio, Suppliche, Risposte di 
fuori, b. 349. 
ASVe, 378 – Archivio di Stato di Venezia (ASVe), Provveditori al Sal, Atti, b. 378.  
Bajt, V. (2011): Myths of Nationhood: Slovenians, Caranthania and the Venetic Theory. 
Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia, 21, 2, 249–260.
Baskar, B. (2008): Martin Krpan ali habsburški mit kot sodobni slovenski mit [Martin 
Krpan or the Habsburg Myth as the Slovenian Contemporary Myth]. Etnolog, 
XVIII, 75–92. 
Bellabarba, M. (2017): Faide e letteratura giuridica nello spazio Trentino-Tirolese del 
tardo medioevo. Acta Histriae, 25, 2, 235–250.
Bianco, F. (1990): Contadini, sbirri e contrabbandieri nel Friuli del Settecento: la 
comunità di villaggio tra conservazione e rivolta (Valcellina e Valcolvera). Porde-
none, Edizioni Biblioteca dell’immagine.
Bianco, F. (1995): 1511, la “crudel zobia grassa”: rivolte contadine e faide nobiliari in 
Friuli tra ‘400 e ‘500. Pordenone, Edizioni Biblioteca dell’immagine. 
Billacois, F. (1990): The Duel: Its Rise and Fall in Early Modern France. New Haven 
and London, Yale University Press. 
Brown, N. (1990): Brigands and State Building: The Invention of Banditry in Modern 
Egypt. Comparative Studies in Society and History, XXXII, 258–281.
Brunner, O. (1939): Land und Herrschaft. Grundfragen der territorialen Verfassun-
gsgeschichte Österreichs im Mittelalter. Baden bei Wien, Rohrer.
Carroll, S. & U. Cecchinato (2019): Violence and Sacred Space in Early Modern 
Venice. Acta Histriae, 27, 4, 561–580.
Carroll, S. (2006): Blood and Violence in Early Modern France. New York, Oxford 
University Press.
Carroll, S. (2007): Cultures of Violence. Interpersonal Violence in Historical Perspec-
tive. New York, Palgrave Macmillan.
Carroll, S. (2017): From Feud to Enmity. Acta Histriae, 25, 2, 433–444.
Casals, À. (2017): Legal and Illegal Forms of Vendetta in the Legal Framework of 
Catalonia, 15th to 17th Century. Acta Histriae, 25, 2, 219–234.
Casals, À. (2019): Banditry under the Crown of Aragon: A Historiography in the Euro-
pean Context. Acta Histriae, 27, 4, 581–603.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
497
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Čeh Steger, J. (2021): Levstikov Martin Krpan in njegovi nasledniki do 1930: odnos 
do lastnega in tujega. Acta Histriae, 29, 2, 301–320.
Cvirn, J. (1994): “Sapralot! To bo pa močan strel; K zgodovini dvoboja na Sloven-
skem” [“Upon my soul! This will be a strong shot”: About the History of Duels on 
the Slovenian Territory]. Zgodovina za vse, I, 33–43. 
Darovec, D. (2004): Davki nam pijejo kri: gospodarstvo severozahodne Istre v novem veku 
v luči beneške davčne politike [Bloodsucking Taxes: The Economy of Northwestern 
Istria in the Modern Age in light of Venetian Fiscal Policy]. Koper, Založba Annales.
Darovec, D. (2018): Vendetta in Koper 1686. Koper, Annales Press.
Dean, T. (1997): Marriage and Mutilation: Vendetta in Late Medieval Italy. Past and 
Present, CLVII, 16–17, 29–30.
Divjak, A. (2015): The images of St Christopher in the folk narratives collected in 
the Republic of Slovenia and Austrian Carinthia and their historical-mythical roots. 
Acta Histriae, 23, 4, 591–630.
Eliade, M. (1963): Myth and Reality. New York, Harper & Row.
Faggion, L. (2017): La vengeance et le Consulat à Vicence dans la seconde moitié du 
XVIe siècle. Acta Histriae, 25, 1, 131–152.
Fonvieille, R. (1995): Mandrin d’après de nombreux documents inédits. Paris, Office 
d’édition du livre d’histoire.
Foucault, M. (1995 [1975]): Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York, 
Vintage Books.
Gallant, T. W. (1999): Brigandage, Piracy, Capitalism and State-Formation: Transnati-
onal Crime from Historical World-Systems Perspective. In: McConnell Heyman, J. 
(ed.): States and Illegal Practices. New York, Hart Publishing, 22–61.
Gestrin, F. & V. Melik (1966): Slovenska zgodovina od konca 18. stoletja do 1918 
[Slovenian History from the End of the 18th Century until 1918]. Ljubljana, Državna 
založba Slovenije.
Gestrin, F. & V. Melik (1979): Zedinjena Slovenija [United Slovenia]. In: Zgodovina 
Slovencev. Ljubljana, Cankarjeva založba, 448. 
Gestrin, F. (1973a): Kmečka trgovina kot ozadje kmečkih uporov [Peasant Trade as 
the Background of the Peasant Revolts]. Situla, XIII, 45–67.
Gestrin, F. (1973b): Trgovina in kmečki upori na Slovenskem in Hrvatskem v XVI. 
stoletju [Trade and Peasant Revolts in Slovenia and Croatia in the 16th Century]. 
Zgodovinski časopis, XXVI, 207–218.
Grafenauer, B. (1962): Kmečki upori na Slovenskem [Peasant Revolts in Slovenia]. 
Ljubljana, Državna založba Slovenije. 
Grafenauer, B. (1974): Boj za staro pravdo v 15. in 16. stoletju na Slovenskem: slo-
venski kmečki upor 1515 in hrvaško-slovenski kmečki upor 1572/73 [The Struggle 
for Old Justice in Slovenia during the 15th and 16th centuries: The Slovenian Peasant 
Revolt of 1515 and the Croatian-Slovenian Peasant Revolt 1572/73]. Ljubljana, 
Državna založba Slovenije. 
Grafenauer, B. (1974): Zgodovina slovenskega naroda V [The History of the Sloveni-
an Nation V]. Ljubljana, Državna založba Slovenije.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
498
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Greimas, A. J. (1976): Préface. In: Courtés, J.: Introduction a la semiotique narrative 
et discursive. Methodologie et application. Paris, Hachette, 5–26. 
Gruden, J. (1910): Zgodovina slovenskega naroda [History of the Slovenian Nation]. 
Celje, Družba sv. Mohorja.
Helgason, J. K. (2011): Relics and Rituals: The Canonization of Cultural “Saints” 
from a Social Perspective. Primerjalna književnost, 34, 1, 165–188.
Hladnik, M. (2002): Pa začnimo pri Krpanu [Let’s Start with Krpan]. Sodobnost, 
LXVI, 227–237.
Hobsbawm, E. J. E. (1981): Bandits. New York, Pantheon Books.
Hörman, K. (1889): Narodne pjesme Muslimana u Bosni i Hercegovini [Muslim 
National Songs in Bosnia and Herzegovina]. Sarajevo, Svjetlost.
Horvat, M. (2021): Osamosvajanje Slovenije v prizmi kulture spominjanja: vloga in 
pomen revije Mladina. Acta Histriae, 29, 1, 207–242.
Hosking, G. & G. Schöpflin (eds.) (1997): Myths and Nationhood. New York, Rou-
tledge.
Hroch, M. (2000): Social Preconditions of National Revival in Europe: A Comparative 
Analysis of the Social Composition of Patriotic Groups among the Smaller Europe-
an Nations. New York, Chichester, West Sussex.
Janežič, A. (1868): Cvetnik slovenske slovesnosti: Berilo za višje gimnazije in realke 
[Anthology of Slovenian Ceremony: Reader for Primary and Secondary Schools]. 
Klagenfurt, Blaznik.
Jazbec, M. (2009): Martin Krpan. Diplomat in vojščak. [Martin Krpan: Diplomat and 
Warrior]. Studeno, Zavod Martin Krpan. 
Jurančič, J. (1959): Srbska in hrvatska ljudska epika [Serbian and Croatian Folk Epic 
Poetry]. Ljubljana.
Kmecl, M. (2004): Tisoč let slovenske literature, Drugačni pogledi na slovensko lite-
rarno in slovstveno preteklost [A Thousand years of Slovenian Literature: Different 
Views on Slovenian Literary History]. Ljubljana, Cankarjeva založba. 
Koblar, F. (1933): Frana Levstika Zbrano delo; III. zvezek, 1931. IV. Zvezek, 1932 
[Fran Levstik’s Collected Works; Volume III, 1931, Volume IV, 1932]. Dom in svet, 
XXXXVI, 162–164.
Kocijan, G. (1979): Levstikov literarni program in mladi Jurčič [Levstik’s Literary 
Program and the Young Jurčič]. Jezik in slovstvo, XXV, 37–44; 
Kolstø, P (ed.) (2005): Myths and Boundaries in South Eastern Europe. London, Hurst & Co. 
Kolstø, P. (ed.) (2014): Strategies of Symbolic Nation-Building in South Eastern 
Europe. London, Routledge.
Komel, D. (2011): Osvobojeni lik [Liberated Character]. Phainomena, XX, 95–101.
Kooistra, P. (1989): Criminals as Heroes: Structure, Power & Identity. Ohio, Bowling 
Green State University Popular Press.
Kopitar, J. (1808): Grammar of the Slovenian language in Carniola, Carinthia and 
Styria. Ljubljana.
Kos, J. (1982): Levstik in Andersen [Levstik and Andersen]. Slavistična revija, XXX, 
241–266. 
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
499
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Kos, V. (1985): Atlas of Slovenia. Ljubljana, Mladinska knjiga in Geodetski zavod SR 
Slovenije.
Košuta, M. (1996): Krpanova sol [Krpan’s Salt]. Ljubljana, Cankarjeva založba. 
Lévi-Strauss, C. (1963 [1958]): Structural Anthropology. New York, Basic Books. 
Lévi-Strauss, C. (1966 [1962]): The Savage Mind. London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 
Lévi-Strauss, C. (1969 [1964]): Introduction to the Science of Mythology. The Raw 
and the Cooked. London, Harper. 
Lévi-Strauss, C. (1976 [1973]): Structural Anthropology II. Chicago, University of 
Chicago Press. 
Lévi-Strauss, C. (1984): Structure and Form: Reflection on a Work of Vladimir Propp. 
In: Propp, V.: Theory and History of Folklore. Minneapolis, University of Minne-
sota Press, 167–189. 
Lévi-Strauss, C. (1988 [1985]): The Jealous Potter. Chicago, University of Chicago 
Press.
Levstik, F. (1858a): Martin Krpan z Vrha [Martin Krpan from Vrh]. Slovenski glasnik, 
1–6, 25–31. 
Levstik, F. (1858b): Popotovanje od Litije do Čateža [Rambling from Litija to Čatež]. 
Slovenski glasnik, I, 14–16, 46–52, 81–84, 113–114, 136–141.
Levstik, F. (1858c): Napake slovenskega pisanja [Mistakes in Slovenian Writing]. Kme-
tijske in rokodelske novice, XVI, 3, 12–13, 19, 26–27, 44-45, 58–59, 66–67, 74–75, 
91–92, 98–99, 114–115, 131, 139–140, 178–179, 186–187, 204, 211–212, 218–219.
Levstik, F. (1917): Martin Krpan z Vrha. Ljubljana, Nova Založba.
Levstik, F. (1952): Martin Krpan, adaptation and the compilation of notes to the text 
edited by Boris Paternu. Ljubljana, Državna založba Slovenije.
Levstik, F. (1954): Martin Krpan. Ljubljana, Mladinska knjiga.
Levstik, F. (2009): Martin Krpan z Vrha, part I and II. Ljubljana, Prešernova družba.
Liberman, A. (1984): Introduction. In: Propp, V: Theory and History of Folklore. 
Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, IX–LXXXI.
Linhart, A. T. (1789): Županova Micka [Mary, the Mayor’s Daughter]. 
Linhart, A. T. (1789–1791): Versuch einer Geschichte von Krain und der übrigen 
südlichen Slaven Oesterreichs. Laibach, mit Egerschen Schriften.
Linhart, A. T. (1790): Ta veseli dan ali Matiček se ženi [This Merry Day or Matiček’s 
Wedding]. 
Logar, J. & A. Ocvirk (1933): Levstikov zbornik [Levstik’s Collection of Scientific 
Papers]. Ljubljana, Slavistični klub na Univerzi.
Lusebrink, H. J. (1979): Images et représentations de la criminalité au XVIII siècle: 
l’exemple de Mandrin. Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, XXVI, 
345–364. 
Mahnič, J. (1958): K stvarnemu ozadju v Levstikovem Krpanu [The Real Background 
of Levstik’s Krpan]. Jezik in slovstvo, IV, 88.
Maretić, T. (1966): Naša narodna epika [Our National Epic Poetry]. Beograd, Nolit.
Martin, J. J. (2017): Cannibalism as a Feuding Ritual in Early Modern Europe. Acta 
Histriae, 25, 1, 97–108.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
500
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Mihelič, D. (2021):  Motivi iz slovenske zgodovine v pesniškem opusu Antona Aškerca 
(1856–1912). Acta Histriae, 29, 2, 337–363.
Mijatović, A. (1974): Uskoci i krajišnici, narodni junaci u pjesmi i povijesti [Uskoks and 
people from Krajina, national heroes in poems and tales]. Zagreb, Školska knjiga. 
Miller, J. A. (1968): Action de la structure. Cahiers pour l’Analyse, IX, 93–105.
Mitrović, M. (1982): Martin Krpan između usmenih modela i modernog pripovedanja 
[Martin Krpan between Oral Models and Modern Storytelling]. Književna istorija, 
XIV, 537–547. 
Mlakar, A. (2021): The Role of Religion in Legends About Turkish Attacks. Acta 
Histriae, 29, 2, 273–300.
Močnik, R. (1994): Lévi-Strauss med paradoksi antropologije [Lévi-Strauss Between 
the Paradoxes of Anthropology]. In: Lévi-Strauss, C.: Rasa in zgodovina, Totemi-
zem danes. Ljubljana, Studia Humanitatis.
Muir, E. (2017): The Feuding Spectrum: From the Mountains of Albania to the Court 
of Charles V. Acta Histriae, 25, 1, 1–10.
Muir, E. W. (1998): Mad Blood Stirring: Vendetta in Renaissance Italy. Baltimore, 
Maryland, Johns Hopkins University Press. 
Oman, Ž. (2017): Modern Age, Ancient Customs – Settling Blood in the Eastern Alps 
between the Late Middle Ages and Early Modernity. Acta Histriae, 25, 153–178.
Oman, Ž. (2018): Grundstöer – Devastation as Vengeance for Homicide Among Sixteenth-
-Century Carniolan Peasants. Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia, 28, 3, 477–494. 
Oman, Ž. (2019):  Enmities and Peacemaking among Upper Carniolan Peasants in 
Early Modernity. Acta Histriae, 27, 4, 673–712.
Orel, B. (1931): O Levstikovem Martinu Krpanu [About Levstik’s Martin Krpan]. 
Dom in svet, XXXXIV, 450–456; 
Overing, J. (1997): The Role of Myth: An Anthropological Perspective, or: The Reali-
ty of the Really Made-Up. In: Hosking, G. & G. Schöpflin: Myths and Nationhood. 
New York, Routledge, 1–18.
Paternu, B. (1978): Levstikov Martin Krpan med mitom in resničnostjo [Levstik’s 
Martin Krpan between Myth and Reality]. Slavistična revija, XXVI, 233–251. 
Pavlaković, V. (2012): Myths and Symbols in Interwar Croatia: The Case of Matija 
Gubec. http://historyandreconciliation.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/vjeran_pa-
vlakovic1.pdf. (last access: 03.01.2021)
Perica, V. (2005): The Sanctification of Enmity: Churches and the Construction of 
Founding Myths of Serbia and Croatia. In: Kolstø, P (ed.): Myths and Boundaries in 
South Eastern Europe. London, Hurst & Co., 130–157.
Petkov, K. (2003): The Kiss of Peace. Ritual, Self, and Society in the High and Late 
Medieval West. Boston, Brill.
Smail, D. L. & K. Gibson (2009): Vengeance in Medieval Europe. Toronto, Toronto 
University Press. 
Pezzolo, L. (2007): Stato, guerra e finanza nella Repubblica di Venezia fra medioevo e 
prima metà moderna. In: Cancila, R. (ed.): Mediterraneo in armi (secc. XV–XVIII). 
Palermo, Mediterranea, 67–112.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
501
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Pogačnik, J. (1977): Martin Krpan in Kanjoš Macedonović [Martin Krpan and Kanjoš 
Macedonović]. Jezik in slovstvo, XXII, 161–171. 
Pogačnik, J. (1999): Med Lepo Vido in Martinom Krpanom [Between Lepa Vida and 
Martin Krpan]. Sodobnost, XXXXVII, 262–269. 
Povolo, C. (2015): Feud and vendetta: Customs and Trial Rites in Medieval and Mo-
dern Europe. A legal-anthropological approach. Acta Histriae, 23, 2, 195–244.
Povolo, P. (2017): La pietra del bando. Vendetta e banditismo in Europa tra Cinque e 
Seicento. Acta Histriae, 25, 1, 21–56.
Premović, M. (2021): Trader Kanjoš Macedonović as a Montenegrin National Myth. 
Acta Histriae, 29, 2, 321–336.
Propp, V (1955): Russian Heroic Epic Poetry. Leningrad, Leningrad State University.
Propp, V. (1946): Historical Roots of the Wondertale. Leningrad, Leningrad State 
University.
Propp, V. (1968[1928]): Morphology of the Folktale. Bloomington, The American 
Folklore Society and Indiana University.
Propp, V. (1984): Theory and History of Folklore. Minneapolis, University of Minne-
sota Press. 
Radcliffe-Brown, A. R. (1952): Structure and Function in Primitive Society. Illinois, 
The Free Press.
Resta, P. (2017): Il paradigma vendicatorio nell’immaginario giuridico. Acta Histriae, 
25, 2, 375–390.
Schöpflin, G. (1997): The Functions of Myth and a Taxonomy of Myths. In: Hosking, 
G. & G. Schöpflin (eds.): Myths and Nationhood. New York, Routledge, 19–35. 
Seal, G. (1996): The Outlaw Legend: A Cultural Tradition in Britain, America, and 
Australia. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. 
Simoniti, V. (2003): Fanfare nasilja [The Fanfares of Violence]. Ljubljana, Slovenska 
matica.
Skušek, Z. (1980): Gledališče kot oblika spektakelske funkcije [Theatre as a Form of 
Spectacle Function]. Ljubljana, Univerzum. 
Slatta, R. W. (2004): Eric J. Hobsbawm’s Social Bandit: A Critique and Revision. A 
Contracorriente, A Journal on Social History and Literature in Latin America, II, 
22–30.
Slodnjak, A. (1931): Frana Levstika zbrano delo [The Collected Works of Fran Lev-
stik], III. Pripovedni spisi. Ljubljana, Jugoslovanska knjigarna. 
Smith, A. D. (1999): Myths and Memories of the Nation. New York, Oxford University 
Press.
Stanojević, G. (1973): Senjski uskoci [Uskoks of Senj]. Beograd, Vojnoizdavački 
zavod.
Stanonik, M. (2009): Zgodovina slovenske slovstvene folklore. Od srednjega veka do 
sodobnosti [History of Slovenian Literary Folklore: From the Middle Ages to the 
Present]. Ljubljana, Slovenska matica.
Štrekelj, K. (1895–1923): Slovenske narodne pesmi [Slovenian folk songs], I–IV. 
Ljubljana, Slovenska matica.
ACTA HISTRIAE • 29 • 2021 • 3
502
Darko DAROVEC: SLOVENIAN NATION-BUILDING MYTHMAKER: FRAN LEVSTIK’S MARTIN KRPAN, 457–502
Studen, A. (2000): Kodeks časti na Slovenskem pred prvo svetovno vojno [Code 
of Honor on the Slovenian Territory before World War I]. Acta Histriae, 8, 1, 
305–314. 
Tamm, M. (2008): History as Cultural Memory: Mnemohistory and the Constructi-
on of the Estonian Nation. Journal of Baltic Studies, 39, 4, 499–516.
Tepavčević, I. (2018): Pogledi Valtazara Bogišića na Crnu goru i crnogorsko društvo 
(krvna osveta – između tradicije i modernog društva) [Views of Valtazar Bogišić 
on Montenegro and the Montenegro Society (Bloodfeud – between Tradition and 
Modern Society)]. Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia, 28, 3,  495–522. 
Tomaževič, B. (ur.) (1958): Fran Levstik, Martin Krpan z Vrha, Popotovanje od Litije 
do Čateža [Martin Krpan from Vrh, Rambling from Litija to Čatež]. Ljubljana, 
Mladinska knjiga. 
Tratnik, P. (2021): Vloga popularne kulture in oglaševanja v kulturi spominjanja: 
grajenje jugoslovanske nacije in zamišljanje slovenske države. Acta Histriae, 29, 
1, 159–190.
Trobič, M. (2005): Po Krpanovih sledeh [Following in Krpan’s Footsteps]. Logatec, 
Amata. 
Valvasor, J. V. (1689): Die Ehre dess Hertzogthums Crain [The Glory of the Duchy of 
Carniola]. Nürnberg, Wolfgang Moritz Endter, II.
Velikonja, M. (1996): Masade duha – razpotja sodobnih mitologij [Masadas of Spirit 
– The Crossroads of Contemporary Mythologies]. Ljubljana, ZPS. 
Vidali, A. (2017): Interrelazioni tra pena del bando, faida e aspetti costituzionali: 
Venezia e la Terraferma, secoli XV–XVI. Acta Histriae, 25, 2, 261–284.
Vidmar, J. (1951): Literarne kritike [Literary Criticism]. Ljubljana, Državna založba 
Slovenije. 
Vilfan, S. (1954): Koprski glavar Slovanov v avstrijsko-beneški vojni [The Captain of 
Slavs from Koper in the Austrian-Venetian war]. Kronika, II, 24–29.
Vilfan, S. (1962): K zgodovini kmečkega kupčevanja s soljo. Gospodarsko-pravne 
podlage povesti o Martinu Krpanu [About the History of the Peasant Salt Trade: 
Economic and Legal Foundations of the Tale of Martin Krpan]. Kronika, X, 
129–144.
Vilfan, S. (1963): K zgodovini kmečkega kupčevanja s soljo. Gospodarsko-pravne 
podlage povesti o Martinu Krpanu [About the History of the Peasant Salt Trade: 
Economic and Legal Foundations of the Tale of Martin Krpan]. Kronika, XI, 1–12.
Wolff, L. (2001): Venice and the Slavs: The Discovery of Dalmatia in the Age of Enli-
ghtenment. Stanford, Stanford University Press.
Žanić, I. (2005): The Symbolic Identity of Croatia in the Triangle Crossroads-Bul-
wark-Bridge. In: Kolstø, P (ed.): Myths and Boundaries in South Eastern Europe. 
London, Hurst & Co., 35–76. 
Žižek, S. (1980): Spremna beseda [Preface]. In: Skušek, Z.: Gledališče kot oblika spek-
takelske funkcije [Theatre as a Form of Spectacle Function]. Ljubljana, Univerzum, 
123–128.