Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies
UDK 009	Annales, Ser. hist. sociol., 28, 2018, 3, pp. 451-692, Koper 2018	ISSN 1408-5348
UDK 009
ISSN 1408-5348 (Print) ISSN 2591-1775 (Online)
AnnaleS
Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies
Series Historia et Sociologia, 28, 2018, 3
KOPER 2018
ANNALES ■ Ser. hist. sociol. ■ 28 ■ 2018 ■ 3
ISSN 1408-5348 (Tiskana izd.) ISSN 2591-1775 (Spletna izd.)
UDK 009
Letnik 28, leto 2018, številka 3
UREDNIŠKI ODBOR/ COMITATO Dl REDAZIONE/ BOARD OF EDITORS:
Glavni urednik/Redattore capo/ Editor in chief: Odgovorni urednik/ Redattore responsabile/Responsible Editor: Uredniki/Redattori/Editors: Gostujoči uredniki/Editori ospiti/ Guest Editors: Prevajalci/Traduttori/Translators: Oblikovalec/Progetto grafico/ Graphic design: Tisk/ Stampa/Print: Založnika/Editori/Published by:
Roderick Bailey (UK), Simona Bergoč, Furio Bianco (IT), Alexander Cherkasov (RUS), Lucija Čok, Lovorka Čoralic (HR), Darko Darovec, Goran Filipi (HR), Devan Jagodic (IT), Vesna Mikolič, Luciano Monzali (IT), Aleksej Kalc, Avgust Lešnik, John Martin (USA), Robert Matijašic (HR), Darja Mihelič, Edward Muir (USA), Vojislav Pavlovic (SRB), Peter Pirker (AUT), Claudio Povolo (IT), Andrej Rahten, Vida Rožac Darovec, Mateja Sedmak, Lenart Škof, Marta Verginella, Špela Verovšek, Tomislav Vignjevic, Paolo Wulzer (IT), Salvator Žitko
Darko Darovec
Salvator Žitko
Urška Lampe, Gorazd Bajc
Špela Verovšek, Matevž Juvančič, Tadeja Zupančič Petra Berlot (it.)
Sedež uredništva/Sede della redazione/ Address of Editorial Board:
Dušan Podgornik Darko Darovec Založništvo PADRE d.o.o.
Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko - Koper /Societa storica del Litorale - Capodistria© / Inštitut IRRIS za raziskave, razvoj in strategije družbe, kulture in okolja / Institute IRRIS for Research, Development and Strategies of Society, Culture and Environment / Istituto IRRIS di ricerca, sviluppo e strategie della societa, cultura e ambiente©
SI-6000 Koper/Capodistria, Garibaldijeva/Via Garibaldi 18 e-mail: annaleszdjp@gmail.com, internet: http://www.zdjp.si/
Redakcija te številke je bila zaključena 5. 11. 2018.
Sofinancirajo/Supporto finanziario/ Financially supported by:
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& Humanities; IBZ, Internationale Bibliographie der Zeitschriftenliteratur (GER); Sociological Abstracts (USA); Referativnyi Zhurnal Viniti (RUS); European Reference Index for the Humanities and Social Sciences (ERIH PLUS);
Elsevier B. V.: SCOPUS (NL).
Vsi članki so v barvni verziji prosto dostopni na spletni strani: http://www.zdjp.si. All articles are freely available in color via website http://www.zdjp.si.
ANNALES ■ Ser. hist. sociol. ■ 28 ■ 2018 ■ 3
Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije - Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei - Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies
UDK 009	Volume 28, Koper 2018, issue 3	ISSN 1408-5348 (Print)
ISSN 2591-1775 (Online)
VSEBINA / INDICE GENERALE/CONTENTS
Darko Darovec: Fajda med običajem in sodnim procesom. Primer krvnega
maščevanja v Kopru leta 1686 ................................451
Faida nelle interrelazioni tra consuetudine e processo legale. Il caso di vendetta a Capodistria nel 1686 The Feud in the Interrelationships between Custom and Legal Process. A Case Study of 1686 Bloodfeud in Koper
Žiga Oman: Grundstoer - Devastation as Vengeance for Homicide Among
Sixteenth-Century Carniolan Peasants...................477
Grundstoer - la devastazione come vendetta per omicidio tra i contadini carniolani del XVI secolo Grundstoer - pustošenje kot maščevanje za uboj med kranjskimi kmeti v 16. stoletju
Ivan Tepavčevic: Pogledi Valtazara Bogišica na Crnu goru i črnogorsko društvo (krvna
osveta - izmedu tradicije i modernog društva).........495
Le osservazioni di Valtazar Bogišic sul Montenegro e sulla societa Montenegrina (la vendetta di sangue - fra tradizione e societa moderna)
Views of Valtazar Bogišic on Montenegro and the Montenegro Society (Bloodfeud -between Tradition and Modern Society)
Ana Pejanovic: Rekonstrukcija kulturne
konotacije idioma "okinuti (kome) nos" ................523
Ricostruzione della connotazione culturale della frase idiomatica "tagliare il naso (a qualcuno)" Reconstructing the Cultural Connotation of the Idiom "cut (someone's) nose off"
Nika Grabar: Nove Benetke: natečaj za območje Tronchetto in
temporalnost arhitekture.........................................535
Venezia Nuova: Concorso per il Tronchetto e la temporalita dell'architettura New Venice: the Tronchetto Area Competition and Temporality of Architecture
Gregor Čok & Jasmina Bolčič: Protokol o celovitem upravljanju obalnih območij v Sredozemlju in sodelovanje javnosti pri prostorskih posegih v slovenskem
obalnem pasu........................................................553
Protocollo sulla gestione integrata delle zone costiere del Mediterraneo e partecipazione pubblica negli interventi di pianificazione territoriale della costa Slovena Protocol on Integrated Coastal Zone Management in the Mediterranean and Public Participation in Spatial Developments in the Slovenian Coastal Zone
Ghazaleh Afshary, Ilaria Garofolo, Matija Svetina & Tadeja Zupančič: User Experience Study for a Sound Understanding of the Interaction between
the Visually Impaired and the Environment............569
L'esperienza dell'utente come strumento per una più approfondita conoscenza dell'interazione tra ambiente e disabili visivi Študija izkušenj uporabnika za izboljšanje razumevanja interakcije med slabovidnimi in okoljem
Simon Petrovčič & Vojko Kilar: Arhitekturno-tehnični vidik varovanja arhitekturne dediščine
na potresno ogroženih območjih............................589
Aspetti tecnici e architettonici per la tutela del patrimonio architettonico nelle aree a rischio sismico
Protection of Architectural Heritage Buildings in Seismic Prone Areas - Architectural and Technical Aspects
Matevž Juvančič & Špela Verovšek: Spatial
Character Conveyed through Street Furniture...........611
Carattere spaziale trasmesso dall'arredo urbano Prostorski značaj skozi urbano opremo
Tomaž Berčič, Marko Bohanec & Lucija Ažman Momirski: Role of Decision Models in the
Evaluation of Spatial Design Solutions......................621
Il ruolo di modelli decisionali nella valutazione di soluzioni di progettazione dello spazio Vloga odločitvenih modelov pri vrednotenju prostorskih rešitev
ANNALES ■ Ser. hist. sociol. ■ 28 ■ 2018 ■ 3
Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije - Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei - Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies
Urška Golob & Uršula Berlot Pompe:
Heterotopične pokrajine: prostorska plastenja
v slikarskem delu Suzane Brborovic.......................637
Heterotopic Landscapes: Spatial Layering in Suzana Brborovic's Paintings Paesaggi eterotopici: le stratificazioni spaziali nella pittura di Suzana Brborovic
Viktorija Bogdanova & Tadeja Zupančič:
Emotional Receptivity through Poem-(Cinematic) Image and Poem-Drawing Entwinement. Discovery of Embodied Knowledge
through Tarkovsky's "Mirror" ................................ 651
Ricettivita emotiva attraverso l'intreccio dell'immagine poetica (cinematografica) e del disegno di poesia. Scoperta della conoscenza incarnata attraverso "Lo Specchio" di Tarkovsky Čustvena dovzetnost skozi preplet pesmi-(filmske) podobe in pesmi-risbe. Odkritje utelešenega spomina v "Ogledalu" Tarkovskega
Or Ettlinger: The Aura of the Original and the Autonomy of Virtual Places. Distinguishing an
Image's Physicality from its Visual Content..............669
L'aura dell'originale e l'autonomia dei luoghi virtuali. La distinzione tra la fisicita di un'immagine e il suo contenuto visuale Avra izvirnika in avtonomija virtualnih krajev. Distinkcija fizičnosti podobe in njene vizualne vsebine
Kazalo k slikam na ovitku......................................684
Indice delle foto di copertina ............................... 684
Index to images on the cover.................................684
Navodila avtorjem ................................................ 685
Istruzioni per gli autori.......................................... 687
Instructions to Authors ........................................... 689
ANNALES ■ Ser. hist. sociol. ■ 28 ■ 2018 ■ 3
original scientific article	DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2018.29
received: 2017-12-22
FAJDA MED OBIČAJEM IN SODNIM PROCESOM. PRIMER KRVNEGA MAŠČEVANJA V KOPRU LETA 1686
Darko DAROVEC
Univerza Ca' Foscari v Benetkah, Oddelek za humanistiko, Dorsoduro 3484/D, 30123 Benetke, Italija e-mail: darko.darovec@unive.it
Univerza v Mariboru, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za zgodovino, Koroška 160, 2000 Maribor, Slovenija e-mail: darko.darovec@um.si
Inštitut IRRIS za raziskave, razvoj in strategije družbe, kulture in okolja, Čentur 1 f, 6273 Marezige, Slovenija e-mail: darko.darovec@irris.eu
IZVLEČEK
Članek obravnava študijo primera krvnega maščevanja v Kopru leta 1686 na podlagi izvirnih arhivskih dokumentov pravosodnih organov Beneške republike in narativnega gradiva protagonistov spora. Gre za klasičen primer maščevanja zaradi konfliktov med različnimi plemiškimi sorodstvenimi skupinami, temelječih na idiomu časti. Tako v Beneški republiki kot v Svetem rimskem cesarstvu (in v večini tedanjih zahodnih evropskih dežel) je zakonodaja vse do druge polovice 15. stoletja sledila temeljnim značilnostim običajnega sistema reševanja konfliktov, to je k samovoljnemu reševanju sporov med sprtimi strankami, s posredovanjem skupnosti in skupnostno odgovornostjo za povzročeno škodo. Z velikimi družbenimi spremembami pa je v drugi polovici 15. stoletja s pomočjo zakonodaje in z drugimi prisilnimi sredstvi prišlo do centralizacije pravosodja, ki je bilo poleg davčne in vojaške reorganizacije temeljnega pomena v prizadevanjih evropskih vladarjev za vzpostavitev vrhovnega nadzora nad celotnim ozemljem v njihovi pristojnosti. Kako dolgotrajen in zapleten je bil ta proces pa kaže tudi obravnavani primer krvnega maščevanja v Kopru iz leta 1686.
Ključne besede: fajda, maščevanje, običajni sistem reševanja sporov, inkvizitorni sodni postopek, zgodnji novi
vek, Koper, Istra, Beneška republika
FAIDA NELLE INTERRELAZIONI TRA CONSUETUDINE E PROCESSO LEGALE. IL CASO DI VENDETTA A CAPODISTRIA NEL 1686
SINTESI
Il saggio presenta il studio di un caso di vendetta a Capodistria nel 1686, basato su documenti d'archivio originali delle autorità giudiziarie della Repubblica di Venezia e su materiale narrativo dei protagonisti nella faida. Si tratta di un classico esempio di vendetta scaturita da conflitti tra diversi gruppi famigliari nobiliari basati sull'idioma dell'onore. Fino alla seconda metà del Quattrocento, sia nella Serenissima sia nel Sacro Romano Impero (e nella maggioranza dei paesi dell'Europa occidentale di quell'epoca), la legislazione rifletteva le caratteristiche del sistema consuetudinario di risoluzione dei conflitti, ossia, la risoluzione arbitraria di controversie tra le parti belligeranti, con l'intervento della comunità e la responsabilità comunitaria per i danni arrecati. Congiuntamente a profondi cambiamenti sociali, invece, nella seconda metà del Quattrocento, attraverso la legislazione e altri strumenti coercitivi si verificô la centralizzazione del potere giudiziario, che, oltre alla riorganizzazione fiscale e militare, ebbe un'importanza fondamentale negli sforzi dei sovrani europei di stabilire un controllo supremo su tutti i territori soggetti alla loro giurisdizione. Il caso in esame della vendetta a Capodistria nel 1686 serve a illustrare quanto questo processo fosse lungo e complicato.
Parole chiave: faida, vendetta, sistema consuetudinario di risoluzione dei conflitti, rito processuale inquisitoriale,
Età Moderna, Capodistria, Istria, Repubblica di Venezia
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VENDETTA1
Koper. Šesti junij 1686. Nedelja. Osrednji koprski trg, Platea Communis. Tega zgodnjega poletnega dopoldneva je bila na trgu in v okolici množica krajanov vseh slojev. Nenadoma sta pred vhodom v Pretorsko palačo odjeknila dva strela, obenem pa se je razlegel besni krik: »A te!«.
Kot izhaja iz obrambnega spisa [difesa] Nicoloja Gravisija, naj bi sprva vsi mislili, da je bil nekdo ustrelil goloba na trgu, šele nato so opazili, da je bil ustreljen Dr. Giuliano del Bello, in to vpričo Vice Podestata Balbija in druge množice. Maščevalec, markiz Leandro
Gravisi, je po izvršenem dejanju najprej pomahal kapetanu Paulazziju, ki je bil v bližini, naj pristopi k umorjenemu, nato pa nemudoma stekel po trgu, zavil v ulico Carmine izza stolnice, pritekel na trg Brolo in nato zavil v ozko ulico gospodov Petronijev, ki je vodila do Izolskih vrat, kot se je imenovalo eno od koprskih pristanišč, kjer ga je že bila čakala barka na šest vesel in dobro oborožena posadka. Za njim so tekli mestni biri-či, vendar jih je množica na več mestih zaustavljala, ponekod celo s privzdignjenimi sabljami, tako da se je do njihovega prihoda v pristanišče ob Izolskih vratih barka z Leandrom Gravisijem že precej oddaljila od obale in z veliko hitrostjo plula proti Trstu.2
Slika 1: Načrt Kopra, izdelan po naročilu Presvetlega Gospoda Bernarda Malipiera, podestata in kapitana, prvega avgusta, 1619, narisal Giacomo Fino (Benussi, 1924).
1	Raziskava je nastala v okviru projekta »FAJDA. Maščevanje in krvno maščevanje med običajnim pravom in sodnim procesom v srednjeveški in zgodnje novoveški Evropi. Primer zgornje jadranskega območja (FAIDA. Feud and blood feud between customary law and legal process in medieval and early modern Europe. The case of Upper-Adriatic area)«, sofinanciranega s strani ukrepa »Marie Curie Intra European Fellowship« 7. Okvirnega programa Evropske skupnosti, pogodba št. 627936, ter v okviru raziskovalnega programa »Preteklost severovzhodne Slovenije med srednjo Evropo in evropskim jugovzhodom« pri Univerzi v Mariboru, in raziskovalnega projekta »Kontemporalnost razumevanjskega konteksta ter izražanje osebne in družbene svobode« pri Inštitutu Nove revije, sofinancirana s strani Javne agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije.
2	Opis na podlagi pričevanja Giuliane del Bello (Dok. 27, 28) in obrambe Nicoloja Gravisija (Dok. 38).
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Iz Trsta je Leander že naslednji dan pisal beneškemu dožu ter priznal uboj, ki ga je zagovoril z naslednjim. Trdil je, da je od Giuliana del Bella, kot ujec umorjenega Nicoloja del Tacca (leta 1683, op. a.), zahteval krvni davek, Giuliano del Bello pa se mu ni ne opravičil ne nakazal možnosti povračila. Še več, iz Leandra se je še norčeval in ga s prstom podrezal po brkih [piu tosto mostró di beffarsi anco di me col passegiarmi con sprezzo su! mustacio], kar je slednjega tako razjezilo, da ga je na licu mesta ustrelil, na istem kraju, kot je bil ustreljen njegov nečak. »Ti razlogi«, kot je zapisal Gravisi, »so bili vsem znani, zato vem, da sem ravna! pravilno. Ce pa se še najde kdo, ki ga vodi strast ali nevednost in ima drugačne občutke, sem pripravljen svoje stališče braniti z mečem v roki ali na kak drug viteški način, vse do zadnje duše, ki ne laže; saj, kar sem storil, je pravično, bilo je izvedeno na časten način«.3 Dodal je še, da se bo v Trstu še kak dan zadržal, »če bi se še našel kdo, ki bi se ga drznil izzvati«.4
Katere so bile te zadeve, ki so bile tedaj vsem znane in zaradi katerih se je Leandro odločil storiti to usodno dejanje? Odgovor na to vprašanje sem poskusil poiskati v obsežnem beneškem državnem arhivu v Benetkah.5 Tako pojdimo še dobra 3 leta v preteklost.6
UBOJ
Koper. Peti september 1683. Nedelja. Sestal se je mestni Veliki svet v prisotnosti 118 svetnikov, seje se je udeležil tudi Spoštovani podestat. Z volitvami so bili sprejeti naslednji sklepi imenovanj:
Proveditori alli Viveri:
Michiel Gavardo P. 97, C. 14 Zannetto Almerigotto P. 94, C. 18 Dr. Francesco Petronio P. 100, C. 16
Deputati al Conciero delle Strade:
Dr. Bortolo Petronio P. 74, C. 33 Co: Marin Borisi P. 65, C 45 Dr. Nicolo del Tacco P. 62, C. 34 Zuanne Ingaldeo P. 63, C. 27
Slika 2: Markiz Leandro Gravisi (Caprin, 1905).
3	»Ma se a caso ritrovasse alcuno che, portato da passione o condoto d'ignoranza, avesse sentimento diverso, son pronto di mantenerlo con la spada alla mano o con altra forma da cavalliero sino all'ultimo spirito che mente, perché quello ho fatto e giustamente e fu fatto onorevolmente« (Dok. 26).
4	»per sapere l'intentione di qual se sia contrario per darli nella forma sudetta tutte le sodisfacioni« (Dok. 26).
5	O teh dogodkih je pisal že Venturini v delu II casato dei marchesi Gravisi (1906). Gre za doslej najobsežnejše zgodovinsko delo o družini koprskih markizov Gravisijev, za ta primer pa je imel na voljo le dokumente iz SI_PAK (Dok. 1, 24, 26, 38, 42, 43, 45). Bistvo zgodbe je Venturini torej povzel po difesi, obrambnem spisu Nicoloja Gravisija, ki ga je tedaj imel na voljo v družinskem arhivu Gravisijev in se danes hrani v SI_PAK. Gre za Dok. 38, t.i. difesa, ki pa ga ni objavil v celoti. Citirani Dok. 41 je zaenkrat neznanega izvora, saj Venturini ni navajal izvora posameznih dokumentov, temveč zgolj, da gre za gradivo družine Gravisi. Venturini ni poznal drugih okoliščin, ki sem jih o tem primeru zbral v ASVe z nadaljnjimi 37. dokumenti (Dok. od 2-44, razen zgoraj navedenih Doc. 1, 24, 26, 38, 42, 43 in 45 iz SI_PAK), zlasti pa tematike ni interpretiral z vidika sprememb pravosodnih sistemov reševanja konfliktov na prehodu iz srednjega v novi vek, kot je to podano v tem članku.
6	V pričakovanju pričujoče objave je izšlo tudi delo Darovec (2018), kjer so v Prilogi v prepisu v celoti objavljeni vsi dokumenti (Dok. 1-45), ki so navedeni v spisku virov v tem članku (op. ur.).
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Slika 3: Razglednica Kopra, Pretorska palača, 1910. Desna vrata spodaj na pročelju palače so vhod, pred katerim sta se zgodila oba umora (Vir: Wikimedia Commons).
Dr. Olimpo Gavardo P. 56, C. 34 Dr. Elio Belgramoni P. 55, C. 32 Fabio Almerigotto P. 65, C. 38
Gre za zapisnik seje koprskega Velikega sveta (Maggior Consiglio; AAMC, 559, 195), ki se je odvijal v Pretorski palači - nič posebnega. Mestni svetniki so si po običajnem postopku, ki je v mestu vladal že najmanj pet stoletij, razdelili mestne patricijske službe, ki so bile med drugim tudi eden pomembnih finančnih virov za vsakega koprskega plemiča.
Toda ta seja ni bila niti najmanj tako dolgočasna, kot kaže skopost zapisa. Na seji se je vnel oster besedni spopad med Dr. Nicolojem del Taccom in Dr. Giulianom del Bellom, ki je prav tedaj izvrševal pomembno funkcijo mestnega sindika [Sindaco Proveditore], najvišjo funkcijo avtonomne oblasti v mestu, nad katero je bil le še koprski podestat in kapitan, katerega je vsakih 16 mesecev kot vrhovnega razsodnika, vojaškega in administrativnega upravitelja v imenu Beneške republike v Koper pošiljal beneški Veliki svet.
V prepir se je med drugimi vmešal tudi Domenico del Bello, starejši stric Giuliana, ki je sicer veljal za umirjenega in modrega meščana. Srž prepira je bilo
razdeljevanje občinskih služb, sodu pa je dno izbil predlog sindika Giuliana del Bella za nek nov občinski projekt.
Ko se je napeta seja malo pred 23. uro zaključila, se je 118 svetnikov, kot tudi podestat s svojim spremstvom, začelo počasi odpravljati na svoje domove. Toda napetost ni ponehala. Po stopnišču koprske Pretorske palače so odhajali Del Bellovi, med njimi stric Domenico, sindik Giuliano in mladi Alvise Del Bello, ko se jim je nenadoma pridružila skupina na čelu z Nicolojem Del Taccom. Ponovno se je vnel prepir, padale so grde besede in bes se je polastil navzočih. Ko so skozi glavna vrata Pretorske palače stopili na trg,7 je sindik Giuliano nekaj zabrusil Nicoloju Del Taccu, ta je naredil kretnjo grožnje s strelom, namenjeno stricu Domenicu Del Bel-lu, nakar je mladi Alvise Del Bello potegnil pištolo in ustrelil Nicoloja Del Tacca.
Ta je v trenutku izdihnil. Alvise se je pognal v beg. Ljudje iz Nicolojevega spremstva, njegovi sorodniki in prijatelji, so bili sprva presunjeni, kljub temu jih je nekaj brž potegnilo sablje iz svojih mečnic in eden med njimi je celo uspel raniti Alviseja po vratu, vendar ga očitno ni hudo ranil, saj je Alvise nadaljeval z begom skozi prostore Pretorske palače. Ves okrvavljen po vratu
7 »[...] escivano dalla porta del Corpo di Guardia del Palazzo [...]« (Venturini, 1906, 329; Dok. 41).
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Slika 4: Motiv Kopra na votivni podobi bratovščine servitov iz leta 1738 (Vir: Fototeka Pokrajinskega muzeja Koper).
je vdrl v prostore koprskega podestata in kapitana Bernardina Michiela, medtem ko je ta slačil svoje svečano ogrinjalo8 in še ni dojemal, kaj se dogaja. Za Alvisejem je prihrumela množica z dvignjenimi sabljami, toda Al-vise je skočil skozi okno podestatovih soban na vrtove Pretorske palače, od koder pa se je izmuznil po temnih koprskih uličicah, katerih vsak kotiček je poznal iz rane mladosti.
Že naslednji trenutek je koprski podestat in kapitan odredil preiskavo, toda okoli dveh ponoči mu je Ser Cri-stofforo Brutti že poročal, da ubežnika niso našli. Številni preganjalci so tega škandaloznega večera ostali z dolgimi nosovi.9
Koprski podestat in kapitan, Bernardin Michiel, je takoj vedel, kaj mu je storiti, da bi preprečil nadaljnje prelivanje krvi. Ukazal je pridržanje [sequestro] glavnih predstavnikov družin ene in druge strani v sporu, toda poglavitni potencialni maščevalec, brat ubitega, Francesco Del Bello, je že bil izginil iz mesta.
Še isti dan, 6. septembra 1683, je koprski podestat in kapitan, Bernardin Michiel, poročal o dogodku Vodjem Sveta deseterice (Capi del Consiglio di Dieci), osrednjemu beneškemu sodnemu organu, in jih prosil
za nadaljnja navodila. Vodje so čez tri dni odgovorili. Odločno so zapisali, naj sprovede kazenski proces »servatis servandis«, kar je dovoljevalo podestatu sprejemati tudi strožje ukrepe pri pregonu storilcev, kot so jih določali lokalni običaji. Ob tem so poudarili, da gre za izjemno resen zločin, tako zaradi uporabe strelnega orožja, ki je po zakonih prepovedano, kot zaradi dejstva, da je Alvise del Bello ustrelil Dr. Nicoloja del Tacca pred vrati Stražnice Pretorske palače [sopra la Porta del Corpo di Guardia di cotesto Palazzo], torej neposredno pred osrednjo mestno varnostno službo (Dok. 3). Kljub temu pa preseneča, da Vodje Sveta deseterice niso ukazali inkvizitornega postopka [rito inquisitorio], kot so to praviloma storili v skoraj vseh primerih ubojev oziroma umorov v tedanjem času, zlasti po seriji zakonov med letoma 1680 in 1682, ki so določali, da mora vse tovrstne primere iz vseh krajev Republike obravnavati Svet deseterice (Consiglio di Dieci) (Povolo, 2015a, 232). S temi zakoni je osrednji sodni organ Beneške republike res dokončno vzpostavil centralno sodno oblast.10
Nedvomno je bil razlog za tako postopanje osrednjih beneških sodnih oblasti dejstvo, da so bili vsi vpleteni
8	»Ducale«. Podestatovo ogrinjalo, lepo vidno mdr. na sliki Vittoreja Carpaccia iz leta 1516. Opis dogodkov po pismu koprskega podestata (Dok. 2) in Venturini (Dok. 41).
9	Alvisu Del Bellu je uspelo zbežati. Zatočišče je najprej našel pri generalnem proveditorju nad morji, Gerolamu Cornaru, tragičnem junaku t. i. Morejske vojne (1684-1699), kmalu nato pa pri nadvojvodi Cosimu III. Toskanskemu, kjer je dosegel čin alfierja s plačo 8 skudov na mesec (Venturini, 1906, 329). Pojasnilo: »Alfiere riformato e quel Soldato che dopo un lungo esercizio dell'armi in alcuno di questi gradi, fatto chiaro per segnalate prove di valore e d'esperienza, militava per elezione, e fuori delle compagnie, con grosso soldo, assumendo le fazioni piu arrischiate, ed assistendo nelle battaglie alla persona del Capitan generale, o all'insegna principale« (Grassi, 1833, 341).
10	O postopnem prevzemanju vloge centralne in vseodločujoče sodne instance v Republiki od konca 15. stoletja dalje gl. Povolo (2017), zlasti glede vloge pri izrekanju in centralnem upravljanju s kaznimi izgonov, ki so bile tedaj (poleg galjotstva, prim. Klen, 1986) najpogostejše hude kazni. Prim. Povolo (2015a) prav tako v pogledu strukture sodnega obredja, kot se je oblikovalo skozi akuzatorne in nato inkvizitorne sodne postopke.
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predstavniki starodavnih koprskih plemiških družin (vsaj od 15. stoletja; prim. de Totto, 1937; Stancovich, 1829). Kitili so se z nazivom Ser, večina neposredno vpletenih je nosilo naziv doktorjev, diplomirali so na Univerzi v Padovi, kot tudi razmeroma številni tedanji Koprčani (Sitran Rea, 1995; Stancovich, 1828). Sicer je bilo v Kopru približno 15 družin z grofovskimi nazivi, koprska družina Gravisi pa je bila edina v vsej beneški Istri z nazivom markizov.
Verjetno je bil sad večurnega prepira na usodno noč tudi podelitev službe pooblaščenca za vzdrževanje cest [Deputato al Conciero delle Strade]" Dr. Nicoloju del Taccu, funkcije, ki je očitno prinašala lepe prihodke, o čemer priča povpraševanje zanjo, saj jo je opravljalo kar sedem svetnikov.
Pa tudi potegovanje za občinske službe ni bilo tako usodno za nadaljnje dogodke. V ozadju je tlelo sovraštvo12 med družinama Del Tacco in Del Bello, in sicer zato, ker se je bil Ottavio del Bello poročil s Cecilio, hčerko pokojnega Carla del Tacca. Ali lahko govorimo o prepovedani ljubezni, o koprskima Romeu in Juliji? Ali zgolj o zapletih pri izplačilu dote? Je šlo za nespošto-vanje predporočnega dogovora?13 Zaenkrat ta vprašanja ostajajo le na ravni hipotez, kajti ustreznih dokumentov o usodi Ottavia in Cecilije nisem našel, zato pa sem zbral številne druge dokumente o maščevanju v Kopru leta 1686, ki je izhajalo iz tega spora in jih bom v nadaljevanju predstavil skladno z osnovnim ciljem pričujoče razprave: fajda med običajem in sodnim procesom.
Kljub temu, da smo za ta primer uspeli zbrati kar 45 dokumentov iz beneškega in koprskega arhiva (gl. spisek virov), je iz ohranjenih oziroma najdenih doku-mentov14 razvidno, da je bilo tovrstne korespondence med lokalno oblastjo in centralnimi oblastnimi organi še veliko več. Iz dokumentacije pa je razvidno tudi, da so si v tem sporu, tako na lokalni kot osrednji sodni instanci Beneške republike, na vse pretege prizadevali za pomiritev sprtih strani po običaju. Namen je bil torej v prvi vrsti spraviti brata žrtve, Francesca del Tacca, s poglavitnima udeležencema v sporu, z Dr. Giulianom, bratom morilca Alviseja Del Bella, in njunim stricem, Domeni-com del Bellom. Vendar, ker so bile tudi druge koprske družine sorodstveno povezane, so v ta spor bili že od
samega začetka vključeni tudi markizi Gravisi. Ubiti Dr. Nicolo del Tacco je bil namreč po materini strani nečak Nicoloja Gravisija, Giovannija Battiste Gravisija in Le-andra Gravisija, na strani Del Bellovih pa je bila v spor vključena še ena starodavna koprska plemiška družina, Belgramoni, na čelu z Dr. Eliom (Dok. 4, 5, 6, 7 in 19).
POMIRITEV
Kako pa so potekala ta pogajanja, dogovori in pritiski lokalne skupnosti in centralne oblasti na stranki v sporu? Lahko bi rekli popolnoma po običaju, kot je veljal še v srednjem veku, z eno bistveno spremembo: namesto lokalne skupnosti je temeljni pritisk izvajal osrednji beneški sodni organ, Svet deseterice.
Mandat za oblikovanje sodnega procesa servatis servandis, ki so ga Vodje Sveta deseterice podelili koprskemu podestatu že četrti dan po uboju, 10. septembra 1683 (Dok. 3), je slednjemu omogočil sprejeti stroge ukrepe, t. i. sekvestre, ki so pomenili tako hišni pripor kot možnost zaplembe premičnega in nepremičnega premoženja strankam v sporu. Kot smo že omenili, je koprski podestat še v noči umora odredil sekvester za Francesca del Tacca, kar je ta tudi pričakoval, zato je izginil in s skrivnega mesta grozil družini morilca z maščevanjem. Koprski podestat je nato 23. oktobra 1683 ukazal sekvester tudi za druge prej navedene vpletene osebe (Dok. 9), razen za Leandra Gravisija, ki je bil tedaj še vedno v izgonu, zaradi uboja Domenica di Val-leja, »povero opperario mentre di nottetempo da luoco a luoco trasportava un sacco di olive«, kot se je slikovito izrazila prizadeta mati Giuliana Del Bello slabe tri leta kasneje (prim. Dok. 1 in 27). Ukrep Vodij Sveta deseterice je, na eni strani, povzročil še večje sovraštvo med strankami v sporu, po drugi strani pa jih je prisilil k iskanju rešitve.
Sledil je razkol med družinama, toda kljub temu sta stranki v sporu (fajdi) izbrali mediatorja, da bi dosegli mir. Medtem ko so bila pogajanja v teku, je lahko oškodovana stran nadlegovala sovražnika z zahtevami za zaplembo premoženja, preventivnimi aretacijami in podobnim; celo pozdrav in odzrav oziroma njuna zavrnitev, sta že lahko bili gesti napovedi sovražnosti
11	Conciero; LLMEI (1973), 266: Conciare, 2.: reparare, reficere: popraviti, obnoviti; prim. še conzar (Boerio, 1856, 194/195).
12	»[...] ingrossato il sangue dei parenti, divinimo inimici [...]« (Venturini, 1906, 329). Inimicizia je sinonim za fajdo (prim. Darovec, 2018; Carroll, 2017a, 2017b).
13	V gradivu notarjev, ki ga hranijo v PAK, je razmeroma veliko poročnih pogodb (dote ali matrimoniali), prim. Darovec, 1996.
14	V Državnem arhivu v Benetkah sem preiskal vse arhivske fonde, ki se nanašajo na kazensko sodstvo, vključno z njihovimi številnimi podserijami, kot so razvidna iz objavljenih inventarjev oziroma popisov (prim. http://www.archiviodistatovenezia.it), to so v prvi vrsti Consiglio di Dieci, Capi del Consiglio di Dieci, Camerlengo del Consiglio di Dieci, Collegio (Minor Consiglio, Signoria, Pien collegio), Senato, Avvogaria di Comun, Quarantia Criminal. Toda ob tako obsežnih beneških arhivskih fondih in razvejani upravi, ki si je pogosto izmenjavala posamezne primere oziroma področja dela med posameznimi ustanovami oblasti, ne gre izključiti, da se bodo v bodoče pojavili še kaki dokumenti o tem zanimivem primeru. Vsaj 10 t. i. snopičev (f.=filze) arhivskega fonda ASVe, Consiglio di Dieci, Parti Comuni, z dokumenti prav za obdobje po krvnem maščevanju v Kopru leta 1686, pa je v izjemno slabem stanju in velikokrat povsem nečitljivih. Kljub temu ocenjujem, da je za razumevanje tedanjih družbenih odnosov ter delovanja pravosodja v konzultiranih dokumentih dovolj gradiva za ustrezno interpretacijo.
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oz. fajde [faida hoc est inimicitiaV5. Takšno nagajanje z grožnjami in povzročanjem škode je bilo sicer v običajnem sistemu reševanja konfliktov, ki ga lahko poimenujemo tako fajda kot vindicta, vendetta, vengeance, revenge, maščevanje ali na Balkanu osveta, nekaj povsem običajnega. Temeljni družbeni namen je bil doseči častno poravnavo in pomiritev med sprtimi stranmi, torej mir v skupnosti, ki so ga v svojih dokumentih tudi večkrat omenjali tako koprski podestati, ki so bili v teh letih spora v Kopru neposredno izvoljeni v Senatu Beneške Republike, kot tudi osrednji beneški sodni organ, Svet deseterice (Dok. 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 20, 21, 23, 27, 29, 36, 37, 40).
Na te pritiske in grožnje ter s posredovanjem lokalnih mediatorjev, je, kot kaže, poglavitno vlogo v pogajanjih prevzel Pietro Gavardo, prav tako član starodavne koprske plemiške družine, ki je v tistem času izvrševal funkcijo Governatore dellArmi, in sprti strani sta marca 1684 dosegli premirje. Premirje s prisego je bilo eno izmed najpomembnejših faz v ritualu reševanja sporov, ki je omogočilo nadaljna pogajanja za poravnavo in sklepanje miru in je ponavadi trajalo tudi do enega leta (prim. Darovec, 2018). Toda svečano zapisane listine z obljubami in prisego o neškodovanju ter o prijateljstvu,16 so si bile vpričo mediatorja Pietra Gavarda izrečene le med soudeleženimi strankami, in sicer obojestransko med Domenicom in Giulianom del Bellom na eni in Giovannijem Battisto Gravisijem na drugi strani, ter med Francescom del Taccom in Eli-om Belgramonijem in med Eliom Belgramonijem ter Giovannijem Battisto Gravisijem. Očitno pa tedaj še ni prišlo do premirja med Francescom del Taccom in Domenicom ter Giulianom del Bellom, poglavitnimi zastopniki žrtve in storilca. O tem priča tudi pripis, da sta bila sekvestra oproščena le Giovanni Battista Gra-visi in Elio Belgramoni (Dok. 4, 5, 6, 7 in 19).
Verjetno je bilo pričakovano, da bosta podobno »prijateljstvo« potrdila tudi Giuliano del Bello in Francesco del Tacco. Toda do tega ni prišlo in junija 1684 so med nepomirjenimi vzniknila nadaljnja nesoglasja (Dok. 8-13). Vodje Sveta deseterice so ostro reagirali in zahtevali od koprskega podestata, da v roku 15 dni zagotovi spokoj in mir v mestu in naj poroča, kdo so tisti, ki ga kršijo, ker bodo proti njim sprejeli potrebne ukrepe, s katerimi jih bodo prisilili na pokornost.17 Kot kaže pa je ta grožnja delovala prav obratno: Giuliano del Bello je namreč, pod pretvezo, da bi rad šel pojasniti Svetu deseterice o razprtijah med družinami, ki jih je povzročil njegov brat Ottavio s tem, ko se je poročil s Cecilio del
Tacco, brez podestatovega dovoljenja odšel iz hišnega pripora [sequestro] v Benetke, kar je ta označil za pravi škandal. Ob tem je prvič zagovoril Francesca del Tacca, ki naj bi bil pripravljen sprejeti pomiritev (Dok. 9). Vodje Sveta deseterice so dali jasno vedeti, da Giuliana del Bella ne bodo sprejeli, da pa mu mora za tak prekršek podestat naložiti še dodatno kazen sekvestra (Dok. 10).
Kot kaže je večji interes za pomiritev izkazoval Francesco del Tacco, torej predstavnik žrtve, ki bi sicer po običaju imel prvi pravico do maščevanja. Morda je prav zato tedanji koprski podestat, Nicolo Barbarigo, dovolil Francescu del Taccu, ki je bil v hišnem priporu [sequestro], oditi v Benetke na sestanek s Svetom deseterice, in tam ostati dokler bi bilo, po presoji organa, potrebno, da predstavi svoje razloge za zavračanje premirja (Dok. 11). Vodje Sveta deseterice so 14. julija 1684 Francescu del Taccu dovolili prihod v Benetke (Dok. 12) in koprski podestat je 22. julija 1684 poročal, da mu je odobril odhod (Dok. 13).
Ob tem se je koprski podestat in kapitan, Nicolo Barbarigo, v novembrskem pismu Vodjem Sveta deseterice, očitno zavzel za Francesca, saj je povzel njegove razloge za zavračanje premirja, ki pričajo o še enem značilnem dogajanju v tovrstnih sporih. Navaja, da je bil sprva menil, da Francesco del Tacco neupravičeno zavrača sporazum z del Bellovimi. Nato pa je izvedel, da naj bi Francescu del Taccu Del Bellovi za pomiritev ponujali ugodno (občinsko) službo, nato pa ji nasprotovali in zanikali odgovornost v primeru smrti njegovega brata Nicoloja del Tacca, zaradi česar se je spor ponovno zaostril (Dok. 11, 14).
O uspešnosti Francescovega poletnega obiska pri Svetu deseterice težko sodimo. Dejstvo je, da so bili poglavitni vpleteni še v začetku novembra 1684 v hišnih priporih, »že več kot eno leto in nekaj mesecev«, kot poroča koprski podestat. Pri tem je še dodal, da si je zares prizadeval »di veder stabilita la quiete a questa Citta, e la pace tra lui [Francesco del Tacco] da una et Don Domenico, e Dr. Giulian del Bello dall'altra« (Dok. 14), ter da si je z vsemi močmi prizadeval obnoviti pogajanja med sprtimi; toda vse dotlej to ni prineslo želenega učinka.
Čeprav je koprski podestat v tem delu, skladno z uveljavljajočo se filozofijo in politiko državnega kaznovanja, ki sta zločin in kazen individualizirali v nasprotju z običajem, ki je prisojal odgovornost celotni skupnosti storilca, pritrdil mnenju del Bellovih, izpričuje njegov nadaljnji zapis veliko razočaranje nad njihovim postopanjem in s tem nad nezmožnostjo sklenitve premirja v
15	Viri pričajo, da je bila beseda fajda prvič dokumentirana v latinščini, v Edictum Rothari, zbirki Langobardskega plemenskega prava iz 7. stoletja, kjer navaja: faida hoc est inimicitia. Večina relevantnih predpisov o običaju maščevanja, od antike do srednjega veka, vključno z nekaterimi bibličnimi napotki, sta zbrala in prevedla v angleščino Smail & Gibson, 2009.
16	»Dichiaro io Domenico del Bello [...] che il Signor Compare Marchese Gio Battista Gravise e stato sempre da me riverito per signore et amico singolare, non havendo mai concepito contro il medesimo alcun sentimento diverso et che l'espressioni nel mio constituto [...]« (Dok. 6); Omemba constituto, pomembnega dela obrednega sodnega procesa, v tej prisegi premirja (prijateljstva in spoštovanja) priča, da je prej prihajalo do medsebojnih obtožb in tožb.
17	»[...] mentre col Consiglio di X:ci sarano prese quelle vigorose deliberationi nel a' ridurli alla dovuta obedienza« (Dok. 8).
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Slika 5: Celica v novih zaporih (Prigioni Nuove) ob do-ževi palači na Rivi dei Schiavoni, Benetke (Vir: Wikime-dia Commons).
skupnosti. Zato se je zavzel in predlagal Svetu deseterice, naj sprejmejo vse potrebne ukrepe, da se zagotovi spokojnost in mir v skupnosti (Dok. 14).
Vodje Sveta deseterice so se čez štirinajst dni, 17. novembra 1684, odločno odzvali in zahtevali, da se vsi trije vpleteni, Francesco del Tacco ter Domenico in Giuliano del Bello takoj zglasijo pri njih v Benetkah, kjer bodo oni poskrbeli za spokojnost in mir med podložniki [la quiete, e la pace tra sudditi] (Dok. 15, 16). Vedelo se je, kaj to pomeni za pozvane: vsak pridržani je bil najprej nekaj dni zaprt v prostorih brez svetlobe, nato pa še več dni v zaporu s svetlobo, vendar obenem podvržen strogim preiskovalnim postopkom, lahko tudi z uporabo torture (Povolo, 2015a). Da se je to dogajalo tudi v našem primeru, pričajo nekateri dokumenti (Dok. 27, 29, 38).
Najprej so pozvali na pričevanje Giuliana del Bella in Francesca del Tacca. Na podlagi njunih pričevanj so Vodje Sveta deseterice 30. decembra 1684 odločili, da se morajo v tej zadevi pred sodiščem zglasiti že pozvani Domenico del Bello, toda zglasiti sta se morala tudi Giovanni Battista in Nicolo Gravisi. (Dok. 17). Kljub strogosti sporočil je Svet deseterice [Tribunal nostro] še vedno stremel k umiritvi nesoglasij med družinami (Dok. 18), oziroma hišami [Case], kot se v virih izražajo za označevanje sorodstvenih klanov.
Kako neprijeten je znal biti tak poziv in kako so se mu želeli na vsak način izogniti, priča kar nekaj nadaljnjih dokumentov. Domenico del Bello, prvič pozvan v Benetke že 17. novembra 1684, se tudi po zgoraj omenjenem, decembrskem pozivu, ter po nadaljnjem, 15. januarja 1685, še ni odzval vabilu (Dok. 18), niti po pozivu koprskega podestata 28. januarja 1685 (Dok. 20). Vselej se je namreč skliceval na bolezen in visoko starost [a causa delle sue indispositioni, e decrepita eta; Dok. 17]. Potem ko pozivi niso zalegli, so Vodje Sveta deseterice 19. februarja 1685 naročili koprskemu podestatu, naj ga da zapreti (Dok. 21). Približno deset dni zapora,18 pa četudi v domačem Kopru, je očitno zadoščalo, da je Domenico del Bello raje izbral naporno pot v Benetke, kamor je prispel 3. marca 1685 na po-destatovem konju (Dok. 22) in seveda v spremstvu vsaj dveh njegovih biričev.
Nicolo Gravisi, ki se zaradi študija v Padovi ni udeležil premirja v marcu 1684 (Dok. 19), se je pozivu sodišča, izdanemu 30. decembra 1684, uspešno izogibal le do 8. marca 1685, ko so ga na ukaz Vodij Sveta deseterice zajeli v beneški četrti Castello in ga odvedli do rektorja Padove (Dok. 23), kjer je bilo zloglasno sodišče s posebnimi pooblastili in kjer je bilo sojeno že mnogim plemičem Beneške republike (Povolo, 1997). Do tedaj pa še vedno niso uspeli prijeti Giovannija Battista Gravisija. Toda bržkone jim je to pred 28. marcem uspelo. Tedaj je namreč Nicolo Gravisi napisal prošnjo beneškemu dožu [Serenissimo Principe], naj sprejme Leandra Gravisija v beneško vojsko (Dok. 24), 31. marca 1685 pa so Vodje Sveta deseterice naročili koprskemu podestatu naj vrne zaplenjene premičnine iz hiše Domenica del Bella (Dok. 25). Lahko predpostavimo, da se je to lahko zgodilo le v primeru, ko sta sprti strani dosegli soglasje in da je tedaj (med 8. in 28. marcem 1685) prišlo do sklenitve svečanega miru, ki ga omenjata Nicolo Gravisi v svoji kasnejši obrambi19 (Dok. 38), in Giulia, mati Giuliana del Bella, v svojem prvem pismu 17. junija 1 686.20
Sklenitev svečanega miru vpričo Sveta deseterice nakazuje ritualni obrazec, po katerem se je storilec oziroma storilčeva stran z gestami ponižanja in prošnjami za oprostitev, v znak zadoščenja, morala pokloniti užaljeni strani. Po sprejemu oprostitve je sledila prisega o prijateljstvu, temu pa so v znak trajnega miru sledili rokovanje, objem in poljub miru21 med predstavniki sprtih strani. Ritual, ki ga je zapisal že bolonjski notar, sodnik in univerzitetni profesor Rolan-dino sredi 13. stoletja v učbenik za notarje (Darovec,
18	»[...] Sig.r Domenico del Bello che fu chiamato piu volte dal Eccelso Consiglio a Venetia, e non volse mai andare se non prigione?« (Dok. 38).
19	Gre za t.i. difesa, ki jo je v drugem delu sodnega procesa, imenovanem processo difensivo (prim. Povolo, 2015a, 217-219), obtoženi predstavil v svojo obrambo.
20	»[...] fu stabilita la pace et rattifficata alla presenza dell'Eccelso Tribunale, con le dovute solenni formalita« (Dok. 27).
21	O razširjenosti geste poljuba miru v postopkih sprave in drugih javnih obredih v srednjeveški družbi glej odlično študijo Petkov (2003).
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Slika 6: Turško obleganje Dunaja leta 1683, Frans Geffles (Vir: Wikimedia Commons).
2018), zasledimo praktično v vseh evropskih srednjeveških in zgodnje novoveških dokumentih,22 vsaj do konca 19. stoletja pa se je kot izpričan svečani običaj ohranil zlasti na območju Črne gore, Hercegovine in Albanije (Bogišic, 1999; Hasluck, 1954; Boehm, 1984; Ergaver 2016, 2017; Muir, 2017).23
Žal zaenkrat omenjenega dokumenta miru nisem našel; toda če so se povsem ravnali po običajnem ritualu, zapis takega akta niti ne bi bil potreben: dovolj je bil javni ritual vpričo vseh poglavitnih udeležencev, ki je mir potrdil. Kakorkoli že, obravnavani dokumenti o tem primeru nazorno pokažejo, da so vse glavne udeležence družinskega spora med koprskimi plemiškimi družinami (Francesca del Tacca, Giuliana del Bella, Domenica del Bella, Nicoloja Gravisija in Giovannija Battisto Gravisija), zaradi uboja Nicoloja del Tacca leta 1683, ki ga je storil Alvise del Bello, po skoraj poldrugem letu neuspešnega reševanja spora na lokalni ravni, Vodje Sveta deseterice na silo privedli v Benetke, jih zaprli v njihove zloglasne zapore, dokler jih niso marca 1685 prisilili k sklenitvi miru. Mir je bil sklenjen z zelo stisnjenimi zobmi (Dok. 38).
Predvsem so Gravisiji zamerili del Bellovim, ker so jih ponovno vmešali v spor, ki ga sami niso želeli zaključiti. Že tako so bili užaljeni zaradi številnih omejitev s sekvestri,24 najbolj pa so jim zamerili, da so zahtevali privedbo Giovannija Battista Gravisija pred Svet deseterice, po tem, ko se je z nasprotno stranjo že pomiril.25 Nicoloja Gravisija pa so v Benetkah v četrti Castello, kot je že bilo povedano, celo javno aretirati.
Zato morda ni slučajno, da je Nicolo Gravisi 28. marca 1685, verjetno takoj po (prisilno) sklenjenem miru, pisal beneškemu dožu prošnjo, naj sprejme njegovega brata Leandra Gravisija (1640-1721) v beneško vojsko (Dok. 24). Leandro je bil namreč v izgonu iz Beneške republike zaradi uboja Domenica di Valle, ki ga je bil zagrešil leta 1673 (Dok. 1, 27), toda izkazal se je v številnih najemniških vojskah. Zadnjih dvajset let si je nabiral vojaške izkušnje v Milanu pri cesarski vojski, najprej pa je začel v beneški vojski kot alfiere nato pa kot kapetan. Kot najemnik je sodeloval v bitkah na Ogrskem, nato pri zavzetju Bona, v bitki pri Treverih, zaradi njegovega poguma so ga kot kapetana
22	Poglavitna literatura, ki potrjuje to tezo: Van Caenegem, 1954, 280-307; Bossy, 1975, 21-38; White, 1986; Miller, 1990; van Eickels, 1997, 133-140; Muir, 1998; Brown, 2003, 43-64; Carroll, 2003; Althoff, 2004, 136-159; Niccoli, 2007; Bellabarba, 2008, 77-78; Smail, Gibson, 2009; Roach, 2012, 360-365; Smail, 2012; Marinelli, 2017.
23	Posebno pričevalno vrednost imajo tudi likovne upodobitve, npr. slika Paja Jovanovica na naslovnici tega zvezka.
24	»[...] gli assedii de' sequestri, i dispendii de Venetia [...]« (Dok. 38).
25	»Giunto poi il Signor Domenico a Venetia non venne voglia agli Aversarii di far chiamare ivi anco Gio:Battista mio Fratello, benche in Capodistria gia pacificato?« (Dok. 38).
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Slika 7: Francesco Morosini osvoji Navarin Vecchio (Pylos) na Peloponezu junija 1686 (Vir: Libero.it https://digilander.libero.it/arup/morosini.html).
poslali za nekaj časa na Sicilijo, kjer je postal guverner trgov [Governatore delle Piazze] tega kraljestva. Prošnja Nicolöja Gravisija je bila odobrena.
Med letoma 1684 in 1699 je namreč potekala t. i. Morejska vojna oziroma vojna med Benečani in Osmani za Peloponez, ki so ga Benečani tedaj tudi postopoma osvojili in jim je bil priznan v t. i. Karlovškem miru. Mir v Sremskih Karlovcih je končal tudi habsburško-turško vojno (1683-1697), ki se je začela z drugim obleganjem Dunaja. Po teh dogodkih je Osmanski imperij postopoma le še izgubljal svoje posesti v Evropi.
Tovrstne vojne so bile v tistem času izvrstna prilika za vse izgnance, da so zaprosili za službo v vojski, in v kolikor so jih sprejeli, so bili oproščeni kazni.26 Tega so se nedvomno veselili mnogi izgnanci [banditi], ki so se klatili po nevarnih gozdovih in prerijah, kjer jih je lahko vsakdo nekaznovano ubil in za to prejel še nagrado (Wilson, 1988; Povolo, 2017; Rossetto, 2017). Toda Leandro je bil dobro situiran in v tem pogledu varen v okviru milanske cesarske vojske. Ga je domov na prošnjo brata Nicolöja in strica, grofa Almerica Sa-binija, gnala le ljubezen in čut do obrambe domovine? Ali zgolj dejstvo, da je bil edini, ki ni sklenil miru?
MAŠČEVANJE
V nedeljo dopoldne, 6. junija 1686, je Leandro Gra-visi na osrednjem koprskem trgu pred vhodom v Pretor-sko palačo, na istem mestu kot je bil storjen umor leta 1683, nenadoma pristopil k Giulianu del Bellu. Ta naj bi ga bil prijazno pozdravil, toda Leandro mu ni odzdravil, temveč je od Giuliana del Bella, kot ujec umorjenega Nicolöja del Tacca, zahteval krvni davek. Del Bello se mu ni ne opravičil ne nakazal možnosti povračila, ampak ga je s prstom podrezal po brkih, češ, »kaj se pa repen-
Slika 8: Markiz Leandro Gravisi (Caprin, 1905).
čiš!«. Leandro je v tistem trenutku izvlekel majhno pištolo, podobno oni, s katero je Alvise 3 leta prej ustrelil njegovega nečaka, in po trgu so odjeknili besni krik »A te!« (»Tu imaš!«) in dva strela, pod katerima je Giuliano del Bello obležal v mlaki krvi (Dok. 26, 27). Markiz Leandro Gravisi je takoj zatem zbežal po koprskih ulicah in s hitro barko pobegnil v habsburški Trst, od koder je že naslednji dan pisal beneškemu dožu in upravičeval svoje dejanje s »perché quello ho fatto e giustamente e fu fatto onore-volmente.« (Dok. 26), kot je bilo že uvodoma opisano.
INKVIZITORNI SODNI PROCES
Tokrat pa je Svet deseterice 19. junija 1686 odredil Processo col rito (Dok. 27, 28), kar je pomenilo inkvizi-torni sodni postopek (Povolo, 2015a). Za to so se odločili na podlagi poročila aktualnega koprskega podestata in kapitana, Vettorja da Mosta, ter pisma Giulije, matere ubitega Giuliana del Bella.
Za vodenje procesa, vključno z izrekom kazni, je Svet deseterice pooblastil koprski Regiment, to je koprskega podestata in kapitana, ki so mu posebej naročili,
26 Prim. zgodbo o Zanzanuju, banditu iz Lago di Garda, ki ga v podobnem primeru niso pomilostiti (Povolo, 2011), ali o katalonskem banditu Perotu Rocaguinardi, omenjenem v Cervantesovem Don Kihotu, ki je leta 1614 prejel pomilostitev (Povolo, 201 7, 45).
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da mora v tej zadevi vse skrbno zapisovati njegov kan-celar [CanceHiere].17 Skladno s temeljnimi značilnostmi inkvizitornega procesa so podestatu podelili pravico, da je zagotovil pričam anonimnost, za ustrezne informacije je lahko sostorilce tudi oprostil krivde, če le ni bil glavni akter ali naročnik, ter da je krivce lahko v imenu Sveta deseterice kaznoval »nelle pene di vita, bando perpetuo e deffinitivo da questa Citta di Venetia e Dogado e da tutte le altre Citta', Terre, e luoghi del Dominio Nostro, terrestri e maritimi navilii armati e disarmati, priggion, galea, relegation, confiscation de Beni, e colle taglie, che vi pareranno« (Dok. 17, 18).
To je klasična dikcija tedanjega pravnega reda, ki je obsojenega izgnala iz dežele in ga prepustila na milost in nemilost »divjini«. Še več, lahko so mu tudi zasegli vse premoženje in dodatno denarno kaznovali. Ne le, da je takega izgnanca lahko vsakdo nekaznovano ubil, zanj so bile izdane še državne tiralice z denarnimi nagradami, ki so se v splošnem gibale med 500 in 1.000 beneškimi lirami, odvisno od pomembnosti in teže prekrška. Kazen izgona je skratka pomenila, da se je nekdo lahko izgnancu legalno maščeval, ne da bi za to bil kaznovan (Miller, 1990, 138).
V državni zakonodaji in pravosodnem sistemu pa se je vsaj od srede 16. stoletja ohranil tudi običaj, da se je izgnani lahko osvobodil. Za to sta obstajala dva načina: ali so se pobotali s primerno odškodnino in častnim (ritualnim) ponižanjem ali pa je izgnanec ubil drugega izgnanca in se tako odkupil oziroma osvobodil. Medtem ko je do konca srednjega veka lokalna skupnost imela nadzor in evidenco nad izgnanci, je tudi ta mehanizem od srede 16. stoletja dalje državna oblast postopoma povsem prevzemala v svoje roke, in to ne le v Beneški republiki, temveč v skoraj vseh srednje- in zahodnoevropskih deželah.28 Iz arhivskega gradiva t. i. »Voci Liberar Banditi« (ASVe. Senato. Taglie) je jasno razvidna ta pestrost družbenih odnosov: v kolikor je izgnanec dokazano ubil drugega izgnanca (mdr. je v dokaz moral prinesti glavo bandita), je bil sam osvobojen.29 Lahko pa je celo nekdo drugi ubil nekega izgnanca ter za ustrezno povračilo predal »Voce« drugemu izgnancu, ki ga je nato beneški Svet deseterice pravnoveljavno
oprostil. Po načelih in skladno z običajem je država z zakonskimi odredbami postopoma prevzemala izvrševanje in nadzor nad lokalnim pravosodjem.
Bojazen pred kaznijo izgona, zlasti pa pred zaplembo premoženja, je tako del Bellove kot del Taccove prisilila v sklepanje premirja in svečanega miru. Morda je del Bellove prav vera v nastajajoč državni nadzor nad pravosodjem in monopolizacijo nasilja navdajala z upanjem, da do krvnega maščevanja ne bo prišlo ter se zato niso bili pripravljeni pomiriti po običaju, skladno s sklenjenim mirom z del Taccovimi in Gravisiji. Toda očitno so se ušteli. O tem posredno priča tudi pismo Giulianove matere, ki je priloženo k Dok. 27. V njem se je seveda zavzela za svojega nedolžnega preminulega sina, ki naj bi bil verjel, da so se s sklenitvijo miru polegli spori in opustili načrti sovraštva in maščevanja. Verjel naj bi tudi v javno varnost in zaščito, ki naj bi zagotavljala »rast številnih plodnih miroljubnih oljk, ne pa pogrebnih cipres«, kot se je mati poetično izrazila.30 Temeljnega ozadja spora Giulianova mati ne omenja, zato pa razkriva zanimive podrobnosti domnevne organizacije in samega dogodka krvnega maščevanja (Dok. 27):
Qui gionto [Leandro Gravisi] per un mese incirca fu sempre accompagnato ad ogni momento dalli predetti et altri suoi congionti finché, maturato il concerto, e preveduta vicina l'opportunità di coglier l'infelice figliolo, allestita prima barca espedita a sei remi, tre giorni trattenuta otiosa e ferma et in questi tre gorni a ponte lasciato sempre solo abbandona-to dalli predetti suoi congionti [Francesco e Iseppo del Taco et Nicolo Gravisi] esso Liandro benché alla larga non lo perdessere di vista come da molti fu ben osservati, la mattina sei corrente finalmente gi-onta l'hora fatale, incontrato il misero figliolo che lo saluto profondamente com'era solito fare e corri-sposto sempre dall'Omicida, invece della corrispon-denza all'ultimo saluto, posta mano ad una Pistola gliela scarico con dirgli con voce arabiata »A te!« e cos/ trafitto spiro sotto l'occhio dell'Illustrissimo si-gnor consigliere Vice Podestà e nella publica Piazza.
27	Cancelliere je moral imeti ustrezno pravno izobrazbo, večinoma so bili notarji. Na njih je temeljil ves pravni red v posameznih komunih. Vsaka zamenjava podestata (mandat praviloma 16 mesecev) je prinesla tudi zamenjavo kancelarja. To sta bila najprej edina vrhovna predstavnika Beneške republike v Kopru, kasneje se je pridružil še consigliere, ki je vršil tudi funkcijo vice-podestata, kot je jasno izpričano v našem primeru (Dok. 27), je pa bilo v upravi nameščenih tudi nekaj stalnih domačih uradnikov (Darovec, 2002), poleg teh pa je bilo v mestu razmeroma veliko domačih notarjev (Darovec, 2015).
28	O skupnih značilnostih običajnega sistema reševanja sporov izpostavljam nekaj klasičnih primerjalnih del: Frauenstadt, 1881; Wester-marck, 1906; Heusler, 1911; Brunner, 1939; Bloch, 1961; Gluckman, 1 955; Malinowski, 1959; Wallace-Hadrill, 1959; Black-Michaud, 1975; Roberts, 2013; Verdier, 1980; Boehm, 1984; Stein, 1984; Damaška, 1986; Rouland, 1992; Netterstr0m, Poulsen, 2007. V prevodu v slovenščino velja omeniti naslednja dela: Evans-Pritchard, 1993; Radcliffe-Brown, 1994; Bianco, 2011 in Povolo, 2015b. Med Slovenci so prvi o problematiki maščevanja pisali: Miklosich, 1888; Dolenc, 1939 in Vilfan, 1943.
29	Kako vsesplošno je bil razširjen ta običaj v evropskem prostoru pričajo dokumenti iz drugih evropskih dežel vse do konca 18. in ponekod tudi v 20. stoletje (prim. v članku navedeno literaturo, zlasti izpostavljam dela: Miller, 1990; Smail, 2012; Rousseaux, 1997; Faggion, 2017; Povolo, 2017; Rampanelli, 2017; Rossetto, 2017; Vidali, 2017). So pa kot pri vsakem kulturnem sistemu tudi v tem lokalne posebnosti: Miller navaja primere za Islandijo, kjer so v 14. stoletju poznali več stopenj izgnanstva, za nekatere je zadoščal le en umor izgnanca, v drugih primerih pa je za svojo osvoboditev moral izgnanec ubiti 3 druge izgnance (Miller, 1990, 239, 361).
30	»[...] sperava che accompagnato dall'ombra della publica protezione havessero a crescere copiosi e fecondi gli olivi pacifici e non funesti cipressi [...]« (Dok. 27).
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t t >
Xy
te t P? *
Slika 9: Benetke, doževa palača, dvorana Sveta deseterice (Vir: Galleria Querini-Stampalia, Pinterest).
Ter nadaljuje z opisom, ki je nato postal poglavitni del obtožnice v procesu proti Nicoloju Gravisiju kot poglavitnem sokrivcu in soorganizatorju:
Immediate fatto cenno del predetto Liandro alli sopradeti che stavano in osservatione del fatto d'unirsi seco lui, non solo lo feccero, ma lo scortorono alla barca in puoca distanza et in quell'intervallo uniti gli offiziali per ordi-ne di quell/Illustrissimo consigliere per inseguir lOmmicida, posero mano alle spade contro di loro per trattenerli et assicurare allo stesso Hmbarco che seguito anco felicemente fu tra-sportato a Trieste.
Prav zadnji del tega pričevanja, da so se nekateri privrženci Leandra Gravisija celo s sabljami nastavili proti biričem ter mu tako omogočili srečni pobeg v Trst, ter obtožba, da so ga že prej obiskovali v Benetkah in tako načrtovali maščevanje, so bili osnova za prvo fazo inkvizitornega sodnega postopka, to je za processo informativo in processo offensivo (Dok. 30, 31, 32). Ta je v prvi vrsti vključeval zaslišanje obtoženca oziroma obtožencev, tudi s torturo, zaslišane pa so bile tudi priče, vendar obtoženi z njihovimi izjavami ni bil seznanjen. Rezultati teh zaslišanj so privedli do izoblikovanja obtožnice, to je do costituto oppo-
sizionale. Ta je bil tudi osnova za prehod v drugi del sodnega procesa, t. i. processo difensivo, v katerem se je obtoženi z difeso lahko zagovarjal za obtožbe, navedene v costituto opposizionale. Tretji, zaključni del sodnega procesa, pa je bila razglasitev sodbe (Povolo, 2015a, 217-233). Sodba je zaključila zapleteno sodno proceduro, čeprav sta lahko stranki z mirovnim sporazumom prekinili sodni postopek v vseh fazah sodnega procesa oziroma so s tem dejanjem lahko občutno vplivali na vsebino razsodbe.31
Tak sodni proces je doletel tudi Nicoloja Gravisija. Njegov zagovor [difesa] pa nam poleg njegovega stališča razgrinja še druge zanimivosti iz tega spora, ki nam nazorno osvetljujejo posebnosti sodnega procesa in novih oblik kazenskih postopkov.
Najprej kaže ugotoviti, da Nicolojev zagovor, poleg uvodnega in zaključnega dela, obsega 20 poglavij [ca-pitoli] natančnih odgovorov na poglavja iz obtožnice, tj. costituta opposizionale. Zagotovo je pri pisanju zagovora pomagal izvedeni pravni strokovnjak, ki pa je bil v takih primerih vselej anonimen (Povolo, 2015a, 224).
V tedanjem značilnem sočnem pravnem jeziku, ki mu ni manjkalo literarnih vstavkov, dovtipov in domislic, sklicevanj na mnenja tedanjih pravnih strokovnjakov,32 odlomkov iz svetih spisov, pa tudi ponižnosti in pozivanj na božjo pričo, milost in resnico, Nicolo Gravisi zavrže vse navedbe iz obtožnice [costituto]. Za vsako svojo navedbo našteje tudi priče, nekatere se več ali manj ponavljajo, druge ne, v glavnem so iz vrst lokalnega plemstva, vendar tudi iz drugih družbenih slojev.
Vsekakor kaže iz dokumenta (Dok. 38) izpostaviti naslednje. Kot čudaški argument [un cosi sinistro ar-gomento] je Nicolo zavrnil razlog, da je lahko nekdo osumljen krivde le na podlagi dejstva, da je zaradi smrti nečaka užaljen [offeso]. »Sovraštvo [inimicitia] mora biti živo, moje pa je ugasnilo s sklenitvijo miru«,33 še pristavlja Nicolo. Na več mestih v svoji difesi, še zlasti pa v uvodnem delu, je poudarjal, da je storilec znan, umor se je zgodil podnevi, na javnem mestu, zaradi česar ga nimajo pravice preganjati.
Za povsem krivično [cos/ iniqua imputatione] pa je označil obtožbo, ki je izhajala iz začetnega dela Costituta,34 in sicer da naj bi se bil upiral sklenitvi miru. Med drugim se je v svojo obrambo spraševal: »Ce ne bi želel privoliti v mir, bi se nemara tako kmalu strinjal z izborom mediatorja? Ali bi bil potem pripravljen takoj sprejeti pogoje, ki jih je bil določil mediator?«.35 Toda, pravi na nekem drugem mestu, »>Ce bi bil mir sklenjen prehitro, kdo bi lahko rekel, da ne bi še prej prišlo do
31
32
33
34
35
»Before reaching a sentence, the judge could decide to use torture, obviously in cases marked by the atrocity of the crime and lack of sufficient proofs. The decisive role attributed to confession and to torture clearly shows the importance assigned to the truth that lay in
the mind and personality of the defendant. Only here can we identify a real interrogation, but the position in which it was placed (i.e., at the end of trial proceedings) clearly excludes the possibility of idering the judge's activity as inquiry« (Povolo, 2015a, 219). Tako imenovani traktatisti, pisci traktatov; prim. Povolo, 1997; Withington, 2013; Carroll, 2016; Bellabarba, 2017.
»[...] la inimicitia deve esser viva, e la mia e stata estinta con la pace« (Dok. 38).
»Cos! veggo essermi opposto nelprimo ingresso del Costituto« (Dok. 38).
»Se non havessi voluto assentir alla pace, sarei devenuto cosi subito alla elettione del Mediatore? Stabilite dal Mediatore le conditioni, sarei stato cosi pronto ad abbracciarle?« (Dok. 38).
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maščevanja?«.36 In še: » [...] Ali je bila nasprotna stran pripravljena na vsako zadoščenje, kot se je od nje pričakovalo? Tega zagotovo ni mogoče označiti kot nasprotovanje miru, ampak kot razlikovanje v stališčih in pogojih, in tega razlikovanja ni mogoče pripisati eni strani bolj kot drugi«. Nato je dodal: »Ma poi, la ventilation della pace non denota intenzione di coltivarla?«.
Njegovo razglabljanje nam pravzaprav razkrije, kako so pogajanja potekala: prek mediatorjev so eni drugim najprej sporočali predloge pogojev za pomiritev, nato je vsaka stran o njih preudarjala in šele ko so jih uskladili, so lahko razpravljali in sprejeli odločitve za sklenitev sporazuma [trattati].
Uvodni del obtožbe [costituto opposizionale] je torej želel dokazati, da je bil Nicolo Gravisi sovražen [inimi-co] do del Bellovih. Danes bi rekli, da so dokazovali motiv za kaznivo dejanje, tedaj pa je bil to že dokaz za fajdo. O tem nas prepričata še naslednji dve obtožbi, ki sta prav tako zanimivi z vidika običajnega sistema reševanja sporov.
»Mi si e opposto in secondo luoco del Costituto che mai cavassi il Cappello al dr. Giuliano, se ben da lui pro-vocato«. Kot gesto izražanja sovražnosti so torej šteli, da se predstavniki sprtih strani, ko so se npr. srečali na ulici, niso pozdravili, in sicer tako, da so pri tem rahlo privzdignili klobuk. Morda pa je bilo še večje izkazovanje sovražnosti in nasprotovanje sklenitvi miru po običaju dejstvo, da se storilec oz. član njegove skupnosti, ni udeležil pogreba žrtve: »Mi e stato rinfaciato il non esser andato sopra il Cadavero.«37 Vsekakor je k temu pomenljiva obtoženčeva pripomba v 11. poglavju: »Toda, ali je Francescu del Taccu kaj koristilo, ker je šel?«.38 Kar očitno pomeni, da so v isti zadevi sodili tudi Francescu. Obe obtožbi je Nicolo s pojasnili zavrgel.
Zanimivo je, kako je oporekal tem obtožbam. Ponovno z nizanjem natančno usmerjenih (samo)vprašanj, zakaj naj bi bil tako nespameten, da bi javno izkazoval sovraštvo in tako sam objavil maščevanje? Nazadnje je zaključil: »La dottrina, che sipossino far vendette contro i Congionti dell'offensore non caderebbe contro di me, che sono Fratello de!!'uccisore?«
Osrednji del obrambe, ki ga sestavlja kar 16 od 20 poglavij [capitoli], je namenjen zavračanju obtožb o njegovem sodelovanju pri maščevalnem umoru Giulia-na del Bella. Pomagajo nam sestaviti celoto na podlagi podrobnosti, ki jih ni v dveh obremenilnih pismih matere Giulie del Bello (Dok. 27, 29).
Po odobreni prošnji o sprejemu Leandra Gravisija v beneško vojsko, v času vojne za Morejo (Peloponez), je
Slika 10: Ca/ Michiel, Canale grande, Benetke (Vir: Wi-kimedia Commons).
Leandro z nekaterimi drugimi tovariši iz Milana prišel februarja 1686 v Benetke. Še pred odhodom v boj je izrazil interes, da bi obiskal rodni Koper. Toda nenadoma naj bi zbolel, zato ga je šel v Benetke obiskati brat Nicolo in je pri njem ostal vsaj en mesec. Stanovala sta v hiši Monsu Verdura, kmalu pa sta v Benetke prišla tudi Francesco in Iseppo del Tacco, ki pa sta se nastanila v Ca' Michieli. To naj bi dokazovalo njihovo dogovarjanje za izvedbo maščevanja. Obtoženi je zavrnil vse te namige, med drugim tudi z naslednjim: »V Benetkah sem bil zaradi ljubezni do brata, ne pa zaradi sovraštva do katerekoli osebe«.39 Zanimivo pa je, da v svoji difesi ni omenil enega meseca bivanja Leandra v Kopru in drugih obtožb glede hitre barke, ki ga je čakala v koprskem pristanišču, kar je v svojem pismu opisovala mati Giulia del Bello.
Tri dni pred usodnim petim junijem 1686 je v koprsko pristanišče pri Izolskih vratih priplula barka na 6 vesel. Leandro Gravisi je bil tedaj že mesec dni v Kopru, vselej obdan s svojimi sorodniki in prijatelji.40 Bili so še vedno razburjeni nad sramotnim mirom, ki so ga bili primorani na silo sprejeti. Kolikšna je bila odškodnina za žalitev, če je sploh bila določena, se ne ve, toda v vsakem primeru so se del Taccovi in markizi Gravisiji počutili prikrajšane. Morda so pričakovali, da bo stran del Bellovih razumela njihove namige, da bodo nadaljevali reševanje konflikta po običaju, z mediatorji in dogovorjeno odškodnino ter tako prišli do častne rešitve za obe strani.41 Toda pobude s strani del Bellovih ni bilo. Tiste tri dni naj bi Leandro vsak večer sam hodil po po-
36	»Se la pace fosse stata conclusa piu presto, non sarebbe detto che fu a fine di prevenir piu fácilmente alla vendetta?« (Dok. 38).
37	Tudi o tem običaju obstajajo razmeroma številne navedbe v srednjeveških in zgodnje novoveških dokumentih v vseh evropskih deželah, med tistimi, kjer se je najdlje ohranil, pa sta nedvomno Črna gora in Albanija (prim. Boehm, 1984; Ergaver 2016, 201 7).
38	»Ma a Francesco del Tacco ha giovato niente l'andarvi?« (Dok. 38, cap. 11).
39	»lo fui tratto dunque a Venetia dall'amor del Fratello, non dall'odio di alcuna persona« (Dok. 38, cap. 4).
40	»[...] sempre accompagnato ad ogni momento dalli predetti, et altri suoi Congionti« (Dok. 27).
41	Nicolo Gravisi v svoji difesi cinično pripomne: »Se la corrispondenza co' Belli fosse stata piu stretta, non sarebbe stato affermato che fu piu insidiosa?« (Dok. 38, cap. 16).
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molu v bližini barke, le zadnji večer naj bi ga pospremil tudi Nicolo, ko naj bi se po izpovedih priče poslavljala ter obljubljala maščevanje [vendetta].42
»Ko je nastopil usodni trenutek, sem bil v Meza Rufini, izven Trga proti Brolu, kjer je bilo polno ljudi, zato Leandro ni mogel pomahati meni, ker se nisva videla, temveč je pomahal kapetanu Paulazziju, ki je bil v bližini,« se je branil obtožb Nicolo Gravisi, češ, da je bil Leandru, s pomočjo sorodnikov, pomagal pobegniti, tako da so s svojimi telesi, in nekateri tudi z iztegnjenimi meči, preprečevali biričem zasledovanje maščevalca. »Kajti dokler sem prišel na Brolo, je moj brat Leandro pritekel po Calle de' Carmini na Brolo in že zavil v Cale de' signori Petronii, ki vodi do Izolskih vrat«.43 Ko so prišli biriči do Izolskih vrat, se je barka
z Leandrom Gravisijem že precej oddaljila od obale. Za biriči, ki so medtem zaprli in ponovno odprli tamkajšnja mestna vrata, je prišla skupina meščanov, med katerimi, pravi Nicolo Gravisi, je bil tudi sam, in so biriče spraševali, kdo je bil ta možakar čigar barko so še videli v daljavi, biriči pa so jim odgovorili, da je bil neki tujec, ki jim ni bil znan [che era un forestiero che essi non conoscevano]. Zato se je Nicolo branil, da je nemogoče, da bi bil lahko pomagal bratu z zaustavljanjem biričev, saj je prihajal z drugimi za njimi ter prav tako nato odšel. Na koncu odgovora na to obtožbo je še zatrdil in podkrepil s tremi pričami (Il Signor Caval-lier Olimpo Gavardo, il Signor D:r Bortolo Manzioli, il Signor Capitan Antonio Gavardo), da je bil ves dopoldan, ko je bil ubit dr. del Bello, brez tabara, to je širo-
Slika 11: Tloris koprskega trga, 18. stoletje (Vir: Pokrajinski muzej Koper).
42	»Il sprezzo de saluti, le dichiaration di vendetta, la separation del Fratello, I'atto della sera precedente puono essere piu male fondati?« (Dok. 38, cap. 16).
43	»Che quando spuntai da Piazza verso il Brolo, Leandro mio Fratello haveva di gia passato il Brolo medemo, et era entrato nella cale de' signori Petronii, che conduce a Porta Isolana« (Dok. 38, cap. 10).
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Slika 12: Barka »»Vipera«, dolga okoli 10 metrov, je s posadko šestih veslačev lahko bila zelo hitra. Uporabljale so jo tudi raznovrstne beneške straže (Vir: Libero.it, http://digilander.libero.it/andrelisa/Barche%20a%20 Venezia.htm).
kega in dolgega ogrinjala, pod katerim bi lahko skrival sabljo ali drugo orožje.44
Temu je sledil njegov povzetek nesmiselnosti vseh obtožb proti njemu, ki jih je zaključil z vzklikom, polnim emocij: »Ah, vse je delo zlobe, zavisti, sovraštva, strasti«.45
V zaključnih štirih poglavjih svojega zagovora pa Nicolo Gravisi spodbija pravoveljavnost prič in s tem samega sodnega postopka. Že prej je med tekstom večkrat opozarjal, da so posamezne dele obtožnice sestavili le na podlagi ene zaprisežene in ene nezaprisežene priče. Ker skladno z invizitornim sodnim postopkom priče niso bile znane, je Nicolo odkrito ugibal, kdo bi to lahko bil in jih je zato poskušal diskreditirati. S tem pa nam je izpovedal še druga ozadja koprskega družbenega življenja.
Po njegovi domnevi je bila nezaprisežena priča bi-rič, ki ga je že zaradi funkcije diskreditiral, saj da naj bi o njih vladalo v javnosti slabo mnenje in da je tako ali drugače moral izpovedati, kot so mu naročili v vodstvu.
Če pa so kot zapriseženo pričo zaslišali gospoda Rizzarda Vido in Dr. Agostina Vido, pravi Nicolo Gravisi, »potem naj vedd, da sta tako eden kot drugi v sorodu z nasprotniki [Avversarii], in četudi mu znajo škoditi v tej zadevi, bo kljub temu izpovedal to zavrže-nje« (Dok. 38):
17o: Che il Padre del Signor D:r Agostin Vida e sta-to ammazzato nelle inimicitie che haveva contro il Nono e Zij Materni di me Cio:Nicold Gravisi. 18o: Che il Padre di detto Signor D:r Vida era zio
del Signor Rizzardo Vida.
19o: Che il Signor D:r Agostin Vida era stretto Parente del dr Ciulian del Bello. 20°: Che il Signor Rizzardo Vida e Nepote cos/ del Signor Domenico del Bello, come del Capitan Paolazzi.
Te priče ne morejo imeti veljave proti njemu, se je zagovarjal Nicolo, čeprav so glavni dokaz v obtožbi,46 zato je prosil sodišče, naj upošteva to njegovo pojasnilo. Ker je bil prepričan, da je ena priča birič, je na ta način prišel vsaj do diskreditacije kapetana Paolazzija.
Na koncu svoje difese se je še slikovito in emocionalno potožil in nato prosil za oprostitev. Prav ta zaključni del nam postreže z vso dimenzijo inkvizitornega sodnega postopka, zato ga spodaj navajam v celoti:
Slika 13: Tabarro (1918) (Vir: Wikimedia Commons).
44	»Mi si dirá che ero intabarato e con armi« (Dok. 38, cap. 16).
45	»Ah che tutto e opera della malignitá, del livore, dell'odio, della passione« (Dok. 38, cap. 16).
46	»[...] non possono neanco meritar fede contro di me, onde se gli intenderanno fatte in tutto per tutto le medesime Oppositioni [...]« (Dok. 38, cap. 20).
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Slika 14: Pozzi, zapori v doževi palači, Benetke (Vir: Wikimedia Commons).
Questi, che ho accennati, prestantissimo Giudice, e quei che saranno da' Tacchi più espressamente additati sono li Scogli palesi e scoperti, dove forse si è procurato di mandar a rompere la mia Inno-cenza. Ma chi mi puo assicurare da gli occulti e nascosti? Il Processo formato col Rito è per me un Mare pieno di Sirti, per li Malevoli è stato un Campo libero agli spergiuri. Dio Benedetto gli scopra tutti agli occhi della Giustitia e si faccia Protettore della mia Causa, come è stato Testimonio delle mie attioni. Non è già l'amor della vita quello che mi fa tremare si horribilmente al solo nome di condanna. Troppo ella mi è grave doppo il trucidamento del Nepote, gli assedii de' sequestri, i dispendii de Venetia, le fulminationi del Fratello, la Morte addolorata della Sorella, gli affanni mortali della
Madre e le lunghe afflittioni della mia prigionia. La consegno perd di buon cuore al Sepolcro, ma solo mi preme di restituirla cos/ pure da' sospetti dlnfedelta al mio Prencipe, qual'io la ricevei dalle viscere de miei Genitori zelanti.
»Il Processo formato col Rito e per me un Mare pieno di Sirti, [...] e le lunghe afflittioni della mia prigionia«. Precej domišljije in poznavanja preteklih razmer je potrebnih za prevod te izjave: »Processo formato col Rito« je dikcija, ki so jo oblasti vselej uporabile za uvedbo inkvizitornega postopka, »Mare pieno di Sirti« pa literarna prispodoba za nenehne nevarnosti in pasti, ki jih je bil deležen preiskovanec, kar v tem stavku pričevalec podkrepi s svojo izkušnjo velike žalosti, bridkosti in potrtosti, ki jih je doživel v beneških zaporih v času zaslišanj. Te naracije pa nam razkrijejo še druge dimenzije sporov, ki so potekali na lokalni ravni med koprskimi plemiškimi družinami.
Gravisiji so torej imeli spore tudi s plemiško družino Vida, ker so umorili njihovega očeta, Vida pa so bili v sorodu z del Bellovimi. Prav sorodstvene povezave znotraj koprskega plemiškega stanu so bile temeljne tudi za sklepanja raznovrstnih zavezništev in koalicij, ki pa so se v stoletjih spreminjala, se preoblikovala, zamenjala, v glavnem s spori ali/in s porokami.47
Kako so naključni dogodki velikokrat pripeljali do usodnih sprememb zavezništev, kaže npr. prav tako primer iz Kopra iz leta 1541, ki ga tu želim navesti zgolj zaradi boljše predstave, primerjave in povezave z več-stoletnimi koprskimi družbenimi odnosi, ki so primerljivi z drugimi tovrstnimi realnostmi v tedanji Evropi.48 V hiši nekega ubožnega Koprčana so zadnjega marca 1541 proslavljali poroko, ko sta se okrog treh ponoči sprla Alvise de Verzi in Zulian del Bello, »ki sta iz najo-dličnejših družin tega mesta« [quali sono delle primarie famiglie di questa Citta], kakor pravi v svojem poročilu Philippus Donato, tedanji koprski podestat in kapitan (ASVe. Cons X. Lettere Rettori, b. 256, 251/v.). Ker je Alvise izrekel nekaj žaljivih besed, je Zulian nadenj dvignil meč, tedaj pa ga je zgrabil neki Antonio de Bianchi Padovano, ki je bil že nekaj časa v mestu pri hiši Zaneta de Verzija, brata Alviseja. Vnel se je pretep, v katerem je izgubil življenje Zuliano oziroma Giuliano del Bello.
Koprski podestat je razglasil sodni proces, zato sta se sprti strani razmeroma hitro in po običaju pobotali in starešine družin so mu poročale, da so sklenili dober mir [essi padri come loro mi afirmorno ora fu fatta bona pace]. Toda, nadaljuje, to je nato povzročilo še hujše spopade, začeli so se napadati in ubijati med seboj, saj
47	Na tem mestu bi želel opozoriti, da je bilo sklepanje porok med strankami v sporu v običajnem sistemu reševanja sporov zelo pogost običaj povsod v Evropi in nedvomno tudi v drugi delih sveta. O tem priča raznovrstna znanstvena literatura, naj opozorim le na nekaj razprav: Westermarck, 1906, 484; Van Caenegem, 1954, 280-307; Black-Michaud, 1975, 91-93; White, 1986; Wilson, 1988; Miller, 1990, 262-263; Geary, 1994, 156; Dean, 1997; Brown, 2003, 58, 127-128, 1 70-1 71; Althoff, 2004, 1 5, 33, 83; Carroll, 2006, 232; Smail & Gibson, 2009, 424-427; Oman, 2016, 93-95; Ergaver, 2016, 115-124.
48	Podobni primeri so že bili snov razmeroma številnih študij, naj omenim Smail (1996) za Marseille, Carroll (2003) za Francijo, Povolo (1997) za beneški Orgiano, Muir (1998) in Bianco (2011) za Videm.
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so se v spor vmešali še člani koprske plemiške družine Grisonijev, ki so bili že dolgo v sovraštvu [Inimicizie et odij vechij] z Verziji. Razmere so koprskemu podestatu očitno ušle iz rok, zato je zaprosil Svet deseterice za nadaljnja navodila in pooblastila.
Ne nazadnje prav ta primer kaže, kako in zakaj je postopoma prešla vrhovna sodna oblast v roke Sveta deseterice: koprski podestat o dogodku iz leta 1541 Svetu deseterice ni poročal sproti, temveč ga je poskušal najprej reševati na lokalni ravni in bi ga bil tudi rešil, če se spor ne bi tako razmahnil; šele tedaj se je obrnil na osrednji sodni organ. V primeru iz leta 1683 oziroma 1686 pa smo videli, da so podestati morali takoj poročati Svetu deseterice, ki jim je dajal nadaljnja navodila in pooblastila, na podlagi katerih so morali postopati. Sprva posamezni primeri klicanja na pomoč Sveta deseterice so postopoma pripeljali do uveljavljene prakse.
KONEC SPORA?
Kdaj natančno je bila Nicolojeva difesa napisana in oddana sodniku, tj. koprskemu podestatu in kapitanu, ne vemo, ker na dokumentu ni datuma. Lahko predvidevamo, da se je to zgodilo med septembrom in novembrom 1686, saj zadnji konkretni dokument v tej zadevi nosi datum 12. november 1686 (Dok. 36, 37).
Toda kaže, da se je ta spor zanesel tudi v sam Svet deseterice. Namreč, po tem ko so Vodje sveta deseterice 19. junija 1686 v tej zadevi odredili inkvizitor-ni sodni postopek [Processo con Rito] in ga delegirali koprskemu podestatu in kapitanu (Dok. 27, 28), so 9. julija preklicali ta odlok in določili, da koprski podestat vodi postopek le do tožbe [sino ad offesa],49 torej so ga pooblastili le za t. i. processo informativo, to je za prvi del prve faze sodnega postopka, kar pomeni le za zbiranje dokazov, to pa so bila v glavnem zaslišanja prič (Dok. 29, 30). Odločitev so verjetno sprejeli spodbujeni z drugim pismom Giulije del Bello, matere umorjenega Giuliana (Dok. 29), ki se je zavzela, da celoten primer neposredno prevzame Svet deseterice, zaradi bojazni, da bi na lokalnem nivoju prevladal interes vplivnih družin.50
Koprski podestat in kapitan, Vettor da Mosto, je do 24. julija zbral nekaj pričevanj, vendar je pri tem ugotovil, da so nekatere potencialne priče v Benetkah, zato je zaprosil Vodje Sveta deseterice, če jih lahko oni zaslišijo (Dok. 31), kar so opravili do 17. avgusta (Dok. 32). V razpoložljivi dokumentaciji, skladno z načeli inkvizitor-nega postopka, ni nobene poimenske navedbe teh prič.
Medtem se je koprskemu podestatu in kapitanu iztekel mandat in funkcijo je prevzel Francesco Sanudo (AAMC, 718; Dok. 33, 34). Po tem, ko je Svet deseterice še od njegovega predhodnika prejel potrebne informacije (o zaslišanju prič), so svetniki 30. avgusta odločali o sprejemu tega primera. Toda predlog, naj koprski podestat pošlje vso dokumentacijo,51 da bi Svet deseterice primer neposredno razreševal, je bil zavrnjen. V zvezi s tem primerom so nato odločali tudi naslednji dan, in predlog je bil ponovno zavrnjen (Dok. 33). Tako je Svet deseterice 2. septembra pisal koprskemu podestatu, da ga pooblašča za vodenje celotnega sodnega procesa (Dok. 34, 35). Očitno so bile na delu intenzivne lobi-stične akcije pri svetnikih Sveta deseterice, kar kaže na razmeroma močan vpliv koprskega plemstva.
Kaj takega se zagotovo ne bi zgodilo, v kolikor bi bil storilec nižjega stanu. Za tedanje sodstvo (!) je bilo značilno, da so bili uporabljeni različni postopki glede na vrsto kaznivega dejanja ter socialni pomen konflikta in njegovih protagonistov. Namreč, še vedno je bila zelo razširjena oblika prava, v kateri so pomembno vlogo igrala načela fajde in obrambe vrednot skupnosti. Izrečene kazni so bile jasno usmerjene v poudarjanje nevarnosti krivca, ne pa na zločin, ki je bil storjen; smrtna kazen je bila redko uporabljena in samo v primerih, ko so bile ogrožene temeljne vrednote skupnosti. Politično in družbeno bolj pomembne primere so obravnavali z inkvizitornimi postopki, ki so izključevali lokalne notarje in pravnike. Toda inkvizitorni postopki Sveta deseterice, so po prenosu na mestno sodišče pomenili izločitev starodavnih privilegijev, ki so lokalnemu vladajočemu razredu omogočali odločilno vlogo pri obvladovanju sodnega postopka in pri kaznovanju (Povolo, 2015a, 228; Povolo, 2014a, 179—195).
Še ene posebnosti se moramo zavedati v tem primeru, namreč, da je šlo za spor med sorodniki, kar sta tako ena kot druga stran večkrat utemeljevali. Reševanje sporov med sorodniki, vključno z umori, je po običajnem pravu sodilo v t. i. privatno oziroma zasebno pravo in je bilo zato izvorno prepuščeno medsebojnemu razreševanju. Sicer je, kot v večini drugih evropskih dežel od 16. stoletja dalje, država postopoma prevzela pristojnosti hujših prekrškov, tudi s področja zasebnega prava, zlasti ko je šlo za umore, obravnavani primer pa kaže, da je bil proces prenosa sodnih pristojnosti na centralne državne organe, navkljub izrecni zakonodaji, precej dolgotrajen, zlasti, ker je bil običaj v družbenih odnosih globoko ukoreninjen.
49	»Perfettionato il processo sino ad offesa, ce ne porterete del suo contenuto distinta informatione per quelle deliberationi, che fossero contentanee a servitio della Giustitia« (Dok. 29, 30).
50	»[...] che havendo commandato l'Eccelso Consiglio per la gravita del caso [...] la formazione del processo coll'auttorita e rito suo e susseguente dellegatione a quell'Eccellentissimo Reggimento, porta osservatione [...] e ramarico infinito a me infelice il dubio [...] che la prepotenza de' rei e il terrore in che tengono per questa et altre delinquenze [...] come anco perché fosse con proportione adequata di castigo Vendicato l'assassinio di tanto tempo machinato [...]« (Dok. 29).
51	»[...] e devenuto in risolutione d«assumerlo e perd col medesimo Consiglio vi commettemo di mandarci il processo accompagnato dalle vostre lettere e sigilo per li dovuti effetti di Giustitia« (Dok. 33).
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V tem smislu kaže razumeti, zakaj Svet deseterice tega primera ni prevzel neposredno, kot je to zahtevala mati Giuliana del Bello, temveč se je odločil prepustiti razsojanje lokalnemu koprskemu podestatu in kapitanu (Dok. 36). Poleg tega je Svet odločil, naj podestat po svoji presoji in skladno z običaji razsodi tudi v zvezi z uporabo strelnega orožja, kaznivega dejanja, ki so ga beneške oblasti vsaj od 15. stoletja dalje urejale s posebnimi zakoni in strogo kaznovalno politiko (Dok. 36). Zanimivo pa je, da so Vodje Sveta deseterice 12. novembra 1686 koprskemu podestatu naročili, naj tudi v primeru odsotnosti poglavitnega storilca52 še vedno stremi k vzpostavitvi trajnega miru med sprtimi strankami.53
Dokument, izdan 12. novembra 1686, je zadnji v neposredni zvezi s tem primerom maščevanja v Kopru. Žal sodbe nisem našel v arhivih, ki sem jih pregledal. Največ gradiva o tem primeru je najti v raznih arhivskih fondih Vodij Sveta deseterice in Sveta deseterice,54 zato bi bilo pričakovati, da bi tam bila tudi sodba, saj so v svojih dekretih med drugim koprskemu podestatu naročili, da jim jo pošlje.55 Poleg tega so z delegiranim inkvizitornim postopkom šteli podestatovo sodbo za sodbo Sveta deseterice (Dok. 34, 35). Toda ni je bilo moč najti, kakor tudi ne v drugih beneških sodnih ustanovah (Quarantia Criminal, Avogaria del Comun).
Za to je več razlogov. Lahko se je po kakem naključju v toku časa izgubila, bila uničena ali uporabljena za določen namen. Mnogo gradiva iz beneškega arhiva se je izgubilo med in po Napoleonovih vojnah, ko je propadla Beneška republika (Povolo, 2014b, 5667). Vsaj kopija pa bi se lahko nahajala v (zaenkrat!) izgubljenem arhivu koprskega Magistrata, apelacijske-ga sodišča, ki so ga v Kopru ustanovili leta 1584 za celotno Beneško Istro in Kvarnerske otoke. Morda pa sodba v tem primeru sploh ni bila izdana?
Dejstvo je, da so bili Nicolo Gravisi, Francesco del Tacco in morda še kdo nekaj časa v zaporih, da so prestajali muke inkvizitornega sodnega postopka in se borili s sodnimi mlini.
Toda Nicolo Gravisi je že februarja 1687 »normalno« posloval, ko je civilno tožil Isepa Viginija iz Mo-mjana (AAMC, 723). Leta 1688 je že nastopal kot Dr. Nicolo Gravisi (AAMC, 723), kar pomeni, da je diplomiral na državni univerzi v Padovi. Če bi bil v zaporu ali izgnanstvu, verjetno tega ne bi mogel storiti.
Sredi leta 1687 (15. julija) pa so Vodje Sveta deseterice naročili koprskemu podestatu Alviseju Moceni-gu, naj ustavi postopke proti Letiziji Gravisi, ženi pokojnega Benvenuta, ki so nastali zaradi »preteklih in poznejših soodvisnih (antecedenti, susseguenti e de-pendenti) zadev.« Obenem mu še naročajo, naj prek glasnika objavi poziv, da naj se v roku 8 dni zglasijo pri njih (avvanti il Tribunal Nostro) vsi in vsakdo, ki izkazujejo interes v tej zadevi. Morda je Letizia le protestirala proti nameravani zaplembi premoženja ali je zahtevala nekaj novih prič za obrambo svojega sina Nicoloja ali pa je ovadila nekaj podložnikov, s katerimi je bila v civilnih sporih, podobno kot njen sin Nicolo, kot je razvidno iz gradiva starega koprskega arhiva (AAMC, 723), iz tega dokumenta ne moremo z gotovostjo razbrati, za katero zadevo gre, niti kdo bi bile vpletene osebe.
Zares zadnji dokument v ASVe, ki se nanaša na kakega protagonista tega spora, nosi datum 27. januar 1688 (1687 m.v.) (Dok. 40). Ottaviu del Bellu, ki naj bi s poroko s Cecilijo del Tacco povzročil obravnavani spor, skupaj z njegovo družino Vodje Sveta deseterice dovolijo oziroma zagotovijo t.i. varno spremstvo do očetove hiše,56 in to, kot pravijo, zaradi minulih pe-ripetij s sorodniki.57 Je bila res v ozadju teh sporov le (prepovedana) ljubezen?
Ne bi smelo biti presenečenje, da so tradicionalni sodni procesi ob prilagajanju družbenim in pravnim spremembam ohranjali svoje posebne značilnosti, tj. dejavno vlogo strank v sporu; prisotnost starodavnih procesnih institucij, kot je na primer očetov (ali materin) zagovor [difesa per patrem]; poizvedbe, za katere so bile značilne različne bolj ali manj strašljive oblike zasliševanj; izpustitev obdolženca po deponiranju ustreznih garancij; in, kar je najpomembnejše, prepletanje sodnega procesa z akti o miru in poravnavi, ki so jih prek mediatorjev v skupnosti, neodvisno od sodišča, sklepale stranke v sporu. Predvsem so ti obredi predstavljali družbeni in kulturni kontekst, v katerem so sorodstveni odnosi, prijateljstvo in čast imeli izredno pomembno mesto, še toliko bolj pomembno, ko so bili združeni s politično močjo in statusom.58
Pojav novega sodnega kazenskega sistema in sodnih procesov je znatno oslabil običaje in simbolne elemente, ki so ob novih predpisih in zahtevah socialnega nadzora zašli v velike težave. Vendar pa je bila to oblika pravosodja in sodnih postopkov, ki so si spr-
52	Svet deseterice je koprskega podestata pooblastil za izrek naslednjih kazni: »[...] facolta di puniré li rei presenti et absenti nelle pene di Vita, bando perpetuo e deffinitivo da questa Citta di Venezia e Dogado e da tutte le altre Citta, terre e luoghi del Dominio nostro terrestri e maritimi, naviglii armati e disarmati, priggion, galea, relegation, confiscation de beni, e colle taglie che vi pareranno« (Dok. 34, 35). Sicer gre za enako dikcijo kot v sodnem procesu servatis servandis, ki ga je Svet deseterice ukazal ob uboju leta 1 683 (prim. Dok. 27, 28).
53	»[...] vi diamo con lo stesso Consiglio la facolta di ponere nella sentenza in caso d'absente la condizione di pace effettiva [...]« (Dok. 36).
54	Glej inventarje ASVe: http://www.archiviodistatovenezia.it/.
55	»[...] e delle sentenze che farete, invierete copia a' Capi del Consiglio di X.ci, perché li condannati da Voi nel caso presente s'intenderan-no alla condition de condannati dal Consiglio medesimo« (Dok. 34, 35).
56	»[...] habbi a godere con la sua famiglia nella propria Casa paterna la sicurezza e la quiete [...]« (Dok. 40).
57	»[...] in riguardo degli accidentipassati tra' suoi Congionti [...]« (Dok. 40).
58	O enakosti in neenakosti v običaju prim. Pitt-Rivers, 1977, 18-47; Miller, 1998, 161-202; Farr, 2000 idr.
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va nadeli značaj izrednosti [Processo straordinario], kot da bi želeli podkrepiti neukrotljivo moč tradicije.59 Zakonske spremembe sodnih postopkov so počasi privedla do prevlade državne birokracije v pravosodju, s tem pa tudi do absolutne oblasti nad določenim teritorijem. Medtem ko je to oblast v monarhičnih skupnostih zlasti od 16. stoletja dalje poosebljal Vladar, jo je v Beneški republiki Svet deseterice. Tako kot so vladarji podlegali vplivu posameznih pomembnih (sorodstvenih) skupin, tako je očitno v našem primeru tudi beneški Svet deseterice.
LEANDROV TESTAMENT
Kaj pa se je zgodilo z Leandrom? Verjetno je tako kot Alvise del Bello do smrti spal s pištolo pod blazino. Kljub temu je še marca 1721 iz Munchena pisal pismo svojemu bratu Nicoloju, iz katerega veje upanje v čudežno ozdravitev v toplicah (Dok. 45), čeprav se je dobro zavedal, da nosi že 81 let.
Seveda nihče ni sprejel izziva, ki ga je tako drzno izrekel Leandro Gravisi takoj po maščevalnem dejanju 7. junija1686 v pismu dožu; o njem nimamo novic do leta 1689, ko se je Emanuel, volilni knez Bavarske, odzval na pismo opata Vincenza Grimanija iz Benetk in po njegovem priporočilu sprejel Leandra v svojo vojaško službo (Dok. 42).
Ne vemo natančno, kakšno funkcijo je Leandro opravljal v bavarski vojski. Vendar pa iz njegove oporoke izhaja (Dok. 43), da je bil v relativno intimnih odnosih s pomembnimi osebami, kot je bil na primer general Marquis Maffei, brat slavnega Scipiona; da je imel nečakinjo iz vrst plemstva nemške aristokracije Marijo Cecilijo Baumgarten, rojeno Schonnbrun, ki mu je tudi ljubeznivo pomagala, ko je bil bolan ter ji je zato v oporoki namenil šestdeset florintov; in da je imel služabnike. Dejstvo, da se je Leandro pred smrtjo spomnil pisarja straže volilnega kneza in da ga je zdravil njegov osebni zdravnik, bi lahko potrdilo domnevo, da je bil poveljnik straže volilnega kneza. Vsekakor je bil to ugleden naziv, morda celo enakovreden generalu, s čimer bi lahko pojasnili napis na njegovem portretu,60 ki je nekoč krasil stopnišče palače družine Gravisi-Barbabianca v Kopru, kjer je danes sedež glasbene šole (upodobitev iz dela Caprin (1905) v uvodnem delu tega članka).
Kakorkoli, Leandro je očitno užival veliko spoštovanje na dvoru volilnega kneza. Svojo avtoriteto je izkoristil tudi tako, da je namestil svoje sorodnike v službi volilnega kneza. Tako je svojemu nečaku Anto-niu Marii Gravisiju, v zahvalo svojemu bratu Nicoloju,
Slika 15: Maximilian II Emanuel, Bavarski volilni knez (1662-1726) (Vir: Wikimedia Commons).
priskrbel mesto paža volilnega kneza s plačo štiriindvajsetih florintov na mesec (Dok. 44). Kljub zdravljenju v toplicah, ki jih omenja v svojem pismu (Dok. 45), Leandro leta 1721 v Münchnu umre (Venturini, 1906, 346).61
ZAKLJUČEK
Članek obravnava študijo primera krvnega maščevanja v Kopru leta 1686, na podlagi izvirnih arhivskih dokumentov pravosodnih organov Beneške republike in narativnega gradiva protagonistov spora.
Gre za klasičen primer maščevanja, zaradi konfliktov med različnimi plemiškimi sorodstvenimi skupinami, temelječem na idiomu časti. Vzrok je bila prepovedana ali vsaj nezaželena poroka med pred-
59	»In the 16th century, in France and the Netherlands, too, a procédure ordinaire is clearly distinguished from a procédure extraordinaire: the latter is characterized by the elimination of all forms of cross-examination and of release of the defendant. At the end of the first phase (in Italy comprising the processo informativo e offensivo) the judge decided whether to resort to the ordinary phase or the extraordinary one, thereby denying the defendant the possibility to defend him/herself with a lawyer« (Povolo, 2015a, 230; prim. Rousseaux, 1993, 78-84).
60	LEANDER GRAVISIUS MARCHIO PETRAPILOSE BAVARIAE LEGIONIS IMPERATOR.
61	Venturini zapiše, da je Leandro umrl leta 1780, vendar je iz dokumenta jasno razvidno, da je zadnje pismo napisal leta 1721 (Dok. 45).
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stavnikoma dveh plemiških družin, ki je prerasla v uboju sorodnika poročene. Po skoraj tri leta trajajočih, očitno neuspešnih pogajanjih o sklenitvi poravnave, je prišlo do povračilnega uboja najvidnejšega predstavnika storilčeve družine, ki ga je izvedel ujec tretje, sorodstveno povezane družine. Pri tem je zanimivo, da so lokalne, še zlasti pa centralne politične sodne avtoritete, po prvem uboju posegale v spor (faj-do), v skladu z načeli običajnega sistema reševanja sporov, tako da so sprti strani spodbujale in naposled tudi prisilile v sklenitev miru. Toda poskus, da bi običajni sistem reševanja sporov integrirali s sodno poravnavo, v tem primeru očitno ni uspel, saj je prav preprečevanje običajnega samo-regulacijskega sistema reševanja sporov z (navideznim) državnim zagotavljanjem varnosti in s prisilo privedlo do upora, ki ga je povzročil načrtni prelom s tradicionalnimi vrednotami časti in vlogami sorodstvenih povezav. Uvedba strogega inkvizitornega sodnega postopka po maščevalnem uboju pa je vendarle preprečila nadaljnje retal iacije, kot je to pokazala sodna praksa tudi v drugih tedanjih srednje- in zahodnoevropskih državah. Kljub temu je lahko že sam maščevalni uboj bil, skladno z običajnim sistemom reševanja sporov, dojeman kot uveljavljen in družbeno priznan zaključek spora. Osnovan je bil na temeljnem družbenem načelu darovanja, ki za podeljeni dar zahteva vrnitev daru ter za žalitev zahteva primerno povračilo. V običajnem sistemu reševanja sporov sta se sprti strani s posredovanjem mediatorjev sami dogovorili o povračilu in pomiritvi, torej tudi o oprostitvi. V kolikor do tega ni prišlo, je lahko sledilo krvno maščevanje oziroma povzročanje primerne škode, po navadi s požiganjem in drugim uničevanjem premoženja nasprotnika.
Študija tega primera še potrjuje, da so v družbenih odnosih in interakcijah spori ne le odraz nenehnega boja za resurse, temveč so tudi družbeno konstitutivni, saj so vgrajeni v sistem družbenega reda. Spori namreč generirajo tudi zavezništva med različnimi skupinami, ki so v preteklosti slonela predvsem na sorodstvenih oziroma klanskih povezavah. Še več, mnoge antropološke študije dokazujejo (Simmel, 1908; Gluckman, 1955; Roberts, 2013), da so spori družbeno kohezivni, saj so se v običajnem sistemu reševanja sporov posamezne skupnosti sorodstveno povezale in tako razširile mrežo svojih pripadnikov. Pri tem je pomembna še ena značilnost, namreč, v postopku pomiritve spora je po svojih posrednikih oziroma mediatorjih sodelovala celotna skupnost.
To je globalni strukturni vidik sporov, lokalni ali partikularni vidik pa se v praksi kaže tako, da v boju za resurse, v spletu posameznih okoliščin, prevladajo tisti, ki uspejo združiti čim več različnih in pogosto konfliktnih lojalnih zavezništev.
Zakaj je potem v vrednotenju zgodovinskega procesa maščevanje, zlasti krvno maščevanje, v sodob-
nem času prikazano na tako izrazito negativen in zavajajoč način ter zakaj so bile socialne funkcije tega instituta, ki so bile del reda in tradicije, usmerjene k miru in družbenemu nadzorovanju konfliktov, dekon-struirane, potisnjene v pozabo in kriminalizirane?
Tako v Beneški republiki, kot v Svetem rimskem cesarstvu (in v večini tedanjih zahodnoevropskih dežel), je zakonodaja vse do druge polovice 15. stoletja sledila temeljnim značilnostim običajnega sistema reševanja konfliktov. Na podlagi izhodišč akuzatornega pravnega sistema je težila k samovoljnemu reševanju sporov med sprtimi strankami, s posredovanjem skupnosti in skupnostno odgovornostjo za povzročeno škodo, kar je veljalo tudi v reševanju sporov med širšimi skupnostmi, na primer med posameznimi mesti (Mihelič, 2015). Sodišča so bila prvenstveno namenjena (družbenemu) potrjevanju samovoljno sklenjenih medsebojnih poravnav, ki so jih sprte strani lahko sklenile tudi zgolj z notarsko listino (Faggion, 2013).
Z velikimi družbenimi spremembami pa je v drugi polovici 15. stoletja prišlo do centralizacije pravosodja, ki je bilo, poleg davčne in vojaške reorganizacije, temeljnega pomena v prizadevanjih evropskih vladarjev za vzpostavitev vrhovnega nadzora nad celotnim ozemljem v njihovi pristojnosti. Za dosego tega cilja so morali vladarji najprej poskrbeti, da so s pomočjo zakonodaje in z drugimi prisilnimi sredstvi omejili samovoljno reševanje sporov po običaju. S tem so vzpostavili sodni, oziroma natančneje kaznovalni nadzor (Foucault, 2004), tako nad posameznimi vplivnimi družinami oziroma klani, kot tudi nad drugim prebivalstvom. Državni inkvizitorni sodni proces, ki se je bistveno razlikoval od cerkvenega inkvizitornega postopka (od 12. stoletja dalje) in je bil v 16. stoletju vpeljan v večini zahodno- in srednje-evropskih dežel, prinaša pomembno novost. Državni sodni aparat je pridobil pravico pregona po uradni dolžnosti [ex officio], prekršek pa je postal individualiziran. Medtem ko je pred tem, v takoimenovanem akuza-tornem pravu, sodni preiskovalni postopek lahko stekel le na podlagi tožbe prizadete skupnosti, so z inkvizi-tornim postopkom sodni proces sprožili za ta namen oblikovani centralni pravosodni organi. Prav zapleteni inkvizitorni sodni postopki, ki so podelili (državnemu) sodniku skoraj neomejene pristojnosti, vključno z uvedbo torture v vseh fazah sodnega procesa, so postopoma prevzeli vlogo mediacije skupnosti v sporu in tako temeljno posegli v tradicionalne odnose vrednot časti in sorodstvenih povezav. S tem posegom in z zakonsko ter ideološko kriminalizacijo fajde in krvnega maščevanja (Oman, 2017) je vladar oziroma država postopoma odvzemala sodne pristojnosti prejšnjim nosilcem (lokalne) oblasti: plemstvu. Od tedaj je imel pravico maščevanja in oprostitve le še vladar (država), kar tudi pomeni, da si je na tak način pridobil absolutno oblast. Kako dolgotrajen in zapleten je bil ta proces pa kaže tudi obravnavani primer krvnega maščevanja v Kopru iz leta 1686.
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THE FEUD IN THE INTERRELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN CUSTOM AND LEGAL PROCESS. A CASE STUDY OF 1686 BLOODFEUD IN KOPER
Darko DAROVEC
Ca' Foscari University of Venice, Department of Humanities, Dorsoduro 3484/d, 30123 Venice, Italy e-mail: darko.darovec@unive.it
University of Maribor, Faculty of Arts, Department of History, Koroška 160, 2000 Maribor, Slovenia e-mail: darko.darovec@um.si
Institute IRRIS for Research, Development and Strategies of Society, Culture and Environment, Čentur 1f,
6273 Marezige, Slovenia e-mail: darko.darovec@irris.eu
SUMMARY
The paper deals with a case study of 1686 vendetta in Koper, based on original archival documents from judicial bodies of the Republic of Venice and narrative material from the protagonists in the feud.
It regards a classic case of vengeance due to the conflicts between various noble kinship groups, formed on the idiom of honour. The reason for the vengeance was a forbidden or at least an unwanted marriage between representatives of two noble families that escalated into the homicide of one relative of the married woman. After an almost three-year lasting, apparently unsuccessful negotiations for the conflict settlement, a retributive homicide of the most prominent representative of the perpetrator's family took place, which was performed by a maternal uncle of a third family, connected by kinship.
It is interesting how the local, and especially the central political judicial authorities intervened in the feud (faida) after the first homicide, in accordance with the principles of the customary system of conflict resolution, by encouraging and lastly forcing the parties in the feud to make peace.
However, the attempt to integrate the customary system of conflict resolution into a court settlement apparently failed in this case, as precisely the prevention of the customary system of conflict resolution with a (seeming) state guarantee of security and with force things led to an uprising, caused by an intentional break from the traditional values of honour and roles of kinship connections.
Nonetheless, in accordance with the customary system of conflict resolution, the vengeful homicide alone might have been perceived as an established and socially acknowledged end of the conflict. It was based on the fundamental social principle of gift giving, namely that the given gift should be returned, and the insult should demand suitable retribution.
The implementation of a strict inquisitorial judicial procedure might have nonetheless prevented possible retaliation after a vindicatory homicide, as is also shown in the judicial practice in other Central and Western European countries of that time.
Along with great social changes in the second half of the 15th century, a centralization of justice came about, in addition to fiscal and military reorganization, that was of fundamental importance in European rulers' efforts to establish supreme control over the entire territory under their jurisdiction.
In order to achieve this goal, however, the rulers first had to restrict, by means of legislation and other coercive means, the system of arbitrary conflict resolution by custom. For this purpose, they established a judicial system, i.e. punitive control over both individual influential families and clans, as well as over the population in general.
The state judicial apparatus earned the right of prosecution ex officio, whereas the trespasses became individualised. While earlier, in the so-called adversarial law, the judicial investigative process was only able to be led after a lawsuit from the affected communities, in the inquisitorial procedure the judicial trial was initiated by the central judicial authorities, which was the primary reason for their creation. The state inquisitorial trial rites introduced in most Western and Central European countries from the 16th century onwards, which substantially differed from the ecclesiastical inquisitorial procedure (from the 12th century onwards), led to an important innovation.
It was precisely the complex inquisitorial judicial rites that were assigned to be exercised by the (state) judge with nearly limitless jurisdiction, including the implementation of torture in all phases of the judicial procedure, which gradually took over the mediatory role of the community in feud and fundamentally disrupted the traditional relationships of values of honour and kinship connections. Studies of early-modern Europe have shown the changes that took place starting from the late 16th century. The introduction in various European countries of
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authentic inquisitorial procedures, which limited the right to defence and the intervention of the parties concerned, represented a significant step forward in limiting at least the bloodiest developments of feud. From France to England, to Germany and Italy, the new procedures were characterized not so much by ex-officio initiation of trials as by the public jurisdictional nature that the trials took on.
With this intrusion and with the legal and ideological criminalisation of feud and blood feud the ruler or the state gradually took away the judicial jurisdiction from former holders of (local) authority: the nobility. Thereafter, the supreme right to revenge and pardon was in the hands of the ruler (state), which also signifies that this was the means of attaining of absolute power.
However, the case of the 1686 vendetta in Koper is a good example of how lasting and entangled was this process.
Keywords: feud, vendetta, customary conflict resolution system, inquisitorial process rite, Modern Age,
Koper, Istria, Republic of Venice
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VIRI IN LITERATURA
AAMC - Antico Archivio Municipale di Capodistria / Stari koprski občinski arhiv. Signature po: Majer, F. (1904): Inventario dell'Antico archivio municipale di Capodistria. Koper, Tipografia Cobol-Priora.
ASVe AC - Archivio di Stato di Venezia (ASVe). Avo-garia del comun.
ASVe Cam Cons X - ASVe. Camerlengo del Consiglio di Dieci.
ASVe Capi Cons X - ASVe. Capi del Consiglio di Dieci. ASVe Cons X - ASVe. Consiglio di Dieci. ASVe QC - ASVe. Quarantia criminal. ASVe Senato - ASVe. Senato. Taglie. Doc. 1: SI_PAK (Pokrajinski arhiv Ko-per)/0299/004/001, Rodbinski arhiv Gravisi, šk. 7, 1673.6.30.
Doc. 2: ASVe (Archivio di Stato di Venezia/Državni arhiv v Benetkah). Capi Cons X (Capi del Consiglio di Dieci/Poglavarji Sveta deseterice) - Lettere Rettori, b. (busta/škatla) 258, n.o. (numero/številka) 187, 1683.9.6. Doc. 3: ASVe. Cons X - Parti Comuni, Registro 133
(1683),	1683.9.10.
Doc. 4: ASVe. Capi Cons X - Lettere Rettori, b. 258, n.o. 207, 1684.3.28.
Doc. 5: ASVe. Capi Cons X - Lettere Rettori, b. 258, n.o. 208, 1684.3.28.
Doc. 6: ASVe. Capi Cons X - Lettere Rettori, b. 258, n.o. 209, 1684.3.28.
Doc. 7: ASVe. Capi Cons X - Lettere Rettori, b. 258, n.o. 210, 1684.3.28.
Doc. 8: ASVe. Capi Cons X, Lettere Secrete, b. 39, 1684.6.5.
Doc. 9: ASVe. Capi Cons X - Lettere Rettori, b. 258, n.o. 197, 1684.6.16.
Doc. 10: ASVe. Capi Cons X, Lettere Secrete, b. 39, 1684.6.20.
Doc. 11: ASVe. Capi Cons X - Lettere Rettori, b. 258, n.o. 200, 1684.7.10.
Doc. 12: ASVe. Capi Cons X, Lettere Secrete, b. 39,
1684.7.14.
Doc. 13: ASVe. Capi Cons X - Lettere Rettori, b. 258, n.o. 201, 1684.7.22.
Doc. 14: ASVe. Capi Cons X - Lettere Rettori, b. 258, n.o. 202, 1684.11.3.
Doc. 15: ASVe. Cons X - Parti Comuni filza 763, 1684.11.17.
Doc. 16: ASVe. Cons X - Parti Comuni, Registro 134
(1684),	1684.11.17.
Doc. 17: ASVe. Capi Cons X, Lettere Secrete, b. 39, 1684.12.30.
Doc. 18: ASVe. Capi Cons X, Lettere Secrete, b. 39,
1685.1.15.	(1684 m.v.=more veneto).
Doc. 19: ASVe. Capi Cons X - Lettere Rettori, b. 258, n.o. 206, 1685.1.23.
Doc. 20: ASVe. Capi Cons X - Lettere Rettori, b. 258, n.o. 211, 1685.1.28.
Doc. 21: ASVe. Capi Cons X, Lettere Secrete, b. 39, 1685.2.19. (1684 m.v.).
Doc. 22: ASVe. Capi Cons X, Lettere Secrete, b. 40, 1685.3.3.
Doc. 23: ASVe. Capi Cons X, Lettere, b. 140, 1685.3.8.
Doc. 24: SI_PAK /0299/004/001, 1685.3.28.
Doc. 25: ASVe. Capi Cons X, Lettere Secrete, b. 40, 1685.3.31.
Doc. 26: ASVe. Capi Cons X - Lettere Rettori, b. 258, n.o. 230, 1686.6.7.
Doc. 27: ASVe. Cons X - Parti Comuni filza 771, 1686.6.19.
Doc. 28: ASVe. Cons X - Parti Comuni, Registro 136 (1686), 1686.6.19.
Doc. 29: ASVe. Cons X - Parti Comuni filza 772, 1686.7.9.
Doc. 30: ASVe. Cons X - Parti Comuni, Registro 136 (1686), 1686.7.9.
Doc. 31: ASVe. Capi Cons X - Lettere Rettori, b. 258, n.o. 227, 1686.7.24.
Doc. 32: ASVe. Capi Cons X, Lettere Secrete, b. 41, 1686.8.17.
Doc. 33: ASVe. Cons X - Parti Comuni, Registro 136 (1686), 1686.8.30.
Doc. 34: ASVe. Cons X - Parti Comuni filza 773, 1686.9.2.
Doc. 35: ASVe. Cons X - Parti Comuni, Registro 136 (1686), 1686.9.2.
Doc. 36: ASVe. Cons X - Parti Comuni filza 773, 1686.11.12.
Doc. 37: ASVe. Cons X - Parti Comuni, Registro 136 (1686), 1686.11.12.
Doc. 38: SI_PAK/0299/004/001, 1686 (s.d.).
Doc. 39: ASVe. Capi Cons. X. Lettere, b. 141, 1687.7.15.
Doc. 40: ASVe. Capi Cons. X. Lettere, b. 141, 1688.1.27. (1687 m.v.).
Doc. 41: Venturini, 1906, 329, s.d., po letu 1686.
Doc. 42: SI_PAK/0299/004/001, 1689.1.24
Doc. 43: SI_PAK/0299/004/001, 1720.1.25 (1720.5.8)
Doc. 44: SI_PAK/0299/004/001, 1720.8.2.
Doc. 45: SI_PAK/0299/004/001, 1721.3.28.
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original scientific article	DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2018.30
received: 2018-07-27
GRUNDSTOER - DEVASTATION AS VENGEANCE FOR HOMICIDE AMONG SIXTEENTH-CENTURY CARNIOLAN PEASANTS
Žiga OMAN
Institute IRRIS for Research, Development and Strategies of Society, Culture and Environment, Čentur 1f, 6273 Marezige, Slovenia e-mail: zigaoman@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
The renowned late Slovene legal historian Sergij Vilfan mentioned a 'peculiarity' among sixteenth-century Car-niolan peasants, referred to as grundstoer (devastation) in the sources, which was used to avenge homicide by destroying the perpetrator's property instead of killing him as in blood feud. Throughout his career, Vilfan remained somewhat unsure about whether grundstoer was distinct from the 'German(ic)' legal institution of Wüstung (devastation), used to sanction homicide the same way. The analysis presented in this paper, predicated on recent research on vengeance, establishes that they were essentially the same institution, a part of and originating from the legal custom of (blood) feud as an ancient system of conflict resolution.
Keywords: grundstoer, Wüstung, devastation, vengeance, blood feud, conflict resolution, legal custom,
Sergij Vilfan, subjects, peasants, Carniola
GRUNDSTÖER - LA DEVASTAZIONE COME VENDETTA PER OMICIDIO TRA I CONTADINI CARNIOLANI DEL XVI SECOLO
SINTESI
Il noto defunto storico del diritto sloveno Sergij Vilfan menzionava una "peculiarita" osservata tra i contadini carniolani nel Cinquecento e citata nelle fonti con il termine grundstöer (devastazione), che si usava per vendicare un omicidio con la distruzione della proprieta dell'autore del reato anziche con la sua uccisione, come succedeva nel caso della vendetta di sangue. Vilfan rimase leggermente incerto sul fatto se il grundstöer differisse in qualche modo dall'istituto giuridico "tedesco" o, meglio, "germanico" del Wüstung (devastazione), il quale sanzionava l'omicidio nella stessa maniera. L'analisi fornita nel contributo, basata sugli studi piu recenti della nemesi, rivela che si trattava sostanzialmente dello stesso istituto, parte della o derivante dalla tradizione giuridica della vendetta (di sangue) come antico sistema di risoluzione dei conflitti.
Parole chiave: grundstöer, Wüstung, devastazione, faida, vendetta, risoluzione dei conflitti, tradizione giuridica,
Sergij Vilfan, sudditi, contadini, Carniola
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PROLOGUE1
In 1541 the deputation of the Land Estates of the Duchy of Carniola filed complaints for various 'vices' with their Land Sovereign (Prince), the Roman, Bohemian, and Hungarian King, and Austrian Archduke Ferdinand I of Habsburg in Prague.2 Included in these 'vices' was the practice of Carniolan peasants referred to as grundstoer in the source: "when there is a homicide, the whole kin3 rises up, storms the perpetrator's land, devastates and tramples everything, wanting to regard it as a custom and a right [no better or worse than others], during which a lot of bad things happen"4 (ARS, AS 2, fasc. 98, Supplication of the Carniolan deputation to the Roman, Hungarian, and Bohemian King Ferdinand I regarding various grievances, s.d.). The brackets contain the alternate longer version mentioned by the Carniolan historian August Dimitz (Dimitz, 1875, 304). The 1542 concept explicitly states that the devastation is retaliation for homicide (grundstoer vmb beschehen todslag) (Vilfan, 1943, 221, n. 5). While the Estates regarded grundstoer as both irrational and a vice (Vilfan, 1996, 459-462), its description makes clear that it was related to the legal custom of (blood) feud or vengeance.5
(BLOOD) FEUD: STATE OF THE ART IN BRIEF
Traditional (legal) history of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, whose interpretations still dominate recent historiography, regarded the custom of vengeance similarly as the Carniolan Estates regarded the peasants' grundstoer (yet not quite so the enmities6 among nobility): a consequence of the irrational mind, stuck in a primitive stage of human mental, social, and legal evolution (Carroll, 2007; Netterstrem, 2007).
A break with traditional perceptions of vengeance and premodern society occurred in the mid-twentieth century as the result of anthropological research. Anthropologists found that the earliest human societies developed sophisticated systems of social control that upheld peace in the feud, predicated on familial, neighbourly, economic, and similar relations or mechanisms of interdependence that help to sustain society and re-
gulate conflict, which can erupt and escalate with violations of social norms. Transgressions thereof demanded justice, i.e. satisfaction, exacted by the ruler in the name of the community (e.g. for incest, witchcraft, sacrilege, treason) or by the community (e.g. for homicide, rape, theft), either by its appointed members or the injured party itself (Radcliffe-Brown, 1952, 212-219; cf. Brunner, 1892, 464-475, 590-596); hence it can be surmised that grundstoer as retribution for homicide could, at least in theory, also have been exacted by the community. Conflict resolution was shaped by the culture of honour (and shame), which limited the set of honourable targets and actions, imposing ritual limitations on violence according to principles of equivalence and reciprocity, i.e. the principle of gift-exchange7 (Darovec, 2017a). Honour also demanded that actions be public, which enabled the community to intervene in the conflict at any time. Subsequently social mechanisms of peacemaking are inherent in the custom of vengeance, which provides the functions of both conflict resolution and social control, with its tendency for the re-establishment or maintenance of social equilibrium (order) and peace (Gluckman, 1955, 1-55; Evans-Pritchard, 1940; Colson, 1953).
Since the mid-twentieth century, historiography, with the notable exception of Germany (cf. Darovec, Ergaver & Oman, 2017, 397-398), began applying the findings of anthropology to conflict resolution in the politically and socially highly-stratified societies of premodern Europe (Netterstrem, 2007; cf. Jordan, 2016), and soon established that they were permeated by a tendency toward peace, not violence (Wallace-Hadrill, 1959; Bloch, 1961, 123-130). Predicated on anthropological research of conflict resolution, historiography has shown that European Medieval and early modern societies had mechanisms for peace and social equilibrium at all levels. Peaceful relations and harmonious coexistence were imperative for legal professionals and the clergy, members of the ruling estates, and village elites, as well as the general population. The desire for peace, also rooted in Christian teaching, permeated custom, Roman and statutory law, wherein all complemented each other (Bossy, 1983; White, 1986; Smail, 2003; Bossy, 2004; Smail & Gibson, 2009; Carroll, 2006, 185-233; Cummins & Kounine, 2016).
1	My thanks to Stuart Carroll, Darko Darovec, Angelika Ergaver, Borut Holcman, and Marko Kambič for their comments on the drafts of this paper.
2	The Carniolan deputation in Prague was part of the deputation of the Inner Austrian Estates. These, by then largely Protestant, petitioned the Archduke to grant them freedom of religion (to no avail), among other matters (Dimitz, 1875, 205-209).
3	The same phrasing was still used for settling homicide in seventeenth-century Upper-Carniola: the perpetrator had to make peace not only with his victim's next of kin, but with his or her whole kin, i.e. gesambte freündtschaft or völligen freündtschafft (ARS, AS 721, kn. 20 (1652-1655), 25 April, 1654; ARS, AS 721, kn. 18 (1636-1640), 25 February, 1 63 7).
4	In the original: Solicher massen, so sich etwo ein thodtschlag pegibt, so erhebt sich ein gannze freundschafft, dem thäter auf den grundt zufalln verwiessten vnnd zertreten alles, wellens fur ein prauch vnnd recht halltn [nicht besser und nicht schlechter als gar manches andere], darunter vill args vnnd vbls geschiecht (ARS, AS 2, fasc. 98, Supplication of the Carniolan deputation to the Roman, Hungarian, and Bohemian King Ferdinand I regarding various grievances, s.d.; Dimitz, 1875, 304).
5	For an overview of the terminology regarding the custom see: Darovec, Ergaver & Oman, 201 7, 398-402.
6	Cf. Oman & Darovec, 2018, 98-118.
7	This exchange in feud is also given in the origin of the Slovene word maščevanje (vengeance), derived from 'exchange' and 'that, which stands for exchange' (Snoj, 1997, 327; cf. Lévi-Strauss, 1969, 60).
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The custom of vengeance thus played the same role in stratified premodern European societies as it did in more egalitarian tribal societies. The culture of honour, which dictated a more or less equal requital for a sustained injury, (ideally) limited the violence in con-flicts and demanded that revenge be public. This enabled communities to intervene in conflicts at any stage, either through mediation or arbitration, which during the suspension of enmity, i.e. in truce, defined the terms for peace or made peace by settling the wrong with a composition payment and the establishment of a new relationship between the parties to the conflict. In Medieval and early modern Europe, composition had to be paid to the injured party (in kind or cash), the community or its authorities, i.e. to the courts as a fine, and peace also had to be made with God by penance, paying for masses, or giving alms. Marriage was often the means by which feuding groups were reconciled and turned into kin, especially in blood feud. Mediation and arbitration reinforced social hierarchy, as authorities (ruler, elders, clergy) and separate legal experts of a community (lawyers, notaries) played prominent roles in the negotiations. The rituals of peacemaking as a key element of vengeance existed in all premodern European societies,8 underpinned by Roman law and its principle that injustice, including homicide, could be satisfied by monetary compensation (Carroll, 2017, 438). Satisfaction was hardest to achieve for the most serious transgressions. Homicide and similar injuries (heavy wounds, grave insults) had to be requited with blood or weregild (blood money) to be brought to an end by lasting peace. Since the parties to a blood feud were the families or 'whole kins' of both the victim and the perpetrator, it was not necessary for revenge to be exacted upon the actual perpetrator. As any appropriate target would do, generally a free adult or adolescent male member of the enemy kin, the threat reinforced the disposition of both parties towards peace. With the codification of the custom of (blood) feud in the Middle Ages, particularly the custom's key rituals of peacemaking (and, in the Holy Roman Empire, also of the ritual limitations of violence in enmity), legal professionals received an important role in settling conflicts, especially in towns and cities, yet could only force the parties to make truce, not lasting peace (Rolandino, 1546, f. 147r-159v; Frauenstadt, 1881; Boehm, 1984; Miller, 1996; Peters, 2000; Carroll, 2003; Mommertz, 2003; Netterstrem & Poulsen, 2007; Smail & Gibson, 2009; Carroll, 2015; Povolo, 2015; Ergaver, 2016; Darovec, 2016; Darovec, 2017b; Ergaver, 2017).
The basic structure of the custom of vengeance is dictated by the relationship of mutual animosity, guided by the principle of exchange, wherein all stages of the custom have to be public to achieve satisfaction:
injury-enmity-mediation-truce-peace (cf. Darovec, Ergaver & Oman, 2017, 402-414). Enmity, which allows for limited violence to attain satisfaction, erupts when the (pub-licized) injury that triggered the conflict is not appropriately (honourably) settled, or when a violent response is a culturally more appropriate response for a wrong, especially homicide, than composition payment. The state of mutual enmity is maintained until lasting peace is made, establishing a new social relationship wherein enmity is substituted with amity and love, i.e. alliance or kinship.
For the peace to last, arbiters always had to make an extra effort to achieve balance between the feuding parties, as neither could appear to prevail over the other. Honour and shame (humiliation) had to be equally divided. Self-humiliation on the part of the perpetrator played the key role in the restitution of both sides' honour, as only then could forgiveness from the injured party follow, which was necessary for peace to be made (Boehm, 1984, 123-142; Darovec, 2017a).
Balance as the fundamental principle of law remained an essential element of early modern legal order, with courts striving to settle conflicts by re-establishing peace and social equilibrium, by encouraging and forcing the parties towards settlement. Settlement always saw the parties' social status and gravity of the transgression taken into account, e.g. for determining composition. The key change brought by the adoption of criminal legislation in the early modern period was the strengthened role of the courts before which peace was made, while the inquisitorial procedure did not entirely substitute the accusatorial procedure prior to the end of the ancien régime, and courts and authorities essentially continued playing the role of arbiters. However, Central and Western-European early modern criminal legislation concurrently reserved the sanctioning and pardoning of ever more transgressions to the rulers and their courts. Beginning in the sixteenth century, conflict resolution, by achieving peace through the pursuit of balance between the parties (restorative justice), had come to be replaced with punishment for the perpetrator (retributive justice) (Povolo, 2017, 29-31). This was also a consequence of economic, political, and social change, which, along with an increase in itinerant forms of crime, ever greater social mobility, altered forms of warfare, and religious and civil wars, resulted in an increase in violence that by the eighteenth century had de-legitimized traditional forms of conflict resolution (Carroll, 2007; Povolo, 2015; cf. Wieland, 2014).
SERGIJ VILFAN ON GRUNDSTOER AND VASTATIO
Thus far grundstoer has only been addressed by the renowned late Slovene legal historian Sergij Vilfan
(1919-1996), who regarded the custom of vengeance
8 Specifically for the early modern Slovene lands see: Oman, 2016; Oman, 2017; Oman & Darovec, 2018; Darovec, 2018, 1-30; cf. Cec, 2011; Kambic, 2017.
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Fig. 1: Sergij Vilfan (born 5 April 1919, died 16 March 1996) (Sergij Vilfan, http://www.sazu.si/clani/sergij--vilfan).
mostly in accordance with the perceptions of traditional (legal) historiography (cf. Vilfan, 1961, 131-132, 261266, 399).
Since first mentioning grundstoer in a paper from 1943 as a 'peculiarity' among Carniolan peasants in the mid-sixteenth century, Vilfan occasionally returned to it for over half a century. As he was not aware of any early
modern Slovene terms for grundstöer,9 he translated it as pustosenje,w meaning devastation. Vilfan attempted to explain it as a 'Slovene' custom, and hence in opposition to the views of the 'German' Estates, and tried to fence it off from the 'German(ic)' institution of Wüstung, also meaning devastation. He noted the similarities between both, yet maintained that they were essentially different legal institutions. Vilfan seems to have kept these views on the matter largely unchanged for the rest of his life (Vilfan, 1943, 221, 223-227; Vilfan, 1996, 459-463), although he diverted from them in his perhaps best known work on Slovene legal history, in which he more or less equated grundstöer and Wüstung (Vilfan, 1961, 264-265).
It is the aim of this paper to take a closer look at both and further clarify the matter in the process, as well as to point out a somewhat different, while not unexpected, use of the terms akin to grundstöer in Carniolan sources, although from the seventeenth century.
Vilfan correctly interpreted the institution as a form of vengeance, and argued that by its legal nature grundstöer was related to blood feud. He saw similarities between the two in that the prerequisite for both is an attack on one's physical integrity, most commonly a homicide (explicitly only homicide in the source), that the executor of the sanction is the kin group, and that the sanction is carried out without interference by the authorities (communal or otherwise) and is as such private (cf. Frauenstädt, 1881, 168-172) not public. One of the main differences, however, was that blood feud (ideally) followed lex talionis, blood for blood as an accurately measured act of retribution (Netterstrem, 2007, 43), while grundstöer avenged bloodshed by property destruction. Vilfan also explicitly stated that it should not be confused with weregild (Vilfan, 1996, 460-461).
In the form of its sanction, however, Vilfan claimed that grundstöer was similar to the 'German(ic)' legal institution of Wüstung," also translatable as devastation. The Latin term for the custom was vastatio, and the verbs for the action itself destruere, diruere, devastare: to devastate, destroy, etc. Wüstung and Störung12 were basically synonyms, and Vilfan admitted that grundstöer and
9	The term is not given in early modern Slovene dictionaries. In the late sixteenth-century, Hieronim Megiser translated the German word verwüsten (Lat. conspurcare) as oskruniti: to befoul, defile (Megiser, 1592, 280). The closest to the Latin devastare (Ger. oed machen), was translated by him as pustu delati, opufzhati (Megiser, 1592, 1 72): to devastate, abandon. Both Wüstung as Öde can also mean abandoned property (Hudelja, 2012, 241; Vilfan, 1996, 460-461). In the seventeenth century Gregor Vorenc and Matija Kastelec translated the Latin verb devastare as satreti, opustiti, ferdirbati, and pogonobiti (ruin, devastate, abandon), and the gerund (de)vastatio as satrenie: ruin, devastation (Vorenc & Kastelec, 1680/85, 83, 328).
10	Aside from the recent German-Slovene historical dictionary, which follows Vilfan and also contains grundstör (Hudelja, 2012, 143), nineteenth-century as well as contemporary German-Slovene dictionaries translate Wüstung as pustota or pušča, meaning devastated, deserted, uncultivated or barren land (Wolf, 1860, 1920; Debenjak, 1993, 1288; Hudelja, 2012, 389) and verwüsten as (o)pustošiti, among others, meaning devastation, destruction, etc. (Wolf, 1860, 1796; Debenjak, Debenjak & Debenjak, 1993, 1218). For the Slovene etymology see: Snoj, 1997, 516.
11	Its origins can be traced back to the Old High German verb wuosten (to plunder, burn, devastate) and Middle High German wüesten (to desolate, plunder, destroy, rob). The same meaning is given in Old Saxon wöstian and Middle Low German Wösten (https://www.dwds. de/wb/W%C3%BCstung) (last access: March 2018). An abundance of various termini is given by Alexander Coulin (1915, 342-349).
12	According to Vilfan, the word grundstöer is a composite of the words grunnd (ground, land) and stöer. Eytmologically speaking, he was not wrong with the latter. Its contemporary version is the verb stören (to interfere, impede), while the older meaning was to destroy, lay waste, demolish, hinder, etc. (https://www.dwds.de/wb/st%C3%B6ren) (last access: March 2018). The word stöer in grundstöer could thus be a gerund, which throughout history also stood for all of the above (interfere, destroy, etc.).
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Wüstung could both be translated as pustošenje, devastation. Yet, even if he regarded them as similar legal institutions, he was certain that they were different in their legal content, and thus translated Wüstung as vastacija, also meaning devastation (Vilfan, 1996, 460-461).
Vilfan regarded Wüstung as a property legal sanction for violations of peace within a community, originally a tribe. The violation was avenged by the community, following a communal (public) resolution, which renounced the legal protection of the transgressor by banishment (Acht, Bann), with consequences to his or her person and/or property, meaning either its confiscation (seizure) or devastation (total or partial). Vilfan claimed that the devastation evolved into a legal institution of its own, namely Wüstung. It supposedly gradually lost its connection to banishment, but retained the one to vengeance. However, he failed to see that banishment was an integral part of the custom of vengeance (cf. Povolo, 2017). According to Vilfan, in time Wüstung came to be used as a sanction for the owner's illegitimate actions, and was ordained and executed by his community, i.e. its authorities. As such, Wüstung could avenge or sanction not only homicide, but also other offences - and thus, contrary to Vilfan, kept rather than lost its connection to breaches of peace (Vilfan, 1996, 461-462).
Although he admitted that the differences between Wüstung and grundstöer were not irreconcilable and that many intermediate forms were theoretically possible, it was their execution that made Vilfan draw the line between them. Arguing that, whereas Wüstung had to be ordained and executed by the community, grundstöer was a kinship action. Hence, he regarded it as an intermediate form between blood feud and Wüstung, sharing the prerequisite with both, yet preceding the latter. Grundstöer shared the executor (kin group) with blood feud and the sanction (destruction of property) with Wüstung. Therefore he offered another solution for the Slovene translation of grundstöer: premoženjsko maščevanje, property or material vengeance (Vilfan, 1996, 461-462).
While at first Vilfan regarded grundstöer as possibly a Carniolan, i.e. 'Slovene', legal custom sui generis (Vilfan, 1943, 226) he later remained rather indifferent to the question of its supposed autochthony. Even though the sixteenth-century sources claimed that it was an 'invading vice', he assumed that that had meant that the custom (institution) had become more common than before, while at the same time becoming less acceptable (to state authorities) - this is most likely the correct interpretation - and not that it had originated so late in history. He argued that grundstöer must have been known since at least the Late Middle Ages (Vilfan, 1996, 462-463).
In his paper from 1943, Vilfan proposed that grundstöer was taken from Lombard law or from thirteenth-
century Austrian Landrecht stipulations regarding the destruction of castles (Vilfan, 1943, 226-227). While Lombard law did not stipulate devastation, only seizure of the transgressor's property (Coulin, 1915, 336-337, 352), this was probably only an echo of Roman law, which strongly influenced codified Lombard law (Smail & Gibson, 2009, 62), while customary law is another matter. However, later in his life, Vilfan questioned the influence that Lombard law (and custom) could have had on the Slavs in the Eastern Alps in general (Vilfan, 1961, 43-44, 49). The stipulations of the Austrian Landrecht regarding the (partial) devastation of castles are just as unlikely a source.
Furthermore, Vilfan admitted that there is no mention of grundstöer in statutory law from Slovene historic lands, but still made an attempt to connect it to the Landesordnungen (provincial ordinances) of Duke Albrecht II of Austria from 1338 for Carinthia and Car-niola. They contain the stipulation regarding homicide, which Vilfan regarded as perhaps being connected to grundstöer. In cases of the perpetrator's flight, the Landesordnung stipulated that he had to pay a fine to the court to make peace with it, i.e. his community, but this did not include making peace with his enemies, i.e. his victim's kin (Tut aber ainer einen totslag und chumt er davon, der ist dem obristen gericht vervallen dreizzig mark und dem niedern gericht sechtzig phenning und hut sich vor sinen veinden und vor dem geschray) (Schwind & Dopsch, 1895, 175-176). Should he not make peace with them, retaliation, i.e. blood feud, or a lawsuit would follow (Vilfan, 1961, 217; cf. Mommertz, 2003, 240-241). However, should the culprit be apprehended, either the law of talion ('throat for throat') or a fine would apply, yet the latter could not be paid from the property of his wife or children13 (Wirt er aber begriffen, so ist hals wider hals oder er lose sich, wie er stat an dem lantsherren vindet, und sol des hausvrowe und siner chind nicht entgelten an dem gut) (Schwind & Dopsch, 1895, 176). As stated above, Vilfan claimed that the Landesordnungen condoned blood feud, perhaps even hinting at a special form of vengeance, namely grundstöer. While he was correct regarding blood feud, there is no proof regarding devastation.
Still, this does not mean that he was wrong. Bavarian Landfrieden from 1293 and 1300, which Vilfan never cited, contain similar stipulations regarding flight following homicide, with the addition that the culprit's lord should not burn his property (umb chainer wunden sol im der herre haizze prenner swaz er hat) (MGH, Const. 3, No. 633, § 6, 615). This is devastation, but not by the victim's kin, and hence Wüstung. Moreover, a similar stipulation (weib vnd khinndt an dem guet, das auf der huebm ist, vnenntgolten, vnd vnschadhafft beleiben), which Vilfan also never cited in relation to grund-
13 This seems to have been a common stipulation when it came to fines. It is, for instance, attested in 1582 for any fineable offence in the Styrian market town of Vojnik (Mell & Müller, 1 91 3, 256).
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stöer, was contained in the Carniolan14 Provincial Court Ordinance of 1535 (LGK, 1535, 8).
Even so, Vilfan correctly maintained that two centuries after the privileges were issued, the conditions sustaining grundstöer could, in general, not have changed dramatically. As he was well aware, peace settlements of homicides, for instance, remained15 a private matter between kin groups, mostly without interference by the princely authorities (much to the chagrin of the Estates) in the rest of Inner Austria16 at roughly the same time (1518) (Dimitz, 1875, 57) as grundstöer seems to have been common in Carniola (Vilfan, 1996, 462-463).
In the end, Vilfan seems to have changed his mind regarding the differences between the institutions of grundstöer and Wüstung, as he equated them in the book(s) countless Slovene law and history students have sieved through over the decades (Vilfan, 1961, 264265; Vilfan, 1968, 162-163). Thus it remains somewhat confounding, why in his seminal work on Slovene legal history (Simic, 2007, 156), which was published well afterwards, he still argued that these must have been two separate legal customs, just as he did during the Second World War. This is especially surprising given the fact that he had at least Alexander Coulin's seminal work on Wüstung at his disposal and cited it both in his 1943 paper and his 1996 work. The answer is most likely to be sought in his battle with a terminal illness, which prevented him from correcting every inconsistency in the book that was the result of decades of prolific work (Simic, 2007, 156).
As for his previous work, the answer probably ought to be sought between the 'blinders' that are so often put on every national historiography, especially legal history: the 'nativist' approach instead of a broader comparison. This was of course something that also plagued Vilfan's contemporaries (cf. Conte, 2016, 234-238). For instance, Otto Brunner with his now refuted17 thesis of the exclusively German(ic) origins of the so-called knightly feud or Ritterfehde (Brunner, 1990, 17, 32-33). In Vilfan's case, it was the finding of a possibly specifi-
cally 'Slovene' legal institution in times of "prevailing German(ic) law" (Vilfan, 1943, 219), which was understandable for the time during the Second World War. However, Vilfan seems to have been well aware of these 'nativist blinders', especially as there is no hint at grundstöer perhaps being a specifically Carniolan or even Slovene institution in the Austrian edition (Vilfan, 1968, 162) of his probably best known work.
THE LEGAL INSTITUTION OF WÜSTUNG
In order to clear up Vilfan's interpretations of grundstöer and to understand it in the context of the custom of vengeance, Wüstung must be elaborated on first. Older, yet thorough, analyses by Alexander Coulin (1915) and Theodor Bühler (1970) shall serve as the foundation. The most common definition of Wüstung was given by Coulin at the beginning of the twentieth century: the legally permitted or ordained (total or partial) destruction of property for the transgressions of its owner by the community of his peers (Coulin, 1915, 341). Bühler later added that the act of destruction was 'ceremonial' and thus acted as containment of affective violence (Bühler, 1970, 12-13). This is to be expected, since customs were always enacted through rituals to provide the semblance of order and structure for the emotions of the community (Darovec, 2014, 455-456).
The containment of vengeful emotions, which could take the upper hand in devastation, was also in the interest of both the community and its authorities. The origins of Wüstung are without a doubt ancient, as the institution is attested in medieval and early modern Montenegro and Northern Albania for homicide or the abduction of girls, medieval Russia for arson (Miklosich, 1888, 136-137), and Early Medieval Germanic leges. At the same time, Early Medieval Frankish, Lombard, and Visigothic (codified) law, under the influence of Roman law, all attempted to substitute devastation with seizure and confiscation. Still, Wüstung is first stipulated as a sanction in Early Medieval law. Perhaps already in Lex
14	The Carniolan Provincial Court Ordinance was made after the example of the one for Austria below the Enns from 1514 (LGK, 1535). In comparison, in neighbouring Styria, the Ptuj town statutes of 1 376 and 1513 respectively do not stipulate Wüstung in any form for any offence or transgression (Hernja Masten et al., 1998; Hernja Masten & Kos, 1999), nor is it found in any of the Styrian or neighbouring Carinthian Weistümer (Bischoff & Schönbach, 1881; Mell & Müller, 1913), nor in their respective Provincial Court Ordinances (LGSt, 1574; LGKt, 1577). It seems that by the Late Middle Ages Wüstung was not part of Styrian and Carinthian statutory law anymore, while customary law is another matter.
15	Regarding this, things changed little up until the eighteenth century, when there were still grievances over the supposedly trifling sums paid as a peace settlement (composition payment, weregild) by the killers to their victims' kin (ARS, AS 1, sk. 251, Patent of the Carniolan Landeshauptman regarding the eradication of sins and vices, 4 March 1 724, Ljubljana).
16	Inner Austria was an entity of Habsburg hereditary lands (1564-1619/1749) made up of the Duchies of Carinthia, Carniola, and Styria, the Princely County of Gorizia and Gradisca, the Free City of Triest, the Margraviate of Istria, and a few other smaller territories. Its capital until 1619, when the Princely court moved to Vienna, was the Styrian capital Graz, which remained the seat of the Inner Austrian Government until 1746. The latter was the Princely governing body second only to the Princely Privy Council in Inner Austria. The Government had the authority over those at the lower Land/Provincial level, including the courts (Spreitzhofer et al., 1988, 64-66).
17	Brunner's theses on Fehde (feud) as a specific custom of the German nobility dominated the research on vengeance in German historiography almost until the end of the twentieth century. Even after the lower orders were 'included' into the concept of Fehde at the beginning of the twenty-first century, doubts about its uniqueness have only been expressed very tentatively. Ignoring modern anthropological and historiographical research on vengeance, German historiography still almost exclusively approaches the custom as a rigid normative legal institution, rather than a complex social phenomenon (Darovec, Ergaver & Oman, 201 7, 398).
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Fig. 2: This woodcut by Hans Wandereisen from 1523 depicts the devastation of the Absberg castle (Wandereisen-Holzschnitte von 1523, https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wandereisen-Holzschnitte_von_1523). It was one of 23 castles that the Swabian League destroyed during the so-called Absberg Fehde in 1523. The castle belonging to the Franconian nobleman Hans Thomas von Absberg (depicted) and those of his allies were destroyed in the campaign. It erupted due to von Absberg's killing of Count Joachim von Oettingen, one of the most prominent members of the League, in a feud three years prior, as well as for von Absberg's various serious violations of the rules of conduct in enmity (Carl, 1996, 486-491; Zmora, 1997, 138-140).
Salica and Lex Baiuvariorum, and certainly in Lex and/ or Capitulare Saxonum (797), which stipulates Wüstung as the destruction of one's house or castle as a sanction for certain transgressions and contumacy. Similar stipulations were issued in High and Late Medieval statutory law (Bühler, 1970, 3-7, 22-23; Coulin, 1915, 351).
The Sachsenspiegel (ca. 1220-1235), for instance, stipulated that should a 'violator of peace' (vredebrekere) not appear before the judge when summoned (contumacy), his house (castle) and everything within shall be destroyed (vervestet). Also, one could have his castle destroyed in the case of a lost judicial duel. Later stipulations show that a house (castle) could be regarded as a 'culprit' in the transgressions of its owner, e.g. robbery or illegitimate feuding (see Fig. 2), and had to be punished accordingly (MGH, FiNS 1/1, II 72, §§ 1-5, 192-194).
Similar stipulations were issued in Article 67 of the Austrian Landrecht of 127818 (Schwind & Dopsch, 1895, 72), which Vilfan at first speculated could have been
one of the possible sources from which the Carniolans might have taken, received, or adapted grundstoer (Vilfan, 1943, 227). However, the destruction of castles is of less importance here, as the case at hand pertains to the lower orders.
One stipulation from the High Middle Ages is especially of note, Article 1 of Emperor Frederick I Bar-barossa's Constitutio contra incendiarios, the so-called Brandstifterbrief, from 1186 or, more likely, 1188. The article stipulates that judges are exempt from the general prohibition of arson, being permitted to use it as punishment for malefactors (Excipiuntur et iudices, quos in malefactores incendii penam iustitia permittente ex-ercere contingit) (MGH, Const. 1, No. 318, § 1, 450). While Barbarossa's prohibition of arson was at the foremost directed against its use in enmity (Wadle, 1999, 82-83), the stipulation regarding its use by the judges specifically condones Wüstung. The judges would authorize the community to execute the devastation.
18 The older datation of the Landrecht set to 1237 has been rejected by Max Weltin (Weltin, 1977, 402-413).
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For the Late Middle Ages, Bühler provided indispensable insight into Wüstung as part of statutory law, even if mostly from Swiss town statutes. One that particularly stands out is Article 14 of the Handfeste of the town of Bremgarten (Aargau) from ca. 1258, which stipulates: "yet should the killer escape and flee, his house shall be razed to the ground and [the plot] then remain vacant for a whole year" (Ist aber, das der manschlech-tig endrint und fluchtig wirt so sol sin hus von grund uff zerstört werden und dann ain gantz iar ungebuwen beliben) (Bühler, 1970, 7-8). That the given example is the only known use (at least to the author) of the words Grund and zerstören in the context of Wüstung, aside from the Carniolan example, should not be vexing. As it is the context that is of interest here, the wording of the stipulated devastation is of less importance. Whether the house was razed to the ground (von grund uff zerstört) or broken apart (niderbrechen) as in a thirteenth-century statute from Luzern, it always stood for devastation (Bühler, 1970, 7-8; Coulin, 1915, 346).
No matter the diction of the stipulations for devastation (niderwerfen, zerbrechen, wüsten, etc.), town legislation (ordinances, statutes) and judgements presented by Bühler always stipulated that a killer's home should be devastated (destroyed, demolished). The differences being whether the perpetrator's 'finest' home in town was to be devastated, all the houses and property that he owned, or a house belonging to his family if he was living there. Sometimes it was stipulated that the perpetrator had to flee first, whereas sometimes he was exiled by the destruction of his home. Sometimes, for instance in fourteenth-century Zürich, the devastation was considered as part of a peace settlement (i.e. compostition payment) with the perpetrator, who also had to pay a fine to the town authorities, similar to Carniolan stipulations regarding homicide settlement. There are other nuances, again from fourteenth-century Zürich: should a burgher kill a townsperson who did not own a house (i.e. not a burgher) or one whose house was of little worth, he would only pay a fine and his house remain untouched. Regarding the custom of vengeance, it can be surmised that the perpetrator still owed weregild to his victim's kin. Thus, Wüstung, just like blood feud, could always be averted by conceding to the demands of satisfaction, e.g. by paying composition for homicide: weregild to the injured party and a fine to the authorities (Bloch, 1961, 128; cf. Oman, 2017, 158-167). In Zürich, burghers could also have had their homes devastated for feuding, which was forbidden in the city (Bühler, 1970, 9-12).
Since burgher communities were founded on burgher oaths, any violence among them was considered a breach of the oath, and with that of peace. Hence the town authorities, and it was the same in the countryside (cf. Carroll, 2007, 16-17), always strived to contain and work towards a peaceful resolution of conflicts (Reinle, 2003, 40-41). Should this not succeed, offences could
be sanctioned by various grades of devastation for various breaches of peace, moral offences, and/or transgressions of ordinances. This made Wüstung most directly and originally linked to Friedlosigkeit or 'peacelessness', i.e. outlawry. What is here regarded as peace was legal protection and security, so outlawry meant having neither, being outside of peace. No peace could be broken with the outlaws, no injustice committed against them. Since violators of peace were rarely apprehended at the moment they committed a transgression, usually the judicial path had to be taken. It was there that the perpetrators were declared outlaws (bandits) and ritually cast (banished) from the community if and for as long as they refused to make peace with their victims or their kin. Thus Wüstung could be avoided by composition payment (weregild) until the very start of devastation, which could also be exacted upon those refusing to accept the composition payment (Coulin, 1915, 411-412). Considering the costs and the practical problems of its execution, it can be surmised that Wüstung was rarely carried out in practice, and the threat of devastation was generally enough to guarantee satisfaction. But when Wüstung was enacted, in towns, taking part in the rituals of devastation and banishment was considered a burgher's duty; it is unlikely that this was much different in villages (Bühler, 1970, 9-10, 14-21).
The purpose of Wüstung was to deprive the transgressor of his home, since for as long as his house was still standing, he had protection within due to the immunity or sanctuary of home or household (Hausfrieden), a certain form of peace that it provided. By destroying the home, the community not only cast the transgressor from within its midst, but also ritually ensured the assertion of communal bonds and the demonstration of its authority and power. This put immense pressure upon its members and especially on the transgressor to submit and make peace. A person's outlawry was only complete with the devastation of his property, not only as means of survival, but also as the deprivation of the sanctuary it provided, be it a burgher's house or a peasant's, or, as means of subsistence, the latter's fields. It should be noted here that the devastation and trampling of 'everything' in grundstöer originally probably encompassed both the destruction of the perpetrator's fields and house. For the same reasons (sanctuary, survival), both had been excluded as legitimate targets in feuds (Coulin, 1915, 366-368; Bühler, 1970, 15; Brunner, 1990, 95, 99).
The destruction of the means of survival clarifies the connection between the Carniolan grundstöer and Wüstung. Originally, the devastation of fields might have had the intent to hinder the outlaws from reaping their benefits (crops), and to prevent them from remaining in the community. According to Coulin, the practice of field devastation survived up until the thirteenth century in the French Anjou, as seizures of the transgressor's property were supposedly not in use at the time. When con-
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fiscation became common, this type of Wüstung (Cou-lin termed it Feldwüstung as opposed to Hauswüstung), supposedly quickly disappeared. The intermediate form was seizure of one year's worth of crops from the fields to be devastated by the transgressor's lord. With the growing property of the individual in the High Middle Ages, Wüstung had begun to encompass the devastation of all of the transgressor's assets, not only his (finest) house (in town), but also his agricultural land: fields, orchards, and vineyards. A specific terminology for both types of Wüstung supposedly resulted from this. While in thirteenth-century Padua, for instance, the devastation of fields supplanted that of the house, the general development elsewhere was the opposite. Even so, Cou-lin was quite wary of equating devastation of a field and that of a house (Coulin, 1915, 368-369, 380).
However, the link seems clear, as what both forms or targets of Wüstung had in common was precisely the deprivation of the transgressor's means of survival and/ or sanctuary, i.e. their 'peace', making the banishment not only ritually formal (cf. Knoll & Sejvl, 2010, 140) and visible, but also materially very real. Hence, the institution's power and long-term survival.
Banishment further stipulated that the transgressor's house - and it was most likely the same with fields belonging to it in the countryside - had to be left in ruins as well, indefinitely at first, and later for specific time periods, e.g. one year. Stipulations of an indefinite vacancy of a plot surely soon proved themselves impractical in towns, and this would certainly hold true for arable land as well. As in the aforementioned Anjou countryside, Wüstung in towns was first replaced by seizures in fourteenth-century Italy, with the notable exception of Florence, where this process was 'delayed'. However, the institution seems to have survived the longest within the Holy Roman Empire, and had been divided into various grades, depending on the gravity of the transgression (Bühler, 1970, 15-16).
The most common form of Wüstung, and the one from which the others supposedly originated, was what German legal historiography has termed Totalwüstung, total devastation. It was the complete destruction of the outlaw's home (house, castle, town). Bühler inferred that in the original form total devastation must have encompassed not only the incineration of the house, but also of everyone and everything who lived in it or belonged to it. He furthermore cited a case from medieval Navarra, where even setting the houses of the neighbours on fire was permitted in order to destroy the outlaw's, probably for practical reasons. Bühler assumed that devastation by arson could have originated as vengeance for Mordbrand, night-time killings by arson, citing some French (droit d' arsin, incendie
judiciaire, fere justice de feu et de flamme, comburere, incendere, ardoir) and Flemish (bernen, woestballinc bi brande) terms for Wüstung as evidence. Be that as it may, as late as the thirteenth century, fire was seen as the most convenient means of getting rid of outlawed members of a community, especially if the devastation could not be executed otherwise. Yet with time, devastation by arson had to be supplanted by less dangerous means as the distance between neighbours decreased, both in villages and in urban communities. Arson was substituted with razing the transgressor's house to the ground, with the intermediate form of razing it to the ground first and burning the rubble at a safer location later.19 The omission of burning in Wüstung necessitated stipulations against plundering the outlaw's remaining property. In medieval France, a transgressor's moveables were seized by the courts and transferred to his lord (Bühler, 1970, 16-17; Coulin, 1915, 348-349, 373, 397).
Consequently, this led to restrictions of total devastation and to the development of various forms of so-called partial devastation (Partialwüstung), depending on the gravity of the breach of peace, and with time also on the gravity of moral offences and/or transgressions. The most common partial form of Wüstung became the devastation of a single house of the killer and not all of his property as before. While partial forms were limited to individual perpetrators, in collective cases of breaches of peace (illegitimate diffidatio, rebellion, etc.), e.g. by towns and cities, partial devastation meant that only the town or city walls and other defences were to be demolished, and not the whole settlement razed to the ground. The destruction of its defences exposed the town or city to the dangers of the world outside, but even then partial devastation was sometimes probably only symbolic (Althoff, 1999, 14-16; Brown, 2011, 145). The institution survived into the early modern period (Coulin, 1915, 375, 423; Zmora, 1997, 33), although it is perhaps best known from the High Middle Ages (Bühler, 1970, 17-18; cf. Mastnak, 1994, 107).
Within the settlements themselves, less extensive forms of partial devastation were limited to certain parts of the transgressor's house. The gravest of these forms was the unroofing, which basically made the house unsuitable for living, at least for longer periods of time than lesser partial forms of Wüstung. Unroofing is already attested in medieval Bavaria, France, and Italy. In some thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Swiss town statutes, unroofing was stipulated as (part of) a peace settlement for homicide, i.e. in blood feud. Elsewhere in the Holy Roman Empire, unroofing was also used for moral transgressions, e.g. households where the wife was beating
19 In part, this is echoed by the aforementioned Article 67 of the Austrian Landrecht of 1278, which stipulates that should a castellan commit any offence during his lord's absence and flee, the rooms where the offence was commited were to be torn from the house (castle), taken in front of it and burned (Schwind & Dopsch, 1895, 72). The stipulation followed Emperor Barbarossa's Constitutio contra incendiarios (MGH, Const. 1, No. 318, § 14, 451), as did, for instance, the Pax Bawarica of 1256 (MGH, Const. 2/111, No. 438, §§ 13 & 16, 596-597).
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Fig. 3: Devastation of a house in which rape was committed, and the killing of the animals (rooster, dog) that had 'witnessed' the crime, depicted in the Heidelberg copy of the Sachsenspiegel from the early fourteenth century (f. 17r, detail: http://digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/cpg164/0038). Animals belonging to a household were killed for two reasons: not helping the victim by raising alarm and as property to be destroyed with the rest of the house (Coulin, 1915, 429-431). The destruction of architecture, objects, and animals that had 'witnessed' the transgression could also be regarded as a form of ritual cleansing of space, since all material traces of the crime were destroyed (cf. Terry-Fritsch, 2018, 55, n. 8).
the husband. However, if the husband carried out the unroofing himself, his wife was deprived of the sanctuary of their home and outlawed. While unroofing in such cases seems not to have been used prior to the early modern period, it survived at least until the late eighteenth century. A somewhat similar form of Wüstung was tearing down only one of the house's walls (Bühler, 1970, 18-19; Coulin, 1915, 382-385).
Another lesser form of partial devastation did not make the house entirely uninhabitable, but either allowed entrance to everyone or denied it altogether, by removing all its doors and windows or barring them shut. Even if this was most commonly punishment for nonpayment, it was also used for breaches of peace. For instance, a Strasbourg town statute, from ca. 1200, stipulated that should a killer flee, the doors and windows of his house were to be removed. Thus his home was accessible to all, losing its immunity for the time of his banishment (Wackernagel, 1965, 301; Bühler, 1970, 19).
When Wüstung targeted a house stove and well, by either extinguishing or breaking it apart, the goal was
again to make the house uninhabitable, but such cases were rare. Somewhat more common was the targeting of the transgressor's food stocks and kitchenware, squatting or having a crowd run through the house (especially for moral transgressions of the clergy) and similar forms of trespass.20 The destruction, theft, or looting of valuables during Wüstung was strictly forbidden. Most aforementioned forms of partial devastation were used as punishment for moral transgressions, usually of a matrimonial or sexual nature, although the use of Wüstung for moral transgressions is attested primarily since the early modern period. While this might also have been a consequence of the Reformation, Bühler was correct to point out that the process also corresponded with the time when the original forms of devastation - much like the custom of vengeance itself (Darovec, 2017a, 87-88) - started to be taken over by state legislation (Bühler, 1970, 19-22).
In essence, Wüstung was always an act of social control and of maintaining the social equilibrium, as retaliation for various acts against communal coexistence: homicide, robbery, theft, arson, rape (see Fig. 3),
20 Unsanctioned trespass or trespass with malicious intent was known as Heimsuchung in German (in Switzerland also a term for Wüstung) and strictly prohibited in the Holy Roman Empire (Bühler, 1970, 20; Hernja Masten et al., 1998, 192; Reinle, 2003, 18, 78). In the Styrian market town Šentjur pri Celju, Heimsuchung is attested as hauspruch in 1 539 (Mell & Müller, 1 913, 258). Here pruch means breaking into the house, not razing it to the ground. In comparison, while the Ptuj town statute of 1376 contains the term haeimsuchen (Hernja Masten et al., 1998, 192), the statute of 1513 uses the wording of malicious trespass (frevenlich inlawfft) (Hernja Masten & Kos, 1999, 142).
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sodomy, heresy, treason, rebellion,21 breach of peace, unsanctioned construction of castles, nonpayment, insolvency, counterfeiting, offences against trade and police ordinances, flight, contumacy and other, but with time mostly moral transgressions (Bühler, 1970, 20-22, 27). All this points at a highly complex and evolved legal institution. Yet not everything resembling Wüstung necessarily originated from it or was related to it.
There was a fundamental difference between the destruction in a feud and in Wüstung, even if both were part of the legal custom of vengeance. With Wüstung, (partial) destruction of the transgressor's home and other means of his sustenance, which was (ideally) strictly forbidden in a feud, was the means of withdrawing the sanctuary it provided the transgressor, thus restoring social equilibrium. When carried out in a feud, or rather enmity, as the custom's stage that allowed for limited violence, property destruction was generally not its goal, but the means of forcing the adversary or enemy to return to non-violent means of conflict resolution, and provide satisfaction for the inflicted injury, thus also restoring social equilibrium. While attaining satisfaction and restoring social equilibrium is the goal of both Wüstung and enmity, the targets of their violence are very different.
Violence in feuds between nobles was mostly limited to the infamous robbery and arson (Raub und Brand), the dispossession and/or destruction of the adversary's crops and produce, while the destruction of orchards, vineyards, gardens, ploughs (i.e. attacks during field-work), and mills, all of which also functioned as sanctuaries in enmity, or the killing of animals was (ideally) prohibited. The destruction of homes as the primary sanctuaries, whether villages, peasant houses or castles, was also ideally prohibited (Brunner, 1990, 79-80, 84-86; Patschovsky, 1996, 171; Wadle, 1999, 79, 86). Violence, mostly arson, had the same purpose in feuds among subjects (Peters, 2000; Mommertz, 2003; Reinle, 2003), as well as in feuds of Montenegrin and Northern Albanian tribes (Ergaver, 2016, 120).
The institution of Wüstung was directly connected to feud only insofar as it was used as a sanction for too frequent or too severe violations of the customary limitations to enmity. In such a case, violators would have had their house or castle destroyed by either the victorious party (i.e. enemy kin) or a superior authority (Brunner, 1990, 83; Carl, 1996, 474-475; see Fig. 2). However, as with Wüstung, enmity could always be averted by conceding to the demands of satisfaction, i.e. by paying composition.
Seemingly connected to Wüstung was the so-called Herausfordern or Herausrufen aus dem Haus, taunting or challenging an adversary to leave the sanctuary of his or her home. If the challenged party came out of
the house, they would be acquitted for any injuries to the challenging party. On the other hand, the challenger would always be regarded as the transgressor. Should the challenged party still refuse to come out, which was not without consequences to their honour, an attack on the person could be 'substituted' by the destruction of his or her fence, the breaking of windows or, more symbolically, by sticking a knife in the front door. Violence upon a person was 'substituted' with violence upon his or her house (Schwerhoff, 2004, 230).
While it appears superficially similar to Wüstung due to this 'substitution', the taunting and the property damage instead of an attack on a person was, whether executed by an individual or a kin group, always regarded as an offence according to custom, not a communal act that upheld or restored peace and order in a community. Although Herausfordern was regarded as a breach of peace, especially of the Hausfrieden,22 it remained popular well into the early modern period (Reinle, 2003, 269-270). Stipulations against Herausfordern, or attempts at managing it, were also common in sixteenth-and seventeenth-century Styria, Carniola's neighbouring Duchy (Bischoff & Schönbach, 1881, 133; Mell & Müller, 1913, 134, 141, 170-174, 264). Taunting could also be regarded as 'private vengeance' by contemporaries (Reinle, 2003, 346-347). There are certainly connections between feud and taunting, as various threats were one of the initial modes of conduct before enmity was declared (Mommertz, 2003, 217-241). However, the connection between Wüstung and Herausfordern (cf. Coulin, 1915, 364-366) is questionable.
ON WÜSTUNG AND GRUNDSTÖER
How should Vilfan's theses on grundstöer, presented in the second chapter of this paper, be interpreted in light of the analysis of Wüstung given above? First of all, it renders obvious that the main problem is not the translation of allegedly separate legal institutions with synonyms, but the thesis that grundstöer and Wüstung are two essentially different and separate legal institutions, even customs, with one perhaps specifically Car-niolan ('Slovene') and the other allegedly specifically German(ic).
As Vilfan already established, both institutions sanction homicide, with the fundamental difference between them being that grundstöer is executed by the victim's kin and Wüstung by the whole community. Although a more precise definition is not given in the sources, predicated on the above analysis of Wüstung it can safely be reasoned that grundstöer either followed the perpetrator's flight, which was also Vilfan's thesis, or banished him, or acted as a peace settlement. Most likely all of the above, depending on the situation at hand. In essence
21	On the other hand, Wüstung could be a (collective) sanction for not joining a rebellion. For instance, some peasants refusing to join the so-called Second Slovene Peasants' Revolt of 1 635 were threatened with arson by their peers (Koropec, 1985, 166).
22	On some aspects of the concept of Hausfrieden in early modernity see e.g. Schmidt-Voges, 2010, 200-209.
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however, grundstöer as retaliation for homicide was a substitution for blood feud.
The same was true with Wüstung when it sanctioned homicide. As the community strived to achieve the restoration of the social equilibrium following the gravest breaches of peace, especially homicide, it was certainly preferable to avoid the risks entailed by blood feud. In Lilienthal in Lower Saxony in 1468, the devastation of the property of a killer who has fled was specifically envisioned as a measure to prevent the custom of blood feud among the subjects of the Prince Bishopric of Bremen (Frauenstädt, 1881, 15). Could such reasoning, albeit not at the state or provincial level as in Bremen, also have been at the origin of grundstöer in Carniola? In any case, the origins of Wüstung are to be sought in connection with flight or banishment of the perpetrator, especially if he refused to, or could not, provide compensation for his transgression. Thus if blood could not be settled or repaid with either blood or blood money, then at least the destruction of the perpetrator's means of survival provided some satisfaction to the victim's kin and the community. In this way, Wüstung could work similarly to the institution of banishment: it cooled passions and facilitated peacemaking (cf. Povolo, 2015, 215, 219). Thus, the later development of Wüstung as a sanction for other transgressions was logical, as it (ideally) decelerated the escalation of conflict. Since Wüstung could also act as composition payment, and thus as part of a peace settlement, Vilfan was surely wrong when he claimed that grundstöer should not be taken as weregild.
His translation of grundstöer as 'property vengeance' also solves nothing, even if Vilfan most likely meant it as vengeance upon property instead of in blood. However, since Wüstung as retaliation for homicide was also property destruction as substitution for blood feud, the term 'property vengeance' can be used as a synonym for it as well or, better yet, altogether dropped. This is also true for grundstöer, especially since 'property vengeance' can imply retaliation for the destruction of property, just like blood feud was retribution for spilled blood and other grave dishonours. Yet neither grundstöer nor Wüstung were retaliation for property damage. The connections between the two thus lead to the conclusion that while grundstöer might have indeed been Carniolan, it was not a specific legal institution, let alone custom, but a local (provincial?) synonym for or form of Wüstung, perhaps indeed only as retaliation for homicide.
A case of 'property vengeance' as substitution for blood feud is attested in Carniola in 1614, between subjects of Georg Moscon and Christoph Taidolovitsch (Taidolovic), where the looting of money and clothes was the retaliation for the 'kidnapping of' (eloping) and fornicating with another man's wife (ARS, AS 306, kn. 11 (1613-1614), Moscon c. Taidolouitsch) instead of killing the adulterers (cf. Verdier, 1980, 28-30; Rad-cliffe-Brown, 1952, 217). Although the relationship between the 'plunderers' and the 'kidnapper' is not given,
it was most certainly a case of kinship retaliation or vengeance, i.e. by the husband for the severe dishonour his wife's act brought upon the family, not a communal sanction due to her moral and sexual transgression. And even if the latter were the case, it would be a matter of seizure not devastation.
However, one of the main questions that remains is: Why was grundstöer, if it was but a Carniolan version of Wüstung, enacted by the homicide victim's kin (freundschafft) and not by his or her community, e.g. village or neighbourhood (Nachbarschaft)?
That grundstöer was growing more problematic and started to be regarded as a vice might have echoed both Martin Luther's teachings regarding self-redress (selbstrichten) among the largely Protestant Carniolan Land Estates of the 1540s, as well as the recent criminal legislation, such as the Constitutio Criminalis Carolina (1532). Still, both legislation and theological treatises needed time to establish themselves in society (Carroll, 2006, 12-13). Furthermore, the Estates' attitude towards grundstöer was older and part of the nobility's general view on peasants, which included (blood) feud among subjects as an irrational if not outright illegitimate custom (cf. White, 1986, 202; Algazi, 2000; Reinle, 2003, 111, 174, 201; Carroll, 2006, 12). Thus, the reaction of the Carniolan Land Estates towards grundstöer is understandable and the average, and not only Carniolan, nobleman probably did not regard the institution's use by the peasants very differently. It was after all his land and his sustenance that were being destroyed by these acts of vengeance (Vilfan, 1961, 265). Material reasons might have been behind the complaint of the Estates in the first place. The nobility's attitude combining class-based morality with material concerns, certainly further exacerbated by the violence of the so-called First Slovene Peasants' Revolt of 1515 (Grafenauer, 1944; cf. Jerše, 2017), rather than the new religion or criminal law, might have obstructed the open use of devastation by the peasant communities. Hence, prior to the sixteenth century they might have already left Wüstung or grundstöer to the victim's kin. Also, the reading of freundschafft among the peasants as only the victim's kin, i.e. blood relations, might be too narrow (cf. Mommertz, 2003, 226-229, 245), and the village actually carried out grundstöer as a (legal) community or, probably most likely, ordained its execution to the victim's family. Considering the typical small size of peasant communities, it is also hard to imagine that the victim's kin would ever be excluded from either grundstöer or Wüstung. The same can surely be surmised for at least smaller towns and market towns.
Vilfan was also surely correct when he inferred that Wüstung enacted by the victim's kin was the older form of the institution. While Gerd Schwerhoff regards "late Medieval and early modern towns [...] as the birthplace of measures for violence prevention" and that "the village and the early modern territorial state followed this example later on" (Schwerhoff, 2004, 235), his assump-
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tion is incorrect. That devastation as community sanction had already existed in tribal societies shows that it had to have originated from the ancient custom of (blood) feud. Considering the non-existence of Wüstung in Styrian and Carinthian statutory law of the Late Medieval and early modern periods, by the mid-sixteenth century the Carniolan grundstoer might have already been a remnant of the once more widespread institution. It was in the countryside that Wüstung persevered the longest throughout the Holy Roman Empire and was, consequently, adapted to rural life.
Thus grundstoer is to be regarded as the Carniolan peasant form of Wüstung intended to prevent the settling of blood with blood, probably following a similar reasoning as in the Lower Saxon Lilienthal, and by the 1540s perhaps already limited to a few localities.23 Like Wüstung, grundstoer originated from the custom of blood feud, serving as a sanction for those unwilling to provide satisfaction, and as the ritual deescalation of the emotions of the injured party and community, with the intent to facilitate a peace settlement. Since satisfaction had to be given to both the community and the injured party, it could be surmised that the latter could also execute Wüstung by itself, yet certainly only following the community's or its elders' (in/direct) consent. However, should satisfaction have not been given following grundstoer, banishment or blood feud, still attested in Carni-ola in the seventeenth century (Oman, 2017, 167-172), was likely to have followed.
EPILOGUE
Save for the complaints of the Carniolan Land Estates' deputation from 1541/42, grundstoer has so far
not been found in contemporary sources as a term for devastation, nor in connection to blood feud, not even in the Duchy itself. It is only attested a century later, yet with a quite different meaning.
In Upper Carniola in 1651, the phrase grundtstör is attested as trespass in several documents regarding a conflict between the Lordships of Radovljica and Bled, and is connected to other violations of the Lordship of Bled's rights (gewalt, landtgericht: vnd grundtstör) (ARS, AS 721, fasc. 25, Dienstmann Georg (Bled) v Thurn Johann Ambros (Radovljica), 1651). In conflicts among the subjects of the same Lordship, the phrase grundt steher is used in a case in 1646 that most resembles Heimsuchung (ARS, AS 721, kn. 19 (16441651), 5 June, 1646, 419-422), and in 1636 as grundt gestört, i.e. 'common' trespass (ARS, AS 721, kn. 18 (1636-1640), 1 September, 1636). In the Lower-Carn-iolan Lordship of Klevevz in the seventeenth century, grundtstör was also used for trespass (ARS, AS 306, kn. 10 (1593-1695), Klingenfels c. Suschel). It is clear that none of these cases attest to the institution of devastation as retaliation for homicide.
At least by the seventeenth century, grundstöer and similar terms were foremost used for trespass. Hence, it can be concluded that this 'familiarity' with the term was the reason for its use in the complaint of the Carniolan Land Estates from 1541/42. In a way, grundstöer was especially, but not only symbolically, the epitome, or rather climax, of trespassing, interfering with one's property and sustenance. That the institution was not recorded as Wüstung is most likely the result of its disuse in Carniola and/or the scribe's German translation of the original Carniolan Slovene expression, which has been lost today.
23 Due to the nature of the Carniolan Land Estates' deputation, ecclesiastic and monastic lordships and estates could perhaps be ruled out.
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GRUNDSTÖER - PUSTOŠENJE KOT MAŠČEVANJE ZA UBOJ MED KRANJSKIMI KMETI V 16. STOLETJU
Žiga OMAN
Inštitut IRRIS za raziskave, razvoj in strategije družbe, kulture in okolja, Čentur 1f, 6273 Marezige, Slovenija e-mail: zigaoman@gmail.com
POVZETEK
Priznani pokojni slovenski pravni zgodovinar Sergij Vilfan je v razpravi iz leta 1943 omenil "posebnost" med kranjskimi kmeti v 16. stoletju, v virih izpričano kot grundstöer (pustošenje). Šlo je za maščevanje uboja z uničenjem storilčevega premoženja namesto z ubojem storilca kot je to pri krvnem maščevanju. Vilfan je do smrti, dobrega pol stoletja kasneje, ostal nekoliko negotov glede tega, če se je grundstöer, ki ga je sprva imel celo za specifičen slovenski običaj, razlikoval od domnevno "nemškega" oziroma germanskega pravnega instituta Wüstung (pustošenje), ki je uboj sankcioniral na enak način. Temeljno razliko je Vilfan videl v izvršitelju pustošenja, saj je grundstöer izvedlo sorodstvo žrtve, Wüstung pa celotna skupnost, sledeč odloku svojih oblasti. V prispevku podana analiza, utemeljena na najnovejših raziskavah maščevanja, pokaže, da sta bila grundstöer in Wüstung v osnovi enak pravni institut, namreč pustošenje, izvirajoč iz oziroma del pravnega običaja (krvnega) maščevanja kot starodavnega sistema reševanja sporov. Pri tem je grundstöer bil kranjska kmečka oziroma podložniška različica pustošenja. Institut prav tako ni germanskega izvora, saj je v različnih oblikah izpričan širom po predmoderni Evropi. Četudi so viri s podatki o institutu grundstöer preskopi, da bi omogočali neizpodbitne trditve, poznavanje običaja maščevanja vendarle omogoča sklep, da je bila skupnost pri izvršitvi pustošenja tudi med kranjskimi kmeti v 16. stoletju prisotna vsaj toliko, da je družini žrtve odobrila izvršitev dejanja.
Ključne besede: grundstöer, Wüstung, pustošenje, maščevanje, krvno maščevanje, reševanje sporov, pravni običaj,
Sergij Vilfan, podložniki, kmeti, Kranjska
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original scientific article	DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2018.31
received: 2017-09-01
POGLEDI VALTAZARA BOGIŠICA NA CRNU GORU I ČRNOGORSKO DRUŠTVO (KRVNA OSVETA - IZMEDU TRADICIJE I MODERNOG DRUŠTVA)
Ivan TEPAVČEVIC
Univerzitet Črne Gore, Filozofski fakultet - Nikšic, Danila Bojovica bb, 81400 Nikšic, Črna Gora
e-mail: tepo40@t-com.me
IZVLEČEK
Članek obravnava do sedaj še ne dovolj osvetljene rezultate Bogišeceve usmeritve pri preučevanju črnogorske družbe s posebnim poudarkom na običaju krvnega maščevanja. S tega vidika je obravnavana Bogišiceva osebnost in njegovo iznajdljivo znanstveno-raziskovalno delo ter zanimanje za preučevanje tega običaja v specifičnih življenjskih okoliščinah črnogorske družbe. Na podlagi njegovih del, zbirke pravnih običajev v Črni gori, Hercegovini in Albaniji, kjer je bila široko zastavljena metoda anketiranja in neposrednih raziskav v družbi, bomo skušali osvetliti odnose nepisanih pravnih običajev in zakonodaje v črnogorski družbi, ki je prešla čez specifične zgodovinsko-politične razvojne faze in spremembe.
Ključne besede: Črna gora, Valtazar Bogišic, črnogorska družba, krvno maščevanje, pravni običaji, črnogorska
zakonodaja
LE OSSERVAZIONI DI VALTAZAR BOGIŠIC SUL MONTENEGRO E SULLA SOCIETA MONTENEGRINA (LA VENDETTA DI SANGUE - FRA TRADIZIONE E SOCIETA MODERNA)
SINTESI
Al centro del presente contributo ci sono i risultati, finora poco evidenziati, dell'interesse di Bogišic volto allo studio della societa montenegrina, con particolare attenzione alla consuetudine della vendetta di sangue. Vengono ana-lizzate da questo punto di vista la personalita di Bogišic e il suo lavoro inventivo di ricerca scientifica, nonche la sua dedizione all'approfondimento di questa consuetudine nelle condizioni di vita proprie della societa montenegrina. In base alle sue opere, ossia la raccolta Le Consuetudini giuridiche del Montenegro, dell'Erzegovina e dell'Albania, inquadrabile come metodo di ricerca di ampia impostazione ed effettuato tra la gente in forma di sondaggio, cerche-remo di fare luce sulle interrelazioni tra le consuetudini giuridiche non scritte e la legislazione nella societa montenegrina, la quale ha attraversato fasi di sviluppo storico-politico e cambiamenti particolari.
Parole chiave: Montenegro, Valtazar Bogišic, societa montenegrina, la vendetta di sangue, consuetudini
giuridiche, legislazione montenegrina
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Kad čovjek, nezasjenjen duševnim okom, pogleda s jedne strane na pravničku nauku s tim što se obično na nju naslanja (pisano zakonarstvo i učeni sudije), a z druge na faktičke odnošaje društveno-pravnoga bivstvovanja narodnog na slovenskom jugu - teško da mu se nece sama so-bom pogledu nametnuti slika, koja, osim što ce ga probuditi k razmišljanju, vec ce mu i na prvi mah ostaviti utisak: kao da megju ta dva življa ne gospoduje baš najbolja harmonija (Bogišic, 1999b, 19).
UVOD
Tijekom XIX stoljeca u Crnu Goru je dolazio veliki broj „izvanjaca",1 čija su stvaralačka iskustva i politički pogledi često predstavljali novine u političkom i kul-turnom životu Crne Gore. Valtazar Bogišic2 spada u red onih izvanjaca koji je svojim djelom značajno doprinio ukupnom kulturno-prosvjetnom preporodu Crne Gore u drugoj polovici XIX stoljeca. Iz njegovog rada sagledava se povezanost južnoslovenskih naroda, duboka prožetost kulture i oslobodilačkih stremljena (Kustudija, 1989, 77).
Istraživanje Valtazara Bogišica u drugoj polovici XIX stoljeca označava novi period znanstvenog pristupa u izučavanju crnogorskog društva, posebno njegove društvene strukture. Zahvaljujuci svestranom znanstvenoi-straživačkom radu Valtazara Bogišica sačuvano je dra-gocjeno svjedočanstvo o strukturi crnogorskog društva u jednom prijelaznom i turbulentnom razdoblju.3 Povi-jest crnogorskog društva krajem XIX stoljeca u stvari je povijest sučeljavanja tradicije i modernizacije. No bez obzira na sve teškoce crnogorsko društvo se mijenja-lo i učvršcivalo svoj socijalni, etnički, vjerski, kulturni i politički mozaik (više vidjeti: Marovic, 1998; Marovic, 2018; Andrijaševic, Rastoder, 2006; Bulajic, 1959; Durovic, 1960; Franetovic, 1960; Strugar, 1960; Vojino-vic, 1989b; Vučkovic, 1972).
Predmet naše analize usmjeren je prema posebnim pitanjima, koja se odnose na Bogišicev značaj i udio u sagledavanju složenih crnogorskih odnosa i društva, s jedne strane, ali i na ispitivanje, rasvjetljavanje i analizu jednog društvenog običaja - krvne osvete, koji je bio prisutan na području Crne Gore, s druge strane. Sve te pojave promatrat cemo u širem povijesnom kontekstu komparativno sagledavajuci takve običaje i u susjednim zemljama.
U radu je iznesen prikaz osnovnih obilježja krvne osvete u Crnoj Gori kao običajnog prava i društvene pojave. Posebno se sagledavaju okolnosti i društveni okvir nastanka krvne osvete i sredine u kojoj se primjenjivala. Svrha ovog rada je analiza konteksta u kojem se krvna osveta manifestira i kakve su joj varijacije kao i poslje-dice u crnogorskoj plemenskoj zajednici. Koje su specifičnosti njenog izvršenja, koja pravila susrijecemo pri izvršavanju, kakvi su oblici mirenja i na koji način je izvodeno, zašto se krvna osveta postojano prilagodava kao običaj novim uvjetima u modernim nacionalnim državama s neovisnim sudstvom, i kao takva postoji u pismenom kodificiranom pravu i na kraju kakav je odnos vlasti i zakona prema ovom običaju; pitanja su koja se postavljaju i na koja se pokušava odgovoriti.
Običaji nijesu ništa vječno i nepromjenljivo i oni se što i Opci imovinski zakonik pokazuje mijenjaju sukla-dno s društvenim i kulturnim razvojem, a ponekad gube moc i iščezavaju. Naročito je to primjetno na prijelazu iz plemenskog života u državnu organizaciju (Vlahovic, 1989, 186).
U suvremenoj teoriji moguca su dva pristupa - jedan po kojem se pravni običaji promatraju isključivo kao povijesna kategorija, i drugi u kojem se pravni običaji promatraju i kao uslovno suvremeni fenomen jer se i u naše vrijeme stvaraju novi običaji. Pravnim običaji-ma bili su u prošlosti regulirani mnogi odnosi i materije. Kad je riječ o Crnoj Gori, najizravnije su vezane za svakodnevni život i njihove uže ili šire društvene zaje-
1	Za kulturno-prosvjetne političke i druge radnike koji su dolazili iz raznih jugoslavenskih zemalja u Crnu Goru uobičajen je naziv „iz-vanjac". Riječ „izvanjac" nastala je u Crnoj Gori u XIX stoljecu, kada su u vecem broju ljudi sa strane počeli da dolaze u ovu zemlju. Medu njima najpoznatiji su: Sima Milutinovic, Dimitrije Milakovic, Dorde Srdic, Milorad Medakovic, Vuk Stefanovic Karadžic, Ljubomir Nenadovic, Jovan Sundečic, Milan Kostic, Simo Popovic, Božo Novakovic, Ilija Beara, Jovan Pavlovic, Jovo Ljepava, Stevo Čuturilo, Laza Kostic, Simo Matavulj, Mihailo Polit Desančic, Jovan Jovanovic Zmaj, Vasa Pelagic, Milan Jovanovic Batut, Josip Slade. Detaljnije o ovome vidjeti: Kustudija, 1995.
2	Valtazar Bogišic (roden u Cavtatu 7. prosinca 1834. umro 24. travnja 1908) bio je akademik, profesor, doktor filozofije i doktor pravnih znanosti, znanstvenik, istraživač, zakonopisac, ministar pravde u Crnoj Gori, čovjek enciklopedijskog znanja, pobornik povijesnopravne, ali i drugih škola, vrsni poznavatelj usmene književnosti, priredivač zbirki narodnih pjesama, poliglota, bibliofil. Gotovo čitav njegov rad posvečen je proučavanju prava, ustanova i običaja slavenskih naroda. Napisao je mnoge rasprave na francuskom i njemačkom. Sagledavajuci Bogišicev opus u cjelini, njegova djela se mogu klasificirati u četiri skupine: radovi o običajnom pravu (prikupljanje i objavljivanje narodnih običaja, zbirke narodnih običaja, teorijski, didaktički radovi o narodnim običajima i običajnom pravu); radovi iz oblasti pravne povijesti; izučavanje obitelji i obiteljskog prava; radovi iz oblasti teorije prava i zakonodavstva. Van ove četiri skupine nalazi se Bogišicevo najvece djelo, Opci imovinski zakonik, kao sinteza i plod njegovog šesnaestogodišnjeg zakonodavnog rada. Važnija djela su: Pravni običaji u Slovena, Privatno pravo (1867), Naputak za opisivanje pravnijeh običaja koji žive u narodu (1866), Pisani zakoni na slovenskom jeziku (1872). Bogišicev znanstveni opus obuhvata oko pedeset objavljenih i desetinu radova koje za života nije stigao objaviti, kao i veliku zbirku dokumenata skupljenih tijekom života (Danilovic, 1999, 339-340).
3	Bogišiceva istraživanja javljaju se u periodu kada Crna Gora nastoji da riješi komplikovane odnose sa Osmanskim carstvom, čija ce eskalacija kulminirati u „Veljem ratu" 1876-1878. Na Berlinskom kongresu 1878. godine Crnoj Gori ce biti priznata neovisnost od onih zemalja koje je do tada nijesu priznavale i na nju ce se odnositi niz članova ovog ugovora koje ce morati da sprovodi u narednim godi-nama (vidjeti: Ražnatovic, 1979; Andrijaševic, Rastoder, 2006).
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Slika 1: Portret Valtazara Bogišica (Vir: Wikimedia Commons).
dnice, materiju svojine, porodične i nasljedne odnose, ekonomske aktivnosti, položaj žene, režim koriščenja zajedničkog zemljišta, kao i odnose u kaznenoj sferi, koji obuhvata i običaj krvne osvete. Krvnu osvetu kao društvenu pojavu treba promatrati kao proces u odrede-nom povijesnom nastanku i prilagodavanju pravnim i socijalno-političkim uslovima, tako da se anatomija od-redenog društva može pratiti od nastajanja pa sve do osvete u docnijim stoječima.
O krvnoj osveti kao svojevrsnom samosudu, koji se javio još u doba bez pisanog prava i organizirane države, postoji bogata povijesnopravna, krivičnopravna, etnološka, običajnopravna, psihološka i druga literatura. Uočljiva su različita shvačanja o prirodi i karakte-ru tog običaja (Durham, 1909; Jelič, 1926; Jelič, 1927; Dučič, 1931; Gje?ovi, 1933; Hasluck, 1954; Vlahovič, Dančetovič, 1961; Pupovci, 1968; Pupovci, 1971; Du-ričič, 1975; Boehm, 1984; Karan, 1985; Ščepanovič, 2003; Čepulo, 2010; Krstič, 2010; Povolo, 2015; Povo-lo, 2017; Ergaver, 2016; Ergaver, 2017; Darovec, 2016; Darovec, 2017).
Krvna osveta je praiskonski oblik pravosuda koji je tijekom vremena doživio evoluciju. Nastala je kao re-
zultat društvenih prilika i načina života. No njeno posto-janje je u izravnoj vezi s tradicijom i nepostojanjem jake države, autoritarnog pravnog poretka i efikasnog sud-stva. Ona je bila način zadovoljenja pravde, ali i zaštite od nasilja, kako individualnog tako i kolektivnog (Jelič, 1926; Ergaver, 2016, 2017). Darko Darovec u najnovi-jem istraživanju o krvnoj osveti zasnovanom na interdisciplinarnim historiografskim i antropološkim studijama rekonstruira običaj krvne osvete sa naglaskom na činu poniženja i pokore u njemu (Darovec, 2017, 57-97).
Tradicionalna pravna povijest XIX i početkom XX stolječa, čija tumačenja i dalje dominiraju novijom historiografijom, formulirala je osvetu kao primitivni stupanj ljudske mentalne, društvene i pravne evolucije (Burckhardt, 1956, 346-350, 362-363; Huizinga, 2011, 9, 19, 29-30; Darovec, 2017, 65).4 Medutim, sredinom XX stolječa povjesničari su počeli primjenjivati istraži-vanja antropologije u rješavanju konflikata i ustanovili da je srednjevjekovno društvo imalo mehanizme za mirno rješavanje i ravnotežu na svim nivoima. Želja za mirom, ukorjenjena u hriščanskom učenju, prožimala je običaje, kanone, pisane zakone (White, 1986; Smail, 2003; Carroll, 2006, 185-233; Darovec, 2018, 73, 74).
4 Takoder ranije lokalne etnografske studije shvačaju običaj kao strašno djelo, da je osveta grda no samo ubistvo. Ona se može otegnuti i za 20 godina. Osveta se zakonom zabranjuje Črnogorcu, ali ako se osveti, onda je on veseo, čini mu se kao da se ponovo rodio, kao da je dobio stotinu megdana (Medakovič, 1860, 112-115).
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Rituali pregovora kao ključnog elementa osvete posto-jali su u svim europskim društvima, podstaknuti principom da nepravda, uključujuci i ubojstvo, može biti zadovoljena novčanim nadoknadama (Darovec et al., 2017, 396; Darovec, 2018, 58).
U Europi običaj krvne osvete zadržao se najdulje, posebno medu Crnogorcima i Albancima, što potvrdu-je i literatura o ovom pitanju.5 Uprkos stereotipnoj slici krvne osvete, koja je prisutna, prikazuje se iracionalno i emocionalno nekontrolisano i necivilizacijski krvi gladno ponašanje. Neka od temeljnih antropoloških i povijesnih studija s kraja XIX i početka XX stoljeca na-glašavaju da je ova pojava primarni sustav socijalnog sankcioniranja tipičan za plemenska uredenja ili za tzv. prvobitna društva (Westermarck, 1906; Heusler, 1911). Tek od XVI stoljeca u centralnoj i zapadnoj Europi javlja se sistemsko ograničavanje običaja krvne osvete, a postizanje mira postepeno je zamijenilo konzistentno kažnjavanje kriminalaca (Povolo, 2015, 196-235).
Prema najnovijim istraživanjima Daroveca, Ergaver i Omana na osvetu treba gledati kao na stanje konflikta, koje proizilazi iz neprijateljstva. Nastaje kada krivnja koja je izazvala konflikt nije prikladno (časno) na odgovarajuci način razriješena, ili kada je nasilan odgovor na povredu, naročito ubojstvo, kulturno pri-hvatljiviji od novčane nadoknade. Stanje medusobnog neprijateljstva traje sve do uspostavljanja trajnog mira. Tek tada se stanje uzajamne mržnje obustavlja i uspo-stavlja se novi društveni odnos - netrpeljivost se za-mjenjuje ljubavlju (Darovec et al., 2017, 403; Ergaver, 2017, 192).
Na području Crne Gore, Albanije i Hercegovine postojala je svijest o povezanosti krvne osvete i uspo-stavljanja mira. Jedan od prvih opisa običaja osvete i pomirenja napravio je Alberto Fortis, koncem XVIII stoljeca na putovanju po Dalmaciji u knjizi Putpo Dalmaciji. Fortis je naveo da su Morlaci ponekad užasni i varvarski zbog svoje nasljedne krvne osvete, ali tvrdi da je čuo kako su u Albaniji efekti krvne osvete još grozniji. On kaže: „U tim je krajevima čovjek najblaže čudi sposoban za najbarbarskiju osvetu vjerujuči stalno da ispunjava svoju dužnost dok je vrši, priklanjajuči se toj ludoj obmani lažne časti uprkos kršenju najsvetijih zakona i kaznama kojima se izvrgava zbog odluke s umišljajem" (Fortis, 1984, 42). Fortis smatra da osveta i pravda medu tim ljudima odgovara istom pojmu koji je prvobitan, i navodi poslovicu „Tko se ne osveti, taj se ne posveti". U ilirskom jeziku osveta znači što i vendetta i santificazione (Fortis, 1984, 42; Ergaver, 2016, 108, 109). Kada je pomenuo Albaniju, Fortis je uputio i na dio Crnogorskog primorja, koji je u to vrijeme pri-padao Venecijanskoj republici.
Opis zakonskih običaja na području Crne Gore dao je njemački putopisac Johann Georg Kohl 1851. godi-
ne, naglasivši da su Črnogorci očuvali tradiciju krvne osvete, te da su svjesni posljedica koje je ona donosila. Apostrofirao je da je običaj krvne osvete prisu-tan u svim plemenskim zajednicama u kojima državna vlast i sudovi nijesu razvijeni, pa sami običaji regiliraju odnose u zajednici i čine suštinu njenog pravosudnog sustava. U zavisnosti od stupnja uvrjede, postojala je obveza placanja krvi, kao i rješavnje spora bez pro-livanja krvi. To je dovodilo do pomirenja, koje je regulirano posebnim pravilima i običajima (Kohl, 2005, 174- 176; Ergaver, 2016, 105).
Krvna osveta, povijesno promatrano, uz otkupninu i protjerivanje iz zajednice koje su dio cijelog običaja osvete, spada u prvobitne oblike društvene represije. U početku bila je usmjerena protiv čitave zajednice po-činitelja delikta koji je uzrok osvete, da bi s razvojem društva evoluirala, ograničavajuci se na krug njegovih najbližih srodnika (Krstic, 2010, 260; Jelic, 1926, 34).
U znanstvenoistraživačkom radu Bogišicevo glavno interesovanje je bilo okrenuto običajnom pravu, izradi Opceg imovinskog zakonika i položaju obitelji kod južnoslavenskih naroda. To su djela iz običajnog prava, pravne povijesti, proučavanja obitelji, teorije i metodologije prava, opce i nacionalne povijesti, djela iz oblasti folkloristike, toponomastike. Bogišic je uzi-mao ono što je najbolje u europskoj pravnoj znanosti, čuvajuci pritom tradicionalno narodno pravo - običaje koji žive u narodu. Pokušao je, još u svojim početnim studijama, da u oblasti etnografskih proučavanja dru-štvenopravnih pojava, postavi tri osnovna pravca u su-stavnom proučavanju i metodskom postupku: narodni jezik, narodni pojmovi čovjeka k nevidljivim bicima i pojavama i narodno pravo. U ovome se, nesumnjivo, odražavao Bogišicev metod kompleksnog, interdisci-plinarnog istraživačkog pristupa (lingvističkog, psiho-analitičkog i pravnopovijesnog). Za predložena prva dva pravca, Bogišic je smatrao da se mogu primijeniti u proučavanjima naših narodnih običaja uopce, „koji još danas žive u narodu", dok je za treci pravac smatrao da se mogu proučavati običaji i u „predašnjim" vreme-nima, iz pisanih izvora i usmenih narodnih predanja, i u „sadašnjem" narodnom životu, što inače u nekim zapadnoeuropskim zemljama u to vrijeme nije bilo moguce istraživati, jer su one bile vec odavno iščezle iz svakodnevnog života njihovih stanovnika (Bogišic, 1927, 10-11). U daljem razvijanju metode svojih is-traživanja Bogišic je zaključio da je „za sve znanstvenike koji se bave izučavanjima čovjeka u društvu", neophodan pravni, sociološki, ekonomski, etnografski, jezički i kulturnopovijesni pristup, a posebno, kao dopunska dokumentacija, i „statistika, koja igra važnu ulogu medu društvenodržavnim naukama", posebno u pravnim odnosima i faktima (Bogišic, 1927, 44-49).
O životu i radu Valtazara Bogišica pisano je do sada
5 Jednu od najznačajnijih referentnih studija o krvnoj osveti napisao je Boehm (1984), u kojoj je dao najsuvremeniju referentnu biblio-grafiju ne samo za područja Crne Gore vec i za druge dijelove svijeta (Boehm, 1984, 253-258).
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više djela, bilo narativno-deskriptivne prirode, bilo znanstveno-analitičkog karaktera s ciljem da se naša i svjetska javnost pobliže upozna s likom i opusom ovog istaknutog znanstvenika (Strohal, 1908; Taranovski, 1934; Peric, 1931; Tasic, 1934; Solovjev, 1935; Konstantinovic, 1938; Dolenc, 1941; Čulinovic, 1963; Vuksan, 1933, 1935a, 1936; Begovic, 1955; Marti-novic, 1958; Borovski, 1938, 1939a, 1939b; Nikče-vic, 1960, 1999; Kadlec, 1903; Pupovci, 1968, 1971, 1996, 2004; Danilovic, 1985, 1999; Nedeljkovic, 1956; Zimmermann, 1962, 1989; Rašovic, 2016; Vi-dali, 2016; Ergaver, 2016, 2017; Darovec et al., 2017; Povolo, 2015, 2017; Darovec, 2016, 2017). Pregledom bibliografskih podataka o tim radovima možemo doci do zaključka, da su o Valtazaru Bogišicu do sada više pisali strani negoli domaci, znanstveni radnici.
Rezultati Bogišicevih istraživanja običajnog prava i plemenskog društva u Crnoj Gori, Hercegovini i sjevernoj Albaniji dugo su bili predmetom pozornosti samo posredno: preko pravnog sadržaja odreda-ba Opcega imovinskog zakonika za Knjaževinu Crnu Coru. Tridesetih godina prošlog stoljeca javlja se je-dna nova komponenta istraživanja Zakonika (Vuksan, 1935a, 1936; Solovjev, 1935; Borovski, 1938, 1939a, 1939b): interesovanje za genezu Zakonika, a posebno za anketu koju je Bogišic sproveo u Crnoj Gori 1873. godine radi prikupljanja grade za Zakonik. Poslije Dru-goga svjetskog rata, na osnovu istraživ anja opsežne grade u Bogišicevom arhivu u Cavtatu, pojavljuju se opsežnije studije: Nika Martinovica (1958, 1964), Ver-nera G. Zimermana (1962), Tomice Nikčevica (1960), Surje Pupovcija (1968) i Jovana Bojovica (1992). O nastanku Zakonika korisne informacije mogu se dobiti iz objavljenih dokumenata ruskih arhiva (Pupovci, 1996; Črnogorski zakonici III, 1998). Iz svih tih teks-tova izvire mnoštvo podataka o cjelokupnom radu na pripremi Zakonika. Oni sadrže i dragocjene podatke o samoj gradi za Zakonik, pa i one podatke koje govore o karakteristikama plemenskog društva u Crnoj Gori, Hercegovini i sjevernoj Albaniji 70-ih i 80-ih godina XIX stoljeca.6 Bilo je to takoder prije poznatih studi-
ja o Albancimai njihovom običajnom pravu, posebno
0	Zakoniku Leke Dukadinija.7 Istorijsko-pravna studija Ilije Jelica (1926) dugo vremena je predstavljala osnov za izučavanje krvne osvete i umira u Crnoj Gori i sjevernoj Albaniji. Albanske i črnogorske običaje prouča-vali su i Mary Edith Durham (Durham, 1909), Margaret Hasluck (Hasluck, 1954) i Christopher Boehm (Boehm, 1984). I u XXI stoljecu interes za proučavanje črnogorskih i albanskih pravnih običaja i tradicije još uvijek je aktuelan (Šcepanovic, 2003; Trnavci, 2008; Resta, 2015; Ergaver 2016, 2017; Darovec, 2016, 2017).
Ukupan Bogišicev rad na istraživanju običajnog prava i plemenskog društva ima izvanredan značaj za suvremena proučavanja tradicionalnih zajednica na Balkanu. Iako je Bogišic svoja istraživanja obavio prije drugih poznatih istraživača običajnog prava i plemena u Crnoj Gori, Hercegovini i Albaniji krajem XIX i u pr-voj polovini XX stoljeca, njegov istraživački rad dugo nije bio dovoljno poznat i vrjednovan; ostao je sve vrijeme u sjenci njegovog najvažnijeg djela Opcega imovinskog zakonika za Knjaževinu Crnu Goru, koji je stupio na snagu 1888. godine. Anketa je bila izradena
1	kao pomocni materijal za Opci imovinski zakonik. A Bogišic se u pripremi Zakonika opredelio za metod in-korporiranja onih normi običajnog prava koje su bile duboko ukorijenjene u životu plemenskog društva u Crnoj Gori, i to u vrijeme (osma i deveta decenija XIX stoljeca) kad je taj tip arhaične organizacije tradicio-nalnog društva u Crnoj Gori bio veoma živ. Zato su izradi Zakonika prethodila Bogišiceva istraživanja običajnog prava u ondašnjoj Crnoj Gori, a djelimično i u susjednoj Hercegovini i u sjevernoj Albaniji, čime je on dublje upoznao strukturu plemenskog društva ovih balkanskih regija. Taj istraživački posao obavio je kao iskusni istraživač i znanstvenik širokog obrazo-vanja, pa otuda i veliki broj pitanja koja je obradio u suradnji sa svojim obavještenim informatorima za područja Crne Gore, Hercegovine i sjeverne Albanije.8 Upoznavanje običajnog prava i faktičkog stanja na terenu dalo je Bogišicu inspiraciju za dodatna sociološka proučavanja plemenskog društva u Crnoj Gori i
6	Ti su podaci nastali prije čuvenog djela Drevno društvo (1877) Luisa H. Morgana (Morgan, 1981), u kojem se pominju i tradicionalna patrijarhalna društva na Balkanu, a dvije i po decenije prije opsežnih studija Pavla Apolonoviča Rovinskog o crnogorskim plemenima (u okviru četvorotomnog djela o Crnoj Gori) (Rovinski, 1881-1915) i tri decenije prije početka (1902) čuvene serije antropogeografskih studija Naselja srpskih zemalja, u izdanju Srpske akademije nauka. U okviru ove edicije, koju je osmislio i započeo čuveni geograf i antropolog Jovan Cvijic, objavljeni su rezultati terenskih istraživanja plemena i plemenskih oblasti Crne Gore (Drobnjaci, Vasojevici, Kuči, Bratonožici, Piperi, Bjelopavlici, Pješivci, Stara Crna Gora, Riječka Nahija, Zeta i Lješkopolje, Crnogorsko primorje i Krajina, Srednje Polimlje i Potarje, Plavsko-gusinjska oblast, Polimlje, Velika i Šekular itd.), Hercegovine (Bilecke Rudine, 5uma, Površ i Zupci, Hercegovina) i susjednih oblasti sjeverne Albanije (Skadarska Malesija) (Čelikovic, 2011). U to vrijeme objavljena su i djela znamenitog crnogorskog vojvode Marka Miljanova Popovica o plemenu Kuči i o Arbanasima (Miljanov, 1904; Miljanov, 1904-1905; Miljanov, 1967).
7	O istraživanju albanskog običajnog prava, a posebno o istraživanjima Zakonika Leke Dukadinija vidi u Pupovci, 1968.
8	Da bi dobio što pouzdanije informacije, Bogišic je za svaku oblast (odredenu društveno-ekonomsku i prostornu cjelinu) odredio po jednog izvjestitelja (respodenta). To su bili najugledniji ljudi, poznavaoci narodnog života i najodgovornije ličnosti iz državnog i pravo-sudnog sustava Crne Gore. Tako je za Crnu Goru odreden vojvoda Duro Matanovic (stara Crna Gora i Katunska Nahija). Za pojedine odjeljke odgovore su davali vojvoda Jole Piletic za Brda i Pipere i crnogorski mitroploit Visarion Ljubiša za odjeljak o crkvenom pravu. Duro Cerovic je bio zadužen za Gornju Hercegovinu; tj. od granice crnogorske i bosanske pa do Mostara i Konjičke Cuprije, dakle za gotovo svu Hercegovinu i vojvoda Marko Miljanov za Albaniju, neposredno za plemena Skadarske Malesije (Grude, Hote i Kastriote), ali sa naglaskom da slični običaji bivaju i u drugim albanskim plemenima (Vujoševic, 1989, 104; Bogišic, 1999c, 18; Nikčevic, 1999, 18).
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susjednim predjelima Hercegovine i sjeverne Albanije. U vezi s tim usavršavao je svoje istraživačke metode i došao je do dragocene grade, koju nije stigao da pretvori u cjelovite naučne studije. Ta grada, pohranjena u njegovom arhivu u Cavtatu, čeka na dostojnu naučnu obradu, na osnovu čega bi se dala šire rekonstruirati jedna značajna faza u procesu trajanja i promjena ple-menskog društva navedenih balkanskih regija u drugoj polovici XIX stoljeca (Nikčevic, 1999, 13-26).
Zbog svega navedenog rezultati Bogišicevih istraži-vanja crnogorskog društva zaslužuju da budu predmet naučne pozornosti i da budu vrjednovani iz jednog dru-gačijeg ugla. Bogišiceva knjiga Pravni običaji u Crnoj Gori, Hercegovini i Albaniji (anketa iz 1873. godine) daje mnoštvo raznovrsnog materijala o običajnom pravu Crne Gore i susjednih zemalja (Hercegovine i sjeverne Albanije) onoga vremena, kao i o državno-prav-nom poretku tadašnje Crne Gore. Stoga njeni rezultati mogu biti predmet različitih analiza i istraživanja, pa i danas pobuduju pozornost istraživača, pogotovo zbog toga što za neke probleme predstavlja izuzetne ili je-dine izvore za proučavanje. Primjecujemo da i pored velikog interesovanja u znanosti za ovu anketu, Bogi-šicevi rezultati ankete iz 1873.9 godine nijesu dovolj-no iskorišteni u znanstveno-istraživačke svrhe, pa se namece kao značajan znanstveno-analitički zadatak suvremenim i buducim istraživačima da do maksimuma iskoriste rezultate ove ankete. Interesantno je uočiti da u dosadašnjoj literaturi o Bogišicevoj anketi10 predmetom istraživanja nijesu bila obuhvacena društvena pitanja, a jedno od njih je i običaj krvne osvete. Go-dine 1866. Valtazar Bogišic je izradio anketu od 352 pitanja,11 a 1870. godine, odlazeci na Kavkaz, od oko 1000 pitanja, jer je uvidio da mora proširiti listu pitanja, a što mu je koristilo za kasnija istraživanja pravnih običaja u Crnoj Gori (Vojinovic, 1989a, 90). U svom izvještaju upucenom Stremouhovu (februar, 1874) Bogišic kaže „da je upitnike popunjavao u vrijeme kad je bio slobodan od zasijedanja i rada u arhivu i sudovima na Cetinju", te da je ispitivanja na osnovu izloženog
kvestionara predstavljalo „jedan od glavnih" njegovih poslova u Crnoj Gori, a njime se bavio „na kolektivnim sjednicama koje su trajale po oko sedam sati dnevno". Od dvadeset „oblasti" (odsjeka) za koje je na tim zasi-jedanjima postavljao pitanja i zapisivao dobijene odgovore, za nas su značajne glave 10. Krivično pravo; 11. Sudski postupak van suda; 12. Sudski postupak u sudu; 18. Krvna osveta. Preko ovih odgovora može se pokazati jedna cjelokupna slika i može se shvatiti krvna osveta u drugoj polovici XIX stoljeca na prostoru Crne Gore.
Anketa je imala značajnu ulogu u koncipiranju i pisanju Opčeg imovinskog zakonika. Bogišic je koristio i druge izvore podataka, kao što su neposredno proma-tranje, neformalni razgovori, crnogorske isprave (pa-štrovske, grbljanske i starocrnogorske), fondovi crno-gorskih redovnih sudova i Senata. Bogišic se upoznao i sa crnogorskim zakonikom Stega (1796), Zakonikom vladike Petra I (1798-1803) i Zakonikom knjaza Danila (1855), kao i sa arhivama državnih institucija (Crno-gorski zakonici, III, 1988, 336). Nadalje, upoznao se sa praksom Senata, obišao neke od kapetanskih sudova, posjetio sudove u Podgorici, Spužu, Nikšicu. Na temelju tog rada stekao je jasnu sliku o važecem pravnom poretku Crne Gore (Lukovic, 2009, 87).
Valtazar Bogišic unutar pravne povijesti istražuje uzrok, povod i posljedice ponašanja pojedinca, primarne grupe, posebne obitelji (familije) - zadruge, seosko društvo, društvo u cjelini. Kucna zadruga je bila „svijet za sebe", mikrokozmos u malom. U njoj je život bio zasnovan na vjekovima izgradenim običajima i navika-ma.12 Bogišic je sasvim ispravno primijetio, a na to su utjecale objektivne društvene okolnosti, da je obitelj u njegovom vremenu bila osnovni oblik društvenog života. Zato je on pošao od ispravnog metodološkog principa: ako je ispita i objasni, onda ce se lakše i svestranije istražiti i objasniti i ostali oblici društvenosti. Mnogi pravni i narodni običaji vezani su za obitelj i obiteljski život (Vujoševic, 1989, 100). Crnogorci i Albanci pri-padaju onim rijetkim zajednicama Balkana i Europe,
9	Sa popisom običaja za zbirku Pravni običaji u Crnoj Gori, Hercegovini i Albaniji Bogišic je počeo 1873. pošto je pripremio za tisak u izdanju Jugoslavenske akademije u Zagrebu knjigu Zbornik sadašnjih pravnih običaja u južnih Slovena. Knjiga I. Grada u odgovorima iz različnih krajeva slovenskog juga (1874). „U ovoj knjizi, koju smatram tek kao prvi ozbiljan početak u radnjam svoje vrste, ali kojim če se nauka mori directe sližiti (kao što več u predgovoru kazah) tek kad bude popravljena i popunjena - bilo je neobično mnogo šuma i govora, mnogo više nego što vrijedi, i to ne samo u slavenskim nego i u tudim literaturama" (Bogišic, 1999e, 21). Bogišic je završne poslove na pripremi ove obimne knjige obavio u vremenu kada se vec nalazio u kodifikatorskoj misiji u Crnoj Gori, ali nije bilo mogucnosti da u nju uvrsti i rezultate istraživanja u Crnoj Gori koje je obavio tijekom 1873. godine (Lukovic, 2009, 56). U duhu naslova nekih Bogišicevih djela koje je on objavio za života, ova arhivska zbirka pod Bogišicevim imenom nazvana je Pravni običaji u Crnoj Gori, Hercegovini i Albaniji (anketa iz 1873. g) (Bogišic, 1999c).
10	Medu autorima koji su se bavili Bogišicevom anketom, posebno treba istaknuti A. Solovjeva, S. Borovskog, B. Nedeljkovica, B. Martinovica, S. Pupovcija i T. Nikčevica. T. Nikčevic je najpotpunije prezentirao anketu i njene rezultate. Riječ je o anketi iz 1873. godine i njenim dopunama iz 1892-1898. godine, koja se pojavila u izdanju CANU, Srpske, Bosanske i Kosovske akademije nauka i Istorijskog instituta, Titograd, 1984 (Vujoševic, 1989, 97). Surija Pupovci objavio je sistematsko proučavanje Bogišiceve ankete i drugih relevantnih izvora, što mu je poslužilo za iscrpnu analizu gradanskog običajnog prava za Albaniju, objavljenu pod naslovom Gradansko-pravni odnosi u Zakoniku Leke Dukadinija (Pupovci, 1968).
11	Prvu verziju svog upitnika Bogišic je objavio pod naslovom Naputak za opisivanje pravnijeh običaja koji u narodu živu, u Književniku, III, 1867. sa 347 pitanja. Iste godine objavljeno je i drugo i trece izdanje sa 352 pitanja u njegovoj zbirci Zbornik (Nikčevic, 1999, 17).
12	U vezi s tim, Vaso Čubrilovic piše: „Život jedne zadruge je bio sav isprepletan raznim kultovima i običajima [...]" (Čubrilovic, 1960, 730; vidjeti: Vojinovic, 1989a, 89; Vuksan, 1 933, 137).
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gdje su se patrijarhalni oblici kako u društvu tako i u obitelji dugo zadržali. Nizak nivo društvenog razvoja u odnosu na druge narode unutar Balkana ogleda se ne samo na nivou materijalne i duhovne kulture, vec i na osnovu društvenog organiziranja života. Oblici tog pa-trijarhalnog života se ogledaju kroz zadržavanje institucije zadružne obitelji, čija je karakteristika veliki broj članova, zajednički posjed i sredstva za proizvodnju, zajednička proizvodnja i potrošnja, kao i zajedničko stanovanje (Bartl, 2001, 15; Kovijanic, 1974, 131, 143, 189; Čubrilovic, 1956, 35; Marovic, 2018, 107-110). Bogišiceva namjera sa anketom je bila da pomocu nje pristupi izradi crnogorskog kodeksa, pa je logično da je uzeo u obzir tadašnje granice Crne Gore i njene političko-teritorijalne jedinice u okvirima kako su bile utvrdene poslije razgraničenja sa Turskom 1858. i 1859. godine kada su u njen sustav ušli Grahovo, Ru-dine, Banjani, dio Drobnjaka, Župa Nikšicka, Uskoci i veci dio Vasojevica, s tim što su se u njenom sustavu vec ranije nalazili Kuči sa mješovitim crnogorskim i albanskim stanovništvom čije je običajno pravo bilo za Bogišica u postupku kodifikacije od velikog značaja i iz praktičnih i znanstvenih razloga. Ovakvo opredje-ljenje svakako je zahtijevalo da se anketa proširi i na albansko i hercegovačko stanovnistvo u granicama ta-dašnje Crne Gore. Medutim, anketni postupak nije mo-gao biti ograničen samo na državne okvire Crne Gore, jer su izvjestioci davali odgovore i za šira područja, što je obuhvatalo cijelu Hercegovinu, zatim plemena skadarske Malesije (Nikčevic, 1999, 18).
POGLEDI VALTAZARA BOGIŠICA NA ČRNOGORSKO DRUŠTVO
U vrijeme pojavljivanja Bogišiceve Ankete Knjaže-vina Crna Gora je teritorijalno zahvatala prostor 4 na-hije (Katunsku, Riječku, Lješansku i Crmničku), oblasti Bjelopavlica, Pipera, Rovaca, Morače, jedan dio plemena Kuča, Drobnjaka, Grahovski kraj, Nikšicke Rudine, Župu Nikšicku, Uskoke, Gornje Lipovo i Gornje Vasojevice. Ovaj prostor zahvatao je površinu od 4.400 km2, a kako preciznih popisa u to vrijeme nije bilo smatra se da je na teritoriji Knjaževine živjelo iz-medu 125.000-130.000 stanovnika. Država je bila bez izlaza na more, bez kolskih puteva, bez znatnije trgovine i zanatstva (nešto razvijenija gradska naselja: Podgorica, Nikšic, Kolašin i gradovi na Crnogorskom pri-morju bili su pod turskom ili austro-ugarskom vlašcu). Uprkos tome u njoj se dogadaju odredene promjene. Godine 1868. formirana je Cetinjska čitaonica, a nare-dne 1869. godine uveden je u Crnoj Gori telegraf (Bo-gišic, 1999c, 226). Iste godine otvorena je Črnogorska Bogoslovija i Devojački institut Marije Aleksandrovne. Po popisu iz 1871. godine u Crnoj Gori bila je otvorena 31 osnovna škola sa 1424 učenika (Crnogorac,
I/1871, 7, 28), a sljedece godine postoje 42 osnovne škole (Pejovic, 1971, 100, 370). U ovo vrijeme Cetinje kao crnogorska prijestonica ima 115 kuca i oko 500 stanovnika. Godine 1864. podignuta je prva moderna kuca (hotel) poznata pod imenom „Lokanda", koja ce odigrati značajnu kulturnu ulogu - u njoj ce se uredi-vati i prve crnogorske novine. Godine 1867. dovršen je knjažev dvorac, a 1871. i zgrada Devojačkog instituta. Te godine je započeta gradnja i bolnice Danilo I, koja je završena 1873.
U vrijeme knjaza Danila, a posebno knjaza Niko-le jačaju napori za sticanje medunarodnog priznanja i podstiču se aspiracije za teritorijalno proširenje prema susjednim oblastima. Težnja da se ostvare ovi ciljevi državne politike predstavlja svakako dominantan čini-lac u njenoj državno-političkoj akciji i strategiji u ovome periodu.13
Nove prilike u zemlji uvjetovane teritorijalnim pro-širenjem i stjecanjem neovisnosti na Berlinskom kongresu 1878. godine, zahtijevale su i promjenu u načinu funkcioniranja državnog aparata. Početkom 1879. godine na Cetinju je ukinut Senat i okružna nadleštva, a ustanovljeni su Državni savjet, Ministarstvo sa šest odjeljenja i Veliki sud. Broj kapetanija sa ranijih 46 povecan je na 85 (1879. godine). Uvedena je nova administrativno teritorijalna podjela Crne Gore na deset nahija - oblasti, a ove su se dijelile na kapetanije. Bilo je šest ministarstava (vanjskih, unutarnjih djela i grade-vina, pravosuda, prosvjete, vojske i financija). Odvo-jena je administrativna i sudska vlast (Andrijaševic, 2017, 236).
Za Crnu Goru, poslije Berlinskog kongresa, nastalo je „novo doba", koje je donijelo velike promjene u njenoj novovjekovnoj povijesti. Više nego dvostru-ko ce biti teritorijalno uvecana, dobivši izlaz na more, nekoliko gradova sa razvijenom zanatsko-trgovačkom djelatnošcu i mnoge plodne oblasti ce se naci u njenom sustavu (Andrijaševic, 2017, 225). U povijesnom smislu presudno je razdoblje koje nastaje od 1878. godine, kada je Črna Gora stekla državnu neovisnost, odnosno dobila status subjekta medunarodnog prava. Berlinski ugovor je odredio okvir, ali u Crnoj Gori je došlo do oštrog sukoba oko toga čime da se taj okvir ispuni. Sadržaj unutarnje politike bio je uvjetovan odnosom prema dovršenju nacionalnog oslobodenja. Tada se kristalisala jedna od najvažnijih konstanti razvoja Crne Gore u moderno doba. Političke reforme idu zajedno sa reformama u ekonomiji, donosi se čitav set financijskih zakona i trgovinskih konvencija, zakoni u obrazovanju i prosvjeti, koji su važni za funkcionisan-je ključnih institucija države. Doneseno je oko četr-desetak zakona, medu njima i Opci imovinski zakonik 1888. godine (Crnogorski zakonici III, 1998).
I pored svih zaostataka ranijih društvenih odnosa, Crna Gora je krajem XIX stoljeca, to jest u doba nastan-
13 O ovome vidjeti: Pavicevic, 2004; Andrijaševic, Rastoder, 2006; Jovanovic, 2001; Tomanovic, 1998; Andrijaševic, 1997.
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ka Opceg imovinskog zakonika, bila uveliko stupila na put izgradnje modernog gradanskog društva (Blago-jevic, 1989, 48). Prostorno mala Crna Gora (teritorija Crne Gore 1900. godine iznosila je oko 9.475 km2) u kojoj je narod jedva znao da postoje zakonodavstva, zemlja s vrlo skučenim razvojnim potencialom, u stalnoj ratnoj stiješnjenosti, s ratničkim angažiranjem, preuzela je veliki zakonodavni iskorak i stala daleko ispred niza ekonomski, duhovno, civilizacijski razvije-nijih zemalja (Šukovic, 1989, 14).
U Crnu Goru Bogišic je otišao po nalogu ruskog cara Aleksandra II da, na zahtjev knjaza Nikole, obavi kodifikaciju crnogorskog prava. Poslan je kao najpogo-dnija ličnost koja ce obaviti taj posao, ali je inicijati-va da to bude on, bila Knjaževa, koji u pismu ruskom konzulu u Dubrovniku kaže da bi Bogišic „bio čov-jek najpodobniji za takav poduhvat, kako po svojem opširnom i opšte priznatom juridičkom znanju, tako i po tome, što su njemu kao rodenom Dubrovčaninu i Srbinu potpuno poznate i prirode ovoga naroda i potrebe ove zemlje".14 Cetinjski „Glas Črnogorca" 1873. godine obavještava da je Bogišic došao na Cetinje „u dobri čas" i otpočeo rad na Zakoniku (Glas Črnogorca, 1873, 1, 4).
Bogišic je knjazu posebnim člankom u „Glasu Črnogorca" od 23. lipnja/ 3. srpnja nagovijestio da se
„hoce godina za izradu dobrog zakonika i godina za sami prethodni rad". Ističuci specifičnosti Crne Gore i, s tim u vezi, svoje kodifikatorske misije, Bogišic je u navedenom novinskom članku izložio plan „predu-gotovne radnje", koji je vec dobio knjaževu potvrdu, a koji se „vec i vršiti počeo" (Glas Črnogorca, 1873, 10, 1), a imao je pet cjelina, koje je valjalo sukcesivno realizirati.15
Za njega je pitanje strukture crnogorskog društva bilo od primarne važnosti za koncipiranje pristupnih ideja o sadržini samog zakonskog teksta.
Do pojave Valtazara Bogišica Črnogorci su prikazivani s dosta subjektivizma. Iz različitih pobuda Črnu Goru su posjetili, u prvoj polovici XIX vijeka, mnogi strani putopisci i ostavili zanimljiva svjedočan-stva o Črnoj Gori iz kojih se vidi djelomično i struktura crnogorskog društva. Tu su svjedočanstva pukovnika Vijale de Somijera,16 guvernera kotorske oblasti, koji je napisao putopisno-povijesnu knjigu o Črnoj Gori; zatim Anrija Delarija17 čija je knjiga objavljena u Parizu 1862. i knjiga Turci i Črnogorci, objavljena u Parizu 1866, Fransoa Lenormana.18 Medu važnije istraživače spada i ruski znanstvenik Pavle Rovinski, koji je osta-vio značajne izvore za proučavanje crnogorskog društva (Rovinski, 1881-1915).19 Od poznatijih stranaca vrijedne radove ostavili su: Vladimir Bronevski,20 ru-
14	Ovo pismo napisano konzulu Joninu u rujnu 1872. objavio je Dušan Vuksan u radu Geneza Opšteg imovinskog zakonika, u Četinjskim Zapisima u dva broja u veljači i ožujku 1933. godine (Vuksan, 1933, 78-88; 135-144).
15	1. Sastavljanje velikog i cjelovitog sistemskog programa u formi pitanja za opisivanje statističkih, ekonomskih, psiholoških, pravnih, administrativnih i uopšte socioloških odnosa, koji postoje de facto u knjaževini crnogorskoj, i ukoliko je moguce da se vidi istorijski razvitak pojedinih instituta i odnosa.
2.	Ispitivanje na temelju navedenog programa (questionaire) starijih ljudi koji dobro poznaju Crnu Goru, njezine običaje, potrebe, sud i druge prilike, te su se dosad bavili sudbenim i administrativnim poslovima, kao i zapisivanje njihova kazivanja.
3.	Često prisustvo u senatu pri sudenju, pretresanju, raspravi i rješavanju sudnih predmeta s jedne i administrativnih poslova s druge strane, da bi se neposredno mogao spoznati s dosadanjom praksom suda i uprave.
4.	Izučavanje glavnijih presudenih poslova (res judicatae) i prakse u poslovima uprave prošlih godina, na osnovu protokola i akta sud-benih i administrativnih, koji se nalaze u arhivi senata i u drugim središtnim uredima na Četinju.
5.	Putovanje po različnim predjelima Crne Gore i Brda (Glas Črnogorca, 1873, 10, 1).
16	Vialu De Somijera je vojničko službovanje dovelo u Crnu Goru i dalo mu analitičniji prikaz Črnogoraca, njihove historije, tradicije. Njegova knjiga Istorijsko i političko putovanje u Crnu Goru sadrži porijeklo Crnogoraca, autohtonog ili starosjedjelačkog; topografski, slikovni i statistički opis zemlje; način života ovog naroda, običaje, navike; upravnu vlast, zakonodavstvo, političke odnose, vjeroispovi-jest, zanimljive i čudne vjerske običaje; opis hrabrosti, plemenitosti, ali i okrutnosti svojstvenog ovom narodu. Iznenaden je potčinjenim položajem žene, ali i činjenicom da se čast ne kupuje, da je etički kodeks ispred ljubavi, da je riječ vrjednija od svakog papira. Posebno je slikovit opis krvne osvete i umira krvi. On kaže da je kod prosvjecenih naroda svaki član društva svjestan da treba računati na javnu kaznu, medutim, Crnogorci slijede impuls prirode i javno se prepuštaju želji za osvetom (Somijer, 1995).
17	Delari u knjizi Crna Gora pored povijesti daje opis naravi, običaja, zakonodavstva, političkog uredenja, zatim zvaničnih dokumenata i spisa (Marmonovo pismo vladici Petru Drugom, Akt o razgraničenju izmedu Austrije i Crne Gore, dokumenti o razgraničenju izmedu Turske i Crne Gore, Nota koju je Porta predala grofu Lajningenu 14. februara 1 853. Zakonik Crne Gore iz 1855), a knjiga je dopunjena i kartom Crne Gore i susjednih zemalja iz 1862. godine. Anri Delari je bio sekretar knjaza Danila od 1856. do 1859. godine. Delari je bio zadužen za mnoge značajne misije u Albaniji, Dalmaciji, Beču i Parizu, a mnogo je doprinio da se populariše stvar Crne Gore, da se za nju zainteresuje suveren i pridobiju diplomate i ljudi sa francuskog dvora (Delari, 2003).
18	Ugledni francuski naučnik Fransoa Lenorman objavio je knjigu (Tures et Montenegrinest, Paris, 1866.) u kojoj je istakao da je „mitropolit Petar I Petrovič sigurno jedan od najznačajnijih ljudi koje je Crna Gora ikada dala". (Lenorman, 2002).
19	P. A. Rovinski je 27 godina proveo u Crnoj Gori. Objavio je 1888-1915. na ruskom jeziku (u tri toma sa šest „časti") djelo Crna Gora u prošlosti i sadašnjosti. U drugom tomu iz 1897. godine opširnije govori o plemenima u Crnoj Gori. Vidi Rovinski, 1993.
20	Ruski oficir Bronevski za vrijeme ekspedicije ruske flote 1806-1807. na Jadranu u slobodnom vremenu obilazio je Crnu Goru. Podrobno je opisao geografske karakteristike i administrativno ustrojstvo države, njenu povijest, sustav upravljanja, sudstvo. Dao je portret Petra I Petrovica, ali i sliku karaktera i običaja Crnogoraca, kao i običaj krvne osvete i umira kod Crnogoraca (Bronevski, 1995).
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ski konzul u Dubrovniku, Frile & Vlahovic,21 njemač-ki pisac Kaper,22 ruski diplomata Jegor Kovaljevski,23 Viljem Denton,24 Konstantin Petkovic,25 Jan Vaclik,26 Milorad Medakovic,27 Sima Milutinovic,28 Ljubomir Nenadovic,29 Vuk Stefanovic Karadžic30 i dr. Od do-
macih intelektualaca za izučavanje crnogorskog društva poseban značaj ima stvaralaštvo Petra I31 i Petra II Petrovica Njegoša.32
Valtazar Bogišic je prije dolaska u Crnu Goru u svojim predavanjima na sveučilištu u Odesi vec razmotrio
21	Gabrijel Frile i Jovan Vlahovic objavili su u Parizu 1876. poslije boravka u Crnoj Gori knjigu Suvremena Crna Gora u kojoj govore o Ivanovom kultu kod Crnogoraca (Frile, Vlahovic, 2001).
22	Njemački pisac Sigmund Kaper boravio je dva puta u Crnoj Gori 1875. i 1876. godine, a potom je tekstove o Crnogorcima objavljivao u njemačkim časopisima. Privrženost otadžbini, ljubav prema slobodi, smjelost do drskosti, hrabrost do ludosti, strogo poštivanje običaja i reda u kuci i obitelji, samo su neke od osobina koje je primijetio tijekom svog boravka u Crnoj Gori (Kaper, 1999).
23	Ruski oficir, inžinjer i diplomata Jegor Kovaljevski, koji je više puta boravio u Crnoj Gori, početkom lipnja 1838. godine po nalogu ruskog dvora došao je na Cetinje i sa Njegošem bio u svakodnevnom druženju tijekom četiri ljetnja mjeseca. Iz ove posjete nastao je putopis Crna Gora i slovenske zemlje. U njemu govori i o običaju krvne osvete koji vladika zabranjuje, ali on je duboko pustio svoje korijene i dalje se sprovodi (Kovaljevski, 1999).
24	Viljem Denton, sveštenik anglikanske crkve, ostavio je svjedočenje o Crnoj Gori, njenom narodu i povijesti, ali i krvnoj osveti „koja je oduvijek postojala" (Denton, 1996).
25	Publicističko djelo Konstantina Petkovica Crna Gora i Črnogorci predstavlja jednu sveobuhvatnu monografiju o Crnoj Gori publiko-vanu u Petrovgradu na ruskom jeziku 1877. godine. Imajuci mogucnost da u svojstvu ruskog diplomatskog službenika često posjecuje Crnu Goru, da održava kontakte sa rukovodecim ličnostima Crne Gore, Konstantin Petrovič se javlja u ulozi konstruktivnog posrednika izmedu Rusije i Crne Gore (Petkovic, 2005).
26	Češki publicist i političar Jan Vaclik, jedna je od značajnih ličnosti u okviru crnogorsko-čeških odnosa. Od kraja 50-ih do druge polovice 60-ih godina XIX stoljeca radio je za crnogorske knjaževe Danila (1826-1860) i Nikolu (1841-1921). Godine 1856. u Parizu se upoznaje s crnogorskim knjazom Danilom, koji u to doba pokušava da za svoju zemlju definitivno izbori položaj medunarodno priznate neovisne države i u tom smislu nastoji da utječe na europske velesile. Vaclik je nakon toga u cetinjskom arhivu pronašao dokumente, koji su ilustrovali povijest faktičke crnogorske neovisnosti od Turske, te je na temelju njih 1858. godine napisao spis La souverainté du Monténégro et le droit des gens modernes de l'Europe. Crnogorski knjaz je ovu njegovu brošuru razaslao vladama europskih zemalja, a 1860. godine češkog publicistu imenovao je za svog sekretara. Nakon što je Danilo u kolovozu iste godine ubijen, Vaclik ostaje u crnogorskoj službi kao sekretar novog knjaza, Nikole, sve do 1868. godine. Učestvovao je u formiranju inostrane politike, izmedu ostalog i kao prvi crnogorski konzul u Skadru (Vaclik, 1996).
27	Srpski istoričar, novinar i diplomata Milorad Medakovic bio je sekretar knjaza Danila, saradnik Petra II, jedan od biografa Njegoševih. Njegovo najznačajnije djelo je Život i običaji Crnogoraca izašlo u Novom Sadu 1860. godine. On piše da su nekad skoro sva crnogorska plemena bila u medusobnom pokolju tako da Crnogorac nije smio poci iz jednog sela u drugo. Nedostajala je snažna vlast koja bi bila u stanju da prekine ovo zlo koje zatire ljude. Osveta je nešto što je inherentno čovjeku, pa je bolje umrijeti nego živjeti sramotno. Po njemu kod Crnogoraca nije razvijena svijest da budu svjesni posljedica krvne osvete. Osveta je i zlo i grijeh (Medakovic, 1860, 113-115).
28	Sima Milutinovic Sarajlija 1827. godine dolazi u Crnu Goru i postaje sekretar Petra I i učitelj njegovog sinovca Rada, kasnije Petra II. Poznato je njegovo djelo Istorija Crne Gore od iskona do najnovijih vremena (Milutinovic, 1835).
29	Ljubomir Nenadovic, srpski književnik, diplomata i ministrar prosvjete, nekoliko godina je proveo u Crnoj Gori kod knjaza Nikole. Autor je pet knjiga pisanih u obliku pisama, od kojih su O Crnogorcima (Pisma sa Cetinja 1878. godine) najzanimljivija stampana u Novom Sadu 1889. godine. Pošto je bio u knjaževoj pratnji, njegovi opisi su dosta idealisani, ali svakako interesantni i zanimljivi. On smatra da su u Crnoj Gori običaji sačuvali najstarije forme i oblike, pa ih je i svojim opisima naročito isticao kao primjere „čojstva i obraza". U pismima o Crnogorcima navodi da su plahovitost, osvetoljubivost (krvna osveta) i nerijetko jezivi neljudski postupci (kao što je odsije-canje glave ubijenim neprijateljima) crte koje bacaju sjenku na ostale osobine Crnogoraca kao što su poštenje, dobrodušnost, poštovanje života i imovine u sopstvenoj zemlji (Nenadovic, 1889).
30	Vuk Stefanovic Karadžic je napisao djelo Crna Gora i Crnogorci, koje je objavljeno na njemačkom jeziku 1 83 7. godine (Karadžic, 1 83 7). Karadžic smatra da je krvna osveta u Crnoj Gori takvih razmjera da liči na gradanski rat - jedni drugima ruše kuce, otimaju stoku, uništavaju plodove, usjeve, izvore i bunare (Karadžic, 1 953). U svojim opisima crnogorskih običaja Karadžic saopštava kako su se društveno neprihvatljive norme u crnogorskom plemenu kažnjavale na principu „oko za oko, zub za zub". Uvodeci čitatelja u opis krvne osvete naglašava kako su se najstrože kažnjavale krade i ubojstva, a krada se placala u sedmerostrukoj vrijednosti. U okolnostima gdje je svatko odgovoran za sebe i svoju obitelj, gdje se smatra da netko nije sposoban ili hrabar obraniti se ako to ne učini - javlja se krvna osveta. Ponajprije se to dogada radi razumijevanja kodeksa časti i sramote. Karadžic navodi da je svaki Crnogorac slobodan živjeti životom kojeg odabere, bez osude društva, ukoliko je sposoban sam za sebe biti odgovoran i samostalno se obraniti. Opisuje običaj da se sačuva krvava košulja ili kakav drugi dio odjece, kako bi podsjecala na nenamireni dug. To se manifestiralo posebno medu ženama ako bi ostale udovice ili s malenom djecom, iako je navedeno da su žene bile oslobodene osvete kao i djeca (Karadžic, 1 953).
31	Petar I Petrovic Njegoš Crnom Gorom i Crnogorcima upravljao je zakonskom stegom i pravnim normama kao i ličnim autoritetom, moralnim načelima, svojom mocnom riječju. Od 1 785. godine pisao je poslanice narodu, plemenima, bratstvima i glavarima i na taj način komunicirao sa njima, podučavao ih i sjetovao. Ostalo je sačuvano 332 poslanice. Tu je data slika crnogorske života tog vremena (Milovic, 1987, 1988; Vuksan, 1951; Pavicevic, 1997).
32	O Petru II Petrovicu Njegošu pisali su mnogobrojni autori koji si isticali razne segmente života, književnog rada, političkog djelovanja crnogorskog mitropolita. Bibliografija o Njegošu do sada sadrži više od 34.000 bibliografskih jedinica, od čega je oko 700 monografskih publikacija na jezicima južnoslovenskih naroda i oko 1800 jedinica na stranim jezicima (Digitalna kolekcija Petar II Petrovic Njegoš -http://www.dlib.me/petarpetrovic2njegos/uvod.php). U tom mnoštvu autora neki od najznačajnijih su: Milovic, 1984; Pavicevic, 2004; Pejovic, 1981; Vuksan, 1926; Rovinski, 1967; Andrijaševic, 2016. Ciljevi Njegoševe državne politike obuhvacaju rad na političkom oslo-bodenju Slovena u cjelini; proširenju teritorije Crne Gore; izgradnji unutarnjeg pravno-administrativnog i vojnog uredenja; podizanju vjerskog, prosvjetnog i kulturnog života naroda, čime je stvarao ugled Crnoj Gori u svijetu. Njegoš je bio stalno prisvajan u novim čitan-jima tradicije kao nadregionalni, jugoslovenski autor izrazite pjesničke i lične individualnosti, čije je kompleksno djelo skoro profetski upucivalo na revolucionarne, moderne filozofske sisteme (Tepavčevic, 2017).
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društvenu strukturu pojedinih slavenskih naroda. Pola-zio je od shvacanja da treba razmatrati sve čimbenike koji utječu na život naroda kao teritorijalne, etničke, psihološke, socijalne, političke i druge odnose, pa tek onda prici izučavanju sustava povijesti slavenskog prava (Vojinovic, 1989a, 88). U Bogišicevom rukopisu Državno pravo. Crna Gora 1873. godine, koji potječe iz prvih mjeseci rada u Crnoj Gori, daje se struktura dr-žavnog uredenja, kakvo je u to doba bilo utemeljeno na pozitivnim propisima. Bogišic ističe da Crna Gora ima oko120 geografskih milja i graniči se sa sjevera i zapada sa Hercegovinom, od istoka s Arbanijom, a od juga sa austrijskom oblašcu Bokom Kotorskom. Smatra da na ovom prostoru živi otprilike 170 do 180 hiljada stanov-nika. Taj broj je pretjeran, za nekih 50 hiljada stanov-nika (Bogišic, 1999c, 217). Bogišic navodi da nema još redovne pošte i kolskih puteva, i da sanitetska struka još nije potpuno razvijena (Bogišic, 1999c, 226). U ovom Bogišicevom radu vidi se početak piramidalne strukture crnogorskog društva, nije još došlo do velike podvoje-nosti u društvu, mada su prisutne razlike vidljive u nahi-jama i plemenima. Bogišic bilježi značajnu činjenicu da u Crnoj Gori tog doba nema nijednog grada i da narod živi po selima pogodnim za borbu protiv Turaka. Kad se počela konstituirati crnogorska država, počinje pla-mensko raslojavanje po ekonomskoj osnovi, i tada se mijenja struktura crnogorskog društva, što je zapazio i Valtazar Bogišic (Stanojevic, 1962, 52; Pavicevic, 2004, 46; Pavicevic, 2007, 75).
Da bi Bogišic izradio jedan takav zakonik, on je u Crnoj Gori morao izučavati onovremeno njeno pisano zakonodvstvo, njenu sudsku praksu, pravne i druge običaje, povijest i društvene institucije, kulturnu i prosvjetnu razvijenost, društveno uredenje, kao i njene medunarodne odnose i medunarodni položaj. Na temelju duboke i svestrane analize cjelokupnog društvenog života u ondašnjoj Crnoj Gori, uz osobno svestrano obrazovanje i široku kulturu i znanje Bogišic je mogao sastaviti Opci imovinski zakonik. Osnovno načelo je bilo da Zakonik bude jasan, kratak, znanstveno točan i precizan i svakome razumljiv bez obzira na razinu obrazovanja osobe koje ga koristi (Bojovic, 1989, 125). Zakonik je trebao biti temelj pravnog poretka u jednoj zemlji koja je dotle slabo poznavala takvo zakonoda-vstvo i u kojoj je vladalo običajno pravo. Bogišic je uo-čio da se Crna Gora mijenja, da nije više onako idilična zemlja običajnog prava kakva je bila do vremena kad je on počeo raditi na Zakoniku. Stekavši neovisnost Crna Gora se znatno proširila, a s tim proširenjem dobila je i gradove (Podgorica, Nikšic, Bar, Ulcinj) i razvijenije društvo, s izraženim društvenim razlikama i raznovrsni-jim društvenim odnosima (Lukic, 1989, 18). Za proces unutarnjeg razvitka od velikog značaja su odnosi sa sus-jednim državama Turskom i Austrijom, čiji se utjecaj u
ekonomskom, pravnom, poredku osjeca svuda, a naro-čito u pograničnim krajevima. U vjerskom pogledu ima i katoličkih i muslimanskih primjesa, jer su do tada „svi stanovnici stare Crne Gore bili jedne vjere i narodnosti" (Bogišic, 1999d, 73). Sve to je utjecalo na strukturu crnogorskog društva. Bogišic navodi da je prije rata svako svoje zemlje obradivao lično, dok se poslije to promi-jenilo, pa postoje imaoci zemlje, kao na zapadu, čija imanja obraduju radnici pod različitim uvjetima (Bogišic, 1999d, 73). Proširenjem Crne Gore 1878. godine promijenila se, kako to primjecuje Bogišic, struktura crnogorskog društva, samim tim dolazi i do promjena tradicionalnih obilježja crnogorskog društva. U varošima se nalazilo stanovništvo sa različitim profesijama, kao i jedan broj muslimanskog i katoličkog stanovništva. Ovo stanovništvo se razlikovalo i po mentalitetu u odnosu na stanovništvo iz stare Crne Gore. Prodiranje kapita-lističkih odnosa u Crnu Goru stvaraju se uvjeti za novu društvenu strukturu, a nove ideje prodiru i u najudalje-nije dijelove. Migracijama stanovništva u novodobijene oblasti vršeno je njihovo izvanplemensko grupiranje, kao i stvaranje zajednica u kojima plemenska svijest prestaje da bude dominantni faktor integracija (Andrija-ševic, 2017, 234).
KRVNA OSVETA
Krvna osveta je univerzalni običaj, raširen medu raznim zajednicama u čovječanstvu. Kod Irokeza i ostalih indijanskih plemena obveza da se osveti srodnik bila je univerzalno prihvacena (Morgan, 1981, 92-93; Boehm, 1984, 61). To je surov običaj koji je nastao u starim oblicima društvenog uredenja (bratstvo, pleme i sl.). Primjenjivala se u slučajevima osvete za teške uvrje-de, namjerna ranjavanja ili ubojstva pripadnika jednog bratstva ili plemena od strane drugog (Bogišic, 1999c, 346; Jelic, 1926, 115; Darovec, 2018, 31). Krvna osveta je bila apsolutna za neke delikte koji se nijesu mogli riješiti drugim putem - naročito hotimično ubojstvo, preljuba, silovanje, javno vrijedanje i slično. U takvim situacijama svi članovi bratstva ili plemena, a naročito uža obitelj, bili su dužni da se osvete izvršiocu ili pripadniku njegovog bratstva ili plemena. Ovaj običaj je u srednjem stoljecu bio uobičajen u cijeloj Europi (Darovec, 2018; Ergaver, 2017, 182-184). Na prostorima Balkanskog poluostrva u kasnijem periodu naročito se primjenjivao u Albaniji i Crnoj Gori. Krvne osvete su mogle trajati desetljecima i prenosile se sa generacije na generaciju. Da bi se krvna osveta prekinula, praktiko-vao se tzv. umir, odnosno običaj da se prema utvrdenoj proceduri i dogovoru preda porodici ubijenog odšteta u novcu ili naturi.33
U mnogim plemenskim društvima, povrijedena grupa, čiji je pojedinac ubijen, ima pravo i dužnost da potraži
33 U srednjovjekovnoj Europi, mnoge sporove, ubojstva i krvne osvete rješavali su formiranjem bračnih saveza, jer je to bila najbolja mo-guca garancija za trajni mir (Darovec, 201 7, 64). O značaju čina mirenja kroz povijesnu perspektivu vidjeti rad Ergaver, 2016.
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zadovoljenje time što bi se ubio zločinac ili drugi član njegove zajednice (Radcliffe-Brown, 1952, 215), dok se osveta ne vrši prema ženama i djeci (Boehm, 1984, 58, 112, 117, 143; Bogišic, 1999c, 355). Bogišic o tome u anketi kaže da se žene ne ubijaju nikada osim nehotice, a takode je pravilo da se djeca ne ubijaju, mada ima pri-mjera da rdavi ljudi ubiju i dijete (Bogišic, 1999c, 355). Čak i da žena izvrši ubojstvo, ne bi nju ubili „nego če joj ubiti brata, muža ili ko joj je najmiliji i najbliži. Kad znaju da joj je mrzak muž, nikako joj ga ubit neče" (Bogišic, 1999c, 355). Odgovor iz ankete ako osvetnik ne može ubiti krvnika, gledace da ubije što može boljega, „pravilo je glavu za glavu" (Bogišic, 1999c, 356) odslikava sav značaj vrjednosnog kodeksa u patrijarhalnom crno-gorskom društvu. Kao i u Crnoj Gori i u Albaniji krvna osveta se ne bi smjela voditi nad ženama i djecom a ako je bila žena rukostavnica - osveta je bila na njezinog brata, nju bi otac/glavar kuce dao kamenovati do smrti (Boehm, 1984, 142). Pitanje broj 35 vezano za krvnu osvetu u Upitniku govori o tome ko je sve bio podložan osveti. To nijesu bili žene i djeca, ali se dogadalo da „rdavi" ljudi ubijaju i njih. Vec djeca od 12, 13 godina nijesu bila oslo-bodena od krvne osvete, jer je važilo pravilo da oni mogu nositi male puške i učestvovati u borbi (Bogišic, 1999c, 355). Obrana od krvne osvete je strah i neka vrsta „kučn-og pritvora", osoba koja je u opasnosti može biti sigurna jedino u svom domu jer zakon nalaže da se osveta ne vrši u domu krivca. Isto tako vrijedi norma da krivnja prelazi na obitelj ukoliko ubojica pobjegne (KLD 879, 882). Isto tako interesantna je norma kod Bogišica da ukoliko je ubica „rdica koja je ubila dobrog čoeka", onda osvetnik ne treba njega da ubije, nego da traži nekog boljeg čov-jeka od njegove kuce ili plemena (Bogišic, 1999c, 355).
Kada se zadovolji osveta, ne bi trebalo biti više ne-prijateljstva prema drugoj strani koja mora prihvatiti ubojstvo jednog od njihovih članova kao čin pravde (Radcliffe-Brown, 1952, 215). U srednjovjekovnoj Eu-ropi, u slučaju Crne Gore do početka XX stoljeca, kompromis i pomirenje dviju suprotstavljenih strana bilo je postignut javnim izrazom poniženja, pokore i molbe za oprost, koji su očito bili elementi uobičajenog sustava rješavanja sukoba u svim europskim zemljama (Daro-vec, 2017, 65; Ergaver, 2016, 106-115; Bogišic, 1999c, 358, 359, 360).
Krvna osveta se očuvala uz pomoc društvenih i poli-tičkih uvjeta.34 U Crnoj Gori i Albaniji preovladavalo je stočarstvo sa zemljoradnjom, a obradive zemlje, paše i vode bilo je malo. U svijesti ljudi još je prisutno tradicionalno shvacanje o zajedničkim komunskim dobrima. Iz tih razloga stočar je spreman da stoku napaja na tudim izvorima, da stoka pase tude livade; zemljoradnik ce napraviti put preko tudeg imanja, pomjeriti medaš i sl. što dovodi do zavada i zakrvaljenosti medu ljudima (Ciric - Bogetic, 1966, 25).
Tragovi krvne osvete, koja ne štedi ni živote ni imovinu, žive u Crnoj Gori i Sjevernoj Albaniji i do sredine XIX stoljeca. Takve slike krvne osvete nalazimo i u Črnogorskim ispravama, gdje bi se zavadene strane umirile tek pošto bi se zasitile od učinjenih šteta, zapa-ljenih kuca i štala i ostalih nedjela.35 Bogišic navodi u Anketi da je tek knjaz Danilo počeo silnije postupati da bi iskorijenio taj običaj. Pošto je bio u nemogucnosti u prvim godinama vlasti da suzbije krvnu osvetu, zbog rata sa Turcima, on se nešto docnije time pozabavio. Prvo je oglasio da se ne smije niko svetiti, nego da ce svetiti knjaz. On je to mogao da uradi, pošto je iza sebe imao oružanu silu, koja je bezuslovno izvršavala njegove naredbe (Bogišic, 1999c, 346; Andrijaševic, 2013, 47).
Kasnije su ublažavane posljedice osvete jer se zasni-vala na načelu propocionalnosti i srazmjere, pa je postalo vladajuce načelo taliona koje je u svom izvornom obliku formulirano u Starom zavjetu i glasi: „Ako li se dogodi smrt, tada češ uzeti život za život, Oko za oko, zub za zub, ruku za ruku, nogu za nogu, Užeg za užeg, ranu za ranu, modricu za modricu" (Biblija, Izlazak, 21, 23-25, 72; Marinovic, 1998, 239). Ako se promatra taj talijonski princip koji je unijet u zakonik 12. rimskih tablica, on kaže: si membrum rupsit, ni cum eo pacit, talio esto. Znači naime, ako je došlo do povrede i ako nije za nju (u izvijesno vrijeme, prema tadašnjoj praksi 30 kalendarskih dana) dobijena odšteta (naravno novčana ili materijalna), onda ima ošteceni pravo na retalijaci-ju (talion). Ali taj njegov talion ima zapravo svrhu na-pomene sudskim vlastima - čujte - bilo je nepravde i potrebna je odšteta. Isto funkcionira i osveta (i krvna). Najbitnije - talionom konflikt nije završen nego treba doci do točke primirja i pregovora za odštetu - dakle odgovore daju radovi Ergaver i naročito Daroveca koji se bavi pitanjem zašto je potrebno pokajanje i pokora u toj dinamici pregovora i konačnog pomirenja (Darovec, 2017; Darovc, 2018; Ergaver, 2016; Ergaver, 2017).
U odlomku u kojem se pojavljuje fraza „oko za oko", upotrijebljena je prijetnja društvene zajednice sudskim djelovanjem zbog odvracanja od nasilja onih koji ce pozitivno odgovoriti na takav poticaj. Oni koji žele biti nasilni, upozoreni su kako ce ih društvo ka-zniti oštrinom odgovarajucom njihovim nedjelima. U Crnoj Gori, po rezultatima Bogišiceve ankete, osveta je ponekad bila „nejednaka i neujednačena": „Kad se sam svetio, nije se tu mjerilo oko za oko, a ruku za ruku, nego da mu je ukrao 10 koza ja bih njemu 20, ako mognem, ali i više; ako mi zapali stog, ja ču njemu i 5 stogova, ili, može biti, i kuču; ako mi je koga ranio, ja ču njega ubiti, samo ako mognem". Postojala je izreka „ruka nema te-razije" (Bogišic, 1999c, 348; Marinovic, 1998, 249). Su-ština taliona je da se uspostavi odredeno pravilo, dakle, nije riječ o odmazdi nego o odmjerenoj osveti, pravilo
34	Ergaver jasno istražuje kako i zašto se krvna osveta očuvala na tlu CG iako je ona bila stoječima dio Venecijanske Republike i Osman-skog Carstva - podijelena u 2 politička i pravna svijeta. Vidjeti detaljnije Ergaver, 2017.
35	„Učinili talamare i štetah mnogo, uždili kucah ipojatah i ostalijeh neharicah mnogo [...]" (Nikčevič, Pavičevič, 1964, 97).
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reciporociteta uspostavlja princip prirodne pravde. To je jedan od zakonskih regulativa kojim se uspostavlja racionalitet kada emocije, zbog povrede pojedinca, od-nosno kolektiva prijete da predu u iracionalnost. Princip osvete podrazumijevao je i osvetoljubivost, rasplamsa-vanje strasti, i kada se dode do toga gubi se svaka mje-ra, posebno u slučajevima kad se radi o osveti krišcana protiv nekrišcana. Zbog toga su sukobi i konflikti mogli trajati duže vrijeme, ali nijesu bili beskrajni ili bez svake mjere. Zato je princip odmjerenog uzvracanja posto-jao kao osnovno načelo taliona (Marinovic, 1998, 239; Sejfulovic, 2014, 1).
U Anketi se dalje navodi, ako se odvračalo još težim zlom, to odvračanje imalo je neke granice, ili je to kat-kada bilo u volji osvetioca. Po Bogišicu to je zavisilo od onoga ko sveti, pa
neke su granice bile, to jest i vrsta zla, koju cu ja da odvratim radi osvete i količine štete što cu ja tom osvetom učiniti, treba da stoji u nekom odnosu sličnosti i razmjeru štete koja je meni učinjena; premda osvetilac gleda vazda da višu štetu učini nego je njemu učinjeno, npr. Zato što mi je neko ukrao 10 brava ja mu necu zapalit kucu, jer bi to i ja svak drugi držao da je to nepravo. Ali da mu ih za to ukradem i 50, nece se nikomu učinit da je krivo. Kad mi ko zapali stog, ja cu gledati, osobito ako sam od jačeg bratstva, da mu ih zapalim, ako cu i 10, ali kad bi mu kucu zapalio, to niko ne bi držao da je pravo, pa ni ja sam. Ali kad je on meni odvratio za to, a osveta se ne umirila, on je meni mogao zapaliti sve staje, a ja njemu opet kucu. Samo kad bi od stoga odmah došao do kuce, držalo bi se da je velik skok. Za ranu osvetilac je tražio glavu, kadgod i 2, ako je mogao ubiti, ali za 1 glavu ubiti ih 5-6 u početak osvete, ne bi to niko odobrio (Bogišic, 1999c, 348).
Pored osvete postojala je i kompozicija, ili u Cr-noj Gori umir, koja predstavlja zamjenu dužne krvi za novac ili neku drugu materijalnu stvar. Zakon taliona u svom izvornom obliku predstavlja strogu srazmjeru izmedu nanešenog i uzvracenog zla. Kasnije striktna primjena taliona iz Starog zavjeta ublažava se na sluča-jeve umišljajnih ubojstava ili teške tjelesne ozljede, a za ostale delikte se primjenjuje kompozicija koja se plača oštecenoj obitelji (Marinovic, 1998, 254). Dakle, može-mo primijetiti da vremenom kod krvne osvete, čiji je vid uništavanje imovine protivnika, preovladuje neka sraz-mjera izmedu povrede napadnutog dobra i štete koja se čini na ime otklanjanja te povrede.
Medu znanstvenicima od najstarijih vremena pa do danas navodi se više razloga i motiva koji su inicirali krvnu osvetu i koji stoje u njenoj egzistencijalnoj suštini (Marinovic, 1998, 241-243; Ergaver, 2016, 103). To je bila manifestacija nagona samoodržanja, zasnovana na potrebi zaštite zajednice, njenog poretka i njenih reli-
gioznih i etičkih shvacanja. Osveta se smatrala svetom obvezom i nepisanim zakonom. Preduvjet za osvetu je postojanje sukoba odnosno svade izmedu pojedinaca i grupa kojima pripadaju (Karadžic, 1837, 60; Bogišic, 1999c, 345).
U crnogorskom društvu po Bogišicevoj anketi bilo je raznih uzroka koji su dovodili do ubistava „otimanje djevojaka i žena, nedavanje obecanih djevojaka, ubijanje lupeža pri kradi, pri označavanju granica meteha, pri svadi, i mnogo drugih prilika dovodilo (je) do ubistva, a time (je) vec krvna osveta gotova" (Bogišic, 1999c, 347; Ergaver, 2017, 186). Krvnu osvetu prate akcesorni (uzgredni) delikti: lomljenje kucnjeg šljemena, paljenje stogova sijena, pohara ljetine, sječa vocnih stabala, no nikada nije bilo trovanja bunarske vode i izvorišta. Ne u svakom slučaju, jer postoji osveta unutar zajednice i izvan zajednice, i ti akcesorni delikti zavise od početne uvrede.
Bogišic u anketi govori o progresiji i stupnju šteta i medusobnih zala:
Blaži je izprva, to jest manje se zla i štete čini, te malo pomalo sve što više traje sve napadaji bivaju žešci i šteta i zla i nigda ne malaksava dok ne dode do umira. Vrste napada, zala i šteta umnožavajaju se, a isto tako i stepen žestine i njihova količina. Ta zla bivaju rane, ubijanje, otimanje svega što zapane, krada, paljevine, nanošenje štete, zlobe, napadanje na nepokretnosti. I u najvišoj zavadi i osveti nijesu se nikada trovale vode, bunari... U bratstvu se vazda manje zla činilo za osvete nego li u plemenu (Bogišic, 1999c, 359).
Posljedice krvne osvete u Kučima nalazimo zabilje-ženim u djelima Marka Miljanova. Obim osvete mogao je obuhvatiti čitavu zajednicu. Zbog krvne osvete nije bilo ni pazara, niti se zemlja obradivala, „palili su ognjem sve što se može ufatit: žita, sijena, kuce vrh familija obaljevali i zažižali, mostove na vodi lomili, vinograde, smokve i svako voce lomili i sjekli; sjeme u ba-štinu zaludo se sijalo - sve ga oštete; kad drugo nema lomili tigle na kuce kamenjem, tek neka prokaplje vrh čeljadi" (Miljanov, 1967, 133-134). U Poslanici Katu-njanima (18. XI 1822) vladika Petar I kaže za Donjake da bi za njih bilo bolje „[... ] da ste im deset ili i dva-deset glava posjekli, nego što li su poharani i opaljeni ostali, jer da nijesu kuce i ostalo izgubili, mogli bi se opet ostala čeljad nekako okopirkati i održat živa [...]" (Petrovic Njegoš, 1965, 159-160). Ovdje se jasno navodi da je veca šteta uništenje imovine jednog plemena nego da su ubijeni pripadnici zajednice. I kod Cr-nogoraca i Albanaca kuca je simbol kontinuiteta roda i krvne veze, ona prenosi kolektivno iskustvo čitavih generacija, održava kult predaka; zajednica je privredna, religiozna, vaspitno-obrazovna, moralna. Zbog toga zapaliti nekome kucu znači uništiti njegovu moralnu i fizičku ličnost i izopštiti ga iz sredine u kojoj živi. U
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Zakoniku Leke Dukadinija smatra se da su samim palje-njem kuce njeni članovi udaljeni iz mjesta sa svim što imaju, za vječita vremena. Članovi tog domacinstva za barjak više ne postoje. Njihova simbolična ekstermi-nacija iz sredine u kojoj žive vrši se tako što se poslije paljevine kuce izvade četiri kamena iz četiri ugla kuce (KLD, 1169-1170). Običaj paljenja kuce kao vid osvete zapažen je u Sjevernoj Albaniji kao naročito štetan po društveni život. Ako netko netkome zapali kucu, dužan je, po odluci mjesnih glavara, platiti 2500 groša i nadoknaditi dvije kuce za jednu (Giuseppe, 1932, 188). U drugim slučajevima, takoder u drugoj polovici XIX i početkom XX stoljeca, krivac koji netkome kucu zapali i sam bi bio osuden da mu se kuca zapali, a on da bude prognan iz sela (Giuseppe, 1932, 197). U Črnogorskim ispravama nalazimo da je Praviteljstvo suda crnogor-skog i brdskog 24. II 1804. u presudi Donjacima koji su se pobunili protiv vlasti odlučilo da se kuce krivaca sravne sa zemljom pa da „na to mjesto ne bude nika-da nikakve gradevine dokle bude Crne Gore" (Nikče-vic, Pavicevic, 1964, 97). Imajuci u vidu tradicionalnu ukorijenjenost tog običaja kod Crnogoraca, Danilov zakonik ga je inkriminisao u članu 41.
Ako bi koji Crnogorac ili Brdanin od opačine za-palio Črnogorcu ili Brdaninu kucu, to da se od njegovog imuca, kako kuca, tako i sve ostalo, što bi u kuci propalo i izgorelo, namiri; a ovaj zliko-vac preko svega da glavom plati i može ga slo-bodno oni ubiti, kojemu je kucu zapalio (Zakon Danila I, 1982, 16).
Osim paljenja kuce kod krvne osvete protivniku se plijeni stoka, uništava sve što se u kuci nade, pustoše njive, vinogradi, oduzima voda za navodnjavanje, uni-štavaju katuni. Kod Albanaca u slučaju krvne osvete zemlja se davala pod arendu uz zakupninu od / do 1A. U Dukadinu zemlja se daje pod arendu, uzimaju se pastiri za čuvanje stoke i najamnici za obradu zemlje (Ivanova, 1973, 201; Durham, 1909, 29). Povod za krvnu osvetu je i krada stoke, pa se protivniku plijene goveda i bravi (Nikčevic, Pavičevic, 1964, 208-209). Meduplemenske borbe za održavanje i otimanje komunica bile su jedan od uzroka krvne osvete. Tako su pljačke i osvete, ne-sredene prilike onemogucavale korišcenje komunskih ispaša u Brdima, u graničnom pojasu izmedu Brda i Sje-verne Albanije. Moračani i Vasojevici su se medusobno svetili zbog komunica (Jelic, 1926, 129-130; Boemh, 1984, 59).
Jedna od posljedica krvne osvete jeste i migracija stanovništva u Crnoj Gori, Sjevernoj Albaniji. Seobe za-hvataju čitava medusobno zakrvavljena plemena i bratstva. Nadomak Skadra od doseljenika iz Crne Gore -bjegunaca od krvi - nastalo je jako naselje Vraka. Neka
36 Odjeljak u Bogišicevoj anketi pod naslovom „Krvna i uopšte osveta i mirenje" sadrži ukupno 135 pitanja i odgovora njenih izvjestitelja. Postoji još i dodatak koji predstavlja Bogišiceve zabilješke iz razgovora sa Niciforom Dučicem 1892. godine. U tom dodatku postoje odgovori na 121 pitanje iz ranije ankete (Bogišic, 1999c, 345-384).
sela na Skadarskom jezeru (Vranjina) čine doseljenici iz Crne Gore koji su se tamo sklonili od krvi. Bjegunci od krvi osnivali su čitava naselja oko Dakovice (Ivanova, 1973, 166-168; Durham, 1909, 233). Na području Brda uz tursku granicu nalazi se veliki broj bratstava koja su tamo nastanjena bježeci od krvi iz drugih krajeva ili su iz graničnih krajeva uz tursku granicu bježali van Crne Gore zbog krvi. Tamo gdje su od krvi bježala čitava sela ili bratstva njihova imovina ostajala je pusta, kuce za-paljene ili zatvorene. Bjekstva od krvi dopunjavana su pljačkanjem krivaca i progonstvom. Te mjere najduže su se održale kod Kuča (Stojanovic, 1983, 199; Durham, 1909, 25; Boemh, 1984, 137).
Posljedice krvne osvete su višestrane. Ona pothra-njuje lokalnu isključivost i izaziva velike ljudske i ma-terijalne žrtve. Zakrvljenost Crnogoraca i stanovnika susjednih zemalja dovodila je do zatvaranja pazara -turskih, austrijskih, što je dovodilo i do gladi u Crnoj Gori. Nadalje, krvna osveta je otežavala trgovinu izmedu plemena i nahija. U poslanici (14. I 1808) vladika Petar savjetuje Njegušima da se umire sa Bjelicama i da se prije nego što bi se poklali sastanu i plate jedni drugima što je ko kome učinio, kako bi trgovina mogla da se mirno održava preko njihove zemlje. U poslanici Ceklinjanima (24. VII 1827) on apeluje na Ceklinjane i Ljubotinjane da učine mir i „da vojske jedan na dru-goga ne kupite, da bojeve ostavite, da kuce ne palite i ne lomite, da baštine jedni drugim rabotati ne branite, da žita i loze ne siječete i ostale štete ne činite, da žene puštite neka idu za svoje potrebe kud hoce mirno, da ih ne tičete i da vjeru do jeseni uhvatite" (Petrovič Njegoš I, 1965, 67, 68, 193, 194). Krvna osveta je uništava-la ionako oskudne proizvodne mogucnosti Crne Gore, usporavala njen razvitak ka višim oblicima društvenog organiziranja.
Prema podacima do kojih je putem ankete36 1873. došao Valtazar Bogišic prije pristupanja izradi Opceg imovinskog zakonika, krvna osveta je u Crnoj Gori po-stojala sve do prve polovice XIX stoljeca, kada su pre-uzete energične mjere na njenom iskorjenjivanju. Anketni odgovor na pitanje: „Biva li krvne osvete kao što je prije bila ili su samo ostali kakvi njeni ostaci i koji?" glasio je:
CG. Ne biva. Nema ni ostataka, jer se ostatkom ne može nazvati to što sud strože kazni onoga koji je poslije, a ne u onaj čas, u jedu, ubio krvnika, jer tako biva i po drugim mjestima manjijem. Krvna je osveta do toga iščezla da kad sud ne bi ni kaznio krivca, ili bi ga gospodar pomilovao, isto ne bi smio niko na uboici se svetiti, jer bi tada još strožije bio kažnjen nego da mu se prije toga osvetio (Bogišic, 1999c, 345).
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Osveta na ovim prostorima ostaje kao rezultat nepo-stojanja pravne države i pravne sigurnosti gradana, pa oni štiteci se od nasilja ili uzvracajuci na njega, pribje-gavaju osveti. Nije im trebala državna i pravna sigurnost u današnjem smislu jer im je običaj pružao točno to isto. Običaj je bio iznad svake vlasti, efikasniji i jasniji. Osveta se vršila po odredenim pravilima. Ona se osta-vljala na amanet.37 Kada se donese odluka da se krvniku presudi, vršen je odabir osvetnika - prvo su to bili otac, sin, a tek kasnije netko iz šire obitelji do desetog pasa (Bogišic, 1999c, 350, 351). Na Bogišicevo pitanje tko je dužan svetiti ubojstvo i ima li kakav postupni red medu rodacima ubijenoga ispitanici odgovaraju da prvo sveti najbliži u rodu ubijenoga, a ako je on nedorastao za oružje, tada ce ga svetiti netko drugi iz kuce, ili ako ga u kuci nema, onda netko iz bratstva (Bogišic, 1999c, 350). Bilo je slučajeva da su osvetnici pucali na „krvnike" nekolika puta i nijesu ih pogodili. Tada su im opraštali, jer su vjerovali da Bog brani i prašta ubicama.
U crnogorskoj sredini postojao je skup ili je bilo vije-canje kucana, roda, bratstva i plemena, kojima je ubijen čovjek, o tome tko ce osvetu izvršiti, kad, gdje i kako. U anketi se kaže: „Ako je u bratstvu, skupe se uveče te se dogovore ko ce i kako ce - ko ce osvetu da vrši, a ko ce da uhodi. Kad je onoplemenik, tad se skupi plemenski zbor na kome se sve potanko razvidi i naznači ko ce svetiti - ko ce svetiti, ko ce uhoditi, s koje strane, kad, na komu osvetiti" (Bogišic, 1999c, 355; Boemh, 1984, 135). Vrijeme vršenja osvete ovisilo je o okolnostima: „neko osveti i za malo dana, a neko nece ni za po godi-ne, ili godinu i više, ako se protivnik znade čuvati. Ako iz malodušja nece ko da sveti, to se odmah zna, pa zato i ne treba naznačivati roka" (Bogišic, 1999c, 355). Krvna osveta ne zastarijeva, ni vrijeme ni dogadaji je ne de-zaktualizuju. Ne izvršiti osvetu značilo je izložiti se ko-lektivnom prokletstvu, ali i preziru suvremenika i poto-maka (Vidjeti: Somijer, 1995, 171; Vrčevic, 2002, 186).
U sve tri regije žene nijesu vršile osvetu, ali su je pod-strekavale (najčešce na skupovima kroz ritualno narica-nje), a u sjevernoj Albaniji davale su i novac da im netko osveti ubijenog (Bogišic, 1999c, 351; Tepavčevic, 2018, 244). Neki istraživači navode da su osvetu vršili muškar-ci, jer je bilo sramota da to rade žene, ipak u nekim sredinama, kad nije bilo živih muških glava, to su radile žene (Trojanovic, Gajic, 1901, 14; Frile, Vlahovic, 2001, 142). Bogišic u anketi kaže da se nije dogadalo u Crnoj Gori da žena sveti kad nema muških glava u kuci ili bratstvu, ali ona podupire ukorima i riječima one koji treba da svete, dok je u Albaniji zabilježeno „da bi same ubile, može se dogoditi, ali rijetko" (Bogišic, 1999c, 351).
U crnogorskom patrijarhalnom društvu krvna osveta se smatrala činom društvene solidarnosti. Kad pripadnik jedne grupe bude ubijen, a za ubojstvo se ne uzvrati ubojstvom, solidarnost kao uvjet opstanka se dovodio
u pitanje. Tako je onaj koji treba da se sveti podvrgnut kazni i stidu:
Najprije ukorba, kako je kazano, od žene ili matere i od stara oca onoga ubijenoga; 2. i medu ljudima gubi glas i poštenje onaj koji ne osvecu-je i ne basta mu; 3. i njega sama grize savijest da nije izvršio to što je trebalo da izvrši. Crkva, razumije se, nikako ne odobrava osvetu i kad se osvetnik ide ispovijedati nece da ga odriješe tako lako bez epitimije. I nikako onaj koji se ispovijeda nece da razumije i da se uglavi da je pravo to što mu ispovjednik govori, to jest da je ubiti čovjeka za osvetu ili inače jednak grijeh, te se i rastanu s ispovijedi i svaki pridrža svoje prednje mnjenje (Bogišic, 1999c, 351; Darovec, 2017, 80).
Ako se vidi da je jedno jače pleme nadvladalo slabi-je i hoce da ga uništi, tada se miješaju druga plemena da zaštite slabija. Tako Bogišic navodi:
Obično je svako slabije bratstvo imalo jače bratstvo koje mu je pleci zastupalo, te mu je u takvim slučajevima pomagalo svetiti. I to pomaganje bivalo je javno. Ali zato i onaj koji mu je pomagao izlagao se osveti onoga bratstva protiv koga mu pomaga. Pače, na ovo jače bratstvo više ih je duša boljela i više gledahu da mu se oni opet osvete. Ako je pak bratstvo ubijenoga bilo nejako i ne imalo nikakva opleca, tad skočili bi ljudi [glavari istog ili drugog plemena - dodao I. T.] da bi lakše umirili (Bogišic, 1999c, 352).
Osveta se mogla izvršiti gotovo na svim mjestima gdje se osvetnik i žrtva sretnu, osim u svojoj kuci jer bi bila povrijedena svetinja gosta, što je značilo straho-vitu reakciju plemena prema osvetniku. Takoder nije smio izvršiti osvetu u tudoj kuci, jer je takav postupak sankcioniran dvostruko - dugovao je krv obitelji ubijenog, a drugo domacinu kuce u kojoj je ubojstvo izvršio (Karadžic, 1953, 57, 58; Ivanova, 1973, 28 ; Duričic, 1975, 43; Nikčevic, 1999, 26; Ergaver, 2016, 105). Još jedno pravilo odslikava značaj vrjedonosnog kodeksa patrijarhalnog crnogorskog društva. Ako osvetnik ne može ubiti krvnika, nastojat ce ubiti što boljega: „Krvnika lično veoma je teško dobaviti da se na njemu osveta izvrši, a dosta puta krvnik bude i rdica koja ubije dobra čoeka. Tada ga i ako može osvetnik ubiti nece nego traži boljega od njegove kuce i brastva, ili, ako je inoplemenik, po plemenu, po stepenu" (Bogišic, 1999c, 355; Glas Črnogorca, 1890, 27, 2-3). Tipičan ovakav primjer desio se na Cetinju 25. lipnja 1890. godine, kada je ubijen komandir Cetinjskog bataljona i Dvorske straže Boško Nikov Martinovic, otac kasnijeg
3 7 Pripovijedaju mnoge slučajeve da starješina obitelji i na smrtnoj postelji ostavlja kao amanet izvršenje osvete (Karadžic, 1953, 43). Neki autori navode takoder da su u slučaju ubistva „iz nehata" odnosno „grijehom" jasno rekli drugim članovima obitelji da nije bilo nam-jerno, kako bi se pomirili, a ne osvetili (Boehm, 1984, 131).
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Slika 2: Izgon (varianta) (Jovanovic, 1886) (Izvor: Wikimedia Commons).
ministra vojnog i predsjednika vlade Kraljevine Crne Gore Mitra Martinovica. Ubio ga je Savo Poček, a razlog je bio taj, da je Počeka ošamario u stroju plemenik Boška Martinovica. Tražeci osvetu za povrijedenu čast, on nije ubio čovjeka koji ga je ošamario, vec najboljeg iz plemena (Glas Črnogorca, 1890, 28, 1; 29, 1; Nova Zeta, 1890, 6, 238).
Prvobitno je bilo predvideno da se osveta vrši javno, jer je mogao netko da duguje dvije ili više krvi, pa se moralo znati tko je osvetu izvršio. Oružje ubijenog nije se smjelo uzimati, pogotovo nije smio biti opljačkan (Karan, 1985, 29; Ergaver, 2016, 108).
Krvne osvete obuhvacale su cijela bratstva, plemena, nahije. Tako u Sjevernoj Albaniji ukoliko su uboji-ca i ubijeni iz dva bratstva u toku 24 časa po izvršenju ubojstva krvna osveta odnosila bi se na cijelo bratstvo ubojice. Zakrvavljena zajednica je bila u obvezi platiti ne samo krvninu vec i da protivniku naknaditi pričinje-nu imovinsku štetu (Somier, 1995, 172; Ergaver, 2016, 108). Za krv i štetu pričinjenu osvetom u prvobitnoj fazi - sredina XIX i kraj XIX stoljeca - u Crnoj Gori i Sjevernoj Albaniji odgovoran je kolektiv, dok se kasni-je sa raslojavanjem društva krvna osveta sužava na po-jedinca. To znači da sa gubljenjem kolektivnih oblika života nestaju i korijeni krvne osvete kao mjere kolek-
tivne plemenske represije. Po Kanonu Leke Dukadinija u Albaniji je kod krvne osvete odgovarao samo ubojica „samo je ubojici ostajala krv ili onome tko je povukao, kresnuo ili pucao, iz puške ili bilo kojeg oružja na čovjeka". Ako bi netko posudio oružje od nekoga, nije bio kriv onaj koji je oružje posudio, makar je znao zašto ga posuduje - nego je odgovornost na onome koji je pucao (KLD, 880).
Dok je krvna osveta na snazi, malo je kuca u Crnoj Gori i Sjevernoj Albaniji koje na neki način posredno ili neposredno nijesu dodirnute ovim društvenim zlom. Vrši se raslojavanje izmedu stanovnika na imucne i siromašne. Da bi se podmirile obveze prema krvnoj osveti prodaje se stoka, imovina, kasnije se daje i nov-čana naknada. Nekada se pojedinci toliko zaduže pa potroše toliko koliko bi se kucna čeljad mogla izdrža-vati za godinu dana. Tako se za dug npr. od „21 talijera davalo u naplatu duga 9 brava, zemlja" (Vuksan, 1941, 58; Ergaver, 2016, 118; Ergaver, 2017, 195). Vidimo da pošto se do novaca teško dolazilo, zelenašenje je uzimalo velikog maha. U Crnoj Gori u doba Petra II i knjaza Danila kad nekoga ubiju, senatori sa oruža-nom pratnjom krenu na kucu ubojice, kucu mu zapa-le i stvari medusobno podijele tako da obitelj ubojice ostane bez hljeba, ubojica bježi u Brda i kod Turaka i
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tamo mu dode obitelj (AII, 109). U istom periodu u Sje-vernoj Albaniji glavari izražavaju nezadovoljstvo zbog prinudnih umira koje povremeno vrši turska vlast, jer zbog ovih umira gube prihode koje ostvaruju prilikom vršenja umira (Giuseppe, 1932, 141). I kotorski su pro-viduri u ranijem periodu „silom" sklapali umir izmedu stanovištva graničnih plemena i bratstava (Ergaver, 2017, 187). Krvna osveta je prouzrokovala i nemire na granicama Crne Gore i njenih susjeda. Pljačkaški upadi, osvete otežavali su svaki promet, paralisali gospodarske aktivnosti, dovodili do zatvaranja pazara u Pod-gorici, Boki, Skadru, od kojih je Crna Gora bila ovisna. Izmedu Crnogoraca i Bokelja sredinom XVIII stoljeca pljačke, krade i prisvajanja tude imovine dovode do ubojstava. Sukobi osvete izmedu Crnogoraca i Bokelja u XVIII i početkom XIX stoljeca širih su razmjera. Mle-tačka vlast daje plate glavarima Bokelja da putem njih održi granice prema Crnoj Gori. Grbljani i danju i nocu drže jake straže prema crnogorskoj granici braneči se od crnogorskih upada. Oni se žale inkvizitorima da od Crnogoraca ne mogu da žive, jer ih oni ubijaju, imanja im uzimaju, usjeve haraju (Stanojevic, 1981, 103-108). Svakodnevni sukobi Crnogoraca i Bokelja pothranjuju krvnu osvetu i medu stanovnicima same Boke, podstiču lokalnu izolaciju pojedinih bokeljskih krajeva, što otežava promet i remeti gospodarsku aktivnost (Stojanovic, 1983, 205). Črnogorci upadaju u bokeljske krajeve, plijene stoku, ubijaju ljude, pljač-kaju imovinu.38 Medu Njegušima i Škaljarima još u XV stoljecu dolazilo je do sukoba (Ergaver, 2017, 186, 187). Sukobi su nastavljeni i kasnije. Bradi (austrijski general) je mišljenja da bi to trebalo što prije smiriti; crnogorski sud odgovara (1. travnja 1798), da je voljan na umir i obecava sa svoje strane, da ce svaki Crnogo-rac koji bi ubio podanika cesarova (cara Franja II) biti izgnat iz zemlje, kuca mu razorena i šteta naplacena, ali traži, da tako postupaju i austrijske vlasti sa svojim podanicima, koji ubiju Črnogorca. Bradi je odgovorio da je on vec zaveo kazne za uklonjenje ove ,proklete običe (krvne osvete) (Vuksan, 1940, 262-263). Dakle, vidimo da je zavadenost duž crnogorsko-bokeljske granice dovodila do nesigurnosti prometa i trgovine, neo-bradivanja zemlje duž granice. Da je krvna osveta bila veliki problem i za austrijske vlasti u Boki i za Crnu Goru svjedoči činjenica da su u tim umirima učestvo-vale najviše austrijske vlasti i crnogorski glavari, koji su nastojali da suzbiju krvnu osvetu, kako bi svojim podanicima garantovali osobnu i imovinsku sigurnost. Črnogorske i austrijske vlasti nijesu prezale ni od kolektivne represije prema počiniocu i njegovim srodni-cima, a sve u cilju suzbijanja krvne osvete (AII, BAC XVI, 15).
Na crnogorsko-hercegovačkoj granici dolazilo je do sukoba koji su prouzrokovali krvne osvete izmedu Crnogoraca i Hercegovaca i do mirenja medu njima. Pismom od 25. novembra 1800. Vladika Petar I se žali Mehmedu veziru bosanskom „kakve su krajine i kako je trudno njima vladati, navlaštito kad čovjek nema potpu-no jakosti i snage i kada su krajine od mnogo vremena smucene i jedna protiv druge rasrdene i na osvetu po-nesene" (Vuksan, 1935b, 39). Prvih godina vladavine, knjaz Danilo je izmirio Crnogorce i pogranične Herce-govce, a pri mirenju kojem su učestvovali crnogorski i hercegovački glavari prebile su se glave za glave, a za pretijek glava koje su dugovali Crnogorci utvrdivalo se kumstvo (AII, BAC XVI, 41, 2; Ergaver, 2016, 118, 119). Duž crnogorsko-osmanske granice javljaju se sukobi oko ispaše, baština i komunica, što je utjecalo na otežavanje sredivanja odnosa izmedu Crne Gore i Osmanske imperije. Turci su često poticali krvnu osvetu u namjeri da što više održe i učvrste vlast. Bjegunci od osvete iz Crne Gore u Osmansko carstvo islamizira-ni su i često su upadali u Crnu Goru unoseci nemir i su-kobe. Mnogi Crnogorci su bježali u Osmansko carstvo odakle su vršili krvnu osvetu. Buduci da su društveni korijeni krvne osvete u Albaniji snažniji nego u Crnoj Gori, pospješivali su je i samim tim otežavali njeno is-korjenjivanje. Turska vlast je u pograničnim krajevima koristila krvnu osvetu u cilju izazivanja nemira na gra-nicama Crne Gore i unutar nje. U 1909. godini desili su se teški dogadaji, čije su posljedice nagovještavale još vece opasnosti i nove obračune. U dokumentima je zabilježeno mnoštvo takvih primjera. Nikodim Simic iz Peci 25. veljače 1909. godine izvještava da su mu Turci strica ubili, a onda ga pozivali da se umire, i za to mu davali 6 „cesa novaca", oko 600 kruna, što je on odbio (DACG, MID, Tajni fond 1909, f. 174, 73). I Osmanlije su bili upoznati s običajima osvete i mirenja, pa su predložili primirje i odštetu, kompoziciju, što nije prihvaceno. Neka izvješca sa granice ističu da su uzroci nesuglasica dolazili sa crnogorske strane, kao što je to bio slučaj u avgustu u Veliki, kada je ubijena jedna djevojka (DACG, 1/1909, 3). Medutim, kada bi ti nemiri otežali gospodarske aktivnosti i normalan sa-obracaj, crnogorsko-osmanske vlasti bi zavodile red na granicama putem prinudnih umira i mješovitih komisija. Običaj je bio efikasniji i jasniji nego pisani za-konici. Dakle - državna vlast, gdje god se ona uspo-stavila, prvo je uklonila moc onih koji su imali pravo i dužnost mirenja i sebi nametnula to pravo. Tako se u naredbi Ministarstva unutarnjih djela konstatuje da su se „od pošljednjega rata jako uveličala ubojstva izmedu Crnogoraca i turskih podanika" (MUD, 762, 22. VII 1888). Crnogorska i turska strana su se dogovorile
38 Poslije propasti Mletačke republike 1797. godine prostor Boke mijenja više puta političke uprave do Bečkog kongresa 1815. godine. U početku je bila pod austrijskom upravom, da bi poslije bitke kod Austerlica 1805. Napoleon I dobio sve teritorije bivše Mletačke republike, uključujuci i Boku. Medutim, Crna Gora uz pomoc ruske flote ratuje protiv Francuza. Mirom u Tilzitu 1807. Boka je predata u francuske ruke. Pod Francuzima ce se nalaziti sve do listopada 1813. godine, kada ce se ujediniti Boka i Crna Gora, do sredine 1814. godine, kada ce preci pod vlast Austrije, sve do 1918. godine (Andrijaševic, Rastoder, 2006, 155-157).
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da sporazumom umire sva ubojstva izmedu njih, a kod god to prekrši biče strogo kažnjen po crnogorskim ili turskim zakonima. Onaj koji bude tražio krv ili ranu mora se prijaviti mješovitoj komisiji u Podgorici ili Tu-zima (MUD 762, 22. VII 1888).
Borba za suzbijanje krvne osvete, u vrijeme stvara-nja nove crnogorske države koncem XVIII i početkom XIX stolječa, bila je neophodna. Nažalost i ostale su okolnosti sprječavale napredak društva poput same prirodne okolnosti, terena, privrede. U borbi protiv krvne osvete primjenjivat če se sva legitimna i nelegitimna sredstva, upotrebljavat če se kazne predvidene novim zakonskim propisima. Negdje su kazne usmjerene na pojedinca, a u nekim slučajevima ka kolektivu iz čije je sredine krivac (Zakonik Petra I, član 2-8). Suzbijanje krvne osvete je usmjereno u dva pravca - u pravcu suz-bijanja osvete na granicama prema Turskoj i Austriji, i u pravcu njenog iskorjenjavanja u samoj zemlji. Zabra-njena je svaka samovolja i osvete Crnogoraca u Primor-ju: „Za sadržati s Primorcima mir i tišinu susjedsku, koje prinosi na obje strane vzaimnu korist i srecu, zabranjuje se svako samovoljstvo i osveta" (Zakonik Petra I, 1930, član 18).
MIRENJE ILI UMIR KRVI
Črna Gora u prošlosti nije bila organizirana država jer nije imala jaku centralnu vlast. Vladike kao duhovni poglavari bili su samo nominalni nositelji državne funkcije, u početku bez velikog utjecaja na plemena. Plemena su imala punu autonomiju, kako u vršenju javne vlasti, tako i u rješavanju nastalih sporova. Ne možemo se složiti sa Bogišičevim odgovorom iz ankete kao ob-jašnjenja uzroka krvne osvete koja se dugo u narodu zadržala da „je bila samovlaština i nikakva suda koji bi krvnike kaznio, pa drugačije nije moglo ni biti nego da sveti svak sebe i svoj rod i bližiku" (Bogišič, 1999c, 347). Ovo je programski odgovor koji je za državno sudstvo a protiv „plemenskog sudstva", protiv rješavanja sporova prema običaju - u pozadini je želja za modernizacijom Črne Gore. On predstavlja idealizirani oblik razmišljanja u funkciji oglašavanja novog pravosudnog sustava. Naime, u prvoj fazi plemenske organizacije sporne odnose rješavali su tzv. „pametari" koji su kasnije za-mjenjivani višečlanim tijelima. Pametari su bili ljudi iz naroda, iz uglednih obitelji i bratstava, ljudi koji su u plemenu uživali nesporan autoritet. Zborna sudska ti-jela poznatija su pod nazivom kao sud „dobrih ljudi" (Boemh, 1984, 157, 158; Andrijaševič, Rastoder, 2006, 84). Ovim sudovima presjedavale su plemenske starje-šine. Sudove je birala plemenska skupština. Sudilo se pod otvorenim nebom, javno i stalno na jednom mjestu. Sud je bio pred nekom crkvom ili velikim drvetom, na glavici, a u slučaju nevremena i zimi, sudilo se u kne-
ževoj ili vojvodinoj kuči (Jovanovič, 1995, 125; Bogišič, 1999c, 292). Sudovi dobrih ljudi su sudili u sustavu od šest ili dvanaest ljudi, a sud od 24 plemenika sudio je krvninu, kad je bratstvo poginulog pristajalo da se izmiri s bratstvom iz kojeg je ubojica. U taj sud su oba bratstva birala po 12 „dobrih ljudi" (Bogišič, 1999c, 293, 294; Boemh, 1984, 160).39
„Črnogorsko pleme je bila specifična forma društve-nog života, duboko arhaična, nepovjerljiva prema drugim plemenima, pa je teritorijalna, upravna i sudska vlast bila samo i isključivo njihovo pravo i njihova moralna obveza" (Čubrilovič, 1956, 24). Pleme je na svoj uobi-čajen način po vjekovima starim običajima i ustaljenom postupku rješavalo nastale delikatne situacije i za njih odmjeravalo kazne. U plemenskoj organizaciji vlasti u Crnoj Gori postojali su inokosni suci, izabrani sudovi kao inokosni i kolektivni organi, i sudovi „dobrih ljudi" koji su sudili sve sporove, a broj sudaca u njima je ovi-sio o važnosti predmeta koji se sudi. Tipične primjere imamo u Paštrovičima, kojima je Mletačka republika odobrila povlastice još 1424. godine, i koje su uklju-čivale izmedu ostalog rješavanje sporova i pomirenje pred mjesnim sudovima. Najviše su sami prema običaju rješavali sporove, i nakon umira išli potvrditi mir i staviti njihov ugovor u pismeni oblik (Ergaver, 2017, 183). Ovakvo stanje medu plemenima nije bilo jamstvo op-stanka i onako krhke državne tvorevine. Za državu je potrebna administracija i birokracija, za održavanje toga potreban je novac i najviše novaca se kretalo u umirima. Vladike su uvidjele pogubnost ovakvog stanja, pa su pokušavali učvrstiti središnju vlast gdje su nalazili na žestok otpor i plemena i plemenskih poglavara. Jasno je zašto bi svaka vlast ili vladar želio imati monopol kod odluka za veče delikte. Ipak, takve prilike nijesu mogle beskonačno trajati, tim prije što su susjedne države imale suvremeno sudstvo. Tu se prije svega misli na Mletačku republiku, sa kojom su crnogorske vladike u doba turske vlasti imale intenzivnu komunikaciju. I taj faktor je doprinio formiranju prvih meduplemenskih su-dova u Crnoj Gori, što je bio imperativ opstanka razje-dinjenih plemena. Meduplemenski sporovi su rješavani na stanku, meduplemenskom sudu. Stanak je imao javni i zvaničan karakter. Na njemu su sudjelovali plemenski glavari susjednih plemena radi čega je obično održavan na graničnim mjestima (Marinovič, 1998, 226; Bogišič, 1999c, 294-316; Ergaver, 2017, 187).
Doba vladike Danila (1697-1735) obilježeno je na-ročitim uspjesima na zbližavanju i ujedinjavanju crno-gorskih plemena u zajedničkoj borbi protiv Turaka. Posebno važan dogadaj je formiranje Opceg crnogorskog suda 1713. godine. Pretežno je rješavao sporove koji su proizlazili iz krvne osvete, umirivao pojedina bratstva i plemena i odlučivao u značajnijim krivičnim stvarima. Vladika Vasilije je prvi ozbiljno pokušao prekratiti auto-
39 U literaturi u kojoj se obraduje ova tema postoji mnoštvo podataka o radu ovih sudova (Jelič, 1926; Jovičevič, 1923; Stojanovič, 1955; Milovič, 1959; Ivanova, 1 973).
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nomiju plemenskih glavara i za meduplemenske sporo-ve postaviti poseban sud sa opšteplemenskim ugledom. Odredenog uspjeha u suzbijanju krvne osvete imao je crnogorski vladar Šcepan Mali (1766-1773) koji je 1771. godine ustanovio viši sud koji je sačinjavalo 12 glavara od kojih su jedni zasijedali s njim u Crmnici, a drugi su išli po terenu na uvidaje (Rovinski, 1993; Marin-kovic, 1996; Šcepanovic, 2003; Krstic, 2010). Jedan od najbitnijih dokumenata o miru izmedu plemena donosi Stega 1796. godine, u kojoj se Crnogorci obvezuju da ce ostati jedinstveni i složni u borbi protiv Osmanlija (Crnogorski zakonici, 1998, 7, 8, 9). Krvna osveta je regulirana Zakonikom Petra I iz 1798. godine (Crnogorski zakonici,1998, 10-19) i Danilovim Zakonikom iz 1855. godine (Bojovic, 1982, 80-166; Zakon Danila I, 1982), kada je opseg osvete reduciran samo na krivca.
Na planu umira krvne osvete i meduplemenskih su-koba najviše je učinio mitropolit Petar I istina više mol-bama, kletvama i prijetnjom prokletstvom, nego realnom silom države da se spriječi ovo društveno zlo. U poslanici Katunjanima od 22. svibnja 1822. godine on kaže:
Vidjeci vašu neslogu i domaci rat u svim pleme-nima vaše nahije, ja s mojom najvišom žalošcu i plačom vidim, da ste svi sami sebe i svojoj dje-ci najveci krvnici i neprijatelji duševni i tjelesni, i da svi davoli i svi vaši neprijatelji na svijetu ne bi mogli toliko zla, ni toliko štete i sramote vam učiniti, koliko vi sami sebe činite. Vi ste od Boga odustali i strah od njega izgubili, vi ste grehotu i sramotu zaboravili, vi za dušu i poštenje ne mislite, vi se ne možete krvi bratske nasititi, vaša slava, vaše poštenje, vaša pohvala i dika i vaše junaštvo stoji u vaš domaci rat i neslogu, u koju najvišu srecu i radost nahodite (Petrovic Njegoš I, 1965, 236-237).
Kazna u Primorju zaprijecena je istovjetnom ka-znom kao da je počinjena u Crnoj Gori, sto je propisano članovima 17. i 18. vladike Petra I „[...] koji lupež po danas ukrade vola ili konja u koje mu drago mjesto u Crnojgori i u Brdima, ili u Primorju našoj braci prijatelji-ma, koji se nahode u cesarokraljevskoj zemlji i deržavi, da se takovi lupež ima procerati jednako kako i ubivaoc koji samosilno bez svake krivice čelovjeka ubije" (Zakonik Petra I, 1930, član 17). Ovaj član govori i o savez-ništvu Crnogoraca i Brdana i Primoraca. Zajednice bi štititle svoje članove, tako je funkcionirala i porodica, familija, kuca.
A što koji Crnogorac imade od Primoraca iskati, to neka ište po putu suda, jer inače bice podložen kastigu; na isti način, koji bi medu nama smutnju činio ili zlo u Crnugoru i Brda prinosio što se tiče do mrtvih glavah, koje su neki Primorci našim dužni, i to neka stoji kako i njiove glave i rane, koje su naši njima dužni i u toliko bice vrijeme
da svaki sudom odgovori, i da plati koliko se koji dužan nahodi, samo neka od naše strane zadev-ica i samovoljnos osvete ne budu, koja može na neposlušnog kastig i tegotu navesti: a Pravitelj-stvo, koje ima ot svijeh nas postavljeno biti, da upravlja obščenarodne posle, bice u dužnosti za to i sve ostalo što bi se posad dogodilo, misliti; da-klen i svaki Crnogorac i Brdanin neka se spomene da sam po sebe bez pitanja suda i praviteljstva ne čini (Zakonik Petra I, 1930, član 18).
Odredbe Zakonika Petra I u suzbijanju krvne osvete bile su radikalne. Kao što vidimo krada kao glavni povod osvete inkriminisana je članovima 17. i 18. Zakonika. Za ubojstvo Crnogorca ili Brdanina, bez ijedne krivice i nužde, vec od sile, takav ubojica ne može se nikakvim blagom otkupiti, vec ima biti obješen, kame-novan ili strijeljan (Zakonik Petra I, 1930, član 2). U Zakoniku se kaže da ako takav ubojica ostane neuh-vacen ili nedostupan vlastima, „to njegovo imuce da se ima sve, od mala pa do velika, procijeniti i od toga po-lovinu dati onome, kome bude zlo činio, a drugu polo-vinu za globu zemaljsku uzeti" (Zakonik Petra I, 1930, član 3). Medutim, tamo gdje se nije mogla razgraničiti odgovornost pojedinca od grupe, svi bratstvenici mire iznos krvnine. Sud Katunske nahije 15. IV 1882. obve-zao je jedanaest kuca Vušurovica da Dermalju Perovu plate 77 cekina od krvi za ubojstvo njegovog sina, i to svaka kuca po 7 cekina. Dadoše mu zemlju u zalog, s tim da plate kad je mogu otkupiti (Nikčevic, Pavicevic, 1964, 169 - 170).
Odredbe Zakonika u nekim slučajevima primjenji-vanje su dosljedno, dok su u drugim ovisno o datim okolnostima primjenjivane kao efikasno sredstvo u suzbijanju osvete. Ipak, čini se da su izopštavanje krivca iz njegove sredine i imovinske sankcije protiv njega bile najdjelotvornije u suzbijanju krvne osvete. Medutim, najteže je bilo iskorijeniti ukorijenjena shvatanja o herojskim odlikama krvne osvete, koja su nadživjela pisane zakone i opterecivala društvenu svijest Crnogoraca. Bez obzira na mnoge pokušaje koji nijesu dali valjane rezultate, vladičina nastojanja oko mirenja imala su često puno uspjeha, iako ne uvijek dugotrajnog, jer je katkad bila jača želja za osvetom no uhvacena vjera i odredeni rok (Dragicevic, 1935, 327).
Zakonik knjaza Danila od 23. travnja 1855. godine znači odlučan obračun sa krvnom osvetom. Član 27. Zakonika propisuje mjere protiv počinioca: „za onoga zločinca bio Crnogorac ili Brdanin, koji bez krivice ili bez nužde, vec od sile i opačine ubije brata Crnogorca ili Brdanina, takovi ubojica ne može se nikakovim blagom odkupiti, vec ako se uhvati da bude ognjem iz pušaka re-znešen" (Zakon Danila I, 1982, čl. 27). Odredbe članova 29. i 30. propisuju da ukoliko ubojica nije dostupan vlastima, može ga svaki Crnogorac ubiti, a saučesnici ubojice sude se istom kaznom kao i on. Krvna osveta se članom 39. ovog zakonika inkriminiše:
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Kako Črnogorci i Brdani imaju običaj činiti osvetu ne samo na krivcu i na krvniku, več i na pravom bratu njegovom, to se takova osveta po danas strogo zabranjuje, i koji bi pravog čovjeka ubio, biče osuden na smrt. Samo krvnika, kojega i sam sud goni, može ubiti, ali brata ili blizaku ili svojtu krvnika, koji u tome ništa krivi nijesu, ne smije, več neka samo oni glavom plača, koji je zlo učin-io, a drugi niko (Zakon Danila I, 1982, čl. 39).
Zaključujemo da je svrha propisa da se osveta indi-vidualizuje i da se iz nje isključe bratstvenici ubojice. Primjecujemo i da je dopušteno ubiti pravoga krivca, ali njegovog brata ili rodaka ne. Iako je Danilov zakonik zadao odlučan udarac krvnoj osveti, ona i dalje predstavlja aktualan problem za crnogorsko društvo i u drugoj polovici XIX stoljeca.
Plemenska isključivost, meduplemenske borbe, sku-pa s osvetom, kao načinom samosuda, bitno su utjecali na povijesna zbivanja i slabile borbenu učinkovitost Cr-nogoraca u borbi s Turcima. Zakonodavni rad vladike Danila, Vasilija i Šcepana Malog ce tek nešto kasnije imati prepoznatljive rezultate. Bogišic u anketi navodi podatak da se posljednji vladika mnogo starao ukinuti osvetu, ali nije imao veceg uspjeha u tome, pa je nasto-jao preduprijediti brzim mirenjem.
Ali, ipak, ako je ko pried osvetijo, nije bio kaznjen, nego je prebijano bilo jedno za drugo. Osim toga, vladika se starao da uvede da se ne svete na dru-gom, nego na samom krvniku. Ali mu ni to nije išlo za rukom, jer nije imao snage, nego samo s ljudima koi su mu bili bliže i na službi, ali s njima nije mogao uspjeti vazda. Tek knjaz Danilo poče silnije postupati da bi iskorijenio taj običaj. Ipak, ne odma pošto stupi na vladu, jer je bio ometen s ratom sa Turcima, nego tek poslije 2-3 godine pošto se rat svrši i on se na vladi utvrdi. On je na to upotrebljavao mnoga sredstva. Najprijed je oglasio da se ne smije niko svetiti, nego da če svetiti knjaz i toga komu on prosti da mu je prošteno. On je to i vršiti mogao, jer pošto na vladu stupi starao se da sastavi oružanu silu koja če bezuslov-no izvršavati njegove naredbe. Jer, dočim vladika ne imadijaše više od 30 perjanika, on ih imadiješe okolo 80 i izabra ih od najboljih kuča, premda su i vladičini ljudi bili iz boljijeh kuča. Uostalom, Danilu je bilo lakše, jer je mnogo pred njim stric uradio (Bogišic, 1999c, 346).
Vladika Petar I pokušavao je godinama da ukine krvnu osvetu, ali nije uspio, dok je knjaz Danilo, koji je iza sebe imao institucije vlasti, to uradio za kratak vremenski period. Ipak, i nakon toga ostala je u običaju osveta i njezina pravila „još nekoliko godina sa zagranič-nim susjedima, osobito sa Arbanasima s kojm se nije ni prekidalo osvetno vojevanje do prvoga graničenja Črne Gore. Ali i poslije toga bivalo je pojedinijeh slučajeva" (Bogišic, 1999c, 347).
Posljedice krvne osvete u Crnoj Gori bile su velike. Zbog učestalosti, duge tradicije uzrokovala je da pojedina bratstva nestaju, a neki dužnici krvi su bježali u inozemstvo ili su bili protjerani u odsutstvu. U meduv-remenu je zajednica familiji oduzela imovinu i porušila im kucu. Dakle, postoje paljevine kao dio retaliacije u osveti i paljevine kao sankcije zajednice. Osveta je predstavljala lanac nesrece, jer je jedno ubojstvo po-vlačilo drugo, pa je individualna osveta prerasla u brat-stveničku, plemensku. Osveta je morala imati podršku čitave zajednice baš zbog posljedica koje bi mogla imati. Osvetnik se savjetovao s glavarima bratstva pri-je osvete. Osveta je bila u prilično malim zajednicama itekako javna. Zbog pogubnih posljedica koje je imala u Crnoj Gori, počela su se tražiti rješenja koja bi sanirala stanje koje je vodilo istrebljenju, a i zbog opasnosti od Turaka koji su pospješivali osvetu kod Crnogoraca. Jedan od načina sprječavanja osvete ili njenog reduciranja je kompozicija koja nije zamijenila osvetu nego je postojala paralelno sa njom. Kompozicija ili u Crnoj Gori umir predstavlja zamjenu krvi koja se duguje za novac ili neku činidbu koja se može mjeriti novcem. Zapravo se radi o koncepciji dara i darivanja reciproc-iteta. Vražda40 je krvnina, naknada (novčana i natural-na), kompenzacija, odšteta u sporovima umira krvi, koja se daje obitelji ubijenog od strane bratstva, plemena ili kuce krvnika obično u vidu izvjesne sume novca, drago-cjenosti, oružja, kao satisfakcija za izvršeno ubojstvo41 (Bogicevic, 2010, 703). Obitelj koja duguje krv nije davala samo novac, niti bi oštecena obitelj to prihvatala, nego je nudila i kumstvo42 kao izraz kajanja. Tu bi se uspostavljao novi odnos ljubavi (Darovec, 2017, 74) iz koje se rada novi obiteljski odnos (savezništvo ili novi zavjet) (Ergaver, 2016, 122-123). Oštecenoj obitelji se predavala puška ili drugo oružje kojom je izvršeno ubojstvo. Ova puška nazivala se krvnica (iz koje je net-ko ubijen), a koja se od strane ubojice nosila u postupku umira krvi i predavala i poklanjala kuci ubijenog ili drugo oružje, koje je imalo simboličku vrijednost za oštece-
40	Termin vražda, prema Konstantinu Jiričeku, dolazi od riječi vrag, a odnosi se na odštetu iz osnova krvnine koja se, kao kompenzacija ili novac za izmirenje placao dijelom svojti ubijenog, a dijelom državi (Rotkovic, 2003, 100).
41	O naknadi detaljnije Ergaver, 2016, 119-121; Jelic, 1926, 89, 92-93; KLD 887-890; 919; 938; 950-952; Hasluck, 1954, 241; Bogišic, 1999c, 367, 368).
42	„U Crnogoraca ima pet kumstava: vjenčano, kršteno, šišano, nevolje i umira osvete. Kumstvo umira osvete. Ovo kumstvo je najčudnovatije. Ovim kumstvom smiruje se mrtva glava, i krvnik ostaje za vazda osiguran od svojeg krvničkog djela. Kad ubije čovjek čovjeka, onda krvnik traži, da se umiri. Zajedno sa umirom osvete traži on i kumstvo, da bolje osigura svoj život" (Bogišic, 1999a, 172; Medakovic, 1860, 65; Ergaver, 2016, 122).
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nu obitelj, kao priznanje ili znak pažnje obitelji ubojice, ali i kao cijena krvi ubijenog. Obično se puška krvnica u umiru krvi nosila obješena o vratu, što je bio znak da je pokajana krv ubijenog. Kao stvari date su obitelji ubijenog male puške ledenice i nož srebrom okovane. Otkup krvi, krvnina i drugi vidovi naknade kod umira iscrpljivali su imovinske mogucnosti zakrvljenih plemena. Prvobitno se krv mirila u naturi, a kasnije u novcu, a njena visina je zavisila od mjesnog običaja (Marinovic, 1998, 254, 255; Ergaver, 2016, 121, 124).
U crnogorskom običajnom pravu žene nijesu podli-jegale krvnoj osveti, a time ni placi za mrtvu glavu. To ne znači da za ubojstvo nijesu platile glavom. Obično bi ih ubio glava njihove krvne porodice (Bogišic, 1999c, 355). Žena nije mogla biti ubijena iz puške, jer je strije-ljanje bilo „rezervisano" samo za onoga ko pušku nosi i puškom se brani (Glas Crnogorca, 20. svibanj 1886, 20, 4). Početkom XX stoljeca žene su izjednačene u načinu izvršenja smrtne kazne sa muškarcima (Glas Crnogorca, 9. I 1910, 3). Prema Bogišicevim izvjestiocima placa za „mrtvu glavu" u Crnoj Gori je iznosila „133 cekina i 2 groša osim mita i drugoga troška" (Bogišic, 1999c, 367; Krstic, 2010, 264). Ista je cijena i za ženu, dijete i starca (Bogišic, 1999c, 367). U slučaju da se desi ubojstvo nehotice i umirnik je duševan, u velikom broju sluča-jeva nije se tražilo ništa. Svetio se za to ne bi gotovo niko, nego bi lako do umira došlo. I za kradu ubijenoga kmetovali su takoder krv, ali u oba posljednja slučaja sami kmetovi mole umirnika da oprosti štogod krvniku i mnogi se nadu te oproste (Bogišic, 1999c, 368; Krstic, 2010, 265).
Za rane se placalo u Crnoj Gori različito: Ako je čovjek osakacen tada se placalo kao za pola krvi, tj. 66 / cekin i 1 groš, a ako je manja rana, to 20 - 30 - 50 talijera. Uzimalo se u obzir i to kakav je ranjeni čovjek. Ako je bolji, koji se može lakše osvetiti, davalo se više novca (Bogišic, 1999c, 368). Ni cijena krvi nije ista, veca je ako je ubijen glavar. Kaže se „nije ni svačija krv ista" (Bogišic, 1999c, 368). Tako sud sa mitropoli-tom Petrom presudi za glavu kneza Staniše „zašto je bio knez od plemena dvanaest za glavu, a dvadest za njegovo knežestvo" (Vuksan, 1938, 371-372). Za pokušaj ubojstva krv se nije placala nego bi se glavari skupili da kazne onoga tko je to pokušao i kaznili ga dobro (Bogišic, 1999c, 368). Bilo je pojedinaca i društvenih skupina koji nijesu pristajali na posredovanje i rješenje spora mirnim putem. Ovakvo odbijanje motivirano je prije svega tradicionalnim načelom da „krv nema cijenu bez krvi" (Marinkovic, 1998, 255).43
U Kučima je krvni sud koji je mirio zavadene uzi-mao krvninu od 260 talijera. Krvnik je davao poklone ženama i djeci koji služe pri umiru oko 100 talijera (Ra-šovic, 1963, 58-59). U Boki krvnina primljena na ime umira ulazi u ostavštinu poginulog i prelazi na njegove
43 U Sjevernoj Albaniji za krv se placalo šest cesa, tj. 3000 groša za
1999c, 367; Krstic, 2010, 264; KLD, 874). Medu albanskim plen
pitanju (Jelic, 1 926, 93; KLD, 876, 877; Ergaver, 2016, 120).
nasljednike (IAK, TE-XII, 1847-1853, F. II-6). Krajem XVIII i početkom XIX stoljeca naknada za krv davala se i u vidu imovine u crnogorskim plemenima. Rujna 20. 1828. okupili su se svi glavari ceklicki kako bi sudili za ubojstvo Dumelje Ilina po zakoniku zemaljskom. I presudili su 133 cekina i dva groša, kao što je bio običaj za svaku glavu u eparhiji vladike Petra I. Andrici, koji su bili krivci, dali su za rečenu glavu dvije dionice (imanja) u Sjenički Do, a trecu u Pločki Do. Ta ima-nja su procijenjena na 60 cekina (Vuksan, 1939, 99). Obren Blagojevic u Pivi bilježi da su sačuvani podaci
0	izmiru krvnine putem ustupanja imovine - knez Laloš Ninoševic dao je svoje imanje na ime krvnine jer mu je sluga ubio neko dijete Vasovica (Blagojevic, 1971, 415). Naknada je moglo biti i u planinama i katunima, jer one nijesu izuzimane iz običaja. Piperi su oteli od Turaka planinu Štitovo, pa su je, sredinom XIX stoljeca, ustupi-li Belopavlicima za 22 krvi. Zajedno sa Bjelopavlicima oni su oteli Ponikvicu i ostavili je Bjelopavlicima (Erde-ljanovic, 1911, 297).
U vrijeme kad je Bogišic bio u Crnoj Gori, dolazilo je do neregulisanih graničnih odnosa izmedu Crne Gore
1	Osmanskog carstva od Mojkovca do planine Mokre. Oni se najbolje mogu prikazati brojem ubijenih i ranjenih turskih i crnogorskih državljana za deset godina (1882-1892). Protokol o mirenju stanovništva iz graničnih područja obje zemlje, potpisan je u Vinickoj decembra 1892. godine, od strane 32 crnogorska i 34 osman-ska glavara, sadrži podatke da je za to vrijeme ubijeno i ranjeno 115 turskih (90 ubijenih) i 107 crnogorskih podanika (63 poginulih) (vidjeti rad: Pejovic, 1973, 13).
U Bogišicevoj anketi su vrlo detaljna i objašnjenja običajnih pravila o umiru krvi, koja ovise uglavnom o konkretnim okolnostima, a jedno od njih je jačina plemena i bratstva povrijedene strane, dok se na „bogatstvo malo gleda, nego na snagu ili veličinu komu uvrijedeni ili uvredilac pripada" (Bogišic, 1999c, 360). Neke studi-je koje su se bavile istraživanjem sporova naglašavaju zajedničko rješavanje sporova posredovanjem i arbitra-žom, posredstvom trece strane koja djeluje kao faktor sa zakonskim ovlašcenjima u efikasnom rješavanju su-koba (Boehm, 1984, 218-219; Miller, 1996, 180-181). Zakonitost rituala jamči javnost ceremonije, sprovedene u skladu sa unaprijed poznatim principima, pokretima, frazama i predmetima koji predstavljaju važno kulturno nasljede svake zajednice. Njezina struktura sastoji se iz tri faze: razmjena poklona, zakletva primirja, presuda i njegovanje trajnog mira koji uspostavlja novi ili obnavlja postojeci odnos izmedu dvije strane (Darovec, 2014, 481-499; Darovec, 2016, 14-38; Darovec, 2017, 70-71; Ergaver, 2016, 121-123).
U plemenskim zajednicama na području Crne Gore, Albanije i Hercegovine svako mirenje ide preko glava-ra u bratstvu i plemenu, a ne pojedinca koji je najviše
svaku glavu, od čega je 5/6 išlo oštecenome, a 1/6 vlastima (Bogišic,
lenima za rane se davalo takoder različito, ovisno koji dio tijela je u
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Slika 3: Umir krvi (Jovanovic, 1889) (Izvor: http://www.info-ks.net/slike/clanci/slike/2016i/decembar/Krvna-osveta.jpg).
oštecen (uvrijeden). Njihova uloga u rješavanju sprova sastojala se u posredništvu za pregovore, kao i arbitri-ranju u sporovima (Hasluck, 1954, 25-50; Jelic, 1926, 60-61; Ergaver, 2016, 116; Ergaver, 2017, 195). Bogišic navodi da u molbu idu glavari drugih plemena, ali ne iz onog plemena odakle je krvnik. Njihov broj je bio od 6, 12 do 20, što je ovisilo o težini zločina i čovjeka kome se ide. Primirje se nekad isprva sklapalo, a ponekad je tre-balo ici i po tri četiri puta (Bogišic, 1999c, 362). Prema običajnom pravu na području Crne Gore, Hercegovine i Albanije, pregovori o prekidu neprijateljstva mogli bi počinjati odmah nakon ubojstva. Prema albanskim obi-čajima, rodaci ubojice šalju posrednike, glavare bratstva da posjeduju u besi44 (Bogišic, 1999c, 361-362; KLD, 946-949; Ergaver, 2016, 110-114). Slati ljude za davanje riječi je po kanonu, dok je dati riječ dužnost i čovječnost (KLD, 837). Na području Albanije zadata riječ je trajala 30 dana tokom koje su bili pregovori o pomirenju iz-medu kuce ubijenog i ubojice (KLD, 841), dok na području Crne Gore nije bilo preciznog vremena za početak pregovora i primirja, vec je ovisila o okolnostima (Bogišic, 1999c, 360; Ergaver, 2016, 115).
Posrednici bi iz dvorišta pozivali glavu porodice ubi-jenoga simboličnom zakletvom: „Primi kume za svetog Jovana". I u Hercegovini je bila slična zakletva: „Primi kume, kumimo te bogom i tvojim svetim Jovanom". Albanski oblik je sličan crnogorskom, smatraju ispitanici u Bogišicevoj anketi. Posrednici nijesu nosili darove sa sobom i ponavljali su taj postupak više puta, sve dokle ih umirnik nije primio u kucu (Bogišic, 1999c, 362, 364, 365; Berishaj, 2004, 281; Boemh, 1984, 173; Ergaver, 2016, 123).
Bogišic u Anketi opisuje i slučajeve kada oštecena osoba nije bila spremna prihvatiti molbe suprotne stra-ne, čak i nakon nekoliko pokušaja. U tom slučaju slala bi se žena s djetetom u kolijevci sa dva-tri plemenika da mole za kumstvo, a može se naknadno poslati još žena s kolijevkama, tako da ošteceni nije imao izbora, vec je prihvatao ženu kao gosta i time bi počinjali pregovori (Bogišic, 1999c, 365). Žene se tradicionalno nazivaju mironosice, dok bebe predstavljaju simboličan poklon (Ergaver, 2017, 192). Ona nosi kolijevku i u kolijevci djete, a s njom ide jedan ili 2 čovjeka plemenika, te ga kume svetim Jovanom i ona i oni (Bogišic, 1999c, 365).
44 Zadata riječ je rok slobode i sigurnosti koji kuca ubijenog daje ubici i njegovim ukucanima da ih privremeno nece goniti za krv do odredenog vremena (KLD, 836; Ergaver, 2016, 110-115; Ergaver, 2017, 192).
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Taj simboličan poklon u vidu novorodenčeta ukazuje na pokornost krvnika i njegovog bratstva pred porodicom ubijenoga. Bogišicevo istraživanje zapravo ukazuje na interesantne fragmente tog čina, u kojem žene imaju is-taknutu ulogu u rješavanju konflikta u Crnoj Gori. Sa druge strane, u Hercegovini žene u tom običaju nijesu sudjelovale (Bogišic, 1999c, 363, 365, 376; Jelic, 1926, 99-100; Ergaver, 2016, 122).
Kad im ošteceni (i pored verbalnog opiranja) do-zvoli da udu u kucu, to je znak da je ipak spreman na mirenje. Po albanskim i crnogorskim običajima čim kuca ubijenog da riječ svom selu (da se besa),45 tada se otvara put drugovima i prijateljima da traže riječ za ubicu (KLD, §844). Po dobijenoj besi, počinju dogovori o mjestu i vremenu arbitraže, izboru arbitara i ostalih zahtjeva. Na kraju pregovora umirnik je davao časnu riječ da se od toga dana do odredenog dana nece svetiti njemu ni drugim rodacima (Bogišic, 1999c, 364, 366-367; KLD, 836).
Dogovorenog dana bratstva zavadenih strana oku-pljali su se na odredenom mjestu, pred izabranim ar-bitrima, koji su odredivali iznos naknade (Bogišic, 1999c, 362, 367-369; Jelic, 1926, 115-116). Presude arbitara na području Crne Gore bile su pisane, dok su u Albaniji bile usmene (Bogišic, 1999c, 372; Jelic, 1926, 106, 117). Arbitri su utvrdivali i porodične veze, koje su bile najznačajnije u mirovnom sporazumu, jer su bili garant mira medu zavadenim porodicama (Bogišic, 1999c, 372; Darovec, 2017, 81-86; Ergaver, 2016, 124, 125). Završni gest pomirenja bio je polju-bac mira, kojim je zaključen sporazum o miru izmedu sukobljenih strana.46 Poljubac je predstavljao potvrdu i garanciju mirovnog sporazuma (Darovec, 2014, 492; Ergaver, 2017, 195).
Pošto je presuda za umir mrtve glave donijeta, ide se na krvnu trpezu, a krivac dolazi na trpezu tek kad je ona gotova, dakle poslije odluke (Bogišic, 1999c, 371). Tu se nalaze sva familija i bratstvenici ubijenog. Drži se zdravica od strane kuce ubice. Ubica sa obješenom puškom prilazi na koljenima ili povijene glave na 50 koraka od trpeze i umirnika. U Katunskoj nahiji i Primorju (Boki) trebalo je da ide pokoljeničke, ili se početvoro-noži i dvoje ga ispod ruka pridržavaju. Umirnik ga sreta na trecinu puta a ubica govori: „Primi, kume, kume za boga i svetog Jovana!" Kad su se sastali umirnik i krvnik, ovaj njega ljubi u prsi, a onaj ga prima i ljubi u glavu, a zatim se ljube u lice, a pri tome mu kaže umirnik: „Opraštam ga bogu i svetome Jovanu i tebi krvniku!" (Bogišic, 1999c, 371; Krstic, 2010, 265; Somier, 1995, 173; Ergaver, 2016, 123).
Slično kao i kod Crnogoraca i Albanci prave krvnu večeru. Zovu je krvavi hljeb - bucha e djakut (Dučic, 1931, 165; KLD, 963). Postavljanje krsta na vratima je poslednji čin pomirenja, i on se stavlja na kamen gor-njeg praga kucnih vrata ili medu pragovima vratnih krila. Njega pravi ruka vlasnika krvne osvete, a željezo kojim je napravljen krst se baca po kanonu na krov kuce ubice (KLD, 965-968; Ergaver, 2016, 124, 125).
Učešce bratstvenika ubojice u naknadi štete običaj je koji se javlja još kod primitivnih zajednica. Kod In-dijanaca, Maja i Jukatana učestvuju i srodnici ubojice u naknadi štete (Morgan, 1981, 92-93). Masovna svečanost mira osim u Bogišicevoj anketi, temeljno je opisana i kod drugih istraživača (Somijer, 1995; Jelic, 1926; Durham, 1909; Boehm, 1984; Šcepanovic, 2003; Ergaver, 2016; Darovec, 2016; Darovec, 2017). To je uobičajena ceremonija i kulturna tradicija rješavanja sporova, pa sudionici u ceremoniji ne smatraju da su njihova djela ponižavajuca, vec je to običaj i društvena obveza prema pripadnicima svog kolektiva da im pomogne da postignu mir, a istovremeno djeluje kao oblik društvene kontrole (Darovec, 2017, 81). Slični rituali pomirenja osim u Crnoj Gori prisutni su i u drugim europskim zemljama, koji se nijesu značajno razlikovali u pogledu povijesnog vremena i mjesta (Miklosich, 1888, 176-178; Boehm, 1984, 133-135).
Plemena su se mirila na plemenskim granicama i tu nije bilo gozbe, ni kuma, krvne večere, a osobenost je bila u tome što nijesu placali jedno drugom, ni za krv, nego su se mirili, pa ko šta uhvati. Običaj je da se na kraju uspješnog umira krvi stanak meduplemenski zavr-šava tako da 5-6 glavara s jedne i s druge strane sjedne, i daju jedni drugima božiju vjeru da ce biti mir medu plemenima, i proklinju onoga koji bi prekršio dato obecanje. U tom slučaju oba plemena bi krivca tražila i kažnjavala (Bogišic, 1999c, 374, 375; Ergaver, 2016, 108; Ergaver, 2017, 196).
Postojale su različitosti kad je bilo potrebno sklopiti mir medu bratstvima jednog plemena i medu više plemena. Za jedno pleme odgovori u Anketi kažu da skoče druga bratstva koja su moljena od onoga bratstva gdje je krvnik da oni posreduju i mole kucu i bratstvo ubijenoga da se skloni na umir. Dosta puta zamole i bratstvo drugoga plemena da im pomogu „savit onoga čovjeka na umir i ono bratstvo", dok kod više plemena važi pravilo da krvnik šalje svoje plemenike, tj. glavare plemenske kod glavara drugog plemena da mole za umir. Ne-prijateljstva medu bratstvima jednoga plemena ili više plemena dugo su trajala - u plemenu po pola godine, godinu, pa i više od godine medu mnogim bratstvima,
45	Besa (albanski bese), fides, vjera, zavjet, časna riječ - termin sa mnogo kontekstualnih značenja - označava sporazum, ugovor o pre-kidu neprijateljstva izmedu zavadenih, zakrvljenih strana. Može je dati pojedinac, obitelj, pleme (Ergaver, 201 7, 193; Ergaver, 2016, 110-111).
46	O rasprostranjenosti poljupca mira u postupcima pomirenja i drugih javnih rituala u srednjem stoljecu vidi studiju Kiril Petkov, The Kiss of Peace. Ritual, Self and Society in the High and Late Medieval West (2003). O tom činu kao završnom gestu mira detaljnije u radu Ergaver, Pomiritev v oboičaju krvnega maščevanja. Mediacija, arbitraža in obredje „nove zaveze" med strankama v sporu v črnogorskih in albanskih običajih (Ergaver, 2016, 116-117).
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a medu plemenima se dogadalo da se biju jednu godi-nu, pa uhvate vjeru za drugu, pa opet počnu (Bogišic, 1999c, 359, 361; Jelic, 1926, 37).
Možemo primijetiti da je umirom, kao cijenom krvi, dobijao i pojedinac, i obitelj, i pleme i društvena zaje-dnica kojoj oni pripadaju. Obitelj je dobivala jednu vr-stu sigurnosti jer je mogla da se bavi uobičajenim poslo-vima i dobrobitima obitelji i plemena; pleme i društvo u cjelini umirom su dobijali prije svega na polju popula-cionog jačanja, ali i opceg jedinstva i kohezije. Svjesni ovih pogodnosti i pojedinac i črnogorsko društvo poku-šavali su sanirati tragične posljedice krvne osvete.
Iskorjenjavanje krvne osvete kao običaja osvještanog tradicijom koji se potomcima predaje kao zavjet preda-ka, bio je primarni uvjet za nastanak javne vlasti i teri-torijalnu i pravnu unifikaciju Crne Gore. Bez suzbijanja krvne osvete nije se moglo računati na sredivanje odnosa Crne Gore sa susjednim državama i na njenu eman-cipaciju kao samostalnog subjekta u medunarodnim odnosima. Državna vlast koja se formira u XIX stoljecu ograničava djelatnost i moc plemenskih glavara, preko zakonika kojima zabranjuje izvodenje običaja. Fokus se usmjerio na plemenske skupove i mirenje, jer to preuzi-ma Senat, koji još nekoliko decenija poslije formiranja djeluje po uzoru na tradicionalne plemenske institucije.
ZAKLJUČAK
Koliki je bio značaj Valtazara Bogišica za Crnu Goru i crnogorsko društvo prepoznao je i i ukazao još davne 1888. Glas Črnogorca koji ga naziva crnogorskim Tribo-nijanom (piscem Justinijanove kodifikacije): „Bog dao, da i ovo po narod črnogorski po opštu kulturu blagode-tno novo djelo doktor dr V. Bogišica, crnogorskog Tribo-nijana, i blagodetnim plodom urodi" (Glas Črnogorca, 1888, 20, 1). Dug je put učinio Valtazar Bogišic dok je pripremio Zakonik. On se u skoro svakoj njegovoj odredbi držao pravila: spojiti tradicionalno i moderno na način da se iz ovog prvog ne zaboravlja ono šta je dobro, odnosno ono u čemu se ispoljava duh jednog naroda, njegov način života i njegova povijest.
Bogišiceva kodifikatorska misija potrajala je više od 15 godina i okončana je donošenjem Opceg imovinskog Zakonika za Knjaževinu Crnu Goru u proljece 1888. go-dine. Boraveci u Crnoj Gori Bogišic je upoznao društve-nu stvarnost, strukturu i institucije plemenskog društva. Uvidio je da je običajno pravo vrlo živo u toj zemlji patrijarhalnog društva, sa plemenskom strukturom, da je pisanih zakona, naročito u oblasti gradanskog prava, bilo veoma malo. U izradi Zakonika prethodila su Bo-gišiceva istraživanja običajnog prava u ondašnjoj Crnoj Gori, a djelimično i u susjednoj Hercegovini i u sjever-noj Albaniji, čime je on detaljnije upoznao strukturu plemenskog društva ovih balkanskih zemalja. Anketa o
pravnim običajima u Crnoj Gori, Hercegovini i sjevernoj Albaniji smatra se njegovim najobimnijim, najsistemat-skijim i najpotpunijim istraživanjem običajnog prava.
Ispitujuci funkcije plemena (i kao srodničke i kao socijalne zajednice) u Crnoj Gori, Bogišic je preko is-traživanja koje je proveo donekle originalno na pod-ručju Crne Gore tada, došao do odredenih zaključaka
0	povijesnom procesu stvaranja crnogorske države. Ti rezultati imaju jako veliku vrijednost za nauku. Naime, uočio je da se tijekom nekoliko vjekova na području Crne Gore odvijao proces povezivanja krvnih zajed-nica - bratstava, u širi oblik egzistencijalne zajednice - plemena, koja su vremenom formirala svoje teritorije
1	zajedničke organe, da bi na kraju - preko saveza slo-bodnih plemena - bila formirana i crnogorska država.
Istraživači krvne osvete u posljednjih nekoliko decenija su precizirali da je krvna osveta zapravo jedin-stven pravni sistem i aparat kojim se održava mir u zajednici. Za održavanje mira bili su nadležni glavari bratstava i plemena. Modernizacija države i formiranje centralnog suda je oduzelo sudsku nadležnost glavari-ma. Zbog toga im je prvo oduzeta nadležnost rješavanja sporova, u mirenju krvne osvete koja je morala postati krivično djelo i zbog toga kažnjena kao zločin. Medutim, ova je modernizacija uz krivičnu legislativu ipak trajala duže vrijeme. Ne možemo reci da je uz zabranu krvne osvete ona i prestala. Upoznavanje običajnog prava i faktičkog stanja na terenu dalo je Bogišicu inspiraciju za dodatna sociološka proučavanja plemenskog društva u Crnoj Gori, tako da je on usavršavao svoje istraživačke metode i dolazio do dragocene grade, na temelju koje mi danas promatramo i analiziramo jednu značajnu fazu u procesu trajanja i promjena crnogorskog društva u drugoj polovici XIX stoljeca. Na temelju Bogišicevih radova, prije svega zbirke Pravni običaji u Crnoj Gori, Hercegovini, Albaniji, kao široko postavljenoj metodi anketnih, neposrednih istraživanja u narodu, pokušali smo izvršiti rekonstrukciju crnogorske društvene stvarnosti, utvrditi stvarni tok povijesnih procesa i dogadaja, duh vremena koji karakterizira onovremeno crnogorsko društvo, a koji su uvjetovali i običaj krvne osvete. Vidjeli smo da su se motivi koji reguliraju pitanje krvne osvete mijenjali i modificirali, zavisno od prilika i promjena kroz koje je prolazilo crnogorsko društvo. To je mogao biti nagon samoodržanja, osjecanje srodničke solidarnosti, uvjerenje da je nekažnjavanje krivca elemenat društvene dislokacije, osjecaj časti kod pojedinca, ali i cijelog društva. Krvnu osvetu kao običaj danas treba promatrati u njenim povijesnim, prostornim, društvenim okvirima. Ona se mijenja u skladu s razvojem društva i podizanjem razine kulture i civilizacije. Iščezavanje krvne osvete teklo je naporedo sa razvojem crnogorske države, jačanjem njenih organa i pretvaranjem Crne Gore u jedinstveno područje.
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VIEWS OF VALTAZAR BOGIŠIC ON MONTENEGRO AND THE MONTENEGRO SOCIETY (BLOODFEUD - BETWEEN TRADITION AND MODERN SOCIETY)
Ivan TEPAVČEVIC
University of Montenegro, Filozofski fakultet - Nikšic, Danila Bojovica bb, 81400 Nikšic, Montenegro
e-mail: tepo40@t-com.me
SUMMARY
The subject of this work is focused on the so far insufficiently illuminated results of Bogišic's orientation towards the study of Montenegrin society, with particular reference to the phenomenon of vendetta. From this point of view, Bogišic's personality and his inventive scientific research work and interest in studying the phenomenon of this kind in the specific living conditions of Montenegrin society were analyzed. Based on his works, prior to the Collection of Legal Practices in Montenegro, Herzegovina, Albania, as a widely-set method of survey, direct research in the nation, we tried to highlight the relations of unwritten national law and legislation in Montenegrin society, which went through specific historical-political development phases and changes.
Getting familiar with the normal law and factual situation on the ground gave Bogišic the inspiration for additional sociological studies of the tribal society in Montenegro, so that he improved his research methods and came to valuable material, based on which we today observe and analyze a significant phase in the process of durability and the change of Montenegrin society in the second half of the 19th century.
By reconstructing the Montenegrin social reality, we have established the actual course of historical processes and events, the spirit of time characterized by Montenegrin society at the same time, which also conditioned the phenomenon of vendetta. The motives that regulate the issue of vendetta have changed and modified, depending on the circumstances and changes that Montenegrin society has undergone. It could have been a drive for self-sustaining, a sense of relatives' solidarity, a belief that impunity is the element of social dislocation, a sense of honor in the individual as well as the whole of the society. Blood revenge as a phenomenon should now be seen in its historical, spatial, social frameworks. It changes in line with the development of society and raising the level of culture and civilization.
Keywords: Montenegro, Valtazar Bogišic, Montenegrin society, bloodfeud, customary law,
Montenegrin legislation
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original scientific article	DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2018.32
received: 2017-12-02
REKONSTRUKCIJA KULTURNE KONOTACIJE IDIOMA "OKINUTI (KOME) NOS"
Ana PEJANOVIC
Univerzitet Crne Gore, Filološki fakultet - Nikšic, Danila Bojovica bb, 81400 Nikšic, Crna Gora
e-mail: apejanovic@rambler.ru
IZVLEČEK
Avtorica v prispevku pojasnjuje nastanek in izvor idioma "okinuti (kome) nos " (odrezati (komu) nos)'osramotiti (koga), povzročiti sramoto (komu), v povezavi s prototipom izraza, ki se odraža v njegovem literarnem pomenu. Idiom je prisoten v govorih Črne gore in je danes široko zastopan in pogost, kljub temu pa se pojavlja zgolj v leksikografskih virih, ki opisujejo dialekte. Interdisciplinarni pristop z uporabo metode kulturne lingvistike nam omogoča rekonstrukcijo skrivnih kulturnih slojev in povezavo frazeološke enote z običaji, pisanimi in nepisanimi etičnimi normami skupnosti, v kateri je idiom nastal in se ohranil. Glede na to, da semantika idioma opozarja na kršitev etičnih načel skupnosti, jo povezujemo s širšim pojmom časti, ki se ubeseduje tudi preko drugih frazeoloških enot.
Ključne besede: idiom okinuti (kome) nos, kulturna konotacija, kulturna lingvistika, pravo, običaj
RICOSTRUZIONE DELLA CONNOTAZIONE CULTURALE DELLA FRASE IDIOMATICA
"TAGLIARE IL NASO (A QUALCUNO)"
SINTESI
Il presente lavoro si propone di spiegare l'origine e la provenienza della frase idiomatica montenegrina ta-gliare il naso a qualcuno - "mettere qualcuno in imbarazzo, provocargli vergogna", ponendola in rapporto con il prototipo dell'espressione che si riflette nel significato letterale dell'espressione stessa (tagliare il naso a qualcuno). La frase idiomatica in questione e riscontrabile nelle parlate montenegrine ed e vastamente presente e frequente anche nel linguaggio contemporaneo, pero compare solo nelle fonti lessicografiche che descrivono gli usi dialettali. Un approccio interdisciplinare, con l!applicazione della metodologia etnolinguistica, ci consente di ricostruire gli strati culturali nascosti dentro questa frase idiomatica e di esplicitare la sua connessione con i co-stumi, con le norme etiche, scritte e non scritte, della comunitá in cui l'espressione e nata e in cui si e mantenuta in vita. Considerando il fatto che dal punto di vista semantico questa frase idiomatica indica una violazione dei principi etici della comunitá, essa viene associata a un concetto di onore piu ampio, il quale si verbalizza anche tramite altre unitá fraseologiche.
Parole chiave: espressione idiomatica tagliare il naso (a qualcuno), connotazione culturale, etnolinguistica, diritto,
consuetudine
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Ana PEJANOVIC: REKONSTRUKCIJA KULTURNE KONOTACIJE IDIOMA "OKINUTI (KOME) NOS", 523-534
UVOD
Savremena lingvistika odavno je prevazišla uske okvire kojima je bila ograničena isključivo ili pretežno na izučavanje jezičkih pojava. Nova antropocentrična paradigma u lingvistici, koja u centar stavlja čovjeka, iz-bacila je u prvi plan interdisciplinarna istraživanja u kojima svoje zasluženo mjesto imaju i druge humanističke nauke. Uzajamni uticaj jezika i kulture i njen odraz u jeziku proučava lingvokulturologija1 koja u frazeološkom sloju jezika ima pouzdanu i zahvalnu gradu.
Ideje o vezi jezika i kulture nisu nove, srijecemo ih i kod uticajnih i značajnih lingvista ranijih epoha. S tim u vezi vrijedni su pomena Njemac Vilhelm fon Humbolt (Gumbol't, 1984) i njegovi sljedbenici neohumboltijan-ci, američki lingvista Edvard Sapiro (Sepir, 1993), ruski naučnik Aleksandar Potebnja (Potebnja, 2003) i mnogi drugi. Na savremenoj etapi razvoja nauke o jeziku stekli su se uslovi za sintezu znanja prethodnika, što je uz uključivanje novijih saznanja iz oblasti psihologije, etnolingvistike, kulturne antropologije, rezultiralo pojavom niza novih disciplina poput etnopsiholingvisti-ke, lingvokulturologije, kognitivne lingvistike (Krasnyh, 2002; Maslova, 2004; Bragina, 2005; Maslova, 2006; Sabitova, 2013). Sve nabrojane interdisciplinarne nauke sa različitih aspekata proučavaju manifestaciju kulture u jeziku.
Uprkos tome što su jezik i kultura dva različita semi-otička sistema (Lotman, 1992, 18-19; Telija, 1996, 228; Bragina, 2005, 26) te se ne može ustvrditi da se kultura bukvalno odražava u jeziku, ipak je nesumnjivo da je jezik čuvar i translator informacija, znanja, ideja, pravila, običaja i navika po kojima je živjela i živi odredena kul-turno-jezička zajednica. A od svih jezičkih jedinica upravo se u frazeološkom sloju jezika, najbolje odražavaju i čuvaju elementi kulture nekog naroda (Telija, 1996, 226; Maslova, 2004, 43; Bragina, 2005, 16). U tom smislu re-
konstruišuci porijeklo i nastanak pojedinih frazeoloških jedinica (idioma), istraživač nerijetko mora rekonstruisati i elemente kulture toga naroda. Na primjeru idioma ista-knutog u naslovu članka pokušacemo demonstrirati kako su elementi kulture naroda uticali na jezik i na koji način su odraženi u jeziku.
Pod idiomom (frazeologizmom2 podrazumijevamo jezičku jedinicu koja se reprodukuje u gotovom obliku, sastoji se od najmanje dvije komponente, odlikuje se globalnim značenjem koje nije jednako sumi značenja komponenti koje ulaze u njen sastav (idiomatičnost). Idiom karakterišu ustaljenost i obavezna ekspresivnost (komponenta značenja u kojoj se stapaju slikovitost, emotivnost, ocjenjivački karakter).3 Uz navedene osobine odredeni broj idioma posjeduje i kulturnu konotaciju.4 Pod tim pojmom podrazumijeva se dodatna komponenta znače-nja koja uz denotativni sadržaj jezičkog znaka najčešce implicitno signalizira na vezu tog jezičkog znaka sa kul-turom naroda u kojem je nastala i u kojoj se koristi. Za rekonstrukciju kulturne konotacije idioma nije dovoljna lingvistička procedura, ona mora biti podržana istraživa-njem ekstralingvističkih činilaca koji su doveli do slože-nih procesa i našli svoju fiksaciju u jeziku (Telija, 1996; Mokienko, 1999; Stepanov, 2004; Bragina, 2005; Vere-ščagin, Kostomarov, 2005). O jednom takvom jezičkom izrazu i govorimo u ovom radu.
ZNAČENJE IDIOMA "OKINUTI (KOME) NOS" U SAVREMENOM JEZIKU
Idiom "okinuti (kome) nos" u savremenom jeziku u razgovornom stilu5 opšterasprostranjen je na teritoriji cijele Crne Gore, kako u ruralnim tako i u urbanim sredinama, a njegovo značenje poznato je izvornim gov-ornicima svih uzrasta. Mi idiom u savremenoj upotrebi definišemo na sljedeci način: 'osramotiti (koga)', 'posti-djeti (koga) svojim postupkom, djelovanjem ili ponašan-
1	„Lingvokulturologija je humanistička disciplina koja proučava materijalnu i duhovnu kulturu ovapločenu u nacionalnom jeziku, a koja se manifestuje u jezičkim procesima. Ona objašnjava na koji način se ostvaruje jedna od fundamentalnih funkcija jezika kao oruda stvaranja, razvoja, čuvanja i prenošenja kulture" (Maslova, 2004, 30; prevod naš). „Lingvoluturologija je dio etnolingvistike posvečen izučavanju i opisu korespondencije jezika i kulture u njihovom uzajamnom dejstvu u sinhroniji" (Telija, 1996, 21 7; prevod naš).
2	U radu se uporedo sa terminom idiom, koji je češci u anglosaksonskoj nauci o jeziku, koriste i termini frazeologizam (frazeološka jedinica) koji su njegovi bliski sinonimi i rasprostranjeniji su na prostoru slovenskih zemalja u kojima se frazeologija kao samostalna lingvistička disciplina intenzivno razvija još ranih pedesetih godina prošlog vijeka, počev od radova njenog utemeljivača, akademika V. V. Vinogradova (Vinogradov, 1946; Vinogradov, 1947). Ostavljamo po strani terminološka i sadržajna razgraničenja ovih pojmova, koji za potrebe ovog rada nisu u prvom planu.
3	Pitanja obima frazeološkog sloja jezika, klasifikacije, pa i same definicije frazeološke jedinice u lingvistici su i dalje predmet mnogob-rojnih diskusija i zavise od pristupa i ciljeva istraživača i prevazilaze obim i zadatke ovoga rada. O tome opširna literatura (Telija, 1996, 56-83; Alefirenko, 2008, 7-22; Baranov, Dobrovol'skij, 2013, 8-26). Mi prihvatamo navedenu definiciju koju zastupa škola Petro-gradskog frazeološkog seminara prof. V. M. Mokijenka (Mokienko, 1989, 5), a koja je, kako navodi pomenuti istaknuti ruski frazeolog: „prihvačena od večine ruskih frazeologa - V. V. Vinogradova, B. A. Larina, S. I. Ožegova, A. M. Babkina, V. P. Žukova, A. V. Kunina, A. I. Fjodorova, J. J. Aveliani i dr" (Mokienko, 1989, 5).
4	Termin je uvela V. N. Telija i definiše ga kao „interpretaciju denotativnog ili metaforično motivisanog kvazidenotativnog aspekta značenja u kategorijama kulture" (Telija, 1996, 214; prevod naš). „Kulturna konotacija može biti definisana kao opis, rekonstrukcija diskursa: političkog, socijalno-ideološkog, filozofskog, književnog, religioznog, mitološkog, narodno-poetskog" (Bragina, 2005, 19; prevod naš).
5	Pod funkcionalnim stilom podrazumijeva se istorijski i socijalno uslovljen sistem jezičkih sredstava koji se koristi u odredenoj sferi komunikacije i odnosi se na odredenu sferu profesionalne djelatnosti. Razgovorni stil vrši osnovnu jezičku funkciju - funkciju komunikacije. Njegova je namjena neposredno prenošenje informacija, prevashodno u usmenoj formi. Karakteristike razgovornog stila su posebni uslovi njegovog funkcionisanja: „neformalnost, spontanost i ekspresivnost jezičke komunikacije, odsustvo prethodnog izbora jezičkih sredstava, automatizam govora i dijaloška forma" (Golub, 2007, 413; prevod naš).
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jem', 'učiniti nešto neprihvatljivo, što je za opštu osudu okoline.' Navedeni frazeologizam zabilježen je samo u jednom opštem deskriptivnim rječniku književnog jezika (Rečnik SANU XVI, 2001, 22). Njegovu frekventnost mogli bismo okarakterisati kao visoku, ali ta činjenica nije uticala da on bude fiksiran i u ostalim leksikograf-skim izvorima opšteg jezika. U Rječniku Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti idiom nije zabilježen ni u članku OKINUTI (Rječnik JAZU XVIII, 1917-1922, 812), ni u članku NOS (Rječnik JAZU XVIII, 1917-1922, 230-231). Ne bilježi ga ni Rečnik srpskohrvatskog književnog i narodnog jezika pod odrednicom OKINUTI (Rečnik SANU XVII, 2006, 401), kao ni Rečnik Matice srpske i hrvatske u članku NOS (Rečnik MS/MH III, 1969, 819-820) ni u članku OKINUTI (Rečnik MS/MH IV, 1971, 93). Ni u specijalnim frazeološkim rječnici-ma nismo našli naš idiom. Niti jedan od frazeoloških rječnika koje smo konsultovali bilo jednojezičkih, bilo prevodnih, kako starijih (Menac et al., 1979; Matešic, 1982), tako novijih (Trofimkina, 2005; Bendow, 2006; Bendow, 2009; Menac et al., 2011; Otaševic, 2012; Menac et al., 2014; Mušovic, 2016) nije ga zabilježio. Jedinu njegovu fiksaciju u opštim deskriptivnim rječnici-ma našli smo u Rečniku srpskohrvatskog književnog i narodnog jezika (Rečnik SANU XVI, 2001, 22) medu izrazima sa somatizmom NOS: okinuti nekome nos pokraj. ,osramotiti, obrukati nekoga, uzeti obraz nekome'. Dalje slijede primjeri upotrebe: A, ne uzmi mi obraz, uzviknu očajno Milun ... Aj, što mi okide nos?! (Dukic, 130). Ako pogaziš datu božju vjeru moga brata popa Rista i tako okineš njegov lijepi nos, kunem ti se živijem Bogom, iskopao si dom kuce Piletica (Pavicevic, 1928, 10).
Pošto je idiom dijalekatskog karaktera, o čemu svje-doči i kvalifikator pokrajinski u rječničkom članku, kao i izvori koji ilustruju njegovu potvrdu, iz kojih se vidi da je njegova teritorijalna rasprostranjenost omedena Crnom Gorom, to objašnjava zašto ga ne bilježe ostali navedeni rječnici. Potražili smo i našli fiksaciju idioma u novijim dijalekatskim rječnicima. U Rječniku govora Zete u vokabuli NOS zabilježena su dva idioma: OKINUT/KIDAT NOS (nekome) 'osramoti, obrukati nekoga' sa sljedecim ilustracijama: Ovo ja pre tobom, po slobodi pričam, nemoj mi de okinut nos! Pazi što ta deca priča(j)u, nemoj da mi nos kida(j)u, mrčila se! i idiom OKIDENOGA NOSA u službi uzvika: bruke! - E, okidenoga nosa, de mene nadoše! (Bašanovic-Čečovic, 2010, 295). Rječnik govora okoline Mojkovca bilježi idiom: OKINUT(I) NOS kome 'osramoti, obrukati koga' i ilustruje ga primjerima: Okide mi nos pred nolikim lju-
dima, ne znam kako cu im na oči opet izici. Poče nešto da mlati i priča, nos nam okide! (Ristic, 2010, 188). Za razliku od navedenih izvora, u Rječniku nikšickog kraja idiom je samo fiksiran i semantizovan bez navodenja primjera upotrebe: OKINUTI NOS ' osramotiti' (Do-kovic, 2010, 389). U starijem dvotomnom Uskočkom rječniku - dijalekatskom rječniku Milije Stanica (Stanic, 1990, I i Stanic, 1991, II) idiom je zabilježen na dva mjesta. U drugom tomu rječnika semantizovan je u vokabuli OKINUTI i daje se na kraju rječničkog članka, kako se uobičajeno fiksiraju frazeološki izrazi: OKINUTI NOS ' izložiti grdnoj sramoti'. Idiom se ilustruje sa dva primjera: Okide mi nos medu svijetom. Ona mu e šcer okinula nos (Stanic, 1991, II, 32). U prvom tomu rječnika u vokabuli NOS medu idiomima koji sadrže kom-ponentu somatizam idiom OKIDEN NOS objašnjen je značenjem: ' crn obraz, velika sramota, bruka' (Stanic, 1990, I, 528). Navedeno tumačenje idioma u kojem je njegovo značenje dato preko drugog idioma - crn obraz - zahtijeva komentar. Ovakva procedura u frazeografiji u principu nije pravilna jer bi značenje idiomatskih izraza trebalo tumačiti slobodnim spojevima riječi, medu-tim, leksikografska definicija samo je još jedan posredan dokaz da se koncept osramocene časti najpregnantnije odražava upravo u metafori sačuvanoj u izrazu crn obraz i da je ona do te mjere poznata izvornim govornicima da je prihvataju kao automatsku definiciju povrijedene časti. Da su ova dva izraza zaista frazeološki sinonimi u jezičkoj slici svijeta izvornih govornika uvjerili smo se i anketiranjem sunarodnika različite uzrasne dobi i profe-sionalnog statusa iz različitih krajeva Crne Gore6. Veliki broj ispitanika koji su zamoljeni da objasne značenje idioma OKINUTI NOS nerijetko su ga upravo kratko definisali idiomom UZETI OBRAZ.7
U savremenom jeziku razgovornog registra, ali i u književnim djelima napisanim narodnim jezikom, idiom se srece u oba oblika koja su fiksirana u pomenutom rječniku. Jedan je idiom izražen glagolskom objekats-kom sinatgmom: okinuti (kome) nos u kome glagolska komponenta može biti upotrijebljena u aktivu u svim vremenima i licima u muškom, ženskom i srednjem rodu. Drugi je idiom OKIDEN NOS sa glagolskom kom-ponentom u pasivu. Posljednji izraz, a to potvrduje i rječnik, polisemičan je jer kao sinegdoha označava i pojedinca koji prouzrokuje svojim ponašanjem osudu sredine (Stanic, 1990, I, 528), ali služi i da se njime opiše stanje nastalo kao posljedica radnji i pojava koje izazivaju stid, sramotu a koje je prouzrokovao pojedi-nac svojim neprihvatljivim ponašanjem (Stanic, 1990, I, 528). Izraz je dalje evoluirao pa je njegov tvorbeni
6	U novembru 2017. godine sproveli smo anketu medu studentima, iz različitih krajeva Crne Gore, i kolegama Filološkog fakulteta Univer-ziteta Crne Gore. Uz to smo i na osnovu usmenih odgovora informanata različitog nivoa obrazovanja, socijalnog statusa i uzrasne dobi dobili potvrdu svojih navoda. Rezultati ankete nisu objavljeni, ali su nam, uz navedene potvrde iz leksikografskih izvora, poslužili kao dodatni dokaz provjere značenja analiziranog idioma u savremenoj jezičkoj upotrebi. Pošto je ovaj rad samo dio započetog istraživanja koje je u toku, rezultati ankete bice objavljeni naknadno.
7	O etnokulturnom konceptu čast i konceptualnom statusu lekseme obraz podrobnije u Pejanovic, 2009, 87-91; Pejanovic, 2010a, 1 37-149, 237-238; Pejanovic, 2010b; Pejanovič 2011.
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potencijal našao odraz u imenici kidonosa 'osoba koja svojim ponašanjem, radnjama, postupcima izaziva prezir, sramotu ili negodovanje okoline'.8 Upravo u nave-denom značenju riječ se koristi u savremenoj upotrebi, imenica kidonosa može se odnositi na osobe oba pola iako je formalno ženskog roda: Jovane, stvarno si kidonosa, šta mi danas uradi pred kolegama! Takode nije nebitno istaci da se može uputiti i djetetu: Ovo naše dijete prava je kidonosa. Danas me obruka u gostima, jeduci bez viljuške.9 Navedeni konteksti pokazuju da se složenica obrazovana od idioma "kidati/okinuti nos" u savremenoj upotrebi koristi u različitim životnim situacijama kada ponašanje pojedinca kod okoline iza-ziva negativan stav i osudu, mada je njeno primarno značenje i upotreba vezano za ženski moral.10
Stanicev rječnik medu idiomima sa somatizmom nos navodi i, za našu temu vrlo važan izraz, ne bi kurvi nos oseko (o nožu) vrlo tup. (Stanič, 1990 I, 528). Njegova varijanta - izraz ne može kučki nos odsjeci sa identičnim značenjem, koje opisuje tup predmet, najčešce nož, takode se i danas čuje u govorima. Zamjena lekseme kurva sa kučka, služi samo kao eufemizacija i ne utiče na promjenu globalnog značenja idioma. Frejm11 otki-danja nosa koji je sadržan u unutrašnjoj formi idioma polako se razotkriva pa sad osim nosa i njegovog otki-danja imamo i objekat izražen imenicama: kurva/kučka (eufemistički). Vec smo pomenuli da deskriptivni rječnik SANU ne bilježi naš idiom u odrednici okinuti 6. b. odseci, odrezati, ali u ilustrativnom materijalu poslije navedene odrednice nalazimo sljedeci primjer iz literature: Kad bi domačin stekao uvjerenje o moralnoj nečis-toti svoje žene mogao ju je ubiti ili joj nos otsjeci, da i sad mnozina u ljutnji nekome reknu: „Okinucu ti nos ka' kurvi" (Rečnik SANU, 2006, XVII, 401). Navedeni pasus odlomak je iz djela „Život i običaji plemena Kuča" autora Stevana Dučica (Dučic, 1931, 164).
VEZA IZRAZA SA OBIČAJIMA I PRAVOM
Nakon navedenog podatka više nema nikakve su-mnje da je izraz nastao kao posljedica radnje koja je nekada primjenjivana u praksi. Ovaj okrutni i primitivni čin sa aspekta savremene civilizacije izaziva nevjericu i
gnušanje, ali u društvima koja još uvijek nisu dostigla stepen institucionalne zaštite morala kazna je upravo imala funkciju regulatora morala. Da su recidivi ove pojave, nažalost, prisutni i u savremeno doba potvrduju vijesti o ženama koje su podvrgnute takvom vidu kazne u pojedi-nim islamskim zemljama u kojima je na snazi šerijatsko pravo, odnosno običaji koji čuvaju tradicionalne obra-sce. Odsijecanje nosa za kaznu, navelo nas je na misao da je u našem idiomu odražen običaj koji je nastao kao posljedica dugog uticaja turske vladavine na Balkanu, medutim, ovakva kazna bila je prisutna i u različitim zakonskim aktima raznih država u raznim razdobljima.
Kako saznajemo iz pravne literature, amputacije udova predstavljaju tjelesne kazne, čiji osnov za pro-pisivanje i primjenu se zasniva na načelu taliona. Prema Hrvatskoj enciklopediji: talion (lat. talio, genitiv talionis: odmazda), je načelo u odmjerivanju kazne prema kojemu se zločincu nanosila ista šteta kakvu je on nanio ošteceniku („oko za oko", „zub za zub"); odmazda. Postojao je vec u ranom babilonskom pravu, u ranom židovskom pravu (Tora), a njegovi se elementi nalaze i u deliktnom rimskom pravu (Zakonik dvana-est ploča). U nekim je tragovima bio zadržan u Euro-pi do kraja XVIII. st., osobito kao simbolični talion, po kojem se kazna izvodila na dijelu tijela što je „počinio zločin". „Kao posljedica primjene ovog načela vremenom nastaju tjelesne kazne, koje su po svojim karakteristikama slične posljedicama krivičnog djela. Tako se prema principu taliona krivično djelo krade kažnjava odsijecanjem ruke, silovanje se kažnjava kastracijom, bogohuljenje se kažnjava rezanjem jezika i slično" (Bukarica, 2016, 28). Iz navedenog citata za našu temu interesantna je činjenica da je svaki dio tijela koji je za kaznu odstranjivan imao svoju simboliku. Ta simbolika proističe iz principa taliona.
EKLOGA, ZAKON SUDNJI LJUDEM, DUŠANOV ZAKONIK
Potraga za odgovorom da li je kazna odsijecanja nosa (rinektomija) primjenjivana kao pravni institut od-vela nas je u daleku istoriju jer su zakoni morali imati istorijski kontinuitet. Provjerili smo pravne akte koji su
8	Navedena semantizacija lekseme kidonosa u savremenoj jezičkoj upotrebi naša je.
9	Primjeri upotrebe lekseme kidonosa koje navodimo su naši, konstruisani su na osnovu ankete i provjere značenja i upotrebe lekseme u savremenom diskursu, a koja je izvršena tokom sprovedenog anketiranja.
10	Stanicev rječnik definiše riječ kidonosa kao višeznačnu. Njome se denotira: 1) kurva, bludnica; 2) lupeška, lupežara (Stanič, 1990 I, 359). Uporedivanje značenja navedene riječi u savremenoj upotrebi sa njenim izvornim značenjem pokazuje nam u kojem pravcu ide razvoj jezičkih procesa, odnosno, kako dolazi do uopštavanja semantike riječi. To nas navodi na zaključak da je proces tekao od konkretnog prvog značenja riječi: kurva, bludnica, preko izvedenog, drugog značenja: lupeška, lupežara (jer ona koja je sklona bludu, sklona je i kradi) sljedeca faza je 'ona (svaka žena) koja čini različita nedolična djela i konačno 'svaki onaj (više se ne vezuje samo za osobe ženskog pola) ko čini različita nedolična djela (više se ne vezuje samo za blud)'. Našu tvrdnju potvrduje i zapis leksema kidonosa sa varijantom kidinosa u Rječniku nikšickog kraja u kome se ona definiše kao 'osoba koja narušava ugled porodice, pravi sramotu, biva zastide'. Autor s pravom uz imenicu kao kvalifikator roda navodi i ženski i muški rod (Dokovic, 2010, 264).
11	U kognitivnoj lingvistici termin frejm definiše se kao: „kognitivna struktura u fenomenološkom polju čovjeka koja je zasnovana na pretpostavljenom znanju o tipičnim situacijama i povezanim s tim znanjem i očekivanjem svojstava i odnosa realnih i hipotetičkih ob-jekata" (Krasnyh, 2002, 164; prevod naš; uporedi: „višekomponentni koncept osmišljen kao cjelina sastavnih djelova, obimna predstava, odredena suma standardnih znanja o predmetu ili pojavi" (Sabitova, 2013, 1 74; prevod naš).
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primjenjivani na prostoru Crne Gore u njenoj istoriji, kao i one koji su mogli biti njihovi potencijalni uzori ili su mogli imati uticaja na njihovo oblikovanje.
Ekloga predstavlja jedan od najznačajnijih pravnih spomenika Vizantije koji je nastao u razdoblju od VII do VIII vijeka. Zakon je donesen za vrijeme vladavine careva Lava III i Konstantina V ili 726. ili 741. godine. Iz literature saznajemo da Ekloga predstavlja kratak izbor zakonskih tekstova koji su sadržani u 18 glava (titula ili titulusa). Od tog broja prvih 16 glava posveceno je gradanskom pravu (bračno, nasljedno, statusno, obliga-ciono, stvarno) pretposljednja glava govori o krivičnom pravu, a posljednja o diobi ratnog plijena (Simonovic, 2012, 322-323). Za našu temu značajna je problematika iz domena bračnog prava stoga cemo se na nju fokusirati. Prema riječima ruskog naučnika Bibikova:
Posebna pažnja u Eklogi, več od prvih članova teksta, posvečena je jačanju porodičnih i bračnih odnosa. Očekivano i u XVII titulusu dosta se govori o porodičnoj etici. Ovi principi vizantijskog spomenika potom su percipirani i razvijani u ka-snijim zakonskim zbornicima na grčkom jeziku, a svoj odraz dobili su i u slovenskim pravnim spomenicima, kao što je Zakon sudnji ljudem (Bi-bikov, 2006, 113; prevod sa ruskog naš).
Kako pomenuti autor navodi:
Za zločine u datoj oblasti odnosa predvidene su različite kazne: bičevanje, novčane kazne, odsije-canje nosa, progonstvo, smrtna kazna, kastracija, šišanje kose i brade. Karakter delikta uslovljavao je i stepen surovosti kazne, a diferencijacija je za-visila i od socijalne stratifikacije (Bibikov, 2006, 113; prevod sa ruskog naš).
Analizom upravo pomenutih članova Ekloge koji propisuju oblast polnog morala i dolazimo do saznanja da se u ukupno devet slučajeva uz ostale vrste sankcija (protjerivanje prestupnika, oduzimanje imovine, novčana kazna) propisuje odsijecanje nosa prestupniku. Takvom sankcionisanju bili su podvrgnuti i muškarci i žene koji bi stupili u nezakonite veze, muškarci skoro bez izuzetka, a žene samo onda ukoliko su bile udate ili monahinje. U slučajevima rodoskrnavljenja sa najbližim srodnicima primjenjivana je i smrtna kazna, dok bi ro-doskrnavljenje izvršeno sa osobom daljeg stepena krv-nog srodstva kažnjavano odsijecanjem nosa. Za stupan-je u odnos sa kumom (srodstvo po kumstvu) ukoliko su u braku kažnjavani su oboje odsijecanjem nosa. U slučajevima kada je muškarac stupao u nezakoniti odnos sa nevinom djevojkom protiv njene volje ili djevojčicom
onda bi bio kažnjavan samo on odsijecanjem nosa, a oštecenoj djevojci bi uz to morao predati polovinu svoje imovine. Prema riječima istraživača u oblasti prava: „odsijecanje nosa bilo je uobičajena kazna u Vizantiji za sve takozvane seksualne delikte" (Nikolic, 2013, 152; uporedi Bibikov, 2006, 117-118), što ilustrativno pot-vrduju i navedeni primjeri.
Amputacija nosa kao vid tjelesne kazne koji se pri-mjenjivao za seksualne delikte predviden je i u najsta-rijem slovenskom pravnom zborniku Zakon sudnji ljudem. Iako pomenuti zakon nije sačuvan u originalnom rukopisu, vec u prepisima iz XIII vijeka, paleoslavističim analizama potvrdena je njegova izvorna starina koja ga datira u drugu polovinu IX ili na početak X vijeka. U pravnoistorijskoj nauci nema sumnje da je Zakon sudnji ljudem najstariji slovenski pravni tekst, kao i da je raden po uzoru na vizantijski zakonik Ekloga (detaljnije u Nikolic, 2012, 32; Nikolic, 2013, 149-158). Fokusirajuci se samo na one odredbe najstarijeg slovenskog zakona koje su značajne za našu temu, usput cemo napo-menuti da je ovaj zakon mnogim članovima predvidao kazne koje su blaže u odnosu na njegove pandane iz Ekloge. Ovo se posebno tiče tjelesnih kazni. Što se tiče sankcionisanja iz oblasti bračnog, porodičnog i polnog morala i Zakon sudnji ljudem sadrži kaznu odsijecanja nosa (rinektomiju) u velikom broju slučajeva, s tim što su u odredenom broju slučajeva, odnosno prestupa za koje je ona izricana, vršene različite vrste modifikacija12 (Nikolic, 2013, 151-154). Napomenucemo da su, kao i u Eklogi, rinektomiji mogli biti podvrgnuti i muškarci žene u zavisnosti od socijalnog i bračnog statusa, stepena srodstva i drugih okolnosti koje su uzimane u obzir.
Razni vidovi kazne sakacenja po principu taliona propisani su i u Dušanovom zakoniku iz 1349. godine (Begovic, 1975; Begovic, 1981). Kao i u prethodnim starijim zakonicima amputacija nosa propisivana je za počinioce seksualnih delikata. U nekim slučajevima uz nju je dodatno praktikovano i odsijecanje ruku. Kazne su i u ovom zakoniku bile predvidene za oboje učesnika - muškarca i ženu - ukoliko su bili istog socijalnog statusa. Za blud sa pripadnikom iz drugog socijalnog statusa bila je predvidena smrtna kazna. Za krivično djelo silovanja, koje je, kako navodi Selakovic, postojalo i u srpskom običajnom pravu kažnjavalo se rinektomijom, kao i u Vizantiji, uz dodatno odsijecanje ruku. Ukoliko je počinilac bio nižeg staleža (sebar) nad njim je vršena i smrtna kazna vješanjem koja je smatrana za najsra-mniju vizantijsku kaznu. Posljednje govori o stepenu pooštravanja kazni za silovanje u Dušanovom zakoniku (Selakovic, 2007, 117).
Navedeni podaci iz različitih pravnih izvora potvrdu-ju da je amputacija nosa kao kaznena mjera skoro u svim slučajevima vezana za seksualne delikte. Ta činjenica
12 I Bibikov daje uporedni pregled kaznenih mjera koje su primjenjivane u slovenskom Zakonu sudnjem ljudem i vizantijskoj Eklogi iz kojeg se mogu izvesti zaključci o preuzimanju velikog broja članova zakona Ekloge uz njihovu manju ili vecu modifikaciju. Što se tiče sankcionisanja prestupa izrečenih za povredu bračnog i porodičnog morala osim rinektomije (odsijecanja nosa), karkteristične za vizantijski izvor, primjenjivane su kao novina i epitimije (crkvene kazne), ali i druge tjelesne kazne, poput bičevanja (Bibikov, 2006, 117-118).
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nam sugeriše da odsijecanje nosa, ukoliko na ovaj slučaj delikta primijenimo princip taliona, počinje simbolički da označava kastriranje. Na djelu je simbolička zamjena. Zašto je, kako potvrduju razni zakonici, za seksualne delikte amputiran upravo nos, a ne sam dio tijela kojim je počinjen zločin? Kao što je poznato iz pravne istorije, ka-zna nije samo imala svrhu odmazde za počinjeno djelo, več je njena ne manje važna funkcija bila i stigmatizacija prestupnika kroz oduzimanje časti. U konkretnom slučaju, osoba kojoj bi bio odsječen nos cijelog života bila je obilježena, i to na takav način da je to vidljivo svi-ma. Čovjek bez nosa postao je sam simbol oduzete časti (čime se kažnjava na isti način po principu taliona jer je i on oduzeo čast oštečenom.13 Osim toga amputacija nosa, kao najistaknutijeg dijela lica, nije mogla ostati neprimiječena, kao što bi bilo u slučaju kastriranja. Trajno obilježavanje prestupnika surovom kaznom imalo je još jednu socijalnu funkciju: preventivnog djelovanja, upozoravanja ostalih pripadnika zajednice o posljedica-ma koje slijede u slučaju izvršenja prestupa.
CRNOGORSKI ZAKONICI, SUDSKA PRAKSA I OBIČAJ
Bilo je očekivano da ni u jednom od crnogorskih zakonika, s obzirom na vrijeme u kojem su nastali, ne bude propisana surova tjelesna kazna - odsijecanje nosa. Analiza crnogorskih zakona, koji su se u odnosu na druge zemlje relativno kasno pojavili, po-tvrdila je tu našu pretpostavku. Što se tiče crnogorskih zakonskih akata: prvog zakonskog teksta poznatog pod nazivom Stega iz 1 796, Zakonika vladike Petra I iz 1 798-1803. godine i Zakonika knjaza Danila iz 1855. ni u jednom od njih nije propisan ovaj vid kažnjavanja. Stega (prvi crnogorski pisani pravni spomenik, koji se sastoji od svega 6 tačaka formulisa-nih u vidu zakletve pred Bogom) očekivano ne tretira pitanja koja su u centru naše pažnje s obzirom na to da se ne radi o kaznenom zakoniku več o mirovnom sporazumu izmedu Brdskih i Crnogorskih plemena (o tome u Ergaver, 2017; Pavičevič, Raspopovič, 1998, 3-9).
U Zakoniku Obščem crnogorskom i brdskom koji je poznat i pod imenom Zakonik vladike Petra I ima samo jedno pravilo koje se odnosi na povredu normi iz oblasti polnog morala. To pravilo propisuje kaznu protjerivanja i imovinsku kaznu:
Koji čoek uzme tudu ženu iza živa muža ili ugrabi devojku, koju mu ne budu devojački roditelji oli svojta i blizika devojačka, koja roditelja živijeh nema, po običaju i zakonu arhipastirskome dali, takovi da se ima cerati kako bezzakonik i grabitelj tude dece, i da mu stanja u našu zemlju nije, a njegovo imuce da se procijeni i razdijeli, kako i
onoga, koji samosilno čojka ubije (Pavičevič, Raspopovič, 1998, 12).
Na isti način za ovaj delikt kaznu propisuje i Zakonik knjaza Danila iz 1855. Medutim, za razliku od Zakonika Petra I, u kojem nisu propisana pravila bračnih odnosa, pomenuti zakonik tretira u više članova odnose izmedu supružnika. Pravilo 72. glasi:
Ako bi se dogodilo kojemu Črnogorcu ili Brda-ninu da mu žena njegova nije vjerna, pak ako bi svoju ženu uvatio u bludnosti, to mu se dopušta da može i jedno i drugo ubiti; ako li bi ona po-bjegla, to da joj stana nije u našoj zemlji (Bojovič, 1982, 160-161).
Obrazlažuči izvore za nastanak Zakonika knjaza Danila, Jovan Bojovič dokazuje da su to običajno pravo, Zakonik Petra I iz 1798, Zakoni otačastva iz 1833, sudska praksa (Bojovič, 1982, 40). Kao ilustracija izvora autoru u monografiji služe i presude iz Crnogorskih isprava XVI-XIX vijeka. U jednoj od njih datiranoj 17/29. decembra 1852. godine izvjesna Krstinja osudu-je se na progonstvo zbog preljube iz koje je dobila i vanbračno žensko dijete. Presudom se akter preljube i njen otac osuduju na novčane kazne, koje su dužni isplatiti njenom mužu Zeku Ivaniševiču, a ona sama se osuduje na progonstvo: „da joj nigdje stana nije u našoj državi, i koji bi je Ivaniševic uhvatio slobodan je njoj nos okinuti za izgled drugima"(Bojovič, 1982, 47). Po-sljednji navod potvrduje da je kazna odsijecanja nosa služila i kao opomena drugima, ali da su je osim preva-renog muža mogli izvršiti i drugi pripadnici porodice/ bratstva Ivaniševič. Ovaj podatak potvrduje da su u datom istorijskom trenutku u patrijarhalnoj Crnoj Gori nazori bili takvi da povreda morala nije imala individualni karakter, več je sramota nanesena mužu doži-vljavana kao sramota svih ostalih pripadnika porodice/ bratstva. Time se može i objasniti citirani odlomak presude iz kojeg se vidi da članovi porodice oštečenog muža imaju pravo da kompenzuju uvrijedenu čast jer i oni moralno s njim dijele štetu zbog uvrijedene časti, što im i daje mogučnost odmazde. Kako navodi Petar Stojanovič:
Shvatanje običajnog prava o ženi koja počini preljubu odgovaralo je, u osnovi, nazorima organa vlasti i potrebama državotvornih snaga. To shvatanje ozbiljno je uticalo na pisane propise i ostavljalo je žive tragove u praktičnom postupanju sudske vlasti. Prema običajnom pravu, žena koja čini preljubu čini sramotu, kako mužu tako i nje-govom bratstvu. Kod žene-preljubnice stoga oživljava kolektivna odgovornost: ne samo muž nego
13 U prilog našem tumačenju ide i činjenica da je u Eklogi za sve ostale slučajeve seksualnih delikata propisana rinektomija, osim za slučaj skotološtva (opštenja sa životinjom) za koji je jedino propisano kastriranje.
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i muževljevo bratstvo ovlašceni su da kažnjavaju ženu-preljubnicu (Stojanovič, 2009, 163).
Po riječima Svetislava Marinoviča:
crnogorsko društvo do donošenja prvih zakonika, a djelimično i pedesetak godina nakon toga (do-lazak knjaza Danila na vlast), imalo je plemensku organizaciju. Nju je karakterisalo snažno zajedni-štvo, krvno srodstvo i isti genetski korijeni, zaje-dnički jezik, ista vjera, a time i identični običaji i moral (Marinovič, 2007, 20).
Autor objašnjava da je duga vladavina običajnog prava bila društveno determinisana velikim siromaštvom, stalnim ratovima, nesigurnim životom i bezva-laščem. Na drugom mjestu u knjizi, on ističe da zbog takvih okolnosti: „u gensu, klanu, plemenu nijesu posto-jala pisana pravila ponašanja niti su ona bila potrebna. Njih je efikasno supstituisao običaj" (Marinovič, 2007, 41). U takvim društvima, poput crnogorskog
zajedništvo, velika meduzavisnost članova i solidarnost unutar roda, klana i sl. kao uslov opstan-ka, te puna identifikacija pojedinca sa grupom nužno su doveli do prihvatanja kolektivne i objektivne odgovornosti, umjesto individualne i subjektivne (Marinovič, 2007, 42).
U pravnoistorijskoj literaturi postoje oprečni stavovi u vezi sa primjenom Zakonika knjaza Danila. Dok Val-tazar Bogišič iznosi mišljenje da mnogi njegovi članovi nisu primjenjivani u praksi, dotle drugi proučavaci, medu njima i Jovan Bojovič, smatraju da je zakonik bio na snazi za što u svojoj monografiji navodi niz presuda kojima dokazuje njegovu primjenu u praksi.14 Jedna od presuda iz 1857. godine interesantna je za našu temu pa je navodimo u cjelini: „Daje se slobodno pismo I. J. P., poradi nosa te je okinuo svojoj zakonitoj ženi Z., kceri S. N. iz Pješivaca. Sudimo da za ovo kuca Ivana Turčinova nema nigda nikome odgovarati no ostaje slobodno ni od koga u vječni vijek" (Bojovič, 1982, 67). I Petar Stojanovič navodi citiranu presudu uz komentar:
na duboku ukorijenjenost običaja u odnosu na položaj žene-preljubnice ukazuje činjenica da su se tragovi privatne represije najduže održali prema ženi, čak i onda kad je državna vlast stekla potpu-nu afirmaciju. Autor tvrdi da se pravilo čl. 72 Dani-lovog zakonika: „dosljedno primjenjivalo u sudskoj praksi, upravo zato što se oslanjalo na živo običajno pravo i narodnu svijest (Stojanovič, 2009, 163). Nezavisno od toga da li je pomenuti zakonik imao li
ne primjenu u praksi, može se konstatovati da je muž u Crnoj Gori u vrijeme dok je na snazi bio Zakonik knjaza Danila imao i zakonsko uporište lišiti života svoju su-prugu ukoliko bi je zatekao u nevjerstvu. A da je u praksi primjenjivana kazna odsijecanje nosa, iako nije predvidena zakonom, potvrduju i sudske presude od kojih smo jednu naveli. Na spisku zakonskih akata Crne Gore nalazi se i Opšti Imovinski zakonik Valtazara Bogišiča iz 1875. godine. Po vremenu nastanka on je mladi u odnosu na prethodno pominjane zakonike, a poseban je zbog koncepcije i kodifikatorskog postupka koji je njegov autor, znameniti pravnik i univerzitetski profesor, potom i ministar pravde u Vladi Crne Gore, Valtazar Bogišič, primijenio u njegovoj pripremi. Prije nego što je pristupio izradi zakona Valtazar Bogišič se: „upoznao s mnogim institutima običajnog prava, kojima je davao prednost u odnosu na norme pisanog prava u Crnoj Gori pa i formalno važečega Danilovog zakonika iz 1855. godine" (Lukovič, 2009, 78).
[Bogišič se držao uvjerenja da]: „pravni običaji („pravna samorodica" — kako je govorio) nadživljava-ju zakone u zemljama patrijarhalne kulture i nerazvije-ne privrede, kakva je upravo bila Crna Gora" (Lukovič, 2009, 103). Sa ciljem dubljeg upoznavanja običajnih normi Crnogoraca Bogišič je sproveo anketu koja se sastojala od 2000 pitanja a na osnovu odgovora izvje-stilaca iz Crne Gore, Hercegovine i Albanije došao je u posjed dragocjenih podataka. Upravo medu odgovo-rima na Bogišičeve ankete o običajnim normama, pro-našli smo zanimljiv podatak koji se tiče naše teme. Na Bogišičevo pitanje broj 63. „Biva li često preljube i kako se kazni? Kazni li se samo kad uvrijedena strana to zah-tijeva, kako li?" čitamo sljedeče odgovore informanata za Crnu Goru:
Biva, ali se vecinom krije. A kazni se samo na osnovu tužbe uvrijedene strane. Dogadalo se da je muž, kad bi našao ženu na djelu, ubijo ili nju ili preljubnika. I za to narod ne drži da je pravo kazniti ga. A i današnji sud ne bi ga osudijo, nego bi ga pridržao u tamnici dok se razvidi stvar je li baš to tako. Dogadalo se i to da bi muž odkinuo nos i njemu i njoj, te i za to ne bi bio kažnjen (Bogišič, 1999, 334).
Informanti iz Hercegovine su odgovorili da je sve identično, osim kidanja nosa, a izvjestioci za Albaniju su potvrdili da preljube ima, ali su nepoznati detalji (Bogišič, 1999, 334).
Navedni redovi još jednom potvrduju da je prevare-ni muž osim mogučnosti da usmrti svoju ženu, posezao i za tjelesnom kaznom. Osim toga muž je mogao na taj način kazniti i muškarca preljubnika ili ga pak ubiti.
14 I Petar Stojanovič konstatuje: „Za Danilov zakonik rečeno je da, uglavnom, nije nikad u život stupio, vec da je, u praksi, nadvladan običajnim pravom.Takav stav koji se u istorijsko-pravnim raspravama epigonski ponavlja do danas, posljedica je nepoznavanja društvene stvarnosti Crne Gore Petrovog i Danilovog doba, i procjene ova dva kodeksa po osnovu savremenih obrazaca pravnog mišljenja" (Stojanovič, 2009, 423).
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Tolerantan odnos kako vlasti, tako i javnog mnjenja prema prevarenom mužu, koji bi izvršio kaznu, objašnjava se činjenicom da se u očima zajednice čin odsijecanja nosa opravdava kao nadoknada, odmazda za uvrijede-nu čast. Da je to tako svjedoče nam sljedeci navodi iz crnogorske pravne literature:
Tjelesna kazna kidanjem nosa nevjernoj ženi ustanova je običajnog prava, iako je nema ni u jednom pisanom propisu, ova kazna je sankcio-nisana u praksi sudske vlasti. [...] To je pravom zašticena kazna koju i rod i dom ženin, po pravilu tolerišu jer se drži da je žena izvršenom prelju-bom okaljala čast i svome „plemenu", ženin rod se ne obazire na ovako kažnjenu odivu i, po pravilu, ne sveti je (Stojanovic, 2009, 165).
Još jedan veoma zanimljiv podatak nalazimo na dru-gom mjestu u Opaskama o Danilovom zakoniku (bele-ške iz 1873) iz pera istog autora Valtazara Bogišica. U komentarima koje je Bogišic napisao povodom Zakonika knjaza Danila uz pravilo 72. stoji sljedeca opaska:
Ako uhvati na djelu, može ih oboje ubiti. I treba da oboje zajedno ili ubije ili nagrdi, jer mu se ina-če vjerovalo ne bi - ili bi on ili ona kazali da nije istina. Često se dogodi, da njoj nos okine a njega ubije. Ali sutri dan ne smije ni nju ni njega ubiti, -te za to se i traži, da oboje ujedno ubije ili nagrdi, jer mu se inače vjerovalo ne bi nego bi mu kazali: ti si se bojao da ne bi učinili pa iz ljubomorstva si ubio ili tebi se činilo iz daleka, a nije istina bila (Bojovic, 1982, 139).
Citirani pasus razotkriva motivaciju čina koji ima i karakter rituala. Osramoceni muž njime pravedno sveti povrijedenu čast, on takode ukida svaku potencijalnu sumnju zajednice, dokazujuci da to nije učinio neosno-vano zbog ljubomore.
Kažnjavanje prestupnika odsijecanjem nosa bila je običajna praksa koja je primjenjivana u Crnoj Gori, iako nije bila propisana zakonskim aktima. Kazni je mogla podleci, kako potvrduju dokumentovani podaci iz pre-suda i izvjestioci anketa - poznavaci običajnog prava, ne samo supruga uhvacena u brakolomstvu, vec i mu-škarac sa kojim je izvršila prestup. Odsijecanje nosa bilo je alternativna kazna jer je prestupnica, kako pokazuju dokumenti za navedeno djelo, pojedinim zakonima osudivana na smrt ili protjerivana iz zemlje. Kaznu je po pravilu vršio ošteceni muž u trenutku izvršenja prestu-pa, ali je bilo dozvoljeno i članovima njegove porodice/ bratstva da je izvrše naknadno, ukoliko bi je, buduci protjeranu iz zemlje, ipak negdje sreli. Aktom odsijeca-
nja nosa ostvarivao se simbolički talion - odmazda za povrijedenu čast15.
A kako je nastao izraz u kojem je u jeziku došlo do svojevrsnog transfera radnje otkidanja nosa. Prvobitni realni čin otkidanja nosa kao sankcija za seksualne delikte dobio je simboličko značenje 'bruka, sramota'. Preko sinegdohe koja je jedan od jezičkih prenosa idiom okiden nos počeo je da denotira svakog poje-dinca koji svojim nedoličnim ponašanjem izaziva os-jecaj sramote i osudu okoline. Pojedinac koji se ponaša protivno pravilima zajednice i takvim ponašanjem narušava društvene norme nanosi sramotu = kida nos. Zanimljivo je da u jeziku nos kida onaj ko svojim nedoličnim ponašanjem nanosi sramotu nekome, tačni-je u jeziku proces ide u obrnutom smjeru, suprotno od stvarnog čina koji je kao kazna nekad primjenjivan nad onim koji je sa aspekta zajednice vršio nedolična djela. Kao da se kazna na odredeni način prenosi i širi sa počinioca na njemu bliske (porodicu, bratstvo, pleme) što samo potvrduje postojanja osjecanje kolektivne časti.
ZAKLJUČAK
Objašnjenje nastanka i etimologije idioma "okinuti (kome) nos" zahtijevalo je rekonstrukciju kulturne ko-notacija ovog jezičkog znaka, čiji rezultati su sljedeci: Odsijecanje nosa kao kazna kroz istoriju primjenjiva-no je prevashodno kao odmazda za seksualne delikte. Ovo potvrduju stariji zakoni koje smo analizirali - vi-zantijska Ekloga iz VII vijeka, najstariji slovenski zbornik Zakon sudnji ljudem iz X vijeka, Dušanov zakonik iz XIV vijeka, kao i presude o izvršenju kazni u Crnoj Gori sa početka XIX vijeka. Vec u staro doba kazna je pridobila značenje simboličkog taliona. Vidjeli smo da su tjelesne kazne u najranije doba vršene po principu „oko za oko, zub za zub", odnosno amputiranjem onog dijela tijela koje je učinilo prestup. U trenutku kada se umjesto kastriranja kao kazna za seksualne delikte za odmazdu otkida nos ovaj gest dobija značenje simboličkog taliona. Osoba kojoj je otkinut nos bila bi trajno i transparentno obilježena i tako postajala simbol osramočene časti, čime bi ujedno bila kažnjena a istovremeno služila za antiprimjer ostalim pripadnici-ma zajednice.
Opisana konceptualizacija bila je i moguca zahva-ljujuci činjenici da u patrijarhalnoj zajednici, kakva je bila stara Crna Gora sa plemenskim ustrojstvom, još uvijek važe principi kolektivizma pa se i sramota koju izazove pojedinac ne doživljava kao njegova lična, individualna, vec kao kolektivna sramota kako njegovih najbližih, tako i šire porodice, bratstva, saplemenika, o čemu nam svjedoči i ranije navedeni primjer presude u
15 Rodonačenik ovog načela na zakonodavnom planu je Hamurabijev zakonik iz XVII vijeka prije naše ere. U ovom Zakoniku, koji ce kasnije slijediti Zakoni XII tablica, staro hebrejsko pravo i mnoga druga, načelo taliona je formulisano na sljedeci način: „Oko za oko, kost za kost, zub za zub, za ubistvo trudne žene i njenog ploda - ubistvo kcerke učinioca, za smrt djeteta kod rušenja kuce - smrt djeteta graditeljevog" (Marinovic, 2007, 43; uporedi Avdiev, 1948, 1 7).
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kojoj ženu preljubnicu mogu kazniti svi srodnici muža.
Da napomenemo da je idiom "okinuti (kome) nos" u savremnoj jezičkoj upotrebi izgubio svoju prvobitnu vezu sa prototipom i danas se koristi u najrazličitijim kontekstima i konsituacijama u kojima pojedinac svojim ponašanjem izaziva negativan stav okoline i izaziva
osjecanja koja se krecu na skali od nelagode i blagog negodovanja, preko neprijatnosti, do stvarnog osjecaja sramote. I navedni primjer dokazuje složenu evoluciju jezičkih procesa, od kojih smo jedan pokušali opisati u radu.
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RECONSTRUCTING THE CULTURAL CONNOTATION OF THE IDIOM "TO CUT (SOMEONE'S) NOSE OFF"
Ana PEJANOVIC
University of Montenegro, Faculty of Philology, Danila Bojovica bb, 81400 Niksic, Montenegro
e-mail: apejanovic@rambler.ru
SUMMARY
On the example of the expression „to cut (someone's) nose off", which is found in the contemporary language of Montenegro dialects, the author of the paper shows the importance of reconstructing the cultural connotation of idioms, without which it is impossible to explain its origin and etymology. The applied interdisciplinary approach proves that besides the linguistic procedure, linguistic-cultural method requires application of knowledge from other Humanities, whose data are necessary for unraveling the unbreakable connection between one people's language and culture.
The first part of the paper lists all confirmed records of the idiom, found in several lexicographic sources from different regions of Montenegro. It has been pointed to its semantics, frequency, and other data that testify to its active use in the modern language. Further analysis reveals the connection between the idiom and the prototype reflected in its literal meaning. In the second part of the paper, it is shown that the act of cutting someone's nose off as a punitive legal sanction or customary practice was committed against perpetrators of sexual offenses at various times and in different nations. This is also illustrated by the facts from different legal and hystorical sources. By analyzing the Byzantine Law the Ecloga, the oldest Slavonic code Zakon Sudnyi Lyudem and the Montenegrin legislative acts Stega, the Law of Petar I and the Law of Prince Danilo, as well as by gaining insight into the legal practice and customs of Montenegro of that time, the paper describes the application of the measure, its perpetrators and its consequences in concrete circumstances.
In conclusion, a linguistic expertise explains the genesis of the phenomenon, i.e. the way in which the real act of cutting someone's nose off, by which a symbolic talion (a retribution for the injured honour) was realized through a linguistic transmission - synecdoche, became a symbol of disgraced honor in Montenegrin ethnoculture, and as such preserved to this day and became verbalized in a linguistic sign such as idiom.
Keywords: idiom „to cut (someone's) nose off", cultural connotation, cultural linguistics, law, custom
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original scientific article	DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2018.33
received: 2018-10-02
NOVE BENETKE: NATEČAJ ZA OBMOČJE TRONCHETTO IN TEMPORALNOST ARHITEKTURE
Nika GRABAR
Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: nika.grabar@fa.uni-lj.si
IZVLEČEK
Članek se ukvarja z natečajem za območje Tronchetto v Benetkah, razpisanim leta 1964, pri čemer se interpretacija posebej osredotoča na rešitev, ki jo je izdelala skupina arhitektov pod okriljem Edvarda Ravnikarja. V prvem delu članek obravnava zgodovinski kontekst natečaja ter opiše njegove rezultate. Predlog rešitve Ravnikarjeve skupine, Venezia nuova (Vn), podrobno analizira v drugem delu. Tretji del članka projekt naveže na Adornovo zastavitev arhitekture v smislu uporabne umetnosti. Rancierjeva kritika v petem delu članka pa je izhodišče za odprtje vprašanja o temporalnosti arhitekture. Slednje izpostavlja kot ključno za interpretacijo arhitekturnih del ter s tem preko estetike preizprašuje odnos med etiko in politiko v Rancierjevi zastavitvi etičnega obrata.
Ključne besede: arhitektura, Benetke, Tronchetto, estetika, etika, politika
VENEZIA NUOVA: CONCORSO PER IL TRONCHETTO E LA TEMPORALITA DELL'ARCHITETTURA
SINTESI
L'articolo analizza il concorso internazionale del 1964 per la sistemazione del Tronchetto a Venezia ed esamina da vicino il progetto proposto dal gruppo di architetti sotto la supervisione di Edvard Ravnikar. Nella prima parte l!articolo tratta il contest storico della competizione e ne descrive i risultati, la seconda parte interpreta la proposta del gruppo di Ravnikar intitolata Venezia Nuova (Vn), mentre la terza parte dell'articolo interpreta il progetto secon-do il concetto di architettura come arte applicata di Adorno. Nell' ultima parte la critica di Ranciere diventa la base per mettere in discussione la temporalita dell'architettura. Sostenendo un'interpretazione delle opere architettoniche in termini di temporalita, l'articolo mette in discussione la relazione tra etica e politica secondo il concetto di svolta etica di Ranciere.
Parole chiave: architettura, Venezia, Tronchetto, estetica, etica, politica
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ČUDEŽNO MESTO NA VODI
Za Edvarda Ravnikarja so bile Benetke, poleg Amsterdama in Kjota, eno izmed čudežnih mest na vodi, mesto, ki s svojo lepoto v naših srcih živi in niha med resničnostjo in vizijo. A čeravno so zanj Benetke čudežne, jih vidi kot mesto, ki je sicer zaključilo svoj življenjski ciklus kot mesto, a hkrati po naključju, zaradi posebne usode, ohranja svojo v stoletjih nabrano in oblikovano lepoto (Ravnikar, 1964, 400).
Zdi se, da misel v celoti povzema projekt, ki ga je Ravnikar izdelal v sodelovanju z Majdo Kregar in Edom Ravnikarjem mlajšim kot predlog natečajne rešitve. Leta 1964 ga je razpisala Mestna občina Benetke. Iz njega lahko razberemo njegov odnos do tega posebnega mesta ter do njegovega časa. Benetke so za Ravnikarja neizmerno lepe, a njihov čas se je iztekel. Lahko bi celo rekli, da so mrtve. A takšna trditev, lahko predvidevamo, bi bila preveč dokončna, trda, neizprosna. Navsezadnje premorejo "v stoletjih nabrano lepoto" in ta morda lahko nekaj obeta, je tista, ki naj bi "silila v reševanje njene usode arhitekte, umetnike, tehnike in politične delavce vsega sveta" (Ravnikar, 1964, 400).
Benetke so ostalina preteklega časa. Čudovita osta-lina na vodi, ki nas vedno znova presune, a s svojim načinom življenja le životari. Če je za Ravnikarja lepota Benetk počelo, iz katerega pričenja misliti vlogo mesta v prihodnosti in glede na to vlogo s svojo ekipo predlaga natečajno rešitev, je ob tem vredno opozoriti še na prvi pogled jasno postavko: Benetke so lepe kot čudež na vodi, njihova lepota, čeprav popolnoma umetna, je v sozvočju s svojim okoljem. Ali bolje, lepota Benetk se je izoblikovala v odnosu do lagune, v odnosu do prostranega elementa vode, ki mesto povezuje v širši Me-diteran. Voda in laguna sta v zgodovini mesta pomenili hkrati prepreko in varnost, danes pa Benetke ohranjajo svojo estetsko vrednost ter s tem unikatno pozicijo prav v odnosu do vodne površine.
Čas, v katerem se je natečaj odvil, sredina 60-ih let, je že dodobra razkril težave suburbanizacije in problematičnega razvoja mest. Številne polemike so se odpirale tako v evropskem kot v ameriškem kontekstu. Klicale po premisleku o načinu urbanističnega planiranja ter s tem povezanega regionalnega razvoja. V tem kontekstu je bila zgodba Benetk nekoliko specifična, saj so bili problemi sorodni, ni pa bilo mogoče nanje odgovarjati z isto metodologijo in tehnologijo kot v primeru kopenskih velemest.
Infrastruktura
Ravnikarjev oddaljeni pogled je premogel kritično distanco, ki je njegovi ekipi posledično omogočila oblikovanje rešitve v smislu ohranjanja izvorne estetske kvalitete mesta na vodi ter infrastrukturne rešitve navezala na sodobno tehnologijo vodnega prometa: "Vse kaže, da je z moderno tehniko ter regionalnim reševan-
jem mogoče doseči pravo renesanso Benetk, brez jalovih naporov pocelinjanja, ki že od zgraditve železnice leta 1846 in avtomobilske ceste leta 1932 vedno znova dokazuje svojo nemoč". Renesansa Benetk bi bila renesansa takšnih Benetk, "ki živijo v spominu vsakega kulturnega človeka" (Ravnikar, 1964, 401).
Ravnikar poleg tega zapiše, da lahko tehnologija vozil na zračni blazini (hovercraft), potniške ladjice ali druga transportna sredstva rešijo dileme mesta. Nova tehnologija, ki se navezuje na vodni promet, namreč v tistem času pričenja oblikovati novo hrbtenico infrastrukture in na njo bi se lahko vodno mesto navezalo, kar bi Benetkam omogočilo učinkovito in elegantno rešitev, prilagodljivo potrebam vodnega prometa v Parizu, Amsterdamu in v Zürichu (Ravnikar, 1965, 217).
Če bi Benetkam uspelo infrastrukturno mrežo spremeniti na ta način ter popolnoma izločiti avtomobilski in železniški dostop, bi jim povrnili življenje okoli centra, iztek Canala Grande bi ponovno postal glavni vstop v mesto in ta predel bi dobil neposredni stik z dinamičnim predelom od Rialta do trga Svetega Marka preko vodne površine. Robovi mesta bi se na ta način sprostili za potrebe sodobnega bivanja. Ravnikar v dinamiki sodobnega razvoja ne vidi težave in na tej točki lahko zaznamo daljnosežnost njegove misli. Benetke razume kot "city" velikega urbaniziranega območja, povezanega z zaledjem z izključno moderniziranim vodnim prometom. Razmišlja o tem, kako bi logika prometnih povezav delovala podobno kot predvidene ureditve npr. Pariza ali Rima, kjer omejujejo dostop avtomobilov in za dostop do središča razvijajo javni prevoz (Ravnikar, 1965, 217).
Mesto bi tako ohranilo svoj izvorni značaj. In prav v takšni obravnavi Ravnikar vidi njegov največji potencial: "Za Benetke bi se spet odprta možnost, da v evropski civilizaciji in kulturi pričnejo nekaj pomeniti, s čimer bi se odprla tudi možnost za uporabo določene izbruše-ne restavratorske strategije z živim ciljem nadaljnje učinkovite eksistence historičnega centra kot javnega, trgovskega, visokošolskega in univerzitetnega torišča iskanja, srečanj in gojitve kulturne tradicije" (Ravnikar, 1964, 401). Benetke bi v tem smislu kot mesto na vodi odpirale povsem novo razsežnost v premišljevanju razvoja mest in ta bi govorila polemično o razmerju med kopnim in vodo ter v tem kontekstu o odnosu do kulturne dediščine in arhitekture mesta.
Natečaj
O problematičnem odnosu voda-kopno v kontekstu Benetk, ki je zaznamoval natečaj, govorijo že same okoliščine, v katerih se je ta odvil. Razpis natečaja so pospremile številne polemike. Ena izmed kontroverznih točk je bila namreč ustanovitev administrativnega centra na območju med obstoječim iztekom Canala Grande ter otokom Tronchetto. Predlog za razvoj programa na tej lokaciji je Svet za javna dela namreč v prvi instanci
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zavrnil. Potrdil ga je šele kasneje, ko je bil predstavljen v zmanjšanem obsegu in z omejeno namembnostjo predlaganih vsebin. Novo ime za projekt se je glasilo "Pristaniško in komercialno središče". Načrte je bilo treba oddati Ministrstvu za javna dela v odobritev, površina ni smela presegati 15 hektarjev, pri čemer je bilo treba gradnjo v zvezi s parkirišči, prometnimi otokom, z garažami in s hoteli prestaviti na celino pri San Giulianu. Vse javne in zasebne zgradbe, povezane z javnim in ekonomskim življenjem mesta, naj bi bile zagotovljene s potrjenimi projektom Centra (Sammartini, 1964, 583).
29. oktobra 1963 je Mestna občina Benetke organizirala mednarodni natečaj za oblikovanje "Urbanega plana volumetričnega načrta" za novi otok Tronchetto. Njegov razpis je izzval proteste tamkajšnje univerze IUAV, ker je kršil številna določila predpisov UNESCA. V tem razpisu so bile namreč jasno posredovane vse zahteve v zvezi z garažami za avtomobile in avtobuse, s parkirnimi prostori, z delavnicami in s prenočišči za voznike, hoteli s parkirnimi prostori za turistične skupine, s transportnimi servisi za potnike in dobrine, pa tudi skladišča in odlagališča za dobrine v tranzitu ter organizacijo prometa voda-cesta-železnica (Sammartini, 1964, 583).
Ponovljeni razpis je dal natečajnikom svobodnejše roke, čeprav je bil še vedno namenjen povečanju turistične in administrativne infrastrukture. Posebno pozornost je bilo treba posvetiti tudi organizaciji infrastruktur-ne mreže, čeprav bi to lahko pomenilo tudi spremembo predvidenega plana. Natečajniki so lahko predlagali, kar so želeli, tudi če je to pomenilo zanikanje generalnega urbanističnega načrta. Potek dogajanja v zvezi z razpisom in kasneje z rešitvami jasno povzame pripomba komisije. Za člane natečajne komisije je bila logika natečaja obrnjena na glavo - ocenjevanje idej bi se namreč moralo zgoditi pred konstrukcijo otoka (Sammartini, 1964, 584). Odločitev o zmagovalcu je prav tako pomenljiva, saj je komisija v končni posledici podelila pet enakovrednih nagrad.
Novi otok
Zgodba o nastanku otoka Tronchetto je vsaj toliko, če ne še bolj, povedna kot samo dogajanje v navezavi z razpisom natečaja. Tronchetto je bil zgrajen po drugi svetovni vojni z dvomljivimi dovoljenji. Oblikovan je kot morski pomol v bližini pristanišča in je kmalu po nastanku obveljal za izvedbo zemljiške špekulacije velikih razsežnosti. Kot najbolj očitno dejstvo, da gre za problematičen poseg, se je pokazalo že s samo določitvijo lokacije - otok je nastal na območju, kjer predhodno ni bilo nobenega kopnega, ampak le voda (Cappai, Mainardis, 1995, 109).
Gradnjo je podpirala Krščansko-demokratska stranka na vladnem in lokalnem nivoju. Njeni predstavniki naj bi se z gradnjo okoristili predvsem v naslednje koraku, ko so območje prodali petrolejski družbi Esso. Takrat je veljala
za najmočnejšo na svetu in je takoj po nakupu pričela zahtevati izrabo terena (Cappai, Mainardis, 1995, 109). Teritorij, ki je nastal iz nič, je porušil razmerje javno-za-sebno na nivoju mestne politike in s tem v zvezi možnosti smiselnega načrtovanja razvoja prostora v korist estetskih kvalitet mesta.
Izgradnja otoka Tronchetto je bila tretja poteza večjih razsežnosti, ki je Benetke osiromašila, jih naredila za mesto, ki je pričelo izgubljati svoj otoški potencial spričo funkcionalnih banalnosti in turističnega razvoja. V preteklosti so bile spremembe in dograjevanja premišljena in naravnana na logiko terena in kanalov v laguni. Za potniški in tovorni promet so skrbele gondole in čolni po gosti mreži kanalov. Potrebe po cestni in železniški povezavi s kopnim ni bilo (Cappai, Mainardis, 1995, 109).
Železniški most je bil zgrajen leta 1846, za časa avstroogrske oblasti, cestna povezava pa ob njem leta 1933 pod okriljem Benita Mussolinija. Obe potezi sta bili slabo premišljeni in neusklajeni tako z naravo Benetk samih kot z vodnimi tokovi. Vse od izgradnje prvega mostu dalje se Benetke posedajo in s to problematiko se srečujejo še danes. Če je bilo mesto na vodi rezultat prav premišljenega načina gradnje usklajenega z naravnimi tokovi lagune, je povezava s kopnim to enoznačno prekinila. Vodni tokovi se niso več pretakali Benečanom v prid.
Prvi natečaj je bil namenjen predvsem ureditvi predvidoma povečanega dovoza avtomobilov do mesta z izgradnjo novih parkirišč in hotelov na razširjenem območju Tronchetta. Polemike in posledično nov razpis javnega natečaja za rešitev otoka Tronchetto za družbo Esso ni predstavljala težave. O natečaju so bili obveščeni vnaprej in so projekt naročili pri arhitektih Manfredi G. Nicoletti in Morandi v Rimu. Ti so imeli na račun predhodne informacije več časa za izdelavo predloga. Prav tako so dobili finančno podporo lastnice (Cappai, Mainardis, 1995, 110).
Odločitev žirije, da na koncu podeli pet enakovrednih prvih nagrad, je zato pomenljivo dejanje: opozorili so na prispevek večih idej, ki bi jih oblasti morale upoštevati ne glede na to, da so obšle pravila in meje natečaja samega. V tem kontekstu velja omeniti člana mednarodne žirije Giovannija Astenga in Georga Candilisa, ki sta z vplivom na izbor odprla prostor za diskusijo pri razumevanju razvoja mesta Benetke (Cappai, Mainardis, 1995, 110). Žirija se je nedvomno zavedala zelo male verjetnosti realizacije projekta in dosledne izpeljave katere koli nagrajenih rešitev. Podelitev petih nagrad je hkrati pomenilo, da se je lahko odprla polemika, ki bi lahko potencialno vplivala na razvoj politike. Ta bi lahko edina, vsaj teoretično, omejila škodljivo delovanje multinacionalk.
Natečajne rešitve
Mednarodna žirija je torej nagradila pet elaboratov: tri italijanske, enega poljskega avtorja in rešitev ekipe pod Ravnikarjevim vodstvom. Predlog rimskega arhi-
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tekta Manfredi G. Nicolettija in Ricarda Morandija je prerazporedil vse zahtevane programe na funkcionalen način in vzpostavil rigorozen sistem cirkulacije. Skupina prof. Waclaw Ostrowskega iz Varšave je razvila nastanitveni program tako, da se je s posegom jasno oblikovala longitudinalna razdelitev med komercialnimi in turističnim programom. Skupina iz Firenc pod okriljem Roberta Maestra je predlagala podaljšanje Canala Grande z dolgim sinusnim klinom, ki se v smislu štirih "prstov" oz. pomolov odpira v laguno. V notranjosti so bile predvidene parkirne površine na več nivojih, kjer bi se pešci enostavno premikali s trakovi. Beneški arhitekti Ignio Cappai, Antonio Foscari in Pietro Mainardis so obstoječi otok zreducirali na hrbtenico s fiksnimi instalacijami, na katere bi se lahko dodajali letnemu času primerni veliki plavajoči elementi za parkiranje, hotele ipd. (Sammartini, 1964, 584).
Vse štiri opisane rešitve bi zgolj poslabšale situacijo zaključka ter Canala Grande na Piazzale Roma. Postavile so namreč koncentracijo programov in aktivnosti ter predvidele zgradbe, ki povečujejo intenzivnosti prometa obstoječih kapacitet. V kontekstu petih enakovrednih prvih nagrad je bila Ravnikarjeva rešitev najradikalnej-ša. Predvidela je odstranitev obstoječih "vstopnih" infrastruktur in zgradb, vključno z mostom v treh fazah: rekonstrukcija podaljška Canala Grande; podaljšek z nizkimi gradnjami in vrtovi; odstranitev mostu v zadnji fazi ter na mestu železniške postaje izgradnja mednarodne umetniške univerze. Rešitev ima jasno intenco: Benetkam želi povrniti njihov otoški značaj v nasprotju s hibridno mešanico kopnega in morja. Poleg prvih petih je žirija podelila še drugo nagrado s posebno omembo: predlog skupine prof. Giuseppe Sammonaja je predvideno trgovsko središče umaknil na celino, odstranil mostova kakor tudi vse intervencije terminalov, Piazzale Roma, Tronchetto, ladijskio pristanišče, železniško postajo. Edina povezava s celino je bila v primeru te rešitve obešena železnica (Sammartini, 1964, 584).
VENEZIA NUOVA
Ravnikarjev natečajni elaborat se je skrival pod šifro Vn, okrajšava za Venezia nuova - Nove Benetke. Rešitev je v smislu prekinitve avtomobilske in železniške povezave med prvonagrajenimi najradikalnejša. Tudi v smislu odstranjevanja oziroma rušenja določenih obstoječih struktur. Ne bi pa mogli trditi enako, če jo primerjamo z rešitvijo, ki je bila posebej izpostavljena kot drugo nagrajena.
Rešitev rimskega arhitekta prof. Samonaja je zbudila precej pozornosti tudi v medijih kot rešitev, ki naj bi jo Benečani najbolj pozdravljali. Predvideva namreč odstranitev vseh struktur, ki so bile otoškemu mestu dograjene po 18. stoletju. Temu primerno predlog preoblikuje rob kopnega na način, da se v Mestrah predvidi os, vzdolž katere je načrtovan razvoj mesta kot podaljšek Benetk in se proti tem tudi odpira. Če bi rešitev zabrisala
sledi "razvoja v napačni smeri", ji je bila Ravnikarjeva v misli sorodna. Žirija je projekt Vn v spektru tovrstnih predlogov ocenila kot realno izvedljivo.
Prvi korak je za Ravnikarjevo ekipo pomenil razumeti čas v smislu "časovne dimenzije". Ravnikar ga je razumel kot najzahtevnejšo nalogo: zamišljati si Benetke ter za njih značilno urbanistično planiranje leta 2000 v smislu kontinuiranega, fleksibilnega procesa, poznanega skozi stoletja. V naslednjem koraku je videl Ravnikar potrebo po razumevanju fenomena sodobne tehnologije, ki urbanistom omogoča premislek in diskusijo v zvezi z usodo pešca znotraj večjih mestnih središč. S tem premislekom bi nov pomen dobile tudi gondole, simbol Benetk (Ravnikar, 1965, 217).
S premestitvijo pristanišča v Mestre bi otok izgubil veliko količino infrastrukture, v čemer vidi Ravnikar potencial, da bi se ponovno vzpostavili pogoji za "normalno bivanje človeka v središču, ki ga ne duši promet". Na ta način bi se Benetkam v prvi vrsti povrnile njihove otoške značilnosti, nadalje bi območja, ki jih zasedajo pristanišče, železnica in cestna povezava s parkirišči, lahko namenili uporabi sodobnih urbanih elementov, zelenim območjem, športu in rekreaciji ali drugim noveim institucijam; poleg tega prepoznava, da bi s tovrstnim posegom Benetke lahko predstavljale ključni faktor v smislu novega regionalnega središča (Ravnikar, 1965, 217).
S posledično hitrim širjenjem industrije v Marghe-ri bi po Ravnikarjevi oceni z realizacijo predloga Vn Benetke lahko postale pomemben faktor v perspektivi infrastrukturne mreže jadranskih pristanišč, vodnih poti do Milana, Švice, Centralne Evrope in po vodnem kanalu Donave ter nadalje v povezavi tega dela sveta s takrat novimi afriškimi državami. Način izmenjave med Evropo in Vzhodom bi prekosil nekdanje povezave, ki so ustvarile bogastvo evropskih mest in nekdanjih Benetk, pri čemer bi beneška regija kot kompleksna mestna regija večjih in manjših mest štela do enega milijona prebivalcev (Ravnikar, 1965, 217).
Misliti Benetke, na ta način opiše Ravnikar kratko malo kot "sanje sodobnega urbanista". Zaveda pa se, da idej ni mogoče realizirati na enkrat in tudi zato rešitev zaznamuje časovna komponenta. Četudi faze kažejo na možno postopnost projekta, te niso predvidene kot same sebi namen, temveč odražajo realno pot do (morda na prvi pogled) utopične vizije. Nemogoče je racionalno utemeljiti in logično pokazati, do katere mere je sama ideja postopnosti zamišljenega projektiranja prejudicirala rezultat, niti do kolikšne mere je bila utopična vizija okrnjena zaradi realnih omejitev.
Nedvomno je Ravnikarjeva misel, ki je pogojevala smernice oblikovanja prostorskih rešitev, temeljila na ideji Benetk kot mesta na vodi. Ta misel je istočasno izpovedovala tudi, da je mesto ogroženo v smislu "terrafermiranja", kot temu sam pravi. Mestna struktura Benetk je zato zanj že prizadeta, okrnjena s fizično povezavo mostu preko lagune ter s številnimi infrastruktur-
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Slika 1: Zemljevid Benetk (Vir: Wikimedia Commons).
Figure 1: Map of comune of Venice (Source: Wikimedia Commons).
nimi posegi. Dvojnost misli, torej Benetke kot čudež in Benetke kot okrnjeno, ogroženo mesto, je zanj izhodišče načrtovanja. Kako je prostorsko začrtana vizija Benetk pod šifro Vn?
Benetke in otoki postanejo središče osrednjega dela regije z mejami na kopnem pri Mestrah. (Slika 1). Industrija se intenzivno razvija na kopnem, v Mestrah se izoblikuje sekundarno mestno središče, stanovanjski kompleksi in nove prometne povezave: sveži vodni kanal med strugo reke Po in Donave, ceste v smeri se-ver-jug, letališče. Hrbtenica regije z milijon prebivalci, pri čemer je Tronchetto predviden za pozidavo v merilu Benetk, kot njihova zadnja razširitev z možnostjo raznovrstnih programov in vsebin, ki služijo sodobnemu načinu življenja (Ravnikar, 1965, 219).
Mestna vrata
Projekt, kot je zamišljen v končni fazi, je zanimiv tudi v manjšem merilu (Slika 7). Razberemo lahko konkretne prostorske odnose na območju natečaja in no-
vopredlagane vsebine. Najbolj očitno mesto, kjer so Benetke zaznamovane, je vidno pri njihovem vhodu. Canal Grande z železniško in cestno povezavo izgubi svoj primarni pomen, zato je vstop v mesto ena izmed ključnih točk, od koder je mogoče misliti njegov pomen. Da bi slika mesta delovala v svojem prvobitnem značaju, rešitev Vn predvideva velike poteze, ki pa delujejo skozi mreže struktur. Kaj to pomeni?
Infrastruktura, ki se je razrasla po otoku Tronchetto, in vsa tista na Piazzale Roma je podrejena drugačni logiki kot infrastruktura starih Benetk s kanali, z ulicami in s trgi. Poteze železnice in ceste so daljše, a niso visoke. Ravnikar na poteze cestnih in železniških povezav naveže svoj predlog novograjene strukture, ki se po tlorisni zasnovi navezuje na osi infrastrukture, po prerezu pa na stavbno tkivo (Slika 3). Opisani način omogoča razvoj projekta, ki je prostorsko izvedljiv in reintegrira prostor infrastrukture v estetsko koherentno izkušnjo Benetk. Ta temelji na njihovi izvorni logiki majhnega merila, s čimer dobi območje poseben pomen za arhitekturo mesta, ki se kaže tudi z volumen-
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Slika 2: Vn generalni plan mestne regije Benetke-Mestre, faza 1 (ADR). Figure 2: Vn general plan of Venice-Mestre city region, phase 1 (ADR).
Slika 3: Vn generalni plan območja Tronchetto, faza 1 (ADR). Figure 3: Vn general plan of the Tronchetto area phase, 1 (ADR.)
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Slika 4: Vn generalni plan mestne regije Benetke-Mestre, faza 2 (ADR). Figure 4: Vn general plan of Venice-Mestre city region phase, 2 (ADR).
Slika 5: Vn generalni plan območja Tronchetto, faza 2 (ADR). Figure 5: Vn general plan of the Tronchetto area, phase 2 (ADR).
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Slika 6: Vn generalni plan mestne regije Benetke-Mestre, faza 3 (ADR). Figure 6: Vn general plan of Venice-Mestre city region, phase 3 (ADR).
Slika 7: Vn generalni plan območja Tronchetto, faza 3 (ADR). Figure 7: Vn general plan of the Tronchetto area, phase 3 (ADR).
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skimi razmerji med polnimi in praznimi, dominantne zgradbe pa svoj pomen dobijo z izstopanjem iz tega razmerja.
Nezanemarljiv je tudi predlog vsebin Vn. Vstop v Canal Grande bi po eni strani obdajali univerzitetni kampus s pripadajočimi programi, na mestu nekdanje železniške postaje bi dobila mesto Mednarodna svobodna umetniška univerza, za kampusom in univerzo športni center. Na nasprotni strani, na desni strani kanala, ob novem mostu, Vn predvidi novo lokalno mestno središče, do katerega bi vodil preplet infrastruktur na različnih nivojih s stopnišči, z rampami in eskalatorji za pešce, kar bi ustvarjalo dinamičen prostor, preplet svetlobe in sence. Po zaključeni revitalizaciji oz. v eni izmed naslednjih faz projekta bi se ta del predvidoma spremeni v pisarne, trgovine ali ostale kapacitete, namenjene turizmu, hotelom.
Bistvena je obravnava prostora v fizičnem smislu, saj strešne odprtine omogočajo osvetljevanje in zračenje prostorov na nižjih nivojih.
Če povzamemo: vstop v Benetke bi bil po predlogu Vn mogoč le z vodnimi prevoznimi sredstvi. Ob približevanju Canalu Grande bi obiskovalca pričakale nizke strukture v merilu Benetk, prepletene z zelenimi površinami. Na desni strani kanala bi bile te namenjene prepletu infrastrukture in manjših programom, nov lokalni center, levo stran pa bi zasedala mednarodna umetniška univerza s kampusom. Na območju bi bil zgrajen tudi most, ki bi oba dela povezal.
Trgovski center, administrativni center, elektro in vodna ter ostala potrebna infrastruktura, drobna industrija so v projektu umaknjene v ozadje - na otok Tronchetto - ter v pristanišče. Razvijajo se po prostoru in logiki obstoječe infrastrukture. Velik pomen ima pri oblikovanju celote Vn zelenje, ki ga je v Benetkah izrazito malo, če imamo v mislih javni prostor. Izjema je prostor Giardinov, kjer se odvija beneški bienale. Zelenje v zasnovi projekta ni "prazno", temveč ima vlogo druge strukture, strukture, ki se razvije v prvo, z zgradbami, in skupaj z njo prerašča infrastrukturo v izginjanju.
Podoba in izkušnja takšnih "mestnih vrat" bi bila precej drugačna od tega, kar so bile Benetke takrat, in tudi tega, kar so postale danes, skoraj dve desetletji po letu 2000, o katerem je razmišljal Ravnikar. Njihova podoba bi bila drugačna ne le zaradi drugačnega prostora v fizičnem smislu, predvsem bi bil ta podlaga drugačnemu tipu mestnega življenja, ki bi se primarno vrtelo okrog vprašanja umetnosti, izobrazbe, nove generacije, lokalnega organiziranja. Hkrati bi obravnavalo vprašanja trgovskih programov in servisnih poti ter ostale potrebne turistične infrastrukture. Nova podoba bi bila posledica novih vsebin in šele s temi bi novo-oblikovani vstop v mesto dobil za Benetke nov pomen. V smiselnem razmerju do njihove zgodovinskosti bi se iztek Canala Grande navezal na ostalo dogajanje v središču mesta.
Faznost projekta
Projekt je v natečajnem elaboratu opisan tudi v svoji časovni dimenziji. V prvi fazi (Sliki 2 in 3) predlog ohranja vse povezave preko železniškega in cestnega mostu, dogradi se parkirne površine na otoku Tronchetto. Izgradnja teh je predvidena kot poteza, ki ima značilnost strukture v smislu prepleta urbanih elementov. Karakter strukture je tisti, ki se ohranja, pri čemer zasnova omogoča in predvideva kasnejše preoblikovanje njene vsebine, iz parkirišč v trgovine, prostore za administracijo, hotele in javne institucije. Degradirana območja so predvidena za regulacijo. Hkrati je v Mestrah predvidena izgradnja stanovanjskih kompleksov in vzpostavitev prve linije vozil na zračnih blazinah (hovercraft) (Ravnikar, 1964, 218).
Da bi bila ureditev pristanišča in Tronchetta sploh izvedljiva, projekt na lokaciji, kjer se cesta pred Piaz-zale Roma takoj po mostu priključi pristanišču, v prvi fazi predvideva izgradnjo novega križišča v jeklu, ki se ga v drugi fazi poruši oz. razstavi. Nove parkirne površine in ureditev carine z administrativnim programom pristanišča so v tej fazi predvidene na skrajnem zunanjem robu, kar vsebinsko smiselno dopolnjuje vstopni del mesta na vodi.
V	drugi fazi (Sliki 4 in 5) se z desnega dela ob podaljšanem kanalu odstrani tudi vsa cestna infrastruktura, "izpraznjeni" prostor pa se preoblikuje v odprte zelene površine, namenjene rekreaciji, parkom ipd. V omejenem obsegu in na premišljenih neizpostavljenih lokacijah dobi svoje mesto energetska infrastruktura, npr. električne postaje, kanalizacija ipd. ter skladišča in podobne vsebine.
Predvidena je tudi odstranitev povezav med železniškim podaljškom in desnim delom, pristaniščem, s čimer se dokončno odpre kanal. Kot zadnje dejanje druge faze je predvidena izgradnja novega mostu v smislu peš povezave. Ta bi, kot rečeno, povezoval novo lokalno mestno središče z univerzitetnim delom. V drugi fazi se uredi tudi trgovsko središče, a ne kot dominantna vsebina predela in ne v ospredju. Kot osrednja tržnica se na najbolj vzhodnem delu pristanišča razprostira vzdolž železniških tirov trgovski progam (Slika 5, območje ,p'). Vzporedno od teh, na sosednjem "pomolu" pristanišča, je organiziran prostor za manjše servise in izbrano industrijo (Slika 5, območje ,r').
V	zadnji, tretji, fazi (Sliki 6 in 7) projekt predvidi prekinitev železniške in cestne povezave, del mostu na stiku s Piazzale Roma pa se ohrani za oblikovanje podaljška Canala Grande ter doda prej opisane programe univerze (Slika 7, območji ,g' in ,h'). Vsaka od treh faz bi trajala po 7 do 10 let. Zanimiv pa je predvsem način, ki Ravnikarjevi ekipi omogoča misliti razvoj projekta tako v prostorskem kot v časovnem smislu. Projekt je namreč razvit na način izpraznitve oz. ru-
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šitve in dograjevanja hkrati. Po eni strani predvideva umik določenih velikih struktur, po drugi dograditev še večjih na način, da bodo izkustveno delovale manjše in tako umirile razmerje med brezobličnimi mestnimi pritiklinami 18. in 19. stoletja ter historičnim jedrom v gabaritnem smislu.
Z nadgradnjo ideje se projekt razvije vzdolž osi, ki sledijo nastavkom infrastrukture. Po eni strani to omogoča samo izgradnjo novega, po drugi pa v novo strukturo posredno zapiše pretekle sledi mesta. Ko zelenje postaja integralni del načrtovanega novega-starega predela Benetk, to arhitekti oblikujejo kot subtilen preplet in hkrati s tem puščajo odprto možnost za nadaljnji razvoj gradnje. Opraviti imamo z idejo o nedokončani formi, ki bi bila zgrajena na ostalinah in s pomočjo pretekle. Nova forma vzdolž osi, ki niso dokončno zaključene in ki določajo pravila zazidave tako v horizontalnem kot tudi v vertikalnem smislu.
Za rešitev lahko rečemo, da v mestnem merilu skozi občutek prostora, ambienta, in merilo obstoječega izvornega mesta oblikuje strukturo, v kateri lahko razberemo proces rušitve. V rešitvi sami je pravzaprav malo elementov, za katere lahko rečemo, da so fiksno določeni. Zastavljeno deluje fleksibilno, nedorečeno, odprto in ne kot nekakšna celostna, zaključena umetnina. Projekt sam v sebi predvideva spremembe vsebin, oblik, predvideva nepredvidljivosti in različne sočasnosti, hkrati pa urejuje razmerje v ideji Benetk v smislu vodnega mesta. Urejeni so ambienti, odnos do obstoječega mestnega središča, vode in zelenja.
STRATEGIJA FORME
Če bi želeli najbolj točno definirati, kaj pravzaprav pomeni projekt Vn, bi naleteli na težave. Kot kakšno bi rešitev lahko opredelili - kot arhitekturno, kot urbanistično? Težko. Nimamo opraviti ne z določeno zgradbo, ne z načrtom zanjo, ne z dokončno izdelanim urbanističnim predlogom. In vendar projekt govori tako o arhitekturi kot o urbanizmu. Projekt Vn bi lahko opisali predvsem kot strategijo, kako misliti na prihodnost mesta Benetke v urbanističnem in arhitekturnem smislu glede na novo porajajoče družbene pogoje in glede na potencialnost zgodovinske razsežnosti, ki bi jih Benetke lahko odpirale v odnosu do umetnosti, naravne krajine, arhitekture mesta. Ta strategija ni zapis v besedi. Je strategija v risbi, ki predvideva obliko skozi razmerja prazno-polno.
Med neznankami projekta lahko navedemo vse, od jasno določenih programov, števila kvadratnih metrov odprtih ali zaprtih površin, podobe arhitekturnih elementov, jasno določenega in fiksiranega razmerja med zelenim in grajenim. Po drugi strani pa je popolnoma jasno h kakšnemu ambientu projekt stremi. Daje vedeti, kakšen naj bi bil občutek prostora tega novega predela Benetk: vhod v mesto artikuliran v odnosu do naravnega elementa vode, grajena struktura artikulirana v odnosu do obstoječega historičnega tkiva Benetk, nove zasnove
pa navezane na zelenje, svetlobo in razvite skozi umikanje infrastrukture. Hkrati projekt dopušča spremembe vseh prej omenjenih neznank. In vendar ne na kakršen koli način.
Ena izmed bistvenih potez rešitve je predlog novih vsebin. Med njimi tako formalno kot vsebinsko izstopa mednarodna svobodna univerza za umetnost (Slika 7, območje ,g'), ki določa ritem novopredlagane strukture. Predvidena je na lokaciji železniške postaje, njen obstoj pa pogojuje programe, ki se navezujejo na študentsko življenje. Enako lahko rečemo za novo lokalno mestno središče. (Slika 7, območje ,m'). Ima svoje izpostavljeno mesto v strukturi mesta. Glede na tega so razvejane nove vsebine pristanišča in Tronchetta. Podobno lahko trdimo za vhod v pristanišče, trgovsko središče in umetniški center - so v medsebojnem razmerju in v razmerju do mestnega prostora v fizičnem smislu. To razmerje je pogojeno z vsebino, pri čemer je čutna izkušnja človeka, ki jo projekt skozi načrtovanje predvideva, pogojena z določenim občutkom prostora.
Občutek prostora
O občutku prostora (Raumgefühl) razmišlja tudi Theodor W. Adorno v svojem tekstu o arhitekturi - Funkcionalizem danes. V besedilu ugotavlja, v katerih primerih lahko govorimo o velikih arhitekturnih delih, o tistih, za katere zapišemo, da so arhitektura z velikim A. Zanj je arhitektura inherentno povezana z namenom, uporabo. Razume jo v smislu uporabne umetnosti. Četudi se skuša svoje uporabnosti znebiti, mora istočasno stremeti k temu, da je uporabna. Za Adorna lahko govorimo o Arhitekturi prav takrat, ko lahko iz dela samega razberemo sintezo med tem, kako arhitektura svojo uporabnost ohranja in jo hkrati presega, pri čemer je soočena z vprašanji, kot na primer: kako določena namembnost postane prostor, s katerimi formami, s katerimi materiali (Adorno, 1977, 13)?
Arhitekturna imaginacija artikulira namembnost in s tem programom šele omogoča, da postanejo prostor. Forme konstruira glede na to namembnost, kar v arhitekturnem diskurzu razumemo kot funkcijo oz. program zgradbe. Adorno zastavitev izpelje tudi v obratni smeri. Občutek prostora je več kot osiromašena namembnost šele takrat, ko oba v snovanju prežame arhitekturna imaginacija. Imaginacija v tem primeru prestopi meje imanentne povezanosti z namembnostjo, ki istočasno pogojuje njen obstoj. V procesu arhitekturnega snovanja imaginacija prepleta namembnost, prostor in material, pri čemer nobeden od navedenih aspektov ne predstavlja izvornega fenomena, na katerega bi lahko izpeljali druga dva. To dejstvo pa nas privede do spoznanja, da nobena misel ne more voditi do absolutnega začetka, kar vpliva na estetsko vprašanje (Adorno, 1977, 13).
Adornova zastavitev se lahko zdi na prvi pogled jasna in lahko bi rekli, da v projektu Vn razberemo tip ar-
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hitekturnega mišljenja, o katerem govori. Ideja namreč zastavlja projekt glede na razmišljanje o prihodnjem pomenu mesta. Namembnost novopredvidenih površin je načrtovana skozi svojo formo v odnosu do tega pomena, novo območje v njegovem kontekstu dobi svojo namembnost s konkretnimi prostori in skozi specifično občutenje prostora. Pri projektu Vn ne moremo govoriti zgolj o materialih in oblikah oz. formah, temveč še o nečem.
Imaginacija "tisto nekaj" motivira, spravi v gibanje, kar se skozi formo odrazi v občutku prostora. Končni učinek strukture je torej estetski, čutno doživljajski, v odnosu do razumevanja sveta in v odnosu do vsakdanjega življenja. Ta oblika življenja ni bila zamišljena ne s strani politikov, ne s strani lokalnih oblasti. Šele skozi arhitekturno imaginacijo je Ravnikarjeva ekipa osvetlila problematične aspekte natečaja. Misel, ki jo projekt sproža, preizprašuje smotrnost dotedanjega razvoja Benetk in ga s smelimi potezami kritično komentira.
Kontradikcije
Zaključno poročilo natečajne komisije pravi: "Jasno je, da je mogoče pretehtati vse [predlagane] uporabe območja Tronchetta, saj statistične raziskave še niso zaključene in ker trenutna tehnična revolucija transporta zahteva diskusijo idej". Ne glede na to polemično zaključno misel je bilo že ob zaključku natečaja jasno, da bi bilo to težko doseči, saj je ostala le tretjina otoka v lasti občine, pri čemer je zasebni lastnik takrat na otoku že gradil tri garažne hiše, vsako za 600 avtomobilov. (Sammartini, 1964, 584). "Realnost" takratnih Benetk je bila v rokah tistih, ki so se za mesto zanimali v smislu turističnih kapacitet.
Izven diskurza natečaja Benetk se je namreč mesto dograjevalo po logiki, ki je historično jedro razumela v prvi vrsti kot turistično nepremičnino. In ta bi v očeh lastnikov zasebnih parcel in nepremičnin lahko bolje finančno kotirala, v kolikor bi v večjem obsegu namenili rabo prostora turističnim kapacitetam. Razpisni pogoji natečaja so namembnost območja opredelili prav v tem smislu. Slediti izhodiščem razpisnih pogojev bi torej pomenilo dati obliko delu mesta, ki bi s svojo namembnostjo, programi mestu Benetke določili izrazito turističen namen.
Rešitev Nicolettija in Morandija je bila prav to - razmestitev predvidenih programov, pri čemer se je predlog
oblikovalsko navezoval na takratne infrastrukturne dosežke. Na vprašanje, ali bi bil poseg smotrn in dobrodošel za Benetke, po vsem zapisanem najbrž ni potrebno odgovoriti. Glede na problematično pozicijo arhitekta in navidezno nezmožnost preseganje okvirov natečaja se postavlja vprašanje, zakaj Adorno vztraja pri takšni poziciji, ne le v odnosu do arhitekture, temveč tudi do umetnosti?
UTOPIJA
Adorno zapiše, da svet, v katerem živimo, ni najboljši vseh možnih svetov, kot je to trdil Leibniz. Možno bi bilo živeti brez strahu, lahkote in trpljenja. A družba svojo nepopolnost vsiljuje kot neomajno danost (Knop, 2007, 309). Če je družbeno stanje takšno, kakršno pač je, če spremembe niso mogoče, tudi ni mogoč drugačen svet. Nemogoče si ga je drugače sploh zamišljati. In če je tako, je svoboda misliti na ta drugačni svet, svet, ki ga ni, utopija, izgubljena. In vendar. V Adornovem razmišljanju ima upanje posebno mesto. Lahko bi bilo drugače. Možen bi bil boljši svet tukaj in zdaj. Utopija ni pozabljena in v tem kontekstu pripisuje posebno mesto Umetnosti, ki naj bi bila tista, "ki človeštvu predoči sanje lastne pogube, da bi se lahko zbudilo, ohranilo nadzor nad sabo in preživelo"1 (Adorno, 2003, 385).
Za Adorna se v umetniškem delu kaže način delovanja oblasti, in sicer skozi njegovo formo.2 Z vprašanjem forme pa ponovno trčimo ob vprašanje prostora. Namembnost, program, ki je v procesu arhitekturnega snovanja prežet s prostorom, lahko postane veliko arhitekturno delo, Arhitektura, pod določenimi pogoji. Vsakršna kriza namreč zahteva premislek onkraj posameznih obrti, ki se morajo skozi proces imaginacije odraziti v stvaritvi, da bi bila ta Arhitektura. Ta pa mora v prvi vrsti obravnavati socialne zahteve skozi pozicijo svojega dela v družbi.
Vprašanje postane bistvenega pomena v primeru načrtovanja mest, rekonstrukcij, kjer arhitekturna vprašanja sovpadajo s socialnimi vprašanji, kot je obstoj ali neobstoj kolektivnega subjekta.3 Pri tem je jasno, da je načrtovanje mesta nezadostno, dokler se osredotoča na posamezne namestno na kolektivne družbene cilje. Tista samo kratkoročna, praktična načela načrtovanja mest ne sovpadajo z resnično racionalnimi načeli, prostimi družbenih iracionalnosti, manjka jim kolektivni subjekt, ki mora biti osrednja skrb planiranja. Prav v tem vidi
1	"Art presents humanity with the dream of its doom so that humanity may awaken, remain in control of itself, and survive."
2	Adorno jo razume kot identiteto, ki se vsili heterogenemu materialu in povzroča antagonistično disharmonijo. Ker je celota posredovana z družbeno totaliteto, jo Adorno napade in odpre vprašanje dialektike kot ključno vprašanje identitete. Posledično se z identiteto forme umetnost identificira z neidentičnim. Estetska forma kot takšna namreč dopušča prevlado, ki se ji material ukloni, in s tem v umetniškem delu razkriva način delovanja oblasti. Pri tem naj bi umetniška dela prenesla nekaj brezobličnosti v formo, nad katero izvajajo nasilje v procesu abstrakcije, v procesu opuščanja tistega, kar gre pri formalizaciji v izgubo.
3	Adornova zastavitev izvira iz njegovega razumevanja sveta oz. njegovega konca, ki je zaznamovano z izkušnjo koncentracijskih taborišč. Zloglasna misel, da je pisati poezijo po Auschwitzu barbarsko pa ne pomeni, da moramo pisanje opustiti. Nasprotno. Adorno je bil velik ljubitelj poezije. Pisati jo je treba vedno znova, saj ne glede na nespodobnost pisanja spričo neizrekljive grozote, le poezija lahko ohranja spomin na trpljenje. Obmolkniti je treba in vendar govoriti naprej (Knop, 2007, 304). Ta obmolkni pomeni kratko malo premislek o počelih lastnega delovanja, kar velja tudi za kontekst umetnosti, ne glede na to ali jih smatramo za uporabne ali ne.
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Adorno nevarnost, da lahko načrtovanje mesta degenerira v kaos ali ovira produktivne arhitekturne dosežke posameznikov. Istočasno opozori na drugi aspekt, na dejstvo, da vsaka uporabna umetnost zahteva konstantno estetsko refleksijo (Adorno, 1977, 17).
Estetika kot praktična nujnost
V	Adornovem razmišljanju o arhitekturi je implicitno prisotna teza, da koncepta uporabnosti ali neuporabnosti ne moremo sprejeti brez tehtnega premisleka. Umetnik - enako velja za arhitekta - ne more naivno hoditi dalje po zastavljeni poti, ne glede na uporabnost njegove umetnosti. Če torej pridemo do spoznanja, da je določena (upo)raba prostora, njegova namembnost, program, problematična, ni mogoče pozitivno, to pomeni afirmativno, postopati v zvezi z njegovim oblikovanjem. V arhitekturi je to še posebej očitno.
V	takšnih okoliščinah je estetika, kot pravi Adorno, praktična nujnost. Opisane okoliščine namreč govorijo o tem, da je treba koncepte, kot so uporabnost ali neuporabnost, ločitev med avtonomno in uporabno umetnostjo, imaginacijo in ornamentom ponovno premisliti in utemeljiti, da lahko neko delo vpozitivnem smislu nanje odgovori. Zgolj formalna "lepota" je brez pomena (Adorno, 1977, 17). Odgovor pa je lahko v estetskem smislu tudi negativen, kritičen. Če je odgovor negativen, forma na ravni čutnega odraža kritični re-flektivni proces, ki se zgodi v procesu snovanja dela. In če se to zgodi, lahko pogojno rečemo, da forma govori onkraj forme.
Njegova misel, s formo onkraj forme v umetnosti, je analogna misli s pojmom onkraj pojma v filozofiji. Če pridemo do spoznanja, da je družbeno stanje problematično, se temu spoznanju ne moremo izogniti, temveč moramo koordinate lastnega delovanja preizpra-šati ter ta premislek vgraditi v naše bodoče ravnanje. Če govorimo o arhitekturnem načrtovanju, to pomeni, da mora arhitekturna forma odraziti refleksijo, ko arhitekturna imaginacija skozi proces snovanja prepleta namembnost, material in prostor. V filozofiji Adorno stališče utemelji z negativno dialektiko. Kot mora arhitekt ali umetnik skozi reflektvni proces preoblikovati formo, mora filozof skozi reflektivni proces preoblikovati pojem, s katerim se sooča in v katerem prepoznava odraz problematičnega družbenega stanja.
Arhitekturna forma
Vrnimo se k misli o procesu arhitekturnega snovanja, ki skozi imaginacijo prepleta namembnost, prostor in material. Če nobeden od treh aspektov ne predstavlja izvornega fenomena, na katerega bi lahko izpeljali druga dva, to zadeva, kot zapisano, estetsko vprašanje. Arhitekturna forma zaradi tega odraža proces refleksije le skozi občutek prostora in iz tega jo lahko tudi beremo, razumemo, interpretiramo. Kot
takšna tudi vedno znova omogoča novo interpretacijo - skozi svojo materialnost. Ker pa je arhitektura in-herentno povezana z namembnostjo, nadalje pomeni njeno uporabnost, ta materialnost neizbežno komentira družbeno stanje.
Za vsaj dva primera natečajnih rešitev lahko rečemo, da predvidene gradbene posege razumeta kritično: za projekt Vn in za projekt plavajočih struktur beneških arhitektov Cappai, Foscari, Mainardis. Predlog Vn so novi programi in odstranitev infrastrukturnih elementov železnice ter ceste, s čimer Benetke dobijo nove kapacitete na ostalinah infrastrukturnih posegov. Rešitev beneških arhitektov prav tako razume dograjevanje Benetk kot problematično, zato predlaga plavajoče strukture, ki se lahko tudi odstranijo. V obeh primerih lahko govorimo o kritičnem pristopu, ki v načrtovanju skozi proces arhitekturnega mišljenja oblikuje forme glede na namen in material.
Če naredimo domišljijski preskok, lahko opišemo tudi izkušnjo prostora Vn. Vstop v mesto bi se zgodil ob razširjenem Canalu Grande, kjer bi se na eni strani razvijale vsebine mednarodne univerze, na drugi pa novega lokalnega centra z administrativnimi in ostalimi prostori. Pri tem je še posebej zanimiv iztek programov kampusa, ki se razvije na lokaciji predhodnega izteka mostu, s tem da se železniška in cestna infrastruktura odstrani. Ta oblika novega kampusa in umestitev nove univerze je torej pogojena tudi z mislijo o problematičnem razvoju Benetk dotlej. Vn infrastrukturo spremeni v "ruševino" in na njej ustvari pogoje za novo življenje.
Ali bi bilo to dovolj za Arhitekturo? Struktura, ki jo projekt načrtuje, ni pompozna, ampak umirjena. Z rahljanjem forme za dostop svetlobe ohranja značaj mesta, ki je zraslo organsko. Še več, predvideva organsko spreminjanje projekta, pri čemer so pravila določena z geometrijskimi potezami preko zastavljenih osi. Če bi bil torej projekt realiziran, bi lahko skozi sam občutek prostora razbrali določeno problematiko dela njegovega zgodovinskega razvoja skozi prisotnost "ruševine". Ta pa bi bila prisotna v prostoru na specifičen način, tako, da bi bila odsotna.
Forma celote bi preko osi, vzdolž teh bi se zgradbe razvijale, govorila o tirih in cestah, a infrastrukturnih poti kot takšnih ne bi bilo več. Ta logična nelogičnost bi lahko pomenila, da bi bil občutek prostora pogojen z nekakšno nedoločenostjo, dvoumnostjo, s čimer bi dobil večplasten pomen. Seveda pod pogojem, da bi bila njegova izvedba v materialnem smislu dosledna. V estetskem smislu bi torej projekt govoril o prisotnosti problematične preteklosti skozi občutek prostora in na ta način predstavljal polemično gesto. Projekt predvideva določeno uporabo prostora in jo hkrati presega, ko skozi arhitekturno imaginacijo govori še nekaj. Podobno nelagodje bi lahko izzval tudi projekt s plavajočimi strukturami, a ne eden, ne drugi nista bila realizirana.
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Slika 8: Vn revidirana verzija projekta iz leta 1967 (ADR). Figure 8: Vn revised version of the project from 1967 (ADR).
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Dogajanje po natečaju
Kmalu po zaključku natečaja so prvonagrajenci v zasedbi Edvard Ravnikar, Edo Ravnikar mlajši, Majda Kregar, Ignio Capai, Pietro Mainardis na iniciativo mestnih oblasti ustanovili biro, ki bi se v nadaljevanju s projektom ukvarjal. Idejni vodja skupine je bil Edvard Ravnikar, zasnova je sledila izhodiščem Vn. Leta 1967 so tudi uradno dobili naročilo za projekt. Izdelano je bilo poročilo, ki je povzemalo izhodiščno natečajno rešitev in opredelilo smoter projekta:
Benetke, veliko plemenito dejanje, ki smo ga napravili in nato pozabili, a kljub temu še vedno živ spomenik enega največjih žarišč nastanka zahodne kulture. [...] Nedopustljiv greh naše generacije bi bil, če ne bi mislili in naredili vsega, da to ostanejo, in še nekaj več, da to začnemo takoj. Naloga naše generacije po vsem tem je odkriti principe generalne obnovitvene strategije, ki bi na širši način, kot to misli marsikdo med restavratorji in ljubitelji Benetk. Odkriti nove življenjske možnosti in tako ustvariti pogoje za nadaljnji obstoj tega historičnega čudeža kot polnovrednega, sodobnega urbanističnega pojava (Ravnikar, 1967, 1-3).
Načrte je bilo treba v naslednjem koraku do določene mere prilagoditi (Slika 8). Predlog je vrnil železniško povezavo s celino, a pod morsko gladino in zgolj v smislu povezave s Tronchettom, okrnjen je bil program. Politika Giannija De Michelisa, ki je leta 1964 prevzel vlogo svetnika za urbanistično načrtovanje na Mestni občini Benetke, je popolnoma spremenila načrte novoustanovljenega biroja. Ideji Vn ni bil naklonjen in projekt se je kmalu zaključil. Današnje stanje priča o delovanju takratnih oblasti, ki so sledile kratkovidnim parcialnim interesom in s tem mestu prizadejale ogromno škodo. Vsi problemi, s katerimi so se Benetke soočale takrat, ostajajo predmet današnje dnevne politike. Izkazalo se je, da je vprašanje (upo) rabe prostora polemično. Ali je zato mogoče koncept uporabnosti oz. neuporabnosti premisliti skozi estetsko vprašanje?
NELAGODJE V ESTETIKI
Dilema zadeva sodoben diskurz navezan na estetiko. Jacques Ranciere o tem polemizira v svojem delu Nelagodje v estetiki. Takoj na začetku zapiše: "Estetika naj bi bila nadvse premeten diskurz, s katerim filozofija ali pa neka določena filozofija smisel umetniških del in sodb o okusu obrača sebi v prid " (Ranciere, 2012, 29). Ključne momente estetskega vprašanja zato osvetli, ne da bi jo "branil", kot pravi, temveč za to, da prispeva k pojasnitvi pomena besede kot režima delovanja umetnosti in kot diskurzivne matrice (Ranciere, 2012, 43).
Estetika je po Rancierju misel paradoksnega sen-zoriuma, ki omogoča definiranje reči umetnosti in ki hkrati v sebi nosi neko politiko oz. metapolitiko. Zgodovina estetskega diskurza in njegove kritike zato istočasno priča tudi o tem, kako so v procesu oblikovanja in razvoja diskurza postali postopki umetnosti in politični postopki prepleteni ter danes zapleteni na način, ki otežujejo refleksijo etičnega vprašanja (Ranciere, 2012, 43). Etika pa je po njegovi izpeljavi "mišljenje, ki postavlja enačaj med okoljem, načinom biti in načelom delovanja" (Ranciere, 2012, 141-142).
Kot posebno problematičen Ranciere izpostavlja etični obrat, ki ga po njegovi interpretaciji sicer napačno razumemo v smislu prehoda iz moderne v postmoderno. Opiše ga v navezavi na dogodek: pred obratom je bila politična in estetska radikalnost povezana z vprašanjem revolucije in prelomnega dogodka, ki je prinesel nov čas. Estetska in politična radikalnost po etičnem obratu ostaja navezana na idejo preloma časa. V novem kontekstu genocid Auschwitza predstavlja dogodek, ki hkrati obrne smisel preloma na glavo: je katastrofa, ki se je zgodila v preteklosti in ne prinaša odrešitve (Ranciere, 2012, 161).
Adornovo razmišljanje o funkcionalizmu v arhitekturi se je rodilo leto dni kasneje, kot je nastal projekt Vn: leta 1965. Predavanje je bilo pripravljeno za berlinske arhitekte Deutscher Werkbund kot kritičen odgovor na nemške povojne rekonstrukcije. Pripada torej istemu času. V Ravnikarjevem razmišljanju lahko prepoznamo kritično držo, ki ga projekt Vn v risbi predvideva in o kateri govori Adorno. Prisotnost "ruševine" v občutku prostora skozi svojo večplastnost priča o problematičnem razvoju mesta. Ne moremo pa, z zastavitvijo Adornove misli o Arhitekturi, vzpostaviti prave distance do drugega prvo nagrajenega projekta, ki natečajni predlog oblikuje v smislu plavajočih ploščadi.
Misel, ki je pogojevala rešitev beneških arhitektov Cappai, Foscari, Mainardis, je očitno kritična, saj ne predlaga dozidave Benetk v običajnem smislu. Nove plavajoče strukture bi se lahko brez težav odstranile oz. njihovo število prilagajalo potrebam mesta. In vendar predlagane kapacitete sledijo izhodiščem natečaja, s čimer rešitev predvidi isti tip življenja Benetk, kot je bilo to predvideno s programskimi izhodišči, ne glede na to, da v estetskem smislu lahko govorimo o kritični drži. Z interpretacijo skozi Adornovske koncepte zato lahko osvetlimo kritično razmerje arhitekturne misli do mesta skozi vprašanje uporabnosti, a nam ne omogočajo koraka naprej.
Ranciere adornovsko modernistično strogost kritizira, saj ta po njegovem mnenju želi očistiti emancipator-ni potencial umetnosti vsakršnih kompromisov s tržno kulturo in z estetiziranim življenjem. Držo razume kot zoženje umetnosti na etično pričanje o nereprezenta-bilni katastrofi (Ranciere, 2012, 161). Prav zaradi tega
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sam odpira drugo možnost. Estetiko pojmuje predvsem kot diskurz, ime specifičnega režima identifikacije umetnosti, ki umetnost opredeljuje v smislu določene forme čutnega dojemanja. Zaznamovana je z dvojnostmi videz-realnost, forma-material, aktivnost-pasiv-nost, razum-čutnost in jih v kontekstu estetskega režima tudi presega (Ranciere, 2012, 58-59). Samo prakso umetnosti posledično z vprašanjem skupnega v tem smislu povezuje materialna in simbolna vzpostavitev določenega prostora-časa ter razveljavitev v oziru na običajne oblike čutnega izkustva (Ranciere, 2012, 57).
Ranciere hkrati za osrednji element etičnega obrata, ki zaznamuje tudi Adornovo misel, postavlja idejo modernosti kot časa. Ali v arhitekturnem projektu lahko vprašanje časa navežemo na vprašanje uporabnosti, da bi ohranili Adornovo zastavitev, ki bi presegla kon-tradiktornosti etičnega obrata?
Temporalnost arhitekture
Faznost projekta Vn utemeljuje poseg tudi v časovnem smislu. Navsezadnje Ravnikarjev impulz za projekt izvira iz prihodnosti, iz vizije mesta v letu 2000. Ta temelji na ideji novega tipa mestnega življenja v Benetkah in se odrazi skozi predlagano namembnost prostora. Projekt Vn, ne glede na to, da lahko v načrtih razberemo kritično misel do preteklega razvoja mesta, postavlja arhitekturno misel tudi v prihodnost. Glede na to komentira takratno sedanjost, ki je ostala do danes enaka oz. le še bolj ekstremna. Projekt govori o tem, da prihodnost mesta šele bo katastrofalna za Benetke, če se ne spremeni tok dogajanja. Ravnikar ohranja upanje, ko razvija strategijo prostora-časa skozi proces arhitekturnega mišljenja, zato Benetkam namenja drugačno vlogo, tudi drugačno namensko rabo prostora od predvidene.
Rancierjeva zastavitev nam omogoča, da preko vprašanja uporabnosti oz. namembnosti odpremo tem-poralno razsežnost arhitekture, ne da bi dogodek, na katerega navezujemo interpretacijo, postavili zgolj v preteklost. Slednje odpre možnost za etični premislek in posledično hkrati za politično delovanje. Vsak arhitekturni projekt je sam po sebi namreč usmerjen v prihodnost, saj zaradi svoje uporabnosti vpliva na prostor in čas v nastajanju. Arhitektura ga šele oblikuje. Z Ravnikarjevo gesto bi Benetke dobile v svetovnem kontekstu drugačen pomen. Da bi bil takšen predlog izvedljiv, bi to pomenilo korenite spremembe na nivoju mestnega upravljanja, pomenilo bi ustanovitev nove mednarodne institucije - umetniške univerze, ustanovitev novega lokalnega središča.
Realizacija projekta Vn bi pomenila radikalne spremembe glede upravljanje mestnega prostora, kar bi posledično prineslo tudi drugačno okolje in način biti. Kritična adornovska drža ostaja, katastrofo preteklosti je nemogoče izbrisati. Hkrati pa se v prihodnosti nakazuje možnost novega katastrofalnega dogodka, v kolikor ne
bo spremembe. Da bi se ta zgodila, je treba spremeniti načela delovanja. Politika v tej arhitekturni gesti nima primata pred etiko. Projekt Vn ima v sebi politično ambicijo in hkrati kritično držo, ki jo lahko razberemo v načrtovanju občutka prostora. Tega za projekt plavajočih ploščadi na moremo reči.
Usklajevanje človekovega delovanja v družbenem kontekstu je preko vprašanja časa in v odnosu do naravnih ciklov. Projekt Vn prav tako govori o družbenem času, ko vanj posega z novimi progami, in ta je v odnosu do časa naravnih ciklov vodnih tokov. Projekt Vn s svojo najradikalnejšo gesto prekinitve kopenske povezave z Mestrami problematizira vprašanje otoškega mesta v dveh smislih: v estetskem skozi občutenje mestnega prostora historičnega jedra Benetk in v okoljskem, saj bi rešitev lahko potencialno pomenila vzpostavitev naravnih tokov v laguni in s tem vsaj omilila, če ne preprečila, njihovo nadaljnje posedanje.
Dvojnost projekta Vn govori o dveh namembnostih mestnega prostora. Prva skozi program naslavlja socialno vprašanje, druga vprašanje okolja, ki ga z gradnjo spreminjamo. Laguna in njeni tokovi so v izvornem smislu služili varnosti Benetk. Uporaba lagune je pogojevala mestno strukturo, ki je postala zanimiva v estetskem smislu, kot čudež na vodi, o čemer je pisal Ravnikar. Lepota Benetk ni naravna, je pa, kot vsako arhitektno in urbanistično delo, v odnosu do okolja ter s tem do narave. Projekt Vn govori kritično o neki preteklosti in prihodnosti vodnega mesta. V prihodnost postavlja dogodek, na katerega misli projekt.
Z Rancierejevo perspektivo, ki z etiko išče razmerje med okoljem, načinom biti in načelom delovanja, za arhitekturo v svoji temporalnosti odpira novo možnost za etični premislek. Prav zaradi zavezanosti družbenemu arhitektura kaže na škrbine upravljanja prostora, glede na katere postaja nujno spremeniti načela delovanja arhitekturne stroke.
ZAKLJUČEK
Današnji čas zaznamujejo okoljske spremembe, migracije, vojne. Komu so namenjene zgradbe, ki jih gradimo danes in kakšno socialno okolje z njimi vzpostavljamo? Kako ustvarjamo mesta prihodnosti? Natečaj za beneški Tronchetto na več nivojih kaže na problematičen pristop k urbanističnemu načrtovanju, ki začrta smernica razvoja mesta. V primeru Benetk je to še posebej očitno zaradi narave mesta, ki ga opredeljuje razmerje voda-kopno. Slednje postavlja mesto na svetovni zemljevid tako v smislu kulturne dediščine, umetnosti, kakor turizma.
Natečaj pokaže na problematičnost upravljanja z mestnim prostorom, ko razkriva zgodovinski kontekst nastanka otoka Tronchetto, nadalje s prvimi iniciativami za pozidavo ter s tem povezanimi protesti, kasneje pa z nezmožnostjo vplivanja na mestno politiko kljub izvedenemu natečaju. Benetke ostajajo mesto, ki se
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poseda in ki je preobremenjeno s turistično industrijo. Kljub vsemu ostaja fenomen, ki ponuja možnost za premislek. Natečaj skozi alternativne predloge ohranja spomin na drugačno vizijo prihodnosti mesta.
Projekt Vn spreminja namembnost razširjenega območja Tronchetto zastavljeno z izhodišči natečaja. Preko odnosa do vode in do socialnih vprašanj odpira vprašanje temporalnosti arhitekture. Ta je navezana po eni strani na družbeni čas, na čas družbenih konvencij in ritualov; po drugi pa s tem, ko okolje interpolira v prostor, vpliva na časovne cikle narave. V primeru Benetk to pomeni na vodne tokove lagune, ki retrogradno vplivajo na socialna vprašanja mesta.
Adornova zastavitev arhitekture pravi, da arhitekturna imaginacija prežame namembnost in material, da ustvari prostor. Da bi bila Arhitektura, mora ta v procesu upoštevati namembnost in jo hkrati presegati skozi kritični premislek, kar se odrazi v občutku prostora in njegovi uporabi. Skozi vprašanje namembnosti, ki v naslednjem koraku postane uporabnost, lahko
Adornovo misel navežemo na vprašanje časa. Ranci-erjeva kritika adornovske pozicije v smislu modernistične strogosti se navezuje na etični obrat, ki zamegli razmerje med politiko in estetiko v odnosu do etičnega vprašanja. Hkrati Ranicere odpira novo možnost s trditvijo, da estetska misel po etičnem obratu prevzame idejo preloma časa.
Z interpretacijo projekta Vn v svoji časovni razsežnosti osvetlimo dvojni pomen arhitekture kot uporabne umetnosti, ki govori o problematiki: eni v preteklosti, ta se odraža v dotedanjem razvoju mesta; in drugi v prihodnosti, v kolikor se ideja razvoja mesta ne spremeni. Glede na obe Ravnikar oblikuje arhitekturno--urbanistični predlog. Temporalna razsežnost arhitekture pa pred nas posledično postavlja etično dilemo: kako misliti Arhitektuto, da bomo lahko v razmišljanju uskladili razmerje med okoljem, načinom biti in načelom delovanja? Arhitektura se v tem smislu ne more izogniti vprašanjem o namembnosti prostora in ideologiji, ki jo opredeljuje.
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NEW VENICE: THE TRONCHETTO AREA COMPETITION AND TEMPORALITY OF
ARCHITECTURE
Nika GRABAR
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: nika.grabar@fa.uni-lj.si
SUMMARY
The article presents the project Venezia Nuova (Vn) designed by Edvard Ravnikar, Majda Kregar and Edo Ravnikar, which was submitted as a proposal for the Tronchetto area competition in Venice in 1964. The proposal changed the program suggested by the competition brief. This altered its purpose and opened the question of temporality of architecture in its relationship towards water and societal issues. On the one hand, this gesture related architectural temporality in a specific way to social time, time of social conventions and rituals, and on the other, to time cycles of nature showing that the process of design interpolates the environment into space. In the case of Venice, this means water currants of the lagoon, which retroactively influence societal issues of the city.
In Adorno's thought architectural imagination is to fuse together purpose, space and material. For architecture to be great architecture, it should be designed according to its purpose, nevertheless, the design should transcend it with architectural imagination. Simultaneously, critical reflection should be legible in the sense of space and its function. Through the question of function and purpose it is possible to relate his thought to the question of time.
Ranciere's critique of Adorno's position in terms of modernist rigour is connected to the ethical turn. In Ranciere's perspective the turn blurs the interconnection between politics and aesthetics in relation to the ethical question. At the same time Ranciere opens a new possibility by claiming that the central element in this overturning is the idea of modernity as a time cut into two by a founding event or by an event to come.
By interpreting the Vn project in its temporal dimension, the article elucidates architecture's double meaning as a purposeful art, which discloses a double problematic: one in the past (it is reflected in the development of the city until the competition) and the other in the future in case the idea of the development of the city does not transform. The Vn proposal is an attempt to address both issues. The temporal dimension of architecture consequently confronts us with an ethical dilemma: how do we think Architecture to establish an identity between an environment, a way of being and a principle of action? The question of land use, its function and, consequently, its purpose determined by ideology is in this sense for Architecture unavoidable.
Keywords: architecture, Venice, Tronchetto, aesthetics, ethics, politics
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VIRI IN LITERATURA
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Ravnikar, E. (1965): Tronchetto, Solving the Venice Region Complex, Italy. V: Vodopivec, A. & R. Žnidaršič (ur.) (2010): Edvard Ravnikar: Architect and Teacher. Wi-en-New York, Springer, 217-223.
Sammartini, T. O. (1964): Venice: Tronchetto Island International Competition. Architectural Design, 34, 12, 583-584.
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original scientific article	DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2018.34
received: 2018-10-02
PROTOKOL O CELOVITEM UPRAVLJANJU OBALNIH OBMOČIJ V SREDOZEMLJU IN SODELOVANJE JAVNOSTI PRI PROSTORSKIH POSEGIH V SLOVENSKEM OBALNEM PASU
Gregor COK
Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: Gregor.cok@fa.uni-lj.si
Jasmina BOLCIC
Občina Piran, Tartinijev trg 2, 6330 Piran, Slovenija e-mail: bolcic.jasmina@gmail.com
IZVLEČEK
V članku so predstavljeni rezultati raziskave, ki je bila namenjena implementaciji Protokola o celovitem upravljanju obalnih območij v Sredozemlju (ICZM) v nacionalno zakonodajo in prakso, natančneje v implementacijo določb o sodelovanju javnosti v postopkih načrtovanja posegov v obalnem pasu. V okviru deskriptivne in primerjalne raziskovalne metode smo valorizirali številne obstoječe primere priprave prostorskih izvedbenih aktov. Ugotovili smo, da javnost v okviru konvencionalnega sistema, ki je trenutno enak za obalna in zaledna zemljišča, sodeluje pretežno z osebnimi interesi, javni interes pa je izražen kot element posrednega pomena. Za učinkovito izvajanje protokola bo treba obstoječe postopke nadgraditi v načinu in obsegu vključevanja strokovne in laične javnosti.
Ključne besede: obalni pas, sodelovanje javnosti, protokol ICZM, javni interes, zasebni interes.
PROTOCOLLO SULLA GESTIONE INTEGRATA DELLE ZONE COSTIERE DEL MEDITERRANEO E PARTECIPAZIONE PUBBLICA NEGLI INTERVENTI DI PIANIFICAZIONE TERRITORIALE DELLA COSTA SLOVENA
SINTESI
L'articolo presenta i risultati della ricerca volta all'attuazione del Protocollo Mediterráneo per la Gestione Integrata delle Zone Costiere (Integrated Costal Zone Management - ICZM) nella legislazione e nelle prassi nazi-onali, in particolare dell'applicazione delle disposizioni in materia della partecipazione pubblica negli interventi di pianificazione nella fascia costiera. Nell'ambito del metodo di ricerca descrittivo e comparativo sono stati studiati diversi casi di preparazione di atti di esecuzione già esistenti. È stato determinato che nell'ambito del sistema convenzionale, identico sia per l'area costiera che per i terreni nell'entroterra, il pubblico partecipa agli interventi principalmente con interessi propri, !'interesse pubblico si manifesta invece come finalità implicita. Per l'attuazione efficace del protocollo sarà necessario l'aggiornamento delle procedure attuali con modalità e scopi tali da includere la partecipazione sia degli esperti sia del pubblico in generale.
Parole chiave: fascia costiera, partecipazione pubblica, Protocollo Protocollo ICZM, interesse pubblico,
interesse privato
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UVOD
Z vstopom v EU smo tudi v Sloveniji pričeli izvajati skupno prostorsko politiko, ki se v minulih desetletjih sooča s številni razvojnimi in varstvenimi izzivi. Med današnja ključna prostorska vprašanja sodi obvladovanje ekstenzivne urbanizacije in njenih vplivov na okolje, tako na kopenskih kot vodnih zemljiščih. V tem okviru se v teoriji in praksi razvijajo različni metodološki pristopi za učinkovito usklajevanje in realizacijo posameznih ciljev. V formalne postopke planiranja in načrtovanja se z diskusijo o zasebnem in javnem interesu vedno bolj vključuje ozaveščena participativna javnost.
Potrebe po rabi prostora se v kontekstu gospodarskega in družbenega razvoja stopnjujejo tudi na vodnih in obalnih zemljiščih. Pomorski promet, turizem, marikul-tura, izkoriščanje energentov in druge dejavnosti, povezane z morskim okoljem, v prostoru povzročajo številne strukturne konsekvence (Pell, Lloyd, 2004). Poleg tega se v procesu planiranja in načrtovanja predstave o obsegu in obliki določenega posega v prostoru med vpletenimi deležniki (investitorji, politika, stroka in javnost) večkrat zelo razlikujejo ali si celo bistveno nasprotujejo (Čepar, 2017; Juvančič in Verovšek, 2017). Na ta vprašanja se že dolgo odzivata tako politika kot stroka. Za območje Sredozemlja in obale Jadranskega morja so bile pod okriljem različnih mednarodnih in nacionalnih institucij že davno sprejete številne konvencije in strategije (UNEP, MAP, Barcelonska konvencija, MSDD itd.),1 na podlagi katerih so nastajali področni prostorsko-varstveni in razvojni projekti (npr. CAMP).2 V začetnem obdobju so bili pretežno usmerjeni v uvajanje doktrine trajnostnega razvoja, v okviru katere naj bi v občutljivem obalnem območju zagotavljali sinergijo razvojnih interesov in varstvenih ciljev. Kljub njihovemu primarno deklarativnemu značaju se je v procesu izvajanja vzpostavila učinkovita mednarodna, upravno-institucionalna infrastruktura v obliki uspešnega meddržavnega in medresorskega sodelovanja.
Obsežna transnacionalna diskusija o upravljanju morskega okolja se je v naslednjem obdobju, s sprejetjem nove generacije strukturnih ukrepov (direktive, uredbe, protokoli), osredotočila na aplikativni nivo. Med pomembnejše ukrepe sodita danes zlasti: a) vzpostavljanje pomorskega prostorskega načrtovanja (MSP - marine spatial planning),3 katerega implementacijo v nacionalne zakonodaje evropskih držav podrobneje določa Direktiva o pomorskemu prostorskemu načrtovanju (MSP Direktiva, 2014/89/EU), ter b) razvoj posebnih upravnih režimov pri načrtovanju posegov v obalnem
pasu, ki ga podrobneje opredeljuje Protokol o celovitem upravljanju obalnih območij v Sredozemlju (ICZM -Protocol on Integrated Coastal Zone Management in the Mediterranean (2008)). Protokol uvaja celovito, tj. integralno, prostorsko načrtovanje na stiku kopnih in vodnih zemljišč. V 8. členu določa, da je treba opredeliti izhodiščni 100-metrski obalni pas kot posebno upravljavsko prostorsko enoto. Za slovenski prostor, ki vključuje relativno majhen obseg morskih vodnih zemljišč (pribl. 32 % površine celotnega Tržaškega zaliva), je ključnega pomena prav ta protokol (Bolčič, 2016), saj bo njegovo izvajanje v prihodnje bistveno vplivalo na sistem načrtovanja posegov v obalnem pasu.
Posamezne države pristopajo k implementaciji protokola in uvajanju pomorskega prostorskega načrtovanja v nacionalno zakonodajo in prakso na različne načine (Marsič, 2016). V ta namen so se v minulem desetletju za območje severnega Jadrana, vključno s slovenskim morjem, pričeli izvajati tudi nekateri »predprojekti«, ki so namenjeni pripravi izhodišč za učinkovitejšo implementacijo protokola (SHAPE,4 COASTANCE5 itd.) in vzporedno za razvoj pomorskega prostorskega načrtovanja (ADRIPLAN,6 SUPREME7 itd.). V Sloveniji so se desetletje po ratifikaciji protokola in dve leti pred uveljavitvijo direktive MSP posamezne določbe protokola načelno vključile tudi v novi Zakon o urejanju prostora (npr. 34. Člen ZUreP-2, 2017), s čimer se postopoma oblikuje pravni okvir za dokončno izvajanje njegovih konkretnih ciljev. Podzakonski akti, ki bodo konkretizirali podrobnejše vsebine, pa so še v fazi priprave.
Prostorsko načrtovanje je v svojem bistvu kompleksen interdisciplinarni proces. Na območju občutljivega obalnega okolja, ki je obenem tudi ambientalno privlačno, je ta kompleksnost še posebej izrazita, saj gre za lokacijo, v katero gravitira veliko interesov (Douvere in Pomeroy, 2008; Maes, 2008). V tem okviru prevladuje strokovno stališče, da je pri pripravi pomorskega prostorskega načrtovanja, vključno z vplivnim obalnim pasom, treba izvajati t. i. ekosistemski pristop (Douvere, 2008; Giebels et al., 2013). Ta pristop temelji na robnih pogojih ekosistem-ske vzdržnosti okolja in se razlikuje od konvencionalne-ga, t. i. sektorskega pristopa, ki načeloma usklajuje zgolj vsebinske potrebe posameznih sektorjev (Goličnik et al., 2018). Ključni poudarki ICZM so usmerjeni prav v upoštevanje varstvenih režimov, usklajevanje rabe zemljišč na morju in kopnem (Čok, 2016) ter v intenzivnejše vključevanje različnih deležnikov v proces načrtovanja. Posebna pozornost glede sodelovanja je opredeljena v 14. členu protokola, ki opredeljuje spekter deležnikov, njihov po-
1	UNEP - United Nations Environment Programme, MAP - Mediterranean Action Plan; MSDD - Mediterranean Strategy for Sustainable Development.
2	CAMP - Coastal Area Management Programme.
3	Marine spatial planning se razvija pod okriljem različnih konvencij, dve najpomembnejši sta Konvencija Združenih narodov o pomorskem mednarodnem pravu in Konvencija o biološki raznovrstnosti.
4	Shaping an Holistic Approach to Protect the Adriatic Environment between Coast and Sea, http://www.shape-ipaproject.eu/.
5	COASTANCE - Regional action strategies for coastal zone adaptation to climate change.
6	ADRIPLAN - Adriatic Ionian maritime spatial planning.
7	SUPREME - Supporting maritime spatial planning in the eastern Mediterranean.
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men in način medsebojnega sodelovanja (Bolčič, 2016), pri čemer je glede njegove učinkovitosti uporabljena zelo splošna dikcija: »[...] ustrezen način sodelovanja« (ICZM, 14. člen, prva alineja).
Za slovenski prostor je prav element »sodelovanja strokovne in laične javnosti« posebnega pomena. Z razpadom SFRJ se je namreč tako fizični kot zaznavni pomen morskega okolja praktično čez noč omejil na zgolj 46-ki-lometrski pas. Slovensko morje je zgodovinsko utemeljen simbol nacionalnega pomena (Kučan, 1998), okno v svet in hkrati privlačno okolje za realizacijo različnih bivalnih, poslovnih in rekreativnih dejavnosti. To dejstvo se zrcali v izjemno veliki vrednosti nepremičnin v obalnem pasu, nerealnemu številu pobud za spremembo nenamenske rabe zemljišč, cvetoči turistični industriji in drugih kazalnikih, ki nakazujejo izjemen pomen obale v širšem nacionalnem merilu (Ažman Momirski, 2015).
V tem okviru sta pravica in dolžnost strokovne in laične javnosti do soodločanja o prostorskih posegih v tem okolju logično utemeljeni (Marsič, 2016). Današnjo prakso planiranja in načrtovanja v slovenskem obalnem pasu žal zaznamujejo pretežno zastareli prostorski akti (Dalla Valle et al., 2014), različni interesi, ki omejuje strokovno delovanje (Čok, 2017), in relativno pasivna in/ali izrazito v zasebne interese introvertirana partici-pativna javnost (Bolčič, 2016).
Metodologija vključevanja participativne javnosti v določenem tematskem kontekstu je v stroki in praksi obsežno raziskana (Kos, 2002; Rowe in Lynn, 2000). Pri tem je treba poudariti, da je pri tako kompleksnih postopkih, kot je načrtovanje posegov v obalnem pasu, v delu treba zajeti zelo širok razpon informacij, od vseh uradno dostopnih podatkov do t. i. neformalnih »govoric« (Polič, 2013), ki mnogokrat spremljajo posamezne prostorske projekte.
Pri izvajanju ICZM je pomembna predvsem učinkovitost vključevanja deležnikov (UNEP/MAP/PAP, 2015), saj je protokol izrazito deklarativno opredeljen, konkretizacija njegovih določb pa prepuščena posamezni državi (Gonzalez-Riancho et al., 2009). Večje pomorske države (Italija, Hrvaška, Španija) izvajajo protokol skladno z izoblikovanim in uveljavljenim redom upravljanja morskega okolja (MAP).8 V tem smislu je izvajanje protokola nadgradnja že uveljavljenih praks, kar velja tudi za postopke sodelovanja javnosti pri pripravi prostorskih aktov. Kot tipični primer lahko navedemo Italijo, v kateri se je protokol formalno uveljavil leta 2011, posamezne državne institucije pa so s pripravami pričele že v letu 2007. V tem okviru so izvedli sedem pilotnih projektov za značilna obalna območja (v deželah Emilija - Romanja, Lacij, Ligurija, Sardinija in Toskana), na katerih so pričeli usmerjeno izvajati določbe ICZM. Na podlagi zaključnega poročila (Report Nazionale, 2011) je mogoče ugotoviti izboljšanje stanja na vseh področjih
(okoljsko in prostorsko varovanje obal ter morja, varovanje človekovega okolja, krajine, narave, omogočanje vzdržnega razvoja ter spodbujanje ekonomske rasti), vključno z vprašanjem sodelovanja posameznih deležnikov.
Podoben je tudi španski pristop, kjer je država že leta 2007 oblikovala strategijo za sistematično izvajanje prostorskih posegov v obalnem pasu, skladno z načeli integralnega upravljanja (Estrategia para la sostenibi-lidad de la costa. Diagnostico y líneas de actuación, 2007). Med štirimi ključnimi vsebinami strategije je tudi postopek prepoznavanja in vključevanja interesnih skupin, ki se po obstoječi praksi sicer vključujejo v procese prostorskega načrtovanja, vendar z različno odzivnostjo (Sano et al., 2009).
Preučevanje različnih pristopov sodelovanja deležnikov po načelih ICZM je bil tudi predmet regionalne okvirne operaciji BEACHMED-e,9 ki je obravnavala značilne sredozemske obalne regije (Vzhodna Makedonija in Trakija v Grčiji, Lacija, Ligurija in Emilija - Romanja v Italiji ter Languedoc-Roussillon v Franciji). Ugotovljeno je bilo, da je skupna težava v vseh državah pomanjkanje institucionalnega sodelovanja ter izmenjave informacij, kar je predvsem posledica zastarelih metodoloških praks in pomanjkanja okoljske ozaveščenosti posameznih deležnikov (Emmanuoli et al., 2010).
Podobno ugotavlja tudi študija, ki je ocenjevala sodelovanje javnosti po načelih ICZM v regiji Cantabria v Španiji (Areizaga et al., 2012). Študija vključuje objektivne in zaznavne ocene, pridobljene prek intervjujev participativnih skupin, ki so bili vključene v določene prostorske projekte. Ugotovili so, da se kot posledica uvajanja ICZM baza znanja upravljanja obalnega območja sicer izboljšuje, vendar strokovna praksa še vedno nima izoblikovanih ključnih elementov trajnosti in upravljanja, kot sta financiranje in sodelovanje javnosti.
Pomen aktivnega sodelovanja javnosti kot bistvene sestavina ICZM preučuje tudi Ernoul (2010). V študiji, ki prikazuje primerjavo treh integralnih projektov upravljanja z obalnim območjem v Franciji in Maroku (primerjava je bila izvedena na podlagi osmih metodološko prirejenih procesnih in izhodnih kazalnikov), avtor ugotavlja, da samo sodelovanje, ki je sicer bilo zagotovljeno po splošnem konceptu ICZM horizontalnega in vertikalnega sodelovanja ni bistveno vplivalo na splošne cilje projektov niti na kazalnike trajnosti. Ob tem se sprašuje, ali je ICZM s svojo deklarativno usmeritvijo kot tak sploh smiseln, ter ugotavlja, da je treba njegovo vlogo prilagoditi specifičnemu kulturnemu in političnemu kontekstu posamezne države. Pri tem se sklicuje na projekt OURCAST,10 ki opredeljuje načine, s katerimi naj bi se motiviralo participativno javnost, vendar izpostavlja dejstvo, da določenih postopkov med posameznimi državami ni mogoče uniformirati.
8	MAP: Coordinating Unit for the Mediterranean Action Plan.
9	BEACHMED-e: Strategic management of beach protection for sustainable development of Mediterranean coastal zones,
10	OURCOAST, The European portal for Integrated Coastal Zone Management.
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Za slovenski prostor ICZM vsekakor predstavlja novo institucionalno priložnost, da se sodelovanje javnosti v procesu načrtovanja še intenzivira, pri čemer obstajajo pomisleki, da se bo, podobno kot pri uvajanju nekaterih drugih regulativnih instrumentov, osnovni namen protokola zrelativiziral v fazi njegove implementacije v prostorsko zakonodajo in prakso.
PROBLEM IN METODOLOGIJA
Obalni pas je posebna prostorska entiteta s širokim razponom potencialov. V tem okviru sta tudi planiranje in načrtovanje na tem območju podvržena različnim pritiskom. Dodatni težavi predstavljata še: a) dejstvo, da v Sloveniji obstoječa prostorska zakonodaja načeloma ne razlikuje med »postopkom« načrtovanja posegov na obalni liniji in tistimi v zalednih območjih, zato obalni pas ni učinkoviteje promoviran v sami planerski metodologiji, ter b) dejstvo, da gre v tem procesu za izrazito deljene pristojnosti in lastništvo, pri čemer ima država primat nad načrtovanjem vodnih zemljišč, občine pa kopenskih.
V teh postopkih je ključnega pomena vloga strokovne in laične javnosti, ki lahko s svojim poslanstvom (interesi, pravice in etične dolžnosti) bistveno prispeva k pomenu, obliki in obsegu določenega posega v prostoru. V trenutni situaciji se javnost pri vprašanjih obalnega prostora, kot javnega interesa, pojavlja različno intenzivno in z različnimi motivi. Njeno sodelovanje se najbolj zrcali v primerih izdelave planov (OPN in OPPN), kjer javnost sodeluje skladno z uveljavljeno prakso, kot jo določajo veljavni pravilniki, ki veljajo za kopenski del (Pravilnik OPN, 2007, Pravilnik OPPN, 2007).
Protokol ICZM, ki za obalni pas uvaja posebno celostno načrtovanje kopnih in vodnih zemljišč, v svoji vsebini na načelnem nivoju opredeljuje potrebo po večji udeležbi deležnikov (14. člen) v procesu načrtovanja. Metodološki način, ki bi to udeležbo zagotavljal, pa ni konkretiziran. V tem okviru je učinkovitost implementacije protokola v zakonodajo in prakso podvržena široki interpretaciji posameznih določb, zato je predhodno treba opredeliti posamezne parametre upravnega postopka, ki lahko pripomorejo k učinkovitosti njegovega izvajanja. V tem smislu sta pomembni naslednji raziskovalni vprašanji:
1.	Katera javnost - kako in zakaj - sodeluje pri postopkih planiranja in načrtovanja posegov v obalnem pasu v sedanji pravni ureditvi?
2.	Katere elemente pravnega postopka pri vključevanju javnosti je treba obdržati in/ali nadgraditi, da bo njena vloga aktivnejša, skladno s cilji protokola ICZM?
Hipoteza
Motivi in obseg sodelovanja večine laične javnosti pri posegih v obalnem pasu so primerljivi s sodelova-
njem pri posegih v zalednem teritoriju. Strokovna javnost in ozaveščeni posamezniki, ki se zavedajo pomena privlačnega prostorskega konteksta, se intenzivneje vključujejo v procese planiranja in načrtovanja, skladno z veljavnimi postopki.
Sodelovanje bi bilo intenzivnejše, če bi obstajala večja promocija prostorske problematike in promocija pomena obalnega pasu kot posebne nacionalne vrednote.
Metodologija
Raziskava je bila usmerjena v analizo sodelovanja javnosti pri načrtovanju posegov v obalnem pasu v pogojih obstoječega sistema načrtovanja, natančneje v obseg in vsebino podanih pobud, pripomb in mnenj v primerih javnih razgrnitev prostorskih izvedbenih aktov (PIA) in v primerih analize sodelovanja v pilotnem projektu SHAPE. Potekala je v treh fazah.
V	prvi fazi smo oblikovali prostorski in časovni okvir raziskovanja, opredelili vire raziskovanja in pridobivali podatke:
•	evidentirali smo vse posege v območju obalnega pasu širine 300 m od vodne linije na celotni slovenski obali (občine: Ankaran, Koper, Izola, Piran), ki so bili predvideni, načrtovani in/ali realizirani v časovnem razponu zadnjih 13 let (od leta 2005 do 2018),
•	za vse evidentirane posege smo opredelili vire raziskovanja, to so bili: javno dostopni uradni viri posameznih institucij (občine, arhivi, knjižnice), tiskani in digitalni mediji ter svetovni splet.
Velik del podatkov smo pridobili tudi v okviru opazovanja z udeležbo v formalnih in neformalnih postopkih (Bolčič, 2016).
V	drugi fazi smo z deskriptivno in primerjalno metodo analizirali podatke in opredelili parcialne ugotovitve:
•	v prvem koraku smo izvedli izbor in kategorizacijo podatkov po merilu eksaktnosti in verodostojnosti,
•	v drugem koraku smo kategorizirali vse primere sodelovanja glede na status, motiv in način sodelovanja,
•	v tretjem koraku smo jih analizirali glede na vsebino.
Tudi v tej fazi smo v okviru sodelovanja na javnih razpravah uporabili metodo opazovanja z udeležbo.
V	tretji fazi smo sintetizirali rezultate in podali potencialne usmeritve za izvajanje protokola ICZM v planerski praksi.
REZULTATI
Pri opredelitvi prostorskega in časovnega okvira raziskovanja smo ugotovili, da je bila večina obstoječih prostorskih ureditev v obalnem pasu izvedenih na podlagi stare prostorske zakonodaje bivše SFRJ. Po osamosvojitvi Slovenije in uvedbi nove nacionalne
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zakonodaje (ZUReP-1, 2003; ZPNačrt, 2007) je bilo veliko aktov predvsem spremenjenih, dopolnjenih ali razveljavljenih. Novo sprejetih aktov za posege v morje ali obalni pas je v tem obdobju, kljub povečanemu interesu za obalni prostor, v vseh štirih obalnih občinah relativno malo.11
Kljub maloštevilnim posegom v prostor pa je nabor podatkov, na podlagi katerih je mogoče ugotavljati, kakšno je sodelovanje javnosti, relativno širok. Na podlagi vsega zbranega gradiva smo opredeliti tri skupine podatkov:
a.)	uradni viri formalnih postopkov sprejemanja PIA,
b.)	strokovne raziskave, študije in projekti,
c.)	objave v medijih.
Že v fazi pridobivanja podatkov smo ugotovili, da so v velikem obsegu nepopolni ter da bo za izvedbo podrobne analize treba izvesti ustrezni izbor.
Pridobivanje podatkov so spremljali različni zapleti (nedostopnost, pomanjkljive baze, delna ali popolna izguba itd.), zato se je po pridobitvi vsega gradiva (presek v letu 2018) nabor verodostojnih podatkov, ki omogočajo natančno analitično obravnavo, bistveno zožil. Pri tem smo ugotovili, da so za našo analizo najbolj verodostojni uradni zapisi in poročila o posameznih projektih in dogodkih (skupina a.). Omejili smo se na naslednje kategorije podatkov:
•	zapisniki javnih razprav in javnih razgrnitev pri sprejemanju prostorskih izvedbenih aktov (nivo OPPN),
•	zapisniki drugih javnih dogodkov (zbor krajanov, delavnice, javne tribune, nastopi civilnih iniciativ),
•	zapisniki strokovnih dogodkov (prostorske delavnice, strokovna srečanja itd.),
•	zaključno gradivo projekta SHAPE (udeležba avtorjev članka v tem projektu).
Opredelitev statusa, motiva in načina sodelovanja v primerih PIA
Sodelovanje javnosti smo v velikem obsegu zasledili tudi v medijih (mnenja na spletu, radijske oddaje ipd.), vendar ta vir podatkov ni zagotavljal dovolj zanesljivih in primerljivih informacij, ki bi jih lahko analitično obdelali skladno s predmetom raziskovanja. Merilo verodostojnosti podatka je bilo: znan status sodelujočega, njegov motiv in formalni dogodek, v katerem sodeluje.
Za nadaljnjo analizo smo izvzeli osem primerov PIA, štiri primere drugih javnih dogodkov in dva primera strokovnih srečanj.
Pri podrobnejši analizi podatkov smo v prvem koraku opredelili tiste, ki zadevajo obalni pas in morje kot
javno dobro, ter vse ostale, ki po vsebini ne izražajo posredne ali neposredne tendence po sodelovanju k javnemu dobremu.
V	primeru analize zapisnikov javnih razgrnitev in javnih razprav osmih OPPN (tabela 1) smo ugotovili, da je med skupno 295 pobud, mnenj in pripomb zgolj 45 (15,25 %) takšnih, ki zadevajo obalni pas kot javno dobro, 11 (3,75 %) takšnih, ki zadevajo poleg obale tudi morje kot javno dobro, in kar 239 (81 %) takšnih, ki v vsebini sodelovanja ne zadevajo niti obale niti morja kot javnega dobra.
Iz navedenega sklepamo, da javnost sicer prepoznava pomen obale in morja kot območja javnega dobra, vseeno pa se pobude, mnenja in pripombe vsebinsko večinoma nanašajo na druge parametre predvidenih prostorskih ureditev.
V	drugem koraku smo podrobneje opredelili vsebino sodelovanja (tabela 2). Opredelili smo tri značilna področja: a) status udeležencev, ki nastopajo v obravnavanem sodelovanju (5 kategorij), b) njihov motiv in vsebino (10 kategorij) ter c) način sodelovanja (2 kategoriji).
Pri obdelavi podatkov smo se srečevali s težavo oblike in vsebine zapisov, saj je bilo v določenih pisnih prispevkih naenkrat podanih več pobud, mnenj ali pripomb. V nekaterih primerih ni bilo mogoče natančno določiti npr. statusa udeleženca, njegovega motiva ali katerega drugega parametra. Zato prihaja do določenih razlik v seštevku parametrov (posamezni stolpci - tabela 2).
Ugotovili smo, da:
•	med statusom udeleženca bistveno prevladuje posredno prizadeta javnost (69 %), sledijo ji lastniki zemljišč (12 %),
•	med motivi prevladujeta osebni interes (17 %) in splošno podajanje mnenja o predvidenem posegu v prostor (30 %),
•	v načinu sodelovanja prevladuje pisno podajanje pobud, mnenje in pripomb (61 %).
Na podlagi navedenega ugotavljamo, da čeprav gre za posege v obalnem pasu, ki ga javnost prepoznava kot javno dobro, v sodelovanju prevladuje zasebni interes. Posebne skrbi udeležencev javnih razprav in javnih razgrnitev za ohranjanje javnega dobra (rubrika MJD) pa v tem preseku skoraj ni zaslediti oziroma je zastopana v marginalnem obsegu (0,6 %). Marginalno je zastopana tudi stroka v vlogi službene dolžnosti ali katere druge iniciative.
Opredelitev vsebine - značilni pojavi in mnenja javnosti pri postopkih urejanja prostora
V	naslednjem koraku smo izdelali vsebinsko analizo podanih pobud, mnenj in pripomb. Analizo smo izva-
11 Naše ugotovitve potrjuje tudi analiza SHAPE (Dalla Valle, 2014), katere avtorji so analizirali prostorske akte, ki urejajo območje 100-metrskega pasu. Po njihovih ugotovitvah celotni slovenski 100-metrski obalni pas ureja 30 izvedbenih prostorskih aktov občin Koper, Izola in Piran. Po svoji vsebini in nastanku so zelo raznoliki, nekateri so zelo zastareli. Še vedno so v veljavi zazidalni načrti, sprejeti na podlagi Zakona o urbanističnem planiranju iz leta 1967, prostorski ureditveni pogoji in prostorski izvedbeni načrti (lokacijski načrti, urbanistični načrti, zazidalni načrti), sprejeti na podlagi Zakona o urejanju naselij in drugih posegov v prostor iz leta 1984.
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Tabela 1: Analiza osmih primerov zapisnikov iz javne razgrnitve in javne razprave OPPN, ki so se izdelovali na območju obalnega pasu (pobude, mnenja in pripombe).
Table 1: Analysis of eight cases of records from public displays and consultations of Municipal Detailed Spatial Plans (OPPN) elaborated for the coastal zone (initiatives, opinions, and comments).
	lokacija (kraj) -	naziv (prostorski akt) -	termin javne razprave in javne razgrnitve			Izraženo javno dobro (JD)		
Akt št.		Opis	Skupno št. pobud, mnenj in pripomb	Št. tistih, ki zadevajo obalni pas kot (JD)	Št. tistih, ki zadevajo poleg obale tudi morje kot JD	Ne zadevajo obalnega pasu in/ali morja kot JD
1	-	Koper -	Marina in komunalni privezi (OPPN) -	feb.-mar. 2005	ureditev prometnih površin v ožjem obalnem pasu ter komunalnih privezov v morju	21	11	1	9
2	-	Izola -	OPPN za območje IPA 8 v planski celoti T 1/1 -	feb.-mar. 2009	ureditve večjih turističnih (tudi APP) struktur, bazenskih kompleksov in zelenih površin v širšem obalnem pasu in zaledju v okolici Maine in San Simona	26	3	2	21
3	-	Izola: -	PUP ob mestnem stadionu -	jul.-avg. 2009	predvidene so ureditve športno rekreacijskih površin, stanovanjske poselitve in prometnih povezav v okolici stadiona Izola (ob pokopališču Izola)	36	3	0	33
4	Bernardin (Portorož) -	Dom vodnih športov (OPPN) -	nov.-dec. 2009	ureditev športno-rekreacijskega centra za potrebe vodnih športov v ožjem obalnem pasu ter morju	15	6	0	9
5	-	Pacug (Piran) -	OPPN - Vzhodni Pacug -	mar.-apr. 2010	sanacijski akt: predvideva legalizacijo obstoječih nastanitvenih objektov pribl. 200 m od morja, z realizacijo pozidave se bo obalni pas v tej sekvenci bistveno urbaniziral	29	0	0	29
6	-	Bernardin (Portorož) -	OPPN Terase vile Bernardin -	feb.-mar. 2012	predmet izdelave občinskega prostorskega načrta je realizacija programa večnivojskega parkirišča s pribl. 300 parkirnimi mesti in gradnjo 8 večstanovanjskih hiš	26	2	0	24
7	-	Lucija (Portorož) -	Lucija center -	jan.-feb. 2013	ureditev novih parkovnih, rekreacijskih, poslovno-turističnih kapacitet, stanovanjskih enot ter večje podzemne garažne hiše v obalnem pasu, družbene dejavnosti	126	20	8	98
8	-	Izola -	ZN Livade - zahod -	januar 2015	urejanje stanovanjskih površin (in oskrbovanih stanovanj) na lokaciji Livad (zaledje Izole)	16	0	0	16
Skupaj v %:			295 100%	45 15,25%	11 3,75%	239 81%
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Tabela 2: Analiza sodelovanja; status udeležencev, njihov motiv in način sodelovanja. Table 2: Participation analysis; participants' status, motives, and ways of participation.
Status udeleženca			Motiv						Način sodelovanj		a
opredelitev	akt	Št.	opredelitev	akt	Št.	opredelitev	akt	Št.	opredelitev	akt	Št.
	1	0		1	0		1	2		1	15
	2	5		2	5		2	0		2	14
	3	4	MOE - osebni/ ekonomski ali premoženjski interes	3	5		3	4	Posredno: PP - pisno (individualna ali kolektivna)	3	21
SL - lastnik/upo-	4	1		4	0	MV - zgolj vprašanje,	4	8		4	1
rabnik zemljišča	5	20		5	3	vezano na obrazložitev	5	2		5	19
(investitor)	6	2		6	2	plana	6	1		6	15
	7	1		7	0		7	7		7	91
	8	0		8	0		8	1		8	4
	Z	33		Z	15		Z	25		Z	180
	1	11		1	0		1	4		1	6
	2	19		2	15		2	1		2	12
	3	15		3	7		3	3	Neposredno: NP - verbalno (neposredno na razpravi)	3	12
SO - občan/(ne)	4	14	MOD - osebni/ drugi interesi	4	0	MM - zgolj mnenje, vezano na plan	4	3		4	14
lastnik (prizadeta	5	7		5	11		5	5		5	13
javnost)	6	7		6	0		6	2		6	11
	7	105		7	0		7	80		7	35
	8	12		8	9		8	0		8	12
	Z	190		Z	42		Z	98		Z	115
	1	10		1	5		1	0			
	2	6		2	13		2	0			
	3	1	MOK - osebni	3	15		3	1			
SIS - interesna	4	0	interes izražen	4	3	MSO - strokovni / osebna iniciativa	4	0			
skupina (inicia-	5	2	skozi širši kolek-	5	6		5	0			
tiva)	6	0	tivni oz. javni	6	8		6	1			
	7	10	problem	7	2		7	0			
	8	3		8	2		8	0			
	Z	32		Z	54		Z	2			
	1	0		1	0		1	0			
	2	1		2	6		2	1			
	3	4	MKE - kolektivni	3	7		3	1			
SJU -	4	0	ekonomski/pre-	4	0	MSS - strokovni / službena dolžnost	4	0			
uslužbenec	5	0	moženjski	5	1		5	0			
javne uprave	6	1	interes	6	7		6	0			
	7	2		7	2		7	2			
	8	0		8	0		8	0			
	Z	8		Z	23		Z	4			
	1	0		1	10	MKD - kolektivni interes/drugo 1 10 MJD - javno dobro/ izražena posebna skrb za ohranitev obale in/ali morja kot javnega dobra	1	0			
	2	2		2	5		2	1			
	3	1		3	5		3	0			
SP - drugo; projektant, mediji	4	0	MKD - kolektivni interes/drugo	4	1		4	0			
	5	0		5	1		5	0			
	6	1		6	0		6	1			
	7	8		7	33		7	0			
	8	0		8	0		8	0			
	Z	12		Z	55		Z	2			
SKUPAJ:	275		320						295		
Akt: 1 - Marina Koper (2005), 2 - Izola IPA 8 (2009), 3 - Izola Ob stadionu (2009), 4 - Bernardin Dom vodnih športov (2009), 5 - Pacug (2010), 6 - Terase Vile Bernardin (2012), 7 - Lucija center (2013), 8 - Izola ZN Livade (2015)											
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Tabela 3: Primeri značilnih izjav (citati), ki se nanašajo predvsem na vsebine o lastnini in pravicah. Table 3: Examples of typical statements (citations) referring mostly to content about ownership and rights.
[...] odvzem pogleda na morje avtomatsko zniža ceno nepremičnine in mi je zato povzročena velika škoda in krivica v razpolaganju z lastnino, ki je varovana po ustavi RS [...]«
»[...] odvzem pogleda na morje in svetlobe pomeni tudi kršitev ustavne pravice posameznika glede lastnine,
zdravega in kvalitetnega bivanjskega okolja [...]«
»[...] objekt je previsok in jemlje pogled na morje in krajinski park«
»[...] predvidena ureditev se me ne tiče in je nisem zahteval, zakaj posega v moje parcele [...]« »[...] ureditve naj se načrtujejo na občinskih parcelah, ne na zasebni lastnini [...]«
Tabela 4: Primeri značilnih izjav (citati), ki se nanašajo predvsem na kognitivne zaznave prostora ali posega v prostoru. Table 4: Examples of typical statements (citations) referring mostly to cognitive perceptions of space and spatial developments.
[...] želim, da ne bi bila celotna obala pozidana, da ostanejo koščki »naravne« obale, kjer bodo domačini še vedno lahko lovili ribe (te pa še bodo) in otroci spoštovali morsko floro in favno v naravi, in ne v akvarijih« [...] do sedaj negovani mir in varnost v tem delu naselja bo občutno zmotilo veliko število novih prebivalcev in porabnikov parkirne hiše«
[...] naredite strpno multikulturno stičišče, kreativno, zdravo, zeleno, ljudem prijazno mesto vključevanja in sobivanja, mesto po meri človeka, tako mesto, kjer bodo vsi zadovoljni in ne oškodovani«
Tabela 5: Primeri značilnih izjav (citati), ki se nanašajo predvsem na občutek manjvrednosti oz. marginalnosti. Table 5: Examples of typical statements (citations) referring mostly to the sense of inferiority and marginality.
..] ni dovolj urejenih in dostopnih privezov za barčice za krajane«
..] v našem prostoru urejajo za druge, mi, krajani, pa nimamo nič«
..] želja krajanov sploh ne obravnavate, za druge pa sprejemate akte«
..] plaže so itak samo za turiste, mi, krajani, pa moramo hoditi na zakotne lokacije«
..] občani tu zdaj živijo v sožitju z naravo v večkulturni samooskrbni skupnosti [...] vi pa urejate za druge«
jali s pomočjo izbranih označevalcev, ki predstavljajo posamezne pojme. Iskalni ključ je temeljil na pogostnosti označevalcev prepoznanih najbolj ponavljajočih se vsebin. V analizi lahko zasledimo predvsem vsebine, ki se navezujejo na posredno ali neposredno lastnino in pravice, kognitivne zaznave prostora ali posega in občutek manjvrednosti (marginalnost). V tem okviru smo:
a.)	vsebine o lastnini in pravicah opredelili z iskalnimi pojmi: lastnina, last, nepremičnina, zemljišče, premoženje, dvorišče, stanovanje, hiša, bivališče, posest, imetje, bivalna pravica, vrednost, cena, povzročena škoda, odvzem, (zahteva) odškodnine, tožba,
b.)	vsebine o kognitivnih zaznavah opredelili z iskalnimi pojmi počutje, občutki, (lep) pogled, lepo okolje, dragocen prostor, kakovostno okolje/bivalni pogoji, nacionalni/državni simbol, (turistič-
ni) biser, oddih, doživljanje narave/morja, rekreacija ipd.,
c.) vsebine o občutku manjvrednosti (marginalnost^ opredelili z iskalnimi pojmi: nezaupanje, ne verjamemo, neobveščanje - ne obvestiti, ne sporočiti, ne informira, prikriva, prezira, zapostavlja, drugorazredni, izigravanje, ne posluša, ne upošteva, nihče povedal, nihče sporočil, daje prednost drugim, ne vpraša, nič ne pove, molči, nič ne naredi, sramota, pravice vikendašev, zapostavljeno lokalno prebivalstvo, krajani, prebivalci, domačini ipd.
V nadaljevanju so predstavljeni primeri značilnih in najpogosteje podanih navedb glede lastnine in pravic (tabela 3), kognitivne zaznave (tabela 4) in občutka zapostavljenosti (tabela 5). V večini primerov gre za izjave
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pri prostorskih posegih zunaj območja javnega dobra morja in priobalnega zemljišča 25 metrov (po ZV-1). Kot smo že v analizi prostorskih aktov obalnih občin ugotovili, je prostorskih posegov v območje morja in priobalnih zemljišč zelo malo.
Ugotovili smo naslednje:
ad a.): vsebine o lastnini in pravicah se nanašajo predvsem na že prepoznani problem predhodnih posegov v javno dobro in zasebno lastnino ter vsa prepričanja posameznika, ki se navezujejo na razne pravice glede kršenja lastninskih pravic in človekovih pravic po ustavi ipd.,
ad b.): vsebine, ki se navezujejo na kognitivne zaznave prostora ali posega, se nanašajo predvsem na subjektivne zaznave posameznika, kot npr. čutno zaznavo, čustveno navezanost ter v zaznavanju morja in obalnega pasu kot nacionalnega simbola,
ad c.): vsebine, ki se navezujejo na občutek manjvrednosti oz. marginacije, se nanašajo na vse oblike občutka zapostavljenosti posameznika ali lokalnega prebivalstva.
Posebnosti na področju sodelovanja javnosti se pojavljajo predvsem glede pogojevanja prostorskih ureditev na podlagi lastninske pravice ali individualnih interesov. Morje in priobalna zemljišča so pretežno v lasti države in predstavljajo javno dobro, vendar v tem smislu (razen v izrednih primerih) torej ne predstavljata neposredne lastnine posameznika. Ne glede na to se za posege v ta območja, ki se izključno navezujejo na lokacije javnega dobra, večina pripomb nanaša ravno na sklicevanje na »posredno lastninsko pravico«. Javnost največkrat navaja, da je omenjeno območje javno dobro in je torej od vseh pod enakimi pogoji. Pojav posrednega uveljavljanja lastnine je v Sloveniji predvsem zgodovinsko pogojen z dojemanjem pojma družbene lastnine. Ta je predstavljala temelj (tudi v urejanju prostora) prejšnjega sistema in je kot taka v mišljenju posameznika močno zakoreninjena.
Ugotovili smo, da se v primerih, ko gre za razširitve posega na lokacije dejanske zasebne lastnine, predstava o javnem dobrem hitro razblini. V takem primeru se nasprotovanja in pripombe usmerjajo predvsem na nedotakljivost zasebne lastnine, pravic po ustavi, nadomestila, odkupe, menjave, odškodnine ipd. Zaznamo lahko, da se za posege v to območje skoraj vsi predlogi javnosti nanašajo le na ureditve na območju kopnega (obalni pas), na ureditve na območju morja pa zelo malo. Vsebine predlogov za kopenski del se največkrat nanašajo na ureditve parkovnih in rekreacijskih površin, plaž in odprtih zelenih površin. Drugi sklop predlogov obsega ureditve komunalnih privezov, ramp ter pristajalnih pomolov za manjša plovila (za lokalno prebivalstvo). Torej se tudi te ureditve posredno navezujejo na lastnino, saj so plovila opredeljena kot premična lastnina.
Na podlagi navedenega ugotavljamo, da javnost najpogosteje navaja pripombe glede zakrivanja pogledov na morje in s tem razvrednotenja lastnine ter bivalnega okolja. S predvidenimi ureditvami na območju obalnega pasu se v večini primerov posega namreč prav v obstoječe odprte površine med območjem morja ali priobalnega zemljišča do prve linije stanovanjskih ali turističnih objektov. Čeprav so te odprte površine v večini primerov že daljša obdobja javno dobro ali v zasebni lasti, jih lokalni prebivalci in uporabniki prostora prepoznavajo oz. zaznavajo kot svoje.
Čeprav ICZM uvaja 100-metrski izhodiščni obalni pas kot območje, kjer gradnja ni dovoljena oz. je dovoljena izjemoma pod določenimi pogoji, lahko pričakujemo, da se bodo nepozidana zemljišča v prihodnje vendarle pretežno uporabljala v smeri oblikovanja turistične infrastrukture (zunanje ureditve, mirujoči promet, dostopi, plaže itd.). Tudi v tem primeru bodo rabe vplivale na okolje in posledično prizadele dotično javnost.
Opredelitev sodelovanja v primeru projekta SHAPE
Področje sodelovanja interesnih skupin in posameznikov smo obravnavali tudi v pilotnem projektu SHAPE, ki je bil usmerjen v preveritev sistema načrtovanja posegov v obalnem pasu po obstoječi zakonodaji in praksi ter opredelitev izhodišč za izvajanje protokola ICZM. Metodologija izdelave pilotnega projekta je bila simulacija postopka priprave OPPN v skrajšani obliki, zajemala pa je praktično vse bistvene korake (neformalno, vendar po pravilniku OPPN) do priprave osnutka posameznih prostorskih ureditev na obravnavanem območju (obalni pas Strunjanskega zaliva). V tej obalni sekvenci je delež zasebnega lastništva zemljišč zelo majhen, zato so predvidene ureditve izrazito javnega značaja (plaže, pomoli, ribištvo).
V simuliranem postopku smo v prvi fazi organizirali delavnico za širok nabor akterjev. Na delavnici smo želeli pridobiti podatke o uporabnikih tega prostora, njihova mnenja in predstave o bodočem urejanju. Kljub uspešni udeležbi izrecno povabljenih (pribl. 60 % povabljenih) so bila podana mnenja in pobude na sami razpravi relativno maloštevilna. Maloštevilna je bila tudi udeležba ostalih vabljenih s splošnim obveščanjem. Tudi v tem primeru je bilo sodelovanje omejeno predvsem na zasebni oz. poslovni interes, manj pa na uveljavljanje javnega interesa v obalnem pasu. Tega so izpostavili zgolj predstavniki vabljenih javnih institucij (občina, Uprava RS za pomorstvo, krajinski park, zavod za varstvo narave itd.), ki so se delavnice udeležili po službeni dolžnosti.
Na podlagi odziva smo izdelovalci projekta v naslednjem koraku pristopili k metodi polstrukturiranih intervjujev (individualne konzultacije), s katerimi smo pridobili številna mnenja in pobude o potrebah in posegih in situ. Ta metoda je predvsem uspešno prispevala k opredelitvi dejanskih interesnih skupin uporabnikov
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KONFLIKTI KOT POSLEDICA NEUSKLAJENEGA NAČRTOVANJA IN RABE PROSTORA NA MORJU IN KOPNEM
1. Školjčišče - lokacija, obseg in raba morja
2. Ribištvo - neurejena ribiška infrastruktura
3. Plaža - neurejeno napajanje
4. Navtična infrastruktura - neurejeno stanje
5. Plovne »ožine«
6. Morski javni potniški promet - ni dostopa na obalo
7.	Prostorski razvoj in/ali vizualna degradacija prostora
8.	Mirujoči promet - konvencionalne in alternativne rešitve - vplivi na okolje
9. Turistična infrastruktura - vplivi na okolje
10. Prometna infrastruktura v obalnem pasu
Slika 1: projekt SHAPE: problemske situacije in posledični konflikti kot posledica neusklajene rabe prostora na kopnem in morju (Čok et al., 2014).
Figure 1: SHAPE project: problematic situations and conflicts as a result of uncoordinated land use on land and at sea (Čok et al., 2014).
Sekvence obalnega pasu kot izhodišče za simulacijo izdelave prostorskih ureditev
Programska zasnova
Območje št. 1: Plato pod hotelom Krka
-	predlog ureditve parkirišča in večnamenskega platoja, zelenih površin in odprtih javnih površin.
Območje št. 2: Obstoječa plaža med hotelom in »Lambado«
-	predlog nadgradnje obstoječega stanja, umiritev prometa, umestitev novih elementov plažne ureditve.
Območje št. 3: »Nova plaža« med »Lambado« in mandračem
-	predlog renaturacije, izoblikovanje nove kapacitete (praktično nova sekvenca javne plaže).
Območje št. 4: Območje ribiškega mandrača
-	predlog obnove obstoječega stanja, ureditev oboda mandrača, privezov, rampe za spust plovil in druge potrebne infrastrukture (ribiči, školjke - marikultura)
Območje št. 5: Jugozahodni rob solin
-	oblikovanje pejsažev med solinami in »Salinero«, sanacija obodnega zidu, pohodnih peščevih površin itd.
Slika 2: projekt SHAPE: območje izdelave pilotnega projekta, obalne sekvence in predlagane prostorske ureditve (Čok et al., 2014).
Figure 2: SHAPE project: pilot project production area, coastal sequences, and proposed spatial developments (Čok et al., 2014).
in njihovih potreb. Z metodo primerjave pridobljenih podatkov in analizo stanja v prostoru (ugotavljanje stanja na področju dejanske in namenske rabe zemljišč ter obstoječih prostorskih ureditev) smo opredeliti posamezne konfliktne situacije in razloge zanje (slika 1). Na podlagi parcialnih ugotovitev smo opredelili
prostorske sekvence kot izhodišče za simulirano načrtovanje posameznih prostorskih ureditev (slika 2).
Ugotovili smo, da je na obalni sekvenci dolžine pri-bl. 700 m (med hoteloma Salinera in Krka) prisotnih 12 različnih interesnih skupin uporabnikov, pri čemer vsaka od skupin za izvajanje svojih interesov potrebuje
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Tabela 8: Projekt SHAPE: interesne skupine, njihove prostorske potrebe in način sodelovanja v pilotnem projektu. Table 8: SHAPE project: interest groups, their spatial needs, and ways of participation in the pilot project.
Interesne skupine -	njihove prostorske potrebe -	pretežni interes -	način sodelovanja v pilotnem projektu	
1. kopalci -	plažne ureditve, servisni objekti, dostop, prometna infrastruktura -	zasebni interes -	individualne konzultacije	7. obiskovalci Krajinskega parka Strunjan -	zunanje ureditve na širšem območju Stjuže -	javni interes -	individualne konzultacije
2. ribiči -	mandrač, gospodarski privezi, servisni objekti, ledomat -	poslovni interes -	individualne konzultacije	8. upravljavci (gospodarska dejavnost) in obiskovalci solin -	solinarska infrastruktura, zunanje ureditve, privezi -	poslovni interes, javni interes -	individualne konzultacije
3. marikultura -	parcelacija vodnih zemljišč, pristajalni pomol, tehnološka ploščad, ekološki otok -	poslovni interes -	individualne konzultacije	9. lokalni nosilci pravice do komunalnega priveza -	komunalni privezi, pomol, ploščad -	zasebni interes, poslovni interes, javni interes -	individualne konzultacije
4. sprehajalci in rekreativci (Lungomare) -	zunanje ureditve, info točke, urbana oprema -	javni interes -	individualne konzultacije	10. hotelska in gostinska dejavnost (obiskovalci, uslužbenci, dostava) -	nastanitvene in gostinske kapacitete, infrastruktura, dostop in dostava (poti) -	zasebni interes, poslovni interes, javni interes -	individualne konzultacije, sodelovanje na delavnici
5. navtika -	pristajalni pomoli, privezi, obalna sidrišča -	poslovni interes -	individualne konzultacije	11. komunalne službe, intervencija -	infrastruktura, dostop po obalni liniji -	javni interes -	individualne konzultacije
6. športni ribolovni klub -	klubski prostori, pomol, privezi -	javni interes, zasebni interes -	sodelovanje na delavnici	12. Nadzor na morju (uprava za pomorstvo, policija, inšpektorat itd.) -	navtična infrastruktura, plovni koridorji, pristajalni pomoli -	javni interes -	individualne konzultacije
določeno prostorsko ureditev (tabela 8). Pilotni projekt je bil prvenstveno usmerjen v preverjanje obstoječega sistema načrtovanja. Na podlagi načrtno uporabljene konvencionalne metode dela smo potrdili predpostavko, da je načrtovanje v obalnem pasu praktično enako kot načrtovanje v oddaljenem zaledju. Razlike so zgolj v večjem spektru nosilcev urejanja prostora in striktno deljeni pristojnosti (država-občine). Skladno s to ugotovijo je skromen odziv prisotnih na prvi delavnici logičen. Uporaba intenzivnejšega pristopa, tj. a) s pozivom deležnikov k individualnim konzultacijam, b) z večkratnim ogledom terena in c) z organizacijo številnih medsebojnih usklajevanj, se je izkazala za učinkovitejši metodološki korak.
Po zaključenem pilotnem projektu smo ugotovili, da je posege v obalnem pasu zaradi kompleksnosti interesov, potencialov in varstvenih režimov treba načrtovati drugače kot posege v zaledju. Obstoječa praksa načrtovanja (npr. v okviru OPPN) je pomanjkljiva zlasti v: a.) fazi pridobivanja verodostojnih podatkov, to stanje bi bistveno izboljšala intenzivnejša udeležba interesirane javnosti v formalnih postopkih in b.) konstruktivnem usklajevanju deležnikov, kar bi z ustrezno interpretacijo posameznih členov ICZM izboljšali predvsem z opredelitvijo obalnega pasu kot posebne prostorske ureditvene enote (vzajemno načrtovanje rab na kopnem in morju). Konkretni rezultat pilotnega projekta je tudi dejanska realizacija prostorske ureditve na ob-
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Slika 3: Ribiško pristanišče Strunjan 2014-2016: realizacija izhaja iz pilotnega projekta SHAPE (Foto: Viktor Žigon). Figure 3: Fishing port Strunjan 2014-2016: the implementation stems from the SHAPE pilot project (Photo: Viktor Žigon.)
močju št. 4 (slika 2), tj. izgradnja ribiškega pristanišča, ki se je izvedla dve leti po zaključku SHAPE (slika 3).
DISKUSIJA
V raziskavi smo ugotovili, da pri načrtovanju posegov v obalnem pasu sodeluje predvsem prizadeta javnost s pretežno zasebnimi motivi. Sodelovanje strokovne javnosti je po naših ugotovitvah omejeno na »službeno dolžnost«. S to ugotovitvijo potrjujemo prvi del hipoteze, drugega dela hipoteze - glede aktivne vloge strokovne javnosti - pa na podlagi obravnavanih podatkov ne moremo z gotovostjo niti potrditi niti zavreči.
Pilotni projekt je dokazal, da je tudi v okviru obstoječega sistema načrtovanja mogoče izvajati učinkovite posege v prostor, v smislu implementacije ICZM pa bi bilo treba nadgraditi formalni postopek priprave in sprejemanja OPPN v segmentih, ki zadevajo splošno obveščanje javnosti (laične in strokovne) in pridobivanja ključnih podatkov o potrebah dejanskih uporabnikov obalnega prostora. To je mogoče doseči s premišljeno interpretacijo posameznih določb ICZM. Ključno priložnost protokola vidimo v razvoju učin-
kovitega sistema promocije prostorskega načrtovanja, kar bo v različnih fazah vzpodbudilo javno razpravo in tako pripomoglo k prepoznavanju obale kot širšega regionalnega in nacionalnega interesa.
ZAKLJUČEK
Na podlagi navedenega potrjujemo predpostavko, da so v obstoječi pravni ureditvi značilnosti postopkov urejanja prostora v območju morja in obalnega pasu praktično enaki tistim v zaledju. V tem smislu je logično utemeljen tudi odziv (aktivni ali pasivni) participativne javnosti, v katerem prevladuje zasebni oz. poslovni interes. Institut javnega interesa se žal mnogokrat zlorabi za prikrito uveljavljanje nekega drugega interesa. Z veliko verjetnostjo lahko trdimo, da je na tem področju podobna situacija tudi v drugih državah podpisnicah protokola ICZM (Emmanuoli et. al, 2010).
Čeprav ugotavljanje podrobnejših razlogov za »naravo odziva« presega okvire te raziskave, menimo, da bi z večjo promocijo obale kot javnega dobra, z večjo promocijo načrtovanih projektov ter z obsežnejšim medijskem pozivom javnosti k sodelovanju lahko
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prispevali k porastu splošnega interesa za obalni pas. Ta pristop se je izkazal za učinkovit metodološki korak v predstavljenem pilotnem projektu. V tem smislu bo v prihodnje treba ustrezno implementirati 14. člen ICZM tako v upravni sistem kot v strokovno projektno prakso. V tem okviru predlagamo: a) opredelitev obalnega pasu kot posebne ureditvene enote (ustrezna interpretacija ICZM, ta ukrep predlagajo tudi druge sorodne raziskave, npr. Goličnik et al., 2018), b) interpretacijo 14. člena ICZM v smeri razširitve postopka priprave OPPN v segmentu pridobivanja terenskih podatkov (poleg javne razgrnitve in javne razprave tudi obvezno postopkovno uvajanje delavnic, intervjujev in drugih oblik prepoznavanja interesov v prostoru) ter c) interpretacijo 14. člena v smeri predhodnega medijskega pozivanja k podajanju pobud in predlogov za predvidene prostorske ureditve na obalnem pasu, in sicer ne zgolj na krajevno značilen način, kot je v sedanji
praksi omejeno le na lokalne medije, ampak v širšem, tj. nacionalnem medijskem okviru.
K temu lahko pripomore tudi novi Zakon o urejanju prostora (2017), ki že prinaša določene spremembe na področju pristojnosti upravljanja obalnega pasu in sodelovanja, npr.: »večja« možnost sodelovanja preko storitev prostorskega informacijskega sistema (11. člen), uvajanje pomorskega prostorskega načrtovanja z neposrednim vplivom na načrtovanje posegov v obalnem pasu (23. člen), izvajanje strategije prostorskega razvoja na morju (38. člen) in prenos državne pristojnosti za določene manjše prostorske ureditve (pristanišča, pomoli, grajena obala itd.) v pristojnost občin (50. člen). V tem smislu (neposredno vključena lokalna uprava, stroka in javnost) vidimo priložnost za dejansko in dosledno izvajanje koncepta integralnega upravljanja (Ažman Momirski, 2017), če bo za to le obstajal ustrezen interes vseh sodelujočih.
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PROTOCOL ON INTEGRATED COASTAL ZONE MANAGEMENT IN THE MEDITERRANEAN AND PUBLIC PARTICIPATION IN SPATIAL DEVELOPMENTS IN THE
SLOVENIAN COASTAL ZONE
Gregor COK
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of architecture, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: Gregor.cok@fa.uni-lj.si
Jasmina BOLCIC Municipality of Piran, Tartinijev trg 2, 6330 Piran, Slovenia e-mail: bolcic.jasmina@gmail.com
SUMMARY
In Slovenia we are on the threshold of developing integrated coastal zone management and maritime spatial planning. In this context various analyses of the existing administrative system and preparation of starting points for effective implementation of international commitments are carried out, such as the Protocol on Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM Protocol) and the Directive on Maritime Spatial Planning. This includes the study concerned with the analysis of public participation in planning the developments in the coastal zone, more specifically, the scope and content of the initiatives, comments, and opinions expressed in selected cases of public displays of implementing spatial planning documents. The study was implemented in three phases, while the descriptive and comparative research methods were used. We found that in the planning of developments in this area, the affected lay public with predominantly private motives is mostly involved. This is prompted by the fact that despite the element of public good, as the coast and the sea, the existing planning procedures in the coastal zones and those in the hinterland are practically the same. Currently, the coastal zone does not have the appropriate administrative status that would allow for a more efficient synchronization of the interests present. In this sense it will be necessary to appropriately implement the ICZM provisions in terms of: (a) classifying the coastal zone as a special administrative unit, (b) extending the existing procedures in the segment of identifying interest groups, and (c) more efficient media promotion of spatial planning as a permanent process of regulating spatial interests.
Keywords: coastal zone, public participation, ICZM Protocol, public interest, private interest
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original scientific article	DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2018.35
received: 2018-10-02
USER EXPERIENCE STUDY FOR A SOUND UNDERSTANDING OF THE INTERACTION BETWEEN THE VISUALLY IMPAIRED AND THE ENVIRONMENT
Ghazaleh AFSHARY
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: ghazaleh.afshary@yahoo.it
Ilaria GAROFOLO
University of Trieste, Faculty of Architecture, Via Alviano 18, Gorizia, Italia e-mail: ilaria.garofolo@dia.units.it
Matija SVETINA
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of Psychology, Aškerčeva 2, Ljubljana, Slovenia
e-mail: m.svetina@ff.uni-lj.si
Tadeja ZUPANČIČ
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: tadeja.zupancic@fa.uni-lj.si
ABSTRACT
To contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the experiences of the visually impaired people and the challenges they encounter while navigating the architectural and urban spaces, we propose a framework that incorporates the subjects under study as active protagonists. In this regard, we present and discuss the relevant findings from a focus group meeting; this open dialogue with the visually impaired - as an effective collaborative process -becomes a window through which a rich insight into their feelings and experiences is provided.
Keywords: visually impaired, focus group, orientation, wayfinding, mental map, legibility, complexity, familiarity
LA L'ESPERIENZA DELL'UTENTE COME STRUMENTO PER UNA PIU APPROFONDITA CONOSCENZA DELL'INTERAZIONE TRA AMBIENTE E DISABILI VISIVI
SINTESI
Per contribuiré a una comprensione piu estesa delle esperienze dei disabili visivi e delle sfide che essi vanno ad affrontare negli ambienti architettonici e urbani, viene proposto uno scenario che racchiude i soggetti sotto studio nel ruolo di protagonisti attivi. A questo proposito, vengono presentate e discusse le risultanze di maggior rilievo emerse dall'incontro con un focus group: questo dialogo aperto con i disabili visivi - quale efficace processo di col-laborazione - diventa una finestra attraverso la quale viene fornita una conoscenza piu ricca e profonda delle loro esperienze e sensazioni.
Parole chiave: disabili visivi, focus group, orientalmente, wayfinding, mappa mentale, leggibilita, complessita,
familiarita
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INTRODUCTION
Visually impaired, visually handicapped, the blind, partially sighted people, etc. are the terms which are usually used to report visual disabilities. "It is estimated that by 2050 the number of people with vision impairment could triple due to population growth and ageing' (Pascolini, Mariotti, 2011). Moreover, according to the American diabetes association, "diabetes is the leading cause of blindness in people ages 20-74" (ADA, 2011). Hence, the visually impaired represent a population of significant size who are conquering more space in the society day by day. Although their experience of the world is arranged at large by mixtures of all senses, most of our surroundings have been developed in a way to consider only the "missed" one. Lying on the visual representations in large measure, they have accommodated the "eye". Aesthetics takes precedence over functionality and every component of environment competes with each other for visual dominance. Now the question is: where architectural and urban spaces are predominantly judged by what they look like, how do the visually impaired understand and experience their surroundings? This paper highlights the informational and decisional role of the focus groups' interviews in enriching the vocabulary of our research about the situations of conflict and/or conformity between visually impaired capacities and environmental legibility/complexity. The aim of this review is to stimulate researchers to carefully consider richness of data and a deeper insight that focus group interviews can provide in studying the visually impaired's relationship with the space from different perspectives.
This paper is structured into three parts. In the first part, we introduce a detailed description of methodology, and of how we conducted and analysed focus group data. In the second part, we present how the data collected from the focus group interviews have contributed to our understanding of orientation and mobility of the visually impaired. And in the third part, we discuss relevant issues from the experiences of the interviewees with both physical structures and social relations in their everyday life.
THE VISUALLY IMPAIRED AS CO-RESEARCHERS
In this research, our primary goal is to give voice to the subjects under study, in order to achieve their everyday experiences and encountered challenges, and to enable them to make their voices heard. This condition can be created through the widely used focus groups; the group settings of researchers and researched where the participants have the opportunity to enter in conversation with each other to deal with the concepts of the project. Focus group is "a way of collecting qualitative data, which - essentially - involves engaging a small number of people in an informal group discussion (or discussions), "focused" around the particular topic or set of issues"
(Wilkinson, 2004, 177). It is a qualitative frame work for exploring sensitive subjects, capturing people's responses in interactions with real place and time.
In this paper we present an example of focus groups meeting as an opportunity to collect information about what the visually impaired think, or how they feel, or on the way they act in a specific context. It is a key instrument which offers a useful vehicle that involves users and indispensable base to identify the conflict scenarios between environment and the visually impaired. It allows themes to develop both from the prior knowledge of the subject matter and from the narratives of focus group participants.
The focus groups with the blind and the partially sighted were conducted in UIC (Italian Blind Union) head office in Trieste on the 8th of May 2018. One additional focus group meeting with only blind participants was also conducted on the 13th of August 2018 in the same setting.
The criteria of selecting the participants were the same problems, needs, and the common experiential background in overcoming the barriers in their day to day life. The needs of the blind and partially sighted people, in spite of being in the same classification under the title of "visually impaired", are actually very different, especially in relation to the type and seriousness of the disease. Hence, we have classed the interviewees into two groups, partially sighted and legally blind (only one of the participants, woman 1, is totally blind with no light perception). This "segmentation" of participants in two groups has a distinct advantage, it flows an element of comparison and contrast into the interpretation during the data analysis phase. It also offers a wide view to the landscape of visual disability from various perspectives. The participants were recruited as individuals from UIC head office. There were in total 8 interviewees, 4 interviewees per each group, all adults between 30 and 60 years of age and all are living in and using the city of Trieste for their everyday life purposes. During the focus groups' interviews, the debriefing team, active in disability issues, was present as an organizer. This multi-disciplinary team was also included in analysing phase. It was composed of a principal researcher as moderator, an architect expert in accessibility and universal design (UD) in urban areas as an assistant of moderator, a psychologist expert in analysing non-verbal communication and body language, an expert in linguistic and quantitative data analysing, an expert in focus group meetings, and a fast keyboard typist to type the focus groups' conversations in real time. Each group's interviews lasted approximately two hours. Interviews were carried out in a setting (UIC head office) where participants were free to dialogue, so as to trust one another. This permitted spontaneity of interaction among them. A chance to voice their opinions and positions on all key issues was given to all the participants. Initially, we had noticed an evident sense of distrust in one of the blind
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participants towards us, which changed in the course of participation when she found that she is taken seriously as "co-researcher". All focus groups' discussions, with the permission of the participants, were audio and video recorded and afterward transcribed verbatim. Considering that this paper involves the collection of sensitive personal data, the informed consent is obtaind and the anonymity of participants in the focus groups is assured. We began with a brief explanation of the purpose of the study, and then participants were asked a series of questions to focus on their everyday indoor-outdoor experiences. We introduced open-ended questions in a conversational manner to encourage the participants to discuss. Four key questions were used as guides for focus group discussions:
•	Tell us how the building where we are now is made. What does it transmit and how do you perceive it? Draw it with your words.
•	When you enter a familiar space, how do you find your way? When you enter a place for the first time instead, what are your orientation and wayfinding strategies? How do you build your mental map? (We were interested in and asked as well about the challenges they encounter in spatial perception and spatial cognition of an unknown place, to better understand the navigation with low vision or without vision)
•	What is the role of environmental factors on your relation with spaces and places? Are they facilitators or barriers? (To focus on their experience of architectural and urban spaces and on how the built environment can facilitate or obstruct their participation.)
•	What is a complex environment for you? Have you ever felt disoriented or deeply uncertain and lost? What is a legible environment for you instead? Have you ever been in an environment where made you forget your handicap?
To begin the data analysis process, the transcripts were checked against the audiotapes for accuracy and supplemented with some additional detailed notes and observational data obtained during the interviews by the debriefing team. Subsequently the data went through several phases of quantitative and qualitative analysis. In the quantitative analysis, the numeric description of the data, the quantity of words, context, internal consistency, frequency and extensiveness of comments as a measure of importance, attention, or emphasis, were valued. "The TaLTaC software package as a tool of lexical and textual analysis" (Bolasco, De Gasperis, 2017) has been used for this purpose. "TaLTaC is a software application for the automatic analysis of texts according to the logics of both Text Analysis (TA) and Text Mining (TM). Such an analysis allows to define a quantitative representation of the phenomenon under study, both at the level of text-units (words) and context-units (fragments
of text)" (TaLTaC2). The output produced by this software contained selected lists of words and expressions. But it is important to stress that the achieved data could not produce useful numerical results. The software made a simple count of the frequency with which particular words, such as complexity were mentioned without considering the context in which the word were occurred. The meanings of words are frequently context dependent, hence it is useful to try to capture the context with which they are associated. On the other hand, sometimes some words are said only once but in a manner that deserves attention. This is also because of the interactive nature of conversations which are needed to be taken into consideration during analysis. "Researchers should look at how people talk about place before they try to categorise what participants say about it" (Myers, 2006, 321). Conversation analysis is a qualitative data analysis that takes account of discursive interactions among participants. Qualitative analysis helps to identify the degree of support, interest, agreement, consensus, dissent, intensity and specificity; it monitors body language and non-verbal activity as well.
The qualitative data analysis is done in three steps. In the first step, a preliminary analysis is conducted across all data in order to identify ideas, concepts and primary themes that are relevant to the purpose of study and research questions. Then a more detailed analysis is performed by deconstructing textual data in order to extract meanings and uncover unintended or hidden messages. The second phase consists of categorising the common issues and themes emerging from the narratives of participants and the previous studies on the topic under discussion, which are segmented in a question-by-question format. The last phase continues with interpreting, comparing and identifying connections and contrasts between the experience of the blind, the information gathered from the partially sighted, and the background materials. This helps us to find out new issues and themes which are not present in previews studies.
What follows is a brief summary of what derived from the second phase of analysis; the main patterns for each question which are drawn on relevant literature as well as excerpts from the focus groups' discussion. Each topic is treated in turn with a brief introduction of insights from literature which are complemented and supported by direct quotations from the participants of focus groups. We use quotes to better illustrate their personal experiences, trying to capture a full and balanced picture of the views expressed by them. After exploring the issues, we will discuss the focus group relevant findings that derives from the third phase of qualitative data analysis.
EXPRESSION AND EXPERIENCE OF ARCHITECTURAL AND URBAN SPACES
We had focused on how the built environment is experienced from visually impaired perspective, seeking
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to construct richer understanding of the various ways in which they engage with their surroundings. Focus groups participants were asked to first "draw" with their words the setting of our meeting. The meaning many blind participants accorded to that place was dependent on texts they read about it. This is because that building does not explain itself to them as a conceptual, abstract whole. The partially sighted, instead, are more focused on the experience of the building as a whole. They instinctively rely on their residual vision for the first experience with the environment in order to get quickly the whole idea of a particular place and to be able to perceive its essential characteristics (at a glance).
For the blind the concept of perceiving external configuration is not applied to internal spatial layout of the same building. "Perceiving a building is one thing, getting an idea of the rooms is another thing" (Woman 1 who is fully blind from birth). Focus group participants acknowledged that their movement within the places is crucial in shaping their perception. "The blind person's perception of the world, is confined to the reach of his body" (Hull, 1997, 33). In a significant experience of space by visually impaired, a curious reciprocal action takes place: a multisensory dialogue in which the interest in relationship between body and space goes beyond the visual aspects. "We do indeed see by our skin" (Turrell, 2003, 144). Little by little they strive to give form and measure their entire surrounding. By means of spatial sequence, texture, material and sound, they are able to give each space its individual character.
When participants were asked to talk about how they perceive the spatial representation and dimensions of physical structures and urban spaces around them, we noticed inter-individual differences in gathering information.
It is a great building, because the entrance door is pretty big (Woman 2 who went blind in later life).
My impression says that it is a great building, because walking all the corridors up and down, visiting all the available "window openings", you can find that it is pretty big (Man 1 who went blind 5 years ago).
I feel like there's a lot of emptiness around me (Woman 1 who is fully blind from birth).
I perceive it very old. First of all because you feel, from the doors to the floor, everything is made of wood, everything creaks (Man 1 who went blind 5 years ago).
It is a fairy long and wide road; because it is punctuated by lots of trees and pedestrian crossings (Man 2 who went blind at the age of 16).
One of the participants underscored a point that can serve as a case description of the way that the blind gather the perimeter of space, and perceive its acoustic volume. Her experience is "essentially acoustic and is based upon awareness of echoes" (Hull, 1990, 28).
The wider the place is, the more possibilities are to understand how it is divided, or whether there are more or less furniture or obstacles in it. The pressure of the air bounces off the wall or the sound coming back from the columns are felt in different ways. Instead, when the environment is "deaf", it suppresses its echo. Hence you cannot identify and form precise idea of your surroundings, instantly (Woman 1 who is fully blind from birth).
When she talks about navigating within urban spaces, her attention centres on the soundscape of the city. The sounds "embrace the mysterious void called space in a special way and make it vibrate" (Zumthor, 1999, 21). Hence, every space has its typical voice and echo which makes its measures understandable.
BUILDING IMAGE - ORIENTING SPACE
We asked the participants to share their in-door and out-door experiences, and to explicitly describe their strategies in orientation and wayfinding. Moving in an environment, we can distinguish two different but interrelated processes, i.e. orientation and wayfinding. The knowledge of the first one is indispensable to find the second one. Orientation is the ability to define the position in space, both in absolute terms and in relation to references available in the same space. Wayfinding is a dynamic process that allows one to understand which position is gradually assumed in the environment. The partially sighted or the blind more than others try to capture all relevant information in order to identify their own position in that space. Their main goal is to be able to find their own way; all their senses "think" in the challenging process of identifying and updating their self-position. While the type of and way of gathering information differ between the partially sighted and the blind, their walking experience achieves different dimensions. We can identify two distinguished key challenges of orienting and extracting information through the spaces in the partially sighted and the blind: route-following (scanning) and layout-learning (sketching). These processes work reversely. In the process of "scanning" every part of the space is first perceived separately and sequentially and then is assembled, tending to arrive to the whole configuration. The process of "sketching", instead, first leads to form an overview of the space and then provides insight into its structure. Route navigation is well managed by the blind. A blind person walks through this route with few anticipations or little preparation; what lies in silence more than two or three meters far means nothing to him. Blindness is like a broken mirror, hence, for the blind, the spatial setting
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is as a puzzle of isolated fragments, whose overview is 'forbidden' most of the time. The blind try to measure and to pre-order their route; to measure means to take possession of the shape of things, the dislocation of objects, and the sequence of spaces in order to update their positions relative to some starting points; it's a sort of "mental meter" which facilitates the movements of the blind through urban settings and individual buildings, with surprising ease. Pre-order, however, means to memorize the possible barriers and obstacles; it permits the blind to build their own in-door and out-door optimal path. This process results in long walking time because it requires the minute-to minute use of environmental information that the blind grasp in darkness through hearing, touch and smell. To go back, they just walk the same path in a reverse way. In an unfamiliar setting, in the absence of configurational knowledge, the blind try to figure out and learn a new route; they are principally more concerned with how this new route is structured than with the environment through which the path passes. This sort of sequential strategy emphasizes a string of points, without providing the relationship among them. The blind store these points in their memories and use them to determine the return path. To take a familiar route, indeed, is nothing other than following the memorized route, by retracing and reconfirming its stored points.
The partially sighted, instead, with their residual vision, try to capture the configurational properties rather than relying on a specific route. They are more focused on experiencing the environment as a whole. Layout-learning is disciplined by classification and hierarchy. It provides not only local spatial information, but also a sense of their relation to the whole. The partially sighted start the process of layout learning by seeing the totality of a scene and perceiving the distant cues as an image; they notice how that scene is hierarchically structured afterwards. Whole comprehension simplifies wayfinding tasks of the partially sighted compared to the blind. The partially sighted rely on visual cues and may sometimes see their destination. If the place is not familiar, the partially sighted may start with a general and vague image of spatial layout which, during the journey, becomes more precise. In the case they have familiarity with the environment, all the elements and details come into sharp focus at once.
In the process of learning a new environment, the partially sighted and blind tend to start by recording landmarks and use them as reference points to subsequently fill in paths (route- following) or to structure the spatial organization (layout — learning). Door handles, change in floor texture, stairs, ramps, steps, other minor shifts in elevation as the curb of the sidewalk, drains, the point where direction changes in the circulation system, etc. constitute excellent reference points that can be especially helpful in wayfinding experience of the blind and the partially sighted . "Only if the route
is punctuated by various textures of the pavement, the smell of a bakery or the sounds of a street musician, is there a feeling of having crossed an area, drawn near to things and gone past them" (Hull, 1990, 181). The focus group discussions confirmed that these reference points are not only individual but also used in different ways depending on whether they are used by partially sighted or blind people. Arranged sequentially in a row, these reference points provide local spatial information to the blind. Hierarchically placed, instead, they give a global spatial cue to the partially sighted ones.
The following quotes illustrate some reference points used by partially sighted and blind participants.
The sensory feedback from my footsteps make me notice the drop-offs and changes in ground texture along my route. The city does not smell much, but I feel the smell from flower shops, bakeries or coffee bars, when their doors are open (Woman 1 who is fully blind from birth).
For me there are three essential points that make clear the arrangement of any built structure: entrance, elevator, and stairs (Man 1 who went blind 5 years ago).
I try to take some reference points: a door, an edge, or my favourite shop. I hear the noises, I feel the smells but they are not my reference points (Woman 3 who is registered as a partially sighted person in later life).
Most of the reference points the partially sighted use to make measures in relation to their needs and their limits during the day disappear during the night and are sucked into a huge indistinct black spot. This is illustrated well in the words of man 3 affected by a very severe visual impairment from birth:
I already see few in the daytime, from sunlight to darkness is a dramatic change; the whole aspect of a street shifts from day to night. Therefore during the night my reference points disappear. I try to build the new ones with something bright, but in the absence of light, I am obliged to identify by touch the same reference points that I grasp by my residual vision during the day.
In orientation and wayfinding process, the strategic link is the environmental image, the generalized "mental map" or "representation of the spaces and the layout of a setting' (Arthur, Passini, 1992, 23) that is stored by an individual from their everyday environment. Hence, spatial orientation and wayfinding are based on one's ability to form a mental map. For the blind, it is a conceptual leap that integrates into a whole (large scale) of what has been perceived in parts (small scale). In order
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to build a whole representation of space - that incorporates spatial links between different points and previously explored locations - the blind, first must comprehend their own relationship to their reference points, as stairs, doors, furniture, streets, building entrances, etc. and then at a larger scale, in their mind, they build a three-dimensional scene from the relation between these points and the spatial layout. For the partially sighted, instead, the process of mental mapping is to discover the hierarchical representation of what lies under the totality. Once they are able to map out in their mind the overall configuration of the key paths and landmarks, their orientation within the space and their understanding of spatial layout will be made clear.
Then our discussion focused on how the participants acquire knowledge and build their mental maps of their surroundings. In this regard, one of the participants affected by the total blindness, offered a statement that was representative of the comments of many focus group participants.
I believe that each of us has their own method to build their own mental map. It is very personal. For someone, it is more convenient to refer to a traffic light, for someone else, to the ground, for someone else to empty space, because in our case it is the space that gives us the possibility to build our mental map (Woman 1, who is fully blind from birth).
And then she went on to explain this issue by comparing it to the actions that are accomplished by the reader of a text.
It is like the time when you take a piece of book to read, a text, or an essay; when you are reading a book, your imagination also creates images in your mind. You "see" what you are reading. Someone reads it as a lightning and it is enough for him to understand, assimilate and repeat any concepts; while others need to review it by underlining the key points. We are not all the same; not even in this. What counts is not only creating the mental map, but also improving and correcting it.
They are precisely actions of decoding, interpreting, translating, and maybe deconstructing which are compared to the act of recollecting, remembering and comparing that one performs when one builds one's own mental map. This mental image is the result both of instantaneous perception and of the recollection of past experience, and allows the visually impaired to understand their position in familiar and unfamiliar spaces as well as to understand which of the most appropriate strategies - whether linear and sequential or whether spatial and global - are to reach a given destination.
What follow are the strategies cited by the participants of focus group which describes in a clearer way how they build the wholeness step by step and how they grasp the wholeness at once.
The eyes of memory: The built environment is also perceived through the mediating influence of memory. Perception merges memory with the actual percept, hence, we may be equally touched by something evoked by our memory as by actual experience. We can make the distinction between two types of memory; "recognition (re-cognizing): remembering an item in the presence of item and recall: remembering an item in the absence of the item" (Arthur, Passini, 1992, 31). For small portion of blind people who live in the darkness from birth, recall is a synonym for risk. They do not rely on memory of their previous experiences to orient in an unknown space; they do not "trust" their imagination. "I do not rely on my imagination. It could be a setback, something unexpected. If I cannot find the corresponding part of what I imagine in the environment, I have a very real problem" (Woman 1, who is fully blind from birth). For whom goes blind in later life and for whom sees partially, their perceptions are also enriched by visual memories. They have never lost their visual images; they are likely to see with their mind's eye. They are able to remember the colours, shapes, and the sense of perspective which can be helpful in both familiar and unfamiliar environments. They can recall a space from another time and place. Most participants can easily identify with this interviewee's impression whose way-finding strategy focuses on spatial memory.
I found myself in a supermarket for the first time. It was so familiar and predictable to me. It made me remember another supermarket that I had experienced when I was partially sighted. I could combine the learned routes of that supermarket, to the new configurations of this one, by my mind's eye! (Man 1 who went blind 5 years ago).
Recognition, instead, is used both by the blind and partially sighted who remember their first experience of a place for subsequent visits. The memorization of the dislocation of objects is essential for them to orientate themselves and move independently through known environments.
Some little tricks allow me to memorize my surrounding, as counting the steps and doorways, remembering the angles, etc. I keep track of entrances, stairs, elevators and perhaps washroom locations. When I enter a place for the second time, I immediately look for these certain fixed points that give me the chance to remember (Man 3 who is affected by a very severe visual impairment from birth).
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Seeing with fingers: For the visually impaired in general, the sense of touch fulfils a fundamental task in the near spaces. Even for those who use a white stick as an extension of their body, it provides the sequential information about their surroundings. The sense of touch was described by many participants as being a central factor in determining their wayfinding and orientation strategy.
As a personal method, my first reference is always the wall on the right. When I'm near the wall, I know that nothing bad ever happens to me. I go on until I touch it with my hands. It makes me find out that I arrived to a certain point; from there I follow-with or without the stick - my route, tending to read its length, width and depth. I try to build up step-by-step its tridimensional scene. Afterwards the mental map helps me. For example at a certain point, there is a void, then I turn right; or I feel the step with my footsteps and I realize there is a pedestrian crossing. I know my path and where I cannot arrive with my eyes, I arrive with my hands (Man 1 who went blind 5 years ago).
My spatial experience relies so much on the sense of touch; even if there is no light, there is my skin memory that drives me to find my way (Man 3 who is affected by a very severe visual impairment from birth).
Their tactile curiosity forms lasting memories; as Immanuel Kant remarked: "the hand is the window on to the mind" (Pallasmaa, 2009, 25).
"Assembling the puzzle"
One of the strategies the blind uses for "seeing" the whole is translating haptic experiences in a useful architectural language. It is analogous to solving a large puzzle, in which structure is the key aspect. This interrelated strategy is built up over time, as one of the blind participants explained through his experience in a hospital.
When I was partially sighted, I worked for many years as construction worker. Hence, my experience of my surroundings still has a visual component: Geometry. For example I learned the overall circulation plan of a hospital, thanks of its geometric feature. First I discovered that the main corridor of the first floor is H-shaped. Then I enriched my mental map by getting a sense of each room. And then I formed a collage from the rooms and the way one room relates to one another. Overtime, by applying what I learnt on one floor to another, I discovered the overall layout of that building (Man 1 who went blind 5 years ago).
Navigating the soundscapes: As we mentioned before, "some blind individuals take advantage of echo-location, which is the ability to compute one's own location and the position of objects by sensing the echo emitted after actively producing a sound" (Jacquet et al., 2006). Hearing replaces sight, in gaining an overall "view" of surroundings immediately; it is the only sense that permits the blind to embrace the wholeness at a glance. Soundscape is used by the blind as orientation aid not only in perceiving depth, direction and distance, but also in identifying openings and barriers. One of the participants confirmed this view by describing how he gains an anticipated and panoramic idea of an urban space, by its soundscape.
I associate the noises I hear with what is happening around me. For example I notice that I have entered a main street because of a sudden change in acoustics; outdoor traffic and noise from an occupant's activity also inform me about my position and show me the right direction. (Man 2 who went blind at the age of 16)
"Overall layout" exercise
We investigated the ability of participants in understanding the overall layout of their surroundings, by asking them to sketch the layout of spatial arrangement of a coffee bar familiar to all of them (Figure 1). As we notice, the layout sketched by partially sighted participant shows more details than the one sketched by the late blind and early blind participants. But if we compare the plans drawn by participants with the one sketched by principal author, we notice that the nearest to reality is the one sketched by man 1, who went blind 5 years ago and knows geometry very well! The central column stands free as a common significant focal point in all the sketched maps.
ELEMENTS AND COHERENCE OF BUILT ENVIRONMENT FACILITATORES OR BARRIERS?
Each space has a different soul, unique and recognizable, which stems from its weather and light conditions, soundscape, tactility, smell, etc., and is more than a set of its components and their interrelations such as the location, shape and colour, the morphology of roads, street furniture and the way the built space is organized. The elements and coherence of built environment in some cases act either as "barriers" or "facilitators". In order to get a deeper knowledge of hindrances, and of the factors that facilitate and support visually impaired orientation, mobility and safety, the focus group participants were asked to describe the role these signals act in their experience of everyday life.
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Figure 1a: sketched plan by woman 1, who is fully blind from Figure 1b: sketched plan by man 1, who went blind 5 years ago, birth, Trieste, 2018.	Trieste, 2018.
Figure 1c: sketched plan by man 3, who is affected by a very seve- Figure 1d: sketched plan by G. A., Trieste, 2018. re visual impairment from birth, Trieste, 2018.
Figure 1: Example of sketched maps for "overall layout" exercise. Coffee bar "Condor" Viale Miramare, Trieste, 2018.
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Spatial layout and Shape:
To be able to move easily in a built space, it is essential that it should provide the right information through its principal characteristics, such as its "spatial contents, forms, organization and circulation" (Arthur, Passini, 1992, 84). This becomes even more important in emergency cases when there is a need to take faster and intuitive decisions. For example, if a space with its long corridors, invites you to go straight, it is hard to notice the small sign of safety instruction that indicates you to turn right. Nearly all the participants confirmed this view by talking about their dramatic experiences.
I went to a new supermarket for the first time. I kept spinning around for hours and hours not being able to find the exit! I experienced tremendous panic (Woman 4 who is partially sighted from birth) (Figure 2).
There is an underpass near station. You take it through darkness. The walls are covered by dark bricks. Fortunately, a dirty white line on top of the wall makes you notice when you have to turn right. Then, you find a big surprise, four unexpected steps! It is really dangerous (Woman 3 who is registered as a partially sighted person in later life) (Figure 3).
Materials:
Material was described as a facilitator by nearly all blind participants, there was a corresponding negative view described by partially sighted as well.
When navigating in the urban setting, for a blind person, it is really difficult to pick up their route in exactly the same direction. Some slight interruption or difference in texture become a useful reference point. For example when I pass through the main square, the narrow little strip of ground with its tactile quality permits me to keep the same direction (Woman 2 who went blind in later life) (Figure 4).
Undifferentiated texture is the other side of the coin.
I found a door which had the same texture of its surrounding wall, hence it could not be identified through the sense of touch (Woman 1 who is fully blind from birth) (Figure 5).
Some materials, as glass and mirrors, that visually communicate lightness and elegance become dangerous obstacles for us, especially in case of emergency (Man 3 who is affected by a very severe visual impairment from birth) (Figure 6, 7).
Soundscape: A silent nature is immobile. The sound gives a sense of depth and distance; it also represents movement in space. Difference of echoes gives an additional detail and dimension to the scene.
The city's soundscapes are not always experienced as reference points which support visually impaired orientation; an overload of sounds which are not related to the context is a real "noise pollution", especially for the blind. One of the participants immediately went on to comment on this issue.
Figure 2: Spatial layout and shape as perceptual barrier, Shopping centre "Le Torri", Trieste, 2018 (Photo: Ghazaleh Afshary - G. A.).
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Figure 3: Unexpected steps! Photo taken from two different angles, Piazza della Liberta Underpass, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: G. A.).
Figure 4: Difference of texture as facilitator. Piazza Unita, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: G. A.).
Figure 5: The door does not have any tactile contrast with its surrounding wall, Eataly, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: G. A.).
When there is too much noise, I cannot even go through my habitual route. The noise disorients me. For example, when I am walking on the street and at a certain point I have to cross it, the noise washes out and covers the rest of reality, and I am no longer sure to cross (Woman 1 who is fully blind from birth).
All the participants described that their full concentration is needed to navigate through urban spaces, and awareness is better when the environment is less polluted by noise.
What make me confused are the noises, the urban noises. Even if I am partially sighted, and the light bothers me, I have to confirm that what disorients me more is the noise (Man 4 who is partially sighted from birth).
Not seeing well, forces me to be always concentrated on "looking". In urban spaces my attention is diverted by urban noises; and this makes me lose my way (Woman 4, partially sighted from birth).
Light and Darkness: "Being blind does not always mean a person is living in total darkness, in fact only 4%
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Figure 6: When a material creates an optical illusion! Railway station, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: G. A.).
of registered blind people have no light perception at all" (NHS, 2014). This is reflected in the words of man 1, who went blind 5 years ago: "I retain a certain light perception of which I make as much use as I can. For example in some cases natural light signifies to me as the possibility of an exit".
Considering how partially sighted participants voiced on this issue, it should be emphasised that light and darkness play different roles for them in relation to the type of their visual disease. For those who suffer from the glare effect, homogeneous bright light can create an effect of total blindness; some others, instead, may experience "night blindness" in poorly illuminated places. However, for the partially sighted, there are some landmarks made "stronger" and contrasted because of being enlightened, as one of the participants affirmed: "The darkness represents a quite serious moment for me, in fact, after sunset I do not see anything. Fortunately, nowadays, almost all the pavements of our city are enlightened; it is a great advantage for me" (Man 3 who is affected by a very severe visual impairment from birth) (Figure 8). The inquiry into the situational and meteorological conditions indicates the importance of the light quality for the partially sighted user's well- being significantly (front/backlight, direct/dispersed, sharp/soft, glare, etc.).
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Figure 7: Misinterpreting reflections in mirrors Via Gia-como Gallina, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: G. A.).
Colours: Unexpected changes and strong contrasts in colour, for those who see partially can play an ambivalence role; as the participant below explained:
High contrast colours make objects easier to see, but I suffer from colour blindness. I notice the contrast but I cannot distinguish the colours. For example I do not see red lights. The red numbers on the screen in the post office means nothing to me; I cannot understand by myself when it is my turn (Man 4 who is partially sighted from birth). White colour annoys me; the white marble steps are really difficult to distinguish. Sometimes a decorative white strip on the floor, seems a step to me (Woman 3 who is registered as a partially sighted person in later life).
Rain vs. snow:
Rain has a way of bringing out the contours of everything; it throws a coloured blanket over previously invisible things; instead of an intermittent and thus fragmented world, the steadily falling rain creates continuity of acoustic experience. [...] Rain presents the fullness of an entire situation all at once, not merely remembered, not in
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anticipation, but actually and now. The rain gives a sense of perspective and of the actual relationships of one part of the world to another (Hull, 1990, 29).
Contrast is even stronger in the case of rain. I prefer cloudy days to have a clear sense of contours (Woman 2 who went blind in later life).
There is a saying: snow is the blind person's fog.
My problem is not instability but mobility. It is not that I become unsure of my footing, but I become unsure about where I am going. What I suffer in the snow is a loss of knowledge. All my familiar points and markings, the different grades and textures of grass, gravel, asphalt and concrete, are obliterated. [...] The problem, I explain, is that I cannot tell my route (Hull, 1990, 156). I feel terrible in snowy days, with all white around me. I feel a great effort in my eyes; it is like you want to see but you can't (Man 1 who went blind 5 years ago).
Stairs: It is paradoxical but stairs are easier to take by a blind person than a partially sighted one.
Once he is on it, a stairway is one of the safest places for a blind person. You never find a chair left on a stairway, or a bucket or a brick. There is never a stair missing from a stairway, and all the stairs are the same height. There is almost always a handrail or at least a wall to touch. There may be some uncertainly about the top step and the bottom step, but with the white cane, that problem is simplified (Hull, 1990, 102).
But for the partially sighted, going down or upstairs is not the same thing; the morphology of downhill stairs, if not well marked, can produce effects in terms of visual perception as a sort of „continuous flat surface" providing a source of confusion and uncertainty.
One evening in Venice, accompanying a blind friend to the station, I found myself along a wooden bridge that was so difficult to perceive. Seeing my difficulties during descent, my friend gripped in a couple of seconds his white cane and said: do not worry, attach to me and follow me! So led by a blind person, I went down without fear (Baracco, 2016, 48).
One of the participants confirmed this view by describing the difficulties she has with stairs and steps:
Going down or upstairs is not the same thing for me; going upstairs, I receive more visual information from alternation of risers and treads; instead,
going downhill, I have difficulty in discriminating the steps, I see them straight (Woman 3 who is registered as a partially sighted person in later life) (Figure 9, 10).
Urban furnishing: On the one hand urban furnishing is a hindrance for the visually impaired; on the other hand, it can become a fix point that guides and enriches their movement trough urban spaces. Therefore, even the benches and the bins can become important sources of information on what is going on around.
If you do not use them in your favour as possible reference points, they become a form of barrier. It is important that their presence can be checked by the white stick (Man 2 who went blind at the age of 16) (Figure 11, 12).
Signage system, designed for visually impaired users: While for people with impeded or reduced mobility capacities, barriers are identified in physical and visible obstacles, for people with visual disabilities barriers are identified by "absence" of directions and measures that will indicate the presence of any obstacles or sources of danger.
A smart signage system is expected to complement and enhance the information already perceived from the environmental context, making the obstacles recognizable for the blind and the partially sighted; as a common thread able to accompany the visually impaired with continuity along their chosen route. These communicative artifacts concerns not only signposting but also tactile and podotactile signage for the blind; a sequence of points and reference lines which constitute the main points of an environmental report system for them. The focus group interviewees expressed their opinions about several aspects of a signage system in orientation and wayfinding. When we asked about the usefulness of tactile maps, one of the blind participants said: "I prefer to lose myself!" (Man 2 who went blind at the age of 16). Another blind participant voiced a commonly held view expressed by many of participants.
Acoustic signals at traffic lights and "LOGES" (an Italian acronym for a system of the tactile paving for the visually impaired) build a highly reliable network of references for me. The tactile maps no! Before they can be used, they have to be found! Furthermore they require a long period of training in order to be used. For example I have difficulty in reading braille and in interpreting the raised letters and numbers (Man 1 who went blind 5 years ago) (Figure 13).
The signage system is perceived completely different by the partially sighted as one of the participant pointed out:
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They become useless for me, simply because I cannot read them! In effect, the main road has become a kind of urban nightmare with a mass of signals in competition, one more glaring and dazzling than another, a nervous and frantic conglomeration of visual chaos (Woman 3 who is registered as a partially sighted person in later life) (Figure 14, 15).
ENVIRONMENTAL LEGIBILITY, COMPLEXITY, AND FAMILIARITY
One of the most widely studied theories in environmental psychology is the complexity/legibility. "Different environments resist or facilitate the process of image-making" (Lynch, 1960, 7). "One of the environment's most striking characteristics is its complexity" (Arthur, Passini, 1992, 34). An "imageable" (legible) space, "has a quality which gives a high probability of evoking a strong image in any given observer" (Lynch, 1960, 9). In literature, many concepts are used to define legible/complex environments, but what does legibility/complexity mean for the visually impaired? From the findings of our studies discussed here until now, we can use two labels for legibility: global and local legibility. Global legibility means how immediately a scene is perceptible or visible from great distances. Local legibility means how well a scene is perceptible or legible in a smaller scale, giving the opportunity to be approached
and explored by users. Global and local legibility are used in different ways by the blind and partially sighted; for example the global legibility depends as much on sounds for the blind as on visual qualities for the partially sighted, and the local legibility is perceived visually by partially sighted and haptically by the blind. Hence spatial legibility is the ability of space to form a wider mental image which supports the visually impaired in the acquisition and memorization of spatial knowledge. In environmental legibility the most critical points are the "anchor points". The anchor points are where the journeys start and end (entrance and exit areas), where the first and last impression is created; the anchor points are also where a person has to choose among more than one direction both horizontal and vertical. The higher legibility can be obtained when the anchor points acquire landmark quality, in this manner they can be better memorized by the visually impaired.
Considering the above, the complexity (illegibility) is what renders the visually impaired unable to generate, maintain, and use a mental map; in other words, it challenges the spatial awareness of the visually impaired. Complexity is a mismatch between visual disability and environmental legibility. Environments that are hard to represent mentally are also difficult to orient in.
What the blind find difficult are smooth, open
spaces. It is just these areas which are assumed
by many sighted people to be best for the blind,
Figure 8: Enlightened pavements and bollards, Piazza Unità, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: G. A.).
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Figure 9: Visual perception effect from two different angles, Riva Figure 10: The morphology of downhill stairs Tre Novembre, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: G. A.).	as a sort of "continuous flat surface"! Ponte
rosso, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: G. A.).
Figure 11: Urban furnishing (mail box) as barrier, when Figure 12: Urban furnishing (bollard chain) as barrier, its presence cannot be checked by the white stick. Via when its presence cannot be checked by the white stick. Cesare Battisti, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: G. A.).	Corso Cavour, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: G. A.).
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legenda: legend: se1 qui •you are here altra wiappa
'other map
= percorso route
_parete
wall
bagni oonne 1 women toilets
bagni uomini z mem toilets _lavabo
wash basin _ WC ■ water
Figure 14: A mass of unreadable signals! Viale Mirama-re, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: G. A.).
Figure 15: When the signage system does not respect the hierarchy of information. The bus timetable is so smaller than an advertisement board. Largo Barriera Vecchia, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: G. A.).
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because there is no danger of tripping. From the blind point of view, however, a flat, open surface is not negotiable because there are no orientating signals. There is no structure. It is not predictable, because it may end at any moment, and there is no way of telling where you are, once you are on it. The problem for the blind person is not falling over, but knowing where he is (Hull, 1990, 103).
At worst, this kind of spatial complexity can lead the blind to total lostness. It is important to note that "the blind person lost has neither direction nor position. He needs position in order to discover direction. [...] This is such a profound lostness that most sighted people find it difficult to imagine" (Hull, 1990, 145). On the other hand, it can be assumed that the blind use direction in order to discover their position. The partially sighted, instead, cope with complexity in ambiguous and poorly organized settings where all seem equally important or equally unimportant. The lack of useful, understandable and strong landmarks or an overload of visual messages which are not related to the context, does not allow the partially sighted to recognize the hierarchical underlying principle of spatial organization. This level of spatial complexity can induce, in those who see partially, real panic sensation or, in the best case, bring a strong discomfort and insecurity for them while walking.
The focus group participants were asked to explain or give an example on what a complex environment and/or legible environment means to them. An attempt was made to understand how differently their mental representations and wayfinding behaviours are influenced by environmental legibility and complexity. In a significant number, the participants, when they were asked to talk about the highly legible environment, stressed that they cannot identify the legible/ideal space in reality; they can only imagine what it would be like.
For the woman (1) who is fully blind from birth, the complex place is the "silent" place. Where there is nothing to hear.
A mute building is like a book without a title and without a table of contents. It does not say what it contains and it does not say how it is structured. It deprives the users of a unique opportunity to gain an overall understanding of the setting (Arthur, Passini, 1992, 139).
The legible/ideal place, indeed, is where favours the sense of hearing over sight and permits her to move freely through all of its spaces. A place that can be marked out by its sounds, smells and lots of changes in textures.
For the woman (2) who went blind in later life, the ideal place exists in its imperfections that - almost like a museum of time - expresses its age and presents its
accumulated history. Old places have soul which invite the viewer to touch the story of who ever lived in. Hence for her, the illegible places are the modern ones. The flat, 'immaterial' places that tend to present their unyielding surfaces to the "eye", locking them oppressively in to a visual field without transmitting their character or age.
For the man (1) who went blind 5 years ago, undifferentiated large open areas present particular challenges in wayfinding. The ideal place for him is a space whose width is such that he can reach and touch its walls; "these are the vertical architectural elements to which he can relate at his own personal and human scale" (Halprin, 1972, 117). They encourage his movement and even channel his direction. The walls describe the edges and give a sense of enclosure, as the trees enclose spaces as walls of green; this is the best way for him to achieve legibility through real complexity.
For the man (2) who went blind at the age of 16, the ideal place is where he knows well and understands the links between its different areas. In such a place, he can even change his route when necessary. When he is incapable of developing an overall plan of a setting, he remembers only the path he experiences with its starting point, a sequence of spaces it passes through, and the destination. What complexity means for him is when the order of this route that he memorizes with difficulty, is ruined; he cannot construct the mental model of the original route when a fragment is missing or another part is added. He gave an example of when his habitual route is closed for construction.
For the woman (3) who is registered as a partially sighted person in later life, the most challenging places are the ones in which there are numerous shifts in levels. Going down stairs for her is always a great obstacle to overcome. She also suffers so much in absence of light. She illustrates an ideal place free from obstructions, enlightened and with visual contrast, with legible stairs and steps that take the visually impaired in to account.
The woman (4) who is partially sighted from birth, gave an example of the place that seemed to her as a distressing labyrinth. She found impossible to learn the layout of the place. The circulation system remained a mystery for her. Each zone looked just the same as she visited before, making her feel disoriented and lost. Hence, the legible place for her is the place with spatial identity.
The man (3) who is affected by a very severe visual impairment from birth, describes urban spaces as complex spaces. The ideal urban space for him is the one that guarantees the visually impaired to reach the destination safety and independently, with an access to means of transport, with the legibility of public transport stops, creating a safe path, highlighting the obstacles along the path, with pedestrian crossings made on the needs of the visually impaired, etc.
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For the man (4) who is partially sighted from birth, the illegible place is where a shout cannot be heard; the noise pollution covers everything, devouring the sounds that guide him. Everything that becomes unknown, incomprehensible, and threatening makes him feel more and more uncertain. For him the ideal urban place is sparsely crowded to permit him to hear the echo of his footsteps on the paving.
Focus group discussion also denoted an interesting view on the familiarity of the visually impaired with the built environment. "Not surprisingly, familiarity has a predominant impact on the acquisition of spatial knowledge" (Li, Klippel, 2016). In a familiar environment, the partially sighted do not require the acquisition of new orientation strategies; the same does not go for the blind, for whom the predominant role is still played by environmental legibility. This latter issue is well captured in the words of two blind participants:
I have always felt so safe on the stair in front of my house that I know it's every single step. When I come down the stairs, it is like I see; I even do not use my white cane. One day I found an unexpected scene. The steps became rest room for a homeless! I ended up in hospital. These "obstacles" are not expected to be "seen" on steps (Woman 1 who is fully blind from birth).
This is very shocking indeed for the blind. However, these barriers are not surprising for the partially sighted because they can see these obstructions and therefore they are able to bypass them safely.
I know the way to my house like an owl knows its tree. Little disturbing noise of traffic and sounds of the street have specific meaning to me. One day I left home at 5 o'clock, in the silent darkness of the night. I did not find any connection to the street where I was born and grew up. I got lost! (Man 2 who went blind at the age of 16).
In such a situation, the blind discover a contradiction between what their memories tell them to do and what the environmental legibility/complexity tells them to do. Which one do they believe? For the blind, legibility is more important in terms of security than familiarity.
It is important to stress that what may be a surmountable wayfinding difficulty for the partially sighted user may become an impossibility for one who is blind and vice versa.
THE DIFFERENCES AND COMMONALITIES OF THE BLIND AND PARTIALLY SIGHTED USERS OF SPACE
In this paragraph we discuss the themes which had emerged from the comparison of the data generated in focus groups' discussion. The third phase of analysis
highlighted some hidden physical, psychological and psychosocial aspects of visual disability in relation with an inimical environment. We label them as relevant findings which are built on commonalities, diversities and ambivalences in partially sighted and blind experiences.
Differences
As is illustrated elsewhere in this paper, the needs of the blind and partially sighted are actually very different. Furthermore, their criticalities are felt in different forms according to various environmental conditions. This diversity that is largely ignored by most of the researchers, is a crucial issue in this paper. Compared to partially sighted, the fact of not having visual distractions permits the blind to be more focused on messages of different natures; while the partially sighted tend to rely almost solely on the residual vision and to favour the use of vision compared to the other senses. Sometimes there is an obvious rejection from the partially sighted to use the same mobility aids that the blind use, such as white canes. As a result, their visual disability is part of the so-called "invisible" disabilities. This diversity is the first aspect we wanted to highlight. This experience of not being noticed as visually impaired was described by all the partially sighted participants. The white cane is an important symbol of sight loss which ensures that the blind can receive social support to handle barriers in the built environment; for the partially sighted is not the same. This need to be helped, instead, was described ambivalently by the blind participants. Some of them were convinced that, in asking for help, their weak side appears clear. One of the participant who is blind from birth add nuances to how help is understood by the blind.
It is these offers of help which really disable me. It is also easier for me to remember a route if I experience it by myself than if I follow a route passively guided, by holding onto the elbow of the sighted person (Woman 1, who is fully blind from birth).
Another type of ambivalence is referred to using the "assistive devices" by the blind. The white stick -as an extended part of the body - is still the auxiliary that is most used by the blind. Some of the reasons for which the technological solutions are not widely used by them are, the complexity of these devices for their use, their being bulky and in the most of the cases the lack of reliability. Furthermore, for those who are blind from birth and for those who have known the world of light for a few years or part of their life, the situation is different. The first ones do not feel blindness as a deprivation, for the second ones, instead, the search for a communication channel that substitutes sight is absolutely necessary and urgent.
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The experience of people shifting from partial to total blindness in relation to environmental conditions requires further research. Especially if this is happening in a short period of time. The process of adaptation to blindness is another issue.
Commonalities
There are also some facets that make the stories of the blind and the partially sighted common: The need to concentrate more intensely on details to overcome the barriers and to build the safe route in the built environment, as pointed out by the partially sighted and the blind, puts a restriction on their ability to experience architectural and urban spaces as a stroller ("flâneur"). Thus, they try to build a different but possible way to experience the emotion: autonomy, understood as the ability to manage one's own life in the first person.
Uncertainty is another common thread that links the participants discourse. Uncertainty for the one who is immersed in darkness becomes even denser. They feel the presence of the fear of unexpected barrier in every moment.
Nearly all the participants expressed a common frustration with dramatic "changes"; changes in urban environment, changes in technologies, as well as changes in their impairment level across the lifespan. Today the ability of the visually impaired is more and more put to the test, also because of the rapid transformation of the cities and more and more widespread use of technologies which are developed on the visual cues. Cities have become more crowded and complicated. Traffic, urban furnishing, work in progress, and exterior modifications have changed the urban landscape in an unexpected way. All these changes, as well as the one the visually impaired experience in their abilities throughout their life course, make the environment more challenging for their living.
One participant put an exclamation point on the issue of concern to all participants. It happens very often to find that exactly the same citizens are the ones who erect the barriers; obstructing the release of the visually impaired by motor vehicles, bicycles and other artefacts, making them feel painfully disabled. This inattention, indifference and the loss of sensibility on the needs and problems of the visually impaired are all manifested in the most resistant, invisible and insurmountable obstacle which we might call "cultural barrier".
Focus groups' meetings also demonstrated that such a dialogue involves a knowledge transfer, new ideas and concepts for both the researcher and the participants; it creates an atmosphere of reciprocal trust which guarantees collaborative process during the subsequent steps of research.
SEEING THE WORLD FROM SOMEONE ELSE'S "EYES" / WORK IN PROGRESS
We hope that this paper can open a discussion on how focus group application is effective and evaluative in supplying information to researcher's repertoire. It can influence and orient as guideline throughout the whole research process, giving an opportunity to researchers to gain multiple perspectives on their topic of interest. We designed a study that enabled us to achieve richer data that go beyond the verbal and observational aspects by combining both. This method uncovered aspects of the lived experience of the visually impaired that are typically inaccessible through other means of research. The visually impaired collaboration and input became a key element in our study. The findings discussed in this paper highlight the complexity of this topic and reveal some questions and curiosity that call for more research. There is a saying: "The shaping of the question is part of the answer", and a starting point for the acquisition of further information. Our plan is to extend our investigation with an enriching experience, making a journey with the visually impaired through a pre-selected route under time constraints where there is no room for mistakes. The purpose of our future study is to understand how time constraints and emergencies affect the wayfinding behaviour, strategies and challenges of the visually impaired in complex environments. It may suggest new interpretations, as well as connections with data collected through focus groups.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank TrIAL (Trieste Inclusion & Accessibility Lab, University of Trieste), UIC of Trieste and the anonymous focus group participants for their essential contribution. We also thank Beatrice Abbate, Barbara Chiarelli, Mohammad Salamat, and Sergio Salvaro for their useful collaboration.
This article presents the first results of the research within the doctoral programme of architecture at the University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture.
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ŠTUDIJA IZKUŠENJ UPORABNIKA ZA IZBOLJŠANJE RAZUMEVANJA INTERAKCIJE MED SLABOVIDNIMI IN OKOLJEM
Ghazaleh AFSHARY
Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: ghazaleh.afshary@yahoo.it
Ilaria GAROFOLO
Univerza v Trstu, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Via Alviano 18, Gorizia, Italija e-mail: ilaria.garofolo@dia.units.it
Matija SVETINA
Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za psihologijo, Aškerčeva 2, Ljubljana, Slovenija
e-mail: m.svetina@ff.uni-lj.si
Tadeja ZUPANČIČ
Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: tadeja.zupancic@fa.uni-lj.si
POVZETEK
Kot prispevek k bolj poglobljenemu razumevanju izkušenj slabovidnih ljudi in izzivov, s katerimi se srečujejo pri gibanju v arhitekturnem in urbanem prostoru, predlagamo metodološki okvir, ki vključuje posameznike v študijo kot aktivne akterje. Predstavljamo pomembne izsledke razprave ciljno skupino slabovidnih. Zanima nas, kako slabovidni dejansko razumejo in izkušajo okolje, ki ga dandanes ocenjujemo predvsem z vidika vizualne estetike. Med kriteriji za izbor sogovornikov so podobni vsakdanji problemi in potrebe. Intervjuji so bili izvedeni maja in avgusta 2018 v prostorih UIC (italijanske zveze slepih) v Trstu. Obravnavali smo izhodiščno dojemanje prostora kot celote, orientacijo s procesom oblikovanja slike o prostoru in vlogo arhitekturno-prostorskih elementov oz. povezav kot pomoč ali oviro pri tem (npr. zasnova prostora; zvok, barve, materiali, osvetlitev - v povezavi z vremenom; specifični elementi, npr. stopnice). Ugotovili smo stične točke in razlike med slepimi in slabovidnimi, kot zelo heterogeno skupino z vidika interakcije z okoljem. Med skupnimi izkušnjami obojih sta iskanje možnosti avtonomnega gibanja v prostoru, velik pomen prostorskega spomina pri tem, negotovost (presenečenja v že znanih razmerah), pa tudi indiferentnost drugih uporabnikov prostora, ki se ne soočajo s podobnimi težavami. Po drugi strani pa so npr. slepi s svojimi potrebami v prostoru očitni, medtem ko se slabovidni soočajo s skritostjo svojega stanja. Z rezultati študije želimo spodbuditi raziskovalce k razmisleku o bogastvu izkušenj, ki ga ponujajo specifični uporabniki prostora, ter o vlogi teh izkušenj v snovanju prostorskih rešitev.
Ključne besede: slabovidne osebe, ciljna skupina, orientacija, iskanje poti, miselni vzorec, čitljivost, celovitost,
domačnost
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Ghazaleh AFSHARY et al.: USER EXPERIENCE STUDY FOR A SOUND UNDERSTANDING OF THE INTERACTION BETWEEN THE VISUALLY IMPAIRED ..., 569-588
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Pallasmaa, J. (2009): The Thinking Hand: Existential and Embodied Wisdom in Architecture. Chichester, John Wiley and Sons Ltd.
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Zumthor, P. (1999): Thinking Architecture. Buhl, Konkordia Druck GmbH.
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original scientific article	DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2018.36
received: 2018-10-02
ARHITEKTURNO-TEHNIČNI VIDIK VAROVANJA ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA POTRESNO OGROŽENIH OBMOČJIH
Simon PETROVČIČ
Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: simon.petrovcic@fa.uni-lj.si
Vojko KILAR
Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: vojko.kilar@fa.uni-lj.si
IZVLEČEK
Poškodbe, ki jih potresi povzročijo na zgodovinskih objektih in zgodovinskih mestnih jedrih zmanjšujejo tudi kulturni pomen grajenega okolja, zlasti arhitekturne dediščine. Pri načrtovanju sanacijskih posegov v praksi pogosto prihaja do sklepanja različnih kompromisov, ki lahko pomenijo bodisi doseganje manjše stopnje varnosti od predvidene ali neuspešno povrnitev ali celo uničenje posameznih vrednot dediščine zaradi pretiranih tehničnih posegov. Namen prispevka je predstaviti metodološki koncept za načrtovanje procesa varovanja arhitekturne dediščine, na podlagi katerega je možno izraziti vse potenciale kulturnega pomena dediščine in hkrati tudi v celoti izpolniti zahteve glede varnosti objekta.
Ključne besede: arhitekturna dediščina, potresna odpornost, ocenjevanje ranljivosti, konservatorstvo
ASPETTI TECNICI E ARCHITETTONICI PER LA TUTELA DEL PATRIMONIO ARCHITETTONICO NELLE AREE A RISCHIO SISMICO
SINTESI
I danni causati dai terremoti su edifici storici e centri storici riducono anche il valore culturale dell'ambiente edificato, in particolare del patrimonio architettonico. Nella progettazione di interventi di risanamento nella pratica vengono spesso fatti numerosi compromessi che possono determinare o il conseguimento di un minor livello di sicu-rezza rispetto a quello previsto o il mancato recupero o, addirittura, la distruzione di singoli elementi del patrimonio a causa di interventi tecnici eccessivi. Lo scopo del contributo è quello di presentare un concetto metodologico per la progettazione del processo di tutela del patrimonio architettonico sulla base del quale è possibile esprimere tutti i potenziali del valore culturale del patrimonio e allo stesso tempo soddisfare pienamente le richieste riguardanti la sicurezza dell'edificio.
Parole chiave: patrimonio architettonico, resistenza antisismica, valutazione della vulnerabilità,
conservazione e restauro
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UVOD
Območje severovzhodnega in vzhodnega Meditera-na ima bogat fond zgodovinske stavbne dediščine. Številni zgodovinski objekti na tem območju so zaradi relativno dobre ohranjenosti, zgodovinske pomembnosti in umestitve v prostoru še danes v uporabi. Po drugi strani pa predstavlja ta del Mediterana tudi veliko tveganje za takšne objekte in njihove uporabnike z vidika naravnih nesreč, zlasti potresov.
Tehnike gradnje, konstrukcijska zasnova in gradbeni materiali v preteklosti niso omogočali, da bi objekti bili sposobni učinkovito prenašati potresne obremenitve. Pri konservatorsko-restavratorskih posegih moramo pri tovrstnih posegih vedno upoštevati tudi predvidene posege v nosilno konstrukcijo objekta, s katerimi izboljšamo njegovo potresno odpornost. Zaradi arhitekturno-kon-servatorskih kriterijev za varstvo arhitekturne dediščine je pogosto težko izpolniti vse zahteve, ki jih navajajo predpisi za statično sanacijo in obratno. V praksi zato prihaja do sklepanja različnih kompromisov, ki lahko pomenijo bodisi doseganje manjše stopnje varnosti od predvidene ali neuspešno povrnitev ali celo uničenje posameznih vrednot dediščine zaradi pretiranih tehničnih posegov. Primeri iz prakse kažejo, da se objektov arhitekturne dediščine pogosto ne da potresno utrditi do te mere, da bi bile izpolnjene vse zahteve predpisov. Z potresnimi utrditvami torej omilimo poškodbe na neko minimalno raven (Petrovčič in Kilar, 2017a).
Namen prispevka predstaviti metodologijo za načrtovanje procesa varovanja arhitekturne dediščine, na podlagi katere je možno izraziti vse potenciale kulturnega pomena dediščine in hkrati tudi v celoti izpolniti zahteve glede varnosti objekta (Petrovčič, 2013).
Prispevek predstavlja nadaljevanje predhodnega prispevka avtorjev (Petrovčič in Kilar, 2017b), v katerem je bilo prikazano, kako določiti ranljivost posameznih tipologij objektov arhitekturne dediščine za območje Slovenije.
V prvem delu prispevka je podan pregled tehničnih smernic, ki določajo načela za izvedbo statične sanacije in protipotresne utrditve. Prikazane so skupine različnih vrst tehničnih ukrepov za povečanje potresne odpornosti. Podana je tudi njihova primerjava z vidika invazivnosti in zahtevnosti izvedbe. Posebej je obravnavana diskre-panca med zahtevami arhitekturno-konservatorskih in tehničnih smernic, ki je osnova predlaganemu konceptu.
Predlagani koncept integralnega arhitekturno-teh-ničnega vidika varovanja je opisan v drugem delu prispevka in temelji na želji po izoblikovanju širše in bolj prilagodljive metodologije za reševanje problematike konstrukcijske sanacije arhitekturne dediščine. Ob implementaciji sanacijskih posegov namreč pogosto nastanejo negativni učinki na vrednote, ki predstavljajo kulturni pomen arhitekturne dediščine in ga z različnimi arhitekturno-konservatorskimi posegi želimo ohraniti oz. povrniti. Kot izhodišče je postavljeno t. i. načelo mi-
nimalnega poseganja v objekt. V predlaganem vidiku se potreba po povečevanju varnosti arhitekturne dediščine obravnava enakovredno z ohranjanjem estetskih, zgodovinskih, družbenih in znanstvenih elementov, ki skupaj predstavljajo kulturni pomen dediščine. V tem kontekstu je teoretično mogoče polno izraziti oz. povrniti vse potenciale kulturnega pomena dediščine in hkrati tudi v celoti zadostiti zahtevam po varnosti objekta.
POMEN KONSTRUKCIJE IN VREDNOTENJE NJENE VARNOSTI
Vloga konstrukcije pri vrednotenju arhitekturne dediščine
Konstrukcija ima pri stavbah podobno vlogo, kot jo ima skelet pri živih bitjih - predstavlja strukturo, ki nosi ali podpira organizem (stavbo) tako, da premaguje obtežbe, ki nanjo delujejo. Pri tem igra dominantno vlogo lastna teža (gravitacijska obtežba). V zgodovini arhitekture lahko opazimo zelo različne načine premagovanja gravitacijskih sil, poskuse premostitve čim večjih razponov in gradnje čim višjih objektov. Dosežki inženirstva so bili temeljni za način gradnje, ki je iz lastnega konstrukcijskega načela vplival na celotno arhitekturo (Slak in Kilar, 2008). Ker je konstrukcijska zasnova tako ključnega pomena za arhitekturo, je povsem umestno, da tudi pri vrednotenju arhitekture zaseda pomembnejše mesto.
Kot ugotavlja Toš (2003), pri vrednotenju arhitekture ni čistih kategorij, temveč so predvsem njihove interakcije. Podobno velja tudi za arhitekturi podrejeno konstrukcijo. Pod pojmom varnost konstrukcije razumemo mehansko odpornost proti porušitvi in stabilnost (celote ali posameznih delov). Dejavniki, ki vplivajo na spremembo statičnega stanja konstrukcije, se imenujejo vplivi. Lahko so mehanskega izvora (obtežbe) ali pa so posledica reoloških sprememb (staranja) materiala. Sodobni materiali ob kontroliranih postopkih izdelave in vgradnje danes omogočajo zagotavljanje ustreznih karakteristik v predvideni življenjski dobi konstrukcije, tako da so za zagotovitev varnosti konstrukcije bistveni vplivi obtežb. Zlasti problematična se izkaže potresna obremenitev, saj nosilno konstrukcijo, katere primarni namen je prenos vertikalnih obtežb, obremenjuje v horizontalni smeri.
Konstrukcijski sistemi, ki zagotavljajo potresno odpornost, nedvomno vplivajo na arhitekturo, zato je slednja kot kompleksen pojav običajno prisiljena v sklepanje kompromisov. Neredki so primeri, da elementi potresno odporne konstrukcije negativno vplivajo na funkcionalnost, videz, kompozicijo in druge arhitekturne parametre. Vendar je v teh primerih pomembnejša stabilnost stavbe kot celote. Kot v svoji doktorski prispevku razpravlja Vodopivec (1993), določajo meje arhitekturne svobode pravila in principe arhitekture, ki temeljijo na naravnih zakonih, na konstrukcijski logiki gradnje, na tektonski logiki gradbenih materialov itd.
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Vendar pa, kot ugotavlja v nadaljevanju, lahko danes z novim materialom, orodji in znanjem bolj ali manj z enakim naporom dosežemo kakršen koli arhitekturni izraz. Torej lahko rečemo, da sodobna tehnologija v določenih segmentih presega arhitekturni izraz. Za preproste, nizke objekte to gotovo velja, saj je njihova konstrukcijska izraznost manjša. Z vidika horizontalne togosti že nekaj nosilnih elementov, potrebnih za prevzem vertikalnih obremenitev, obenem zadošča tudi za prevzem potresnih sil. Povsem drugače pa je pri višjih objektih oz. pri tistih, pri katerih je konfiguracija konstrukcije izrazito neugodna. Arhitekt se pri tem mora odzvati na potresno danost lokacije in k zasnovi objekta pristopiti na poseben način, ki seveda zajema prej omenjeni material, orodja in znanje. Prav iz tega načina, s katerim se odzove na grožnjo s potresom, pa izhaja t. i. potresna arhitektura, ki jo je še posebej v zadnjem stoletju mogoče prepoznavati kot posebno in specifično za potresna območja (Slak in Kilar, 2008).
Ocenjevanje potresne odpornosti in projekt statične sanacije
Projekt statične sanacije je eden od konservatorsko--restavratorskih podprojektov, ki ga je obvezno treba pripraviti, kadar so predvideni posegi v nosilno konstrukcijo objekta arhitekturne dediščine. Tehnične smernice, ki jih je pri pripravi takega projekta treba upoštevati, so podane v predpisih, ki se ukvarjajo z obnovo in s sanacijo objektov. Na področju Evropske unije je obvezna uporaba evropskih predpisov za projektiranje konstrukcij, t. i. evrokod standardov (standardi SIST EN 1990 do SIST EN 1999). Objekti arhitekturne dediščine s svojo naravo in zgodovino, tako v materialu kot v sestavi, predstavljajo mnoge izzive za proučevanje in za restavriranje. Zaradi tega je uporaba sodobnih gradbenih predpisov in standardov pri statični obnovi spomenikov omejena. Številne mednarodne organizacije, ki se ukvarjajo z varstvom arhitekturne dediščine (npr. ICOMOS), so zaradi te problematike pripravile dodatne smernice, ki določajo obseg in način posegov v konstrukcijo (npr. ICOMOS, 2003a, 2003b, Lagomarsino in Cattari, 2015).
Osnova za pripravo projekta statične sanacije na potresno ogroženih območjih predstavlja ocena potresne odpornosti objekta. Določila za ocenjevanje potresne odpornosti obstoječih objektov ureja predpis Evrokod 8 - 3. del (skrajšano EC8-3) (SIST, 2005). Glede potresne odpornosti, tj. pričakovanega obnašanja objekta med potresno obremenitvijo, EC8-3 predvideva tri mejna stanja:
•	mejno stanje omejitve poškodb (DL), ko je konstrukcija lažje poškodovana;
•	mejno stanje velikih poškodb (SD), ko je konstrukcija resneje poškodovana, vendar še stabilna;
•	mejno stanje blizu porušitve (NC), ko je konstrukcija huje poškodovana, z majhno preostalo odpornostjo.
Pri preverjanju posameznih mejnih stanj se upoštevajo potresi s predpisanimi povratnimi dobami (Petrov-čič in Kilar, 2017). Za posamezne tipe konstrukcij, vezane na vrsto materiala (tj. armiranobetonske, jeklene in zidane konstrukcije), se določi skladnost s prej omenjenimi kriteriji, ob upoštevanju ustreznih metod analize, potresne obremenitve in kontrole detajlov. Tipične poškodbe, ki se pojavljajo pri zidanih stavbah arhitekturne dediščine pri potresni obremenitvi prikazuje slika .
V splošnem lahko metodologijo za oceno odpornosti in izbiro utrditvenih ukrepov, ki jo predpisujejo različne listine, prikažemo s procesom, prikazanim na sliki 2. Opis metodologije je podrobneje predstavljen v publikaciji Pompeu Santosa (2010), na kratko jo lahko povzamemo v naslednjih točkah:
•	Zbiranje podatkov o obravnavanem objektu je začetna in v mnogih pogledih ključna faza, pri kateri je pomembna kontrola konsistentnosti rezultatov na podlagi informacij, zbranih z različnimi metodami in iz različnih delov objekta.
•	Na podlagi dobljene ocene odpornosti se sprejme odločitev o uporabi sanacijskih ukrepov in določi njihov obseg. Če na podlagi ocene ne moremo dobiti jasne ocene o neustrezni odpornosti, se za posege lahko tudi ne odločimo (jih preložimo) in se tako izognemo negativnim učinkom, ki jih pretirani sanacijski ukrepi lahko povzročijo na kulturnem pomenu dediščine.
•	Če je bila sprejeta odločitev o poseganju, konstrukcijo lahko popravimo, pri čemer se vzpostavi stanje, v katerem je bila pred potresom. Običajno pa se konstrukcija z ukrepi utrjuje, kjer se s posebnimi tehničnimi ukrepi poveča njena odpornost. Ko so sanacijski ukrepi izbrani, se ponovi računska analiza z upoštevanjem sprememb.
Na podlagi zaključkov, ki jih dobimo z oceno odpornosti, je treba izbrati ustrezne sanacijske ukrepe. Izbira vrste ukrepov, tehnike vgradnje ter obseg in nujnost ukrepov se določita na podlagi pridobljenih podatkov. Pri tem velja izpostaviti, da standard dovoljuje tudi zelo rigorozne ukrepe, kot so omejitev rabe oz. sprememba namembnosti objekta ter celo rušitev posameznih šibkih delov. Taki posegi pogosto niso v skladu z drugimi kul-turno-varstvenimi načeli.
Priporočila organizacije ICOMOS za statično sanacijo objektov arhitekturne dediščine
Statična sanacija objektov arhitekturne dediščine je kompleksen problem, saj je po eni strani treba izpolniti zahteve po doseganju zadostne stopnje varnosti, po drugi pa s sanacijskimi posegi ne smemo preveč vplivati na kulturni pomen obravnavanega objekta arhitekturne dediščine. Mednarodna organizacija ICOMOS je v ta namen na svojem rednem generalnem zborovanju v Zimbabveju
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Slika 1: Tipične poškodbe zidanih stavb zaradi potresne obremenitve: (a) razpoke na stiku zid-zid, (b) ločevanje nepovezanih zidov, (c) navpične razpoke v zidovih, (č) padanje zidu iz ravnine, (d) in (e) razslojevanje zidu, (f) diagonalne razpoke, (g) upogibna porušitev slopa ob oknu ter (h) porušitev stavbe (Vir: Petrovčič, 2013).
Figure 1: Damage patterns of masonry structures: (a) cracks at joints, (b) collapse of unconnected walls, (c) vertical cracks, (č) out-of-plane collapse, (d) and (e) wall leaf separation, (f) diagonal cracking, (g) bending, (h) total collapse (Source: Petrovčič, 2013).
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Slika 2: Proces ocenjevanja odpornosti objekta in izbira ukrepov za njegovo utrditev (Vir: povzeto po Pompeu Santos, 2010, 35).
Figure 2: Flowchart of the actions to be undertaken in the phase of the structural assessment of the building (Source: Pompeu Santos, 2010, 35).
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leta 2003 izdala novo listino, ki obravnava osnovna načela za analize, konserviranje in statično obnovo objektov arhitekturne dediščine (ICOMOS, 2003a). Listina zajema priporočila, sestavljena iz dveh delov: iz osnovnih načel, v katerih so razložena osnovna načela konserviranja, in napotkov s pravili in z metodologijo, ki jih mora upoštevati vsak projektant. Napotki so bili izdani v posebnem (informativnem) dokumentu (ICOMOS, 2003b) in nimajo statusa uradnega ICOMOS-ovega dokumenta.
Listina v osnovnih načelih določa interdisciplinarni pristop, ki nikakor ne sme biti omejen samo na eno vrsto strokovnjakov. Člani interdisciplinarne skupine, sestavljene glede na vrsto in obseg problema, morajo med seboj sodelovati vse od prvega koraka študije do začetnih ogledov na terenu in pri pripravi programov. Tudi Lah (2002) v svoji doktorski disertaciji opozarja na pomen interdisciplinarnosti. Navaja, da interdisciplinarnost konserva-torskega procesa bistveno prispeva k uravnoteženi rešitvi problema in da ni nikoli delo samo enega strokovnjaka. To pomeni, da tudi vrednost in avtentičnost arhitekturne dediščine ne smeta temeljiti zgolj na kriterijih, določenih znotraj ene stroke.
Listina tudi določa, da vrednost arhitekturne dediščine ni samo v njeni pojavnosti, ampak tudi v neokrnjenosti vseh njenih delov. Je torej edinstven produkt določene tehnologije gradnje v določenem času. V njej je tudi izrecno opozorjeno, da so v neskladju s kriteriji konserviranja zlasti projekti, ki predvidevajo ohranitev samo zunanjih fasad, medtem ko naj bi se vsi notranji zidovi porušili. Predlogi sanacije in študije zgodovine objekta morajo biti natančno načrtovani in izvedeni po posameznih korakih. Pomembno je tudi, da študije med procesom načrtovanja večkrat ponovimo, saj tako lahko dosežemo največji uspeh, z najmanjšimi možnimi posegi v arhitekturno dediščino in z najracionalnejšo porabo razpoložljivih sredstev.
V	celotnem procesu restavriranja je izpostavljen koncept celostnega varstva, pri tem pa je varstvo enovit proces, ki ves čas zajema celoten objekt. Zato tudi pri sanaciji konstrukcijskih delov arhitekturne dediščine ne smemo upoštevati le njih samih, ampak zgradbo kot celoto. Pri posegih z vprašljivo izvedbo in brez dokazljive bistvene koristi za objekte arhitekturne dediščine se odsvetuje njihova uporaba. Listina kot izjemo dovoljuje le urgentne posege, ki so nujni, da se prepreči porušitev konstrukcije (npr. začasna sanacija po potresu). Pri tem pa se moramo pri izvedbi urgentnih posegov povsod, kjer je to mogoče, izogibati uporabi nereverzibilnega materiala.
V	kontekstu protipotresne utrditve velja v sklopu določil ICOMOS-ove listine, vezanih na smernice za sanacijske ukrepe, izpostaviti naslednje točke:
•	način sanacije mora temeljiti tako na jasnem razumevanju vzrokov poškodb kot tudi na razumevanju rezultatov raziskav;
•	izbrati je treba tehnike (tradicionalne ali sodobne), ki so manj invazivne in bolj združljive s konserva-torsko-restavratorskimi izhodišči;
•	kjer je mogoče, je treba izbrati reverzibilne posege, ki jih je pozneje mogoče nadomestiti z novejšimi in s primernejšimi;
•	karakteristike novega materiala morajo biti združljive z izvirnim materialom;
•	karakterističnih lastnosti izvirne konstrukcije in njenega okolja ni dovoljeno uničevati;
•	posegi morajo biti zasnovani tako, da se v vsakem trenutku omogoča razpoznavnost izvirne konstrukcije;
•	treba se je izogibati spremembam ali odstranjevanju značilnih historičnih arhitekturnih elementov in materiala;
•	razgradnja in ponovno sestavljanje konstrukcije sta dovoljena le kot opcija, kadar konservacija ni mogoča.
ICOMOS-ova listina torej predvideva, da je vse posege treba načrtovati tako, da ne spreminjajo izvirne zasnove konstrukcij objektov ter da minimalno posegajo v izviren objekt (njegov material in zasnovo). Poudarek je na celostnem varstvu, s težnjo po minimizaciji in rever-zibilnosti posegov.
Ukrepi za utrditev zidanih stavb in njihova klasifikacija
Pri izbiri ustreznih ukrepov za povečanje odpornosti zidanih stavb je treba ločevati med pojmoma utrditev in sanacija. Pojem utrditev zajema tehnične ukrepe, s katerimi povečamo nosilnost konstrukcijskega sistema in s tem tudi njegovo zmožnost sipanja potresne energije. Pod pojmom sanacija pa imamo v mislih posege v poškodovano konstrukcijo, s katerimi v konstrukciji vzpostavimo stanje, v katerem je bila pred potresom (Tomaževič in Lutman, 2007).
Izbira in število ustreznih ukrepov sta rezultat globalne ocene potresne odpornosti objekta, ki je osnovni kriterij, ko se odločamo za protipotresno utrditev. Ugotovimo jo z računalniškimi analizami na podlagi podatkov iz različnih terenskih in laboratorijskih preiskav. Izjemno pomembno je, da utrjujemo celotno konstrukcijo in da se utrditev ne izvaja le na šibkem elementu ali delu konstrukcije (Croci, 1998).
Na razpolago so številni ukrepi, ki se lahko uporabljajo v medsebojni kombinaciji. V grobem jih razdelimo v dve skupini, in sicer na ukrepe za povečanje potresne odpornosti ter na ukrepe za zmanjševanje potresnih vplivov. Slika 3 prikazuje posamezne ukrepe, razdeljene v sedem podskupin glede na način utrditve. Med ukrepe za povečanje potresne odpornosti uvrščamo tiste, s katerimi lokalno ali v celoti spremenimo oz. zamenjamo posamezne elemente in konstrukcijo prilagodimo v prid večji pravilnosti. Med ukrepe za zmanjšanje potresnih vplivov uvrščamo vgradnjo enega od sistemov potresne izolacije, spremembo togosti (zmanjšanje ekscentričnosti) oz. prerazporeditev mas. S sistemi potresne izolacije lahko povečamo nihajni čas konstrukcije oz. njeno dušenje in
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Slika 3: Različne skupine ukrepov za protipotresno utrditev zidanih stavb (Vir: Petrovčič, 2013).
Figure 3: Repair and strengthening techniques of unreinforced masonry structures (Source: Petrovčič, 2013).
s tem zmanjšamo raven potresnih sil. V nadaljevanju so podrobneje opisani ukrepi iz prvih treh skupin.
Medsebojna primerjava ukrepov za povečanje potresne varnosti
Posegi za povečanje potresne odpornosti puščajo vidne in pogosto trajne sledi na spomeniku ter s tem spre-
minjajo njegovo arhitekturno in historično substanco. Odločanje o stopnji varovanja ter o načinu in vrsti uporabljenih posegov je zato izjemno odgovorna in zahtevna naloga. Upoštevanje zgolj tehničnih ukrepov, ki jih pogojujejo gradbeni predpisi, lahko v veliki meri zmanjša ali pa celo uniči bistvene sestavine kulturnega pomena dediščine. Po drugi strani pa lahko z neprimernimi odločitvami in omejevanjem tehničnih posegov ne do
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Tabela 1: Medsebojna primerjava ukrepov za utrditev objektov arhitekturne dediščine.
Table 1: Comparison between base isolation and conventional strengthening techniques.
Ukrep	Povečanje potresne odpornosti	Invazivnost ukrepa	Zahtevnost oz. cena ukrepa
Povezovanje zidov	veliko	srednja	srednja
Utrjevanje in sidranje stropov	srednje	srednja	visoka
Injektiranje zidovja	srednje	majhna	nizka
Injektiranje razpok	manjše	majhna	nizka
Prezidavanje	srednje	velika	srednja
Oblaganje	srednje	velika	nizka
Prefugiranje	manjše	srednja	srednja
Prednapetje	veliko	srednja	visoka
sežemo zadostne stopnje varnosti spomenika, kar lahko vodi do katastrofalnih posledic za spomenik, tj. njegove delne ali popolne porušitve (Croci, 1998; Kovač, 2007).
V	prejšnjem poglavju so bili podrobneje predstavljeni t. i. konvencionalni ukrepi za povečanje potresne odpornosti zlasti zidanih stavb, ki so v našem prostoru tudi najpogostejše. Omenjeni ukrepi za povečanje potresne varnosti se med seboj razlikujejo ne le po stopnji njenega povečanja, pač pa tudi po primernosti posameznega ukrepa za kulturnozgodovinske spomenike, ki je odvisna od invazivnosti posameznega ukrepa.
V	preglednici je podana primerjava uporabe kon-vencionalnih ukrepov za povečanje potresne odpornosti. Pri vsakem ukrepu so opisno ovrednotene tri primerjalne kategorije. Ocene so podane zgolj opisno, saj sta zahtevnost in učinkovitost vsakega izmed ukrepov od primera do primera različna, zato take ukrepe težko ocenjujemo za splošne primere. Ocene posameznih kategorij izhajajo iz opisov ukrepov v prejšnjem poglavju.
Prva primerjalna kategorija je povečanje potresne odpornosti, dosežene zgolj z uporabo obravnavanega ukrepa. Ta se določi glede na stopnjo povečanja varnosti objekta pred porušitvijo njegovih delov ali celote. V praksi lahko z vsemi ukrepi teoretično dosežemo zadostno povečanje potresne odpornosti. Vendar pa ti ukrepi med seboj niso neodvisni. Na enem objektu skoraj v vseh primerih uporabimo več ukrepov. Ocena povečanja potresne odpornosti temelji na zmožnosti individualne uporabe samo izbranega ukrepa. Veliko povečanje potresne odpornosti je bilo ocenjeno za ukrepe, ki že sami po sebi omogočajo dovolj veliko stopnjo
protipotresne zaščite in jih ni treba dodatno kombinirati z drugimi ukrepi. Po drugi strani pa so ukrepi ocenjeni s srednjim oz. z majhnim povečanjem potresne odpornosti, taki, da jih je treba kombinirati z drugimi ukrepi.
Drugo primerjalno kategorijo predstavlja ocenjevanje invazivnosti posameznega ukrepa. Ta kategorija je najbolj povezana z arhitekturnim vidikom varovanja, saj z njo ocenjujemo, v kolikšni meri s posameznim ukrepom posegamo v temeljne vidike kulturnega pomena dediščine. Ocenjuje se torej primernost uporabe posameznega ukrepa glede na restavratorske in konser-vatorske kriterije, ki jih predlagajo mednarodne listine in konvencije za varstvo arhitekturne dediščine (npr. ICOMOS, 1993, 2003a, 2013). Ukrepi z majhno inva-zivnostjo so tisti, pri katerih določen ukrep in postopek njegovega izvajanja bistveno ne posegata v kulturni pomen dediščine oz. so posledice poseganja reverzibilne. Ukrepi s srednjo in z visoko invazivnostjo pa so taki, da njihova uporaba povzroči bolj ali manj znatno in trajno zmanjšanje enega izmed vidikov kulturnega pomena dediščine.
Zadnjo kategorijo primerjave posameznih ukrepov določata zahtevnost izvedbe ukrepa ter njegova cena. Zahtevnost opredeljuje raven tehniškega znanja in obseg gradbenih posegov, ki so nujni za projektiranje in izvedbo posameznega ukrepa. Taki ukrepi so zaradi tega pogosto tudi cenovno manj ugodni, zato v tej kategoriji upoštevamo tudi cenovno rentabilnost. Ukrepi z visoko stopnjo zahtevnosti torej niso samo tehnično zahtevni za izvedbo in projektiranje, ampak tudi cenovno manj ugodni. Ob tem je pri ceni upoštevana tudi cena materiala, predvidenega pri posameznem ukrepu.
Iz preglednice lahko razberemo, da med zelo učinkovite ukrepe spadata povezovanje zidov in predna-petje. Z njima lahko v veliki meri povečamo potresno odpornost, hkrati pa posegi v objekt niso preveč izraziti. Veliko povečanje potresne odpornosti, ki ga z njima lahko dosežemo, delno upravičuje tudi povečano ceno teh dveh ukrepov. Tudi utrjevanje in sidranje stropov se izkaže za razmeroma učinkovit ukrep z dobršno mero povečanja potresne odpornosti in s srednjo stopnjo in-vazivnosti. Zaradi zahtevnosti izvedbe pa so take vrste ukrepi običajno dražji.
Dokaj primeren ukrep za stavbe arhitekturne dediščine je injektiranje, tako zidovja kot tudi razpok, saj so v tem primeru posegi na vidnih delih stavbe majhni, pa tudi zahtevnost in cena vgradnje nista pretirano veliki. Pri tem procesu pa prihaja do sprememb sestave zidovja oz. malte med zidaki. Poleg tega je povečanje potresne varnosti tukaj manjše, saj se na ta način poveča zgolj togost posameznih zidov, ni pa zagotovljeno njuno povezano delovanje.
Ukrepi, kot so prezidavanje, oblaganje in prefugiran-je, so z vidika invazivnosti manj primerni, saj z njimi delno ali v celoti zakrijemo osnovni material (Jarc Simo-nič idr., 2015). S prefugiranjem tudi ne dosežemo bistvenega učinka na povečanje potresne odpornosti.
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V praksi je zato morda najbolje posegati po kombiniranih ukrepih. Vsekakor pa se je treba zavedati, da je pri objektih arhitekturne dediščine ocena varnosti skupaj z razumevanjem pomembnosti konstrukcije osnova za take posege. Zato morajo biti vsi posegi v ravnovesju z oceno varnosti in minimalnim posegom, ki še zagotavlja varnost in najmanj poškoduje kulturno vrednost objekta.
ARHITEKTURNO-TEHNIČNI VIDIK VAROVANJA DEDIŠČINE
Neskladje med arhitekturnimi in tehničnimi smernicami
Arhitekturna dediščina predstavlja številne izzive za proučevanje in restavriranje. Kot opozarjajo različni domači in tuji avtorji (npr. Fister, 1979; Croci, 1998; Feilden, 2003; Indirli idr., 2006; Amerighi idr., 2007; Zupančič, 2007; Tomaževič, 2009), je zaradi unikatnosti objektov arhitekturne dediščine pogosto težko izpolniti vse zahteve, ki jih navajajo predpisi za statično sanacijo, saj je obvezno treba upoštevati tudi konservatorske kriterije za varstvo arhitekturne dediščine. Posledice upoštevanja zgolj tehničnih kriterijev, ki jih narekujejo gradbeni predpisi, pogosto zahtevajo spremembo prvotnega konstrukcijskega koncepta in izvirnega materiala, kar lahko vodi k precejšnjemu zmanjšanju kulturnega pomena dediščine. Po drugi strani pa s sodobnimi tehnološkimi ukrepi lahko dosežemo precejšnjo stopnjo varnosti in s tem dolgoročno močno vplivamo na njegovo trajnost in preprečimo izgubo vrednosti v primeru naravnih nesreč. Tomaževič (2009) meni, da so posegi v konstrukcijo kulturnozgodovinskih objektov vedno kompromis med inženirskimi zahtevami in razpoložljivimi tehnološkimi rešitvami, ekonomskimi vidiki in načeli spomeniškega varstva. Navaja tudi, da sodoben življenjski slog pogosto zahteva posege, ki s konservatorskega vidika ne bi bili dopustni. Z namenom zagotovitve ustrezne kakovosti in varnosti bivanja je treba prebivalcem, ki živijo v teh stavbah, zagotoviti enako ali vsaj podobno raven kot pri novogradnji. Problem nastane, ker taki ukrepi niso vedno v skladu z zahtevami varstva kulturne dediščine.
Aplikacijo arhitekturnih in tehničnih smernic ter njihovega medsebojnega vpliva v procesu ohranjanja dediščine si oglejmo ob preprostem primeru. Denimo, da obravnavamo neko stavbo arhitekturne dediščine, ki ji želimo povrniti prvotni kulturni pomen. Kulturni pomen dediščine določimo s procesom vrednotenja1. Trenutni obseg kulturnega pomena dediščine na obravnavanem arhitekturnem spomeniku shematsko prikazuje levi del slike 4a. Obravnavani objekt poseduje vse štiri vidi-
ke (dele) kulturnega pomena dediščine (zgodovinskega, estetskega, znanstvenega in družbenega). Vrednote posameznih kulturnih pomenov se med seboj razlikujejo po obsegu in pomembnosti, kar je na sliki ponazorjeno s krogi različnih velikosti. Zaradi raznovrstnih vzrokov je v zgodovini objekta prišlo do postopnega izgubljanja vrednot, tako da je danes na njem izražen samo določen del posameznega kulturnega pomena. Preostali, neizra-ženi del je potencial, ki ga želimo povrniti. V primeru na levem delu slike 4a vidimo, da je zaradi propadanja bil v celoti izgubljen družbeni pomen tega objekta. Tudi zgodovinski in estetski pomen sta že skoraj popolnoma izgubljena. Najbolj izražen je na prikazanem primeru ostal le znanstveni del pomena dediščine, vendar je ta po pomembnosti (obsegu) bistveno manjši od preostalih treh. Seveda velja, da nikoli ne moremo v celoti povrniti posameznega pomena. Na sliki je predstavljen samo tisti del pomena, ki ga je teoretično (in tudi praktično) še mogoče obnoviti. Cilj konservatorsko-restavratorskega posega je torej polno izraziti vse elemente kulturnega pomena dediščine.
Kot smo ugotovili v razdelku , pa obnovitev kulturnega pomena dediščine ni edini vidik varovanja. S sanacijskimi posegi zmanjšujemo tudi ranljivost oz. ogroženost objekta in s tem povečujemo njegovo varnost. S pojmom ranljivost se v kontekstu prispevka omejujemo na potresno odpornost posameznega objekta. V predhodnem članku (Petrovčič in Kilar, 2017) smo pokazali, kako določiti ranljivost posameznih tipologij objektov arhitekturne dediščine za širše območje (območje celotne Slovenije). Kadar govorimo o sanaciji posameznega objekta, pa je skladno z določili, ki jih predlagajo različne tehnične smernice, treba določiti njegovo obstoječo potresno odpornost (varnost) in jo z uporabo različnih tehničnih ukrepov tudi ustrezno povečati, do predpisane vrednosti. Na desnem delu slike 4a je predstavljen tehnični vidik varovanja. Prikazano je stanje pred sanacijo, pri čemer obstoječa stopnja potresne varnosti objekta ne dosega zahtev, ki jih predvidevajo predpisi.
Slika 4b prikazuje oba vidika varovanja po izvedbi konvencionalnih konservatorsko-restavratorskih del. Če pogledamo najprej arhitekturni vidik (levi del slike), ugotovimo, da se je celoten kulturni pomen dediščine bistveno povečal in da zdaj vsebuje vse štiri dele. Kljub temu je samo znanstveni del polno izražen, preostali trije pa še vedno vsebujejo neizraženi potencial. Tudi s tehničnega vidika (desni del slike) se je varnost povečala in skoraj dosega raven zahtevane varnosti. Razmerje med stopnjo povečanja varnosti in stopnjo obnovitve kulturnega pomena je stvar kompromisa. Razlika, ki še
1 S problematiko strokovnega vrednotenja arhitekturne dediščine se spopadajo številni domači in tuji avtorji. Burska listina navaja, da je treba za ohranjanje prostora kulturne dediščine prepoznati in upoštevati vse vidike kulturnega in naravnega pomena brez neupravičenega poudarjanja posamezne vrednote na račun drugih (ICOMOS, 2013). V prispevku izpostavljamo elaborat o enotni metodologiji za izdelavo konservatorskega načrta, ki so ga pripravili Zupančič idr. (2007). Avtorji v omenjenem elaboratu postopek vrednotenja dediščine karakterizirajo kot preplet vrednot, ki se ocenjujejo z zgodovinskim, estetskim, znanstvenim in družbenim merilom. Celosten povzetek vseh vrednotenj predstavlja oceno kulturnega pomena dediščine.
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Slika 4: Obseg kulturnega pomena (arhitekturni vidik varovanja) in varnosti konstrukcije (tehnični vidik varovanja) pred izvedbo konservatorskih posegov (a) ter po izvedbi konservatorskih posegov (b).
Figure 4: Extent of the cultural significance (architectural aspect) and structural safety (technical aspect) before conservation (a) and after conservation (b).
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Slika 5: Integralni arhitekturno-tehnični vidik varovanja arhitekturne dediščine. Figure 5: Integrated architectural-technical aspect of architectural heritage conservation.
ostaja na obeh straneh, je posledica neskladnosti posameznih vidikov. Kot navaja Tomaževič (2009), v primeru stavb kulturne dediščine zahteve EC8-3 marsikdaj niso v celoti izpolnjene, zato se v teh primerih pogosto upošteva načelo »bolje nekaj kakor nič« in se objekt utrdi z za vse sprejemljivimi (kompromisnimi) ukrepi. Kot še navaja, so raziskave in analize pokazale, da so tudi nepopolni ukrepi lahko dovolj za preprečitev najhujšega.
Koncept predloga integralnega arhitekturno-tehničnega vidika varovanja
Z namenom premostitve razlik med arhitekturnimi in tehničnimi vidiki varovanja so Indirli idr. (2006) pripravili skupino predlogov, ki določajo, kako in v kolikšni meri se med prenovami sme posegati v objekte arhitekturne dediščine, tako da bi bil vpliv na kulturni pomen dediščine čim manjši. Predloge lahko povzamemo v naslednjih točkah:
•	odstopanje od predpisov in kriterijev, ki veljajo za nove stavbe, je mogoče, ker taki objekti običajno niso zgrajeni iz sodobnega materiala, kot sta armirani beton in jeklo, zato je njihova obnova zahtevna;
•	v predpisih, ki obravnavajo objekte po teoriji mejnih stanj (npr. evrokodi), se lahko faktor pomembnosti določi posebej za posamezni objekt;
•	učinkovitost izboljšav naj se vrednoti sproti;
•	priporočljive so natančne predhodne študije;
•	priporoča se uporaba posebnih postopkov, izdelanih za vsak obnovitveni projekt posebej, saj uporaba standardnih postopkov pri obnovi pogosto ni mogoča;
•	uporaba sodobnega materiala lahko močno poveča stopnjo potresne odpornosti objekta, vendar njegova uporaba ne sme biti estetsko moteča in mora biti združljiva z že vgrajenim materialom.
Na podlagi navedenega lahko zaključimo, da je treba izoblikovati širše in bolj prilagodljive koncepte za reševanje konstrukcijske problematike arhitekturne dediščine. Kot navaja Lah (2001), se problem varstva dediščine začenja že z njeno opredelitvijo, pri čemer njen pravi pomen vsakokrat znova izoblikujemo šele z njenim vrednotenjem. Kovačeva (2007) npr. v svojem članku predvideva določitev integralne vrednosti dediščine, ki jo sestavljata dve temeljni kategoriji, tj. njena historična in arhitekturna vrednost. Kot navaja avtorica, s to delitvijo določimo pogoje, s katerimi spomeniku zagotovimo izboljšanje stanja in mu podaljšamo obstoj.
V obravnavanem prispevku pa to definicijo razširimo in predlagamo integralni arhitekturno-tehnični vidik kulturnega pomena dediščine, katerega osnovna ideja je bila predstavljena tudi v doktorski disertaciji prvega avtorja tega prispevka (Petrovčič, 2013). Predlagan vidik tudi varnost vključuje kot eno izmed vrednot kulturnega
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pomena dediščine (slika ). S tega vidika varnost ni podrejena kulturnemu pomenu, temveč je eden izmed njegovih sestavnih delov, s katerim skupaj tvori arhitektur-no-tehnični vidik. V tem kontekstu je teoretično mogoče polno izraziti vse potenciale kulturnega pomena dediščine in hkrati tudi v celoti izpolniti zahteve glede varnosti objekta. Tako harmonizirano delovanje obeh vidikov je mogoče doseči, če pri uporabi ukrepov za statično sanacijo upoštevamo načelo minimalnega poseganja v objekt. Ozko grlo so namreč sanacijski posegi za izboljšanje varnosti, ki pogosto niso povsem združljivi s konservatorski-mi smernicami in zahtevajo razmeroma velike posege v objekt. Osrediniti se je torej treba na razvoj novih postopkov in materiala, ki bi sledili tej novi paradigmi, pri čemer bi s čim manjšimi posegi dosegli čim večji učinek. Uporabo posebnih postopkov, sodobnega materiala in novih tehnik utrjevanja obravnava že beneška listina (ICOMOS, 1965), na podlagi katere je mogoče v primerih, ko se tradicionalne tehnike izkažejo kot nezadostne, objekt zgodovinskega pomena utrditi z uporabo katerekoli sodobne tehnike za konserviranje oz. konstrukcijsko utrditev. Pri tem je treba učinkovitost uporabljene tehnike dokazati z znanstvenimi podatki in jo tudi potrditi na podlagi izkušenj. Določila krakovske listine (ICOMOS, 2000) glede uporabe novega materiala in tehnik utrjevanja so še nekoliko strožja, saj je v listini navedeno, da morajo tehnike za ohranjanje izhajati iz interdisciplinarnih znanstvenih raziskav materiala in tehnologij, uporabljenih za popravilo konstrukcije oz. za restavriranje. V listini je tudi navedeno, da mora biti pri načrtovanju in izbiri posegov bistven poudarek na ohranitvi izvirne funkcije in da je treba zagotovitvi združljivost z materialom in arhitekturnimi vrednotami (kulturni pomen dediščine).
Čeprav je lahko dejansko uporabljena nova tehnika bistvenega pomena za ohranitev stavbe, je potrebno dosledno opazovanje doseženih rezultatov, upoštevajoč obnašanje skozi čas in možnost eventualne reverzibilnosti. V krakovski listini je tudi navedeno, da je posebno pozornost treba posvetiti izpopolnjevanju znanja na področju tradicionalnega materiala in tehnik ter njihovi primerni nadaljnji uporabi v kontekstu sodobne družbe, upoštevajoč dejstvo, da so pomembna komponenta kulturne dediščine.
Predlog metodologije vključevanja varnosti v kulturni pomen dediščine na podlagi hierarhije udeleženih strok
Za uspešno integracijo vidika varnosti v kulturni pomen dediščine je nujen multidisciplinarni pristop. Arhitekturno konservatorstvo je izjemno kompleksno področje, na katerem se metode dela nenehno razvijajo, rezultati pa so plod dela širše skupine strokovnjakov (Lah, 2001). Kot določa ICOMOS-ova deklaracija (ICOMOS, 1993), lahko pri ohranjanju arhitekturne dediščine sodelujejo strokovnjaki, ki izpolnjujejo naslednja določila (prevod povzet po Lah, 2002, str. 41):
a.) analizirati in dokumentirati spomenik, kompleks
ali naselje ter ugotoviti emocionalne (identitetne), kulturne in uporabne vrednosti;
b.)	razumeti zgodovino in tehnologijo spomenika, kompleksa ali naselja, z namenom opredelitve njegove identitete, načrtovanja konservacije in razlage rezultatov njihovih raziskav;
c.)	razumeti vlogo spomenika, kompleksa ali naselja, njihovo vsebino in okolico v razmerju do drugih stavb, parkov ali kulturne krajine;
d.)	raziskati in upoštevati vse dosegljive vire informacij, pomembne za spomenik, kompleks ali naselje;
e.)	razumeti in analizirati socialno vedenje in socialna razmerja v odnosu do spomenika, kompleksa ali naselja kot kompleksnega sistema;
f.)	diagnosticirati notranje in zunanje vzroke propadanja ter na podlagi tega ustrezno ukrepati;
g.)	raziskati in pripraviti poročilo o spomeniku, kompleksu ali naselju, ki je razumljivo tudi nestrokovnjakom in ki vsebuje tudi grafično gradivo v obliki ilustracij, skic in fotografij;
h.)	poznati, razumeti in uporabljati Unescove konvencije in priporočila ter ICOMOS-ove in druge znane listine ali smernice;
i.)	uravnoteženo presojati in na podlagi konsenza etičnih načel prevzeti odgovornost za dolgoročno varstvo kulturne dediščine;
j.) prepoznati potrebo po dodatnih specialističnih raziskavah, na primer fresk, skulptur in predmetov umetniške in zgodovinske vrednosti ter (ali) raziskavah materiala in sistemov;
k.) dajati ekspertne predloge za strategijo vzdrževanja, politiko upravljanja in politiko izhodišč okolj-ske zaščite in ohranitve spomenikov, njihove vsebine in njihovega okolja;
l.) dokumentirati izvedena dela in omogočiti njihovo dosegljivost;
m.) delati v multidisciplinarnih ekipah z uporabo usklajenih metod;
n.) sodelovati s prebivalci, z upravnimi in načrtoval-skimi službami ter reševati konflikte s konserva-torsko strategijo, prilagojeno lokalnim razmeram, zmožnostim in virom.
Strokovnjaki s področja konservatorstva so na srečanju v Colombu leta 1993 podali tudi ocene primernosti posameznega strokovnega profila v skladu s prej omenjenimi določili (Lah, 2002). Prikazane so v preglednici 2. Le štirje strokovni profili (arhitekt, konservatorski uslužbenec, konservator in krajinski arhitekt) ustrezajo vsem zahtevanim kriterijem, čeprav tudi pri teh strokovnih profilih ne bi bile v celoti izpolnjene zahteve vseh določil iz deklaracije. Varovanje arhitekturne dediščine zato vedno zahteva interdisciplinarni pristop. Delo vsakega udeleženega strokovnjaka pa mora tangirati k (Lah, 2001):
• težnji po znanstvenem pristopu, pri katerem se empirično preverljiva spoznanja organizirajo bodisi v nove teorije, nove metode dela z name-
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Tabela 2: Analiza sodelovanja; status udeležencev, njihov motiv in način sodelovanja. Table 2: Participation analysis; participants' status, motives, and ways of participation.
	Določila ICOMOS-ove deklaracije (ICOMOS, 1993)														
Strokovnjak	a	b	c	d	e	f	g	h	i	j	k	i	m	n	Skupaj
Upravitelj / lastnik			•	•				•	•	•		•	•	•	8
Arheolog	•	•	•	•				•	•	•	•	•	•		10
Arhitekt	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	14
Umetnostni zgodovinar		•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•			•	•		10
Izvajalec gradbenih del		•			•	•	•	•	•		•	•		•	9
Konservatorski uslužbenec	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	14
Konservator	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	14
Gradbeni inženir		•		•	•	•	•		•			•	•		8
Okoljski inženir			•	•	•	•	•	•	•		•	•	•		10
Krajinski arhitekt	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	14
Obrtnik - mojster		•				•	•	•	•		•	•	•		8
Strokovnjak za materiale		•		•	•	•	•	•	•		•	•	•		10
Gradbeni izvedenec				•			•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	9
Nadzornik	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	•	14
Urbanist			•	•			•	•	•		•	•	•	•	9
nom doseganja njihove praktične uporabnosti (aplikativnost);
•	težnji po interdisciplinarnem pristopu, pri katerem posamezne discipline delujejo na način, pri katerem ni nobeno področje strukturirano tako, da se zapira vase, ampak je odprto v procese spoznavanja;
•	usmerjenosti v varstvo in pravilno interpretacijo dediščine (naravne ali kulturne), ki je na podlagi predstavljenega univerzalnega sistema vrednotenja vselej naravnana k splošnim ciljem razvoja.
Izhodišča za izobrazbo strokovnjakov specialistov morajo temeljiti na uveljavljenih načelih, ki jih opredeljuje tudi Direktiva evropskega parlamenta in sveta 2005/36/ES, z dne 7. septembra 2005. V kontekstu varovanja arhitekturne dediščine ta načela obsegajo: ustrezno poznavanje zgodovine arhitekture in arhitekturnih teorij ter z njimi povezanih umetnosti, tehnologij in družbenih ved; poznavanje upodabljajočih umetnosti kot vpliva na kakovost arhitekturnega projektiranja; razumevanje odnosa med ljudmi in zgradbami, med zgradbami in njihovim okoljem ter razumevanje potrebe, da se zgradbe in prostori med njimi prilagodijo potrebam ljudi in njihovim medsebojnim razmerjem.
V navedeni direktivi so predvidena znanja tudi iz
tehničnih disciplin, ki obsegajo: razumevanje prostorskih, arhitekturnih in gradbenih načrtov ter konstrukcijskih in tehničnih problemov, povezanih z načrtovanjem stavb; ustrezno poznavanje fizikalnih problemov, tehnologij in delovanja stavb; ustrezno poznavanje izvajanja del, organizacije, predpisov in postopkov, vpletenih v uresničevanje projektnih zasnov, in vključevanje načrtov v sistem celovitega prostorskega načrtovanja.
V obravnavanem prispevku smo oceno usposobljenosti posameznih strokovnjakov razširili tudi na posamezne vidike kulturnega pomena dediščine. Številni strokovni profili, ki so navedeni v preglednici 2 posedujejo zelo ozko specializirano znanje, s katerim lahko v različni meri prispevajo k povečanju posameznega kulturnega pomena dediščine. Za vrednotenje prispevka določenega strokovnjaka je bilo najprej treba določiti vpliv posameznih določil ICOMOS-ove deklaracije na posamezni vidik kulturnega pomena dediščine (zgodovinskega, družbenega, estetskega in znanstvenega).
Vpliv je bil določen na podlagi ocen (celoštevilskih ponderjev) v razponu od 0 do 3. Ocena 0 je bila dodeljena v primeru, ko ICOMOS-ovo določilo v nobeni meri ne prispeva k povečanju določenega kulturnega pomena dediščine. Ocena 3 pa je bila dodeljena v primerih, ko ICOMOS-ovo določilo v največji možni meri prispeva k povečanju določenega kulturnega po-
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Slika 6: Izbrane ocene (ponderji) posameznega določila ICOMOS-ove deklaracije glede na različne vidike kulturnega pomena dediščine.
Figure 6: Weights of specific ICOMOS provisions regarding different aspects that signify cultural heritage.
mena dediščine. Poleg omenjenih skrajnih ocen sta bili uporabljeni tudi oceni 1 in 2, dodeljeni v primerih, ko ICOMOS-ovo določilo delno prispeva k povečanju določenega kulturnega pomena dediščine.
Ocene posameznih ICOMOS-ovih določil znotraj kategorij kulturnega pomena dediščine so prikazane na sliki 6 in so bile določene na podlagi kritične presoje potenciala posameznega ICOMOS-ovega določila. Nekatera določila so zastavljena zelo široko in jim težje določimo konkreten vpliv, spet druga so omejena na točno določen segment varovanja in veljajo samo znotraj posameznih vidikov varovanja kulturnega pomena dediščine. S slike lahko razberemo, da z ICO-MOS-ovimi smernicami v povprečju v največji meri vplivamo na ohranitev družbenega pomena kulturne dediščine (povprečni ponder 2.42), najslabše pa na estetski in znanstveni pomen (povprečni ponder 2.00). Povprečni ponder pri zgodovinskem pomenu znaša 2.14. Smernice d, h, i in m v največji meri vplivajo na ohranitev vseh štirih kategorij ohranitve pomena kulturne dediščine. Smernici d in m sta širše zastavljeni in se nanašata na zbiranje informacij ter usklajeno, mul-tidisciplinarno delo, kar je ena izmed osnovnih karakteristik za učinkovito ohranitev kulturnega pomena dediščine. Smernici h in i pa se nanašata na razumevanje in ustrezno interpretacijo mednarodnih konvencij in splošnih etičnih načel, kar je tudi ena izmed osnovnih predpostavk, ki morajo biti izpolnjene v primeru optimalne ravni ohranitve kulturnega pomena dediščine. V povprečju sta najslabše ocenjeni smernici e in n, ki se nanašata predvsem na ohranitev družbenega pomena.
Na podlagi prikazanih ponderjev je bila nato za vsako kategorijo kulturnega pomena dediščine določe-
na skupna ponderirana ocena usposobljenosti posameznega strokovnjaka. Pri posamezni vrsti strokovnjaka je bila ponderirana ocena znotraj posamezne kategorije kulturnega pomena izračunana kot vsota produktov dveh faktorjev (za vseh 14 ICOMOS-ovih določil):
•	ocene ustreznosti strokovnjaka za izpolnitev posameznega ICOMOS-ovega določila (1, če ustreza, in 0, če ne ustreza, - gl. preglednico 2) ter
•	ustreznega ponderja za posamezno določilo s slike 6, ki velja znotraj obravnavane kategorije kulturnega pomena dediščine.
Grafični prikaz razmerij med doseženimi ponderiranimi ocenami je prikazan na sliki , pri čemer so posamezne ocene normirane glede na maksimalno vrednost znotraj določene kategorije kulturnega pomena dediščine. To pomeni, da maksimalno vrednost 1.00 na sliki dosegajo profili strokovnjakov, ki znotraj določene kategorije kulturnega pomena dosežejo najvišje število točk. Najizrazitejše razlike med doseženimi ocenami posameznih strokovnjakov se pojavijo pri ohranjanju družbenega pomena dediščine. To pomeni, da je ohranitev družbenega pomena zelo specifična kategorija, za katero je ustrezno usposobljenih le nekaj strokovnjakov. Tudi pri kategorijah zgodovinskega in znanstvenega pomena je razpršenost ocen precejšnja. To je v skladu s pričakovanji, saj je v obeh primerih potreben nabor ozko usmerjenega specialističnega znanja. Pri znanstvenem pomenu je tudi treba poudariti, da se posamezni strokovnjaki ravnajo po načelu dela po eni izmed znanstvenih metod (zgodovinski, deskriptivni in eksperimentalni), kar pri določenih strokovnih profilih ni mogoče. Zanimivo je, da najbolj enakomerne ocene usposobljenosti posameznih strok dobimo pri ohranjanju estetskega pomena dediščine. Pri slednjem to pomeni, da je njegova ohranitev zelo široko področje, na katerem lahko posamezni strokovni profili dokaj enakovredno sodelujejo.
V vseh štirih kategorijah kulturnega pomena dediščine dosegajo najvišje ocene strokovni profili arhitekta, krajinskega arhitekta, konservatorja, konservatorske-ga uslužbenca in nadzornika. To pomeni, da navedeni strokovni profili lahko dejavno sprejemajo ključne odločitve v zvezi z ohranitvijo vseh štirih kategorij. V prispevku zato predlagamo dvonivojski pristop hierarhije udeleženih strok. V prvem nivoju so vključeni strokovnjaki, ki znotraj posamezne kategorije kulturnega pomena dediščine dosegajo najvišje ocene in imajo pri sprejemanju odločitev prednost pred drugimi strokovnjaki, ki so v procesu ohranjanja kulturne dediščine vključeni v drugi nivo. Kot meja med posameznimi nivoji je bila izbrana normirana ocena, ki je enaka 0.75.
Za doseganje stanja, kot ga predvideva predlagan integralni arhitekturno-tehnični vidik varovanja, ki je bil predstavljen v razdelku 3.2, je treba tudi varnost vključiti v proces ohranjanja kulturnega pomena dediščine. S problematiko varnosti se ukvarjajo številni
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tehnični predpisi, ki v splošnem zagotavljajo ustrezno mehansko odpornost in stabilnost objekta, požarno varnost ter zdravo in varno okolje za uporabnika objekta. V prispevku pripisujemo v kontekstu varnosti pomen mehanski odpornosti objekta proti potresni obremenitvi.
Izmed nabora relevantnih strokovnjakov, ki so navedeni v preglednici 2, lahko v kontekstu ustreznih kompetenc za izpolnjevanje smernic za statično sanacijo izpostavimo naslednje profile:
•	gradbeni inženir (specializiran za potresno in-ženirstvo),
•	izvajalec gradbenih del,
•	strokovnjak za materiale,
•	gradbeni izvedenec.
Osrednja vloga pri pripravi projekta za statično sanacijo, ki je eden izmed sestavnih delov konservator-sko-restavratorskega projekta in s katerim prispevamo k povečanju varnosti objekta, pripada gradbenemu inženirju, po možnosti specializiranemu za potresno in-ženirstvo. Gradbeni inženir in gradbeni izvedenec sta tudi najbolj usposobljena za izpolnitev zahtev ICO-MOS-ove listine za statično sanacijo. Kljub temu pa mora ves čas potekati tudi komunikacija s strokovnjakom za materiale, ki sodeluje pri določitvi mehanskih karakteristik posameznega materiala, in z izvajalcem gradbenih del, ki predlaga ustrezne tehnološke postopke za sanacijo.
Na podlagi hierarhične razdelitve posameznih strok znotraj okvira ohranitve kulturnega pomena dediščine in hkratne integracije povečevanja varnosti je v prispevku predlagana nova metodologija razporeditve posameznih strokovnjakov v procesu interdisciplinarnega načrtovanja sanacije arhitekturne dediščine. Slika prikazuje štiri predlagana delovna telesa, ki se vključujejo v proces priprave konservatorsko-restavra-torskega projekta in projekta statične sanacije. Posamezno delovno telo je osredotočeno na ohranitev enega izmed štirih vidikov kulturnega pomena dediščine. Delitev strokovnjakov v posameznem telesu je dvoni-vojska in izhaja iz ponderiranih ocen usposobljenosti (slika ), pri čemer je bila kot meja med posameznimi nivoji izbrana ocena 0.75. Strokovnjaki, uvrščeni na prvi nivo, bolj vplivajo na končne odločitve (imajo večjo moč glasovanja) kot strokovnjaki z drugega nivoja.
Ponderirane ocene, ki so prikazane na sliki , zajemajo vse relevantne strokovnjake in temeljijo na kon-vencionalnem načinu ohranjanja kulturnega pomena dediščine, pri katerem sta vidik varnosti in kulturni pomen dediščine ločena (slika 9). V integralnem ar-hitekturno-tehničnem vidiku pa želimo tudi varnost vključiti kot integralni del kulturnega pomena dediščine. Na sliki smo zato v predlagani metodologiji strokovne profile, vezane na povečevanje varnosti, umestili v ločeno skupino, katere naloga je povečevanje varnosti objekta (rdeči okvir). Ta skupina je po moči
odločanja enakovredna vsem strokovnjakom s prvega nivoja. Druge strokovnjake pa smo glede na dvoni-vojsko razporeditev razvrstili v skupino za ohranitev posameznega kulturnega pomena dediščine (modri okvir). Tako smo strokovne kompetence strokovnjakov, usmerjenih v povečanje varnosti, izenačili s kompetencami strokovnjakov iz konservatorsko-resta-vratorskih strok. Čeprav sta skupini ločeni, mora med njima potekati nenehno usklajevanje, ki se izraža v sklepanju kompromisnih rešitev za vsako posamezno kategorijo kulturnega pomena dediščine.
Vsi končni ukrepi, ki jih določita posamezni skupini, se vključijo v konservatorsko-restavratorski projekt. Tisti, ki so neposredno vezani na ohranitev posameznega kulturnega pomena dediščine, se v projekt vključujejo neposredno, pri čemer prevzame osrednjo vlogo vodilni arhitekt (odgovorni vodja projekta), ki koordinira in usklajuje delo ter predlagane ukrepe vseh štirih delovnih teles. Tudi ukrepi za povečanje varnosti se posredno vključijo v konservatorsko-restavratorski projekt na podlagi projekta statične sanacije. Pripravi ga skupina, zadolžena za povečanje varnosti objekta, ki deluje znotraj vsakega delovnega telesa. Pri projektu statične sanacije prevzema vlogo koordinatorja gradbeni inženir, ki tudi skrbi, da so ukrepi usklajeni znotraj posameznih delovnih teles. Varnost se tako usklajuje in vključuje v vsako izmed štirih kategorij ter s tem tudi v celoten kulturni pomen dediščine.
DISKUSIJA IN ZAKLJUČEK
Tehnične ukrepe za povečanje varnosti (potresne odpornosti) že zgrajenih objektov podajajo gradbeni predpisi in različne mednarodne tehnične listine. Zaradi unikatnosti objektov arhitekturne dediščine je pogosto težko izpolniti vse zahteve, ki jih navajajo predpisi za statično sanacijo, saj je obvezno treba upoštevati tudi konservatorske kriterije za varstvo arhitekturne dediščine. Uporaba zgolj tehničnih ukrepov lahko vodi k precejšnjemu zmanjšanju kulturnega pomena dediščine, saj sanacijski postopki in ukrepi, ki jih določajo gradbeni predpisi, pogosto zahtevajo spremembo prvotnega konstrukcijskega koncepta in izvirnega materiala. Posegajo torej v materijo prostora kulturne dediščine. Po drugi strani pa s sodobnimi tehnološkimi ukrepi lahko dosežemo precejšnjo stopnjo potresne varnosti in s tem dolgoročno močno vplivamo na ohranitev kulturnega pomena.
V razdelku je bil na podlagi prej omenjene dis-krepance o neskladnosti med zahtevami arhitekturnih in tehničnih smernic predviden koncept integralnega arhi-tekturno-tehničnega vidika varovanja arhitekturne dediščine. Omenjeni koncept temelji na želji po izoblikovanju širše in prilagodljivejše metodologije za reševanje problematike konstrukcijske sanacije in utrditve arhitekturne dediščine, pri čemer je kot izhodišče postavljeno načelo minimalnega poseganja v objekt. V tem vidiku
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Slika 7: Grafični prikaz ponderiranih ocen usposobljenosti posameznega strokovnjaka, normiranih glede na maksimalno oceno iz posamezne kategorije.
Figure 7: Graphical representation of weighted ratings of the qualification of a specific professional. The values on each graph have been normalized by the maximum rating of each category.
varnost ni več podrejena kulturnemu pomenu, temveč je eden izmed njegovih sestavnih delov, s katerim skupaj tvori t. i. integralen arhitekturno-tehnični vidik. V tem kontekstu je teoretično možno polno izraziti vse potenciale kulturnega pomena dediščine in hkrati tudi v celoti izpolniti zahteve glede varnosti objekta (slika ).
Predlagani vidik varovanja je zgolj nova paradigma, s katero je mogoče doseči idealno stanje, v katerem se s konservatorsko-restavratorskimi ukrepi v procesu ohranjanja povrne kulturni pomen do svoje maksimalne izraznosti (potenciala), hkrati pa se s tehničnimi ukrepi doseže tudi zahtevana stopnja varnosti, ki jo določajo predpisi. Pri prenosu tega vidika v prakso se soočimo z dvema izzivoma:
•	z izbiro ustreznega (neinvazivnega) sanacijskega ukrepa, ki bo v čim večji meri izpolnil zahteve po povečanju varnosti in hkrati sledil načelu minimalnega poseganja v objekt, ter
•	z določitvijo ustrezne metodologija dela interdisciplinarne skupine strokovnjakov, ki bo v procesu načrtovanja zaščite arhitekturne dediščine na pod-
lagi konsenza enakovredno zastopala ohranitev vseh štirih vidikov kulturnega pomena dediščine ob dodatni integraciji varnosti v kulturni pomen.
Za izpolnitev druge točke je bila v razdelku predlagana metodologija vključevanja varnosti v kulturni pomen dediščine. Ta temelji na hierarhični razporeditvi udeleženih strokovnjakov v štiri delovna telesa glede na strokovne kompetence, povezane s posameznim vidikom kulturnega pomena dediščine. Hierarhična razporeditev je osnovana na ICOMOS--ovem naboru ustreznih strokovnih profilov in oceni njihovih kompetenc glede na temeljna načela ICO-MOS-ovih smernic iz srečanja v Colombu (ICOMOS, 1993). V prispevku je bil posebej določen tudi vpliv omenjenih smernic na posamezni vidik kulturnega pomena dediščine (zgodovinski, družbeni, estetski in znanstveni). Na podlagi tega vpliva je bila izdelana skupna ponderirana ocena usposobljenosti posameznega strokovnjaka, iz katere tudi izhaja končna hierarhična razporeditev.
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Slika 8: Predlog hierarhije strokovnih profilov za vključitev varnosti v proces varovanja dediščine.
Figure 8: The proposed hierarchy of profiles of experts for the integration of safety into heritage conservation.
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Slika 9: Vpliv invazivnosti utrditvenih ukrepov na varnost in kulturni pomen dediščine. Figure 9: The impact of invasiveness of strengthening techniques on heritage conservation.
Kot je razvidno iz preglednice 1, ni idealnega ukrepa, ki bi bil primeren za objekte arhitekturne dediščine in bi hkrati dosegal visoko stopnjo potresne varnosti, ob nizkih stroških oz. majhni zahtevnosti izvedbe. To pomeni, da bi glede na razpoložljive tehnološke možnosti v praksi morali poseči po kombiniranju ukrepov, zlasti s tistimi, ki so manj invazivni. S stališča potresne varnosti se kot zelo učinkoviti ukrepi izkažejo tudi uporaba
dušilnikov vibracij, prednapetje sten in plošč ter povezovanje zidov. Vendar pa vsi dodatni ukrepi zahtevajo določene trajne in vidne posege v objekt. Zato morajo biti vsi posegi v ravnovesju z oceno varnosti in minimalnim posegom, ki še zagotavlja varnost ter najmanj poškoduje kulturno vrednost objekta, kar je tudi glavna ideja predlaganega arhitekturno-tehničnega vidika varovanja arhitekturne dediščine (gl. razdelek 3).
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Na sliki 9 je glede na ocene, podane v preglednici 1 shematsko prikazana primerjava vpliva invazivnosti ukrepa na varnost (potresno odpornost) in na ohranitev oz. ponovno oživitev kulturnega pomena dediščine. Z invazivni-mi ukrepi sicer močno povečujemo potresno odpornost, vendar po drugi strani taki ukrepi po svoji naravi negativno vplivajo na kulturni pomen dediščine, ga torej zmanjšujejo. Iz preglednice lahko razberemo, da tudi z nekaterimi manj invazivnimi ukrepi lahko v zadostni meri povečamo potresno odpornost objekta arhitekturne dediščine, hkrati pa je njihov vpliv na zmanjšanje kulturnega pomena dediščine bistveno manjši.
Idealen tehnični ukrep za povečanje varnosti bi bila rešitev, pri kateri bi z njeno implementacijo dosegli tako povečanje varnosti kot tudi povečanje kulturnega pomena dediščine. Tako stanje pa je mogoče do-
seči le z ustreznim interdisciplinarnim pristopom, kot ga predvideva predlagani arhitekturno-tehnični vidik varovanja (slika b). Seveda tudi z uporabo invazivnih ukrepov, s katerimi nekoliko zmanjšamo kulturni pomen dediščine, prispevamo k njenemu ohranjanju. Po drugi strani pa ne sme biti dopuščeno, da bi se izvajali takšni tehnični ukrepi, ki ne bi v nobeni meri povečali potresne odpornosti arhitekturne dediščine. V tem smislu je bolje sprejeti kompromis, kot pa nesorazmerno povečati tveganje za porušitev objekta za primer potresne obremenitve. S povečanjem varnosti dediščine se bistveno zmanjša verjetnost njenega popolnega uničenja v primeru rušilnih potresov. Težnja načrtovanja in izvajanja zaščite dediščine pa mora kljub vsemu temeljiti na ohranjanju in rehabilitaciji njene vrednosti in njeni dolgoročni zaščiti.
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PROTECTION OF ARCHITECTURAL HERITAGE BUILDINGS IN SEISMIC PRONE AREAS -
ARCHITECTURAL AND TECHNICAL ASPECTS
Simon PETROVČIČ
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: simon.petrovcic@fa.uni-lj.si
Vojko KILAR
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: vojko.kilar@fa.uni-lj.si
SUMMARY
Natural disasters such as earthquakes can lead to substantial damage to the build environment. The damage caused by earthquakes on historical buildings and historical city centres also diminishes the cultural significance of architectural heritage. When selecting appropriate strengthening measures to improve the seismic safety of these structures it is often difficult to meet all the requirements set out in the building codes and technical guidelines, without excessively interfering with the historical substance of the building. In practice, therefore, there are various compromises that can result in either achieving a lower degree of seismic safety than prescribed by the codes or failing to recover or even destroying individual heritage values due to excessive technical interventions. The purpose of the paper is to present a methodological framework for the planning of architectural heritage protection, based on the possibility to express all the potentials of cultural significance of the heritage examined building and at the same time meet the code-based seismic safety requirements. The proposed concept is based on the notion of creating a wider and more flexible methodology for structural rehabilitation of the architectural heritage. A hierarchical arrangement of the participating experts into four working bodies is presented, according to the professional competences. The presented arrangement is based on relevant professional profiles set out by ICOMOS and on the assessment of their competencies according to the basic principles of the ICOMOS Guidelines from the meeting in Colombia. In the article, the influence of these guidelines on a particular aspect of the cultural significance of the heritage was specifically determined.
Keywords: architectural heritage, seismic resistance, vulnerability assessment, heritage conservation
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original scientific article	DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2018.37
received: 2018-10-02
SPATIAL CHARACTER CONVEYED THROUGH STREET FURNITURE
Matevž JUVANČIČ
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arhitecture, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: matevz.juvancic@fa.uni-lj.si
Špela VEROVŠEK
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arhitecture, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: spela.verovsek@fa.uni-lj.si
ABSTRACT
Spatial character is an intangible, but significant part of our cultural heritage. The amalgamation of objects, buildings and landscapes, their use and reshaping over the centuries, and unique appearance at specific points in time endow places spatial identity and uniqueness. This paper focuses on vernacular, everyday objects and street furniture. They are often overlooked in our urban spaces and rarely considered of relevance in the debate on cultural heritage. Whilst being increasingly generic and globalised in their design, they also express local character and act as carriers of cultural and spatial identity. Seeing a silhouetted group of such elements might achieve instant recognition of the cities they belong to, such as London and Paris, but also for less renowned cities, such as Ljubljana, Granada and Szczecin. This paper seeks to identify everyday street artefacts, explain their role in spatial character building and, through examples, expose three instances of recognisability where such objects can be considered as carriers of spatial identity.
Keywords: spatial character, spatial identity, cultural heritage, street furniture, street objects, sign, icon, signifier,
signified
CARATTERE SPAZIALE TRASMESSO DALL'ARREDO URBANO
SINTESI
Il carattere spaziale e una parte immateriale ma importante del nostro patrimonio culturale. L'amalgama di oggetti, edifici, paesaggi, il loro uso e la loro trasformazione nel corso dei secoli e il loro unico mostrarsi in dati punti nel tempo, creano identita ambientale e unicita dei luoghi. Questo argomento si concentra su edifici a noi familiari e di uso quotidiano e sull'arredo urbano. Questi sono spesso trascurati nelle nostre aree urbane e raramente sembrano considerati importanti nella discussione sul patrimonio culturale. Nonostante come aspetto siano sempre piu generici e globalizzati, esprimono anche un carattere locale e fungono da portatori di identita culturale e territoriale. Uno sguardo su un gruppo di sagome di tali elementi pud stimolare un immediato riconoscimento della citta cui appartengono, ad esempio Londra e Parigi, cos/ come di citta meno note come Lubiana, Granada o Stettino. Questo documento tenta di identificare i manufatti di strada di tutti i giorni, di spiegare il loro ruolo nella costruzione del carattere territoriale e mostrare tre esempi di riconoscibilita in cui tali edifici possono essere visti come portatori di identita territoriale.
Parole chiave: carattere spaziale, identita spaziale, patrimonio culturale, arredamento urbano, edifici, segno,
icona, marcatore, marcato
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Matevz JUVANCIC & Spela VEROVSEK: SPATIAL CHARACTER CONVEYED THROUGH STREET FURNITURE, 611-620
INTRODUCTION
Spatial identity acts as an important constituent of cultural identity in that it provides continuity, sustain-ability, character and inertia to societies and cultural landscapes, and is a fragile and fuzzy part of the broader concept of cultural heritage. The amalgamation of objects, buildings and landscapes, through their use and their reshaping in history, are the ingredients from which unique appearances at specific points in time came to be. Rautenberg (1998) established two categories by which built artefacts can achieve cultural heritage status: 'heritage by designation' and 'heritage by appropriation'. The latter is of particular interest to this paper as we focus on vernacular, everyday objects, such as waste bins, benches, signage, bus stops, and the like, those things usually summed up under the established terms of urban- or-street-furniture. They often go overlooked in our urban spaces and are rarely considered of relevance in the debate on cultural identity, cultural heritage and other elevated notions.
SPATIAL CHARACTER AND URBAN ELEMENTS
The above-mentioned notion of spatial character and its connection to urban street objects needs to be clarified before delving into spatial identity related characteristics of street elements. Spatial character (Juvancic and Verovsek, 2017; Verovsek et al., 2015) is used instead of the more established concept of spatial identity, which itself can be, at times, counterproductive, being closely interwoven with the notion of built cultural heritage, listed and restricted, and suggestive in relation to approaches and attitudes towards it. Tweed and Sutherland (2007) detected a similar issue when trying to define built cultural heritage. We prefer a looser, less rigid and more collective interpretation of identity that accepts a less-purist, more tolerant view of urban elements that are not necessarily listed and protected by law, including elements traditionally omitted from the heritage debate, even though they significantly contribute to specific urban images. Thus, the character of a cultural landscape or built environment, be it spatial or urban, is a much more appropriate and less intimidating term.
The combination of architectural landscape as defined by Fister et al. (1993) and broader cultural and spatial identity definitions is relevant for extracting regional, collective and general, rather than particular, town-specific identifiers, such as individual monuments, significant buildings, and the like.
Visitors and inhabitants alike perceive urban environments experientially, through motion, in sequence, from personal points of view and within limits set by their receptive apparatus (Cullen, 1971). Whilst squares, harbours, monuments, fountains, churches and other specific buildings remain strong carriers
of particular-place identity, anonymous public spaces convey common, wider, less specific, but also, for the purposes of this paper, more relevant, local spatial identities; these are also the places where we find and observe the mundane street objects which also contribute to spatial character.
EVERYDAY STREET OBJECTS:
COMMON VS PARTICULAR
Recurring, common and generic urban elements as repetitive and common bearing points sharing the same meaning across different places and settings bring ever present, constant and reliable points of reference; through them, we gain an incredible amount of information on possible space utilisation and services provided, even local attitudes towards public spaces. The generic, but common design characteristics benefit users in terms of instant function recognition and known-object reassurance in potentially unknown urban environments.
Juvancic and Verovsek (2018) have shown that such objects can be, in combination with other depictions, meaningful carriers of urban messages and 'urban readability'; they can be used in the research and analysis on urban space, and in relation to visual narratives on space issues and use for educational, informative and public participation purposes.
The variety, scarcity, abundance and even surplus of such elements in our urban environments might indicate settlement development level, space centrality, local authority attitude towards open public spaces, and more. With many of them delimiting the space and being placed in public spaces that are used by a variety of users, we should not forget on vulnerable groups such as people with disabilities and elderly (Kerbler, 2015), for whom they sometimes act as obstructions. Although these are all most interesting research topics they are, however, not in this paper's purview.
Whilst the aforementioned objects are becoming increasingly generic and globalised in design, they do, occasionally, express local character and act as carriers of cultural and spatial identity; moreover, they have evolved and represent unlisted, yet quite tangible heritage. Seeing a silhouetted group of such elements might achieve instant recognition of the city they belong to, such as London and Paris of the more recognisable ones, but this also occurs for less renowned cities, such as Ljubljana, Granada and Szczecin, under certain conditions for narrower audiences.
Whilst wider urban and architectural elements represent all that is either part of open space and the built environment, often structurally and functionally inseparable from buildings, such as balconies, windows and chimneys, we focus here on the subgroup of elements added to streetscapes for functional purposes, elements which can be placed, removed and substi-
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tuted without major intervention in terms of the built environment. For practical purposes, we have divided them into groups according to prevalent function: dividers, such as bollards and fences; pointers, such as street signs; informers, such as advertisement panels, billboards, and signboards; commercialist/gourmetist, such as kiosks, tables, vending machines, and coolers; trafficist, such as traffic signs, traffic lights, and street markings; infrastructuralist, such as waste bins, post boxes, and telephone booths; sojournist, such as benches and elements for sitting; culturalist, such as fountains, monuments, temporary stages, and graffiti; recreationalist, such as street chess and exercise equipment; playground equipment; and botanist, such as planting pots, ponds, and lawns. We have invented most of the names to suggest their function. Taxonomy, defining each group, is part of our research in progress; consequently, a full glossary of definitions is not yet available, and that is why we have illustrated each of the groups above with a few examples of representative objects.
SIGNIFIER AND SIGNIFIED
We need to look briefly into the communication process and the exchange of signs to understand which perception changes in relation to mundane, everyday street objects become significant in terms of spatial character, identity, and the like. Communication is one of the fundamental processes that establish, maintain and reaffirm social space and society. For communication to be successful, all parties involved need to understand the messages exchanged. According to Ehala (2017), the main purpose of communication is to convey meaning and that signs are the tools that make this possible. Saussure (1959) introduced the notions of signifier and signified. Ehala (2017) substitutes these with his own notions of signal and meaning, which he deems more evident. Saussure (1959) claims that the association between the signifier and signified is arbitrary but stable. There are three types of sign: icons, indices and symbols. In this paper, we will set aside symbols, the link between signifier and the signified being arbitrary and consensual, e.g. no visual or aural resemblance, and indices, the connection being natural, causal and logical. We will rely on icons instead, the link between the signal and meaning being purposeful, the signifier representing the signified by the virtue of resemblance (Ehala, 2017). This predominantly occurs in the visual domain, although not necessarily: particular sounds can also be characterised as iconic. What we will observe later in terms of iconic street objects is the evolution of the link between the signifier, the visual representation of a street object, and signified, the object itself, into a new link between signifiers and a higher notion of meaning beyond the initially denoted street objects.
Figure 1: The K2 Telephone Box and its subsequent iterations link the signifier and the signified to become a signifier for a whole nation, its identity, culture and way of life (Photo: S. Verovsek).
SIGNIFICANT STREET OBJECTS
Whilst researching the generic nature of everyday street objects, we came across the very particular, which were quite the opposite of anonymous and generic. This intrigued us to the extent that we wanted to divine their genius and how they become the carriers of spatial character and identity.
We found that there are three instances of similar mechanisms in relation to how involving elements become significant identifiers of urban places and their respective localities. Each instance looks into a different aspect of how these objects became significant carriers of spatial identity, how to recognise them and their identifiers, and those who identify with them. Some have even been elevated to cultural heritage status by either being listed as tangible heritage or as parts of industrial design collections in museums; for the purpose of this paper and debate clarity, we call them significant objects, where attachment significance is based on the dictionary definition of something si
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Figure 2: The trash bin in this form is still recognised by some Ljubljana inhabitants as a street object that is representative of the capital (Photo: M. Juvancic).
gnificant being something that is important, noticeable and with special meaning. As aforementioned, our naming alludes to semiotics: the signified and signifier.
The individual representative artefact
One of the most instantaneously recognisable and distinguishing everyday street objects is the red telephone box; this utilitarian object has become a cultural icon for the United Kingdom and London, for everything British. Its design went through numerous iterations from K1 to K6. K2, Gilbert Scott's 1924 design in its easy-to--spot red, set the standards for the recognisable shape and colour associated with the object. Although its functional aspects are losing relevance in our cellular-phone-permeated society and its street numbers declining, it
still maintains its iconic status, and has, in many cases, been elevated to listed cultural heritage status. Be it a silhouette in black and white, or lone photograph, or placed out of its cultural context, it still transmits local character and identity regardless of where it is placed. This utilitarian street object that initially signified, housed and pointed to a specific service available in public spaces transcends its utilitarian function and meaning. The link between signifier and signified changed and it has become a signifier for a whole nation, its identity, culture and way of life.
Why do we detect this phenomenon with this particular phone box and not with the subsequent variations of analogue objects with the same function that have subsequently spread across the world? Part of the answer lies in product design identity references (Warell, 2015) and semiotics (lilsted Hjelm, 2002). Although we will not delve into this topic, we can establish that further to its product identity and meaning, this mundane object as an individual artefact possesses strong spatial identity, even adding to other local identities when introduced. However, placed in or out of its local character, it attracts and subverts attention due to its iconic significance and does not blend into its surroundings.
Similarly recognisable individual mundane objects that have overcome their initial functional and utilitarian aspects are Paris Metro street signs. They are recognisable in various forms and always associated with the city from which they originate. Whilst the phone box is distinguishable in terms of its specific shape and colour, metro sign features vary markedly. It is the combination of style, typography, ornamentation and colour that makes them recognisable, with various combinations and numbers of these features present at any given sign.
The representative artefact need not be universally recognised to possess the spatial character of a locality. Some urban furniture is recognised and attached to places by only a limited circle of users, such as local inhabitants and frequent visitors. One such examples is shown in Figure 2. The link between Ljubljana, Ljubljana's inhabitants and frogs is not entirely clear: it might stem from the abundance of frogs on Barje's marshland on the outskirts of Ljubljana, so numerous, frogs legs became a local speciality, or it may come from the local dialect that substitutes the pronoun 'kaj' with 'kva', that resembles the sound produced by frogs, or a combination of both. It has been historically established and persistently finds its way into popular culture and slang: locals are sometimes derogatively called Zabarji (frog men).
Representative artefacts in series
Individual street objects recognised and associated with particular local, national, and specific spatial identities are rare. Our second group of significant street objec-
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ts consists of artefacts that are not recognised if isolated that convey particular identities and/or spatial characters when arranged in series. Strolling the streets of Barcelona, visitors come across ensembles of fixed chairs placed in such a way that they form a group. The orientation of its elements varies, introducing playfulness into the composition, but also implying deeper social undertones. The chairs with their orientation towards each other and their closeness indicate and facilitate social contact; others facing away indicate seclusion and form semi-private spaces within public domains. Depending on mood, the company one is in and intention, users have a choice. Observing individual chairs from a functional and design point of view, one cannot instantly associate them with any particular locality or discuss iconic features: the chair is similar to others of its kind in the worldwide landscape of urban furniture, even varying in form and design. Arranging three such chairs in a group makes all the difference, and instantly spells 'Barcelona'. Putting them in a row would negate this effect and diminish reference to particular spatial character.
Similarly, once again referring to urban furniture dedicated for sitting, we come across Viennese foldable, green, garden chairs in Volksgarten. They are somewhat distinguished by their form, but, once again, their sequencing and composition, in a row, side by side, are the factors transmitting spatial identity, and identify them with Vienna and its particular locality.
Further examples of such reinforcement by placing similar street element in series are the recognisable wicker chairs and tables of Paris cafes and restaurants. The chairs are distinguished by their form, material, colour and specific use in series of two or more in combination with similarly designed tables. Either facing towards each other across the table or looking in the direction of the street, the chairs reference Paris culture and street life. They convey the bohemian flair that is often evident in other cultural settings whenever this atmosphere and Parisian way of life is desirable or profitable. The chair has achieved iconic status and has been elevated to the status of living movable cultural heritage: its manufacturers have been granted the title of Entreprise du Patrimoine Vivant (Living Heritage Company, or EPV) by the French government.
Representative collection of different artefacts
The third group is arguably the most interesting one as it does not rely on individual iconic and cult street objects, but conveys spatial character in terms of combinations of less recognisable objects that become carriers of spatial identity when grouped together. Looking for universally recognisable street element groupings, we again turn our intention to United Kingdom and London. Presenting three silhouettes of such elements, a phone box, a mailbox and a bench, would trigger instant recognition by a wide range of people. In this parti-
Figure 3: Street objects recognised by repetition and composition: urban furniture for sitting, spelling Vienna and Barcelona (Photo: M. Juvancic, S. Verovsek).
cular case, one could argue, at least two of them belong in our first group of individually representative objects, and that grouping only reinforces their individual significance.
There are also less universally recognised groups of street elements that have become carriers of spatial identity and locality which might only trigger locality or spatial character recognition in specific local, regional and nation-wide user groups. In the case of Ljubljana's street objects, the group consists of objects that were commissioned specifically for the city, other objects that are evident in several towns in Slovenia, and those bought abroad as street furniture products. There is no single object instantly recognisable and attached to Ljubljana amongst them, but gathered in the group, they would be assuredly and positively identified by residents and frequent visitors alike. The group is heterogeneous in terms of object function, design, style, material, colour, age and historical value, but grouped like this, it spells Ljubljana. The reach of this group of objects' spatial identity transmission is, as aforementioned, limited to those that come across and use them in everyday life, that is, inhabitants and frequent visitors.
The mechanism of recognisability, applicable universally, is formed when users are faced with a limited number of object variations, their 'catalogue', and their repetition and consistent appearance in limited areas, e.g. within the boundaries of localities, municipalities, and states.
Such 'catalogues' of urban street furniture are not always presented in the convenient and recognisable fashion depicted in Figure 4. However, many cities possess this kind of collection sourced when the need for new urban street furniture arises. In these days of mass
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Figure 4: Less individually, universally recognisable, but nevertheless a powerful representative collection of Ljubljana's street furniture that varies in shape, colour, style, material, and the like, grouped like this, spells Ljubljana (Illustration: Kozelj et al., 2013).
and culturally-aware tourism, cities and towns recognise that they need to present themselves adequately in this segment, too. By adding functionality to tastefully and strategically designed street furniture, they develop unifying images of cities that reinforces local spatial character whilst, at the same time, adding additional value in terms of image and recognisability. The Spanish city of Granada, with its immense endowment of cultural heritage treasures is no exception. Ignoring heritage, walking its streets, one finds a well-conceived collection of street elements that unobtrusively and uniquely distinguish Granada's street objects, reinforcing and adding to its character. In terms of material and shapes, one can trace Moorish influence, and the reinterpretation and evolution of street objects from ancient times to the present (Figure 5).
Less prominent and, at present, in urban design and street life underdeveloped Polish city of Szczecin possesses, or used to possess until a decade ago, a collection of street furniture strongly connected to its recent, post-WWII history (Figure 6). Similar street objects were met throughout Polish cities during the Socialist period and remain, when in situ, carriers of
unique spatial identity, and they are endangered with the onslaught of modern, generic and bland urban furniture deemed superior to the old, simplistic, quite rudimentary but nonetheless charming, full of character furniture. Be they specific bus stop signs or bus stops ensembles of furniture, particular fences in strong yellows or blues, and kiosks or waste bin baskets throughout the cities, they embellish their respective cities, whether residents and local authorities like them and identify with them or not.
CONCLUSION
Mundane street objects, though often overlooked and cast in a lesser role when compared to other architectural elements, constitute an important part of urban ecosystems and, at times, contribute significantly to the spatial character and identity of places.
This paper identifies these objects, connects them to spatial character, and particularly exposes the aspects which drive some of them away from being universal and generic towards them being identifiable and particular carriers of local spatial identity. Supported
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Figure 5: A collection of street elements and objects in Granada, Spain, which conveys spatial character and, assembled as such, acts as a locality identifier (Photo: M. Juvancic).
Figure 6: A collection of anonymous street artefacts in Szczecin, Poland. Such artefacts can be found in different parts of the country but there are some unique features that make them identifiable and connected to particular localities and their spatial character (Photo: M. Juvancic).
by examples, we have shown three means by which these significant elements acquire recognisable spatial identity as individual objects, as representative series of objects, and as groups of objects. Their reach varies, and is locally, regionally, nationally, internationally, and sometimes universally associated with a particular spatial identity, character and/or locality.
The mechanism by which street objects become carriers of spatial character, local, sometimes even regional and national identity, is similar in all three instances. Based on a social constructivist purview of the world and a structuralist approach to communication and sign theory, street objects as icons, whether in
situ, depicted in photographs, represented in drawings and pictures in different fashions and even described in text, denote more than just their functional aspect and intended use. All of the given examples trace the evolution of the link between the signifier, a street object or its visual representation, and the signified, the functional object itself, into a new connection between the signifier and higher notions of meaning, such as locality, city, nation, country, and the like, beyond the initially denoted street object and its fundamental role and functionality (Figure 7). Whilst such evolution occurred by chance in the past, it is not left so today, as it is, often intended and planned for.
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Figure 7: An example of the evolution of the link between the signifier and the signified: the chairs as functional and iconic Parisian objects, placed in the streets of Aarhus, where their presence goes beyond the functional and intentionally alludes to the bohemian, outdoorsy, Parisian way of life and culture (Illustration: M. Juvancic).
Whilst we have not precisely indicated how and why our findings are useful, we clearly allude to situations where street object recognisability is of advantage; cultural tourism, the reinforcing of local identity and character, the preservation and care of historically and culturally significant street objects come to mind, but raising awareness that street objects are important parts of urban scenery needs to be carefully considered, the objects intentional and always seen not just in terms of function, but also from the standpoint of spatial identity, are, nonetheless, the key implications of this paper.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The paper has been revised, reworked and expanded in terms of content and appearance from the article published and presented at "HERITAGE 2018 - Proceedings of the 6th International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Conference". The research discussed in the paper being partially supported by the Slovenian Research Agency within the framework of P5-0068 Sustainable Planning for Quality Living Space.
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PROSTORSKI ZNAČAJ SKOZI URBANO OPREMO
Matevž JUVANČIČ
Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: matevz.juvancic@fa.uni-lj.si
Špela VEROVŠEK
Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: spela.verovsek@fa.uni-lj.si
POVZETEK
Prostorski značaj je neotipljiv, a pomemben del naše kulturne dediščine in urbanih ,ekosistemov'. Kolaž objektov, stavb, krajin, njihova uporaba in preoblikovanje skozi stoletja ter edinstvena pojavnost v določenih časovnih trenutkih dajejo prostorom prostorsko identiteto in edinstvenost. Ta prispevek se osredotoča na vseprisotne, vsakdanje objekte in ulično pohištvo. Ti so v naših urbanih prostorih pogosto spregledani, v diskusiji o kulturni dediščini pa se le redko zdijo pomembni. Kljub temu, da so si po obliki in funkciji vedno bolj podobni in globalizirani, lahko v določenih primerih izražajo tudi lokalni značaj in služijo kot nosilci kulturne in prostorske identitete. Že nabor silhuet takšnih elementov lahko vzbudi takojšnjo prepoznavo mesta, v katerega sodijo, na primer Londona in Pariza, pa tudi manj znanih mest, kot so na primer Ljubljana, Granada ali Szczecin. V članku identificiramo vsakdanje ulične artefakte, pojasnimo njihovo vlogo pri soustvarjanju prostorskega značaja in prikažemo tri načine prepoznavnosti, kjer je takšne objekte mogoče prepoznati za nosilce prostorske identitete.
Preko nanizanih primerov lahko sledimo trem mehanizmom prepoznavnosti, ki običajne in generične ulične objekte povzdignejo med objekte, ki poleg svoje funkcionalnosti, pomembno doprinašajo k prostorskemu značaju. Med njimi ločimo med posameznimi predmeti kot univerzalnimi ikonografskimi nosilci, kjer se je zgodil preskok med zaznamujočim in zaznamovanim na način, da je zaznamovano zraslo na pomenski hierarhiji v širše razsežnosti, preko funkcionalnih meja zaznamujočega (npr. zaznamuje mesto, državo, način življenja). Na podoben način prihaja do preskokov tudi pri skupini predmetov, ki prepoznavnost dosežejo s ponavljanjem istega predmeta ter skupini predmetov, ki prepoznavnost dosežejo z raznovrstnim, a edinstvenim naborom. Doseg prostorske prepoznavnosti znotraj predstavljenih primerov pričakovano variira od prepoznave s strani lokalnih prebivalcev, do večjih in celo globalnih razsežnosti prepoznav.
Ključne besede: prostorski značaj, prostorska identiteta, kulturna dediščina, urbana oprema, ulično pohištvo,
znak, ikona, zaznamujoče, zaznamovano
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SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cullen, G. (1971): Concise Townscape. New York, Routledge.
De Saussure, F. (1959): Course in General Linguistics. New York, Philosophical Library.
Ehala, M. (2017): Signs of Identity: The Anatomy of Belonging. New York, Routledge.
Fister P., Boh-Pečnik N., Debevec, L. et al. (1993): Architectural Landscapes and Regions of Slovenia (Prostor, Arhitekturna identiteta, Poselitev, 2). Ljubljana, Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor Republike Slovenije, Zavod Republike Slovenije za prostorsko planiranje.
Iilsted Hjelm, S. (2002): Semiotics in Product Design. Stockholm, CID.
Juvančič, M. & Š. Verovšek (2017): Spatial Identity (Re)constructed from Web-sourced Imagery: Comparing Expert Opinion with Quantitative Query. Journal of Cultural Heritage Management and Sustainable Development, 7, 2, 193-207.
Juvančič, M. & Š. Verovšek (2018): Narrating and Explaining Urban Stories through Inherited Visual Urban Vocabulary. Visual Communication, 7, 1, 47-69.
Kerbler, B. (2015): Population ageing and urban space. Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia, 25, 1, 33-48.
Koželj J., Bohm, R. V. & A. K. Mrak (2013): Katalog cestne opreme in uličnega pohistva za urejanje javnega prostora MOL. Ljubljana, MOL.
Rautenberg, M. (1998): L'emergence patrimoniale de l'ethnologie entrememoire et politiques publiques. In Poulot, D (Ed.): Patrimoine et modernite. Paris, L'Har-matan, 279-291.
Tweed, C. & M. Sutherland (2007): Built cultural heritage and sustainable urban development. Landscape and Urban Planning, 83, 1, 62-69.
Verovšek, Š., Juvančič, M. & T. Zupančič (2015): Pristopi k preučevanju in reprezentaciji kvalitet urbanih prostorov. Annales. Series Historia et Sociologia, 25, 1, 115-128.
Warell, A. (2015): Identity References in Product Design: An Approach for Inter-relating Visual Product Experience and Brand Value Representation. Procedia Manufacturing, 3, 1, 2118-2125.
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original scientific article	DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2018.38
received: 2018-10-02
ROLE OF DECISION MODELS IN THE EVALUATION OF SPATIAL DESIGN SOLUTIONS
Tomaž BERČIČ
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: tomaz.bercic@fa.uni-lj.si
Marko BOHANEC
Jožef Stefan Institute, Department of Knowledge Technologies, Jamova 39, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia
e-mail: marko.bohanec@ijs.si
Lucija AŽMAN MOMIRSKI
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: lucija.azman@fa.uni-lj.si
ABSTRACT
Decision making in architectural and urbanistic spatial design is a process, where the set of solutions to the spatial problem, which matches the objectives and the requests best, is selected. The research goals are to present the possibility of using multiple-criteria models of evaluation in selection of spatial solutions, to implement (realise) the model in Rhino 3D environment, to test the model on the example of an actual architectural competition and to test and compare three methods of multiple-criteria evaluation for suggested spatial solutions. To check the hypothesis and the research questions, documentation from a closed, public, project, open, anonymous, single-stage architectural competition was selected. The selected solutions were evaluated by three methods. For all the selected multiple-criteria methods we can establish that they are highly subjective, not too accurate and as such inappropriate for the evaluation of solutions to the spatial problem. According to certain criteria, the PMI ("plus/ minus/implications") method of multiple-criteria decision making has proven to be the best or the most useful method among the analysed ones.
Keywords: decision-making in architecture, architectural competitions, decision-making systems, multiple-criteria
decision-making modelling
IL RUOLO DI MODELLI DECISIONALI NELLA VALUTAZIONE DI SOLUZIONI DI PROGETTAZIONE DELLO SPAZIO
SINTESI
Il processo decisionale nella progettazione architettonica e urbanística dello spazio è un processo alla fine del quale viene scelta la soluzione che meglio soddisfa gli obiettivi e requisiti stabiliti. Gli scopi della presente ricerca sono: presentazione della possibilità di utilizzo di modelli di valutazione multicriterio nella scelta tra soluzioni spazi-ali; implementazione (realizzazione) del modello nel programma Rhino 3D; verifica del modello sull'esempio di un concorso di architettura reale; sperimentazione e confronto di tre metodi di valutazione multicriterio sulle soluzioni spaziali proposte. Per verificare l'ipotesi e gli interrogativi di ricerca è stato scelto il materiale di un concorso pubbli-co di architettura di realizzazione, aperto, monofase, anonimo e già terminato. Le soluzioni selezionate sono state valutate mediante i tre metodi. Possiamo costatare che tutti e tre i metodi multicriterio selezionati sono fortemente soggettivi, troppo imprecisi e, in quanto tali, inadatti alla valutazione delle soluzioni del problema spaziale. Tuttavia, limitatamente ad alcuni determinati parametri, il metodo del processo decisionale multicriterio PMI («plus/minus/ implications») risulta il migliore, ossia il più utile.
Parole chiave: processo decisionale in architettura, concorsi di architettura, sistemi di assistenza nella decisione,
modelli decisionali multicriterio
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Tomaž BERČIČ et al.: ROLE OF DECISION MODELS IN THE EVALUATION OF SPATIAL DESIGN SOLUTIONS, 621-636
INTRODUCTION
Decision making in architectural and urbanistic spatial design is a process, where the set of solutions to the spatial problem, which matches the objectives and the requests best, is selected (Cok, 2014). This process of spatial planning is based on creating a multitude of solutions, which are arranged in the process, analysed and finally selected, rejected or evaluated in relation to other solutions. In order to obtain the best architectural and urbanistic designs, the standard procedure is to organise a competition, which is usually done by the Chamber of Architecture and Spatial Planning of Slovenia (ZAPS) in Slovenia, however, private investors can also publish calls for internal competitions. The selection of the best solutions is based on the consensus of the jury. Quality work of the latter depends on co-operation of architects, urbanists, professionals from various fields, investors and other participants. It is important to take into consideration interdisciplinary knowledge in order to obtain a comprehensive assessment and to evaluate architectural and urbanistic solutions. At the same time, design criteria are becoming increasingly more demanding, while the legal limits are becoming increasingly more extensive. With that, the multitude of data, which the members of the jury must excel in during the process of selection, is increasing. Therefore, architects and urban-ists need new tools, the so-called architectural devices" (Negroponte, 1970), which enable effective and computerised analyses of spatial solutions based on various criteria and measures.
Procedure of evaluating spatial solutions:
architectural and urbanistic competitions
Architectural and urbanistic competition is a selection procedure of a comprehensive solution, which presents the best solution to the set problem. The selection of solutions is prepared by the jury, which consists of members of a professional association (chamber), investor, civil society, etc. The selection is based on previously defined criteria of the competition. Various professionals have their own opinions about the competition and competitions are carried out in different manner in different countries. The modern architectural competition in Europe reaches 150 years into the past with its rules and tradition (Ronn et al., 2013). The competition can be seen as an institution, which follows a system of rules and enables and keeps the social order (Anders-son et al., 2016). Some professionals are convinced that members of juries are facing competitions with regular methods and limitations of the vision, which originates from their rigid assessment period (Cucuzzella, 2016).
In the key phase of the evaluation by the jury, the process of estimation and decision making, is usually redirected. Pre-determined competition criteria are rearranged at this step according to the newly determined
and interpreted criteria of members of the selection board. In an extreme case, a new group of criteria is formed. Usually, the competitors are not familiar with this process, however, this process is the reason for many polemics and issues, connected to the process of decision-making in architectural competitions (Al-Qaysi, et. al. 2016). Within the profession, there are different explanations of BIM (Building Information Modelling) models (in similar parametric tools) in architectural competitions. This is the precise reason why BIM models and other tools are still not generally established in the creation of competition solutions and are part of negotiation (S0rensen et. al, 2015). However, it is precisely these models and tools that enable analysis of spatial solutions also on the basis of newly determined common criteria, which have not been defined already by the invitation to the competition.
Selection of the best solutions of architectural and urbanistic competitions consists of two essential steps. The first one is the selection of criteria, which will be later on used to decide about the selection, and the second one is the consistency of the procedure of choosing the best solution, which is carried out on the basis of previously selected criteria.
Decision support systems
Decision support systems are part of informatisation of the decision-making process. They are computer programmes, which are intended for the improvement of the success of professionals, professional and scientific organisations by using information technology. Users of decision support systems are professionals: managers, analysts and all those who are required to handle any form of data at their work (Sharda et al., 2014). Decision support systems can be divided into areas, which they cover, and based on that what they deal with: data, models, processes or communications (Power, 2013).
The moment of decision is key in decision making. Most often, we decide between versions which are similar to each other in terms of characteristics. At the beginning of the process of decision making, goals are set, which we want to achieve by making the correct choice: we therefore select the version, which comes closest to the fulfilment of goals. Usually we do not want to achieve just one goal, but several goals at the same time, therefore this procedure is also known as multiple goal decision making.
In evaluation of different solutions to the spatial problem, there is generally not just one characteristic because of which an individual solution would be more suitable or better than another. The choice is usually based on combination of the best elements of the spatial solution. Poor characteristics of the solution are also important and need to be considered too before the final decision. In decision models (Bohanec, 2012) the characteristics of solutions are described by parameters
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or criteria; therefore, we talk about multiple-parameter or multiple-criteria decision making. It is characteristic of this approach that we are simultaneously evaluating several characteristics of spatial solutions. Individual spatial solutions can then be evaluated in such manner that evaluations based on individual characteristics are combined into the final evaluation. This evaluation can be taken as the basis for classification of solutions from the best to the worst.
There are several methods of multiple-criteria decision making, and in practice they are used for various purposes (Greco et al., 2015). Some of them are simpler and suitable for a small number of criteria, others are more complex and suitable for selection of decision making problems with a larger number of solutions and criteria. For example, we know the method of analysing advantages and disadvantages, the PMI method, the Abacon method, the Kepner - Trengue method, which connects simple and complex multiple-parameter methods, the MAUT method (Multi Attribute Utility Theory) and others.
Determination of criteria for evaluation of spatial solutions
Evaluation systems, which are created in the same social space with the same cultural values, differ from each other (Musek, 1993). Some methods are of general importance. In addition to values of individuals (education, professional and life experience, age, etc.)
Use of multiple-criteria model for evaluation of the best spatial solutions
The goal of the research is to present the possibility of using multiple-criteria models of evaluation in selection of spatial solutions, to implement (realise) the model in Rhino 3D environment, to test the model on the example of selected solutions of an actual architectural competition and to test and compare three
a lot of other factors have influence on evaluation, such as social system, cultural awareness, economic development, etc.
In evaluation of planned interventions into space, we always face questions about objective and subjective criteria (Table 1). The goal is to choose such that have a decisive influence on the solution of the set problem. All of the determined criteria are not equal, some of them are more important than others. By taking various criteria into consideration it is possible to evaluate individual solutions to the spatial problem and arrange (rank) them from the best to the worst.
The criteria in architectural and urbanistic competitions are divided into quantitative and qualitative (Table 1). The first cover those areas which can be measured and calculated, while others refer to those areas, where informed assessment is necessary in order to obtain an evaluation (Strong, 2013). In interviews about architectural competitions, experienced members of juries have emphasised that technical and aesthetic measures are important to assess the spatial solutions, however quality comprehensive spatial solution is worth a lot more than a sum of its individual parts (Svensson, 2013; Vero-vsek & Cavic, 2017).
Criteria are determined based on architectural and urbanistic professional starting points, and usually also because of priority objectives of clients. In documentation for the call to the competition, value points have been attributed to the criteria. They facilitate evaluation, carried out by the members of the jury.
methods of multiple-criteria evaluation for suggested spatial solutions.
We assume that some of the multiple-criteria models can be included in the process of evaluation of spatial solutions. Here we expect to be able to answer additional research questions, such as:
•	Does the use of decision making systems change or confirm the decision, which was the
•	consequence of another procedure?
Table 1: Some quantitative and qualitative criteria which have influence on evaluation of architecture and urba-nism (Dimitrovska, Andrews, 2011).
QUANTITATIVE CRITERIA		QUALITATIVE CRITERIA	
ARCHITECTURE	URBANISM	ARCHITECTURE	URBANISM
location	floor area ratio (FAR)	architectural design	accessibility
surface area	site coverage ratio	floor plan	adaptability
sunlight and illumination	plot volume space index	cross-section	the importance of the room
façade openings	density	façade	
economic efficiency	planned use	details	
	sunlight and illumination	material	
	economic efficiency	sustainability	
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•	Which decision making model from the chosen three is the most suitable for evaluating
•	architectural and urbanistic solutions?
•	To what extent is it possible to translate the decision making model to the visual
•	programming environment (VPE) Rhino 3D?
MATERIALS AND METHODS
To check the hypothesis and the research questions, documentation from a closed, public, project, open, anonymous, single-stage architectural competition was selected. The architectural competition was organised by ZAPS for an apartment building with external arrangement on location Polje III in Ljubljana. The subject of the invitation to the competition was arrangement of a neighbourhood of non-profit rental apartments while arranging a certain number of covered and external parking lots, on a plot sized 9167 m2. The area within the regulation line (surface of the plots of land for construction) is 8487.50 m2 big.
The competition for Polje III, Ljubljana 6 (ZAPS, 2018), has the following starting points for design listed in the documentation of the call for competition:
•	The solutions must take the prescribed site coverage ratio (SCR) into consideration, which is at 30 % (for the area within the regulation line). SCR is the ratio between the ground plan projection of the most exposed parts of the building on the terrain and the surface of lots, intended for construction. Balconies and overhangs are not taken into consideration in the ground plan projection of external dimensions of the most exposed parts of the building on the terrain. On the other hand, surfaces of floor plan projections of the biggest external dimensions of all simple and undemanding buildings on the terrain are taken into consideration, as well as the surface of the driveway into and out of the basement.
•	The assembly of building masses, the height gauges and open space arrangements must be adapted and harmonised with the surrounding buildings and regulations.
•	The solutions must comply with the fact that there is an intention to construct an apartment, which is entirely intended for rent to the rightful claimants in the following shares:
-	2/3 of apartments should be unprofitable;
-	1/3 of apartments should be residential units;
-	an underground garage is planned, intended for parking personal vehicles for the housing programme of the building complex.
•	The solutions must provide the following number of parking lots (PM):
-	2 parking lots for apartments, which includes a parking lot for visitors (i.e. 1 parking lot in the garage + 1 parking lot at the level);
- 1 parking lot per 3 residential units + 10% for visitors (out of which 1 parking lot per 3 residential units is guaranteed in the garage, while the remaining 10% are at a level).
To check the hypothesis and research questions, the material about those solutions, which received the first three awards, was chosen. 3D-images of individual solutions were prepared on the basis of competition reports in PDF (ZAPS, 2018) and transferred to the virtual spatial environment in Rhino 3D programme (Rhino3d.com, 2018) (Figure 1). The presentation panels of competition solutions are of high enough quality for reproduction. If BIM or digital models of some other type would be available, the entire procedure could be faster and more reliable.
Data about chosen spatial solutions were transferred into virtual 3D environment of the Rhino 3D programme, in which it is possible to start the VPE plugin Grasshopper (GH). With individual components of VPE the Rhino3D/ Grasshopper (RG) definition to check spatial solutions was determined. It consists of several smaller parts - modules, which represent the chosen criteria. Individual models are made of even more basic components. The set of individual models of RG definition therefore gives measured results (Table 2) for each and every solution.
For the analysis of the definition of the algorithm for evaluation of 3D-models of competition solutions, the selection and the adaptation of evaluation criteria, which were stated in the competition conditions, were prepared. The evaluation criteria were selected according to the usefulness of criteria in the work method. Evaluation criteria of the competition were divided into three categories. The first two criteria categories (Functional criteria and Programme criteria and economic justification) can be measured. For the values of qualitative category Design criteria, we assume that they can be rated subjectively according to the rating scale from 0 to 3.
Quantitative criteria, which were selected for evaluation, are the following:
1.	Functional criteria:
•	floor area ratio (FAR);
•	gross surface/plot;
•	site coverage ratio 30%;
•	plot volume space index (volume depending on the lot);
•	density.
2.	Programme criteria and economic justification:
•	number of residential units;
•	price (in EUR);
•	relationship between the price of the investment and the number of residential units* (in EUR/per unit);
•	garage price** (in EUR);
•	price of external arrangement** (in EUR);
•	price of apartments** (in EUR);
•	number of parking lots;
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Figure 1: The first three competition solutions for apartment buildings with external arrangement of the Polje III location in Ljubljana: preparation of a 3D-model in the Rhino 3D environment for urban simulation, where the first, the second and the third solution follow one another from left to right; floor plan of all three solutions in the row above; spatial view of all three solutions in the row below.
•	relationship between the number of parking lots and the residential units* (parking lots/unit);
•	number of covered PM**;
•	number of open PM**;
•	number of buildings**.
Qualitative criteria which were selected for the evaluation, are the following:
1. Design criteria:
•	design of external surfaces;
•	design of external residential surfaces;
•	floor plan diversity;
•	façade design;
•	compliance with the surroundings*;
•	long views;
•	accessibility/transition.
(* - is not taken into consideration in all models, ** is not taken into consideration in any decision-making models)
Calculation of the Value of Quantitative Criteria with RG modules
In the Rhino 3D with GH environment individual criteria from components were defined in such manner that RG definitions are measuring the desired or requested target values, based on the criteria, translated into modules.
Floor area ratio (Figure 3) is one of the conventional ratios - modules in checking the spatial solutions and is de-
fined as the ratio between the entire useful surface of the building (gross floor surface) and the surface of the plot.
The procedure of the definition of the module in the Rhino 3D/GH environment (Figure 3): Silhouettes of buildings were changed into surfaces. The building surface was moved along the axis z for the height of the storey and was multiplied by the number of floors. The sum of surfaces was divided by the surface area of the building land.
Site coverage ratio (Figure 4) expresses the ratio between the covered surface of the structure (building plot) and the surface of the plot.
The procedure of the definition of the module in the Rhino 3D/GH environment: Using an algorithm, the surface of the building plot was calculated, which was divided by the surface of the building land (figure 4).
Surface area to volume ratio (of the building mass) (Figure 5) expresses the ratio between the volume of the building mass and the surface of the plot (building plot).
The procedure of the definition of the module in the Rhino 3D/GH environment: The sum of the building volumes, which was prepared in the initial phase, was divided by the surface of the building land (Figure 5).
Definition for the calculation of density (Figure 6) is usually expressed by the number of persons per hectare or number of residential units per hectare, which is the most efficient in the project phase (Dimitrovska Andrews, 2011).
The procedure of the definition of the module in the Rhino 3D/GH environment: In the initial phase, a layer was prepared, which is part of urban simulation and re-
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Figure 2: Legend of Components in Grasshopper Modules Definitions.
Figure 3: Definition of the floor area ratio model (FI) in Grasshopper.
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Figure 4: Definition of the site coverage ratio module in Grasshopper.
Figure 5: Definition of the surface area to volume ratio module in Grasshopper.
Figure 6: Definition of the density module in Grasshopper.
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Figure 7: Definition of the module for counting individual elements of urban simulation, such as residential units, parking lots, rooms, etc. in Grasshopper.
Figure 8: Definition of the module of common evaluation of the investment, based on assumptions of the evaluation for the performance of construction works in relation to the square metre of individual parts of the investment, in Grasshopper.
presents the number of residential units. The latter were counted and divided by the surface of the building plot. In the following step, the value obtained was converted into residential units per hectare (Figure 6).
To calculate programme criteria and economic justification various parts of the 3D-model had to be counted first, such as parking lots and residential units. The 3D-model must be prepared in advance in such manner that objects, which are counted, are present in the 3D-model.
The procedure of the definition of the module in the Rhino 3D/GH environment: The module, which counts the number of residential units, external parking lots and the number of parking lots in the garage (Figure 7).
For various investment calculations the counted objects were used and by using calculation operations they were combined into the investment evaluation in EUR, the ratio between the investment evaluation and
the number of residential units (EUR per unit), investment evaluation for garages (EUR), evaluation of the exterior arrangement (EUR), evaluation of the investment into the apartments or residential units (in EUR), the number of parking lots, the ratio between the number of parking lots and residential units (parking lots/unit) (Figure 8).
Qualitative results of criteria used in the multiple-criteria methods
Evaluation of individual qualitative measures and criteria is based on interviewing three independent experts in architecture. An individual evaluation of each solution for an individual criteria was evaluated according to the scale from 0 to 3. With average rate of each evaluation of every criterion we get an individual qualitative evaluation which we use in the decision making model.
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Figure 9: Definition (consisting of modules) of the 3D-model analysis based on functional and programme criteria and economic justification for one of the solutions in Grasshopper.
Combination of modules
By combining individual modules (Figure 9), selected quantitative functional criteria, programme criteria and economic justification (Table 2) were calculated.
Qualitative criteria were added to quantitative criteria (measured with RG) (Table 3).
Selection of multiple-criteria methods for the evaluation of spatial solutions
For the research, we have selected three rather simple multiple-criteria methods (Bohanec, 2012):
•	The analysis of advantages and disadvantages,
which enables findings about the greatest advantages and the disadvantages for each and every solution compared to other versions.
•	PMI method (»plus/minus/implications«), which is the upgraded method of the analysis of advantages and disadvantages. Assessment with positive and negative points is added to the advantages and characteristics of the solution.
• Abacon method, with which we determined the criteria, which influence the selection of the best solution. The criteria are arranged from the most to the least significant and prepared in such manner that the most important criteria are listed on the top of the table.
To select the best multiple-criteria decision making method the decision, in this case spatial problem needs to be identified first. To determine the best solution to the spatial problem, the following needs to be evaluated in relation to one another. The decision problem is therefore broken down in such way that objective and subjective criteria for its evaluation can be determined. The results of the criteria for individual solutions to the spatial problem are additionally evaluated with the selected multiple-criteria method. Each evaluation method ranks spatial solutions differently according to its characteristics and procedures. In accordance with the selected criteria for the evaluation of the methods of evaluation (Table 7), we will choose the most suitable method of multiple-criteria decision making for the selection of the best solution to the spatial problem. The
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Table 2: Overview of the results by considering the evaluation criteria of the competition jury (* - is not taken into consideration in all models, ** - is not taken into consideration in any decision-making model).
	SOLUTION 1	SOLUTION 2	SOLUTION 3
FUNCTIONAL CRITERIA			
Floor area ratio (FAR)	floor area ratio	architectural	accessibility
Gross surface/plot	(FAR)	design	
Site coverage ratio (max 0.3)	site coverage ratio	floor plan	adaptability
Plot volume space index (volume depending on the lot)	plot volume space index	cross-section	the importance of the room
Density	density	façade	
PROGRAMME CRITERIA AND ECONOMIC JUSTIFICATION			
Number of residential units	98	119	138
Price (in EUR);	15,448,253	14,590,2 72	16,230,830
Relationship between the price of the investment and the number of residential units* (in EUR/per unit)	157,635	122,607	117,614
Garage price** (in EUR)	3,853,928	3,779,410	3,921,885
Price of external arrangement** (in EUR)	1,963,366	2,026,890	1,905,424
Price of apartments** (in EUR)	9,603,959	8,783,972	10,403,521
Number of parking lots	212	206	194
Relationship between the number of parking lots and the residential units* (parking lots/unit)	2.16	1.73	1.4
Number of covered**	114	107	113
Number of open**	98	99	81
Number of buildings**	6	7	6
selected method of evaluation, along with determined objective and subjective criteria, ranks the solutions in question.
RESULTS
Comparison of evaluation of results of various decision making models Analysis of Advantages and Disadvantages
For all three selected competition solutions their greatest advantages and disadvantages (PS) were discovered. The methodology of the decision making model is based on the procedure that quantitative results from Table 2 and qualitative results from Table 3 are converted into uniform descriptive assessments in accordance with the selected criteria. Individual ratings are divided into three categories (Table 4): ADVANTAGES, where individual criteria are usually positive, DISADVANTAGES, where individual criteria are usually negative and NEUTRAL, where results from Table 2 and Table 3 are usually neither positive nor negative. If we only consider the largest number of positive ratings in evaluation of solutions, the best solution is solution number 1 and the worst one is solution number 3.
PMI Method ("plus/minus/implications") is the upgraded advantages and disadvantages method. This time, advantages and disadvantages are evaluated with positive and negative points between -5 and 5 (Table 5). The method enables evaluation of not only the extreme (very good or very bad) characteristics, but also medium characteristics. The question which arises while using this method is the manner of weighting individual criteria, which are equal or independent from each other. This is at the same time the greatest weakness of the PMI method. The results of the method show that solutions 1 and 2 are equal, while solution 3 is substantially worse than the other two.
For the Abacon method those parameters were selected that influence the decision about good or bad solution, so it is important that the calculation includes all the important parameters. In decision-making all parameters are equally important or the importance changes according to the relationships between them (Table 6). The weaknesses of the method are the arbitrary division of parameters from the most important to the least important and the complexity of the graphical result. The only advantage of this method is the simplification of weighting. For every solution we obtain a visual profile,
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Table 3: Overview of the results by considering the evaluation criteria of the competition jury.
DESIGN CRITERIA (0-3)	R1	R2	R3
Design of external surfaces	3	1	2
Design of external residential surfaces	3	2	1
Floor plan diversity	3	2	1
Façade	3	2	1
Compliance with the surroundings	2	2	2
Long views, cityscapes	2	3	1
Accessibility/transition	3	2	3
Figure 10: The course of the task model.
which can be compared between individual solutions: the greater the surface on the left side of the profile, the better solution.
DISCUSSION
The results of the multiple-criteria model of advantages and disadvantages confirm the results of the selection of the competition jury, however this multiple-criteria model is the most unsuitable model for selection of spatial solutions due to its subjective approach. Already with the PMI method, two solutions reach the best result. However, it is impossible to choose the best solution with the Abacon method: we can only see that the solution which received the first award, prevails in terms of quality of design solutions, and the other two solutions in terms of quality functional solutions and the economic justification rating.
We did not get an adequate answer to the question, which decision making model from the chosen three is
the most suitable for evaluating architectural and urba-nistic solutions. The advantages and disadvantages method is one of the simplest methods. For each criterion the greatest advantages and weaknesses of the solution to the decision problem are defined. The findings have been arranged in the table and the best solution is the one that gets the largest number of advantages. Significant weakness of this method is that it does not allow adding numerical rating to the descriptive ratings of solutions. We also cannot define the relationship between data using this method. All results are equal. The question is, how to treat the mean values, where the solution is neither bad nor good. From the methodological perspective, the method is very subjective and non-systematic (Bohanec, 2012). The method is useful as the basis for understanding the problem, for the collection of criteria and is the basis to continue evaluation with more complex methods.
PMI method is the upgraded method of the analysis of advantages and disadvantages. Using the PMI method we can evaluate characteristics, which are neither bad nor
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Table 4: Results of the analysis of solutions according to the advantages and disadvantages method: the largest number of advantages equals the best result.
SOLUTION 1	SOLUTION 2	SOLUTION 3
ADVANTAGES		
floor plan diversity	orderliness of external residential surfaces	suitable floor area ratio
quality designed façade	low price of apartments	suitable site coverage ratio
suitable number of parking lots	the lowest investment	the lowest price of apartments
good accessibility and transition	maintaining cityscapes, long views	
orderliness of external residential surfaces		
design of external surfaces		
DISADVANTAGES		
unsuitable density	unsuitable floor area ratio	unsuitable site coverage ratio
unsuitable site coverage ratio	unsuitable site coverage ratio	unsuitable building density
unsuitable number of residential units	unsuitable building density	large number of residential units
high price of apartments	unsuitable number of parking lots	the most expensive investment
	unsuitable design of external surfaces	unsuitable number of parking lots
	too small floor plan diversity	unsuitable design of external surfaces
		too small floor plan diversity
		poorly designed façade
		unsuitable emphasis of long views
NEUTRAL		
satisfactory floor area ratio	satisfactory coverage of the lot	satisfactory design of external surfaces
satisfactory site coverage ratio	satisfactory number of residential units	satisfactory accessibility and transition of the settlement
satisfactory price of investment	satisfactory design of façade	
satisfactory maintenance of cityscapes, long views	satisfactory accessibility and transition of the settlement	
good, and that way somehow lose the categories of bad and good. Here, weighting individual criteria, which are equal and independent from each other is problematic. Despite the possibility of weighting individual criteria, which are used to evaluate solutions, and the possibility to numerically evaluate the best or the worst solution, a very small difference in ratings can cause changes to the order. It is the problem of value relation between the criteria. The method is still very subjective and inaccurate, however it provides good guidance for the development
of more complex models of multiple-criteria decision making.
The weakness of the Abacon method is the condition that no crucial criterion is overlooked. The weaknesses of the method are present particularly in the methodology of division into the most and the least important, which can be very hard to determine, since parameters (criteria) are not equal to each other. The graphic result "solution profile" is visually very interesting, however it is hard to
imagine when results of different solutions are compared. In practice, this method is not used for evaluation and ranking of solutions, but for the comparison between them. We cannot calculate anything from the profiles, we can only notice emphasised trends.
Table 7 shows that considering the set criteria, the PMI method is the best or the most useful multiple-criteria decision making method.
It has been proven that it is possible to translate individual modules to VPE, which can calculate individual quantitative criteria (Table 2). Transfer of decision models under consideration to VPE due to the distinct qualitative nature of results is not practical and will be the subject of the next research.
CONCLUSION
All methods included in the research can be marked as inadequate for the purpose of evaluation of spatial so-
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Table 5: The results of the analysis of solutions according to the PMI method with added assessments in the range from - 5 (very bad) to 5 (very good).
SOLUTION 1		SOLUTION 2		SOLUTION 3	
ADVANTAGES					
satisfactory floor area ratio (FAR)	2	the lowest investment	5	suitable floor area ratio (FAR)	5
satisfactory site coverage ratio	2	satisfactory number of residential units	3	suitable site coverage ratio	5
suitable number of parking lots	4	satisfactory filled plot	2	satisfactory design of external surfaces	3
suitable external residential surfaces	3	suitable external residential surfaces	3		
suitable design of external surfaces	3	satisfactory design of the façade	2		
floor plan diversity	4	suitable emphasis of long views	5		
suitable design of façade	3				
suitable emphasis on long views	3				
DISADVANTAGES					
unsuitable density	0	unsuitable floor area ratio (FAR)	-1	unsuitable building density	-2
unsuitably filled plot	-3	unsuitable site coverage ratio	0	unsuitable number of residential units	0
low number of residential units	-4	unsuitable building density	-3	unsuitably filled plot	-3
satisfactory price of investment	0	unsuitable number of parking lots	-3	unsuitable number of parking lots	-5
		unsuitable external surfaces	-3	the most expensive investment	-3
		too small floor plan diversity	0	unsuitably designed external residential surfaces	-2
				unsuitable floor plan diversity	0
				unsuitably developed façade	0
				unsuitable emphasis of long views	-1
CONSEQUENCES					
expensive apartments	-3	cheaper apartments	5	the cheapest apartments	5
accessibility and transition of the settlement	3	accessibility and transition of the settlement	2	accessibility and transition of the settlement	3
TOTAL NUMBER 1 SOLUTIONS	17	TOTAL NUMBER 2 SOLUTIONS	17	TOTAL NUMBER 3 SOLUTIONS	5
lutions. It is characteristic of all three selected methods that they are distinctly subjective and too inaccurate for the discussed use. All methods lack the hierarchic relationship between the results of various criteria and the determination of the relationship between them. The first two methods can act as the start to discover the problems and the development of more complex models. The Aba-con method however has the hierarchic scale of criteria, however the implementation is completely unsuitable for evaluation of spatial solutions.
The research serves as a good foundation for continuation of including multiple-parameter models into the decision-making systems and evaluation of spatial solutions. Due to increased extent of works and details, which are expected from project leaders, it is possible
to see from the basic multiple-criteria decision making methods that multiple-criteria tool would be beneficial both to project leaders and to the consistency of the procedure during the evaluation of competition solutions, because it enables quick check up of the spatial solution in accordance with the pre-determined criteria. To continue the study, more complex hierarchic models of multiple-criteria decision making will have to be checked, such as Kepner-Tregoe, which, in addition to mutual comparison of solutions, enables their evaluation, and MAUT, which is based on the theory of multi-parameter usefulness, where the structure of the decision problem is defined by tree or hierarchy of parameters, and the DEX method, which is based on qualitative (symbolic) parameters.
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Table 6: Results of the analysis of solutions according to the Abacon method.
Functional criteria
Achievement of the programme and economic justification
Design criteria
floor area ratio (FAR)
site coverage ratio at max 30%
plot volume space index (volume depending on the lot)
density
number of residential units
number of parking lots
ratio
price
ratio
external surfaces
external residential surfaces
floor plan diversity
façade
compliance with the surroundings
long views
accessibility/transition
POOR RATING
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Unsuitable
Table 7: Results of the analysis of suitability of selected multiple-criteria models, ratings on the interval from 0 (bad rating) to 3 (good rating).
	Advantages and disadvantages	PMI method	Abacon
Adding numeric rating	0	1	1
Transparency of the method	1	3	2
Simplicity of use	1	3	2
Use in model/translation to mathematic model	0	2	2
Graphic presentation	1	1	3
Importance of the order	2	2	1
Clarity of result	3	3	1
Graphic presentation	0	1	2
Total	8	16	14
2
2
3
2
3
2
3
3
2
2
2
2
2
3
2
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VLOGA ODLOČITVENIH MODELOV PRI VREDNOTENJU PROSTORSKIH
REŠITEV
Tomaž BERČIČ
Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: tomaz.bercic@fa.uni-lj.si
Marko BOHANEC
Inštitut Jožefa Štefana, Odsek za tehnologije znanja, Jamova 39, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: marko.bohanec@ijs.si
Lucija AŽMAN MOMIRSKI
Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: lucija.azman@fa.uni-lj.si
IZVLEČEK
Odločanje v arhitekturnem in urbanističnem oblikovanju prostora je proces, v katerem je izbrana tista različica rešitev prostorskega problema, ki najbolj ustreza zastavljenim ciljem in zahtevam. Tudi proces načrtovanja v prostoru temelji na oblikovanju množice rešitev, ki so v procesu razvrščene, analizirane in na koncu izbrane, zavržene ali ovrednotene v odnosu do drugih rešitev. Cilji raziskave so prikazati možnost uporabe večkriterijskih modelov vrednotenja pri izbiranju prostorskih rešitev, implementirati (realizirati) model v okolju Rhino 3D, preizkusiti model na primeru konkretnega arhitekturnega natečaja in preizkusiti ter primerjati tri metode večkriterijskega vrednotenja za predlagane prostorske rešitve. Za preveritev hipoteze in raziskovalnih vprašanj je bilo izbrano gradivo zaključenega, javnega, projektnega, odprtega, anonimnega, enostopenjskega arhitekturnega natečaja, ki ga je razpisala Zbornica za arhitekturo in prostor Slovenije (ZAPS) za večstanovanjske stavbe z zunanjo ureditvijo na lokaciji Polje III v Ljubljani. Izbrane rešitve so bile ovrednotene s tremi metodami. Za vse tri izbrane večkriterijske metode lahko ugotovimo, da so izrazito subjektivne, preveč nenatančne in kot take neprimerne za vrednotenje rešitev prostorskega problema. Med analiziranimi metodami je sicer glede na določene kriterije metoda večkriterijskega odločanja PMI (»plus/minus/implications«) najboljša oz. najuporabnejša.
Ključne besede: odločanje v arhitekturi, arhitekturni natečaji, sistemi za pomoč pri odločanju, večkriterijsko
odločitveno modeliranje
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Andersson, J. E., Rönn, M., & G. Bloxham Zettersten (2016): Architectural Competitions: As Institutions and Process. Stockholm, Sweden, Rio Kulturkooperativ, The Royal Institute of Technology.
Bohanec, M. (2012): Odločanje in modeli. Ljubljana, DMFA založništvo.
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Svensson, C. (2013): Inside the Jury Room-Strategies of Quality Assessment in Architectural Competitions. Brighton, UK, University of Brighton.
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original scientific article	DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2018.39
received: 2017-10-10
HETEROTOPIČNE POKRAJINE: PROSTORSKA PLASTENJA V SLIKARSKEM
DELU SUZANE BRBOROVIC
Urška GOLOB
Stari trg 15, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: ursgolob@gmail.com
Uršula BERLOT POMPE
Univerza v Ljubljani, Akademija za likovno umetnost in oblikovanje, Erjavčeva 7, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija
e-mail: Ursula.BerlotPompe@aluo.uni-lj.si
IZVLEČEK
Članek predstavlja fenomenološko študijo primera Suzane Brborovic med ustvarjanjem likovnega dela - Konstrukcijska nasičenost (2014). V prvem delu sta predstavljeni analiza dinamike izkustva delovanja med njegovimi sestavnimi elementi (nazdor, pristotnost, telesno doživljanje, zaznavanje medijske vzročnosti), ki je bila izvedena po vzoru metode deskriptivnega vzorčenja (Hurlburt & Heavy, 2006) in eksplikativnega intervjuja (Petitmengin, 2006), in motivika dela, ki umetnico umesti v širši bivanjski in družbeni prostor. V drugem delu se raziskava usmeri na odnos med doživljanjem in ustvarjalnimi postopki, ki se jih umetnica poslužuje z namenom ustvarjanja nove oblike mnogoplastnega prostora, ki ga opisujemo s pojmom heterotopije (Foucault, 1986). Plastna metodologija, s katero opazujemo prostorsko razpravo, ki nastaja pri ustvarjanju, sovpada z novimi posthumanističnimi pristopi, ki se uporabljajo pri kvalitativnem raziskovanju nove materialnosti (Jewitt, 2016; St. Pierre, 2013). Namen prispevka je razkriti pogoje nastanka heterotopičnega prostora, ki zajema vprašanja moči digitalnega medija na delovanje umetnice, njeno avtonomijo in avtentičnost, ki ji jo ta dopušča.
Ključne besede: heterotopija, fenomenologija likovnega ustvarjanja, izkustvo delovanja, utelešeno doživljanje,
digitalni mediji
HETEROTOPIC LANDSCAPES: SPATIAL LAYERING IN SUZANA BRBOROVIC'S
PAINTINGS
ABSTRACT
The paper describes the phenomenological case study of a painter Suzana Brborovic during the creation of her artwork — Structural Saturation (2014). The first part of this paper depicts the analysis of agency and its constituent (control, presence, physical experience, the perception of media affordances), which was completed with the help of descriptive sampling (Hurlburt & Heavy, 2006), elicitation interview (Petitmengin, 2006), and the motive of the artwork that places the artist in the wider social and cultural context. The second part of the paper focuses mainly on the relationship between the experience and the artistic procedure that the artist uses to construct a new form of multifaceted space, which is described with the term heterotopy (Foucault, 1986). The methodological plasticity, with which we observe the spatial discussion that arises during the artist's creative process, coincides with the new post-humanist approaches used in qualitative research of new materiality (Jewitt, 2016; St. Pierre, 2013). The purpose of this paper is to discover the prerequisites for the emergence of a heterotopic space that encompasses the issues of digital media influence on the artist's agency as well as autonomy and authenticity that it permits.
Keywords: heterotopia, phenomenology of artistic creation, experience of agency, embodied experience,
digital media
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UVOD
Fenomenološka študija primera likovne umetnice Suzane Brborovic, ki jo bomo predstavili v tem prispevku, je sestavni del obsežnejše študije več primerov slovenskih umetnikov, kjer smo obravnavali vpliv digitalnega medija (v primerjavi z analognim) na doživljanje v ustvarjalnem procesu (Golob, 2014; 2015). Raziskava je bila interdisciplinarne narave in je posegala na področje likovne umetnosti, digitalne tehnologije in fenomenolo-gije ustvarjanja.
Umetnica S. Brborovic, predstavnica mlajše generacije likovne umetnosti, se je v času našega raziskovanja ukvarjala z bivanjsko problematiko (slovenskega) prostora. Analiza njenega dela in procesa daje vpogled v nastajanje novih hibridnih prostorov, ki temeljijo na Foucaultovem konceptu heterotopije (Foucault, 1980; Foucault & Miskowiec, 1986). Heterotopija je v tem primeru prostor drugačnosti in reprezentira stanje moči ter s tem politiko nadzora, ki se dogaja v relaciji z digitalnimi mediji (Matthewman, 2010). Umetnica v svojem delu Konstrukcijska nasičenost združuje utrip sodobnih socialno-političnih razmer v odnosu do preteklosti; v delu gre za digitalno razgradnjo in rekonstrukcijo so-cialistično-modernističnih urbanističnih utopij, ki so značilne za okolje, iz katerega izhaja. Njena razkrivanja različnih prostorskih odnosov predstavljajo socialno angažiran proces, ki ni razpoznaven zgolj iz tematike njenega dela, temveč se razkriva tudi skozi ustvarjalni proces. Način ustvarjanja je namreč, kot v svoji raziskavi ugotavljata Chan et al. (2015), neposredno povezan s habitatom in situiranostjo umetnika. Po Lefebvru prostor namreč ni zgolj naravna danost, temveč družbeni konstrukt, ki ga tvorijo prostorske prakse, reprezentacije prostora in prostor reprezentacij (Lefebvre citirano v Pahor, 2012, 26).
Slikarski prostor v delu S. Brborovic strukturira večplastno semiotiko, ki povezuje čutnozaznavni, slikarski in digitalni prostor. Umetniško delo je v tem pogledu konstrukt različnih prostorskozaznavnih perspektiv, ki razpirajo širšo ontološko problematiko postmoderne realnosti. Ta ne temelji več na jasni dihotonomiji med objektom in zaznavajočim subjektom, ampak je zaznavno fluidna in variabilna, vzpostavlja se v povratnem, dvosmernem procesu, ki je odvisen od konteksta (Tarnas, 2011). Jewitt et al. (2016), ki proučujejo vpliv digitalnosti na materialnost, opisuje ta premik od dua-lizma k posthumanizmu in „novim materialističnim" (St.
Pierre, 2013; St. Pierre, 2016; Lather & St.Pierre, 2013) kvalitativnim metodam kot odziv na medijsko posredovano in digitalno določeno kulturo.
V	očeh posthumanističnih teorij je materialnost videna kot neskončna gnetljiva entiteta, neskončen proces, in ne kot nekaj a priori statičnega in pasivnega (Law, 2004; Mol, 2002), kar Law razume kot udejanjanje (angl. enactment) procesnosti. V likovnem ustvarjanju lahko soočenje slikarske materialnosti s procesno-stjo, ki vključuje digitalne postopke, ustvari večplastno strukturo prostora in nastanek novih likovnih predstavnih (oblikovnih in idejnih) in nepredstavnih izkustvenih vsebin.
Ustvarjalni proces materializira dinamični čutnozaznavni prostor, ki se konkretizira v novi li-kovnoprostorski strukturi. Prostorska razčlenitev na različne (ne)predstavnostne komponenete v procesu ustvarjanja umetnice, predstavlja odmik od „ustaljenih" likovnih raziskovanj ter ponuja novo videnje (likovnega) prostora, ki se zgodi kot interaktiven in večdimenzionalni proces. Ti naj bi se dotikali vprašanja o lastnem vplivu procesnosti umetnika/ce; razpirali njegov kritični odnos do samega bivanja, doživljanja narave, zaznavanje lastnega delovanja1 in njegovih socialno-političnih odnosov, ki so danes pod vplivom sodobne znanosti in tehnologije (St. Pierre, 2013).
V	nadaljevanju članka bomo najprej predstavili metodologijo raziskovanja, ki smo jo uporabili za zbiranje in analizo doživljajskih podatkov. Predstavili bomo bivanjsko okolje umetnice in motiviko, nato pa bo sledila predstavitev glavnih doživljajskih kategorij, skozi katere bo obravnavana tudi analiza likovnega procesa. Izsledke likovne in doživljajske analize bomo podali v obliki karakterizacije doživljajske dinamike in na novo nastalega prostore v razpravi. Temeljna spoznanja raziskave in predloge za nadaljna raziskovanja bodo predstavljana v sklepu.
METODOLOGIJA RAZISKOVANJA
Bistvo analitične razprave je, da se ne osredinja na singularne perspektive, temveč raziskuje mnogoterost raznovrstnih pogledov (Cheek & Rudge citirano v Powers, 2007). Postmodernistična analitična razprava razkriva strukturiranost različnih pogledov, ki gradijo ustvarjalni proces in ki, kot meni Hewit (2009), postanejo izraziti šele, ko jih primerjamo med seboj. Na podlagi te predpostavke smo v članku uporabili
1 Zaznavanje lastnega delovanja smo prevedli iz besede agentnost ali [angl.] agency. Agentnost v slovenskem jeziku ni uveljavljena beseda. V SSKJ najdemo le njej sorodno besedo agens - kar povzroča, pospešuje kako dogajanje ali delovanje, gibalo. V splošnem pomenu se agentnost nanaša na sposobnost ali zmožnost posamenznika za aktivno delovanje (Schlosser, 2015; Moor, 2016) ali, z drugimi besedami, označuje sposobnost zaznavanja in udejanjanje posameznikovega agensa. Prevod besede se razlikuje predvsem glede na disciplino in smer raziskovanja. Na primer v psihologiji Musek (2010) uporablja besedo kot komunost ali aktivno obnašanje posameznika, Chatman in Sparrow (2011) pa kot „dejavnost" sebe. Tudi sami se v tem prispevku nagibamo k temu prevodu in sledimo konceptu, ki ga vpeljuje Gallagher (2012, 17), ta pojasnjuje koncept agentnosti kot zelo „tanko", a hkrati zelo kompleksno fenomenološko področje opazovanja lastnega delovanja, ki tako obstaja na več ravneh zaznavanja (Pacherie, 2007). Koncept izkustva agentnosti ali [angl.] sense of agency opisuje, kako subjekt doživlja lastno delovanje (ali ima subjekt občutek, da je avtor lastnega početja, ali pa je zgolj v vlogi opazovalca lastnih dejanj (Gallagher, 2000). Za več glej Zahavi, 2008; Gallagher in Zahavi, 2008; Gallagher, 2012.
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dvoplastni pristop, s katerim smo analizirali posamezne komponente ustvarjalnega procesa; za doživljajski ustvarjalni vidik umetničinega ustvarjanja smo uporabili kvalitativno - fenomenološko študijo primera, medtem ko smo za proučevanje likovnosti uporabili likovno analizo.
Vzorčenje izkustva
Glavni cilj fenomenologije je odgovoriti na vprašanje, kako se doživljanje pojavlja (Gallagher, 2012), pri čemer se ne sprašujemo, kaj in zakaj nekaj počnemo, ampak se raje usmerjamo na opis izkustva. Za ta fenomenološki pristop smo izbrali metodo deskriptivnega vzorčenja izkustva - DVI (Hurlburt & Heavy, 2006), ki smo jo priredili za potrebe raziskave. Metoda se odlikuje v tem, da je bolj prožna oziroma prilagodljiva pri zajemanju izkustva udeleženca v njegovem naravnem okolju in predvideva uporabo prenosne elektronske naprave za opozarjanje beleženja doživljanja znotraj trenutnega dogajanja, ki ob naključnih trenutkih spusti zvok ter nosilca pozove k zapisu doživljanja v trenutku pred zvokom (Hurlburt & Heavey, 2006; Hurlburt & Heavey, 2008). Zaradi hipne narave ustvarjanja in njegove dinamike smo oblikovali prenosni računalniški program (aplikacijo), ki je omogočal minimalno motenje toka ustvarjanja. Umetnica je program namestila na prenosno napravo Ipod. Program je imel možnost vnosa opomomb/dnevnika ali možnost „hitrega" vnosa doživljanja. Zadnja je vsebovala opcijo že vnaprej pripravljenih možnosti opisov, ki so bili razviti na podlagi fenomenološke in psihometrične raziskave umetniške kreativnosti po Nelsonu (2005). Aplikacija je omogočala tudi vnos fotografije. Beleženje in zbiranje podatkov umetnice se je nadaljevalo skozi ves proces nastajanja umetnine.
Intervju
Ko je udeleženka z aplikacijo zbrala svoje doživljajske podatke, smo vpogled v doživljanje še poglobili skozi eksplikativni intervju2 po Petitmenginu (2006). Intervju je bil odprtega tipa, brez vnaprej določenih vprašanj, saj bi ta po Hurlburtu in Heaveyju (2008) lahko omejila možnosti za odkrivanje nepredvidenih novih izkustev. Tak pristop je omogočil raziskovanje »čistejše« strukture doživljanja, osnovnih gradnikov oziroma vzorcev, ki sestavljajo posameznikovo izkustvo, ne glede na pomen, ki mu ga pripisuje doživljajoči (Kordeš et al.,
2015, 43). Časovni okvir med vnosom doživljajskih zapisov in nadaljnjim intervjujem je moral biti čim krajši, s tem smo poskrbeli, da sta se ohranili svežina in avtentičnost podatkov. Ko je bil projekt končan, je bila opravljena še serija strukturiranih intervjujev, ki so dodatno pojasnili slikarkino prakso, s čimer se je razširil vpogled v njen proces dela in na podlagi tega smo lahko opravili ustrezno likovno analizo nastajanja slike.
Analiza in kategorije doživljanja
Analiza doživljanja umetnice je potekala kot proces usklajevanja podatkov iz aplikacije in (odprtega in polstrukturiranega) intervjuja. Analiza tega kolaža [assemblage] podatkov je bila obravnavana po klasičnem kodirnem sistemu (Flick, 2009), pri katerem smo oblikovali glavne teme in kategorije. Analiza je razkrila spremembe v doživljajski dinamiki na ravni doživljanja lastnega delovanja sebstva3 in njegovih sestavnih elementov, ki so nadzor, vzročnost, telesno zavedanje in prisotnost. Pri oblikovanju kategorij smo se zgledovali po Hurlburtu & Heaveyu (1999) in po njegovi kodirni tabeli. V nadaljevanju besedila (spodaj) prikazujemo kratek opis kategorij, katere dinamika bo v nadaljevanju obravnavana skupaj z likovnimi ustvarjalnimi postopki/ likovno analizo umetnice.
•	Nadzor predstavlja subjektivni občutek obvladovanja (Wen et al., 2015) in je bil pri pridobivanju empiričnih podatkov določen s pomočjo jezikovne analize oz. z določitvijo slovničnih lastnosti subjekta pri izražanju lastnega delovanja (Sha-klee, 1975; Linell, 2016; Duranti, 2004).
•	Vzročnost opisuje doživljanje zmožnosti medija, ki je v veliki meri odvisno od njegovih naravnih lastnosti in situiranosti (Eugeni, 2011, 2-4). Glede na tipologijo pikturalnega medija (Ettlinger, 2015) lahko umetnica vzpostavlja različne odnose med sabo in medijem.
•	Telesno doživljanje opisuje različne načine pojavljanja telesnih senzacij, ki pripadajo kateremukoli modusu percepcije, na primer vidu, dotiku, sluhu ipd. (Gallagher, 2003).
•	Prisotnost pomeni biti v določenem času na določenem mestu in se nanaša na področje zavedanja naše celosti (Kordeš, 2012). Zavedanje prisotnosti torej pomeni, koliko je subjekt fizično in umsko prisoten pri stvari, ki jo počne oziroma kjer se nahaja.
2	Eksplikativni intervju pomeni retrospektivno podoživetje realne situacije, skozi katero se posameznik osredini na različne dimenzije doživljanja do zahtevane ravni natančnosti. To zahteva stabilizacijo pozornosti intervjuvanca, ki usmeri pozornost s »kaj« na »kako« oz. naredi premik od splošnih reprezentacij k posamezni izkušnji. Ustrezna izvedba zahteva, da sta intervjuvanec in raziskovalec dobro izurjena in da je med njima vzpostavljeno zaupanje (Kordeš et al.,2015; Petitmengin, 2006).
3	Sebstvo ali [angl.] Self je samostojni pojem, ki z vidika psihologije pomeni utelešeno emocionalno-afektivno aktualno občutenje sebe oziroma trenutno doživljajsko stanje, ki pa se hkrati oblikuje tudi pod vplivi socialnih in komunikacijskih procesov. Kot ugotavlja Kuhar (2007, 43 7-438), sebstvo pomeni tako stabilnost, edinstvenost in kontinuiteto kakor tudi dinamičnost in mnogoterost ter je s tega vidika vitalni projekt vsakdanjega življenja in pojem, ki daje možnost refleksije družbene klime in eksistenčnih dilem.
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Slika 1: Skiciranje - Konstrukcijska nasičenost III. Tehnika akvarel, tuš (Osebni arhiv).
Kontekstualna opredelitev in situiranost umetnice
Opredelitev situiranosti4 umetnice je v fenomenološki metodi raziskovanja ključna; omogoča vpogled v analizo procesa v posamični situaciji (Powers, 2009) ter predstavlja vzajemno delovanje med kontekstom in situacijo (Rohlfing et al., 2003). Za razumevanje delovanja umetnice je torej treba omeniti mikro- in makrode-javnike, ki so po Galensovi raziskavi relevantni elementi oblikovanja načina in strategije ustvarjanja (Chan et al., 2015). Izhodiščno/idejno ozadje ustvarjanja umetnice namreč razgrinja informacije o njenem osebnem in angažiranem odnosu do družbenega okolja.
Ustvarjanje S. Brborovic izhaja iz konceptualne zasnove, ki zajema tudi procesnost samega ustvarjanja. Ta je natančno (kronološko) načrtovana po stopnjah izvedbe in dokumentirana v različnih medijih (deskriptivni opis, skica, fotodokumentacija), s katerim umetnica pridobi različne perspektive/poglede na izbrani prostor oz. motiviko. Izvedba dela sledi načrtu, kjer umetnica predvidi tudi vnos deloma neopredelji-vih elementov, na primer abstraktne oblike iz vodenih medijev, s čimer dopušča določeno stopnjo naključnosti, odstopanja oziroma spremembe v nastajanju likovnega dela. Proces umetničinega ustvarjanja je torej kombinacija dveh načinov delovanja; gre za usklajevanje med predvidljivim in nepredvidljivim (eksperimentalnim) načinom ustvarjanja. Eksperimentalni način ustvarjanja naj bi bil po mnenju Chana et al. (2015) v osnovi socialni in ne individualni postopek, česar pri umetnici ne izkazuje le proces ustvarjanja, temveč tudi izbira same motivike.
Dela umetnice Suzane Brborovic zaznamujejo izrazito prostorsko iluzionistične podobe, ki zbujajo aluzije arhitekturnih krajin (Bašin citirano v Brboro-vic, 2013, 77-79), izhajajočih iz kritične drže umetnice do bivanjske ali socialne problematike. V likovnem delu Konstrukcijska nasičenost, ki je tretji del triptiha, umetnica skozi arhitekturno govorico prostora predeluje identiteto kraja ter poudarja socialne anomalije in odnose družbene neenakosti. Arhitektura v tem primeru odslikava uprostorjenje družbenega reda,5 ki ga zaznavamo v likovnem delu v podobju elementov časa (npr. utopične ideologije: totalitarna, premišljena (tlorisna) organiziranost prostora in uporaba materialov ter detajlna pozornost oblogam površin in spajanju konstrukcij, ki se prepletajo z vtisi trenutne ureditve, npr. pluralnost, heterogenost, razpršenost, odprtost mreže(nja). Podoba urbane krajine kot fizično in socialno degradirane soseske, ki si jo je umetnica izbrala za motiv ustvarjanja, razkriva moč nadzora politike nad oblikovanjem prostora. Slikarska upodobitev degradirane arhitekturne krajine predstavlja prostor kot ideološko prizorišče političnih in družbenih razmerij, ki (neopazno) pogojujejo in spreminjajo tudi njeno intimno/osebno doživljajsko pokrajino.
4	Situiranost je teoretični koncept, ki opisuje kognicijo kot ontološko in funkcionalno vpletenost v naravni sistem oziroma okolje individua. Po tem so psihološke dejavnosti najbolje razumljene kot vzajemni proces med delovanjem posameznika in okoljem (Costello, 2014). Za več glej Gallagher (2006, 2009).
5	Umetnica pripada pozni generaciji 80. let, ki je živela v času, ko je bilo blokovsko naselje na Planini (I, II in III) dokončno zgrajeno. Družbenopolitični sistem je takrat temeljil na totalitarni ureditvi, ki je težila k napredku, mednarodnemu odpiranju slovenskega prostora, socialno pravični organiziranosti družbe. Arhitektura je v tem pogledu odražala politično in družbeno ideologijo, ki je temeljila na višji kakovosti bivanja, razumni uporabi materialov, premišljeni ekonomični tlorisni organizaciji in posebnih detajlih pri oblogah površin ter spajanju konstrukcij itd. Gradnja prostora je bila usmerjena v civilizacijski (socialno-ekonomski) razvoj, humanizacijo bivanja, in znanstveno-tehnični napredek (Deu, 2011). Tranzicija političnega reda, vzpon in padec »socialistične demokracije« pa so nato vzpostavili nov, pluralni, parlamentarni sistem (Fink-Hafner, 1991). Slovenski prostor je v tem obdobju doživel različne demografske spremembe, staranje prebivalstva, rast števila gospodinjstev, upad njihovega članstva in spremembo njihove sestave, razvoj informacijske tehnologije in razmer na trgu dela, reorganizacijo delovnih prostorov, individualizacijo družbe - razvoj virtualnega druženja itd. (Kerbler, 2015; Kučan & Zapušek, 2009), porast brezposelnosti, odseljevanje ekonomsko sposobnejših stanovalcev oziroma priseljevanje ekonomsko in socialno šibkejših skupin in upad družbene kohezije.
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NASTAJANJE SLIKE IN DOŽIVLJANJE
Analiza nastajanja slike je metodološka združitev doživljajskih podatkov in postopkov umetničinega ustvarjanja. Beleženje doživljajskega izkustva umetnice med likovnim ustvarjanjem s pomočjo podatkov, pridobljenih z uporabo opisane aplikacije, je potekalo v različnih fazah slikarskega ustvarjanja (inspiracija in snovanje ideje, analogno ustvarjanje, dokumentarno--raziskovalna faza, prenos v digitalni medij, digitalna (re)konstrukcija, faza slikanja). Opisu postopkov nastajanja slike sledita razlaga in osvetlitev podatkov, pridobljenih z analizo doživljajskega procesa umetnice. Z vzporednim spremljanjem obeh ravni, doživljanja in likovnega ustvarjanja smo poskušali osvetliti tudi vpliv ustvarjalnega medija na dinamiko izkustva in na oblikovanje značilnosti likovnega prostora.
Snovanje in oblikovanje ideje z uporabo analognega medija - inspirativna faza
Izhodišče ustvarjalnega procesa S. Brborovic je bila pri nastajanju slike Konstrukcijska nasičenost spominska zasnova kraja, v katerem je bivala. Umetnica je začela ustvarjati v analognem mediju, v tem primeru z akvarelom. Akvarelna podoba (glej sliko 1) prikazuje začetek
stopnje ustvarjanja - poustvarjanja intimnega vidika domačega prostora - naselja modernistično-socialističnih stolpnic, ki so se dopolnjevale z natančnimi načrti za izvedbo slike v obliki besedila in grafičnega osnutka. V tem delu ustvarjanja je umetnica združevala vtise arhitekturnega prostora, ki ga je z barvnimi elementi preoblikovala v abstraktnejše likovne elemente. Grafična risba (glej sliko 2) je bila osnutek za načrtovanje ustvarjanja slikovnega prostora po plasteh, medtem ko je akvarelna podoba vsebovala barvno paleto, s katero je ustvarila razpoloženje v sliki.
Prisotnost v tem delu analogno-ustvarjalnega procesa je izražena kot nihanje zaznavanja lastne prisotnosti in odsotnosti v procesu: „[...] Medtem ko naredim tisto prvo packo in začnem razmišljati o njej na način, kaj bi lahko iz nje nastalo, se notranje pogovarjam sama s seboj [...] in potem, ko se začne formulirati podoba, vzamem neko drugo nianso in začnem temniti ter spet zaidem v neke detajle. Takrat me ponovno odnese [...]" (Brborovic, 2013). Pozornost se je gibala od izrazito ozko usmerjene do popolne odsotnosti. Njena prisotnost se je vrnila ob nastanku likovnega problema ali izziva, kar pomeni, da je umetnica izmenjevala dve ravni zavedanja; reflektivno (miselno, zavestno) in predreflektivno. Nadzor nad notranjim delovanjem oz. doživljanjem je, kot lahko vidimo iz opisa, samodejen proces, na kate-
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Slika 3: Fotoreportaža naselja za sliko Konstrukcijska nasičenost III. Digitalna fotografija (Osebni arhiv).
Slika 4: Digitalna obdelava fotografij za sliko Konstrukcijska nasičenost III (Osebni arhiv).
rega umetnica ni mogla vplivati. Medijsko vzročnost je opredelila kot preprosto, lahkotno in spontano doživljanje. Telesno doživljanje je bilo zaznano zgolj v obliki senzornega/čutnega zavedanja.
Dokumentacija prostora: prenos podobe v digitalni medij
Umetnica je stvarni prostor fotodokumentirala, saj kot pravi, tako v današnji poplavi podob dobi unikaten pogled, ki ji dodatno izboljša kakovost opazovanja. Fo-todokumentacija S. Brborovic je bila časovno organizirana; umetnica je poročala, da se je po prostoru premikala glede na čas nastanka oziroma gradnje stolpnic, kar naj bi v okviru triptiha pomenilo simbolično dimenzijo časa, po kateri je potekalo urejanje prostora. Poleg ča-sovnosti pa sta jo zanimala predvsem način pogleda na izbrani motiv in izziv prenosa stvarne perspektive skozi različna reprezentativna „okna" (Ettlinger, 2015), na primer prenos stvarne perspektive v digitalni prostor in naprej na slikarsko platno ter prenos barvne strukture (razpadajoče sivine ometa ipd.).
Med urejanjem fotodokumentacije (terensko delo) je bil izpostavljen nadzor nad notranjimi procesi/doživljanjem; predvsem nad usmerjanjem lastne pozornosti. Umetnica je poudarila povezanost med prisotnostjo in vzročnostjo; svojo prisotnost je pojmovala glede na stopnjo vzročnosti oz. 'absorbiranosti' v lastnem početju. Le-to je zaznavala kot „polno" zavedanje svojega ustvarjanja in nadzorovanja vizionarske pozornosti (načrtovanja). O telesnem doživljanju ni poročala, zato bi lahko sklepali, da gre v tem delu ustvarjanja za izrazitejše miselno kot telesno prisotnost zavedanja.
Digitalna (re)konstrukcija prostora
Umetnica je stvarnost prostora prenesla iz digitalne kamere v računalniški medij, kjer je podobe blo-
kovskih naselij (stolpnic) v digitalnem programu ab-strahirala do osnovnih geometrijskih elementov. To je storila v računalniškem programu Photoshop s filtrom Threshold, ki je fotografijo pretvoril v črno-belo risbo; s tem je povzročila „razpad" motiva, ki je hkrati izgubil tudi svoj prvotni pomen. Tako je fotografijo pretvorila v simbolne elemente, ki jih je nato v naslednjem koraku združila s tlorisi stavbe. Te je črpala s spletnih depozitov. V tem delu je bila pozorna na ustvarjanje novih struktur (ali rastrov), ki simulirajo strukturo podobe. Razpad fotografije lahko vidimo kot razgradnjo in fra-gmentacijo podobe z namenom nadaljnje reorganizacije, ki je v skladu s principi delovanja novih medijev. Fragmenti so tako plastno organizirani, kar omogoča nadaljnjo večjo samostojnost in hkrati variabilnost v njihovi sintetizaciji (Manovich, 2001).
Med ustvarjanjem likovnega dela v digitalnem mediju bi lahko prisotnost umetnice označili kot razpršeno; miselno procesiranje je bilo zaznati, kot da umetnica nima najboljšega občutka, kje se pravzaprav nahaja: „Ne vem, ali sem ravno izginila. Sem prisotna, vem, da sem tu in da gledam v računalnik. Proces miselnega 'procesiranja,', ki je bilo usmerjeno v 'iskanje nečesa, kar fa-scinira"' (Brborovic, 2013), in v vizualizacijo podobe. Nadzor nad notranjimi procesi umetnica zaznava, je zunaj njene moči delovanja: „To je neki notranji proces, nad katerim nimam nadzora" (Brborovic, 2013). Kot vidimo iz poročila, se je umetnica le deloma zavedala nadzora nad svojim ustvarjalnim početjem, kar zbuja tudi vprašanje o njeni vzročnosti digitalnega medija in avtonomnosti samega procesa. V tem delu ustvarjanja je telesno doživljanje manj pomembno, saj umetnica ni zabeležila telesnih izkustev. Vzročnost je beležila kot odprt in dinamičen proces. Zaznana dinamika doživljanja in vzpostavljanja odnosa z računalniškim medijem se je ustvarila z (vizualnim in miselnim) prehajanjem med samimi „okni" računalniškega programa. Njena interakcija z medijem je na tej stopnji ustvarjanja temeljila
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Slika 5: „Konstrukcijska nasičenost, Del III" 2014, akril in črnilo na platnu, 190 x 270 cm (Zasebna zbirka).
na delno intuitivni rabi računalnika v odkrivanju in soočanju z novimi likovnimi oblikami in strukturami, kar ji je omogočilo več prostora za doživljanje „presenečenja" (Brborovic, 2013).
Prehod iz digitalnega medija v slikarsko materijo -faza slikanja
Umetnica S. Brborovic opisuje začetek slikanja kot ustvarjanje abstraktne kompozicije z vodenimi mediji, v tem primeru s tušem (Brborovic, 2014). Slikanje začne s spontanimi barvnimi potezami, ki se subtilno prelivajo in združujejo s podobami stolpnic. Ta izhodiščna organskost in naključnost razlivanja ter prelivanja barv je umetnici določila smer razvoja likovnega dela. Na podlagi abstraktnega «izliva» je umetnica uravnavala in oblikovala digitalne podobe, iz katerih je nastajala nova likovna krajina.
Ustvarjanje vodene abstrakcije je doživela kot menjavanje prisotnosti. Telesno doživljanje je vsebovalo nabor različnih občutenj, od daljših telesnih stanj, celostnega zavedanja telesa do zelo ozkega telesnega zaznavanja, npr. posameznih (bolečih) telesnih predelov. „Med delom sem bila ves čas sklonjena, v mukah
in bolečinah, ampak to sem čisto odmislila, saj me je ustvarjanje povsem potegnilo noter" (Brborovic, 2013). Zanimivo je, da kljub zaznavanju neprijetnosti - bolečine zaradi dolgotrajne sključenosti oz. neprijetne drže, to pri umetnici ni izzvalo negativnih čustvenih odzivov; vzročnost medija je zaznavala kot stanje popolne 'absorpcije'. Njeno izkustvo „potopitve" v proces priča o zaznavanju zunanjih dejavnikov kot entitete z lastnim delovanjem in spremembo v nadzoru.
Prenos digitalnih podob na platno (projekcija)
Umetnica je na abstraktno podlago s tušem izrisala mrežno kompozicijo, ki je bila temelj slike tako v simboličnem pogledu kot tudi v smislu graditve likovne podobe stolpnic. Mrežno podobo je prenesla s pomočjo svetlobnega projektorja. Prenašanje in plastenje digitalnih in naslikanih podob se skozi nastajanje slike ponavljata, kar je ena poglavitnih značilnosti njenih slikarskih postopkov.
Doživljanje prenašanja podobe in samo vzročnost medija je zaznavala kot „sproščen in nezahteven proces" (Brborovic, 2013), v katerem je njena prisotnost nihala med razpršenostjo in delno odsotnostjo; zaznavala
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je uhajanje pozornosti k nepovezanim mislim, spominjanju in pojavom notranjega govora, kar vsebinsko ni bilo vezano na likovno dogajanje: „[...] Zelo dobro se spomnim, katero sliko sem delala in v kateri fazi sem bila. To se zelo dobro spomnim. Ostalo pa, mislim, da je bilo bolj stanje, ko sam s seboj nekaj premlevaš [...] še vedno sem bila prisotna, da se ne zmotim [...]" (Brboro-vic, 2014). V citatu opazimo tudi spremembo v govoru, zlasti v prehodu iz prvoosebnega v drugoosebni govor: „premlevam/premlevaš", kar kaže na spremembo v zavedanju nadzora nad delovanjem lastnega sebstva in posledično tudi v doživljanju samega procesa, pri čemer umetnica postaja bolj opazovalka lastnega početja kot izvajalka.
Slikanje podobe naselja
Umetnica je začela (slikarsko) gradnjo stolpnic na podlagi abstraktnih barvnih kompozicij in mrežnih elementov (npr. gradbena armaturna mreža) s plaste-njem polprosojnih barvnih nanosov. Plastenje le-teh je kombinirala z vodenimi nanosi tuša. Izvedbeno natančen in tehnično zahteven proces plastnega nanašanja barv je uprizarjal modularno združevanje podobe (če vzamemo za primer združevanja slik v Photoshopu) s prosojnostjo ali odsevnostjo barve. Umetnica je v barvnih nanosih izkoriščala različne kakovosti akril-nih gelov, ki so se razlikovali tako po svoji pastoznosti kot tudi po odsevnosti površine (od svetlečega do mat učinka). Brboroviceva je nastanek slikarske gradnje blokovskega naselja opazovala skozi različne medije (fotoaparat, pametni telefon, računalniški zaslon, ogledala), ki so ji omogočili novo - večdimenzionalno izkustvo prostora. Digitalna orodja niso le „okna" opazovanja, temveč omogočajo tudi oblike nesnovnega procesa slikanja; umetnica je na določenih stopnjah ustvarjanja s pomočjo digitalnega posnetka prenesla sliko nazaj v digitalni prostor, kjer je nanjo nanesla nove kombinacije rekonstruiranih arhitekturnih elementov stolpnic. Te je potem projicirala prek svetlobnega aparata na slikarsko platno, kjer jih je znova materializirala. Ta postopek prenašanja oziroma projiciranja podobe in slikanja menjavanja perspektive gledanja, prenašanja in dematerializiranja slike ter njenega rekonstruiranja se je skozi proces slikanja ponavljal vse do zaključka. Končna podoba slike Konstrukcijska nasičenost je sestavljena iz najmanj desetih plasti ponovitve tega postopka.
Doživljanje procesa slikanja se je spreminjalo glede na stopnjo razvoja slike; bolj ko se je približevala zaključku, močnejše je bilo doživljanje njenega nadzora in prisotnosti. Umetnica je med samoopazo-vanjem in predelovanjem slike poročala o doživljanju polne prisotnosti ter ozko usmerjeni pozornosti (fokusu), kar je bilo znova pogojeno z vzročnostjo medija in njenim vživetjem (absorpcijo) v lastno početje, premlevanjem in načrtovanjem, ki ne vsebujejo
izrazitega telesnega doživljanja. V tej fazi ustvarjanja oziroma slikanja (prenašanje podobe iz digitalnega v analogni medij) podatki kažejo, da ima umetnica bolj osredinjeno pozornost, prisotnost lastnega sebstva in nadzor nad ustvarjanjem, zaradi česar je miselno tavanje neizrazito.
RAZPRAVA
Primerjalna analiza oblikovanja doživljajske krajine in njenih sestavnih elementov (zaznavanje lastnega delovanja, nadzor, telesno doživljanje, prisotnost in vzročnost medija) ter likovnih in semantičnih značilnosti likovno ustvarjenega prostora v sliki Konstrukcijska nasičenost osvetli dinamična razmerja med notranjim občutenjem umetnice in zunanjim zaznavanjem prostora.
Heterotopična pokrajina: značilnosti na novo nastalega likovnega prostora
Ustvarjen likovni prostor v delu Konstrukcijska nasičenost deluje prostorsko iluzionistično; tega v prvem koraku podpira velikost formata, ki povabi gledalca, da v sliko „vstopi" (Butina, 1997, 183-185). Z drugim korakom se gledalčevo oko seznani s prosojno kompozicijo deformiranih arhitekturnih elementov, mreže in gradbenih elementov stavb, ki so ponekod abstrahirani vse do geometrijskih vzorcev. Ti so breztežnostno postavljeni na belino platna in ob pozornem pogledu razkrijejo različno kakovost površine, ki mnogokrat postane optično zaznavna šele v odsevu ali lesketu s specifične razdalje in iz kota opazovanja. Njihova plastnost ustvarja zasičeno globino prostora.
Vstop v sliko je prehod v deformiran likovni prostor, ki se spreminja glede na zorni kot gledalca in pomeni novo, drugo stvarnost prostora oz. arhitekturne stvarne krajine. Večplastnost prostora nastaja v združevanju različnih prostorskih kvalitet/perspektiv: primarnih čutnozaznavnih (subjektivnih) pogledov in sekundarnih digitalno-zaslonskih perspektiv. Primarne dimenzije pomenijo odnos med različnimi „okenskimi" iluzijami (Ettlinger, 2015), kot so na primer fotoaparat, pametni telefon, računalniški zaslon, ogledala itd., medtem ko sekundarne dimenzije pomenijo odnose, ki nastajajo znotraj posameznega „okna" iluzije. Pri primarnem pogledu umetnica združuje različne "medo-kenske" ali interrelacijske čutne zaznave, medtem ko pri sekundarnem pogledu manipulira s specifično vidno zaznavo prostora (na primer obdelovanje različnih segmentov posameznega vidika prostora in večplastno združevanje teh podob v programu Photoshop) "zno-trajokenske" iluzije oz. intrarelacijske čutne zaznave. Tako združitev primarnega in sekundarnega pogleda prostora ustvarja medprostorsko razpravo, ki povezuje različne intra in inter-relacijske prostorske perspektive (na primer izkustvo likovnega prostora skozi obrnjeno
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Tabela 1: Pregled kategorij doživljanja delovanja po fazah ustvarjanja.
Faze ustvarjanja	Prisotnost	Telesno doživljanje	Nadzor	Vzročnost	Medij
Snovanje in oblikovanje ideje	Nihanje pozornosti od ozko usmerjene do popolne odsotnosti	Senzorno čutno	Ni nadzora nad notranjimi procesi	Lahkotnost Spontanost	Anal.
Dokumentacija prostora	„Polna" prisotnost in pozornost	Ni poročila	Nadzor nad procesom ustvarjanja in notranjimi procesi	Absorbiranost	Dig.
Digitalna (re) konstrukcija prostora	Razpršenost	Ni poročila	Ni nadzora nad notranjimi procesi	Odprtost Dinamika Delna intuitivnost	Dig.
Prehod iz digitalnega medija v slikarsko materijo	Nihanje	Daljšega telesna stanja celostno-ozko zavedanje	Nadzor nad procesom ustvarjanja	Absorbiranost	Anal. Dig.
Prenos digitalnih podob na platno (projekcija)	Nihanje Razpršenost - delna odsotnost	Ni poročila	Spremenljivost nadzora	Sproščenost Lahkotnost	Anal. Dig.
Slikanje podobe naselja	"polna" prisotnost ozko usmerjena pozornost	Zanemarljivo Propriocepcija	Stopnjevanje nadzora nad ustvarjanjem	Absorbiranost	Anal. Dig.
zrcalo in nastanek ploskovite dimenzije prostora s filtrom Threshold).6
Uporaba primarne perspektive kot način sprevračanja pogleda na prostor se ujema s Foucaultovo metaforo odseva v ogledalu, ki jo je uporabil za ponazoritev koncepta heterotopije. Foucaultov odsev v ogledalu pomeni dualnost in hkrati kontradikcije realnosti ter nerealnosti utopičnih objektov.
V ogledalu se vidim tam, kjer nisem, v nerealnem prostoru, ki se odpira za površjem [...] Tam, kjer sem odsoten: to je utopija ogledala. Toda to je tudi heterotopija, če je v resnici ogledalo, v katerem deluje nekakšno nasprotje položaju, ki ga zasedam z vidika ogledala, odkrivam svojo odsotnost s kraja, kjer sem, saj se tam vidim [...] (Foucault et al., 2007, 217-218).
Foucaultova razlaga v primeru utopičnih objektov Suzane Brborovic zajema pravzaprav obe perspektivi. „Heterotopija lahko na enem samem mestu ustvari več prostorov, več samih mest, ki so sama po sebi nezdružljiva. Tako zaslon prinaša pravokotni prostor, na koncu katerega se na dvodimenzionalnem zaslonu vidi projekcija tridimenzionalnega prostora" (Foucault & Mi-skowiec, 1986, 25).
Sinteza digitalnih heterotopičnih perspektiv je v večji meri pogojena z vzročnostjo medija in njegovih možnosti [angl. affordances]; modularnega principa oblikovanja podob (Manovich, 2011, 2001) na primer vpliva na to, kako umetnica poustvari globino prostora s plastenjem polprosojnih ploskovitih površin. Tako denimo slika ne vsebuje tonskih gradientov, ki bi ustvarjali iluzijo plastičnosti prostora, temveč je ustvarjena zgolj z linijo in barvnimi ploskvami.
Umetnica z združitvijo primarnega in sekundarnega načina gledanja širi koncept heterotopije in razkriva razsežnosti tega vmesnega prostora (Hayles, 2012), ki se dogaja znotraj „sočasno obstoječih heterotopij" (Piñuelas, 2008, 166). V ustvarjenem likovnem prostoru umetnica z „razločitvijo materialnih plasti" in upodabljanjem (nasičene) prosojnosti doseže zapleteno izkustveno estetiko dela, ki odseva trenutno stanje hiper-kompleksne družbe7 in njen razvoj tehnologije nadzora (kamere, medicinski pripomočki za opazovanje notranjosti telesa), s katero prodira v intimno sfero družbe (Lehmann, 2012, 177).
Doživljajska pokrajina
Oris „doživljajske krajine" (Kordeš, 2008, 12) umetnice je prikazal spremenljivost doživljanja občutka
6	Filter Threshold je del sistemske opreme/softverskega programa Adobe Photoshop Elements (2017), s katerim lahko določimo mejno vrednost točke [angl. piksel] slikovnega objekta, ki se bo pretvorila v belo ali črno barvo. Z aplikacijo tega filtra lahko pretvorimo slikovno podobo (njene barve in sivine) v visokokontrastno, črno-belo podobo.
7	Qvortrop povezuje hiperkompleksnost z razvojem kompleksnejših sistemov, ki imajo zmožnosti novih načinov komuniciranja in samonadzorovanja družbe. Koncept ,hiperkompleksna družba' je kritično, kompleksno-teoretsko razumevanje družbe, ki se ukvarja s trenutnim stanjem hiperkompleksnosti in policentrizma. Za več glej Hypercomplex Society (Qvortrup, 2002).
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nadzora, umetnica je med slikanjem občutila različno obvladovanje nadzora nad zunanjim in notranjim dogajanjem. Doživljanje nadzorovanja se je razlikovalo glede na to, kakšna je bila njena usmerjenost nadzorovanja; ali je bila usmerjena v nadzorovanje zunanjega dogajanja (medij in postopki ustvarjanja) ali v nadzor nad notranjimi doživljajskimi procesi. Umetnica je med procesom pogosto poročala o deljenosti zaznavanja nadzora, medtem ko je beležila nadzor nad medijem in postopki ustvarjanja, se je njen lastni proces doživljanja zdel, kot da poteka brez oz. zunaj njenega nadzora, npr.: „[...] To je neki notranji proces, nad katerim nimam nadzora" (Brborovic, 2013). Vstop v neznano območje, pomanjkanje kritičnega načina razmišljanja ter nepredvidljivost rezultata zmanjšujejo občutek nadzora (Nelson, 2005), kar smo opazili tudi pri umetničinem zaznavanju. Doživljanje nadzora se je spreminjalo skozi faze ustvarjanja; v prvem delu ustvarjanja - interakciji z analognimi mediji je bilo zelo spremenljivo; bolj ko se je umetnica približevala koncu slike, večja je bila intenzivnost njegovega zaznavanja.
Vendar pa umetnica ne ostaja v stanju intuitivnosti med celotnim procesom, temveč se analitični in intuitivni način delovanja izmenjujeta oz. potekata ciklično (Golob, 2014), kar pomeni, da se občutek nadzora in z njo povezan občutek za lastno delovanje spreminjata v vsaki posamezni fazi. Bolj ko se načrtovanje oz. re-flektivno/miselno delovanje ujema z dejanskim izidom, močnejši je občutek nadzora in občutek za lastno delovanje in nasprotno (Wollner, 2003; Wen et al., 2015; 2016). Pri umetnici smo zaznali, da se je njeno psihofizično delovanje spreminjalo glede na vzročnost; lastnosti predvidljivosti in načrtovanja, ki jih ponuja medij. Uporaba analognih medijev je umetnico spodbudila k večji telesni dejavnosti, saj so bile možnosti za predvidevanje manjše. Interakcija z analognimi mediji in doživljanje vzročnosti sta bila določena predvsem s tak-tilnimi in kinestetičnimi lastnostmi materije, na primer z viskoznostjo in vpojnostjo površine, ki je povzročila nepredvidljive razlike in nastanek novih oblik ter je v določenih trenutkih zahtevala višjo stopnjo osredinje-nosti. Pri interakciji z digitalnimi mediji, dejavnostih, pri katerih je šlo za povečano kritično mišljenje (npr. faza rekonstrukcije prostora), je bila pozornost/prisotnost bolj razpršena in deljena.
Na podlagi podatkov vidimo, da je sprememba nastala tudi na ravni telesnega doživljanja umetnice; njeno zaznavanje telesnosti v interakciji z analognimi mediji je postalo celovitejše in intenzivnejše kot pri digitalnih medijih. Umetnica je poročala o neprekinjenem zavedanju lastne telesnosti, predvsem na ravni propriocepcije, gibanja v prostoru ali položaja posameznih delov telesa v razmerju do celote, medtem ko je telesna dimenzija v večini primerov z digitalno interakcijo povsem izginila. Čeprav kaže interakcija z analognimi mediji povečano stopnjo nepredvidljivosti, pa je tudi interakcija z digitalnimi mediji potekala na podoben način, saj so ji
prav tako „ponujali presenečenja" (Brborovic, 2014) in je vzročnost pomenila enako doživljanje absorpcije oz. „potopitev" v ustvarjanje.
Čeprav ostajata telesno doživljanje in prisotnost v ozadju umetničinega zavedanja, se zdita za sam proces, kjer poteka interakcija z digitalnimi vsebinami, ključna; gre za prenos subtilnih senzorično dislociranih pojavov v haptično zaznavni prostor. Proces materializacije in utelešenja digitalnih vsebin poteka kot nenehen proces razreševanja digitalne doživljajske izkušnje na materialni ravni in nasprotno. Občutek breztežnosti in razpršenost digitalnega prostora je, na primer, uprizorila z velikostjo slike, kjer se gledalčevo oko izgubi med razpršenimi elementi. Svetlobni pojavi (npr. odsevnost površine) se na sliki kažejo kot gelasti in glazurni odleski na belini platna. Nasičena prosojnost ustvarja sivo ali medlo razpoloženje prostora, ki se ujema s pasivnimi stanji, ki jih je bilo mogoče opaziti pri njeni interakciji z digitalnimi orodji. Umetnica je materializirala tudi druge digitalne lastnosti, kot sta na primer preverljivost in predvidljivost digitalne tehnologije. To je ponazorila z linearno organiziranostjo procesa in načinom zameje-vanja tekočih slikarskih substanc (npr. tuša).
Doživljajski podatki, ki so bili pridobljeni z raziskavo, prikazujejo nastanek medijske preslikave/prenosa, kot jo na primer opisujeta (Manovich, 2001) in Turkle (1985) in potek materializacije (heterotopičnih) digitalnih, ki v sami osnovi simbolizirajo „umetelni" red in moč obvladovanja prostora (Pahor, 2012; Mat-thewman, 2010). Vpogled v umetničino doživljanje je torej prikaz njenega prehajanja med množico hetero-topičnih perspektiv in njihovega obvladovanja. Kot je razvidno iz podatkov, gre za uspešno ohranjanje določene ravni nadzora nad medijem ter postopki in z njim povezanim izkustvom delovanja. Proces je tako prikazal doživljanje in hkrati strategijo navigiranja re-flektivnega načina delovanja z nereflektivnim/intuitiv-nim načinom delovanja umetnice med prehajanjem in uravnavanjem mnoštvo perspektiv; vpliva medijske vzročnosti s katerim načrtuje in ustvarja prostor za „spontanost" (Brborovic, 2014) in hkrati avtentičnost svobodnega izražanja. Tako večplastna metodologija razkrije inovativnost umetnice, ki se ne kaže samo skozi senzibiliteto njenega zaznavanja različnih hete-rotopičnih vsebin, ampak tudi skozi proces likovnega spajanja in navigiranja njihove kompleksnosti.
SKLEP
V članku je bila predstavljena fenomenološka študija umetnice Suzane Brborovic, ki nas je popeljala skozi ustvarjanje likovnega dela Konstrukcijska nasičenost. Večplastna metodologija, ki je združevala različne vidike raziskovanja, je razkrila dinamiko med mikro- in makroprocesi njenega ustvarjanja: doživljanje med delom in preplet vpliva medija ustvarjanja z izhodiščno prostorsko motiviko. Umetnica je pri ustvarjanju slike
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Konstrukcijska nasičenost obravnavala uprostorjenje družbeno-politične ureditve in njeno modernizacijo. Tranzicija in premik politične ureditve, ki sta sprožila spremembe v arhitekturni in družbeni ureditvi izhodiščne urbane krajine, se v slikarkini interpretaciji odražata v obliki formalne decentralizacije, ki ustvarja razpršenost in večplastnost likovnega prostora. Analiza posameznih plasti in njihovo združevanje razkrivata medsebojno raznolikost in protislovnost, ki pogojujeta nastanek he-terotopije. Ta kljub družbeno-političnim premikom in vpletanju digitalnosti vsebuje nekatera ideološka načela (totalitarnosti) urejanja in nadzorovanja družbe ter usmerjanje k njeni produktivnosti in optimizaciji, ki smo ju zaznali tudi skozi umetničino prakso.
Neposreden stik s prostorom je vplival na psihofizično delovanje umetnice oz. dinamiko doživljanja izkustva lastnega delovanja. Način ustvarjanja (likovnega) prostora je temeljil predvsem na kritičnem/miselnem načinu delovanja, v katerem je bil intuitivni/ spontani način izražanja skrbno premišljen in načrtovan. Iz tega sklepamo, da se ta dva načina ustvarjanja razlikujeta tudi v zaznavanju lastnega delovanja, pri katerem je v primeru kritičnega/miselnega ustvarjanja, izkustvo delovanja okrepljeno, medtem ko pa se v primeru intuitivnega/spontanega ustvarjanja občutek delovanja izgublja (umetnica prehaja iz akterske vloge v vlogo opazovalke).
Na makroravni družbeno-politični nadzor in organiziranost s svojim delovanjem vplivata na mikroravni delovanja posameznika (umetnice). Skozi obravnavo motivike in njene uprostoritve družbeno-političnih sprememb smo videli, kako pride do spremembe v zaznavanju izkustva delovanja umetnice in s tem tudi do rekonstrukcije odnosov do lastne subjektivnosti oz. zaznavanja sebe kot delujočega agensa. Način, kako je umetnica zaznavala lastno delovanje, je pokazal težnjo
po zunanjem nadzorovanju prostora, medtem ko je njen lastni - notranji prostor ostajal v ozadju njenega zavedanja. Razlika je bila še bolj izrazita v interakciji z digitalnimi mediji, kjer smo opazili spremembo v zaznavanju telesnosti in pozornosti. Telesno doživljanje je bilo manj zaznavno, pozornost pa bolj razpršena.
Delo Suzane Broborovic se je izkazalo kot zanimiv primer za analizo heterotopičnih lastnosti in njene prostorske raznolikosti, ki so posledica čedalje večje pluralnosti našega bivanja. Združevanje različnih metodologij, zlasti tistih, v katerih se dopolnjujeta prvo- in tretjeosebni pristop raziskovanja, se kaže kot plodovit pristop za raziskovanje kompleksnih in dinamičnih sistemov (Jewitt et al., 2017; Ceja & Navarro, 2012). Kljub temu pa je zapletenost opazovanja izkustva delovanja sebstva postavljena pred izziv, in sicer kako zaobiti raziskovalni paradoks; kajti bolj ko se poglabljamo in približujemo nezavednemu delu ustvarjanja in težimo k njegovemu ozaveščanju, bolj se ta izmika in spreminja svojo naravo (Golob, 2014). To se zdi še posebej relevantno pri proučevanju umetniškega delovanja v interakciji z digitalnimi mediji, kjer pride do sprememb v zaznavanju telesnosti, kar pomeni, da procesa ne moremo opazovati z enakimi metodami kot druge fizično zaznavne pojave. Delno bi to težavo premostili uporaba raznolike tehnične podpore/digitalnih orodij npr. pametnih naprav (Trena et al., 2017) in združitev raziskovanja z različnimi tehnikami (refleksivnega) povpraševanja oz. zbiranja doživljajskih podatkov, s katerimi bi bolje dostopali do subtilnih/predreflektivnih ravni doživljanja izkustva. Prispevek ob koncu ne ponuja zaključenih odgovorov na zastavljena vprašanja, pač pa različne iztočnice za nadaljnje raziskovanje digitalnega vpliva v likovnem ustvarjanju, ki je trenutno še vedno v začetni fazi zbiranja „metuljev" ali, kot bi poimenovali (post) fenomenološko odkrivanje, nove materialnosti.
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PAESAGGI ETEROTOPICI: LE STRATIFICAZIONI SPAZIALI NELLA PITTURA DI
SUZANA BRBOROVIC
Urška GOLOB
Stari trg 15, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: ursgolob@gmail.com
Uršula BERLOT POMPE
University of Ljubljana, Academy of Fine Arts and Design, Erjavčeva 7, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: Ursula.BerlotPompe@aluo.uni-lj.si
RIASSUNTO
Nel presente articolo abbiamo presentato lo studio fenomenologico dell'artista Suzana Brborovic che ci ha condotti attraverso la creazione della sua opera intitolata Saturazione strutturale (2014). Lo studio ha incluso una metodologia multilivello che ha riunito diversi aspetti della ricerca; la prima parte tratta un'analisi della dinamica dell'esperienza di interazione tra i suoi elementi costitutivi (il controllo, la presenza, la percezione física, la perce-zione della causalitá del mezzo di comunicazione), modellata secondo il metodo di campionamento descrittivo (Hurlburt & Heavy, 2006) e l'intervista esplicativa (Petitmengin, 2006), seguita dallo studio dell'insieme dei motivi dell'opera che collocano l'artista in un ambiente abitativo e sociale circostante piu ampio. Nella seconda parte ci siamo concentrati sul rapporto tra le emozioni e il processo creativo che l'artista aveva utilizzato per realizzare nuo-ve forme di spazio a piu livelli descritto con il termine eterotopia (Foucault, 1986). Lo scopo della presente ricerca e quello di mettere in luce le condizioni della creazione dello spazio eterotopico, che tratta le questioni del potere e dell'impatto dei media digitali sull'opera dell'artista, la sua autonomia e autenticitá.
L'approccio multilivello rivela la dinamica tra i processi di micro e macro creazione dell'artista, in cui abbiamo potuto osservare il cambiamento nella percezione dell'esperienza operativa dell'artista stesso e quindi anche nella ricostruzione di rapporti relativi alla propria soggettivitá, ossia la percezione di sé quale agente in operato. Il con-tatto immediato con lo spazio ha influenzato il funzionamento psicofísico dell'artista, cioe la dinamica di vivere l'esperienza del proprio esercizio. Le modalitá della creazione dello spazio (artistico) si sono basate principalmente sul sistema critico/razionale, nell'ambito del quale lo schema di espressione intuitivo/spontaneo risulta attentamente studiato e programmato. Il modo in cui l'artista stessa percepiva il proprio operato ha segnalato la tendenza verso un controllo esterno dello spazio, mentre il suo spazio interno personale si soffermava sullo sfondo della sua consape-volezza. La differenza si e rilevata ancora piu evidente nell'interazione con i media digitali, dove abbiamo osservato un cambiamento della percezione del proprio físico (minore) e della concentrazione (diffusa aumentata). L'articolo infíne offre una varietá di spunti relativi alle ulteriori ricerche (post)fenomenologiche dell'impatto digitale (sulla creazione di opere d'arte) e agli studi della nuova materialitá.
Parole chiave: eterotopia, fenomenología della creazione artística, esperienza operativa, esperienza incarnata,
media digitali
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Brborovic, S. (2013): Suzana Brborovic, 1988, likovna umetnica. Ustno izporočilo. Zvočni zapis pri avtorju.
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original scientific article	DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2018.40
received: 2018-10-02
EMOTIONAL RECEPTIVITY THROUGH POEM-(CINEMATIC) IMAGE AND POEM-DRAWING ENTWINEMENT. DISCOVERY OF EMBODIED KNOWLEDGE THROUGH TARKOVSKY'S "MIRROR"
Viktorija BOGDANOVA
'Ss. Cyril and Methodius' University, Faculty of Architecture, Blvd. Partizanski Odredi 24, 1000 Skopje, Macedonia
e-mail: viktorijaherminabogdanova@yahoo.com
Tadeja ZUPANČIČ
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: tadeja.zupancic@fa.uni-lj.si
ABSTRACT
The aim of this article is to contribute to a cultivation of receptivity and responsiveness towards the emotional dimension of an environment. This article was developed around artistic reflections on oneiric childhood places, dense with vulnerable shared memories, and feelings layered through time. Poem-cinematic image entwinement in Tarkovsky's Mirror was the cinematographic autobiography that offered a conceptual and methodological guideline for the author's own excavations and re-creations of embodied memories and emotional experiences. This was achieved through a cycle of poem-drawings. The article also discusses how poetic profusion between verbal and visual representations of the built surrounding can develop into a personal language that allows the communication and integration of emotional experiences in spatial interpretations.
Keywords: Tarkovsky, poem-(cinematic)image, poem-drawing, parental home, embodied memory of emotional
experience
RICETTIVITÀ EMOTIVA ATTRAVERSO L'INTRECCIO DELL'IMMAGINE POETICA (CINEMATICA) E DEL DISEGNO DI POESIA. SCOPERTA DELLA CONOSCENZA INCARNATA ATTRAVERSO "LO SPECCHIO" DI TARKOVSKY
SINTESI
Lo scopo di questo articolo è di contribuire alla cultivazione della ricettività e della reattività verso la dimensione emotiva di un ambiente. Questo articolo è stato sviluppato intorno a riflessioni artistiche su luoghi di infanzia onirici, densi di ricordi condivisi vulnerabili e sentimenti stratificati nel tempo. L'intreccio di immagini poetico-cinematiche nello Specchio di Tarkovsky era l!autobiografia cinematografica che offriva una linea guida concettuale e metodologica dell'autore per le escavazioni e ricreazioni di memorie incarnate ed esperienze emozionali. Ciô è stato ottenuto attraverso un ciclo di disegni dipoesie. L'articolo discute anche di come la profusione poetica tra le rappresentazioni verbali e visive dell'ambiente circostante possa svilupparsi in un linguaggio personale che consente la comunicazio-ne e l!integrazione di esperienze emotive nelle interpretazioni spaziali.
Parole chiave: Tarkovsky, immagine poetica (cinematica), disegno della poesia, casa dei genitori, memoria
incarnata dell'esperienza emotiva
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INTRODUCTION: UNFOLDING OF THE PERSONSPACE INTIMACY BY EVOKING SPATIAL FEELINGS
If you live in a house - the house will not fall (Arseny Tarkovsky, cited in Mirror, 1975).
Nowadays, cinema and architecture are often perceived as fields for immersion into something that distracts our thoughts away from and out of ourselves. The overwhelming understanding of cinema as a fun alternative that enables a relaxation break from the everyday life, is similar to the touristic understanding of architecture and urbanism: people often travel to other places to forget about themselves, avoiding any kind of self-discovery or searches for truths within themselves. But travelling, through landscapes or through human artworks and artifacts, would only be a transitional activity if it were not integrated as an interpretation of a first-person experience in the knowledge of the inner self.
Anthologist Tim Ingold compares "navigating (a transitional activity)" as opposed to "wayfaring (a way of being)" (Ingold, 2016, 78). It can be said that the first is a way of moving through space and time, a search for knowledge separated from personal feelings and memories, and ignorant towards the personal responsiveness of the surroundings. The second defines "who the traveler is", i.e. his research upon an external object, guides the growth of his understanding; "the traveler and his line are one and the same" in "an active engagement with the country that opens along his path" (Ingold, 2016, 78). The degree of intimacy between the wayfarer and his surrounding defines the intensity of the "progressional ordering of reality" (Jar-vis, qtd. in Ingold, 2016, 91). Wayfarers dare to interpret reality: they never perceive maps, writings or drawings as complete recipes for their movement, but they ground abstract concepts into their personal and shared experience. But wayfaring asks for a cultivation of receptivity and responsiveness: two activities dependent from the spiritual strength of the observer. Most of us grow insensitive towards the silent presence of our living environment, in particular to the places framing most of our time of shared experience with loved ones. It is much easier to notice the technical ingenuity of framing the cinematic image, or to discuss the visible features of an architectural masterpiece, than to ask oneself what is the innermost feeling it awakens inside? What is its relation to one's personality, to one's inner spatial biography? To ask this kind of questions, one needs to have a willingness to dive into one's own emotional experiential encyclopedia. It takes courage and preparedness to face and re-think the most vulnerable ties and places that frame our lifetime, to observe with fresh eyes what we've considered known and familiar. But we become more
and more ignorant towards the relevance of our own feelings, as if we are afraid to discover what their discernment may deliver to our knowledge.
This condition of mass audiences preferring "exotic stories on the screen that have nothing to do with their lives" Tarkovsky names "a degeneration of the audience" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 177). The passivity of the observer's co-creative imagination prevents them from awakening their sensory awareness, and from building a personal interpretation of what they see. Therefore, cinematic approaches that underestimate the co-creative capacity of the observer are single-minded, knocking their head in 'the ceiling of director's so-called thought'. "Lots of audiences enjoy such knocks, which make them feel safe; not only is it exciting, but the idea is clear and there's no need to strain the brain or eyes, there's no need to see anything specific in what is happening" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 73). The whole work and philosophy of Tarkovsky is a reaction against this absence of dialogue between his artworks and his audience. He challenges the fundamentally of the safety zone and the idle consummation of the movie by emotional and intuitive defamiliar-ization. By implementing principles such as poetics of memory and logic of dreams, he is communicating with the audience on levels far beyond the rational by "another kind of language": "Will, feeling, emotion - these remove obstacles from between people who otherwise stand on opposite sides of a mirror, on opposite sides of a door [...]" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 12).
Tarkovsky's Mirror1 is one of the greatest autobiographical artworks, unfolding a deeply personal experience of joys, wounds and sorrow, while at the same time, exhibiting a truth perceivable through an emotional co-creation with the observer. One recognizes emotional fragments of oneself and of their beloved ones in the characters, dialogues, and spaces on the screen. In Mirror, space-time sections of his Home were developed in an unchronological order. The events shifted from childhood dreams and memories of the House to more recent discussions with beloved ones. Unlike his other artworks, Mirror translates a deeply personal view on his own lived experience with his closest family, exhibited through the spaces framing their life; not as a historical notation, but as a poetic opening of "the future, transcending the first order of reference to reality" (Pérez-Gómez, 2006, 192). While long takes, poetry and reflective discussions resemble the rest of his oeuvre, Mirror radiates an emphasized emotional density due to: 1) the degree of intimacy of the exposed inner experience; 2) the trans-temporal exhibition of oneiric spaces; 3) the intertwining of four poems (read and written by Tarkovsky's father) with the environment framed by the cinematic image. The narrator (Aleksey) is visually absent during the entire movie. Instead, the camera frames his beloved ones (and
1 Mirror /3epxano. 1975. Directed by Andrey Tarkovsky, Soviet Union.
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the memory of himself as a child) and the space that (both) connects and separates them from him. The level of sincerity in exposing the inner storyline requires a high degree of emotional alertness from the observer, in order to be able to receive and reflect appropriately to the experience communicated by the director. The observer is challenged to awaken their own vulnerable memories and spiritual questions, far beyond any rational or unequivocal interpretation.
The author's poem-drawing cycles emerged as a personalized response to her perpetual immersion in Tar-kovsky's Mirror. The wonderment after each experience of watching always different for the author, according to the inner condition of the author's moment of perception, however it was always strongly revelational and cathartic. Each time, the author discerned a detail she hadn't noticed before, or discerned different layers of what she had already considered as 'understood'. The imprint of Mirror on the author's (cycles of) individuation, encouraged her to immerse herself into re-visiting her own spatial memories, and to try to understand and express them as an environment housing the bond between herself and her closest beloved prototypes. This immersion was stimulated by the crisis condition she entered into after the death of her grandmother - the same period of her eighth re-interpretation of Mirror. It was in this moment when The Mirror became the author's conceptual and methodological guideline for her own creative work. Instead of cinematic language, the author interweaved poems and drawings as a poetic processu-al tool in investigating and re-creating her own spatial biography. While working as modes of cultivating sensitivity in re-reading places in different layers and different time-frames, poem-drawings disclosed the fertility of the emotional dimension of space and transmitted immeasurable spatial information. The poem-drawings became a resistance towards the usually over-simplified division between the person and the environment in educational practice: feeling, intuiting, epiphany are processes often considered as too personal, dangerous and untrustworthy.
This article discusses how poem-image entwinement can lead to a semantic replenishment, by intensifying the author's synesthetic expression and observer's emotional and intuitive responsiveness. The research through the self examines how the meaning of architectural space can be re-created through its relation to the beloved prototype, how "trivial things" can evolve into a "water, solid, stratified", both flowing through and building on our most personal spatial memories (Tarkovsky, 1975). The discussion on both cases, poem-cinematic and poem-drawing, aims to speak about how spaces can be observed as both changeable and transient fields that house the ties between living characters: knots where
environmental meaning unfolds only along interweaving storylines. The understanding of these ties demands an emotional receptivity, and a vigilant co-creation of meaning through the self by the observer. Despite the absence, the lack, or the changeability of a person or a surrounding, recalling and re-creating these ties is what keeps the inner Home from falling.
EVOKING CHILDHOOD MEMORIES: EMOTIVE RE-INHABITING OF ONEIRIC SPACES
Through the senses of a child, the perception and interpretation of the external reality are an imaginative process. Through them, deeper (personal) connotations of the perceived objects are being developed into an authentic narrative: an appropriated explanation of what is being observed. Free from preconceptions, the child acknowledges the environment through curiosity and the desire for 'conquering' (embodied re-reading) surrounding spaces. Living in a psychophysical scale different to an adult, children settle thoroughly through the micro-spaces of the home. Through the child's movement and attitude towards the places of growth, their innerness2 becomes readable to some extent.
Furthermore, childhood memories dwell on a misty border between real and imagined, between what's heard and what's personally acknowledged, between the dream and the true experience. Solovyova elaborates "a memory of emotional experience" as a "distant kind of memory different from the memory of events or knowledge" that allows the formation of 'the belief and the value system' of the architect (Solovyova, 2018, 1). Besides their misty manifestation, memories of emotional experience encourage conjuncture3 development: a re-creation of subjective judgements and recombination of elements considered familiar in the light of a new context. Two investigations (Solovyova, 2018; Lee & Lee, 2017) and anonymous interviews of renowned architects, exemplify how recalling emotionally poignant memories can be a main source of inspiration in the creative process of stepping out-of-the-box, by revisiting one's own first-person experience.
Tarkovsky states that "a poet has the imagination and the psychology of child, for his impressions of the world are immediate, however profound his ideas may be" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 41). This immediacy and intimacy with the world allows the memories of emotional and embodied experiences to re-appear in the poet's work as an echo in a different time period. Tarkovsky tries to exemplify how a day imprints itself into memory:
As something amorphous, vague, with no skeleton or schema. Like a cloud. And only the central event of that day has become concentrated,
2	the 'irreducible', 'hidden and uncognizable character', whose manifestation can be revealed 'only when the dynamism of the human subject is performed' (Mara, 2007, 87).
3	inference formed without proof or sufficient evidence.
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like a detailed report, lucid in meaning and clearly defined. [...] Against the background of the rest of the day, that event stands out like a tree in the mist [...] Isolated impressions of the day have set off impulses within us, evoked associations; objects and circumstances have stayed in our memory, but with no sharply defined contours, incomplete, apparently fortuitous (Tarko-vsky, 1989, 23).
'The central event' works as a knot where the ties between "isolated impressions" are re-ordered after each evocation. As phenomena difficult to be understood, memories emerge in the consciousness in unpredictable moments during a person's life, especially in moments of fragility (illness or death of a close person, psychological crisis, disappointment, unbearable joy). Such recalling is often emotionally poignant because: 1) it is deeply personal and related to a beloved--(shared)-place and beloved-personality-prototype; 2) it's mysterious and unforeseeable appearance stimulates revisiting the past, re-imagining the future, and re-thinking their relation through the personal present. Always contextualized in a certain environmental setting, embodied memories can lead to an emotive re-inhabiting of spaces lived, ruined, transformed, or desired/imagined: their reflection flows through our present environment, as well as through our constructed vision of ideal dwelling.
Whether it is awakened by a crisis condition or is consciously evoked by writing, drawing, or storytelling, a revived memory of the paternal home is an interruption of the everyday flow of lived experience; an intrusion of an event coming from a different place, time, or reality than the present. If we understand memory as "a spiritual concept" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 57) able to mold a reflective re-inhabitation of another space-time, we can say that the emotional burden it brings can be translated into an authentic expression that is aimed to provoke an analogous "spiritual jolt" in the observer (Tarkovsky, 1975). This emotional burden, present in the greatest artworks, stems from the feeling of a latent lack or absence, the longing for a lost presence, a lost space and time. Tarkovsky elaborates such yearning in the condition of Gorchakov in his Nostalgia (1983):
[...] thoroughly disorientated by the impressions crowding in upon him his tragic inability to share these impressions with the people closest to him [...] the impossibility of grafting his new experience onto the past which has bound him from his very birth [...] an outsider who can only watch other people's lives from a distance, crushed by the recollections of his past, by the faces of those dear to him, which assail his memory together with the sounds and smells of home' (Tarkovsky, 1989, 202-203, my emphasis).
Thus, a memory generates nostalgia when there is a painful inability to 'graft' the newly accumulated experience upon the order of pleasant memories form the paternal Home. But in his statement, Home is not only a spatial material entity, but a concrete place framing the mutual sharing of impressions between his closest people in different time frames. According to Svetlana Boym, nostalgia (a portmanteau of nostos-return home and algos-longing) "appears to be a longing for a place but is actually a yearning for a different time-the time of our childhood, the slower rhythms of our dreams [...] against the time of history and progress" (Boym, 2001, 8). However, contextualized in Tarkovsky's Mirror and in our creative research, this statement can be complete only if we understand the notion of "time" as a human "condition", a deeply personally experienced truth (Tarkovsky, 1989, 56). Since deeply experienced truths define one's own personality, nostalgia is a life-long feeling of a lost space-time that once framed loving dialogues. It can be re-created and re-interpreted through re-visiting the memories in our embodied knowledge by "overcoming one's own boundaries" (Man, cited in Tarkovsky, 1989, 102). Hence, evocation of memories in present life is meaningful because it stimulates a tireless re-creation of one's own experienced truth.
Mirror exhibits the longing for lost places through its displaced appearance: a dream sequence with the young abandoned mother in the middle of a room where rain ruins the ceiling and flames burn on the window; a dream sequence with the mother hovering above the bed while declaring love to her beloved; the colorful wayfaring childhood memories through the maternal house and its decomposed remnants scattered in the forest in the closing scene; the slow framing of the Alexey's apartment, filled with memories and emptied of people, during the phone call with his mother. The spaces are filmed as exterior manifestations of the character's psychological condition: they frame and express the longing through contrasting the condition of a place in different time-frames.
In her master thesis entitled Tarkovsky-Inspiration in Architectural Design, Peric introduces Foucault's concept of heterotopia as the closest metaphor to define the spatial layers of Tarkovsky's movies. Such spaces are "part of the real space but are completely different than the space they reflect or refer upon: the point of break between these two kinds of spaces is a place of mixed experiences from the two and has a role similar to a mirror" (Peric, 2017, 46). Memories, dreams, hallucinations - with all their architectural and environmental backgrounds - enter this point of experiential break. Two of Foucault's heterotopia types relate directly to memory:
• Crisis-deviation heterotopia; privileged places, planned only for persons that belong to a specific vulnerable condition, or - I would add - in a creative-process-condition. Crisis condition is also
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immanent in the micro-heterotopian development of an artist; they have to continuously re-create their "spiritual vision to bear on reality" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 96). "Spiritual crisis" is a road towards self-healing, a way to yearn "for harmony" inside a life "full of discordance" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 193). In space-times that frame the artist's critical condition, a childhood memory - a "person's healthiest and highest possession" - is crucial in preventing the negative outcomes of a crisis (Dostoyevsky, 1968, 567). Present space-times become inhabited by emotional childhood memories. And this inhabitation occurs as an impossible profusion of what cannot be joined. Here, the artist's personal time - the beloved places housing his memories and the ties with his beloved prototypes (Mother, Grandmother, Father) - represent a fragmented mirror of our innerness. The author's poem-drawings work as instruments that excavate spatial memories of the paternal home, by interweaving them with their present spatial existence. Their aim is to overcome a crisis through reviving the past: "When a man thinks of the past, he becomes kinder" (Tarkovsky, 1979). Nostalgia and longing are activated, "the future and the present" become one (Tarkovsky, 1979).
• Heterotopia of time (heterochrony); according to Peric, Mirror is a movie created as "an inner ceasing of (real) time and as a recognition of the personal time" (Peric, 2017, 49). Himself a museum of his own memories, dreams and emotions, Tarkovsky succeeds to express himself using cinematic language through the "personal archives of the main character" (Peric, 2017, 49). This "personal time" is manifested through an empathic defami-liarization, by the evocation of memories, through revealing the unknown or forgotten of what is considered familiar. The linear conception of time can be abolished by recalling or re-visiting a person's living experience. In Mirror, we see a widening, enhancing, concentrating and elongating of a person's experience (Tarkovsky, 1989, 63). Analogously, the author's poem-drawings work as heterotopias, where spatial memories are brought into life and appear into a newly written/drawn order. They elongate the experience by demanding a rhythm of emotive immersion in, and defamiliari-zation from, spatial memories.
Mirror exhibits the flow of Andrey's memories, fears, and desires through his own trans-temporal reality. Understanding his suffering and joy was only possible through unconditional compassion for each character and responsiveness on a highly emotional level. An inner touch with the movie was forthright because his approach to directing brought you vulnerably close to life itself, to your own wounds and longings, and made you feel
intensely present in co-experiencing the places dense with emotive trails. This edge of subjective commiseration and identification with the character's experience is the point where catharsis unfolded for the author: through a disturbed awareness in reading both his and our own most vulnerable spatial memories, we learn how to perceive thoroughly the rest of the spatial environment.
This article elaborates: 1) four examples of overlap between the poetry by Andrey's father and the environmental background of the frame in Mirror, through the movements of his mother as a strongly present donor of connotations; 2) the author's personal poem-drawings about the paternal home, decomposed on trans-temporal knots through the movements of the grandmother, as threads that bring together the other beloved prototypes.
CONCEPTS AND 'METHODOLOGY': TARKOVSKY'S
REFLECTIONS IN AUTHOR'S ARCHITECTURAL APPROACH
Mirror is an inspirational way of filtering lived experiences through an artistic medium. In the poem-cinematic image, we communicate with the author through cinematic language, but the creational principles are spiritually congruent with the author's concept of architectural poem-drawing. Therefore, it is necessary to clearly indicate the points of congruency. Bellow, we include an extremely compressed list of guiding principles.
Against the abstract notion of order: poetics of memory and logics of dream
Tarkovsky compares two methods of development in the plot: "a linear, rigidly logical" composition and a "poetic reasoning" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 18-20). Mirror is undoubtedly the clearest embodiment of the second. Instead of the usual chronological ordering of events as "a sequence of obedience to some abstract notion of order", Tarkovsky's movies exhibit and inspire poetic reasoning that: 1) requires an active association of meanings inside the spectator; 2) is closer to "life itself", "to the laws by which thought develops"; 3) "heightens feelings" that encourage spectator's responsiveness (Tarkovsky, 1989, 20). The advantage of poetic reasoning, in comparison to the abstract notion of order, is in its artistic fruitfulness: "associative linking" allows both "affective and rational appraisal". The spectator is implemented in the co-creation of the artwork through reviving their own emotional experience: "a participant in the process of discovering life" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 20). Emotional memory, emotional receptivity and hermeneutic receptivity become pre-conditions for understanding such an artwork. Emotional awareness enables concre-tization of the spectator's perception into their own memory of emotional experiences. Spectator's emotional responsiveness is encouraged by the author's emotive convincibillity.
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After the principle of awakening the spectator's thinking and feeling by demanding "exertion" and "passionate commitment" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 103) in the name of successful communication, Tarkovsky develops an argument whose multi-facetedness and indefiniteness brings art closer to the reality of life itself. The lack of semantic clarity evokes an emotion inside of the spectator: they feel "disarmed and entranced but not by thought"; it is the spectator's emotions that an artwork affects. Its aim is to "turn and loosen the human soul" through its metamorphosis - to make it "receptive for the good" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 165). This evokes the memory of emotional experience back to life. The properties of memory ("amorphous, vague, no skeleton or schema") become Tarkovsky's "new working principle" in Mirror: the protagonist is physically absent, but the "revelation of his inner world" is exhibited through the "story of his thoughts, his memories and dreams" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 29).
This is relevant for poem-drawing as a mode of detecting and evaluating spatial characteristics that cannot be represented faithfully through usual means in the language of spatial design (technical drawings): emotions, events, dialogues that live framed by spatial elements. Its inherent emotional pregnancy allows one to understand and read places on levels different to the visual and evident. It: 1) cultivates an awareness towards the personal and shared experiencing of a place (personal and collective memory); 2) connects past and the present experiences by evaluating their relevance for the future (poetic approach in design thinking); 3) creates order out of accumulated information about a place through integration of: the "affective and rational appraisal" of spatial values, the work of subjective cognitive mechanisms and the objective existence of certain spatial appearance.
Anthropological mise-en-scène: inner life against symbol as content of cinematic image
The mise-en-scène defines the setting and the surrounding of the cinematic frame in a cinematic shot. Therefore, it defines the relation between the spatial configuration of immovable objects and the movement of the actors. Tarkovsky distinguishes two definitions of what the aim of a mise-en-scene is. The first limits its function to a sheer expression of the meaning of what is happening, which leads to "abstraction" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 73). When this is the case, the movie screen does not show anything beyond a definite trivial form and meaning; the semantic valency is so sterile that it turns a "unique event" into something "utterly banal" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 73). Tarkovsky believes that this sterility is a consequence of treating the mise-en-scenes as a "sign, a cliché, or a concept (however original it may be)" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 25). In such a way, the specificity of the characters and situations dissolves in the "schematic and false" repetition of the weak symbols. The second
definition, by contrast, resists the "obtrusive illustration of some idea" and follows "life-the personalities of the characters and their psychological state" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 25, my emphasis). This approach defines the mi-se-en-scene as an aid in clarifying the inner life of the characters. Instead of being a passive background, it behaves as a living protagonist reflecting the innerness of the characters, so it creates a "versality" and "indeterminacy" of the cinematic image (Tarkovsky, 1989, 163).
In Mirror, such presence of versality and indeterminacy of the cinematic experience is multiplied by the superposition of four poems (recited) over four mise-en--scene shots. The voice of Tarkovsky's father (Arseny) recites four poems that overlap with the events on the cinematic image, and are related to fragments of the living environment from Andrej's childhood. Thus, Arseny's poetry becomes a mirror of reality, a poetic extension of the visible. Poems represent specific columns that mysteriously connect all the pieces of the movie. Besides their appearance at only four scenes within the movie, their echo in each other (previous and following) scene is omnipresent.
Analogously, poem-drawing functions to overlap the verbal and visual languages, to strengthen the investigation and re-creation of the inner life as a filter for observing the outside environment. Verses give a poetic extension meaning of the immediate surrounding, while drawings interweave the verses as dream images: verses and drawings profuse each other in a manner that doesn't follow gravitational principles. External mise--en-scene is re-created through lenses of the inner life: memories, dreams, longings.
Art as meta-language of spiritual wandering: against manifestos, an 'antithesis of pragmatism'
Tarkovsky understands art as a communication between human beings on dimensions beyond the practical, as an "intensification" rather than "abbreviation" of reality (Cassirer, 1994, 184). He names art "a me-ta-language" that helps people "to impart information about themselves and assimilate the experience of others" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 40) beyond any practical or material sense. He speaks about spiritual bonding as an "antithesis of pragmatism" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 40). Alberto Perez-Gomez explains how only a "poet in love" is receptive and responsive to the deeper truth of Paris, thanks to his love for Nadja: "not the invisible but the utterly visible, in a state that is not reducible to either dreams or a banal reality" (Perez-Gomez, 2006, 27). Paris reveals itself through the movements of the beloved person. 'Love' and 'sacrifice' are keywords in reading Tarkovsky; his movies cannot be experienced or explained by an analytic or rational approach.
Therefore, Tarkovsky's artworks are not only limited to self-expression, but demand an emotional and intuitive responsiveness from the spectator. Intellectu-
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al preparedness has a secondary role in each cycle of experience - the cinematic image in Mirror speaks directly to the observer's emotions. His cultivated emotional sincerity awakens rationally unexplainable emotions of compassion with the characters on vague levels. Such exposition of one's innerness in an artform requires the same intensity of chest-opening by the observer. This is how this communication may "triumph over grim, 'base' truth": through mutual wandering towards a higher level of reality (Tarkovsky, 1989, 168). Here, Tarkovsky emphasizes how the director is responsible for cultivating the sensitivity of the audience to perceive the movie as an artwork that demands emotional participation of the personal time. He criticizes Eisenstein as a creator who "transforms thought into despot" leaving no air for the 'unspoken elusive-ness' that is necessary for the "individual to relate to a film" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 183). It therefore suffocates the hermeneutic void inherent in a poetic artwork. In Mirror we see a reaction towards such intellectual suffocation. In absence of intellectual patterns, the artwork concentrates on its emotive role: this makes possible for the audience to behave in the "light of individual experience" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 184).
Analogously, poem-drawing is a tool that develops a resistance towards the reduction of "abundance" in spatial observation and representation (Feyerabend, 1999). It embraces uncertainty and ambiguity as constitutive parts of the (memory of) emotional experience, and integrates them into a theoretical, spiritual and creational self of the artist. This leads to a deliberate authenticity in personal reflection, in a form of resistance to overgeneralized or abstract ways of knowledge. Hence, while acting as an (author's) tool for holistic expression, poem-drawing aims at communicating the emotional knowledge in a context beyond (observer's) sheer emotional displacement; it aims to behave as a meta-language that aims to discuss spatial values beyond the pragmatic and technical dimension (see poem-drawings of Kulper, Hejduk, Le Corbusier, Van Den Berghe, Ishigami).
Empathy against judgement (suspension of judgement)
One of the first feelings you may have while watching Mirror, or any other movie by Tarkovsky, is that the "good" and "bad" characters are indistinguishable. In each character, there is something that reflects a part of our own innerness. The feeling is similar to when observing a Dostoyevsky character: you feel an intense presence of truth so close to reality, yet so complex due to the deep elaboration of the psychological profile. Sensing one's own reflections evokes an empathy and allows an emotional understanding of the individuals and the ties between them. This inner displacement weakens our border of stereotypes
and prejudges: it creates a "suspension of judgement" (Koolhaas & Mau, 1995, 826).
As if Tarkovsky unconsciously and artistically recreates Husserl's phenomenological method of "bracketing": "peeling away the symbolic meanings" of a phenomenon until only the experience of the phenomenon remains, as a subject of further analysis (2018). Tarkovsky himself stresses how important it is for the audience to be unaware of the methods the director is using: it is the only approach where the audience starts to "empathize" and believe in the life and the "reality of what is happening on the screen" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 111). If, on the other hand, the audience starts to judge the "purpose and the execution", they become defo-cused from the personal emotional responsiveness on the screen. This is why Mirror resists any rational criticism: critics do not allow themselves to start from the "direct, living, emotional" impact of the work on their innerness (Tarkovsky, 1989, 46). Thus, if one wants to reach an "unclouded perception" and receptivity, the only judgement one can allow themselves is an "innocent" one - relieved from pre-conceived evaluative formulas and built upon an analysis of the personal experience (Tarkovsky, 1989, 46).
Related to poem-drawing, Mirror worked as a lesson on cultivating empathy and controlling judgement in the process of spatial reading, through the subtle intertwining of Arseny's poems and Andrey's spaces framed by cinematic sequences. While observing the poem-drawings of renowned architects, we can understand their design decisions and spatial philosophies in a depth that goes beyond any methodology or principle. They exhibit the architect's discipline of everyday spiritual growth; therefore, they postpone our judgement and activate a degree of empathy and identification with the struggles of their own creative process. Analogously, the author's poem-drawings presented in this article are not design-oriented notions of space, but nevertheless they intend to reveal visible features not easily seen in the shared spaces of the paternal Home through metaphors. Judgement on their purpose and meaning is postponed due to a demand from the reader to enter the author's embodied knowledge through emotional participation. Emotional displacement is a type of defamiliarization, while its stimulation of meta-thinking postpones the judgement - temporarily or permanently.
EMOTIVES: POEM-CINEMATIC IMAGE AND POEM-
DRAWING ENTWINEMENT AS TRANS-TEMPORAL REMINISCENCE OF SPACES DENSE WITH EMOTIONAL COMPLEXITY
The entwinement of the poem-cinematic images in Mirror and in the poem-drawings of the author's spatial stories, besides their disciplinary differences, have two main common characteristics: 1) they follow the logic
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Figure 1: Resemblance between the inner archives of the observer and the character; a) The author and her grandmother: integration through mutual dwelling on window in 1992 (photograph: Nikola Bogdanov); b) Vishnyakova's portrait and Aleksey, integration through Pushkin's letter (excerpt from Mirror, 1975); c) Smile after playing a game, author's grandmother in 1999 (photograph: Nikola Bogdanov); d) The cry with a smile from the final scene, Terehkova acting Aleksey's mother (excerpt from Mirror, 1975).
of dreams and deform linear time, so they integrate different time-frames on a single image (or sequence of images); 2) they are emotional expressions through a personal language that aims to communicate and encourage responsiveness and emotional interpretation in the observer. This language not only expresses and transfers emotions and thoughts, but it constructs the manner of transferring it, it defines one's own attitude towards a specific Otherness to which the 'information' is being shared. Since it deals with the memory of emotional knowledge, it is deeply personal: its misty grammatic (methodology) is subordinated to the "emotional persuasiveness" and the "poetic consciousness" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 59). For the author, this personal language was a way to "seek one's own truth" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 85) and to formulate one's own "postulate of faith", whereas for the spectator it is a way to experience "sudden flashes of illumination" on intuitive level, to allow to be "governed by dynamics of revelation" beyond the conscious thought (Tarkovsky, 1989, 41).
In Mirror, the four poems recited by Arseny Tarkovsky profuse with the mise-en-scene on the screen. The first poem begins from the yard, then flows inside the maternal house and closes with a sequence with the Mother's portrait. The second poem occurs in a hall in the factory-the Mother's workplace, shown as contrast to the nature of the Home. The third poem begins during a military march over the river and ends with an individualized perception of war - the stagnant and disoriented movement of an orphan child in a snowy landscape. The fourth poem begins on a road towards the Home and ends as a sequence of childhood memory/dream. All four environments are mutually defined. Both recognition of, and comparison with, the embodied memory of the first home occurs: it is a way to protect the inner home from falling. As Venice of Ku-blai Khan: "To distinguish other cities' qualities, I must speak of the first city that remains implicit" (Calvino,
1972, 86). The Home built into our body is like a water - structured through the childhood places.
Poem-drawings are another form of language to express and evoke spatial environments as mental maps of emotional density. Unlike the author's previous poem-drawings that detect and re-think design-oriented spatial values, this cycle of poem-drawings is intended to reflect the memory of emotional experiences of the paternal home. It begun as a personal answer to the eight re-watching of Mirror after the death of the author's grandmother. That moment brought together experiences, ties and similarities whose existence were previously unknown to the author (Figure 1). Memories of an embodied shared experience spring through words, lines and color surfaces. They represent certain perspectives, plans, sections and axonometries of places through time and through change. The painful longing and loss exhibited inside is the absence of the dialogue between the grandmother and the spaces radiating the memory of her; the silently present invisible dialogue before and after her death (Figure 2). Poem-drawings evolved as strip narratives, fragmented emotive storytelling, small constellations of objects related to the authors omnipresent inner voice, and contemplations on the city and the House expressed through her physical and spiritual movements. Through re-writing and re-drawing the memory of feelings, the constant re-creation of the home becomes a mediator between the author's innerness and the expression of the most vulnerable ties; it stores/exposes emotions - "memories, dreams, conscience, nostalgia, self-reflection, freedom, family, faith", (Peric, 2017, 53) and becomes an emotive encyclopedia of the wider family. The home, house, and city evolves into a common language that archives the inhabitant's unspoken feelings: an intimate diary whose attentive re-reading by the observer can bring inner distortions, leading to an intensified individuation as a result of the hermeneutic openness.
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Figure 2: Author's poem-drawing "Enteringa room filled with childhood scenarios (personal archives).
Entering [a game - 1994]
(...)
Only you and grandfather
have registered traces of our fragile bodies:
you've covered the cupboards
and the stairs with blankets,
pillows, trays of breakfast,
or orange juice. [...]
Each stair has grown into a drawing pad, each wardrobe
-into a secret room for peeking views,
-into a climbing rock.
Until the last breath,
You observed each particle
as a silent beast able to hurt us,
change us,
or bring illness inside.
Deeply embedded inside us
is each tree pattern,
and each sound of the staircase
overpopulated by our
research aspirations.
Everyday, Brother and I
have measured corners with our bodies
through stars, leaps and falls,
and you - you remained invisible
until you hear a cry
- dissolved by childish joy. [...]
It hurts that I cannot succeed
to imagine myself alone,
not even in the salon, already degraded.
It is always here
-your smile, your caress, your coverage, -brother's awakening, encouraging, dreaming.
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-m m Lfl *
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Figure 3: Scenes during the recitation of the first poem, around and through the maternal house (excerpts from Mirror, 1975); a) view from the yard; b) the corner in the bedroom; c) a window framing the forest above the reading corner; d) the Mother gazing through the window; e) the iron, the bench, the cloth, the forest seen from the inside; f) the eyes of the abandoned Mother.
"First Dates", fragment
Belonging only to me,
You woke and at once transformed
The language humans speak and think.
Speech rushed up sonorously formed,
With the word "you" so much reformed
As to evolve a new sense meaning king.
[...JAnd suddenly all changed, like in a trance,
Even trivial things, so often used and tried,
When standing 'tween us, guarding us,
Was water, solid, stratified.
(Arseny Tarkovsky, cited in Mirror, 1975).
The poem echoes the period of blooming love between the two parents (visible most intensively in the ending scene of the movie), whereas the cinematic sequence (Figure 3) unfolded through the House with the absent father, the year after his departure. It started with a frame showing the exterior and the yard, flowed through the house framing the movements of the characters, flowed through the window framing the forest/bench/iron again, and closed with the portrait of the Mother in tears. The poem spoke about the transformation of the human language, about "trivial things" gaining new meaning "when standing between us, guarding us". The scene elaborated another connotation of the room, five years after the writing of the poem - both a bedroom, dinning and reading room - through the moods of an abandoned Mother with two children. That is, following the difference of the
event (different space-appropriation), the semantic valency changed. The vulnerability of her condition was exposed in the preceding scene on the wooden fence in the yard, when a disoriented man (a doctor) approached her for a discussion, while the children rested in a cradle in the forest background. In the scene after the poem recitation, the camera moved to the shed in fire in the yard, first shown in the mirror-image of the two children gazing outside, and later - with the Mother sitting on the well helplessly, observing the fire without being able to do anything. There is no linear time-space narrative in Mirror, and yet, a holistic experience of the scenes came to us as an organically exhibited truth, giving a silent resistance to a logical/ usual flow of events. The contrast of moods in the cinematic image and the poem enabled us to grasp transtemporal fragments of Tarkovsky's truth, not as bare objective facts, but as a "unison of imagination and experience" (Ingold, 2018).
In a similar way, objects in the author's paternal home gained importance according to the development of a loving dialogue of a different kind: the one between a granddaughter and grandmother. Architectural and urban fragments gain meaning according to the ever-changing modification of ties between beloved ones. For example, the wall between the living room and grandmother's bedroom had different connotations across the two periods of lived experience. In 1996, it was a vertical surface serving to keep grandfather from falling during his first moments of vertigo attacks, giving us time to react and help his approach
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Figure 4: Author's poem-drawing, modification of ties during time, 1996 and 2017 (personal archives).
to the bed. From 2010 to 2017 it became a field of communication between the two beds (author's and her grandmother's), a transmitter of signals-different types of knocking as signalization of a cheerful play, or as an emergent call for help due to her pains (Figure 4).
(1996)
A dinning table as a dialogue surface. Grandfather: stories drawn, always with different plots. Grandmother: stories told, always interrupted by the oven, twisted/elongated through the House.
Flowers, urban glimpses, whirled curtains, a smell of tea, medicines, burnt sugar, coffee, papyrus, and ink.
(2017)
The wall transformed into a paper absorbing the ink
of our blueish feelings. [...]
Paintings: windows above its shell - unfeasible bridges, above-human-feelings, sorrowful infatuations. A secret archive behind the door wing.
"I waited for you yesterday since morning", fragment
They guessed you wouldn't come,
Do you remember the weather? Like a holiday!
I went out without a coat.
Today came, and they fixed for us
A somehow specially dismal day,
It was very late, and it was raining,
The drops cascading down the chilly branches.
No word of comfort, tears undried...
(Arseny Tarkovsky, cited in Mirror, 1975).
The poet speaks in the name of the Mother. Here, we can read the condition of waiting as time in which the pain and fear of the absence of the beloved person are being formed. A crucial change in just one day can be noticed. Here we can feel an echo of the previous poem-cinematic image entwinement: a memory of an experience and its comparison to a present day condition. The architectural configuration of the printing factory is shown as an opposition to the Home (Figure 5): instead of icons or family portraits we see Stalin's and Trotsky's posters; instead of windows opened towards the forest, we see parapets inhabited by interior plants, instead of "the walls made of logs and the dark entrance" we see sterile halls of white concrete (Tarkovsky, 1975). The poem is being read in the hall while the Mother returns to her office after a panic attack caused by her fear of making a mistake in proofreading in the printing factory. Tarkovsky develops a preceding scene where the Mother chooses the parapet as a place to perform her professional duty, in contrast to the atmosphere around her: repeatability of typing machines and typists, turning their backs to the window light. Her posture is set in the foreground: before the branches of the room plant. The coat on her body seems to behave as a protection of her innerness, in contrast to the open-hearted coatless waiting from the first stanza.
Tarkovsky exhibits his empathy with the Mother, while at the same time he exhibits his own apprehension of the spaces framing her presence, in comparison to the Home. In a similar manner, the author's poem-drawings express jealousy towards each place
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i III
1 III
Unsoothabte by word, unwspable by hand...
Figure 5: Scenes before and during the recitation of the second poem in the printing house (excerpts from Mirror, 1975); a) the parapet as an alternative working place; b) the workers in the printing house - turning their back to the windows; c) the Mother walking in the Hall.
Figure 6: Protagonists / antagonists - objects and architectural / urban elements as places framing and radiating the loving dialogue (personal archives).
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Figure 7: Scenes during the recitation of the third poem (excerpts from Mirror, 1975); a) and b) documentary sequences, the war, crossing the river; c) the orphan, wayfaring without orientation.
Figure 8: Scenes during the recitation of the fourth poem; a) walking towards The Home; b) dream sequence, wind around the table and the grass in the yard; c) dream sequence, entering the house through layers of embroidered curtains.
that kept the grandmother away from her. They even radiate an incomprehensible fear from her own Home during her absence. City's bridges, market, stores, sidewalks, gained the mark of a protagonist or antagonist according to how close or how far they kept her from her presence (Figure 6).
"Life, Life!", fragment
Neither death, nor darkness, exists.
We're all already on the seashore;
I'm one of those who'll be hauling in the nets
When a shoal of immortality swims by.
If you live in a house - the house will not fall.
[...] I measured time with geodetic chains
And marched across it,
as though it were the Urals.
Yet for a corner whose warmth I could rely on I'd willingly have given all my life, Whenever her flying needle Tugged me, like a thread, around the globe. (Arseny Tarkovsky, cited in Mirror, 1975).
In this poem-cinematic image entwinement, Tarkovsky is trying to elevate the significance of Mirror above his personal biography: to touch questions addressing the collective wounds of the Russian people he felt during the war. Here, we can read the nostalgia as a
"relationship between personal and collective memory" (Boym, 2001, 9). The poem speaks about immortality, while the recitation itself integrates two events: crossing the river by soldiers, and a sorrowful movement of a child (who lost his parents during the war) through the snow (Figure 7).
Bringing together these two versions of war relativizes what was then considered to be progress. The two scenes precede the scene of reunion between the father with the two children - one of the most touching moments of the movie. Here we can read a personal experience of war through the absence of the father, through the painful compassion of the abandoned mother. Tarkovsky labels the documentary-scene as the "center, the very essence, heart and nerve" of the movie, which started as notations of his "intimate lyrical memories" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 130). He explains that the scene is a brutal story about tragic suffering as "a price of what is known as historical progress, and of the innumerable victims whom, from time immemorial, it has claimed. It was impossible to believe for a moment that such suffering was senseless" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 130). In the previous entwinement of the poem and cinematic image, we can feel the director's pain caused by his mother's absence; in the second-the pain caused by father's absence. The three scenes occur in a natural environment (the sea, the snowy shore, the forest before the Home); the absence of architectural marker reflects a feeling of discenteredness and disorientation of the inner state of the characters, and in the observer.
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Figure 9: Fragments of author's poem-drawings - the House stores and exposes emotions "memories, dreams, conscience, nostalgia, self-reflection, freedom, family, faith'' (Peric, 2017, 53) and becomes an emotive encyclopedia of the (wider) family; the intensity and the nature of dreaming define the inner dimension/color/form of each space (personal archives).
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Figure 10: Author's poem-drawing 'First Skies', modification of ties during time, 1995 and 2017 (personal archives).
Euridyce (fragment), Arseny Tarkovsky, cited in Mirror (1975)
Without body a soul's nude, as a body's nude without a shirt: no thought's forthcoming, no good, no idea's born and no word.
A question that has no answer:
whoever can come back
from the floor where no dancer
was ever to leave track?
(Arseny Tarkovsky, cited in Mirror, 1975).
In the fourth poem, we read the tracks of the dancer as metaphor of memories we imprint inside our embodied 'floor'. In this scene, the whole spatial configuration of the house becomes clear. The entwinement between the poem and the image seems to be a continuation (and intuitive re-
solution) of First Dates entwinement. The dream sequence in black and white (Figure 8), when little Andrey (Aleksey) enters the house, is emphasized through the words: "run on my child, do not lament the fate of poor Euridyce". These lines are Mirror of Arseny's farewell poem, dedicated to Andrey (he was at the age of three) before leaving his family: "Enter your night dreams in yourself / and reflect in your own mirror" (cited in Zelenskaya, 2016). Digging in his most vulnerable memories, Andrey succeeds to fulfill this covenant: the opening scene of the movie (séance when the young man overcomes speech impediments) can be understood as the preface that Mirror is the language through which he can express most of his intimate heavy emotions "without speech impairments" (Abraham, 2013). As Tarkovsky writes, identifying what is true with what is expressed, "to seek one's own truth (and there can be no other, no "common" truth) is to search for one's own language, the system of expression destined to give form to one's own ideas" (Tarkovsky, 1989, 85).
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The Author's poem-drawings are another language of overcoming emotional "speech impediments". They are a kind of emotional convalescence, a mode of rethinking the ties with the closest persons and closest places as mirrors of the self. The immersion into re-writing and re-drawing the childhood places withdraws re-visiting traces in layers of four generations. The author's Home grows vertically with each birth; while the rooms/levels of current living exhibit the archives of the living family, the lower levels both exhibit and hide silent stories about the life of the deceased, and memories of the places told by the living persons. In this sense, the Home is a spatial family map pregnant with unspoken narratives (Figure 9). Poem-drawings are emotive tools encouraging the author's wayfaring through collective space-time, by re-imagining their relevance in the living spatial present.
SUMMARY / CONCLUSION
This article aims to emphasize the role of emotional receptivity and responsiveness in spatial observation through two types of heterogenous artistic languages. First, in Mirror, the four entwinements between Arseny Tarkovsky's poetry and Andrey Tarkovsky's cinematic image frame the embodied memory of the emotional experience of the paternal Home as a psychosomatic diary. Second, the author's poem-drawing entwine-ment began as a personalized response to her aesthetic experience with Mirror, but developed into a language that succeeded in excavating the author's memories and experiences placed in the inner spatial biography; to re-think her semantic relevance and to communicate them on an emotional level. In both cases, the
enhanced sensitivity towards memory and experience allowed an intimacy between the author and the observed spatial phenomenon, and therefore it integrated subjective and objective types of knowledge through an inner wayfaring and vigilant interpretation.
The conceptual and methodological lessons that Mirror instilled on the environmental receptivity of the author's poem-drawings can be explained in four principles: poetics of memory and logics of dream (against the abstract notion of order), anthropological mise-en-scène (inner life against symbol as content of cinematic image), art as meta-language of spiritual wandering (against manifestos, an antithesis of pragmatism), and empathy against judgement (suspension of judgement). Elaborating memories and dreams (spiritual phenomena), both case studies exhibited experiential break and personal time as elongations of an experienced reality. This article resulted in a discussion on how the poem-cinematic image and poem-drawing entwinement can work as emotives that offer an alternative way of bonding to, perceiving, and the recreation of built reality.
Acknowledgements
The article is elaborated as one of the case studies of poem-image entwinement, a part of author's PhD in progress entitled: "Emotive Immersion Through Poem-Drawing in Spatial Design", supervised by prof. Tadeja Zupančič at the Faculty of Architecture, University of Ljubljana. A presentation and an exhibition on the subject was done at the CA2RE (Conference for Artistic and Architectural Research) conference in Aar-hus, Denmark, 13-16th April 2018.
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ČUSTVENA DOVZETNOST SKOZI PREPLET PESMI-(FILMSKE) PODOBE IN PESMI-RISBE. ODKRITJE UTELEŠENEGA SPOMINA V "OGLEDALU" TARKOVSKEGA
Viktorija BOGDANOVA
Univerza 'Ss. Cyril and Methodius', Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Blvd. Partizanski Odredi 24, 1000 Skopje, Makedonija
e-mail: viktorijaherminabogdanova@yahoo.com
Tadeja ZUPANČIČ
Univerza v Ljubjani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: tadeja.zupancic@fa.uni-lj.si
POVZETEK
Članek predstavi pomembnost vloge čustvene dovzetnosti in odzivnosti pri dojemanju prostora preko dveh heterogenih umetnostnih jezikov. Prvič, v Ogledalu, štirje prepleti med poezijo Arsenija Tarkovskega in filmsko podobo Andreja Tarkovskega ponazarjajo utelešeni spomin čustvenih izkustev rojstne hiše kot psihosomatični dnevnik. Drugič se avtoričin preplet pesmi-risbe prične kot osebni odziv na estetski doživljaj Ogledala in razvije v jezik, ki uspe priklicati avtoričine spomine in izkustva, ki jih deli z drugimi in so locirani v njeni notranji prostorski biografiji, na novo osmisli njihov semantični pomen, in jih izrazi na čustven način. V obeh primerih izboljšano razumevanje spomina in izkustva omogoča intimnost med avtorjem in opazovanim prostorskim fenomenom in tako povezuje subjektivna spoznanja in objektivna znanja s pomočjo notranjega popotovanja in natančne interpretacije.
Konceptualni in metodološki napotki, ki jih Ogledalo vsebuje kot poduk o okoljski dovzetnosti za avtoričine pes-mi-risbe, so razloženi v obliki štirih načel: poetika spomina in logika sanj (kot nasprotje abstraktni predstavi reda), antropološka mizanscena (notranje življenje nasproti simbolu kot vsebini filmske podobe), umetnost kot meta-jezik duhovnega pohajanja (napram manifestom, je antiteza pragmatizma) in empatija (ni obsojanja). Pri razlaganju spominov in sanj (duhovnih pojavov) oba primera prikazujeta izkustveni prelom in subjektivno izkustvo časa kot podaljšek doživljene resničnosti. Ta članek razpravlja o tem, kako lahko prepletanje pesmi-filmske podobe in pesmi-risbe nudi alternativen način dojemanja in poustvarjanja grajenega okolja.
Ključne besede: Tarkovski, pesem-(filmska) podoba, pesem-risba, rojstna hiša, utelešeni spomin čustvenega
izkustva
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original scientific article	DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2018.41
received: 2018-10-02
THE AURA OF THE ORIGINAL AND THE AUTONOMY OF VIRTUAL PLACES. DISTINGUISHING AN IMAGE'S PHYSICALITY FROM ITS VISUAL CONTENT
Or ETTLINGER
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: or.ettlinger@fa.uni-lj.si
Humboldt University of Berlin, Cluster of Excellence Image Knowledge Gestaltung, An Interdisciplinary Laboratory,
Unter den Linden 6, 10099 Berlin, Germany e-mail: or.ettlinger@hu-berlin.de
ABSTRACT
This article reconsiders the notion of the 'aura' of pictorial works of art in light of the developments of digital technology and what they revealed about the nature of images. It proposes that while the means of experiencing an image have vastly multiplied, an alternative unique value that has emerged is the autonomy of the space that is seen through it. This idea is explored through a case study of Paolo Veronese's painting Nozze di Cana, the recent production of an accurate facsimile of it, and its placement in the physical setting in Venice for which it was originally painted.
Keywords: aura, image, art, original, virtual place, art theory, media theory
L'AURA DELL'ORIGINALE E L'AUTONOMIA DEI LUOGHI VIRTUALI. LA DISTINZIONE TRA LA FISICITÁ DI UN'IMMAGINE E IL SUO CONTENUTO VISUALE
SINTESI
Questo articolo riconsidera la nozione di "aura" delle opere d'arte pittoriche alla luce dello sviluppo di tecno-logie digitali e di ció che esse possono rivelare sulla natura delle immagini. Esso suggerisce che mentre i mezzi per vivere un'immagine si sono largamente moltiplicati, sta emergendo un peculiare valore alternativo, cioe l'autonomia dello spazio che e possibile vedere attraverso di essa. Questa idea e indagata attraverso lo studio de Le Nozze di Cana di Paolo Veronese, la recente produzione di un suo accurato facsimile e il suo posizionamento nello spazio físico veneziano per il quale era stato originariamente dipinto.
Parole chiave: aura, immagine, arte, origínale, luogo virtuale, teoria dell'arte, teoria dei media
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INTRODUCTION
During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, an emerging challenge with respect to understanding images was to come to terms with their unprecedented spread due to the invention of mechanical means of reproducing them into multiple copies. Accordingly, in 1936, Walter Benjamin famously wrote that means of mechanical reproduction brought about a loss of the 'aura' of works of art, and thus introduced a theoretical framework for addressing such issues (Benjamin, 1999). But by the early 21st Century, not only did these issues expand further due to even more powerful and widespread means of mechanical reproduction, they were also given an added dimension by digital technology and its reduction of the materiality of images - from objects that are physically constant (such as a painted canvas or a printed paper) to objects whose physicality is adjustable (such as computer screens and monitors). This does not necessarily negate Benjamin's observation, yet it does call for some further refinement or expansion of it.
Benjamin's notion of the aura successfully put into words the difference that is intuitively perceived between a work of art's original and one of its myriad copies. There is something unique about the original - with its material physicality, the labor of its maker, its history of changing owners and locations, and the cultural value it receives as a consequence of all of these. In that sense, the reason that copies make a reference to an original, and that they even exist at all, is precisely because it is what it is - an 'original'. Though its copies may appear almost identical to it in many ways, they nevertheless lack that core value, which cannot be replicated. They don't have the aura of the original object.
Digital technology presents a different phenomenon that goes beyond just an intensification of the process of mechanical reproduction. Digital technology not only allowed the means of mechanical reproduction to be even more widespread and accessible, but it also constituted a major, other, qualitative difference: digital technology altered the degree of the physicality of images. That is, the very ability to even see an image became increasingly separated from the existence of a physical object which might clearly be identified as being 'an image'. Previously, as long as the difference was between, say, an original painting and its multiple printed copies, the issue was that of comparing the origins of two physical objects: one which was manually labored on by its artist and another which was mechanically reproduced by a machine. But, at least, both objects had a material existence. Yet when the discussion expands to involve digital files that are downloaded to a computer and projected onto a screen, the very nature of the image's physicality is altered. In other words, not only does the image lack an aura, but it hardly even has a physicality to which such an aura could be attached to even if the image had it.
With the expansion of digital technology, the physicality of what might be called 'an image' has become reduced to one of myriad devices that can interchangeably show multiple different images - and even different mediums. At the same time, the physical presence of the devices through which the image is viewed is becoming increasingly secondary. Nevertheless, what hasn't changed is the nature of the space that is seen through them: whether we look at the original or at one of its multiple copies - mechanically reproduced or digitally viewed - the intensity of our experience might be affected, but the visual content is the same. In other words, digital technology shifted the attention from the physicality of the object which carries the visual content, to the visual content that this object presents. This may have abolished the aura of the physical object, but it is far less clear what this means to the space that is seen through it.
This article, therefore, seeks to understand the visual space of images from the point of view of the aura of works of art. It starts by revisiting the idea of the 'aura' of a work of art, analyzing what an aura and its underlying aspects are, and addressing the aura with respect to pictorial images in particular. It then explores the possibility of the aura's presence in various cases: in an original painting, in a perfectly executed copy of it, and in the visual space of a painting as distinct from the painting as a physical object. The discussion is assisted by a case study of Paolo Veronese's painting Nozze di Cana, the story of which coincides with and illuminates the various aspects of these topics. Ultimately, this article proposes the interpretation that the visual space of a painting has an autonomous existence, and additionally, that it might even have an aura of its own.
THE AURA OF A WORK OF ART
The idea of the aura of a work of art, as introduced by Benjamin, refers to the discernable value of the uniquely crafted singular object as opposed to the mechanical reproduction of multiple copies of it. In that sense, for example, Leonardo da Vinci's painting of the Mona Lisa in the Louvre is the 'original', and thus has such an aura, whereas any other copy of it does not. Although this idea makes sense intuitively, it is much less obvious what exactly an aura is, or what might imbue a work of art with such an aura. As a first step towards the discussion of the aura, I will propose some finer distinctions about the possible uses of the term.
The first distinction is between the aura as an explicit phenomenon, and the aura as an implicit phenomenon. As an explicit phenomenon, the term 'aura' refers to the literal presence of a discernable glow of colored light, or an energy field, which may surround a person or an object. Traditionally, such an aura was attributed to saints, and it was often depicted in paintings of them as
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Figure 1: Paolo Veronese - Nozze di Cana, 1563, oil on canvas, 6.77m x 9.94m (Source: Wikimedia Commons).
a visible halo around their heads. It is sometimes also attributed to works of art, be it a painting, a sculpture, or even a sheet music manuscript. As an implicit phenomenon, on the other hand, the term 'aura' refers to the atmosphere of specialness around people or objects that seem to radiate a quality that transcends their physica-lity. This article does not preclude the possibility that explicit auras might exist (or that implicit auras might reflect the presence of explicit ones), but the focus of its entire discussion, similar to Benjamin's, is on auras in the implicit sense of the term.
The second distinction is between the aura as a potential phenomenon, and the aura as a manifested phenomenon. Regardless of whether the aura might take the explicit form of a glow of light, or the implicit form of an atmosphere of specialness, an aura can at times be more hidden, and at other times more fully present. For example, in a masterpiece of painting, the painted canvas has an aura that is fully manifested, whereas a printed copy or screen image of it can be considered to be devoid of such an aura. This article explores the idea that while a paper or screen may not have a manifested aura, they
could nevertheless have a potential aura which would manifest itself under certain conditions. In that sense, part of what gives the original canvas its aura is that it enables the potential aura to manifest itself. The manifestation of a potential aura, therefore, is an interplay between the intensity of its potential and the conditions available for it to shine forth. To be clear, however, the term 'manifested' is not used here to mean that an aura has been perceived by an individual, but rather that an aura has achieved a realized existence in the external world.1
Equipped with these two sets of distinctions about the aura - explicit or implicit, and potential or manifested - the next step is to explore what an aura might consist of. The following considers some of the underlying aspects which may generate, influence, or contribute to the aura of an original work of art - some of them more obvious, others more elusive.
The first and most straightforward aspect of the aura of an original work of art is that it involves a superior quality of experience. This, of course, is predicated on the original being in a well-kept state, which is not al-
1 The question of what allows an aura to be perceived by an individual is a separate and important matter, which is not included in the discussion of this article. The aim of this article is to study the nature of what might actually be there to be perceived at all, even if the attention of the observing individual might have a part in bringing about its existence.
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ways necessarily the case. However, often enough, the original work of art is capable of providing an experience whose quality is incomparable with that of its numerous copies. For example, paintings by Caravaggio are often considered to be ones that must be seen in the original in order to appreciate them in full, even in the purely visual sense. In such a case, their aura might simply be a matter of a certain visual quality that a reproduction cannot fully replicate. Yet the notion of the aura, in essence, also extends beyond such technical concerns.
A second aspect of the aura is that of the labor of the artist who created it. For example, the reason that the Mona Lisa draws countless visitors to it is not just because they wish to see what that painting looks like, and not even because they seek a better visual experience of it. After all, since there are so many available copies of the Mona Lisa, seeing it in the original, together with the crowds that fill its room in the museum, hardly adds much more visual information than visitors might already have. The reason they come has more to do with the assertion that this physical piece of canvas is the exact same one which Leonardo had labored on for several years. That process, along with the legends that grew around his labor and its fruit, gives this painted canvas a particular value which cannot be replicated in any way.
A third aspect of the aura is that of veneration. Historically, before works of art were subjected to mechanical reproduction, and even before they were treated as 'art objects' worthy of collection and exhibition, they were often made as objects of magic or ritual. Thus, the sculpture of a Greek god, or the altar painting in a church, were not necessarily accessible to all people at all times but rather only to particular people, or at particular times, or both (Benjamin, 1999). They were made to serve a specific role within the culture in which they were created. This gives such objects two distinct underlying values. One such value is in its former inaccessibility: the rarity of experience that is tied to the ritual it was made to play a part in. This value is lost when it becomes an object of public display in a gallery, at a later time and culture - or at least replaced by another kind of inaccessibility: that of the pedestal in a museum room in a culture that venerates beauty. The other underlying value is the meaning that an object of ritual had for the people who took part in it, and the emotional role it had for them, be it religious or cultural. Such veneration gives objects a unique value, which can be recognized even by people and cultures that do not share the rituals for which they were created.
A fourth aspect of the aura is that of provenance, or the story of what happened to a physical object from the time it was created until the present: where it has been, who owned it, and what changes it might have been subjected to (Benjamin, 1999). In addition to being prone to wear and tear like all physical objects, works
of art can also be subjected to physical adaptation to fit the changing culture of the times and their newfound meaning in it. Their social roles may vary, and if their cultural esteem rises, so might their financial value, turning them into commodities that can be bought, sold, given, stolen, rediscovered, and returned (or not). All of this gives art objects unique histories that - at least to art historians and collectors - give them a particular value which is added on top of the inherent value they might have already had otherwise.
A fifth aspect of the aura is that of the location in which a work of art is experienced. This aspect does not necessarily pertain to the work itself, but rather to the conditions that allow its aura to fully manifest or be more easily perceived. In that sense, the sculpture of a Greek god, when placed in its original placement in the cella of a temple, would emanate an aura of greater intensity than it might in a museum room. Similarly, the performance of a Shakespeare play in the reconstructed Globe Theatre - all other things being equal - might contribute to manifesting the aura of the original play more successfully than the exact same performance by the same theater company when performed on the stage of, say, a contemporary Jazz club.
Although it is convenient to discuss all these aspects of the aura separately, they are often seamlessly combined. For example, in Michelangelo's ceiling painting in the Sistine Chapel, many of the aspects of its aura are indistinguishable from one another. Visiting the Sistine Chapel provides the opportunity to see this multiface-ted work in a way that is visually impossible otherwise, to witness the physicality of the actual ceiling which Michelangelo labored on for several years in an uncomfortable position on a scaffold, to appreciate it as an object of veneration for generations of churchgoers and for generations of art lovers, and to experience it in the original context for which it was made. The aura of this work is infused by the combination of all these aspects of it.
In order to recognize and discuss the presence of the aura of a work of art, it makes no difference whether you might hold materialist views in mind or rather spiritualist ones. In one way or another, the above issues - the presence of supreme quality, the attention of labor or veneration, the lure of inaccessibility or meaning, the invisible traces of provenance, or the resonation of location - are an inseparable part of the work of art. Perhaps you believe that emotional and spiritual factors can have a transformative effect on an object's physicality, and in a way that is humanly discernable. Or perhaps you don't believe in the ability of physical matter to absorb any such non-material value. Either way, you can probably sense that the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel has something about it that is not limited only to mere pigments on a plastered ceiling. Whatever this may be is difficult to say with absolute certainty, but that is what the elusive term 'aura' attempts to capture.
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THE DUAL NATURE OF MAKING A PAINTING
The idea of the aura refers to works of art in general, but its nature differs depending on the particular medium of the work. To understand the aura in the art of painting (and its consequence for images in general) we need to better understand its difference from other mediums.
For example, if we are talking about a sculpture -such as Michelangelo's original David - then that sculpture is clearly the original reference to all of its copies made in various sizes and materials by different people at different times. That carefully tended-to physical object of chiseled Carrara marble would thus be the bearer of this work of art's aura.
However, if we are talking about a theater piece -such as a play by Shakespeare - then a distinction must be made between the potential aura of the play and the physicality of the stage, sets, props, actors, and costumes which are involved in its performance. The aura of the play cannot become manifested without them, and they might have potential auras of their own to contribute to it. If they all resonate well together, the resulting performance will be memorable and jointly manifest the potential auras of all involved. But the aura of the original, in the case of theater, is a potential that can only be attributed to a certain spirit or essence of the play, which particular performances of it may embody in varying degrees of success (Latour and Lowe, 2011).
The case of painting is usually considered along the lines of the first example, and though it is justifiable in many respects, it is also incomplete. To some extent, a painting is indeed a physical object comparable to a sculpture, which needs to be just as carefully crafted to completion before it can be further copied by various means. This is also the level at which discussions of the aura in painting typically occur. But unlike a sculpture, a painting also provides a visual experience that is distinct from its physicality. Unless it is an abstract painting -which is a whole other discussion2 - the very nature of the medium of painting is that it provides a pictorial view into a separate space that seems to exist as if it were behind the surface of the painting (Gombrich, 2002).
However, the visible world revealed by a painting cannot be directly compared to the enactment of a theater play either. After all, a play does not create a non-physical space, but rather transforms the physical space of the stage into the experience of another physical place for the limited duration of the play's performance. Additionally, the visible world of a painting cannot be compared to a Platonian ideal, since that ideal, in itself, has no visible existence at all. Therefore, like in sculpture, what is seen in a painting is inseparable from the painting as a physical object and is visibly part of it at all times. Yet, like in theater, the
Figure 2: The Church of San Giorgio Maggiore, Venice, built between 1566 and 1610, by Andrea Palladio (Source: Wikimedia Commons).
whole point of painting is that what is visually revealed through it is distinct from its physicality.
The obvious, yet often overlooked, essence of painting is that it has a dual nature. When the painter applies paint onto a canvas, the result is simultaneously the creation of a unique physical object, and also the creation of a visible space that can be experienced through it. This distinction might initially seem to be a peculiar idea since we are so accustomed to considering a painting and its visual content to be one and the same. And yet, the very essence of pictorial art lies in this duality: the making of a physical object such that it transcends its physicality to the point of providing a view into a non-physical space. The inspiration, talent, and labor of the painter are infused into both of them. Accordingly, any attempt to locate the aura of a painting must come to terms with its inherent duality: a painting is simultaneously a physical object and a non-physical (yet publically accessible) visual space.
CASE STUDY: PAOLO VERONESE'S "NOZZE DI CANA"
A valuable insight into the questions of original, copy, aura, and space can be gained by exploring the case of Paolo Veronese's painting Nozze di Cana and its unique history (fig. 1). For over two centuries, the pictorial space of the Nozze was accessible through the original canvas hanging in the original setting for which it was painted. Commissioned by the monastery of the island of San Giorgio Maggiore in Venice in 1563, it was painted by Veronese for the new refectory building (fig. 2) designed by Palladio for the mona-
2 The main distinction between pictorial images and abstract images is whether they generate a visual space that can be seen through the image, or only a visual pattern that exists on the surface of the image. Both can have an aura, but this article focuses particularly on images that generate a visual space. For an in-depth comparison, see Ettlinger, 2018.
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Figure 3: Paolo Veronese's Nozze di Cana on display in the Louvre museum (Source: Wikimedia Commons).
stery. It was made-to-measure to cover the nearly 7 by 10 meter wall of the dining room where all the monks convened together daily. Suitably, it was made to represent a Biblical meal that was a recurring theme for paintings: the wedding feast at Cana, where Jesus turned water into wine. That painting's event, architecture, people, the interactions between them, and the light in which they are all presented, were made to fit for that particular physical setting with its own function, architecture, and lighting conditions. The space of the painting was made to be experienced from the space of that monastery's dining room.
In the year 1797, when Napoleon's army conquered Venice, its soldiers entered the monastery and took the painting as war booty. Its huge canvas was taken off the wall, cut horizontally, rolled like a carpet, and sent to Paris. There it was stitched back together and eventually placed in the Louvre museum. In the classical terminology of art theory, when the original painting was removed from Venice and relocated to the Louvre in Paris, its 'illusion space', or 'pictorial space' moved along with it. The wedding scene no longer appeared to be occurring behind the wall of the monastery's di-
ning room in which the painting was formerly placed, but behind the wall of a gallery in the Louvre (fig. 3).
A century or two later, the development of mechanical means of producing copies made it possible to have multiple different objects that look like the original painting. Nowadays there are multiple postcards, posters, and reproductions of the Nozze, but this brings up a new question: if each of these objects have their own 'illusion space', yet they look so similar, what does it say about that space?
A useful and widespread metaphor for understanding paintings was introduced by Leon Battista Alberti already in the Renaissance: to consider them as a 'window' to whatever is seen in them (Alberti, 1966). Following Alberti's window metaphor, then, the above question can be rephrased as follows: if multiple copies are made of a painting, does the window of each copy provide a view to a different place, or do they all provide views to one single place? The terms 'pictorial space' or 'illusion space' express the first interpretation, referring to the spaces behind each copy as if they are separate. But if we wish to explore the second interpretation, then how could it be expressed? How
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Figure 4: The specially-built scanner and rig used for scanning Paolo Veronese's Nozze di Cana (Source: © Factum Arte).
should we refer to a visible place that has no physical existence yet can be experienced through multiple physical objects as if it were the same single place?
I will hereby refer to such a place using the term virtual, not in the sense that it is digital or even non-real, but rather in the sense that it is non-physical yet provides an 'as-if-physical' visual experience (Ettlinger, 2008). This choice of term is not accidental, and it does imply a connection to phenomena that became prevalent in the digital era, but which are actually rooted in the very nature of pictorial images. In that sense, the virtual place in which the Nozze occurs was created by Veronese through the creation process of the original painting. The original painting still functions as a primary window for seeing it, yet this virtual place can also be experienced - in different viewing qualities - through a whole range of various copies that have since been made of this painting using various means.
In order to be visually experienced, a virtual place is dependent on the availability of at least some kind of physical device. Traditionally, this was the original painting, and later on, it could have been one of its myriad mechanically-reproduced copies. More recently, digital technology made the virtual place visually available also through display monitors or projections on screens - provided that their computers
are equipped with the digital file that can temporarily transform their array of pixels into a window to that virtual place. In order to address all these different types of physical objects using a single encompassing term, I will refer to them as devices of illusion: that is, despite their many differences, they are nevertheless all physical devices, and they all provide a pictorial illusion (Ettlinger, 2008). As such, therefore, Veronese's original painting in the Louvre is the original device of illusion for viewing the virtual place of the Nozze.
THE AURA OF A PERFECT COPY
The latest chapter in the long history of Paolo Veronese's Nozze di Cana is an unexpected twist. The original painting still remains in the Louvre, but after two centuries of tension and debate, in 2007, a facsimile of the Nozze was produced and placed in the original setting of that painting in the Palla-dian refectory of the Monastery of San Giorgio Ma-ggiore in Venice. But this was no mere copy. Produced by the innovative art conservation company Factum Arte, the process began by digitally documenting the original painting: scanning it up-close at a high resolution (fig. 4), producing two different
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Figure 5: A facsimile of Paolo Veronese's Nozze di Cana hanging in the original setting of the original painting in the Monastery of San Giorgio Maggiore in Venice (Source: © Factum Arte).
sets of high-level photographs of it, and 3D scanning the exact structure and texture of its surface (Factum Arte, 2007). Then, in the company's studio in Madrid, a series of canvases were produced using the same materials and techniques that were used in Veronese's time. The canvases were also coated with the same kind of 'gesso' - the material layer on which paint was applied - as was traditionally used. Then, a large digital printer directly placed the right kind of pigment in the exact right location onto the layer of gesso. The studio's skilled team manually stitched all the canvas panels together and fixed any possible inaccuracies. Even the exact features of the surface were recreated as they are in the original. This was followed by the task of transporting the finished facsimile from Madrid to Venice and placing it in its intended location (fig. 5).
When the facsimile was unveiled - a perfect copy, placed in the original setting - this raised many questions that relate to the notion of the aura. One of the reactions to it was to even speculate whether the aura, previously attached to the original Nozze hanging in the Louvre, might have left the original and migrated to the newly-produced high-quality facsimile of it that was now hanging in Venice (Latour and Lowe, 2011). While this reaction might be a bit of an over-statement, it does emphasize that something momentous did happen here. But what exactly? How does it relate to the aura? And how does it relate to the visual space
of the painting? To get a better understanding of the issue, we can analyze and compare the original and the facsimile of the Nozze in light of the various aspects of the aura discussed above.
First, in terms of their visual quality, the whole point of making the facsimile was precisely that today's technology makes it possible to produce it at a quality so high that it matches that of the original. Furthermore, the very ability to achieve such a feat gives the facsimile its own uniqueness as a physical object that "must be seen to be believed" - seen, in person, as one might do with an original work of art.
Second, in terms of the effects of human labor and its attention on the aura of a physical object, the facsimile, although made by a strikingly different process than that of the original, cannot be said to lack a labor of love. Despite its heavy reliance on digital technology, the particular way it was applied in this project involved much human care and attention: from the dedicated drive behind it, through the complex operation of the equipment, and down to the intensive manual labor of the team of restoration artists and experts that was required to ensure the integrity of the finalized canvas.
Third, the aspect of veneration of an object is a little harder to determine. In this particular case, the absence of the Nozze from Venice has had a cultural importance for Venetians for several generations, which, inadvertently, intensified the particular aspect of the aura that derives from the inaccessibility or hiddenness of an object of ritual. In that sense, the renewed presence of a high-quality facsimile, combined with the continuing absence of the original, perhaps maintains some degree of such an aura. Thus, combined with the cultural meaning of having this painting back in its location, even if as a perfect copy, gives it an aura that may not be equal to that of the original, but which is not negligible either. Whether or not it will intensify or wane will also depend on the degree to which the Venetian public will accept and adopt the facsimile as their own as time goes by.
Fourth, the provenance of the Nozze - with its rich historical context, long-lasting political intrigues, and their discernible imprints on the damaged canvas - is quite remarkable. This obviously gives the original a unique aura, but strangely enough, to some degree, also to its facsimile. After all, the very existence of this facsimile is an inseparable part of the historical odyssey of this painting, as well as a physical evidence of it. It therefore carries at least some aspect of the aura which brought it into being.
A fifth aspect of the aura that needs to be considered is its location - in which the facsimile has a clear advantage. There is no question that the Louvre is a grand museum, and that the very act of displaying
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Figure 6: Vicenzo Maria Coronelli - Refectory, San Giorgio Maggiore, engraving, 1709. Paolo Veronese's Nozze di Cana is noticeable on its far wall (Source: Refectory, San Giorgio Maggiore).
a work of art in it imbues that work with a certain aura.3 Moreover, the placement of the Nozze in the Louvre is far from marginal: it is hanging in the same respectable room as Leonardo's Mona Lisa, covering the entirety of the large wall that faces it. However, on a practical level, this also means that in order to see the Nozze, one has to deal with the crowds of people who come to see the Mona Lisa as they continuously enter and leave the room from the two openings on either side of the Nozze. Additionally, the painting is hanging low, providing a vantage point into its visual space that is quite different from the vantage point for which it is was made. The virtual place generated and presented by this painting was designed to serve as a visual extension of a wall, starting from 2.5 meters above the floor of a Venice monastery's dining room (fig. 6): its entire scene, with all its important painted figures, was designed to perch above the head-table where the monastery's abbot sat during dinner; its light was designed to fit the Venetian light at dinnertime; its architecture was designed to fit Venetian architecture, with Classical
and Renaissance influences, as well as an arcaded tower designed by Palladio, the same architect of the physical setting the painting was made for (Collins, 2018). Therefore, the facsimile, combining its high visual and material quality together with the originally intended location, provides a prime experience of the virtual place of the Nozze as it was intended to be, much more than the original in the Louvre can ever achieve.
The above analysis surely leaves room for additional considerations, yet the essence of its direction is clear: there are arguments to be made for an aura of the original as well as for an aura of the facsimile. Therefore, in conclusion to the comparison of the Nozze's two canvases, the value of the facsimile cannot be denied, while the original still maintains its value just as well. More interestingly, however, this fascinating case allows us to shift the discussion from the physicality of either the original or its facsimile, and take it in another direction: the non-physical existence of the virtual place they both provide visual access to.
3 This has been the argument of conceptual art, that what makes a work of art is only its admission into the status of a gallery object. As seen in this study, it is a partially-true argument, except for the 'only'.
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THE AUTONOMOUS EXISTENCE OF A VIRTUAL PLACE
The case study of Paolo Veronese's Nozze di Cana doesn't end here; it extends further. At the inauguration event of the Nozze's facsimile in Venice in 2007, a specially-made video work was presented by artist and filmmaker Peter Greenaway and projected onto the entire facsimile. By merging the facsimile and the video projection into a unified device of illusion, this work demonstrated how the virtual place of the painting can achieve a new life. Presented when the physical setting of the monastery refectory was otherwise dark, the video was continuously changing over time: alternately lighting up some parts of the painting while darkening others, changing its overall lighting and weather conditions, adding various visual effects, delineating contours of characters and architecture, and even gradually shifting the viewing angle so as to give the impression of seeing that same virtual place from above. Thus, this video projection departed from a strict adherence to the painting so as to provide a revealing insight of its virtual place. As a result, it perhaps enhanced this virtual place's aura even beyond what its original device of illusion had originally made available.
The intensity of experience which Greenway's video work provides, also brings attention to a non-obvious realization that is universal to all pictorial images. Part of the value of this work, obviously, was that its video projection was onto a high-quality device of illusion whose aura rivals that of the original, and that its location was the very same wall as the original's physical setting. What this did, however, was to enhance the presence of the virtual place of the Nozze and assert its autonomous existence as distinct from both the original and its facsimile. While neither the facsimile nor the video caused this autonomy, they nevertheless provided a particularly vivid demonstration of it. The existence of the two painted canvases of the Nozze already indicated that (1) they do not show two virtual places, but only one, and (2) this virtual place is distinct from either of them. What Greenaway's video projection emphasized, on top of that, is that this virtual place is not tied to the physicality of either of them - it has an autonomous existence of its own.
The autonomy of virtual places is nothing new; it has been the case ever since painters in Ancient Greece began to create visual depth in their paintings (Gombrich, 2002). Yet as long as pictorial images were tangible physical objects - be it original or copies -there was no need to think of them in this way. However, technological developments in the last century or two increased the suspicion that images might extend beyond their mere physicality. First, mechanical reproduction made it possible to produce numerous copies of images, and more recently, digital abstraction made it possible to distribute limitless copies, ever fa-
ster, and with a reduced physicality. But it also made it possible to create places that can be seen through screens alone (such as in 3D imaging and video games), without even needing any permanent physical images to exist at all. Accordingly, the term 'virtual' became popularized as a loose reference to something that is present yet intangible. But the virtual nature of places that are seen through images is not the result of their loss of anchoring in a constant physical object such as a painted canvas or a printed paper - the virtuality of places in images is inherent to the very nature of pictorial images, no matter what kind of device of illusion they are seen through. Be it pixels on a screen or a painted canvas, be it a fleeting projection of light on a wall or a fresco painted into a wall's plaster - the increasing recognition that there is a virtual aspect to images is precisely the realization that the places seen in them have, and always have had, an autonomous existence.
Consequently, the realization that a virtual place has an autonomous existence makes it possible to bring up a further question: might also the virtual place itself have an aura?
THE POSSIBLE AURA OF A VIRTUAL PLACE
From the conventional understanding of images -traditional as well as contemporary - the suggestion that a virtual place might have an aura sounds quite implausible. From the traditional point of view, the idea of a virtual place is foreign, since the pictorial space of an image is considered to be an inherent part of its physicality. From the contemporary point of view, part of the fascination with new media is - for better or worse - the seeming lack of aura that stems from its disembodiment.
Nevertheless, is there any indication to the possibility that a virtual place might have an aura, at least to some degree? To determine whether or not the idea of the aura is appropriate also for the understanding of images in terms of virtual places, the analysis of the various aspects of the aura from the beginning of this article will again be of assistance.
First, as far as the quality of experience is concerned, if a virtual place has an aura, it is rather a potential aura whose presence would be more easily discernible the more the quality of its manifestation as a device of illusion improves. Thus, a truly powerful aura of a virtual place would manifest itself even through a reproduction of an original painting on a modest postcard. On the other hand, a high-quality facsimile would allow even a weaker aura to shine through as well.
Second, what about the labor of the artist? Visually speaking, of course, the labor of the artist created the surface of the painting and its space simultaneously - the two cannot be separated, and in that sense, neither can their aura. But what about the possible claim
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that the artist's labor might also infuse some kind of a non-physical glow into the physicality of an artwork? In that sense, such a glow would by definition be absent from the virtual place. However, if there is such a thing as a non-physical glow, then if it can inhabit physical matter, would it necessarily be impossible for it to also dwell in a non-physical space, such as the visual space of a pictorial image? More specifically, consider the digital creation tools of today, such as 3D modeling programs. Such programs can produce visually-rich images of virtual places without involving any device of illusion except for the computer screen which the artist uses as a viewing tool while working on them. Therefore, if the labor of the artist who makes these virtual places generates any such non-physical glow, this glow isn't likely to go into the physicality of the computer's screen or processing units. What such creative labor could infuse with an aura, rather, is the virtual place. As such, it would be more of a potential aura that would become manifested whenever and however that virtual place is viewed again.
Third, what about the aspect of veneration? In the case of the Nozze, what exactly is it that has been venerated for centuries, from either the religious, artistic, or cultural perspective? Whether through its presence in the Louvre or through its absence in Venice, was the veneration directed at Veronese's painting as a pattern of paint on a physical canvas, or at the visual content of its virtual place? Here as well, the two cannot be clearly separated. Yet Greenaway's video projection does emphasize that the virtual place, even as distinct from the surface through which it is seen, shares at least part of the veneration. But what about virtual places that have no fixed devices of illusion, such as virtual places that are seen in films or video games? Might they too have an aspect of veneration to them? Interestingly enough, the answer is yes: some films do reach the cultural status of 'cult films' (or are otherwise highly respected or popular) and thus, indirectly, so do some places in them. For example, the cult status of Star Wars gives a certain aura to the virtual place of the 'Mos Eisley canteen', and that of The Wizard of Oz gives a certain aura to the virtual place of 'the Emerald City'. But in addition, the non-physical existence of these places makes them forever inaccessible, which reinforces the veneration aspect of their aura even more.4
Fourth, as far as provenance goes, the aura seems to rest clearly with the physical device of illusion and not with the virtual place. This is surely the case in paintings, where, to the extent that their virtual places could have a provenance value at all, it derives directly from the existence of their original painting as a physical object with a unique history of where it's been and what happened to it. To a lesser extent, however, even
in the production of virtual places in film, a similar consideration to provenance can be attributed to the back story of how such virtual places were produced. A film made in Paris, for example, even if many of its scenes were actually shot in a studio, would still carry into it some of the aura of the city of Paris, even if the place seen on the screen is not literally Paris.
Fifth, the location from which the virtual place is viewed surely has an effect on bringing out the potential aura that might be inside of it. In painting, an original canvas hanging in a museum would allow its virtual place to shine through more intensely than if it were looked at in a storage room or reproduced in a book. And as the case of the Nozze has shown, even a facsimile, placed in the location for which its original painting was made, can allow its virtual place to manifest itself in full. Similarly, films are more fully manifested when viewed in a cinema theater than if they are viewed at home or on an airplane. Such differences affect the extent to which the aura of a virtual place would be able to become fully manifested.
In summary of all these aspects, it would seem that there is a strong case for considering the virtual place as having an aura of its own, as distinct from the aura of the device of illusion through which it could be seen. The aura of a virtual place would be a potential aura, existing separately from any of its devices of illusion and the manifested auras they each might or might not have. At the same time, the aura of the virtual place is entirely dependent on the quality of its device of illusion in order to become manifested. In that sense, the aura of the original painting as discussed by Benjamin is a combined expression of both of them: the aura of the painted canvas fused with the aura of the virtual place.
If the above analysis is correct, this opens a reconsideration of contemporary culture's understanding of images and their value: perhaps all the museum visitors who stop at the museum shop to buy a postcard or poster of their favorite paintings on their way out are not clutching at empty, soulless objects after all; perhaps the labor of the artist does leave its mark on his work even when it has no physicality to receive that mark; and perhaps the meaning that pictorial works of art have for people does infuse these works with a discernable value, independently of the physicality of the object through which they are seen. If so, then the lamentation of Walter Benjamin - and many of his later interpreters (Berger, 1990) - about the loss of the aura of works of art in the age of mechanical reproduction was justified only in part. Thus, the age of digital abstraction revealed another aura that has always been there but was never fully noticed for what it was.
4 In that sense, this is one of the drivers behind the merchandise business around movies: what it sells are objects that attempt to capture an aura that is by definition unattainable, because that which actually bears the aura is not even physical but located in virtual space.
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CODA: LEONARDO'S "LAST SUPPER"
The distinction between the aura of a device of illusion and the aura of a virtual place is well demonstrated in another project which Peter Greenaway made with Factum Arte - the re-creation of Leonardo da Vinci's Last Supper. The intention of that project was to produce a video that would be projected on the original wall painting in its setting in the refectory of the Convent of Santa Maria delle Grazie in Milan. However, the sensitive state of Leonardo's original allowed for a projection on it to occur only once. Therefore, in order to be able to have repeated presentations of the video work, a facsimile of the original painting was produced, and a 1:1-scale replica of its physical setting was built for the facsimile to be placed in.
Greenaway's video was projected onto the facsimile and showed audiences The Last Supper like they've never seen it before. More particularly, specific sections of this video simulated the changes of penetrating sunlight throughout the day, yet two such sunlight simulations were clearly distinct from each other. One simulated the effect of the sun entering the physical setting of the monastery through the windows which had originally been there, following its sun rays as they travel through the room and shine onto the surface of the painting from various angles. The other simulation, however, depicted the sun that shines inside the virtual place, entering through the openings in the ceiling above the Christ and apostles as they eat the last supper, following the sun's changing angles as it travels through the virtual place. Whereas the first simulation
of sunlight emphasized the aura of the device of illusion, the second one rather emphasized and brought out the aura of the virtual place: the non-physical room and events of the last supper, as envisioned, created, and made visibly accessible by Leonardo.
CONCLUSION
The development of mechanical means of image production made it possible to reproduce an original painting into multiple copies, but brought into question the possible loss of the aura of the original. More recently, digital technology made it possible to use a single versatile device through which to experience the visual content of nearly any image, and of various mediums. And yet, this also revealed that the visible space of a pictorial image has an autonomous existence which is distinct from the physicality of the image through which it is seen. This distinct existence is the underlying essence of the often elusive term 'virtual place' - a place that is visually accessible, but not physical.
Consequently, the aura of an original painting, traditionally attributed to its physicality as an object, might therefore consist of two distinct auras. One aura is of the original as an object, and the other aura is of the virtual place that is seen through it, and which can also be seen through its myriad copies, with their varying levels of physicality. Accordingly, also virtual places that never had a physical original - such as in photographs, films, or digitally produced images - may still emanate some form of aura.
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AVRA IZVIRNIKA IN AVTONOMIJA VIRTUALNIH KRAJEV. DISTINKCIJA FIZIČNOSTI
PODOBE IN NJENE VIZUALNE VSEBINE
Or ETTLINGER
Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: or.ettlinger@fa.uni-lj.si
Humboldt University of Berlin, Cluster of Excellence Image Knowledge Gestaltung, An Interdisciplinary Laboratory,
Unter den Linden 6, 10099 Berlin, Germany e-mail: or.ettlinger@hu-berlin.de
POVZETEK
Razvoj mehanskih sredstev za ustvarjanje podob je omogočil reproduciranje številnih kopij izvirne slike, hkrati pa je sprožil vprašanje morebitne izgube avre izvirnika. Bolj nedavno je digitalna tehnologija omogočila, da z uporabo ene same vsestranske naprave izkusimo vizualno vsebino tako rekoč katere koli podobe in tudi različnih medijev. Vendar pa je to tudi razkrilo, da ima vizualni prostor slikovne podobe avtonomno eksistenco, distinktivno od fizičnosti podobe, skozi katero ga vidimo. Ta distinktivna eksistenca je temeljna esenca pogosto izmuzljivega izraza "virtualni kraj" - kraj, ki je vizualno dostopen, ne pa tudi fizičen.
Posledično je torej možno, da avra izvirne slike, ki se tradicionalno pripisuje fizičnosti slike kot objekta, sestoji iz dveh ločenih avr. Ena je avra izvirnika kot objekta, druga je skozi objekt vidna avra virtualnega kraja, ki ga vidimo tudi v neštetih kopijah različnih ravni fizičnosti. Posledično lahko tudi virtualni kraji, ki niso nikoli imeli fizičnega izvirnika - na primer v fotografijah, filmih ali digitalno ustvarjenih podobah - še vedno izžarevajo neke vrste avro.
Ključne besede: avra, podoba, umetnost, izvirnik, virtualni kraj, teorija umetnosti, teorija medijev
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SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY
Alberti, L. B. (1966): On Painting. Trans. John R. Spencer. New Haven, Yale University Press.
Benjamin, W. (1999): The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction. In: Arendt, H. (ed.): Illuminations. New York, Schocken Books, 217-251.
Berger, J. (1990): Ways of Seeing. London, Penguin Books.
Collins, N. (2018): The Wedding Feast at Cana (1562-3) by Paolo Veronese. In: Encyclopedia of Art. http://www.visual-arts-cork.com/famous-paintings/ wedding-feast-at-cana.htm (last access: 19. 8. 2018).
Ettlinger, O. (2008): The Architecture of Virtual Space. Ljubljana, University of Ljubljana.
Ettlinger, O. (2018): The Abstract, the Pictorial, and the Virtual: In search of a lucid terminology. Caso-pis za kritiko znanosti, 274 (forthcoming).
Factum Arte (2007): A Facsimile of the Wedding at Cana by Paolo Veronese. http://www.factum-arte.com/ pag/38/A-facsimile-of-the-Wedding-at-Cana-by-Paolo-Veronese (last access: 19. 8. 2018).
Gombrich, E. H. (2002): Art and Illusion: A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation. London, Phaidon.
Latour, B. & A. Lowe (2011): The Migration of the Aura. In: Bartscherer, T. & R. Coover: Switching Codes. Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 275-297.
Refectory, San Giorgio Maggiore. Vincenzo Maria Coronelli, Venetian Art, http://library.bc.edu/venetia-nart/items/show/1808 (last access: 10. 9. 2018).
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KAZALO K SLIKAM NA OVITKU
SLIKA NA NASLOVNICI: Paja Jovanovic, Vendetta - krvno maščevanje. Ritual posredovanja skupnosti z otroci v zibelkah, da bi prepričali užaljenega k sklenitvi kompromisa, to je premirje, odškodnina, sprava, odpuščanje in trajni mir (Paja Jovanovic: Umir krvi, 1899) (Foto: galerija Matice srpske, http://www.info-ks.net/slike/clanci/slike/2016i/ decembar/Krvna-osveta.jpg).
Slika 1: Benetke, doževa palača, dvorana Sveta deseterice (Vir: Galleria Querini-Stampalia, Pinterest). Slika 2: Ko material ustvari optično iluzijo! Železniška postaja, Trst, 2018 (Foto: Ghazaleh Afshary). Slika 3: Pozzi, zapori v doževipalači, Benetke (Vir: Wikimedia Commons).
Slika 4: Paolo Veronese - Nozze di Cana, 1563, olje na platnu 6,77m x 9,94m (Vir: Wikimedia Commons).
Slika 5: Vicenzo Maria Coronelli - Refektorij, San Giorgio Maggiore, gravura, 1709 (Vir: Refektorij, San Giorgio Maggiore).
Slika 6: Različna tekstura kot pomoč. Piazza Unita, Trst, 2018 (Foto: Ghazaleh Afshary).
Slika 7: Urbana oprema (poštni nabiralnik) kot pregrada, če je ne moremo poiskati z belo palico. Via Cesare Battisti. Trst, 2018 (Foto: Ghazaleh Afshary).
Slika 8: Prostorska postavitev in oblika kot perceptualna pregrada. Trgovski center "Le Torri", Trst, 2018 (Foto: Ghazaleh Afshary).
INDEX TO IMAGES ON THE COVER
FRONT COVER: Paja Jovanovic, Vendetta - Blood Feud. The ritual of the community mediation with children in their cradles to persuade the offended to compromise, that's the truce, compensation, reconciliation, forgiveness and peace perpetual (Paja Jovanovic: Umir krvi, 1899) (Photo: galerija Matice srpske, http://www.info-ks.net/slike/ dand/slike/2016i/decembar/Krvna-osveta.jpg).
Image 1: Venice, doge palace, the hall of the Council of Ten (Source: Wikimedia Commons).
Image 2: When a material creates an optical illusion! Railway station, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: Ghazaleh Afshary).
Image 3: Pozzi, prisons in the doge palace, Venice (Source: Wikimedia Commons).
Image 4: Paolo Veronese - Nozze di Cana, 1563, oil on canvas, 6.77m x 9.94m (Source: Wikimedia Commons).
Image 5: Vicenzo Maria Coronelli - Refectory, San Giorgio Maggiore, engraving, 1709 (Source: Refectory, San Giorgio Maggiore).
Image 6: Difference of texture as facilitator. Piazza Unità, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: Ghazaleh Afshary).
Image 7: Urban furnishing (mail box) as barrier, when its presence cannot be checked by the white stick. Via Cesare Battisti, Trieste, 2018 (Photo: Ghazaleh Afshary).
Image 8: Spatial layout and shape as perceptual barrier, Shopping centre "Le Torri", Trieste, 2018 (Photo: Ghazaleh Afshary).
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NAVODILA AVTORJEM
1.	Revija ANNALES (Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije, Series Historia et Sociologia) objavlja izvirne in pregledne znanstvene članke z družboslovnimi in humanističnimi vsebinami, ki se navezujejo na preučevanje zgodovine, kulture in družbe Istre in Mediterana. Vključujejo pa tudi primerjalne in medkulturne študije ter metodološke in teoretične razprave, ki se nanašajo na omenjeno področje.
2.	Sprejemamo članke v slovenskem, italijanskem, hrvaškem in angleškem jeziku. Avtorji morajo zagotoviti jezikovno neoporečnost besedil, uredništvo pa ima pravico članke dodatno jezikovno lektorirati.
3.	Članki naj obsegajo do 48.000 znakov brez presledkov oz. 2 avtorski poli besedila. Članek je mogoče oddati na e-naslov Annaleszdjp@gmail.com ali na elektronskem nosilcu (CD) po pošti na naslov uredništva.
Avtor ob oddaji članka zagotavlja, da članek še ni bil objavljen in se obvezuje, da ga ne bo objavil drugje.
4.	Naslovna stran članka naj vsebuje naslov in podnaslov članka, ime in priimek avtorja, avtorjeve nazive in akademske naslove, ime in naslov inštitucije, kjer je zaposlen, oz. domači naslov vključno s poštno številko in naslovom elektronske pošte. Razen začetnic in kratic pisati z malimi črkami.
5.	Članek mora vsebovati povzetek in izvleček. Izvleček je krajši (max. 100 besed) od povzetka (cca. 200 besed).
V izvlečku na kratko opišemo namen, metode dela in rezultate. Izvleček naj ne vsebuje komentarjev in priporočil.
Povzetek vsebuje opis namena in metod dela ter povzame analizo oziroma interpretacijo rezultatov. V povzetku ne sme biti ničesar, česar glavno besedilo ne vsebuje.
6.	Avtorji naj pod izvleček članka pripišejo ustrezne ključne besede. Potrebni so tudi angleški (ali slovenski)
in italijanski prevodi izvlečka, povzetka, ključnih besed, podnapisov k slikovnemu in tabelarnemu gradivu.
7.	Zaželeno je tudi (originalno) slikovno gradivo, ki
ga avtor posreduje v ločenih datotekah (jpeg, tiff) z najmanj 300 dpi resolucije pri želeni velikosti. Največja velikost slikovnega gradiva je 17x20 cm. Vsa potrebna dovoljenja za objavo slikovnega gradiva (v skladu z Zakonom o avtorski in sorodnih pravicah) priskrbi avtor sam in jih predloži uredništvu pred objavo članka. Vse slike, tabele in grafične prikaze je potrebno tudi pod-nasloviti in zaporedno oštevilčiti.
8.	Vsebinske opombe, ki besedilo še podrobneje razlagajo ali pojasnjujejo, postavimo pod črto.
Bibliografske opombe, s čimer mislimo na citat - torej sklicevanje na točno določeni del besedila iz neke druge publikacije, sestavljajo naslednji podatki: avtor, leto izida in - če citiramo točno določeni del besedila -tudi navedba strani. Bibliografske opombe vključimo v glavno besedilo.
Celotni bibliografski podatki citiranih in uporabljenih virov so navedeni v poglavju Viri in literatura (najprej navedemo vse vire, nato literaturo). Pri tem avtor navede izključno dela ter izdaje, ki jih je v članku citiral.
Primer citata med besedilom:
(Kalc, 2010, 426).
Primer navajanja vira kot celote:
(Kalc, 2010).
Popolni podatki o tem viru v poglavju Literatura pa se glasijo:
Kalc, A. (2010): „Statistični podatki o Trstu" ob tretji francoski zasedbi leta 1809. Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia, 20, 2, 423-444.
Če citiramo več del istega avtorja iz istega leta, poleg priimka in kratice imena napišemo še črke po abecednem vrstnem redu, tako da se viri med seboj razlikujejo. Primer:
(Kalc, 2010a) in (Kalc, 2010b).
Bibliografska opomba je lahko tudi del vsebinske opombe in jo zapisujemo na enak način.
Posamezna dela ali navedbe virov v isti opombi ločimo s podpičjem. Primer:
(Kalc, 2010a, 15; Verginella, 2008, 37).
9.	Pri citiranju arhivskih virov med oklepaji navajamo kratico arhiva, kratico arhivskega fonda / signa-turo, številko tehnične enote in številko arhivske enote. Primer:
(ARS-1851, 67, 1808).
V	primeru, da arhivska enota ni znana, se dokument citira po naslovu v opombi pod črto, in sicer z navedbo kratice arhiva, kratice arhivskega fonda / signature, številke tehnične enote in naslova dokumenta. Primer:
ARS-1589, 1562, Zapisnik seje Okrajnega komiteja ZKS Koper, 19. 12. 1955.
Kratice razložimo v poglavju o virih na koncu članka, kjer arhivske vire navajamo po abecednem vrstnem redu.
Primer:
ARS-1589 - Arhiv republike Slovenije (ARS), Centralni komite Zveze komunistov Slovenije (fond 1589).
10.	Pri citiranju časopisnih virov med tekstom navedemo ime časopisa, datum izdaje ter strani:
(Primorske novice, 11. 5. 2009, 26).
V	primeru, da je znan tudi naslov članka, celotno bibliografsko opombo navedemo pod črto:
Primorske novice, 11. 5. 2009: Ali podjetja merijo učinkovitost?, 26.
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V	seznam virov in literature izpišemo ime časopisa / revije, kraj, založnika in periodo izhajanja.
Primer:
Primorske novice. Koper, Primorske novice, 1963—.
11. Poglavje o virih in literaturi je obvezno. Bibliografske podatke navajamo takole:
-	Opis zaključene publikacije kot celote - knjige:
Avtor (leto izida): Naslov. Kraj, Založba. Npr.:
Šelih, A., Antic Gaber, M., Puhar, A., Rener, T.,
Šuklje, R., Verginella, M. & L. Tavčar (2007): Pozabljena polovica. Portreti žensk 19. in 20. stoletja na Slovenskem. Ljubljana, Tuma, SAZU.
V	zgornjem primeru, kjer je avtorjev več kot dva, je korekten tudi citat:
(Šelih et al., 2007).
Če navajamo določeni del iz zaključene publikacije, zgornjemu opisu dodamo še številke strani, od koder smo navedbo prevzeli.
-	Opis prispevka v zaključeni publikaciji - npr. prispevka v zborniku:
Avtor (leto izida): Naslov prispevka. V: Avtor knjige: Naslov knjige. Kraj, Založba, strani od-do. Primer:
Lenarčič, B. (2010): Omrežna družba, medkultur-nost in prekokulturnost. V: Sedmak, M. & E. Ženko (ur.): Razprave o medkulturnosti. Koper, Založba Annales, 245-260.
-	Opis članka v reviji:
Avtor, (leto izida): Naslov članka. Naslov revije, letnik, številka strani od-do. Primer:
Lazar, I. (2008): Celejski forum in njegov okras. Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia, 19, 2, 349-360.
-	Opis ustnega vira:
Informator (leto izporočila): Ime in priimek informatorja, leto rojstva, vloga, funkcija ali položaj. Način pričevanja. Oblika in kraj nahajanja zapisa. Primer:
Žigante, A. (2008): Alojz Žigante, r. 1930, župnik v Vižinadi. Ustno izporočilo. Zvočni zapis pri avtorju.
- Opis vira iz internetnih spletnih strani:
Če je mogoče, internetni vir zabeležimo enako kot članek in dodamo spletni naslov ter v oklepaju datum zadnjega pristopa na to stran:
Young, M. A. (2008): The victims movement: a confluence of forces. In: NOVA (National Organization for Victim Assistance). Http://www.trynova.org/victiminfo/ readings/VictimsMovement.pdf (15. 9. 2008).
Če avtor ni znan, navedemo nosilca spletne strani, leto objave, naslov in podnaslov besedila, spletni naslov in v oklepaju datum zadnjega pristopa na to stran.
Članki so razvrščeni po abecednem redu priimkov avtorjev ter po letu izdaje, v primeru da gre za več citatov istega-istih avtorjev.
12.	Kratice v besedilu moramo razrešiti v oklepaju, ko se prvič pojavijo. Članku lahko dodamo tudi seznam uporabljenih kratic.
13.	Pri ocenah publikacij navedemo v naslovu prispevka avtorja publikacije, naslov, kraj, založbo, leto izida in število strani (oziroma ustrezen opis iz točke 10).
14.	Prvi odtis člankov uredništvo pošlje avtorjem v korekturo. Avtorji so dolžni popravljeno gradivo vrniti v enem tednu.
Širjenje obsega besedila ob korekturah ni dovoljeno. Druge korekture opravi uredništvo.
15.	Za dodatna pojasnila v zvezi z objavo člankov je uredništvo na voljo.
UREDNIŠTVO
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ISTRUZIONI PER GLI AUTORI
1.	La rivista ANNALES (Annali per gli studi istriani e mediterranei, Series Historia et Sociología) pubblica ar-ticoli scientifici originali e rassegne dai contenuti socio-logici e umanistici relativi allo studio della storia, cultura e societá dell'Istria e del Mediterraneo. Include inoltre studi comparativi e interculturali nonché saggi metodo-logici e teorici pertinenti a questa area geografica.
2.	La Redazione accetta articoli in lingua slovena, italiana, croata e inglese. Gli autori devono garantire l'i-neccepibilitá linguistica dei testi, la Redazione si riserva il diritto di una revisione linguistica.
3.	Gli articoli devono essere di lunghezza non superiore alle 48.000 battute senza spazi, ovvero 2 fogli d'autore. Possono venir recapitati all'indirizzo di posta elettronica Annaleszdjp@gmail.com oppure su supporto elettronico (CD) per posta ordinaria all'indirizzo della Redazione.
L'autore garantirá l'originalitá dell'articolo e si im-pegnerá a non pubblicarlo altrove.
4.	Ogni articolo deve essere corredato da: titolo, eventuale sottotitolo, nome e cognome dell'autore, de-nominazione ed indirizzo dell'ente di appartenenza o, in alternativa, l'indirizzo di casa, nonché l'eventuale indirizzo di posta elettronica. Tranne sigle e acronimi scrivere in minuscolo.
5.	I contributi devono essere corredati da un rias-sunto e da una sintesi. Quest'ultima sará piu breve (max. 100 parole) del riassunto (cca 200 parole).
Nella sintesi si descriveranno brevemente i metodi e i risultati delle ricerche e anche i motivi che le hanno determinate. La sintesi non conterrá commenti e se-gnalazioni.
Il riassunto riporterá in maniera sintetica i metodi delle ricerche, i motivi che le hanno determinate as-sieme all'analisi, cioe all'interpretazione, dei risultati raggiunti. Si eviterá di riportare conclusioni omesse nel testo del contributo.
6.	Gli autori sono tenuti ad indicare le parole chia-ve adeguate. Sono necessarie anche le traduzioni in inglese (o sloveno) e italiano della sintesi, del riassunto, delle parole chiave, delle didascalie, delle fotografíe e delle tabelle.
7.	L'eventuale materiale iconografico (originale) va preparato in formato elettronico (jpeg, tiff) e consegnato in file separati alla definizione di 300 dpi a grandezza desiderata, purché non ecceda i 17x20 cm. Prima della pubblicazione, l'autore provvederá a fornire alla Redazione tutte le autorizzazioni richieste per la ripro-duzione del materiale iconografico (in virtu della Legge
sui diritti d'autore). Tutte le immagini, tabelle e grafici dovranno essere accompagnati da didascalie e numerati in successione.
8.	Le note a piè di pagina sono destinate essen-zialmente a fini esplicativi e di contenuto.
I riferimenti bibliografici richiamano un'altra pubblicazione (articolo). La nota bibliografica, riportata nel testo, deve contenere i seguenti dati: cognome dell'autore, anno di pubblicazione e, se citiamo un determi-nato brano del testo, anche le pagine.
I riferimenti bibliografici completi delle fonti vanno quindi inseriti nel capitolo Fonti e bibliografía (saran-no prima indicate le fonti e poi la bibliografía). L'autore indicherà esclusivamente i lavori e le edizioni citati nell'articolo.
Esempio di citazione nel testo:
(Borean, 2010, 325).
Esempio di riferimento alla fonte, senza citazione:
(Borean, 2010).
I	dati completi su questa fonte nel capitolo Fonti e bibliografía verranno riportati in questa maniera:
Borean, L. (2010): Collezionisti e opere d'arte tra Ve-nezia, Istria e Dalmazia nel Settecento. Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia, 20, 2, 323-330.
Se si citano più lavori dello stesso autore pubblicati nello stesso anno accanto al cognome va aggiunta una lettera in ordine alfabetico progressivo per distinguere i vari lavori. Ad es.:
(Borean, 2010a) e (Borean, 2010b).
II	riferimento bibliografico puo essere parte della nota a pié di pagina e va riportato nello stesso modo come sopra.
Singole opere o vari riferimenti bibliografici in una stessa nota vanno divisi dal punto e virgola. Per es.:
(Borean, 2010a, 37; Verginella, 2008, 37).
9.	Le fonti d'archivio vengono citate nel testo, tra parentesi. Si indicherà: sigla dell'archivio - numero (oppure) sigla del fondo, numero della busta, numero del documento (non il suo titolo). Ad es.:
(ASMI-SLV, 273, 7r).
Nel caso in cui un documento non fosse con-traddistinto da un numero, ma solo da un titolo, la fonte d'archivio verrà citata a piè di pagina. In questo caso si indicherà: sigla dell'archivio - numero (oppure) sigla del fondo, numero della busta, titolo del documento. Ad es.:
ACS-CPC, 3285, Milanovich Natale. Richiesta della Prefettura di Trieste spedita al Ministero degli Interni del 15 giugno 1940.
Le sigle utilizzate verranno svolte per intero, in ordine alfabetico, nella sezione »Fonti« a fine testo. Ad es.:
ASMI-SLV - Archivio di Stato di Milano (ASMI), f. Senato Lombardo-Veneto (SLV).
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10.	Nel citare fonti di giornale nel testo andranno indicati il nome del giornale, la data di edizione e le pagine:
(Il Corriere della Sera, 18. 5. 2009, 26)
Nel caso in cui e noto anche il titolo dell'articolo, l'intera indicazione bibliografica verra indicata a pie di pagina:
Il Corriere della Sera, 18. 5. 2009: Da Mestre all'Archivio segreto del Vaticano, 26.
Nell'elenco Fonti e bibliografía scriviamo il nome del giornale, il luogo di edizione, l'editore ed il periodo di pubblicazione.
Ad es.:
Il Corriere della Sera. Milano, RCS Editoriale Quo-tidiani, 1876-.
11.	Il capitolo Fonti e bibliografía e obbligatorio. I dati bibliografici vanno riportati come segue:
-	Descrizione di un'opera compiuta:
autore/i (anno di edizione): Titolo. Luogo di edizione, casa editrice. Per es.:
Darovec, D., Kamin Kajfez, V. & M. Vovk (2010): Tra i monumenti di Isola : guida storico-artistica del patrimonio artistico di Isola. Koper, Edizioni Annales.
Se gli autori sono piu di due, la citazione e corretta anche nel modo seguente:
(Darovec et al., 2010)
Se indichiamo una parte della pubblicazione, alla citazione vanno aggiunte le pagine di riferimento.
Descrizione di un articolo che compare in un volume miscellaneo:
-	autore/i del contributo (anno di edizione): Titolo. In: autore/curatore del libro: titolo del libro, casa editrice, pagine (da-a). Per es.:
Povolo, C. (2014): La giusta vendetta. Il furore di un giovane gentiluomo. In: Povolo, C. & A. Fornasin (eds.): Per Furio. Studi in onore di Furio Bianco. Forum, Udine, 179-195.
Descrizione di un articolo in una pubblicazione periodica - rivista:
autore/i (anno di edizione): Titolo del contributo. Titolo del periodico, annata, nro. del periodico, pagine (da-a). Per es.:
Cergna, S. (2013): Fluidita di discorso e fluidita di potere: casi d'internamento nell'ospedale psichiatrico di Pola d'Istria tra il 1938 e il 1950. Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia, 23, 2, 475-486.
Descrizione di una fonte orale:
informatore (anno della testimonianza): nome e co-gnome dell'informatore, anno di nascita, ruolo, posi-zione o stato sociale. Tipo di testimonianza. Forma e luogo di trascrizione della fonte. Per es.:
Zigante, A. (2008): Alojz Zigante, r. 1930, parroco a Visinada. Testimonianza orale. Appunti dattiloscritti dell'intervista presso l'archivio personale dell'autore.
Descrizione di una fonte tratta da pagina internet:
Se è possibile registriamo la fonte internet come un articolo e aggiungiamo l'indirizzo della pagina web e tra parentesi la data dell'ultimo accesso:
Young, M. A. (2008): The victims movement: a confluence of forces. In: NOVA (National Organization for Victim Assistance). (15. 9. 2008). Http://www. trynova. org/victiminfo/readings/VictimsMovement.pdf
Se l'autore non è noto, si indichi il webmaster, anno della pubblicazione, titolo ed eventuale sottotitolo del testo, indirizzo web e tra parentesi la data dell'ultimo accesso.
La bibliografía va compilata in ordine alfabetico se-condo i cognomi degli autori ed anno di edizione, nel caso in cui ci siano più citazioni riferibili allo stesso au-tore.
12.	Il significato delle abbreviazioni va spiegato, tra parentesi, appena queste si presentano nel testo. L'elen-co delle abbreviazioni sarà riportato alla fine dell'ar-ticolo.
13.	Per quanto riguarda le recensioni, nel titolo del contributo l'autore deve riportare i dati bibliografici come al punto 10, vale a dire autore, titolo, luogo di edizione, casa editrice, anno di edizione nonché il numero complessivo delle pagine dell'opera recensita.
14.	Gli autori ricevono le prime bozze di stampa per la revisione. Le bozze corrette vanno quindi rispedite entro una settimana alla Redazione. In questa fase, i testi corretti non possono essere più ampliati. La revisione delle bozze è svolta dalla Redazione.
15.	La Redazione rimane a disposizione per even-tuali chiarimenti.
LA REDAZIONE
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INSTRUCTIONS TO AUTHORS
1.	The journal ANNALES (Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies, Series Historia et Sociología) publishes original and review scientific articles dealing with social and human topics related to research on the history, culture and society of Istria and the Mediterranean, as well as comparative and intercultural studies and methodological and theoretical discussions related to the above-mentioned fields.
2.	The articles submitted can be written in the Slovene, Italian, Croatian or English language. The authors should ensure that their contributions meet acceptable standards of language, while the editorial board has the right to have them language edited.
3.	The articles should be no longer than 8,000 words. They can be submitted via e-mail (Annaleszdjp@gmail. com) or regular mail, with the electronic data carrier (CD) sent to the address of the editorial board. Submission of the article implies that it reports original unpublished work and that it will not be published elsewhere.
4.	The front page should include the title and subtitle of the article, the author's name and surname, academic titles, affiliation (institutional name and address) or home address, including post code, and e-mail address. Except initials and acronyms type in lowercase.
5.	The article should contain the summary and the abstract, with the former (c. 200 words) being longer than the latter (max. 100 words).
The abstract contains a brief description of the aim of the article, methods of work and results. It should contain no comments and recommendations.
The summary contains the description of the aim of the article and methods of work and a brief analysis or interpretation of results. It can contain only the information that appears in the text as well.
6.	Beneath the abstract, the author should supply appropriate keywords, as well as the English (or Slovene) and italian translation of the abstract, summary, keywords, and captions to figures and tables.
7.	If possible, the author should also supply (original) illustrative matter submitted as separate files (in jpeg or tiff format) and saved at a minimum resolution of 300 dpi per size preferred, with the maximum possible publication size being 17x20 cm. Prior to publication, the author should obtain all necessary authorizations (as stipulated by the Copyright and Related Rights Act) for the publication of the illustrative matter and submit them to the editorial board. All figures, tables and diagrams should be captioned and numbered.
8.	Footnotes providing additional explanation to the text should be written at the foot of the page. Bibliographic notes - i.e. references to other articles or publications -should contain the following data: author, year of publication and - when citing an extract from another text -page. Bibliographic notes appear in the text.
The entire list of sources cited and referred to should be published in the section Sources and Bibliography (starting with sources and ending with bibliography). The author should list only the works and editions cited or referred to in their article. E.g.: Citation in the text: (Blace, 2014, 240). E.g.: Reference in a text: (Blace, 2014).
In the section on bibliography, citations or references should be listed as follows:
Blace, A. (2014): Eastern Adriatic Forts in Vincenzo Maria Coronelli's Isolario Mari, Golfi, Isole, Spiaggie, Porti, Citta ... Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia, 24, 2, 239-252.
If you are listing several works published by the same author in the same year, they should be differentiated by adding a lower case letter after the year for each item. E.g.:
(Blace, 2014a) and (Blace, 2014b). If the bibliographic note appears in the footnote, it should be written in the same way.
If listed in the same footnote, individual works or sources should be separated by a semicolon. E.g.: (Blace, 2014, 241; Verginella, 2008, 37).
9.	When citing archival records within the parenthesis in the text, the archive acronym should be listed first, followed by the record group acronym (or signature), number of the folder, and number of the document. E.g.:
(ASMI-SLV, 273, 7r).
If the number of the document can not be specified, the record should be cited in the footnote, listing the archive acronym and the record group acronym (or signature), number of the folder, and document title. E.g.: TNA-HS 4, 31, Note on Interview between Colonel Fisera and Captain Wilkinson on December 16th 1939.
The abbreviations should be explained in the section on sources in the end of the article, with the archival records arranged in an alphabetical order. E.g.:
TNA-HS 4 - The National Archives, London-Kew (TNA), fond Special Operations Executive, series Eastern Europe (HS 4).
10.	If referring to newspaper sources in the text, you should cite the name of the newspaper, date of publication and page:
If the title of the article is also known, the whole reference should be stated in the footnote:
The New York Times, 16. 5. 2009: Two Studies tie Disaster Risk to Urban Growth, 3.
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In the list of sources and bibliography the name of the newspaper. Place, publisher, years of publication. E.g.:
The New York Times. New York, H.J. Raymond & Co., 1857-.
11. The list of sources and bibliography is a mandatory part of the article. Bibliographical data should be cited as follows:
-	Description of a non-serial publication - a book: Author (year of publication): Title. Place, Publisher.
E.g.:
Darovec, D., Kamin Kajfez, V. & M. Vovk (2010):
Among the monuments of Izola : art history guide to the cultural heritage of Izola. Koper, Annales Press.
If there are more than two authors, you can also use et al.:
(Darovec et al., 2010)
If citing an excerpt from a non-serial publication, you should also add the number of page from which the citation is taken after the year.
-	Description of an article published in a non-serial publication - e.g. an article from a collection of papers:
Author (year of publication): Title of article. In: Author of publication: Title of publication. Place, Publisher, pages from-to. E.g.:
Muir, E. (2013): The Anthropology of Venice. In: Dursteler, E. (ed.): A Companion to Venetian History. Leiden - Boston, Brill, 487-511.
-	Description of an article from a serial publication: Author (year of publication): Title of article. Title of
serial publication, yearbook, number, pages from-to. E.g.:
Faricic, J. & L. Mirosevic (2014): Artificial Peninsulas and Pseudo-Islands of Croatia. Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia, 24, 2, 113-128.
-	Description of an oral source:
Informant (year of transmission): Name and surname of informant, year of birth, role, function or position. Manner of transmission. Form and place of data storage. E.g.:
Zigante, A. (2008): Alojz Zigante, born 1930, priest in Vizinada. Oral history. Audio recording held by the author.
-	Description of an internet source:
If possible, the internet source should be cited in the same manner as an article. What you should add is the website address and date of last access (with the latter placed within the parenthesis):
Young, M. A. (2008): The victims movement: a confluence of forces. In: NOVA (National Organization for Victim Assistance). Http://www.trynova.org/ victiminfo/ readings/VictimsMovement.pdf (15. 9. 2008).
If the author is unknown, you should cite the organization that set up the website, year of publication, title and subtitle of text, website address and date of last access (with the latter placed within the parenthesis).
If there are more citations by the same author(s), you should list them in the alphabetical order of the authors' surnames and year of publication.
12.	The abbreviations should be explained when they first appear in the text. You can also add a list of their explanations at the end of the article.
13.	The title of a review article should contain the following data: author of the publication reviewed, title of publication, address, place, publisher, year of publication and number of pages (or the appropriate description given in Item 10).
14.	The authors are sent the first page proofs. They should be returned to the editorial board within a week.
It is not allowed to lengthen the text during proofreading. Second proof-reading is done by the editorial board.
15.	For additional information regarding article publication contact the editorial board.
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