Acta geographica Slovenica, 58-2, 2018, 111–121
DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS
OF CREATIVE WORKERS:
UNDER-ACTIVATED DEVELOPMENT
POTENTIALS IN SLOVENIA?
Jani Kozina
Creative viewpoint.
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.4602
UDC: 913:314:331.102.312(497.4)
314:331.102.312(497.4)
COBISS: 1.01
Demographic characteristics of creative workers: under-activated development
potentials in Slovenia?
ABSTRACT: The purpose of the article is to present the key demographic characteristics of the creative
labour force in Slovenia and bring attention to some opportunities for a more effective activation of the
creative potential. We analysed data from the Statistical Register of Employment. The results indicate that
creative workers in Slovenia are not only heterogeneous from the aspect of the employment structure, but
that they also differ significantly in terms of gender, age, education, and ethnicity. Even though Slovenia
can be compared to the most developed countries in the scope of the creative labour force, it will have to
work on stimulating additional development potentials to make it to the top of the list. We conclude that,
in the future, a more prominent role should be given to the female creative labour force, young bohemi-
ans, and foreign creative people.
KEY WORDS: human geography, creativity, creative professions, innovation, economic development,
regional development, demographic change, labour force, Slovenia
De mo graf ske zna čil no sti us tvar jal nih de lav cev – pre ma lo ak ti vi ra ni raz voj ni
po ten cia li Slo ve ni je?
POVZETEK: Na men pris pev ka je pred sta vi ti po gla vit ne de mo graf ske zna čil no sti us tvar jal nih de lav cev v Slo -
ve ni ji in opo zo ri ti na ne ka te re pri lož no sti za učin ko vi tej še sproš ča nje us tvar jal ne ga po ten cia la. V ta na men
sem ana li zi ral po dat ke Sta ti stič ne ga re gi stra de lov no ak tiv ne ga pre bi vals tva. Re zul ta ti pri ka zu je jo, da us -
tvar jal ni de lav ci v Slo ve ni ji niso he te ro ge ni samo z vi di ka po klic ne se sta ve, am pak se moč no raz li ku je jo tudi
po spo lu, sta ro sti, izo braz bi in na rod no sti. Če prav se Slo ve ni ja po ob se gu us tvar jal ne de lov ne sile lah ko pri -
mer ja z naj bolj raz vi ti mi dr ža va mi, bo mo ra la za pre boj med naj bolj še ak ti vi ra ti do dat ne raz voj ne po ten cia le.
V skle pu na ka zu jem, da bi lah ko v pri hod nje več jo vlo go na me ni li žen ski us tvar jal ni de lov ni sili, mla dim
kul tur nim us tvar jal cem in tu jim us tvar jal nim de lav cem.
KLJUČNE BESEDE: hu ma na geo gra fi ja, us tvar jal nost, us tvar jal ni po kli ci, ino va tiv nost, gos po dar ski razvoj,
re gio nal ni raz voj, de mo graf ske spre mem be, de lov na sila, Slo ve ni ja
Jani Kozina
Anton Melik Geographical Institute, Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts
jani.kozina@zrc-sazu.si
The paper was submitted for publication on June 22nd, 2016.
Ured niš tvo je pre je lo pris pe vek 22. ju ni ja 2016.
Jani Kozina, Demographic characteristics of creative workers: under-activated development potentials in Slovenia?
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1 Introduction
The geography of creative workers, especially their influence on urban and regional development, has been
the subject of numerous discussions in the post-industrial period (Ravbar, Bole and Nared 2005; Clifton 2008;
Hansen and Niedomysl 2009; Ravbar 2011; Uršič 2016). Even though psychologists have already developed
the appropriate tools for measuring an individual’s creativity (Kim 2006), urban and regional studies still
find it very difficult to determine who a creative worker actually is because of a lack of this kind of psycho-
logical data on different spatial levels (Madanipour 2011). One of the more widely accepted definitions
that cities and regions have focused on in their quest for economic development and regeneration strategies
in the past fifteen years pertains to the theory of »the creative class« (Chapain, Clifton and Comunian 2013).
Florida (2002) was the first to discuss it; he defined creative workers as an »economic«, not a »social« class.
Their merging into a social group and creating a common identity is mostly founded on them performing
an economic function: the occupation. Creative workers are people who have a creative occupation. They
differ from other occupations in that their activities include detecting problems, looking for solutions, and
taking existing findings and transforming them into new conclusions. The creative workers’ main task is
to think and invent and create innovation through their creativity. This is actually a manner of work that
differs radically from the manufacturing of manual labour that once dominated the industrial society with
its predetermined patterns.
While Florida’s ideas (2002; 2005; 2008) on the theory of the creative class have permeated local and
regional planning strategies, many authors have expressed doubt and hesitation about its validity (Glaeser 2005;
Peck 2005; Boyle 2006; Markusen 2006; Rausch and Negray 2006; Scott 2006; Musterd and Gritsai 2012;
Nathan 2015). Asheim and Hansen (2009) divide the critics into two groups. The first question the the-
oretical basis and the political recommendations, the other the insufficient soundness of the empirical data.
With regard to the theoretical background, one of the more resounding doubts relates to the lack of con-
ceptual clarity in the understanding of creativity, which is said to be caused by the insufficient delineation
of heterogeneous occupational groups (Krätke 2010; Alfken, Broekel and Sternberg 2015). Some authors
have proposed more precise definitions of creative occupations (e.g. McGranahan and Wojan 2007; Marrocu
and Paci 2012); however, few have attempted to surpass the bare economic framework by studying their
demographic and social characteristics (e.g. Cooke 2014; Eisler, Donnelly and Montuori 2016). Creative
workers are not heterogeneous only from the aspect of the occupational structure, but they also differ accord-
ing to age, gender, education, status, nationality, and others (Fritsch and Stützer 2007; Alfken, Broekel and
Sternberg 2015). In addition to the occupational capabilities and experience, demographical characteris-
tics also have an important influence on the representation of different knowledge in a certain regional
or local context (Gülümser, Baycan-Levent and Nijkamp 2010). Not taking these demographic, cultural,
and social characteristics differences within creative workers into account enough can lead to a dimin-
ished competitiveness of individual areas (Huggins and Clifton 2011); this creates a need for a more in-depth
insight into the intricacies of the creative manners of work and the people performing them (McGranahan
and Wojan 2007).
The purpose of the article is to present the main demographic characteristics of the creative workforce
in Slovenia and raise attention to some of the crucial obstacles and opportunities for a more efficient release
of the creative potential. The main research question is whether significant demographic differences can
be detected among creative workers in Slovenia and how these differences can be translated into a devel-
opmental context. The hypothesis is that, similar to elsewhere, there are also differences in demographic
characteristics and the social background of creative workers in Slovenia and taking these differences into
account could have firmer and more positive developmental effects.
The article’s specific goals are:
1) To analyse the main demographic characteristics of creative workers and their subgroups; the creative
core, creative professionals, and bohemians with regards to the gender, age, education, and ethnic struc-
ture. The control groups were the general populations and the labour force.
2) To analyse the main demographic changes in creative workers and their subgroups compared to the
control groups for the period 2000–2011.
3) To define some under-activated development potentials in Slovenia that can be deduced from the demo-
graphic characteristics of creative workers.
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Jani Kozina, Demographic characteristics of creative workers: under-activated development potentials in Slovenia?
2 Methods
The definition of creative workers in terms of contents is adopted from the theory of the creative class
(Florida 2002; 2005; 2008), which separates creative workers from others based on their occupation, while
additionally differentiating between members of the creative core, creative professionals, and bohemians.
In the technical sense, we used the example of the Technology, Talent and Tolerance in European Cities:
A Comparative Analysis European research project’s methodology (e.g. Andersen and Lorenzen 2005; Fritsch
and Stützer 2007; Clifton 2008; Boschma and Fritsch 2009) and the Slovenian Standard Occupational
Classification (SKP-V2), which is based on the International Standard Occupational Classification (ISCO-88).
Here, we used data on the labour force from the Statistical Register of Employment, managed by the Statistical
Office of the Republic of Slovenia.
Creative core (A) consists of workers who create new knowledge. These are mostly engineers of a tech-
nical profile, natural scientists, doctors, teachers, and researchers in the fields of economy, social sciences,
and humanities. These highly creative social groups are said to run the social and economic development
(SKP-V2 codes: 211–214, 221, 222, 231–235, 243, 244, 247, 344).
Creative professionals (B) are made up of experts in labour intense occupations. These are managers,
high-ranking state officials, experts in various technical, educational, medical fields, lawyers, and other
occupations that support the social and economic development (SKP-V2 codes: 1, 223, 241, 242, 31, 32,
341–343, 345, 346).
Bohemians (C) are creative workers in the narrowest sense of the word. These include musicians, pub-
licists, writers, painters, sculptors, and others (SKP-V2 codes: 245, 347, 521).
3 Analysis of the demographic characteristics of creative workers
According to the latest available data, there were about 930,000 active inhabitants in Slovenia in late 2011,
which is about half (45%) of the entire population. Among the active population, there were about 817,000
in the labour force and 113,000 unemployed. The level of registered unemployment was 12%. The largest
share among the labour force was made up of people with occupations in the service sector (42%), a some-
what smaller share of people in creative professions (38%), while a much smaller share accounted for people
in manufacturing (14%) or agricultural occupations (5%) (Kozina 2013). The scope of creative workers
in Slovenia is comparable to the situations in countries in Northern and Western Europe (see Andersen
and Lorenzen 2005; Fritsch and Stützer 2007; Clifton 2008; Boschma and Fritsch 2009). Florida (2002)
concluded that the share of creatives in the economically most developed countries accounts for over a third.
Among Slovenian creative workers in 2011, a third belonged to the creative core, a bit less than two thirds
to the creative professionals, and only a scattering of bohemians, which is also comparable to the situa-
tions in other economically more developed European countries (Figure 1).
114
Other workers
62%
33%
64%
3%
Creative workers
38%
Creative core (A) Creative professionals (B)
Bohemians (C)
Figure 1: The structure of the labour force and the creative labour force
in Slovenia in 2011 (Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia and our
own calculations from the Statistical Register of Employment database).
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3.1 Gender structure
There have been more women than men registered in all censuses in Slovenia. The smaller share of men
is predominantly the consequence of world wars, in which the share of deaths of men was greater than
women, and of their shorter life expectancies. In recent times, the differences in the gender structure have
started to slightly level out (Perko 1998). This is most likely the result of the decreasing effect of both world
wars, less physical demands for men’s occupations, and improved hygienic and health conditions that pro-
long life expectancy. In 2011, there were about half women and half men, but accounting only for the labour
force (not counting farmers), there were almost a tenth (9%) more men than women. It is interesting that
the picture becomes almost reverse if we include only creative workers into the analysis. In this case, women
exceed men in number, especially due to the creative core, where the difference amounts to 17%. The gen-
der structure is nearly the same among creative professionals, while there were a few more men only in
the group of bohemians (6%) (Table 1).
A comparison of the current state with the conditions from 2000 indicates that the gender structure
of the labour force (not counting farmers) at the break of the millennium is similar to today. The differ-
ences that have appeared during this period are moving towards a slight increase of the share of women
in creative occupations (2000; 50%) and a decrease in other occupations (2000; 44%). In Slovenian soci-
ety, where the gender structure is generally quite balanced and men assume more employment positions,
women are now reaching for the most demanding creative professions more and more.
Acta geographica Slovenica, 58-2, 2018
115
Table 1: Gender structure of creative workers in Slovenia in 2011.
Men (%) Women (%) Total (%)
Population 49.5 50.5 100.0
Labour force 54.7 45.3 100.0
Creative workers (A + B + C) 47.4 52.6 100.0
Creative core (A) 41.5 58.5 100.0
Creative professionals (B) 50.2 49.8 100.0
Bohemians (C) 53.0 47.0 100.0
Source: Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia and our own calculations from the Statistical Register of Employment database.
3.2 Age and education structure
An insight into the age structure reveals that creative workers are on average somewhat older than the rest
of the labour force (table 2). The explanation for this can be found in their education structure (table 3).
Creative workers on average are much more educated. This means that they enter the labour market later
than others because of their prolonged education. Consequently, more than half creative workers have attained
a tertiary education in 2011, while this share was almost half lower in the general labour force. Among
the creative subgroups, the oldest and most educated members belong to the creative core, as would be
expected.
The age structure reveals the young age of bohemians. A precise explanation for this is difficult to pin-
point. At this point, we can propose two hypotheses that should be empirically tested in the future. The
first relates to the fact that bohemians are usually employed in cultural and creative industries (Kozina and
Bole 2016), which have only recently been getting more attention as a form of economic activity (Bole 2008).
This was strongly supported by the emergence of new forms of artistic creation and entertainment, espe-
cially in the area of computer industry, digital media, and the web (Montgomery 2007). It is likely that
predominantly younger people occupy employment positions in these branches of the economy; they have
spent their adolescence, education, and internship period to acquire the necessary knowledge to work in
these areas, which has only begun to emerge a couple of decades ago due to the lack of (internet) technologies.
The second hypothesis that would account for the significantly lower average age of bohemians can be
linked to the fact that occupants of such employment positions go through re-training periods to transfer
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Jani Kozina, Demographic characteristics of creative workers: under-activated development potentials in Slovenia?
to other areas later in life. This can either be a sort of natural progression, when a writer becomes editor
of the medium in time and performs more managerial duties instead of artistic-cultural creation for exam-
ple, or people look for jobs in more interesting market-oriented or existentially more reliable branches.
In this case, in terms of our predetermined groups, they transfer from bohemians into creative professionals
or the creative core.
The education structure also reveals that, despite this relevant interconnection, a high education level
is not the only precondition for becoming a creative worker. Only about half (55%) of creative workers have
attained a tertiary education, while about four fifths (78%) of people with creative occupation have attained
a tertiary education. This means someone with a lower education level can also be creative and vice versa.
This confirms Florida’s (2002) hypothesis that every individual can be creative. The only factor is whether
or not they develop and capitalize on their potential.
116
Table 2: Age structure of creative workers in Slovenia in 2011.
15–29 (%) 30–49 (%) 50–89 (%) Total (%)
Labour force 12.7 62.4 24.9 100
Creative workers (A + B + C) 10.1 64.3 25.6 100
Creative core (A) 9.6 64.1 26.3 100
Creative professionals (B) 10.1 64.3 25.6 100
Bohemians (C) 14.3 66.9 18.8 100
Source: Own calculations from the Statistical Register of Employment database.
Table 3: Education structure of creative workers in Slovenia in 2011.
Primary school Secondary Tertiary No data Total
or less (%) school (%) (%) (%) (%)
Labour force 14.3 57.8 27.9 0.0 100
Creative workers (A + B + C) 1.2 32.1 54.9 11.8 100
Creative core (A) 0.0 7.0 80.9 12.1 100
Creative professionals (B) 1.5 44.8 42.1 11.5 100
Bohemians (C) 5.7 36.7 42.8 14.8 100
Source: Own calculations from the Statistical Register of Employment database.
3.3 Ethnic structure
In view of Florida’s (2002) theoretical views on creative workers’ free choice of residence and workplace,
which spreads across national borders in this increasingly globalised world, it is interesting to study the
countries of origin of creative workers in Slovenia. With regard to migrations, Slovenia was long the kind
of country, from which people emigrated. In the 19th century and first half of the 20th century, people
left for Argentina, Brazil, Egypt, Belgium, and some other developed European countries as economic emi-
grants. In the mid-1920s, a large amount of Slovenes fled from the region under Italian rule due to the
increasing fascist pressure, mostly to Argentina. After World War II, an important wave of political refugees
followed, who moved predominantly to Argentina, the US, Canada, and Australia after the establishment
of Communism in the homeland. During different periods from the 60s to the 80s, a significant number
of characteristic economic emigrants left for Germany, Sweden, Switzerland, France, Belgium, and some
other countries (Žigon 2004).
Figure 2: The share of foreign creative workers in Slovenia according to their country of origin in 2011 (own calculations from the Statistical Register of
Employment database).p
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Acta geographica Slovenica, 58-2, 2018
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Jani Kozina, Demographic characteristics of creative workers: under-activated development potentials in Slovenia?
Mass immigrations to Slovenia began only after World War II in the 1960s and lasted up to the mid-
1980s. The country’s relative development made Slovenia interesting to immigrants from other republics
in the former Yugoslavia, who got employment mostly in manufacturing, coal-mining, and construction.
There were very few immigrants from other countries. Immigrants most often settled in the former munic-
ipalities of the so-called »industrial crescent«; from the north-west towards the south-east (municipalities
of Jesenice, Radovljica, Kranj, Škofja Loka) to the municipalities around Ljubljana, and reaching from there
through Zasavje towards the north-east (Celje, Velenje, Maribor). Outside that crescent, a number of immi-
grants settled in the municipality of Nova Gorica and the coastal municipalities (Kuhar de Domizio 1998).
Soon after Slovenia’s independence, the dynamics of transnational migrations settled down and was
even negative between 1991 and 1992. After this period, immigration to Slovenia once again increased
and surpassed emigration. Most of the immigrants were still from the countries of the former Yugoslavia,
but there were also quite a few Slovenes returning home due to the new social and political situation up
to 1999. The Argentinian economic crisis also triggered Argentinian Slovenes to return home. After 1999,
more Slovenes were emigrating than immigrating again and that trend is still growing. Emigration was
also prompted by the processes of Slovenia joining the European Union, which included Slovenia into the
area of the free flow of people, capital, goods, and services. During this period, Slovenia started temporarily
or permanently loosing young educated people at the peak of their creative powers when they emigrate
(Lapuh 2011).
After 1999, the number of immigrations to Slovenia increased, because the country was internation-
ally connected (European Union, Schengen area, OECD, NATO), economic conjuncture, and the need for
certain, especially low-skilled workers. According to data from the Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia,
around 31,000 people moved to Slovenia at the peak in 2008. Of these, almost 80% were citizens from former
Yugoslav republics. Among the labour force, only 4% had attained a tertiary education, 45% a secondary
school education, and 51% completed primary school or less. The world economic crisis caused less than
half that amount of people to move to Slovenia in 2010.
In 2011, around 42,000 people with foreign citizenships were employed in Slovenia, which is about
5% of the entire labour force. The 2011 EUROSTAT report placed Slovenia at the bottom of European Union
and EFTA members in this criterion (Migrants in Europe 2011). From the foreigners employed in Slovenia,
about 7000 were occupying creative positions in 2011, which amounts to only 17% of the foreign labour force.
A regional overview of foreign creative people living in Slovenia shows that the greatest share (59%)
falls to the countries of the Western Balkans (countries of the former Yugoslavia and Albania), 20% to the
members of the European Union (EU-27) and the Schengen area, and 13% to the countries of Eastern Europe
(Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova). People from other continents constitute the minority (8%) and
are limited to individual cases with regards to their countries of origin. The only non-European countries
with more than one percent of the foreign creative workers in Slovenia are China and the Dominican Republic
(figure 2).
4 Discussion
Based on the analysis of the Statistical Register of Employment, we may conclude that in accordance with
the theory of the creative class (Florida 2002; 2005; 2008), creative workers in Slovenia express a fair amount
of demographic diversity. This confirms the hypotheses of other authors that creative workers are not only
heterogeneous with regards to the occupation structure, but that they also differ according to age, gen-
der, education, status, nationality, and other (Fritsch and Stützer 2007; Alfken, Broekel and Sternberg 2015).
Even though the gender structure of Slovenes is balanced and men occupy more jobs, more and more
women are assuming the most challenging creative professions. The results indicate that women in Slovenia
could also assume greater roles in the most visible and responsible positions that require decision-mak-
ing and a greater level of creative thinking; however, this is not yet so in different social and economic areas
(Penner et al. 2012; Ule 2012). Data from other research reveal proportionately large inequalities in gen-
der even after decades of ideological, legislative, and institutional support for economic gender equality
in Slovenia and that these inequalities have become even greater in recent times (Penner et al. 2012). According
to Humer and Roksandić (2013), measures to deal with the crisis failed to predict this kind of effects. The
same authors propose the following possible solutions: a mandatory overview of the statistics according
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to gender in all areas of life and regular statistical oversight of the social and social changes, such as the
current crisis and measuring the consequences of the anti-crisis measures; a more meticulous and pre-
cise oversight of the influence and effects of fiscal consolidation to the welfare state and revenue; passing
goal-oriented measures for vulnerable groups; ensuring effective operations of public institution for gen-
der equality. Adam (2013) adds that there is a lack of training courses in Slovenia that would educate and
groom women for leadership positions (in the industry and elsewhere), which is typical for Scandinavian
countries that boast the greatest gender equality (The Global … 2014). The same author mentions that there
are not enough awards, competitions, and festivals in Slovenia to support the entry and the existence of
women in creative professions and industries (like the Marie Curie Foundation for women in science and
the International Women Invention’s Exhibition). 
The age structure of creative workers indicates that they are somewhat older on average than the rest
of the labour force, which is most likely the consequence of a belated entering the labour market due to
the longer education period. However, this finding is accurate only for the subgroups of the creative core
(A) and creative professionals (B), while bohemians (C) are, just the opposite, younger. The issue of this
social group today lies in the increasing precarious self-employment and is widely discussed (Zhang and
Pan 2012; Donald, Gertler and Tyler 2013; Fritsch, Kritikos and Sorgner 2015). In addition to their work-
ing in more market-volatile and existentially more sensitive branches, as young people, they are exposed
to additional risks in the areas of the labour market and social security. More and more research raises
attention to the fact that the current manner of state support to self-employed people in culture in Slovenia
is no longer suitable. Change is necessary in recognizing more social rights, considering the specifics of
the profession and the special work conditions of self-employed people in culture (Pernarčič 2012; Ograjenšek
and Perviz 2015). Addressing the issues of this social group is also important because of the increasing
tendencies for expanding self-employment to other disciplines (Pernarčič 2010).
The ethnic structure shows that the sparse foreign labour force still performs mentally less demanding
tasks. Regardless of the manner of work, the countries of origin of immigrants are mostly in the Western Balkans
and Eastern Europe. Therefore, Slovenia does not import creativity, but mostly exports it (Lapuh 2011),
which can be quite a worrying fact in the long term. All these facts should also be reconsidered in light of
the increasing »migrant crisis« in Europe.
5 Conclusion
The purpose of the article is to present the key demographic characteristics of the creative labour force in
Slovenia and bring attention to some of the obstacles and opportunities for a more effective activation of
the creative potential. The main research question is whether there are significant demographic differences
among creative workers in Slovenia and how can these differences be transferred to a developmental con-
text. The results of the analysis of the data from the Statistical Register of Employment confirmed that creative
workers, in accordance with the theory of the creative class, exhibit a significant level of variety with regards
to gender, age, education, and ethnicity. Additional analyses have revealed that Slovenia can be compared
to other countries of the western and northern Europe in terms of its share of creative labour force, even
though it does not measure up to them in terms of economic development. This economic lagging can
partly be attributed to some under-activated development potentials that pertain to a high share of female
creative labour force and their underrepresentation in decision-making processes (including the highest
levels in politics, science, higher education, and other), to young bohemians and their increasing precar-
iousness (especially among self-employed people), and to the creative labour force that Slovenia does not
seem to know how to attract and retain.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT: This study was partially supported by the Republic of Slovenia, Ministry of
Education, Science and Sport as part of the Early Stage Researchers operation-2013-ZRC SAZU-712.
Acta geographica Slovenica, 58-2, 2018
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