6 monografije cpa Nova odkritja med Alpami in Črnim morjem Rezultati raziskav rimskodobnih najdišč v obdobju med leti 2005 in 2015 Zbornik 1. mednarodnega arheološkega simpozija, Ptuj, 8. in 9. oktober 2015 mmxviii 6 monografije cpa Nova odkritja med Alpami in Črnim morjem Rezultati raziskav rimskodobnih najdišč v obdobju med leti 2005 in 2015 Zbornik 1. mednarodnega arheološkega simpozija, Ptuj, 8. in 9. oktober 2015 New Discoveries Between the Alps and the Black Sea Results From the Roman Sites in the Period Between 2005 and 2015 Proceedings of the 1st International Archaeological Conference, Ptuj, 8th and 9th October 2015 In Memoriam Iva Mikl Curk uredniki/editors: Maja Janežič, Barbara Nadbath, Tadeja Mulh, Ivan Žižek mmxviii Monografije CPA 6 Nova odkritja med Alpami in Črnim morjem Rezultati raziskav rimskodobnih najdišč v obdobju med leti 2005 in 2015 Zbornik 1. mednarodnega arheološkega simpozija, Ptuj, 8. in 9. oktober 2015 New Discoveries between the Alps and the Black Sea Results from the Roman Sites in the Period between 2005 and 2015 Proceedings of the 1st International Archaeological Conference, Ptuj, 8th and 9th October 2015 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk izdajatelj /issued by oblikovanje in prelom / design and typeset by Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije Andrejka Likar Kofol Poljanska cesta 40, SI-1000 Ljubljana http://www.zvkds.si tehnična priprava / tehnical editing Andrejka Likar Kofol uredniški odbor /editorial board Maja Janežič, glavna urednica / editor in chief fotografiji na naslovnici / cover photographs by Barbara Nadbath, odgovorna urednica / senior editor Sergej Pukšič (obesek/pendant), Nathan Anderson Tadeja Mulh, članica / member Nives Zupančič, oblikovalka zbirke in likovna urednica / Spletna izdaja graphic design editor Vanja Celin, tehnična urednica / technical editor Za vsebino članka odgovarjajo avtorji. / Authors are responsible for the content of the articles. recenzenti/reviewed by Eleni Schindler Kaudelka Vse edicije zbirke Monografije CPA so brezplačne. Naj- Philip Mason dete jih na povezavah: / All copies of CPA monograph Gašper Rutar series are free of charge. You can find them on the fol- Ivana Ožanić Roguljić lowing links: http://www.zvkds.si/sl/kategorija-publikacije/e-knjige prevod v angleški jezik /english translation https://www.dlib.si/ Meta Osredkar, Maja Sužnik © 2018 Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije lektoriranje / proof-reading Vse pravice pridržane. / All rights reserved. Philip Mason ISSN 2630-208X Kataložni zapis o publikaciji (CIP) pripravili v Narodni in univerzitetni knjižnici v Ljubljani COBISS.SI-ID=298964992 ISBN 978-961-6990-37-0 (pdf) Spoštovani, na Ptujskem gradu je 8. in 9. oktobra 2015 potekal 1. mednarodni arheološki simpozij z naslovom: Nova odkri- tja med Alpami in Črnim morjem. Rezultati raziskav rimskodobnih najdišč v obdobju med leti 2005 in 2015. In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk. Simpozij sta organizirala Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine, Center za preventivno arheologijo in Pokrajin- ski muzej Ptuj Ormož. V veliko veselje nam je bilo, da se je simpozij odvijal ravno na Ptuju. Kraj simpozija seveda ni bil izbran na- ključno. Gre za najpomembnejše rimsko mesto na območju današnje Slovenije in eno izmed arheološko naj- bogatejših mest v Sloveniji. Najpomembnejši kriterij za izbiro kraja našega prvega simpozija pa je bila množica arheoloških raziskav, ki so se na Ptuju izvajale v preteklih letih, in so prinesle številne novosti v poznavanju razvoja in življenja Petovione. Seveda pa številne raziskave niso potekale le na območju današnjega Ptuja. Tako smo organizirali simpozij, kjer so lahko kolegi iz Slovenije in bližnje ali daljne okolice predstavili aktualne re- zultate raziskav rimskih najdišč ter razmislek in njihovo vključitev v širši kontekst ekonomskega, socialnega in družbenega dogajanja v rimskem obdobju. Kolegi iz Slovenije, Hrvaške, Avstrije, Italije, Srbije in Madžarske so se na vabilo množično odzvali. Tako smo poslušali 39 predavanj in si ogledali 12 plakatov. Kot že sam naslov simpozija pove, smo ga posvetili cenjeni arheologinji dr. Ivi Mikl Curk, ki je dolga leta služ- bovala znotraj Zavoda za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije (tedaj Republiškega zavoda za varstvo naravne in kulturne dediščine). Bila je naša vodilna konservatorka za arheološko dediščino z mednarodnim ugledom in častna članica ICOMOS združenja. S svojim znanjem je doprinesla k številnim obnovam in vključevanju arheoloških spomenikov v moderne urbane celote ter orala ledino pri varovanju in valoriziranju arheološke dediščine v povojnem obdobju. Seveda pa Ivo Mikl Curk na Ptuj veže predvsem njena raziskovalna dejavnost, ki jo je posvetila predvsem rimskemu cesarskemu mestu oz. koloniji Ulpiji Trajani Petovioni in njenemu kera- mičnemu gradivu. Svoje raziskave je strnila in predstavila v več kot 70 delih. Naša največja želja je bila, da prispevke simpozija tudi objavimo. V zadnjih treh letih smo temu posvetili veliko časa. Rezultat našega truda je sedaj tu pred nami; obsežna publikacija o novih dognanjih z različnih področij rimske provincialne arheologije. Želimo si, da bo to knjiga, ki jo bomo še dolgo uporabljali tako zaradi pred- stavljenih aktualnih interpretacij kot zaradi prvič prestavljenih terenskih raziskav. Zahvaljujemo se Ministrstvu za kulturo Republike Slovenije ter Mestni občini Ptuj za podporo pri organizaciji simpozija. Prav tako se zahvaljujemo kolegom iz organizacijskega odbora, ki so pripomogli k izvedbi simpozi- ja ter objavi zbornika, in seveda vsem predavateljem in udeležencem simpozija za njihova predavanja, plakate in ne nazadnje oddane prispevke. Uredniški odbor Dear reader, The 1st International Archaeological Symposium entitled: New Discoveries between the Alps and the Black Sea. Re- sults from the Roman Sites in the Period between 2005 and 2015. In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk, took place at Ptuj Castle on the 8th and 9th October 2015. The Symposium was organised by the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage of Slovenia, Centre for Preventive Archaeology and the Ptuj Ormož Regional Museum. We were especially pleased that the Symposium took place in Ptuj. Indeed the venue was not chosen by chan- ce. Ptuj was the most important Roman town in what is now modern Slovenia and one of the richest towns in the country in terms of archaeological heritage. The most important criterion for the selection of the location of the first symposium was the vast amount of archaeological research undertaken in Ptuj in recent years, which brought many new insights into the development and lifeways of Poetovio. However much research has also taken place outside the area of modern Ptuj. Thus, the Symposium presented an opportunity for our colleagues from Slovenia and beyond to present the results of their research into Roman period sites, as well as their integration into the wider context of economic and social events in the Roman period. The invitation elicited a massive response by colleagues from Slovenia, Croatia, Austria, Italy, Serbia and Hungary, which gave us an opportunity to listen to 39 lectures and view 12 posters. As the title of the Symposium suggests, the event held in honour of our esteemed colleague Dr. Iva Mikl Curk, who worked for a number of years at the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage of Slovenia (the Institute for the Protection of Natural and Cultural Heritage of the Republic of Slovenia). She was our leading conservator for archaeological heritage with an international reputation and an honorary member of the ICOMOS council. Her vast knowledge contributed to numerous cases of the restoration and inclusion of archaeological monuments in modern urban units. She also broke new ground in the field of the protection and valorisation of archaeological heritage in the post-war period. Iva Mikl Curk was connected with Ptuj primarily through her research activities, which were mainly focused on the Roman imperial town, or Colonia Ulpia Tra- iana Poetovio, and its pottery. Her research has been presented and published in more than 70 works. It was our greatest desire that the contributions to this symposium should be published. Over the last three years, we have devoted a lot of time and effort to this end. The result of our efforts is now before you; an extensive publication on new results from various areas of Roman provincial archaeology. We hope this will be a book that will long have currency, both for its presentation of current interpretations and of new fiel- dwork in the wider area of the Roman empire, which is published here for the first time. We would like to thank the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Slovenia and the Municipality of Ptuj for their support with the organisation of the Symposium. Furthermore, we would like to thank our colleagues from the Organising Committee, who contributed to the organisation and execution of the Symposium and the publication of this collection, as well as all the speakers and participants of the Symposium for their lec- tures, posters, and last but not least, for their contributions, which are published in this volume. The Editorial Board Vsebina Contents 11 Zum Publikationsvorhaben „Urgeschichte und Römerzeit in der Steiermark“ The publication of the „Urgeschichte und Römerzeit in der Steiermark“ project Bernhard Hebert 17 Novejše arheološke raziskave rimskega podeželja v severovzhodni Sloveniji Recent Archaeological Researches of the Roman Period in North-eastern Slovenia Andrej Magdič 31 New Aspects of Roman villae in Styria, Austria Novi pogledi na rimske vile na avstrijskem Štajerskem Susanne Lamm, Patrick Marko 45 The Roman Countryside of Prekmurje Rimsko podeželje Prekmurja Aleksandra Bugar, Mitja Guštin 65 Sledovi rimske zemljiške razdelitve na Krasu Traces of Roman Land Division on the Karst Dimitrij Mlekuž 77 On the edge of the known. The quarry landscape at Podpeč Na robu znanega. Kamnolomska krajina v Podpeči Bojan Djurić, Luka Gale, Edisa Lozić, Igor Rižnar 89 A volcanic eruption around AD 180 and its archaeological evidence Izbruh vulkana okoli leta 180 n. št. in arheološki dokazi Heinrich Zabehlicky, Wolfgang Vetters 93 Municipium Claudium Aguntum – Excavations in the City Centre (2006-2015) Municipium Claudium Aguntum – Izkopavanja v mestnem središču (2006-2015) Martin Auer 115 Excavations of the Roman Sites in Lika (Croatia): Žuta Lokva, Lički Ribnik Izkopavanja rimskodobnih najdišč v Liki (Hrvaška): Žuta Lokva in Lički Ribnik Ivana Ožanić Roguljič, Tatjana Kolak 127 Pottery workshops in the coastal area of Roman Dalmatia: landscape, spatial organization, ownership Lončarske delavnice na obalnem delu rimskodobne Dalmacije: krajina, prostorska organizacija, lastništvo Ana Konestra, Goranka Lipovac Vrkljan 143 Rimskodobni lončarski obrat na Otoku pri Metliki The Roman Pottery Manufacturing Site at Otok near Metlika Katarina Udovč, Manca Vinazza 159 Dokumentiranje poškodb žledoloma – naselbina Ivanjk, Šmartno v Tuhinjski dolini The documentation of damages due to frost breaking trees – the settlement of Ivanjk, Šmartno in Tuhinj valley, Slovenia Maja Jerala, Dimitrij Mlekuž, Blaž Orehek 175 From Crucium to Uinperch: new approaches to the Roman period in the middle Krka valley in eastern Slovenia Od naselja Crucium do kraja Uinperch: novi pristopi k rimskemu obdobju v osrednji dolini reke Krke v vzhodni Sloveniji. Philip Mason 185 Izgubljeni relief s krilatim genijem iz Celja The lost relief of the winged genius from Celje Katarina Šmid 195 Votivni daritvi z Drnovega Votive offerings from Drnovo Eva Butina 205 Bustum pokop v Navportu (Vrhnika) The bustum burial in Nauportus (Vrhnika) Tadeja Mulh, Mija Černe 229 A chance epigraphic discovery in Spodnja Šiška (Ljubljana, Slovenia) Naključno epigrafsko odkritje v Spodnji Šiški (Ljubljana, Slovenija) Julijana Visočnik, Bernarda Županek 235 Sledi metalurško-kovaške dejavnosti na najdišču Polje pri Vodicah Traces of Metallurgical-Forging Activities at the Polje pri Vodicah Archaeological Site Maja Lavrič, Maja Bricelj 245 Rimskodobna zemljiška razdelitev v Prekmurju Roman land division in the Prekmurje region Gašper Rutar 253 Pokrajine umrlih: struktura in dinamika severnega grobišča Emone Landscapes of the deceased: the structure and dynamics of the northern Emona necropolis Bernarda Županek 281 Keramični skupek vile rustike Polje pri Vodicah Ceramic Assemblages from the Roman Site Polje pri Vodicah Tina Žerjal 303 Arheološke raziskave na lokaciji I. osnovne šole v Celju Results of the Archaeological Investigation at the I. osnovna šola Site in Celje Maja Bausovac 315 Lamps in Abruzzo: The Evidence from Monte Pallano Oljenke iz Abrucev: Gradivo iz Monte Pallana Archer Martin 327 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 Keramika skupnosti na Štalenškem vrhu Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani 401 The First Late Antique Composite Combs in Western Illyricum: Roman or Barbarian? Prvi poznoantični sestavljeni glavniki iz Zahodnega Ilirika: rimski ali barbarski? Gojko Tica In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Zum Publikationsvorhaben „Urgeschichte und Römerzeit in der Steiermark“ The publication of the „Urgeschichte und Römerzeit in der Steiermark“ project Bernhard Hebert Izvleček: Pred tremi leti je skupina mlajših raziskovalcev pričela s pisanjem preglednega dela o prazgodovini in rimskem obdobju (avstrijske) Štajerske, vključno s poglavjem o zgodovini arheoloških raziskav. Delo ni le pregled starejše literatu- re in dokumentov, temveč v vsakem obdobju odpira tudi nova aktualna vprašanja, kot je npr. iznajdbe, raba tal, viri itd. Glede na to, da tovrstnega pregleda za obravnavo območje že nekaj desetletji ni bilo, pričujoči pregled prinaša množico novih dognanj, kot recimo obstoj bakrenodobnih arheoloških kultur, ki so tesno povezane z balkanskim in panonskim prostorom. Več informacij je na voljo na: http://www.boehlau-verlag.com/Geschichte_der_Steiermark.htm. Ključne besede: avstrijska Štajerska, prazgodovina, rimska doba Abstract: During the last three years a team of younger researchers tried to write a compendious volume on the Pre- historic and Roman times in (Austrian) Styria, including a chapter of the history of archaeological research from the beginnings onwards. The work is not only a compilation of older literature and documentations but also includes special questions for every period regarding e. g. innovations, land use, resources. This overview which has not been done in the area of (Austrian) Styria for decades, brought to light more new aspects than anyone would have thought, as the existence of some prehistoric cultures, especially in the copper ages closely related to the Balkan and Pannonian regions. More information: http://www.boehlauverlag.com/Geschichte_der_Steiermark.htm. Key words: Austrian Styria, Prehistory, Roman times Mit dem Referat in Ptuj hat der Verfasser im Na- On the occasion of his lecture in Ptuj the author pre- men der Archäolog/innen der österreichischen Stei- sented the publication of the above1 project to Slove- ermark den slowenischen Kolleg/innen ein Buch1 nian colleagues in the name of the archaeologists of vorgestellt und auch faktisch überreicht, das eigent- Styria, and also presented them with the publication lich zum ersten Mal eine ausführliche zusammenfas- itself. The publication essentially gives a detailed ac- sende Darstellung der gesamten Urgeschichte und count of the history of Styria from Prehistory to the Römerzeit dieses Bundeslandes bietet. In diesem Roman period for the first time. ersten Band der von der Historischen Landeskom- Young archaeologists pose consistent questions that mission für Steiermark herausgegebenen „Geschich- take into account the long history of archaeological te der Steiermark“ haben Archäolog/innen eher der research, which still holds valid points, as well as con- jüngeren Generation versucht, das heute noch Gülti- sidering the recent results of extensive rescue exca- ge aus der langen Forschungsgeschichte und die neu- vation in this, the first volume of „Geschichte der esten Ergebnisse großflächiger Denkmalschutzgra- Steiermark“ (History of Styria), edited by the Histor- bungen anhand einheitlicher Fragestellungen zu ische Landeskommission für Steiermark (Historical 1 Bernhard Hebert (Hg.), Urgeschichte und Römerzeit 1 Bernhard Hebert (Hg.), Urgeschichte und Römerzeit in der Steiermark, Geschichte der Steiermark Band I, 2015. in der Steiermark, Geschichte der Steiermark Bd. I, 2015. 11 Bernhard Hebert Commission for Styria). Their approach respects the limitations imposed by the random nature of the ma- terial sources and reflects on the fact that each and every type of research is always affected by contem- porary influences. Thus, a picture is emerging of the Prehistoric and Roman period in Styria as a whole. An important decision in the conceptualisation of this volume was that of whether the project should be confined to the Austrian state of Styria as it exists today, or if it should be includes the part of Slove- nia that historically belonged to the region. However, Abbildung/Figure 1 Graffito in vorrömischer Schrift because the institutions in both countries have been und Sprache auf einem spätlatènezeitlichen Keramikscherben working separately for decades and in view of the vom Frauenberg bei Leibnitz. Alle Abbildungsvorlagen achievements of Slovenian research, it was consid- aus der vorgestellten Publikation. / Graffito in pre-roman scripture and language on a potsherd from the late La Tène ered advisable to concentrate on the Austrian state period, found at the Frauenberg near Leibnitz. All the of Styria, where many aspects of the archaeological figures are taken from the publication discussed. heritage are less sufficiently studied. Another consideration was whether the book should einem Gesamtbild zusammenzufügen. Die grund- be written by many or a few authors. The final de- sätzlich beschränkte Aussagefähigkeit der zufällig cision was to entrust the main chronological parts überlieferten und zufällig aufgedeckten materiellen (the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic periods, Neolithic Quellen wird dabei ebenso ernst genommen wie die and Metal periods, the Roman period and the Late Zeitgebundenheit jeder und somit auch der archäo- Roman period) to just three authors, while inviting a logischen Forschung. greater number of experts to write short highlight- Eine anfangs wichtige Frage war, ob nur die heutige ed chapters on the most important sites. The desired Steiermark oder das größere historische Land – und result is a readable text without too much emphasis somit auch ein Teil Sloweniens – behandelt werden on the pet subjects that each academic is bound to müsse; bald aber war klar, dass die seit Jahrzehnten favour, whilst still giving a varied overview of con- bestehenden institutionellen Trennungen und vor temporary Styrian archaeology. In many cases the allem die Leistungen der slowenischen Archäolo- editor did not invite the original excavators to repeat gie eine Beschränkung auf die in weiten Bereichen their earlier publications, but deliberately invited oth- schlechter erforschte österreichische Steiermark er experts so that their articles can also be read as anraten. reassessments. Weiters hat der Verfasser als Herausgeber überlegt, The team of editor and writers met several times to ob viele Autor/innen oder nur wenige das Buch make decisions about subjects, problems that should schreiben sollten. Letztlich fiel die Entscheidung, be considered and the composition of the articles. die chronologisch durchgehenden Hauptteile (Paläo- Later they were called upon to read the initial ver- und Mesolithikum, Neolithikum und Metallzeiten, sions of the articles, to propose changes and addi- Römerzeit und Spätantike nur drei Autor/innen an- tions to them. An article went from the author to the zuvertrauen und lediglich für herausgehobene kurze editor several times in order to find a common thread Kapitel zu den wichtigsten Fundstellen eine größere in the varied nature of the individual contributions. Zahl von Expert/innen einzuladen. So entstehen, This short introduction cannot begin to discuss the wie wir hoffen, ein durchgehend lesbarer Text ohne content of the book. In Austria, the long period of zu viel Gewicht auf Steckenpferde, wie sie jede/r Prehistory has not been subject to the same intensity 12 Zum Publikationsvorhaben „Urgeschichte und Römerzeit in der Steiermark“ Abbildung/Figure 2 Inventar des augusteischen Brandgrabes von Rassach. / Inventory of the Augustan cremation grave at Rassach. Abbildung/Figure 3 Fragment der marmornen Innenausstattung einer frühchristlichen Kirche am Frauenberg bei Leibnitz. / Fragment of marble interior furnishings from an Early Christian church on the Frauenberg near Leibnitz. 13 Bernhard Hebert Wissenschafter/in hat, und trotzdem auch ein buntes Bild der aktuellen steirischen Archäologie. Vielfach haben wir auch nicht die Ausgräber/innen um Wi- ederholung ihrer Veröffentlichungen gebeten, son- dern bewusst andere Fachleute um Beiträge Hersucht, was einen durchaus gewollten rezensionsartigen Aspekt beibringt. Als Team haben wir uns mehrfach getroffen und gemeinsam Entscheidungen über die Themen, die abzuarbeitenden Fragen und die Gestaltung der Bei- träge getroffen, dann die Texte in den Erstfassun- gen quergelesen sowie Änderungs- und Ergänzungs- Abbildung/Figure 4 Hölzerne Pfostenbauten der vorschläge eingebracht. Alles ist mehrfach durch die Römerzeit in Schönberg. / Traces of a wooden construction Hände des Verfassers als Herausgeber gegangen, um at Schönberg. bei aller notwendiger Individualität eine gewisse ge- of research as the Roman period, as a result of which meinsame Linie einzuhalten. means that there are more „new“ data from this peri- Es kann nicht Aufgabe dieser kurzen Vorstellung od here. This is particularly true for the Copper Age sein, Inhalte zu resümieren oder gar eine Würdi- or the Bronze Age, which was previously virtually gung des Buches zu versuchen. Entsprechend der non-existent with the exception of the Urnfield pe- Zeitdauer der Urgeschichte, aber auch deren lange riod. However, there are also considerable „new“ in- Zeit nicht so intensiven Erforschung wie derjenigen sights in the Roman period, notably in the very early der Römerzeit, sind „neue“ Ergebnisse der vorrö- and later periods. A few examples may be mentioned mischen Archäologie häufiger, insbesondere in der by reference to the photographs in the book: the Kupferzeit und in der lange kaum existenten – sieht graffiti in a pre-Roman script and language on a late man von der Urnenfelderzeit ab – Bronzezeit. Aber La Tène potsherd, found at the Frauenberg near Lei- auch die Römerzeit, vor allem die ganz frühe und bnitz ( Fig. 1)2, the Augustan period grave in Rassach die späte, kann beachtliches „Neues“ aufweisen: So, with a provincial Roman table service and a late La um nur einige (Be-)Funde anhand der Fotos des vor- Tène period weapon set ( Fig. 2)3 or the fragments of gestellten Buches zu erwähnen, die Graffiti in vor- marble interior furnishings from an Early Christian römischer Schrift und Sprache auf spätlatènezeitli- church of as yet unknown ground plan, from Frau- chen Keramikscherben vom Frauenberg bei Leibnitz enberg near Leibnitz ( Fig. 3)4. However, there is also ( Abb. 1)2, das augusteische Grab von Rassach mit ei- a different perspective on everyday life in the Roman nem provinzialrömischen Geschirrservice und einer period: simple dispersed rural settlements with pure- spätlatènezeitlichen Waffenausrüstung ( Abb. 2)3 oder ly wooden architecture and an absence of import- die Fragmente der marmornen Innenausstattung ei- ed or luxury goods of any kind such as the site in ner im Grundriss noch nicht erkannten frühchristli- Schönberg ( Fig. 4)5 seem to be much more common chen Kirche, ebenfalls am Frauenberg bei Leibnitz than villae and vici. ( Abb. 3)4. Aber auch die „alltägliche“ Römerzeit hat Even the most recent book will, at least in detail, be ein anderes Aussehen bekommen: einfache bäuerli- overtaken by ongoing research. There are new finds, che Streusiedlungen in reiner Holzarchitektur ohne e.g. a large number of votive calcareous sandstone 2 Georg Tiefengraber, Eisenzeit. – In: Hebert a. O. 644. 2 Ibid., Georg Tiefengraber, Eisenzeit. 3 G. Tiefengraber a. O. 665. 3 Ibid. 4 Ulla Steinklauber, Römerzeit und Spätantike. – In: 4 Ibid., Ulla Steingraber, Römerzeit und Spätantike. Hebert a. O. 759. 5 Ibid., Karl Oberhofer, Eine ausgewählte Fundstelle. 14 Zum Publikationsvorhaben „Urgeschichte und Römerzeit in der Steiermark“ Abbildung/Figure 5 Nutrices vom Frauenberg bei Leibnitz (Grabung 2015) in Fundlage (Foto B. Schrettle, Graz). / The Nutrices from the Frauenberg near Leibnitz, in situ (2015 excavations, photo B. Schrettle, Graz). Import und Luxus wie in Schönberg ( Abb. 4)5 sind statuettes from the Frauenberg near Leibnitz. The wohl viel eher der „Normalfall“ als Villen und Vici. enthroned mother goddesses with infants were clear- Dass auch das neueste Buch durch die fortschrei- ly deliberately maimed or decapitated and buried in tende Forschung zumindest in den Details sehr bald a pit, ( Fig. 5)6. The closest finds of such Nutrices are überholt ist, zeigen z. B. die Neufunde einer großen those in Ptuj, thus establishing a beautiful connection Zahl von Weihestatuetten aus Kalksandstein vom with the conference venue. Frauenberg bei Leibnitz: in einer Grube „beigesetz- te“, offenbar bewusst beschädigte bzw. geköpfte dr. Bernhard Hebert thronende Muttergottheiten mit Kleinkindern ( Abb. Bundesdenkmalamt 5)6. Nutrices, wie wir sie sonst in der näheren Um- Abteilung für Archaeologie Hofburg, Säulenstiege gebung nur aus Ptuj kennen, womit der Bezug zum AT-1010 Wien Tagungsort in schönster Weise hergestellt ist. bernhard.hebert@bda.gv.at 5 Karl Oberhofer, Eine ausgewählte Fundstelle: Der römerzeitliche Siedlungsplatz bei Schönberg. – In: Hebert a. O. 735. 6 Unpubliziert. Dem Ausgräber Bernhard Schrettle sei 6 Not published. Thanks to Bernhard Schrettle, who für Information und Fotos herzlich gedankt. found the figurines, for information and photographs. 15 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Novejše arheološke raziskave rimskega podeželja v severovzhodni Sloveniji Recent Archaeological Researches of the Roman Period in North-eastern Slovenia Andrej Magdič Izvleček: V prispevku je predstavljen razvoj arheoloških raziskav rimskega podeželja v severovzhodni Sloveniji v zad- nji 20 letih. Pomembno gonilo tega razvoja je predstavljal projekt izgradnje slovenskega avtocestnega križa (AC odsek Vransko - Arja), z začetkom v zgodnjih devetdesetih letih 20. stoletja (in še ni v celoti zaključen), znotraj katerega je bil razvit učinkovit sistem sistematičnih ekstenzivnih in intenzivnih arheoloških terenskih pregledov, tako površinskih kot podpovršinskih, in podprt z metodami daljinskega zaznavanja. Rezultati teh pregledov so pomembno pripomogli k ra- zumevanju in nadgradnji rimskodobne poselitvene slike tudi na območjih, kjer iz historičnih virov poselitev dotlej tako rekoč ni bila znana. Izkopavanja novo odkritih najdišč na trasi avtoceste so omogočila dotlej nesluten vpogled v strukturo rimskodobnih podeželskih naselbin, na površinah, ki so obsegala tudi več tisoč kvadratnih metrov. Pomembna novost na področju naselbinske arheologije so bile predvsem raziskave številnih vaških naselij, ki jih, za razliko od sočasnih gomil- nih grobišč in stanovanjsko-gospodarskih kompleksov rimskih vil ( villae rusticae), dotlej na ravninah Mure in Drave tako rekoč nismo poznali. Na področju prostorske arheologije so nov pogled tudi omogočile tehnike daljinskega zaznavanja, v prvi vrsti aerofotografija in lidarsko snemanje površja, ki vedno bolj jasno nakazujejo trend raziskovanja sledov poselitve v širšem prostoru oz. medprostoru, med že znanimi arheološkimi najdišči. Prispevek zaključujemo z mislijo o potrebi po vzpostavitvi interdisciplinarnega znanstveno raziskovalnega gibanja, ki bi analiziralo, celovito sintetiziralo in ovrednotilo rimskodobno poselitveno sliko, z namenom interpretirati in rekonstruirati rimskodobno kulturno krajino. Ključne besede: arheologija, rimska doba, rimsko podeželje, prostorska arheologija Abstract: In the area of today’s town of Ptuj a number of archaeological investigations have been carried out in the last 20 years. They have to a great degree completed the understanding of the topographical image of the largest Roman city on the territory of today’s Slovenia: the colony Ulpia Traiana Poetovio. However, the archaeological research, which has been at this time taking place in the hinterland of the Roman town, was at least as important for the understanding of the Roman cultural landscape. The planning of the Slovenian motorway system in the nineteen nineties has been closely connected with the research of the Roman countryside, which represents a major turning point in the archaeology of northeast Slovenia. An important part of this project has been a systematic archaeological field survey (surface as well as sub-surface survey) of the planned motorway route, supported by remote sensing methods. The results of these surveys have fundamentally contributed to the understanding of the cultural landscape even in areas where settlements up until then were almost unknown. The methodology of archaeological field survey, combined with excavations, is in the Re- public of Slovenia since the motorway project included in the processes of spatial planning. With the use of mentioned methodologies a number of Roman sites have been discovered and excavated. This comprehensive view of larger areas provides new possibilities to observe space as a historical cultural landscape and has great potential in the field of rese- arch, particularly on the colonization of north-eastern Slovenia in the Roman period. Many excavations of village settle- ments, located on the planes of the rivers Mura and Drava are of predominant importance in the context of understan- ding the Roman cultural landscape. Those settlements were in this area, unlike the contemporary tumulus graveyards and residential and farming complexes of Roman colonists (so-called villae rusticae), previously almost completely unknown. Key words: archeology, Roman period, Roman countryside, spatial archeology 17 Andrej Magdič Prostor severovzhodne Slovenije v hidro geograf- skem smislu predstavlja povodje dveh velikih rek, ki izvirata v osrčju Alp: Drave in Mure ter njunih pri- tokov. Reliefno geografska značilnost tega prostora so obsežne ravnine ob omenjenih rekah in hribovja ter gričevja, ki jih obdajajo ( sl. 2). Širši pogled nam razkriva pozicijo tega prostora kot mejnega območja med Alpami in Panonsko nižino ( sl. 1). Reliefna in hidrografska slika obravnavanega prostora, kot tudi njegova pozicija v širšem evropskem prostoru, sta pomembno vplivali na njegovo kulturno podobo in organizacijo prostora skozi petsto let trajajočo rim- sko obdobje. Gledano iz vidika reliefnih značilnosti Slika 1 Okvirna lokacija slovenskega Pomurja in Podravja, na meji alpske in panonske evropske makroregije in posledično tudi teritorialne pripadnosti, so obrob- (avtor karte A. Magdič; prostorski podatki: https://www. ni deli obravnavanega prostora: današnja Koroška, europeandataportal.eu). severni del Slovenskih goric in prostor Pomurja tan- girali in verjetno tudi teritorialno pripadali mestom omejena.5 Kot ugotavlja že Petru, je bilo potrebno sto- zunaj današnjega slovenskega ozemlja. Centralna riti korak naprej na področju sistematičnega znanstve- naselbina osrednjega dela obravnavanega prostora, nega raziskovanja rimskodobne poselitve. Ptujskega in Dravskega polja z okoliškimi gričevji in Na obravnavanem prostoru je v naslednjih desetletjih hribovji, je bila Trajanova kolonija Petoviona, ki je to nalogo z neizmernim vloženim trudom opravljal zavzemala širši prostor današnjega Ptuja ter Spodnjo Stanko Pahič. Pomembno je njegovo topografsko delo in Zgornjo Hajdino.1 prikaza razširjenosti rimskodobnih gomilnih grobišč Arheološke karte in seznami arheoloških najdišč obrav- na območju teritorijev Petovione, Flavie Solve in Sava- navanega območja, ki so vsebovali tudi odkrite ostanke rije6 ter raziskovanje rimske cestne mreže.7 Izjemen pa rimskega podeželja, so nastajali že od sredine 19. dalje,2 je tudi Pahičev doprinos pri raziskovanju podeželskih vendar je prvo celovitejšo znanstveno obravnavo slo- stanovanjsko-gospodarskih kompleksov ( villae rusticae), venskega rimskega podeželja podal šele dr. Peter Petru ki so do nedavnega veljali za prevladujoči tip poselitve v letih 1964–1965.3 V članku ob pregledu obravnavane rimskega podeželja na obravnavanem prostoru. Razi- teme navaja tudi vso do takrat objavljeno arheološko skave na tem področju je za celotni prostor Slovenije in zgodovinsko strokovno literaturo ter sintetizira do- zbrala in ovrednotila Marija Lubšina Tušek.8 tedanja dognanja, zaradi česar njegov članek še danes Za območje Prekmurja je temeljno topografsko raz- velja za pomembno strokovno čtivo. Do takrat je bilo iskavo arheološke poselitve opravila Irena Šavel. V večino znanstvenega napora arheologov vloženega v ta namen so bile opravljene številne sondažne razi- raziskovanje velikih rimskih mest, med njimi tudi Pe- skave, ki so obelodanile številna nova rimskodobna tovione, le malo pa naselbinam rimskega podeželja.4 najdišča.9 Razkopavanje grobnih gomil, ki se je na območju Slo- Zadnji celovit pregled stanja rimske provincialne ar- venskih goric odvijalo že od 30. let 19. stoletja dalje, je heologije v Sloveniji in s tem tudi na obravnavanem imelo nalogo polniti nastajajoče muzejske zbirke, nji- prostoru je opravila dr. Jana Horvat.10 Avtorica si hova znanstveno raziskovalna vrednost pa je bila zelo 5 Pahič 1965, 11. 6 Pahič 1972. 1 Za zbrano literaturo glej Horvat et al. 2003. 7 Pahič 1983. 2 Pahič 1972, 6. 8 Lubšina Tušek 1981. 3 Petru 1964–65. 9 Šavel 1991, za povzetek o rimski dobi glej str. 17. 4 Petru 1964–65, 87. 10 Horvat 1999. 18 Novejše arheološke raziskave rimskega podeželja v severovzhodni Sloveniji Slika 2 Senčeni relief prostora severovzhodne Slovenije, z glavnimi vodotoki, vzpetinami ter lokacijo Petovione, najpomembnješe rimskodobne naselbine obravnavanega prostora (avtor karte A. Magdič; prostorski podatki ARSO) je v članku zadala nalogo, da nadaljuje tam, kjer je varstvo kulturne dediščine spodbudil splošno uvedbo Peter Petru leta 1965 končal in se naveže na izho- nekaterih raziskovalnih konceptov, ki so jih na Oddelku dišča, ki jih je le-ta zastavil. Eno od raziskovalnih za arheologijo Filozofske fakultete v Ljubljani razvijali področij, katerim bi se bilo po Petrujevem mnenju od konca 80. let dalje.13 Pri tem izstopa predvsem izva- veljalo zaradi preslabe raziskanosti posebej posveti- janje sistematičnih terenskih pregledov s popolno ko- ti, je rimsko podeželje.11 Raziskave, ki so bile od tak- lekcijo antropogenega gradiva in analizo aerofotografij. rat opravljene na tem področju, kažejo na to, da so se Ta nabor predhodnih arheoloških raziskav je bil od arheologi obravnavani problematiki celovito posvetili.12 projekta avtocest dalje vključen v postopke vseh večjih Število novih rimskodobnih najdišč se je močno po- gradbenih in drugih ureditvenih posegov v slovenski večalo, izrazit porast po številu pa so doživeli odkriti prostor, kar je pomembno vplivalo na razvoj slovenske naselbinski ostanki ( sl. 3). arheologije in s tem tudi na razvoj rimske provincialne S projektom Slovenska arheologija na avtocestah Slo- arheologije severovzhodne Slovenije. venije (SAAS) je rimska provincialna arheologija v se- Največji delež arheoloških raziskav za oceno arheo- verovzhodni Sloveniji doživela skokovit porast. Projekt loškega potenciala je opravljen v postopkih priprave SAAS je v sredini 90. let pri regionalnih zavodih za državnih prostorskih načrtov (DPN), v sklopu katerih 11 Petru 1964–65, 85. 12 Za pregled literature glej Horvat et al. 2003. 13 Novaković 2003, 236; Guštin et al. 1996. 19 Andrej Magdič Slika 3 Rimskodobna poselitev severovzhodne Slovenije, odkrita do leta 1995 (avtor karte A. Magdič; vir podatkov Register kulturne dediščine). je bil odkrit velik delež novih arheoloških najdišč. V zadnjih dveh desetletjih je število rimskodobnih arhe- oloških najdišč na obravnavanem območju naraslo za 54%, iz 250 na 386 ( sl. 4). Sorazmerno največ novih najdišč je naselbinske narave ( sl. 5). Zelo izpoveden je krajinski vidik razprostranjenosti novih arheoloških najdišč, ki je bil ugotovljen s siste- matičnimi pregledi na celotni površini DPN. Pri tem ugotovljen vzorec poselitve je izrazito neenakomeren. Zelo jasno se to kaže na območju Dravskega polja, Slika 4 Graf, ki prikazuje porast znanih arheoloških trikotni geološki udornini zapolnjeni z dravskim pro- najdišč med leti 1995 in 2015 (avtor grafa A. Magdič; vir dom, prekritim s tanko plastjo rjave prsti, katerega hi- podatkov Register kulturne dediščine). drološka značilnost je zelo dobra vodna prepustnost. Posledica dobre vodo prepustnosti je, da v osrednjih obliki oglejenih14 prsti, ki so jih na rob rahlo konveksno delih prodnega vršaja tako rekoč ni površinskih vodo- oblikovanega prodnega vršaja odložili pohorski potoki. tokov. Po sredini prodnega vršaja je reka v sedimente, ki jih je sama nanosila, globoko vrezala svojo strugo. V zahodnem delu polja so se nalagali fini sedimenti v 14 Močvirnate, glinene prsti, ki ne prepuščajo površin- ske vode (Repe 2010, 155). 20 Novejše arheološke raziskave rimskega podeželja v severovzhodni Sloveniji Slika 5 Rimskodobna poselitev severovzhodne Slovenije, ki prikazuje porast znanih najdišč med leti 1995 in 2015 (avtor karte A. Magdič; vir podatkov Register kulturne dediščine). Pogled na pedološko karto kaže, da je bil osrednji letih vse pomembnejša lidarska snemanja. Pri aero- del prodnega vršaja v rimski dobi zelo redko pose- fotografiji arheološke strukture pod zemeljsko po- ljen. Razlog za to je najverjetneje dejstvo, da se rahla vršino prepoznamo v obliki vegetacijskih znakov, kisla prst na prodni podlagi zelo hitro posuši, kar saj se rastline pri svoji rasti odzivajo na spreme- v kombinaciji s pomanjkanjem površinskih voda njene pogoje, ki so posledica pod površino skritih povzroča sušo na poljščinah in s tem nižji hektar- arheoloških struktur ( sl. 7). Za tovrsten način reko- ski donos. Zaradi tega so se ljudje v arheoloških gnosciranja arheoloških struktur so zelo primerni obdobjih (prazgodovini, rimskem obdobju, pozno- predvsem ravninski predeli, zasajeni z obsežnimi rimskem obdobju in v zgodnjem srednjem veku) monokulturami (predvsem pšenica in ječmen, ajda, osrednjega dela prodnega vršaja izogibali. Izjema krompir in koruza ne pokažejo veliko površinskih je jugovzhodni del vršaja, kjer je neposredna bliži- znakov), kakršne najdemo v Prekmurju. Sistematič- na velikega urbanega središča Petovione povzročila no zračno rekognosciranje arheoloških ostalin na bolj kompleksno poselitev, v kateri so bili poseljeni tem območju se je začelo leta 1997. V obdobju do tudi malo manj rodovitni predeli ( sl. 6). leta 2002 je bilo na ta način v Prekmurju odkritih Poleg sistematičnih terenskih pregledov (površin- čez 100 novih arheoloških najdišč.15 skih in podpovršinskih) je bilo kar nekaj rimsko- dobnih najdišč odkritih tudi z metodami daljinske- ga zaznavanja, kot so aerofotografija in v zadnjih 15 Kerman 2002, 5; Kerman 2013. 21 Andrej Magdič Slika 6 Razprostranjensot rimskodobnih arheoloških najdišč na Dravske polju, glede na pedološko osnovo. Z rjavo barvo so označena območja dobro vodoprepustnih prsti, z zeleno barvo pa območja slabo vodoprepustnih prsti. S sivo barvo so označena antropogeno preoblikovane prsti (avtor karte A. Magdič; vir podatkov GURS in Register kulturne dediščine). Aerofotografiji komplementarna metoda daljin- snemanja, popraviti obseg lokacije nekaterih arhe- skega zaznavanja je analiza podatkov iz lidarskega oloških najdišč.16 S sistematičnim pregledom po- snemanja. Za razliko od aerofotografije, ki najbolj- snetkov iz lidarskega snemanja pa prihajajo na plan še rezultate pokaže na intenzivno obdelanih rav- tudi nova, dotlej še neopažena arheološke najdišča. nih kmetijskih površinah, so lidarski podatki naj- Primer takšnega je gomilno grobišče s šestimi go- bolj uporabni za raziskavo gozdnih površin. Tudi milami ob desnem bregu Mure, na ledini Budina pri takšnih z gosto podrastjo, kjer so klasični topograf- Moti, v Občini Ljutomer ( sl. 7; sl. 8).17 ski pregledi običajno težko izvedljivi. Zadnjih nekaj Pomemben korak naprej so metode daljinskega let so bila v sklopu priprave večine DPN izvedena zaznavanja doprinesle k razumevanju ustroja rim- tudi namenska lidarska snemanja, ki so bila izvede- skodobne cestne mreže. Za večji del severovzhodne na prvenstveno v hidrološke namene, podatki pa so Slovenije je sistem itinerarskih cest z natančnimi bili s pridom uporabljeni tudi v predhodnih postop- kih za oceno arheološkega potenciala. Tak primer 16 Primer Gradišče pri Tropovcih – Zgodnesrednje- je postopek priprave DPN za HE Hrastje-Mota veška utrdba, EŠD 10662 (Rutar, Mlekuž, Klokočovnik 2015, 11). na Muri, na območju poplavnih ravnin reke Mure, 17 Leta 2015 je Agencija RS za okolje objavila lidarske kjer je bilo mogoče na podlagi topografskih značil- posnetke za celotno Slovenijo, ki so prosto dostopni na nosti, ugotovljenih z analizo podatkov iz lidarskega njihovi spletni aplikaciji: http://gis.arso.gov.si/evode/pro- file.aspx?id=atlas_voda_Lidar@Arso. 22 Novejše arheološke raziskave rimskega podeželja v severovzhodni Sloveniji Slika 7 Grobne gomile med rečnimi rokavi desnega brega reke Mure, odkrite z analizo lidarskih podatkov, Mota – Gomilno grobišče Budina (EŠD 30338) ( vir lidarskih podatkov ARSO). Slika 8 Gomilnega grobišča Mota – Gomilno grobišče Budina (EŠD 30338) na aerofotografiji zaradi vegetacije ni mogoče opaziti. 23 Andrej Magdič videli alternativno cesto Petoviona – Savarija, kot jo označuje Tabula Peuitingeriana.21 Najpomembnejša rimskodobna prometnica, ki je prečkala prostor severovzhodne Slovenije, je bila via publica, ki je povezovala Celejo preko Petovione s Savarijo, oz. širše gledano, Akvilejo s Karnuntom ( sl. 10). V 60. in 70. letih 20. stoletja je potek te ceste v Podravju podrobno raziskal Stanko Pahič, pri če- mer je številne odseke tudi presondiral.22 Na podlagi njegovih dognanj je bila skoraj celotna trasa od Slo- venske Bistrice do Središča ob Dravi, v dolžini več kot 50 km, vpisana v register kulturne dediščine in razglašena za kulturni spomenik. V gozdu med Središčem ob Dravi in Ormožem je več odsekov te ceste še danes vidnih kot 6 metrov široko utrjeno cestišče z obcestnima jarkoma. Ana- liza podatkov iz lidarskih snemanj za to območje je pokazala, da tudi ta cesta kaže znake dolgotrajne Slika 9 Spremembe v rasti vegetacije kažejo potek obcestnih uporabe. Ta primer je opaziti v gozdu z ledinskim jarkov, na ledini Rimska cesta, med Renkovci in Gančani, ki imenom Gaberje, v bližini vasi Loperšice, na mestu, so nastajali skozi daljše časovno obdobje (po Kerman 2013). kjer je cesta morala prečkati manjšo globel potoka, topografskimi opazovanji in testnimi izkopavanji v ki priteče s Slovenskih goric. Lesena brv ali most, prostoru določil Stanko Pahič v 70. in v začetku 80. ki je prečkal globel zaradi slabega vzdrževanja v letih 20. stoletja.18 Za Prekmurje je podobno delo nekem trenutku ni bil več prevozen. Zato so upo- opravila Irena Šavel.19 Kljub temu, da so bile glavne rabniki ceste začeli globel prečkati nekoliko nižje trase rimske mreže ugotovljene že s topografskim pre- po pobočju, kjer je bil prehod mogoč tudi brez gledom, sta aerofotografija in lidarski posnetki osvetli- brvi. Ta obvoz je na terenu pustil jarke, ki so nas- la nekatere poglede, ki pred tem niso bili mogoči. tali zaradi trajne uporabe. Ker obvoz ni bil utrjen Tak primer je trasa cestišča na poljih med Gančani z gramozom, je hitro prišlo do zablatenja, zaradi in Renkovci, v ljudskem izročilu imenovana rimska česar je bilo treba traso vedno znova malo premi- cesta, ki je bila še v 90. letih 20. stoletja vidna kot kati. Posledica tega je nastanek t. i. ugreznjenih poti 5 metrov široka proga proda, vidna v dolžini 2,5 (ang. hollow ways),23 katere moramo, na enak način km. V delu, kjer cesta poteka skozi gozdiček, sta kot prvotno utrjeno cestišče, smatrati kot del rim- na vsaki strani cestišča v reliefu vidna oba 2 metra ske ceste ( sl. 11). široka obcestna jarka.20 Aerofotografija je pokazala, Celotno dimenzijo intenzitete prometa, ki se je gi- da ne gre za enotno cestišče, ki bi se ves čas naha- bal po glavni prometnici med italskim in panonskim jalo na istem mestu. Ampak, da gre za cestišče, ki prostorom, lahko zaslutimo ob opazovanju odseka je bilo večkrat popravljano in je ob tem rahlo spre- ceste zahodno od Slovenske Bistrice. Lidarski po- minjalo svojo traso ( sl. 9). Glede na dolgotrajnost snetek dela gozda z ledinskim imenom Grajenka njene uporabe, na katero lahko sklepamo na podlagi večkratnega popravljanja, bi lahko v tej rimski cesti 21 Szilagy 2012, Fig. 37. 22 Pahič 1964–1965; Pahič 1978; Pahič 1983. 18 Pahič 1983. 23 Za podrobnejšo razlago nastanka in pomena ugre- 19 Šavel 1991. znjenih poti za razumevanje historične krajine glej: 20 Šavel 1991, 37. Mlekuž 2014. 24 Novejše arheološke raziskave rimskega podeželja v severovzhodni Sloveniji Slika 10 Trasa nadregionalno pomembne rimske ceste Aquileia–Carnuntum , ki jo je mogoče opazovati na aerofotografiji območja pri vasi Gaberje v Prekmurju (vir fotografije: ARSO). razkriva, da se je na tem mestu prvotna utrjena trasa poteka nekoliko severneje, na mestu današnje glav- ceste povsem izgubila v pravcatem „morju“ ugre- ne regionalne ceste Slovenska Bistrica–Slovenske znjenih poti ( sl. 12). Glavna prometnica, kot je ozna- Konjice.24 Zaradi tega lahko sklepamo, da je bila čena na karti prve vojaške izmere iz let 1763 in 1787, trasa rimske ceste kot glavna prometnica opuščena najpozneje v prvih stoletjih novega veka. Iz pisnih virov vemo, da je bila rimska cesta, ki je iz smeri Madžarskega kraljestva vodila v notranjost Nem- škega cesarstva in Italiji, uporabljana še globoko v srednji vek.25 Verjetno je, da so tudi ugreznjene poti v gozdu Grajenka posledica uporabe območja trase rimske ceste še v srednjem veku. Občuten razvoj se je v zadnjih 20 letih zgodil tudi na področju rimske naselbinske arheologije. Pred- vsem v segmentu vaške poselitve. Sistematični te- renski pregledi (površinski in podpovršinski) in nato arheološka izkopavanja, tudi na območjih, Slika 11 Trasa rimske ceste Aquileia–Carnuntum , kot 24 Historične karte, izdelane v času avstro-ogrske admi- jo je s pomočjo lidarskih podatkov mogoče opazovati pri vasi nistracije, so javno dostopne na spletni aplikaciji: http:// Loperšice pri Ormožu. Premiki cestišča kažejo na dolgotrajno mapire.eu/en/ uporabo te ceste (vir lidarskih podatkov ARSO). 25 Kosi 1998, 11. 25 Andrej Magdič Slika 12 Območje gozda z ledinskim imenom Grajenka, zahodno od Slovenske Bistrice, kjer se dolgotrajna intenzivna uporaba prvotne rimskodobne ceste s pomočjo lidarskih podatkov kaže kot nepregledna množica t. i. ugreznjenih poti (vir podatkov ARSO). kjer pred tem niso bili znani nikakršni arheološki hipokavstom (opečnatih stebričkov, med katerimi je sledovi, so odstrnila podeželsko poselitev obreč- bil speljan topel zrak za talno gretje)26 ( sl. 13). nih ravnin v poprej neslutenem obsegu. Na plan Za razliko od do nedavna prevladujoče predstave o so prišli ostanki vaških naselbin, ki so popolnoma ustroju rimskodobne podeželske poselitve, ki naj bi spremenili dotedanje razumevanje rimskodobne na- jo sestavljale predvsem vile rustike, so arheološka selbinske arheologije Pomurja in Podravja. izkopavanja novo odkritih rimskodobnih najdišč na Značilna oblika rimskodobne podeželske arhitektu- trasah AC in DPN v veliki večini primerov razkrila re, kot je bila poznana do sredine 90. let 20. stoletja, vaške zaselke s prevladujočim enostavnim lesenim je t. i. villa rustica, podeželski stanovanjsko-gospo- stavbnim fondom. darski kompleks, ki je običajno zajemal obzidan Pogosto so bili raziskani zaselki z oranjem uničeni kompleks, dimenzij nekaj manj kot 100 × 100 me- do te mere, da so se od objektov ohranili le najglo- trov. Njihova izrazita značilnost je zidava v kamnu blji deli gradbene konstrukcije, hodne površine in oz. zgradbe na kamnitih pasovnih temeljih. Pogosto nadzemni deli struktur pa v celoti manjkajo. V ne- je bil stanovanjski del stavbe opremljen s central- katerih primerih pa oranje ni seglo tako globoko in nim ogrevanjem, kar nakazujejo najdbe prostorov s je bilo mogoče ugotoviti tudi tlorise objektov. Tak 26 Lubšina Tušek 1981; Strmčnik Gulič 1990. 26 Novejše arheološke raziskave rimskega podeželja v severovzhodni Sloveniji primer je naselbina iz zaključne faze rimske dobe v Cogetincih na isti trasi AC, vzhodno od Lenar- ta v Slovenskih goricah. Številni leseni naselbinski objekti, zgrajeni na način stojkaste gradnje, s peč- mi in ognjišči, med katerimi je bila ugotovljena tudi lončarska delavnica ( sl. 14, sl. 15), so na podlagi tipološke analize keramičnega gradiva in radiokar- bonske analize datirani v konec 4. in prvo polovico 5. stoletja.28 Na najdišču Lancova vas južno od Ptuja, na trasi AC Draženci–MMP Gruškovje, ob cesti, ki je pred- stavljala najkrajšo komunikacijo med Petoviono in municipijem Andautonia, današnja vas Ščitarjevo na Hrvaškem južno od Zagreba, je bilo odkrito zanimi- vo sosledje lesene in kamnite gradnje. Prva fazo po- selitve najdišča v 1. stoletju n. št. predstavlja zaselek lesenih objektov, zgrajenih tako v stojkasti gradnji, kot tudi v obliki vodoravni tramovi. Po veliki uniču- joči povodnji ob koncu 1. ali na začetku 2. stoletja, ko je reka Polskava nanosila na območje naselbine 0,4 m debelo plast naplavinskega materiala, je bila na istem mestu zgrajena zidana vila rustika, v kate- Slika 13 Tloris villae rusticae na ledini Muzge, južno od Murske Sobote (po Kerman 2008). re reprezentančni stavbi je bil odkrit tudi prostor s hipokavstom. Na robu naselbine ob cesti je bilo v zaključni fazi poselitve urejeno plano žgano grobi- šče z grobnimi parcelami ( sl. 16), na katerem je bila postavljena tudi grobna gomila, v katere notranjosti je bila odkrita poslikana grobna kamra.29 Raziskovalne metode prostorske arheologije, o katerih je govora v prispevku, v povezavi z upo- rabo geografskih informacijskih sistemov, bi mo- goče lahko predstavljale korak naprej na področju raziskovanja rimskodobne podeželske poselitve. Slika 14 Aerofotografija arheoloških ostalin Vzporedno s tem bi bilo potrebno nagraditi tudi rimskodobnega zaselka pri Cogetincih v Slovenskih goricah metodologijo ugotavljanja obsega in funkcional- (po Horvat 2013). nosti posameznih arheoloških najdišč znotraj na- primer je zaselek na odseku AC med Mariborom in selbinske slike. Velika večina arheoloških najdišč v Lendavo z Gornjih njiv pri Dolgi vasi, v bližini ces- nižinah Pomurja in Podravja (z izjemo ohranjenih te Petoviona–Savarija, datiran v čas med začetkom gomilnih grobišč) je namreč prepoznana zgolj kot 2. in sredino 3. stoletja. Tam so bila, poleg ostan- točka v prostoru, brez vedenja o njihovem obse- kov lesenih objektov, odkrita tudi ognjišča in peči gu. Predvsem pri nižinskih naselbinah se pokaže ter vodnjak z ohranjeno leseno kaščo.27 Drug tak dosedanja nesistematičnost pri ugotavljanju njiho- 28 Horvat 2013, 232. 27 Šavel, Kerman 2008, 24. 29 Plestenjak, Brečič 2016, 42. 27 Andrej Magdič Slika 15 Grafična dokumentacija lončarskih peči z rimskodobnega zaselka v Cogetincih v Slovenskih goricah (po Horvat 2013). vega obsega in funkcije znotraj rimskodobne orga- ologije bi bilo potrebno vzpostaviti širše interdi- nizacije prostora. Arheološki testni izkopi, ki so bili sciplinarno znanstveno raziskovalno gibanje, ki bi na številnih najdiščih izvedeni v okviru sistematičnih sistematično analiziralo in sintetiziralo velike ko- topografskih raziskav v drugi polovici 20. stoletja so ličine arheoloških podatkov, ki so bili pridobljeni največkrat ugotavljali zgolj stratifikacijo najdišča, ob predvsem v zadnjih desetletjih pri velikih gradbenih morebitnem slučajnem odkritju so določili tudi tip posegih. Pri tem bi bilo gotovo smiselno dodatno stavbne gradnje. Tudi arheološka izkopavanja večjih izpostaviti posamezna najdišča, ki so bila doslej raz- površin, ki so se odvijala kot del avtocestnega pro- iskana parcialno, zgolj znotraj gradbenega okvira, jekta, so v okviru v naprej določenega gradbenega in z različnimi nedestruktivnimi (geofizikalnimi in okvira običajno načela zgolj del najdišča, iztrgan iz geokemičnimi) metodami ugotoviti njihov dejanski širšega prostorskega konteksta. obseg, notranjo strukturo in dejavnosti, ki so se v Kot naslednji korak ali bolje rečeno vizija na po- njih odvijale ter definirati paleokolje, znotraj kate- dročju rimskodobne podeželske naselbinske arhe- rega so ležale. Na podlagi rezultatov takšnega sku- 28 Novejše arheološke raziskave rimskega podeželja v severovzhodni Sloveniji pnega raziskovalnega dela bi bilo mogoče začeti vrednotenje poselitvene slike, katerega rezultat bi lahko vodil v poskus interpretacije in rekonstrukcije rimskodobne kulturne krajine. Slika 16 Aerofotografija grobišča z grobnimi parcelami ob vili rustiki pri Lancovi vasi, južno od Ptuja (po Plestenjak, Brečič 2016). Literatura LUBŠINA TUŠEK, M. 1981, Tlorisna zasnova rimskih vil v Sloveniji / Die Grundrissanlage der römischen vil- GUŠTIN, M. et al. 1996, Rimsko podeželje. / Roman Countryside. len in Slowenien. – Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 17, – Ljubljana. 153–203. HORVAT, J. 1999, Rimska provincialna arheologija v Slo- MLEKUŽ, D. 2014, Na poti nikamor? Razplet prepleta veniji po letu 1965: poselitvena slika in drobna materialna ugreznjenih poti. – Arheo 31, 7–18. kultura. – Arheološki vestnik 50, 215–278. NOVAKOVIĆ, P. 2003, Osvajanje prostora. Razvoj prostorske HORVAT, J. et al. 2003, Poetovio. Development and To- in krajinske arheologije. – Ljubljana. pography. – V: M. Šalel Kos in P. Scherrer, et al (ur.), The PAHIČ, S. 1964–65, K poteku rimskih cest med Ptujem in autonomous towns of Noricum and Pannonia. Pannonia, Situla Središčem. – Arheološki vestnik 15–16, 283–320. 41, Ljubljana, 153–189. PAHIČ, S. 1965, Antične gomile v Slovenskih goricah. – HORVAT, M. 2013, Cogetinci pri Lenartu. – Ljubljana. Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 1, 10–65. KERMAN, B. 2008, Rakičanske Muzge – nova rimska vila PAHIČ, S. 1972, Nov seznam noriško-panonskih gomil. – v Prekmurju. – Arheološki vestnik 59, 269–290. Razprave SAZU 7/2. KERMAN, B. 2013, Interpretacija zgodovinske poselitve Pre- PAHIČ, S. 1978, Najdbe z rimske ceste Slovenska Bistrica – kmurja na primeru aerofotografije. – doktorska disertacija, Pragersko. – Arheološki vestnik 29, 129–289. Univerza na Primorskem, Fakulteta za humanistične PAHIČ, S. 1983, Die Erforschung der Römerstrassen im študije, študijski program Zgodovina Evrope in Sredo- nordöstlichen Slowenien. – Arheološki vestnik 34, 247–289. zemlja, Koper. PETRU, P. 1964–65, Nekateri problemi provincialne rimske KOSI, M. 1998, Potujoči srednji vek: Cesta, popotnik in promet arheologije v Sloveniji. – Arheološki vestnik 15–16, 65–107. na Slovenskem med antiko in srednjim vekom. – Ljubljana. PLESTENJAK, A. in J. BREČIČ 2016, Arheološka izko- 29 Andrej Magdič pavanja na najdišču Lancova vas – sektor 8. – V: P. Sti- Medieval Studies, Central European University, Budapest pančić, B. Djurić in M. Črešnar (ur), Arheologija v letu 2015. (neobjavljeno). Dediščina za javnost. Strokovno srečanje Slovenskega arheološkega ŠAVEL, I. 1991, Arheološka topografija Slovenije. Topografsko društva, Ljubljana, 31. marec – 1. april 2016, Ljubljana. območje XX (Prekmurje). – Ljubljana. REPE, B. 2010, Prepoznavanje osnovnih prsti slovenske ŠAVEL, I. in B. KERMAN 2008, Gornje njive pri Dolgi Vasi. klasifikacije. – Dela 34, 143–166. – AAS 6, Ljubljana. RUTAR, G., D. MLEKUŽ in I. KLOKOČOVNIK 2015, Ocena arheološkega potenciala območja DPN za HE Hrastje Mota na Muri. – Ljubljana. Andrej Magdič STRMČNIK GULIČ, M. 1990, Podoba antične poselitve Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije med vzhodnim Pohorjem in Dravo. – Arheološki vestnik 41, OE Maribor 135–146. Slomškov trg 6 SZILAGY, M. 2012, Arpad Period Communication Networks: SI-2000 Maribor Road Systems in Western Transdanubia. – PhD dissertation in andrej.magdic@zvkds.si 30 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk New Aspects of Roman villae in Styria, Austria Novi pogledi na rimske vile na avstrijskem Štajerskem Susanne Lamm, Patrick Marko Izvleček: Jugovzhodni del Norika, ozemlje municipija Flavia Solva (Wagna pri Lipnici, Štajerska), je zaznamovala cveto- ča agrarna ekonomija, na kar kažejo tudi številne rimske vile, zlasti ob rekah, kot sta Mura in reka Lasnica. Dve izmed teh vil, vila rustika Grünau in prestižna vila Forst-Thalerhof, katerih obstoj je bil znan že dalj časa, sta bili nedavno ponovno preučeni. Ključne besede: Norik, villae, arhitektura, razkošje, lončenina, horrea Abstract: The Southeast part of Noricum, the territory of the municipium Flavia Solva (Wagna bei Leibnitz, Styria), was characterised by a flourishing agrarian economy and exemplified by a number of Roman villae especially along the river courses, such as the Mur and the Lassnitz. Two of those villae, Grünau and Forst-Thalerhof, whose existence was known for some time, were recently re-examined. Key words: Noricum, villae, architecture, luxury, pottery, horrea The villa at Grünau borders of the municipal territory are defined by mountain ranges, but the borders with the neigh- A Roman villa site and nearby barrows were unearthed bouring towns of Savaria, Salla, Poetovio and Celeia in 14 excavation campaigns between 1988 and 2008. are still a subject of debate,4 in spite of the fact that These were led by Erwin Pochmarski (Institute of Ar- this local border also formed the provincial border chaeology, University of Graz) and, later, by Barbara between Noricum and Pannonia.5 However, the villa Porod (Department of Archaeology and Coin Cab- at Grünau can be counted lying within the territory inet, Universalmuseum Joanneum).1 Part of the villa of Flavia Solva, because of its location between the was analysed by Susanne Lamm in her Ph.D. thesis,2 Koralm mountain range to the east and the river whilst the rest was studied in a follow-up project.3 Mur to the west. The villa at Grünau is situated in the Lassnitz val- The villa complex ( Fig. 2) was built on the virtual- ley in the modern province of Styria. The site is ly flat valley bottom close to the north facing hill approximately 20 km to the west of the municipium slope on the southern side of the valley. The villa Flavia Solva, in the south-eastern part of the Roman itself consists of a main building divided into two province of Noricum. The northern and western complexes, and two outbuildings. The earliest and the latest structures were identified in the eastern 1 A summary and the famous Silberbecher (silver skyphos) complex of the main building. A succession of con- were published by Pochmarski, Porod 2008. A more re- struction phases can be classified, as follows in this cent analysis was published by Lamm, Marko 2012b. area: a number of timber buildings (1st century AD), 2 Lamm 2011. 3 A complete publication of the villa at Grünau will be published in the near future. Some groups of finds have 4 Lamm 2014. already been published: indigenous grey fine ware Lamm 5 Lamm 2006, 392–412; Csapláros, Neuhauser 2012; 2012 and glass finds Lamm 2016. Lehner 2012. 31 Susanne Lamm, Patrick Marko Figure 1 The Mur and Lassnitz valley, Styria, with Roman villae (yellow, possible sites in pale yellow), vici (orange), and municipium Flavia Solva (red) (illustration P. Marko; background orthophoto (C) basemap.at). stone foundations (1st half of the 2nd century AD?), a evidence for grain cultivation (storage vessels) and an- partial levelling at or around the mid-2nd century AD, imal husbandry (a cattle bell, bone fragments). the main phase with a new building around mid-2nd Two nearby mortuary sites, each comprising three century AD, the rebuilding of some of the structures barrows ( tumuli), were also examined.7 The small (late second half of the 2nd century AD?) and a par- finds and the plans of the tumuli indicate a construc- tial reuse/refurbishing in the Late Roman period.6 tion date between the end of the 1st century and the In addition to the usual coarse ware the finds in this middle of the 2nd century AD. Unfortunately, all of area comprised a large amount of indigenous fine re- the excavated graves had been disturbed by looters duced ware (with or without coating; so-called grey in the past. fine ware), imported material such as Terra Sigillata, The main road through the Lassnitz valley is located glass (vessels, jewellery), as well as metalwork (iron, about 300 metres to the north of the villa. The road bronze, lead), amphorae, lamps and gold and amber runs west-east and connects the municipium of Flavia jewel ery. There is evidence of textile manufacture Solva with the Koralm area. Other Roman period set- (loom weights, spindle whorls, a lead tag), metalworking tlement sites have been found along this route during (slag, crucible fragments, a bellows’ nozzle), as well as the excavations that accompanied the construction of the Koralmbahn, the high-speed train link be- 6 These construction periods, also published in Lamm, Marko 2012b, revise the previously published constructi- 7 Pochmarski, Pochmarski-Nagele 1997; Pochmarski, on periods, like shown in Pochmarski, Porod 2008, Fig. 1. Pochmarski-Nagele 1999. 32 New Aspects of Roman villae in Styria, Austria Figure 2 The Grünau villa (illustration T. Neuhauser). tween Graz and Klagenfurt. In addition, several Ro- of the church in Groß Sankt Florian, the modern man period graves were also excavated. One of them town nearest to the Grünau villa. In my opinion the can be directly linked to the Grünau villa, because it sella curulis relief was a part of the funerary monu- is located at the junction between the main road and ment that was found to the north of the Grünau villa a side road to the villa. because the dimensions of the reconstructed relief The latter site is the gravel foundation of a Roman correspond with those of the gravel foundation. funerary monument, the width of the excavated Therefore, one of the villa owners must have been a southern side of which is 4.80 m. The foundation duumvir from the municipium of Flavia Solva. was surrounded by an enclosing wall, which was 15 Another interesting building connected to the villa was m wide.8 Both the funerary monument and the en- identified on an aerial photograph from the 1950s. closing wall were destroyed in the post-Roman pe- Crop-marks indicate the existence of a large horreum riod, the only part remaining in situ being the gravel (38 × 25 × 40 × 26 m; 950–1040 m2) about 100 m to foundation. the north of the villa ( Fig. 4). During the 1950s a fragment of a relief with the de- The Grünau villa was only well known until recently piction of a sella curulis, a lictor and a scriba ( Fig. 3) for its most valuable find, the silver skyphos. How-was found in the foundations of the enclosing walls ever, our mental image of the site has become far more vivid during the last years ( Fig. 5). It can now be seen as a site where people lived, tilled the soil, bred 8 Lamm 2015. 33 Susanne Lamm, Patrick Marko Figure 3 The relief from Gross St. Florian (photo P. Weisi). animals, carried out crafts and manufacturing, where excavation were never published in detail.9 This is all the owners, at some point magistrates from the near- the more unfortunate, since the largest and most lux- by municipium, were buried in barrows and other fu- urious of the Southeast Alpine villae was found in nerary monuments. The villa must also have been a Thalerhof; in fact, the main building, the only struc- central collection point for agricultural produce from ture uncovered in the excavations, occupied 4700 m². other farms. Goods were transported from here to This size is only rivaled in all of Noricum by the villa urban areas by road. in Loig near Salzburg.10 Further examples of compa- rable luxury buildings can only be found in few cen- tral areas of the Roman Empire, such as the centres Forst-Thalerhof of the senatorial/aristocratic villeggiatura in Campa- nia, around Rome and the North Italian lakes,11 as A similar, though even more luxurious, picture of up- well as the extremely rich region of Histria, which per class life in the area of Flavia Solva is also emerg- was part of the Regio X of Italy in imperial times . 12 ing from the recent systematic evaluation of decades The extraordinary luxury of the villa at Thalerhof is of research on the villa at Forst-Thalerhof. The site also visible in the finds, which were extremely rich in is situated roughly 25 km north of the municipium Fla- via Solva in the Mur valley. It was originally excavated 9 A short preliminary report was published by Grubin- between 1937 and 1939, although the results of the ger 1959. 10 Gruber 2015. 11 Cf. Mayer 2005, 39. 12 Cf. De Franceschini 1998, 799–800. 34 New Aspects of Roman villae in Styria, Austria Figure 4 Orthophotograph of the Grünau villa site Figure 5 Overview of sites in Grünau (illustration S. (data source: Bundesamt für Eich- und Vermessungswesen; Lamm; image © GoogleEarth). orthophoto: Institute of Geography and Regional Sciences, University of Graz). fragments of wall paintings, stucco and marble fur- found e.g. in the villa ad duas lauros in Centocelle, nishing. The villa consists of three separate wings, where a slightly smaller deambulatorio o xystus 15 with connected by a main corridor, which was 80m in rounded end pavilions connects the main building to length ( Fig. 6). A bath complex with an area of over a zona termale, or in Nennig, where the so-called lange 500 m2 was located in the southern part of the west Halle 16 covers the more than 250 m to the villa bath. wing ( Fig. 6: 56–68);13 the central wing contained All in all, the Thalerhof villa warrants a closer exami- representative rooms with polygonal plans ( Fig. 6: nation than has been previously undertaken, not least 21, 28) and apses ( Fig. 6: 26, 28), whilst a georadar to clear up the time frame for this singular building: survey in 2007 identified a horreum with an area of at While the excavators dated the villa to the 3rd to 4th least 225 m2 was in the east ( Fig. 6: 87).14 The layout centuries AD,17 later researchers prefer an earlier has frequently been compared to that of the clas- date,18 comparing the structure to imperial Hadrianic sical peristyle type villa, although the main corridor architecture. ( Fig. 6: 16, 24) does not appear to have been an open However, unfortunately the apparent luxurious nature colonnade: It featured an elaborate hypocaust heat- of the architectural remains does not extend to the ing, with a subterranean praefurnium under the cen- small finds, which are very few in comparison to the tral tract ( Fig. 6: 19), from where the West and East aforementioned fragments of building decoration. halves of the corridor could be heated separately. Nevertheless, recent work on the small finds has re- A curious feature of the villa is a structure that is ap- vealed several pieces that shed some light on the pre- proximately 175 m (almost 1 stadium) in length with viously unclear timeline. The pottery found in Thaler- drop-shaped ends on its northeastern side ( Fig. 6: 76, hof19 can mostly be categorized as typical southeastern 77, 82, 83), which was identified recently in a geo- Norican coarse ware, such as that found in large physical survey and from aerial photographs. While lacking exact parallels, similar building shapes were 15 De Franceschini 2005, 176–179. 16 Glaser, Marek, Schumacher 2007, 36–37. 17 Grubinger 1959, 19. 13 Cf. Lamm, Marko 2012a. 18 E. g. Schrettle 2007, 262. 14 Heymans, Morawetz 2008. A more detailed 19 Some ceramic finds from Thalerhof were published description of the horreum in Thalerhof is in preparati- already in Marko 2016a, for the complete analysis of the on in Lamm, Marko 2017 forthcoming. small finds cf. Marko 2017. 35 Susanne Lamm, Patrick Marko Figure 6 The Forst-Thalerhof villa (illustration P. Marko). quantities in all the settlements of Roman Imperial ent throughout the 2nd century AD in Styria,23 with date in the vicinity, e.g. Flavia Solva 20, Kalsdorf21, or early specimens from Poetovio dating to the Flavian Gleisdorf22. These include several tripods, both with period.24 Another bowl ( Cat. No. 967) has a paral- inverted rim ( Cat. No. 503, 506, 508, 541) and with lel from the late 1st century AD in Carnuntum,25 as horizontal rim ( Cat. No. 548, 948), which were pres- does a good quality firma lamp ( Cat. No. 944) similar to examples found in the western cemeteries of Po- etovio, which Istenič dates to the late 1st to the early 20 Recent research on finds from Flavia Solva e.g. in Hinker 2014. 23 Cf. Csapláros, Hinker, Lamm 2012. 21 Lohner-Urban 2009. 24 Istenič 1999, 144. 22 Jeschek 2000. 25 Petznek 1997, 242. 36 New Aspects of Roman villae in Styria, Austria 2nd century.26 Three bowls of the so-called Pannon- none of those has exactly the same shape as the ex- ische Glanztonware ( Cat. No. 494, 495, 936) are also amples from Thalerhof. So for the moment these comparable to examples from the late 1st or 2nd cen- finds have to remain unexplained. tury AD in Gleisdorf.27 The general trend is further The general trend discernible in the small finds supported by two Terra Sigillata fragments found in points to a time frame for the Thalerhof villa in the the villa. The first is a fragment of a Dragendorff 37 2nd century AD, possibly beginning as early as the bowl ( Cat. No. 945) from the workshop of Laxtucis- Flavian period. No Late Roman pottery whatsoever sa 28 or Paternus 29 in central Gaul, dating to the second was found, nor were any finds dateable to after 200 half of the 2nd century AD, whilst the second is a AD with certainty (taking into account the obvious small bowl bearing a stamp of Africanus ( Cat. No. problems with precise dating in a chronology that 947), which can be dated to the Hadrianic period.30 relies almost exclusively on locally produced coarse However there is another group of finds that not wares). This corresponds very well to the gener- only defies attempts to date them, but also to iden- al trend of increased development in the area that tify their purpose in the first place. In the context of can be observed e.g. in the nearby vicus of Kalsdorf, the small number of small finds from Thalerhof, this probably stimulated by the granting of the title muni- is quite a large group of extremely puzzling pottery cipium Flavium to the nearby village of Solva. fragments ( Cat. No. 522, 523, 906; in total 24 frag- The relationship between villa, vicus, and municipium, ments were found). They are a range of fragments and the greater context of the settlement structure of oxidised bowls, generally showing smoke residue in perialpine Styria will be another very interesting and/or traces of mortar, with holes in their bottom, field for research,32 made all the more promising around which a tube with more holes in the side is with an increasingly stable foundation provided by mounted. Similar shapes have been interpreted as the latest detailed work on single sites like Thaler- chimney covers, lamps, or incense burners,31 but all hof, or Grünau,33 as well as on archaeological land- of these ideas have their respective weaknesses, and scapes such as that of the Lassnitz valley.34 Bibliography ausgewählten Beispielen. – Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai. Historia 57(1), 13–24. ADLER-WöLFL, K. and R. SAUER 2000, Dachaufsatz, DE FRANCESCHINI, M. 1998, Le ville romane della X regio Lichthäuschen oder Räuchergerät? Zu einer keramischen (Venetia et Histria). Catalogo e carta archeologica dell’insediamen- Objektgruppe aus dem römischen Siedlungskomplex Un- to romano nel territorio, dall’età repubblicana al tardo impero. – terlaa. – Archäologie in Wien 3, 158–167. Studia archaeologica 93, Roma. BELLITTI, F. 2014, KG Grafendorf. – Fundberichte aus Ös- DE FRANCESCHINI, M. 2005, Ville dell’agro romano. – terreich 53, 329–330. Monografie della Carta dell’agro romano 2, Roma. CSAPLáROS, A., C. HINKER and S. LAMM 2012, Typol- FUCHS, G. 2006, Die römische Straße im Laßnitztal, ogische Serie zu Dreifußschüsseln aus dem Stadtgebiet von Weststeiermark. Ein Forschungsbericht. – In: E. Walde and Flavia Solva. – In: S. Bíró and P. Vámos (eds.), FiRKák II. Fi- G. Grabherr (eds.), Via Claudia Augusta und Römerstraßenfor- atal Római Koros Kutatók II. Konferenciakötete 2007, október 9-10,. schung im östlichen Alpenraum, Innsbruck, 439–456. Visegrád, 2009, november 20–22, Komárom, Győr, 235–245. FUCHS, G. 2008, Spuren der römischen Landvermessung CSAPLáROS, A. and T. NEUHAUSER 2012, Kultur- im Laßnitztal (Weststeiermark, österreich). – In: C. Franek transfer zwischen den römischen Provinzen anhand von et al. (eds.), Thiasos. Festschrift für Erwin Pochmarski zum 65. 26 Istenič 1999, 153. 32 For preliminary studies cf. Gspurning et al. 2015; 27 Jeschek 2000, 84. Marko 2016b. 28 Stanfield, Simpson 1990, 372, T. 97: 2. 33 Further important Styrian villa sites recently studied 29 Stanfield, Simpson 1990, 382, T. 107: 26. include Retznei – Schrettle 2012, Rannersdorf – Schrettle, 30 Oswald 1964, 7. Tsironi 2007 or Grafendorf – Bellitti 2014. 31 Cf. Adler-Wölfl, Sauer 2000; Höpken, Fiedler 2011. 34 Fuchs 2006; Fuchs 2008. 37 Susanne Lamm, Patrick Marko Geburtstag, Wien, 255–271. April am Institut für Archäologie der Universität Graz, 105–117. GLASER, M., S. MAREK and F.-J. SCHUMACHER LAMM, S. 2016, Glasfunde aus der römischen Villa Grün- 2007, Die römische Villa Nennig. – Saarbrücken. au (Steiermark) und den benachbarten Hügelgräbern. – GRUBER, C. 2015, Herrschaft und Produktion – Die römische In: G. Grabherr and B. Kainrath (eds.), Akten des 15. Öster-Palastvilla von Loig bei Salzburg. (Mit spezieller Berücksichtigung reichischen Archäologentages in Innsbruck 27. Februar−1. März der pars rustica). – Diss. Institut für Archäologie. Karl-Fran-2014, Innsbruck, 163–173. zens-Universität Graz. LAMM, S. and P. MARKO 2012a, Ländliche Badeanlagen GRUBINGER, M. 1959, Die römische Villa „Thalerhof“ in Südost noricum und Südwestpannonien. – In : S. Traxler bei Graz. – Blätter für Heimatkunde 33, 9–19. and R. Kastler (eds.), Colloquium Lentia 2010. Römische Bä- GSPURNING, J. et al. 2015, Geospatial Technologies der in Raetien, Noricum und Pannonien. Beiträge zur Tagung im for Investigating Roman Settlement Structures in the Schlossmuseum Linz, 6.–8.5.2010, Linz, 107–119. Noric- Pannonia n Borderland. Selected Aspects of a New LAMM, S. and P. MARKO 2012b, Römerzeitliche Villen Research Project. – In: W. Börner and S. Uhlirz (eds.), Pro- in der Steiermark. – Schild von Steier. Beiträge zur Steirischen ceedings of the 19th International Conference on Cultural Heritage Vor- und Frühgeschichte und Münzkunde 25, 25–41. and New Technologies 2014 (CHNT 19, 2014), Wien. LAMM, S. and P. MARKO (eds.), 2017 (forthcoming). HEYMANS, H., and R. MORAWETZ 2008, Die römer- Horrea, Römisches österreich 40 . zeitliche Villa in Thalerhof. Ergebnisse der Bodenradarunter- LEHNER, M. 2012, Die „Grüne Grenze“ zwischen Nori- suchung im Jahr 2007. – Blätter für Heimatkunde 82(1/2), 3–19. cum und Oberpannonien: Alte Meinungen und neue Indi- HINKER, C. 2014, Ein Brandhorizont aus der Zeit der Mar- zien. – Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai. Historia 57(1), 38–51. komannenkriege im südostnorischen Munizipium Flavia Solva. Mit LOHNER-URBAN, U. 2009, Untersuchungen im rö- Beiträgen von Günter Christandl und Ursula Schachinger. – Wien. mischen Vicus von Kalsdorf, Parzelle 421/1. – In: U. HöPKEN, C. and M. FIEDLER 2011, Ein sog. Lichthäus- Lohner-Urban (eds.), Untersuchungen im römischen Vicus von chen aus dem Liber Pater-Heiligtum in Sarmizegetusa. – Kalsdorf bei Graz. Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen auf der Sargetia s.n. II (XXXVIII), 143–154. Parzelle 421/1. Baubefund und ausgewählte Kleinfunde, Wien, ISTENIČ, J. 1999, Poetovio, the Western Cemeteries I (Poetovio, 17–178. Zahodna grobišča I), Grave-groups in the Landesmuseum Joanne- MARKO, P. 2016a, Ausgewählte Keramikfunde aus der um, Graz (Grobne celote iz Deželnega muzeja Joanneuma v Grad- römischen villa Thalerhof. – In: G. Grabherr and B. cu). – Ljubljana. Kainrath (eds.), Akten des 15. Österreichischen Archäologen- JESCHEK, G. 2000, Die grautonige Keramik aus dem römischen tages in Innsbruck 27. Februar−1. März 2014, Innsbruck, Vicus von Gleisdorf. Herausgegeben von Thuri Lorenz, für 203–214. den Druck vorbereitet von Ute Lohner und Eleni Schin- MARKO, P. 2016b, Das Traumhaus im Speckgürtel? – dler-Kaudelka. – Wien. Überlegungen zur römerzeitlichen Siedlungsstruktur im LAMM, S. 2006, Das Fundmaterial der römischen Sied- Grazer Feld. – In: M. Pietsch and S. Traxler (eds.), Colloqui- lungsstelle in St. Martin an der Raab, Burgenland. – Fund- um Bedaium 2015, München, 196–202. berichte aus Österreich 45, 391–450. MARKO, P. 2017, Römische Villen der Steiermark und ihr Fund- LAMM, S. 2011, Die römische Villa von Grünau. Funde und Be- material. Die Altgrabungen von Forst-Thalerhof (1937–39) und funde der Grabungssaisonen 1991, 1992, 2001 und 2002. – Diss. Löffelbach (1961–63/1992–2002) und ihre Kleinfunde. – Diss. Institut für Archäologie. Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz. Institut für Archäologie. Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz. LAMM, S. 2012, Einige Beispiele der einheimischen MAYER, J. W. 2005, Imus ad villam. Studien zur Villeggiatur grauen feinen Keramik der villa rustica von Grünau im stadtrömischen Suburbium in der späten Republik und frühen (Steiermark). – In: C. Reinholdt and W. Wohlmayr (eds.), Kaiserzeit. – Stuttgart. Akten des 13. Österreichischen Archäologentages. Klassische und OSWALD, F. (ed.), 1964, Index of Potters’ stamps on terra frühägäische Archäologie; Paris-Lodron-Universität Salzburg vom sigillata „Samian ware“. with a supplement (to be consulted in con-25. bis 27. Februar 2010, Wien, 345–352. junction with the index) of stamps obtained or recorded during the LAMM, S. 2014, Zwischenland. Zur Grenze zwischen No- period of printing the index (with corrections). – London. ricum und Pannonien abseits des Wienerwaldes. – In: E. PETZNEK, B. 1997, Römerzeitliche Gebrauchskeramik Trinkl (eds.), Akten des 14. Österreichischen Archäologentages aus Carnuntum. Ausgrabungen des Bundesdenkmalamtes am Institut für Archäologie der Universität Graz vom 19. bis 21. 1971 bis 1972. – Carnuntum Jahrbuch, 167–319. April 2012, Wien, 209–220. POCHMARSKI, E. and M. POCHMARSKI-NAGELE LAMM, S. 2015, Die sella curulis- Darstellung auf dem Rö- 1997, Römische Hügelgräber im Bereich der Villa Grünau merstein von Groß St. Florian. – In: G. Koiner and G. (Groß St. Florian). – In: S. K. Palágyi (ed.), Akten der 4. In-Schwarz (eds.), Classica et provincialia. Akten des Symposions ternationalen Tagung über Römerzeitliche Hügelgräber. Veszprem, anlässlich des 100. Geburtstages von Erna Diez am 8. und 9. 10.–15. September 1996, Veszprém, 73–84. 38 New Aspects of Roman villae in Styria, Austria POCHMARSKI, E. and M. POCHMARSKI-NAGELE Kaiserzeitliche und spätantike Funde und Befunde. – 1999, KG Nassau, OG Unterbergla, VB Deutschlands- Fundberichte aus Österreich 46, 225–338. berg. – Fundberichte aus Österreich 38, 862–865. STANFIELD, J.-A. and G. SIMPSON 1990, Les potiers de POCHMARSKI, E. and B. POROD 2008, The silver sky- la Gaule centrale. Recherches sur les ateliers de potiers de la Gaule phos of the Roman villa Grünau (Groß St. Florian, Styr- centrale. – Sites hors-série no. 37, Gonfaron. ia, Austria) – Expression of the Otium of a Roman villa owner. – Histria Antiqua 16, 23–33. SCHRETTLE, B. 2007, Römische Villen im Umland von dr. Susanne Lamm Flavia Solva: Überlegungen zur Verbreitung der Bautypen Institute of Archaeology, University of Graz in Südost noricum. – Schild von Steier. Beiträge zur Steirischen Universitätsplatz 3/II Vor- und Frühgeschichte und Münzkunde 20, 253–267. AT-8010 Graz SCHRETTLE, B. 2012, Retznei: Bad oder Heiligtum? Zur susanne.lamm@uni-graz.at Interpretation einer ländlichen Siedlung im südöstlichen No- ricum. – In: S. Traxler and R. Kastler (eds.), Colloquium Lentia dr. Patrick Marko 2010. Römische Bäder in Raetien, Noricum und Pannonien. Beiträge Institute of Archaeology, University of Graz zur Tagung im Schlossmuseum Linz, 6.–8.5.2010, Linz, 97–106. Universitätsplatz 3/II SCHRETTLE, B. and S. TSIRONI 2007, Die Ausgrabun- AT-8010 Graz gen der Jahre 2005 bis 2007 in der Villa Rannersdorf. patrick.marko@uni-graz.at 39 Susanne Lamm, Patrick Marko Table 1 Drawings P. Marko. 40 New Aspects of Roman villae in Styria, Austria Table 2 Drawings P. Marko. 41 Susanne Lamm, Patrick Marko Table 3 Photos K522, K523 and 945: J. Kraschitzer; drawings and photo 947: P. Marko. 42 New Aspects of Roman villae in Styria, Austria Table 4 Drawings P. Marko. 43 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk The Roman Countryside of Prekmurje Rimsko podeželje Prekmurja Aleksandra Bugar, Mitja Guštin Izvleček: Naše poznavanje rimskega podeželja Prekmurja temelji predvsem na terenskem delu Stanka Pahiča in Irene Šavel, letalskih prospekcijah Branka Kermana in zlasti v zadnjih petnajstih letih tudi izkopavanjih na trasi avtoceste med Mursko Soboto in Lendavo. K poznavanju tega obdobja v Prekmurju je prispevala tudi Iva Mikl Curk. Vsi ti podatki so nam prinesli široko in kompleksno sliko o tem obdobju. V splošnem je bilo Prekmurje izven glavnih cest in na robu glavnih središč; proces romanizacije se je tu začel v 1. stoletju n. š. Opazimo starejše tradicije staroselskih ljudstev, pred- vsem v izdelovanju lončenine in načinu pokopa v tako imenovanih noriško - panonskih gomilah. Po pregledu podatkov o rimskem podeželju Prekmurja se osredotočamo na najdišče Nova Tabla pri Murski Soboti, ki je bilo v rimskem obdobju intenzivno poseljeno med drugo polovico 1. stoletja in pozno antiko. Raziskano območje ponuja vpogled v življenje na podeželju skozi prostorsko organizacijo vaške naselbine, odnosa do grobišča in zbira najdb v naselju in na grobišču. Ključne besede: Prekmurje, rimska naselbina, noriško panonske gomile, Nova tabla pri Murski Soboti Abstract: Our knowledge of the Roman Countryside in the Prekmurje region was, until recently, predominantly based upon data from the archaeological researches of Stanko Pahič, Irena Šavel, and Iva Mikl Curk, as well as the aerial surveys of Branko Kerman. In the past fifteen years or so, however, new archaeological data from excavations on a section of highway between Murska Sobota and Lendava, together with previous discoveries, have given us a broad and complex picture of this period. The process of Romanization within Prekmurje began in the 1st century, but the region remained somewhat isolated from the main axes of communication, and also not so close to the major regional Roman centres in the neighbourhood. We may detect the continuation of older traditions of the Celtic Tavrisci population, who had pre- viously settled the region, which are especially visible in pottery production, and the traditions of the Pannonian tribes visible in the type of the burial rites, of the so-called Noric – Pannonian tumuli. In summarising the data of the Roman countryside of the Prekmurje region, emphasis is given to the site of Nova tabla near Murska Sobota, whose extensive Roman period settlements are dated from the second half of the 1st century to the late Antiquity. Key words: Prekmurje, Roman settlements, Noric-Pannonian tumuli, Nova tabla near Murska Sobota In archaeological terms Prekmurje has not been a rather present an outline of it and supplement this terra incognita for a considerable period of time. How- with newer and less well disseminated data. An em- ever, in the past fifteen years or so, as a result of phasis has therefore be placed on presentation of the intensive archaeological survey and research in this archaeological site of Nova tabla near Murska Sobo- northernmost Slovenian region, it has produced an ta, as this will enable us to demonstrate an outline of abundance of new, unexpected archaeological data our research of the Roman period at this multi-pe- and material which has enriched our current under- riod site, which has, in the past been predominantly standing, thus resulting in a better interpretation of discussed in terms of prehistoric and Medieval finds, space and life during the different archaeological, his- whereas the Roman Period was mainly discussed in toric and proto-historic periods. Although the title of broad strokes and only partially published.1 In a broad this conference presentation, and accordingly this ar- ticle, is multi-faceted, we shall not review the Roman 1 Guštin, Tiefengraber 2001; Guštin, Tiefengraber 2002; Period in the Prekmurje region in minute detail, but Guštin 2003a; Guštin 2003b; Guštin 2004; Guštin 2005; Guštin 2008; Guštin et al. 2017; Guštin, Pavlovič 2009; 45 Aleksandra Bugar, Mitja Guštin sense the Prekmurje region sits on the north-eastern (Fig. 1) In addition to the main Savaria Road, the bank of the Mura River, located in Northeastern Slo- vicinal roads were constructed across the Prekmurje venia, and is a part of the Sub-Pannonian Region ( Fig. region, and evidence for sections of these roads has 1). In geomorphological terms, Prekmurje consists of been confirmed through archaeological fieldwork al- three parts: the terraces of Dolinsko and Ravensko so.6 Valley, the hilly Goričko and the Lendava Hills. The In administrative terms, the River Mura was the bor- Valley’s basin stretches between the Mura and Ledava der between territory of Poetovio and Savaria.7 What Rivers and is today used for intensive agricultural pro- is less certain is to which administrative unit or town duction. the area around and to the north of the River Mura belonged to, however the local centres were proba- bly the towns of Halicanum (Sv. Martin na Muri) and The Prekmurje region in the Roman Salla (Zalalövö). Salla in turn was part of the admin- Period istrative area of Savaria, and probably the entire Prek- murje area also.8 Romanisation of the autochthonous As a part of Illiricum Inferior, Prekmurje became, un- population began in the 1st century AD. We may de- der the reign of the Emperor Claudius, part of the tect the continuation of older traditions of the Celtic newly formed Province of Pannonia, which, during Tavrisci population,9 who had previously settled the the reign of Emperor Trajan, between 105 AD and region, which are especially visible in pottery pro- 107 AD, was divided into the Provinces of Upper duction, and the traditions of the Pannonian tribes and Lower Pannonia. Territorially and administra- visible in the type of the burial rites, of the so-called tively, the Prekmurje region belonged to the Province Noric–Pannonian tumuli. of Pannonia Superior.2 Fifty kilometres south of the Analysis of settlement remains and graves invento- Prekmurje region the Romans established a perma- ries shows that the 1st and 2nd centuries AD were, nent military camp in Poetovio (Ptuj) with a strong le- for the Prekmurje region, and many other parts of gionary garrison shortly after 15 BC.3 Following this, Pannonia and Noricum, as well as across the Roman Roman soldiers ( legio XV Apollinaris), along the direc- Empire as a whole, a period of economic and cul- tion of an old amber road route, built the so-called tural prosperity. In general terms, economic stagna- Savaria Road, which connected Italy to the Danube tion began after 169 AD and was marked by incur- Region. This led from Poetovio towards Savaria and sions by the Marcomanni and Quadi tribes.10 The 3rd then to Carnuntum, and further along to the Danube century AD was a period of stagnation in urban life knee.4 A part of it passed near Lendava through the and depopulation across the Pannonian and Noric modern-day eastern part of the Prekmurje region.5 Regions, which reflects the post-war situation and other related social and economic issues.11 In the 4th Tiefengraber 2001a; Tiefengraber 2001b; Pavlovič 2008; Pavlovič 2011. 2 Šavel 1991, 17–18. 6 Šavel 1991, 20. 3 Horvat et al. 2003, 155–156. 7 Savaria (present-day Szombathely) received the status 4 Klemenc 1961, 13; Šavel 1991, 20. of colony in the 4th decade of the 1st century AD (Mikl 5 The Pomurski muzej Murska Sobota in 1980 and 1981 Curk 1997, 26). Poetovio received the status of colony du- survey the route of the road from the River Mura to the ring the reign of Emperor Trajan ( Col. Ulpia Traiana Poeto- Hungarian Border. The road was crossing the River Mura vio) after the departure of legio XIII Gemina to the Danube near Halicanum (today Sv. Martin na Muri) and the road border (Horvat et al. 2003, 156). continued onto what is today the border with Hungary, 8 Mikl Curk, 2005, 103. passing through Kot, Gaberje and onto Lendava and Dol- 9 About Celtic settlements in Prekmurje in: Guštin et ga vas (Horvat-Šavel 1985, 163–175). Owing to the early al. 2017, 9–107; Guštin 2011, 119–128; Kerman 2011d, construction of the road in the eastern part of Prekmurje 65–82; Pavlovič 2011, 83–89. the area around Lendava was the first to feel the effects of 10 Šavel 1991, 18–19. Romanisation. 11 Mikl Curk 1997, 30. 46 The Roman Countryside of Prekmurje Figure 1 The Roman roads network on the territory of Slovenia (map realised by A. Preložnik). century AD there was once again a certain degree Roman sites in the period between 2005 and 2015“ of economic growth across the Pannonian region, al- This conference, and its proceedings, were dedicat- though this was presumably due to military reasons – ed to the memory of the esteemed archaeologist Iva which moved the administrative and military centres Mikl Curk who, for a number of years, researched the of power from the Danube limes, to the more secure Roman Period site of Dolga vas near Lendava.13 Spe- inland areas to the south, closer to the Mura and the cial mention must be made of her description of the Drava Rivers.12 Roman Period in Prekmurje, which has been included in the catalogue of the Permanent Exhibition of the Pomurski muzej Murska Sobota, under the title Riml- Current State of Research jani ob Muri (Romans on the Mura) as an example of a deeply inspiring analysis of the Roman Period, which Our knowledge of the Roman Period in the Prekmur- displays a deep understanding of Romanisation and je region primarily stems from the tireless efforts of a its contextualisation.14 One of her most interesting few researchers who have dedicated their professional syntheses is the article „ Tam cvete penez“ – Noriško-pan- work to documenting and publishing their knowledge, onske gomile v Pomurju in razslojenost prebivalstva v rimski and it is important to emphasize their efforts at this dobi („There are Coins Flowering“ – Noric-Pannoni- point. The 1st International Archaeological Confer- an tumuli in Prekmurje and Population Stratification ence in Ptuj included the theme „New discoveries be- tween the Alps and the Black Sea. Results from the 13 Mikl Curk 1958, 129–133; Mikl Curk 1961, 173–184; Mikl Curk 1970a, 161; Mikl Curk 1970b, 6–9; Mikl Curk 1974. 12 Redő 2003, 207–209. 14 Mikl Curk 1997, 23–36. 47 Aleksandra Bugar, Mitja Guštin during the Roman Era).15 Another researcher who for any study, which may be complemented by addi- contributed significantly to expanding our knowledge tional spatial data.19 The distribution of archaeological of the Roman Period in Prekmurje is the archaeol- sites in the Prekmurje region show a concentration of ogist Stanko Pahič; a superlative field worker and a Roman settlements in the lowland area between the tireless and detailed cataloguer of sites and artefacts. Ledava and Mura Rivers, around the Dobel stream He has researched a great number of archaeologi- and on the edges of hilly Goričko. These are closely cal sites, particularly grave mounds belonging to the related to the locations of tumuli that are found in the Noric-Pannonian tumuli complex. The abundance of lowland area and across Goričko. By the end of the processed and published archaeological work from 1980s, 58 settlement sites and 86 grave mounds dating this author, and the detailed cataloguing of archaeo- to the Roman period had been found.20 The location logical finds, serves as an excellent source of analyt- of these sites dating from Roman Period suggests ical data for modern scholars.16 Irena Šavel is highly that the paths of modern-day roads follow the same respected for her efforts at the Pomurje Museum and routes used in Roman Period and, at least in part, her work on numerous archaeological excavations in prehistory. The west-east route in particular carried the Prekmurje area, many of which relate to the Ro- traffic that linked small villages and settlements with man period, and has provided numerous published each other, and, most probably, with the area of Dol- proceedings which have greatly contributed to our ga vas and Lendava in the east or for example Flavia understanding of this period.17 All settlements and Solva in the west.21 The Savaria road linked Prekmurje grave mounds dating from Roman Period which were with Halicanum and Petovio in the south and Salla and recorded and partially researched by the end of the Savaria to the north and north-east. The north-south 1980s, were systematically mapped and concisely vicinal connectivity within the Prekmurje region can described in the book Arheološka Topografija Slovenije also be seen between Dokležovje and Ižakovci in the – Topografsko področje XX (Prekmurje) (The Archaeo- direction of Gančani. Sections of these roads have logical Topography of Slovenia – Topographic Area been researched at these last two sites.22 XX (Prekmurje)) by Irena Šavel. This publication was As noted above, only a small number of recorded compiled using the systematic topographic research archaeological sites in the Prekmurje region have of the Prekmurje region which was conducted be- actually been excavated, and these have primar- tween 1972 and 1988 by the Murska Sobota Regional ily been grave mounds23 as well as a small number Museum.18 Today this data represents a starting point of settlement sites.24 Finds from these investiga- tions (excavations of Roman settlements in Dol- 15 Mikl Curk 2005, 99–115. 16 Pahič 1960–1961, 88–117; Pahič 1972a, 181– 202; 1991, 6). Prior to publication of Topografsko območje XX Pahič 1972b; Pahič 1993–94, 5–38. (Prekmurje) in 1991 an assessment of archaeological sites 17 Horvat-Šavel 1978a, 290–299; Horvat-Šavel 1978b, in Prekmuje was provided by J. Šašel in his article Doneski 4–15; Horvat-Šavel 1985, 163–177; Horvat-Šavel 1987, k zgodovini Prekmurja (Contributions to the History of Pre- 307–318; Šavel 1990, 7–17; Šavel 1991; Šavel 2003a, 135– kmuje) in Kronika 3/1 (Šašel 1955, 40–49). 136; Šavel, Kerman 2008a; Šavel, Kerman 2008b. 19 There is no archaeological map displaying all new 18 Prior to this topographical research by the Regional archaeological sites that have been recorded and partially Museum in Murska Sobota (between 1972 and 1988), I. excavated between 1990 and 2015 (Author’s note). Mikl Curk and her team conducted a field survey in 1957 20 Šavel 1991, 17–21. over a large part of Prekmurje where several new archae- 21 The position of the settlements and the cemeteries ological sites were recorded. These discoveries were recor- suggest these specified routes. See Šavel 1991, maps 4 and 5. ded by Mikl Curk in a topographic log which is kept in the 22 Parts of the smaller roman roads have been obser- Pomurski muzej Murska Sobota (Šavel 1991, 6). In 1963 ved near the settlements Ižakovci, Gančani, Gomilice, S. Pahič made a topographical research of a part of Prek- Brezovica and Gradišče (Šavel 1991, 20). murje, and in 1975 all available data on sites in Prekmurje 23 Pahič 1960–1961; Pahič 1972a; Pahič 1972b; Hor- was published in the Slovenian Register of Archaeological vat-Šavel 1978b; Horvat-Šavel 1987; Šavel 1990. Sites, which was published by the SAZU (Slovenian Aca- 24 Mikl 1958; Mikl 1961; Mikl 1970a; Mikl 1970b; Mikl demy of Science and Arts) Institute of Archaeology (Šavel 1974; Horvat-Šavel 1978a. 48 The Roman Countryside of Prekmurje ga vas and Ivanec, prospecting of the Kot-Gaberje research, and the surface area explored, far surpasses Roman road and the finds from grave mounds near all previous research and the results from multi-peri- the Villages of Strehovci, Motvarjevci, Dokležovje, od multi-layered sites far exceeds those expected in Rakičan, Čikečka vas, Dobrovnik and Vučja gomi- terms of their abundance and diversity. la) are exhibited in the Permanent Exhibition at the The archaeological investigations which have taken Pomurje Museum, and described in the Permanent place on more recently discovered sites dating from Exhibition’s catalogue.25 Other important stray finds Roman period31 have yielded similar results as in earli- presented in the Museum are the sarcophagus from er researches (Ivanec, Dolga vas), but on larger areas, Ižakovci, and part of the beautiful sculpture from and with abundant findings which have been inter- Noršinci.26 We should also mention the gravestone preted as the remains of scattered settlements with dedicated to Publio Aelius Viator and his wife Licia farmyards and necropoli with eloquent grave good built into the north wall of a Catholic church in Mur- inventories. ska Sobota, and a gravestone dedicated to Vibenus, his A distinctive rural wooden architecture prevailed in wife Marcia Crispina and his son Marcio Vibiano, built Roman period Prekmurje, with extensive evidence in a hallway of the Murska Sobota Castle, where it for differing functional pits, post holes, waste pits, ended up after being found by chance in the vicini- hearths and wells and thin cultural layers. For the ty of the Dolga vas in 1810.27 Both gravestones date most part, these findings date from the half of 1st from the first half of the 2nd century AD.28 The Mu- century through to the 3rd century. Discoveries of vil- seum Permanent Exhibition recently included newer la rustica built using solid stone masonry have been finds, such as a Roman wooden well and the associat- discovered in Rakičanske Muzge ( Fig. 2), not far from ed artefacts which were revealed at the site of Gornje Nova Tabla,32 which, in the context of studying sites Njive near Dolga vas.29 in the vicinity of Murska Sobota, and especially Nova This corpus of the Roman settlements and cemeter- tabla, represents an inevitable point in the interpreta- ies which have been found in Prekmurje region since tion of space. the 1980’s, has been significantly augmented by new, previously unknown sites which have been recorded 31 These are: Nova tabla near Murska Sobota (Guštin, Tiefengraber 2001; Tiefengraber 2002; Guštin et al. 2017; during surveys of the archaeologist Branko Kerman Guštin 2003a; Guštin 2003b; Guštin 2004; Guštin 2005; whose aerial photography and interpretations of spa- Guštin 2008; Guštin, Pavlovič 2009; Tiefengraber, 2001a; tial data are indispensable in any understanding of the Tiefengraber 2001b; Pavlovič 2008, 49–52; Pavlovič 2011), Krog-Žabnjek, Pod Kotom–cesta (Pavlin 2015; Tušek hidden landscapes of Prekmurje.30 2002; Tušek 2003; Tušek 2010), Pod Kotom–sever pri The subsequent large scale rescue excavations along Krogu (Kerman 2011b), Kotare–baza pri Murski Soboti the motorway routes in the Prekmurje region provid- (Kerman 2003, Kerman 2011c), Grofovsko 2 pri Murski Soboti (Kerman 2011c), Jezera pri Murski Soboti (Sanko- ed an opportunity to examine extremely large areas. vić, Jereb 2015), Za Raščico pri Krogu (Šavel 2003b; Šavel It can be said, with some justification, that entire sec- 2005; Šavel, Sankovič 2010), Pri Muri pri Lendavi (Šavel, tions of the Prekmurje landscape have been exam- Sankovič 2011), Gorice pri Turnišču (Plestenjak 2010), Zagonce pri Turnišču, Gornje njive pri Dolgi vasi (Šavel ined using archaeological methods. The scope of this 2003a; Šavel, Kerman 2008a; Šavel, Kerman 2008b; Ker- man 2013b), Zatak (Guštin, Tomaž 2015a; Guštin, Tomaž 2015b), Ivankovci (Ivánkóc) pri Lendavi (Tušek, Kavur 25 Balažic, Kerman 1997, 346–350, cat. no. 142–192, 2011), Brezje pri Turnišču (Novšak, Tomaž, Plastenjak 195–210. 2013), Kalinovnjek pri Turnišču (Kerman 2013a). 26 Balažic, Kerman 1997, 349, cat. no. 193, 194; Mikl 32 The villa rustica was discovered during systematic aeri- Curk 1997, 29; 1998, 149–156. al prospection in 2003 and a topographical survey in 2004 27 Mikl Curk 1997, 28, 31. provided finds within its borders. A large quantity of con- 28 Šašel 1955, 45–48; Kerman 1991–1992, 8–11. struction material dating from Roman Period was found 29 Sankovič 2014a. along with numerous fragments of locally made ceramic 30 Kerman 1999, 333–347; Kerman 2001, 129–131; pots, imported terra sigillata and an unguent bottle dating Kerman 2002; Kerman 2008, 279–290. from the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD (Kerman 2008, 280–286). 49 Aleksandra Bugar, Mitja Guštin Roman Period grave mounds in the Prekmurje region called Noric-Pannonian tumuli, is linked to local popu- belong to a special type of graves – the Noric-Panno- lations or pre-Roman traditions recorded in provinces nian tumuli type.33 They are quite numerous and repre- of Pannonia and Noricum. These burials mostly date sent the most common type of Roman Period graves from the second half of the 1st to the 3rd centuries AD. in the hilly area of Goričko and the Ravninsko Valley.34 Finds dating from Late Roman period are relatively Within these tumuli cremation graves were inserted, some of them were containing quite distinctive grave goods, such as glass vessels. Many of these grave mounds have not been excavated, and are quite visi- ble in some sheltered areas, such as forested hills and uninhabited areas. On the other hand, on the flat are- as that have been, for the most part, levelled through intensive agricultural work, the grave mounds are vis- ible only as circular traces in the vegetation recorded in aerial photography ( Fig. 3). It is certainly fortunate that the remains of some of these aerially detected structures have been excavated, as at Nova tabla, and these represents a set of guidelines for interpreting other similar structures. At Nova tabla, for example, the remains of grave mounds in the form of circular ditches date to two periods: the Early Iron Age (7th century BC) and Roman Age (1st–3rd century AD).35 More recent archaeological investigations in Prek- murje at the site of Na Plesi on the south edge of Murska Sobota, indicate that Early Medieval Slavic inhabitants also buried their deceased in graves sur- rounded by shallow ditches, and these may also repre- sent the remains of grave mounds.36 In the Roman Period this method of burial in the so- Figure 2 Rakičanske Muzge, plan of Roman villa rustica (after Kerman 2008, sl. 2). 33 The Noric-Pannonian tumuli complex in Slovenia was dealt with in particular by Stanko Pahič. His synthesis Nov seznam noriško-panonskih gomil (New List of Noric-Panno- nian tumuli) was published in 1972 (Pahič 1972b). Other published studies of grave mounds dating from Roman Period by the same Author are listed in the Bibliography. 34 Apart from the single grave found at the Gaberje road (Šavel 1991, 52; Mikl Curk 1997, 25, 35, 36) grave mounds in Prekmurje are the only known funeral praxis from the Early Roman period (Mikl Curk 2005, 100). Mikl Curk concluded that this probably stems from a lack of re- search. However the number of excavated graves in tumuli so far indicates statistically that this type of burial is the most numerous in Prekmurje (Author’s note). 35 Examined Early Iron Age graveyards at Nova tabla consisted of 17 circular ditches – the remains of tumuli and a total of 102 cremation graves, some of them with urns (Guštin et al. 2017, 90, 91). Figure 3 Prekmurje: the signs in the fields of 36 Sankovič 2014b, 41–49; Sankovič 2015, 8–9, 13. prehistoric or roman tumuli, Grofovsko (photo B. Kerman). 50 The Roman Countryside of Prekmurje rare in the Prekmurje region. It may be concluded that this is the result of depopulation in the 4th cen- tury, or perhaps just the level of research that has been carried out. Let us remind ourselves of the set- tlement features from the Pod Kotom cesta site.37 In addition to the extensive dating of finds from the 3rd century AD in some Prekmurje sites, archaeological objects from the 4th century AD have been recorded, in a very modest extent at Dolga vas38 and in a slight- ly wider range at the Nova tabla site. The Roman Era at the Nova tabla site Figure 4 Murska Sobota area with Roman remains The archaeological site at Nova tabla is located excavated on higway: 1 Krog-Žabnjek, 2 Pod Kotom-cesta, 3 south of Murska Sobota, alongside Soboško Jezero Pod Kotom-sever, 4 Za Raščico, 5 Kotare-Baza, 6 Grofovsko (Soboška Kamešnica, Soboško Lake), and was dis- II, 7 Nova tabla-gomile, 8 Nova tabla-naselje, 9 Jezera, covered during an intensive field survey on the route 10 Rakičanske Muzge, 11 Bereg, 12 Selaj, 13 Šibice, 14 Lipovska šuma, 15 Muzge, 16 Ovčarski breg (completed after of the motorway Maribor – Lendava, section Vučja Kerman 2008, Fig. 5, map realised by A. Preložnik). Vas – Beltinci.39 An area of 40 hectares was archae- ologically investigated between 1999 and 2008. The Muzge,43 about 2 kilometres southeast of the Nova mainly prehistoric and medieval finds from this site tabla site borders. It is also important to bear in mind have already been catalogued and presented several the following, already known, Roman Period sites lo- times.40 The objects and findings from Roman Peri- cated close to the villa: Bereg, Selaj, Šibice, Lipovska od have mostly been presented in general terms, and Šuma, Muzge and Ovčarski breg.44 in the presentation of three graves which included The Nova tabla area was, in the past, largely covered glass artefacts.41 by forest punctuated with small streams, and cleared Figure 4 shows the discovered archaeological sites areas sufficient to build small settlements or individ- with remains from the Roman Period, investigated ual farms. The site was settled from the Neolithic pe- on the Motorway Section near Murska Sobota, which riod onward to the Early Medieval Period. It should include the sites at Nova tabla, Krog-Žabnjek, Pod be borne in mind that the remains of the settlements Kotom-Cesta and Pod Kotom-Sever, Kotare-Ba- from all the periods were very shallow, and that the za, Grofovsko 2 and Jezera,42 and the previously original walking surface has not been preserved an- mentioned villa rustica in the vicinity of Rakičanske ywhere. Therefore interpretations of the areas from the Roman Period are rather limited. Ground plan 37 Tušek 2002, 36–45. contours, in particular the basic remains, show several 38 Mikl Curk 1997, 30. concentrations of structures, whose grouping attests 39 Guštin et al. 2017, 5. to a certain group-based approach to the creation of 40 See Footnote 1 of this Paper (Author’s note). 41 Guštin 2004, 71–80. settlement areas. The determining criterion which 42 Guštin, Tiefengraber 2001; Guštin, Tiefengraber was applied included visual groupings of pits and the 2002; Guštin et al. 2017; Guštin 2003a; Guštin 2003b; presence of functional structural features – such as Guštin 2004; Guštin 2005; Guštin 2008; Guštin, Pavlovič 2009; Tiefengraber 2001a; Tiefengraber 2001b; Pavlovič wells, furnaces or hearths and large pits, whose size 2008; Pavlovič 2011; Pavlin 2015; Tušek 2002; Tušek 2003; Tušek 2010; Kerman 2011a; Kerman 2011b; Kerman 43 Kerman 2008. 2011c; Šavel, Sankovič 2010; Sankovič, Jereb 2015. 44 Kerman, 2008, 285, Fig. 5. 51 Aleksandra Bugar, Mitja Guštin Figure 5 Murska Sobota-Nova tabla. 1 Farmstead, 2 an example of grouping structures from Roman period, 2– 3 so-called Roman house 1 (RH 1) in farmstead 2 (plan A. Bugar, photo D. Snoj, F. Gregorec). and shape may have provided a place to live ( Fig. 5, 6). pottery, furnaces and fireplaces ( Fig. 6: 2). At the Nova tabla site, eight such units (i.e. farmsteads), A group of pits with thick layers of coal, daub and have been defined. These locations are approximately the remains of slag, were interpreted as evidence for 20 to 100 metres apart. Structures were defined with a simple forge. Among the individual structures there postholes that form rectangular floor plans, and these were four wells, which were defined as functional- were termed houses during excavation ( Fig. 5). Their ly important structures within a Roman settlement. layout area was of 15–37 m². Rare finds of bricks in the backfills of pits and, more Some of the larger pits were called pit-houses. The often, in ploughed land (indicating layers of settle- interpretation itself should be considered in broad- ments which were destroyed by ploughing) might in- er terms: these are the remains of simple, semi dug dicate partially composite form of construction us- structures of a rather clear layout with fireplaces ing wood and bricks in upper parts of the structure. ( Fig. 6: 1). Around those structures which were Abundant finds of daub attest to traditional wood- considered houses and pit-houses, were groups of en architecture, or to the method of plugging gaps smaller, round or oval structures which, based on in walls made of wooden columns, boards or wattle. the content of materials found inside them, can According to the nature of the remains belonging be considered waste pits, storage areas or working to these settlements, the Nova tabla site fits into the premises (findings of millstones, slag, tools and general image of Roman settlements investigated on 52 The Roman Countryside of Prekmurje fibulae with onion-shaped terminals, propel- ler-shaped belt fitting, fragments of glazed pottery, late Roman forms of bowls ( Tab. 1: 17, 29) and ar- chaeological context – these objects can be dated from the 2nd half of the 3rd century to the 2nd half, or the end of the 4th century AD. One isolated inhu- mation, unfurnished and orientated east-west (grave 152), may date to the Late Roman Period. On the same site, an area of 130 × 80 metres in size, devoted to a cemetery from Roman Period was also investigated. It was characterised by very specific graveyard architecture (in the broadest sense of this term) visible as shallow ditches with usually open ends, of circular or irregular square layout. Crema- tion graves were dug inside the plateau surrounded by ditches or into the ditches themselves. These were simple grave pits with no tomb construction ( Fig. 7). Within the geological description of the site, the area of the graveyard was interpreted as Aeolian depos- its which were previously considered as a positive Figure 6 Murska Sobota-Nova tabla: 1 so-called element in a lowland area, i.e. a quite visible high- Roman Pit-House 1 (RZ1), 2 remains of a calotte of the er terrace. The inhabitants of the settlement from furnace (RO115) (photo F. Gregorec). Roman Period at Nova tabla located their graveyard on the edges of that small hill, close to the Hallstatt sites around Murska Sobota, Ivanec and Dolga vas.45 Period grave mounds and the La Tène Period indi- Layers of these settlements or structures found at vidual graves, but without any instances of overlap Nova tabla date from the period between the second or intercutting of graves. Assuming that during the half of 1st century AD and the end of 4th century Roman Period Hallstatt burial mounds were still vis- AD, which is confirmed by pottery, metal findings ible as low hills, the positioning of a Roman Peri- and numismatic material.46 od graveyard would have demonstrate a reverence The settlement objects that belong to the Late Ro- of previous grave structures, and at the same time man Period in Nova tabla were spread on the central the intentional selection of such a hilly location as part of the site (so called Farmstead 1) and on the a place of the cemetery.47 Slavic populations, on the western and northern part of the site (the so-called other hand, selected the south-western corner of the Farmsteads 5, 6 and 8), thus across slightly smaller Roman cemetery as their place of interment and in- area than the earlier settlement objects. Nevertheless, tercut it in parts.48 ( Fig. 8) the quantity of objects and findings are representa- Roman ditches were embedded in former surfaces, tive. According to the numismatic material, crossbow which created a bordered area of grave structures. The most probable assumption is that the soil from 45 Site Gornje njive pri Dolgi vasi (Šavel, Kerman 2008a; 2008b), site Dolga vas (Mikl 1961, 173–183), site Ivankovci pri Lendavi (Tušek, Kavur 2011, 2–25), site Pri 47 Stanko Pahič indicated that during investigation of Muri pri Lendavi (Šavel, Sankovič 2011, 17). mounds in Slovenske gorice he noticed that occasionally 46 In Late Roman Period settlement layers five coins groups of older Hallstatt moulds were accompanied by were found dating from the second half of the 4th century new ones from Antiquity (Pahič 1965, 48). AD (Author’s note). 48 Guštin 2008, 53. 53 Aleksandra Bugar, Mitja Guštin Figure 7 Murska Sobota-Nova tabla: Roman tumuli necropolis (photo M. Guštin). Figure 8 Murska Sobota-Nova tabla: Roman tumuli necropolis (red), Early Iron Age tumuli (green) and Early slavic graves (blue) (plan G. Tiefengraber, A.Bugar, D. Brezovar, H. Bešter and M. Zorko) 54 The Roman Countryside of Prekmurje excavated ditches was used to form a low burial then placed in a shallow pit. There are two variants mound.49 Similar shaped ditches were also found of urn graves: in the first case a small pit, which inside the excavated Hallstatt graveyard at Nova ta- was the size of the urn or slightly wider, inside of ble.50 Large quantities of Roman pottery and a few which the urn was placed, and sometimes another metal findings were found inside the backfills of vessel was placed on top of the urn. The second ditches, and indicate a possible role during a bur- variant was represented by a larger pit with the urn ial ritual, whilst at least some of these finds had placed together with other vessels as grave accessories. ended up in backfills through natural fragmenta- Grave 150 is this latter type of grave ( Fig. 9), be- tion of the mounds. Sometimes the level inside the ing the best preserved grave, with well-preserved ditches, the plateau, and the ditches themselves, did pottery vessels and a single glass jar ( Fig.10). This not contain graves. This can be explained by dis- ovoid shaped glass beaker (known as the „Emona“ turbances of parts of the areas previously forming glass beaker or type 3.4.1. by Lazar), is chronolog- a small hill, as a result of recent deep ploughing ically the most precise find inside the grave, and which destroyed a few shallow graves. Considering dates from the end of the 1st century AD to the the depths of the preserved graves, it was conclud- first half of the 2nd century AD ( Fig.10:1).51 ed that cremation graves were rather shallow, as All types of graves from Nova tabla are common opposed to their ditched counterparts. Ploughing in the Noric-Pannonian tumuli complex.52 Most of extended and partially destroyed them. A total of the graves are modest and only three female graves 28 cremation graves were found. can be considered as being rich. These are the pre- To summarize the context of these findings, it may viously mentioned grave no. 150, and graves no. be concluded that the graveyard from Roman Peri- 130 and no. 131, where pottery and glass vessels od at Nova tabla almost certainly represents the re- were found together with three bronze fibulae and mains of a group of Noric-Pannonian tumuli which coins. The three fibulae found in graves are typical were destroyed by ploughing and only partially pre- of Noric-Pannonian female costumed. Curiously served. Despite the fact that the mounds have been all the fibulae found inside these graves were of completely flattened, such an interpretation may be different types and sizes.53 Aside from these three considered certain. If we observe the size/diame- graves, grave no. 141 contained six shallow bowls in ter of circular or sub-circular plateaus enclosed by its backfill; imitations of Drag. 35/36 form. In their ditches, the mounds at Nova tabla could have had original form the bowls were part of an assortment a diameter between 5 to 19 metres. The cremation terra sigilatta from Late Padanian and Gallic work- graves were formed as an oval, round or rectan- shops. Their shape was extremely popular, which gular pit with rounded corners. The largest part resulted in numerous imitations, and the bowls are belongs to a simple type of grave in which the cre- mated bones and ash from the ustrina were placed 51 Lazar 2003, 94–95; Guštin 2004, 76. on the bottom of the pit, together with the smaller 52 Pahič, 1972, 120, T.1; Urban 1984, 51, 56–58. 53 Information about these three graves was published fragments of pottery vessels which were broken in Guštin 2004, 71–80. It is a variant of a type of fibu- during the burial ritual. A few graves containing lae defined as Almgren Type 68, 236 and 238 (date in the bones and ash placed at the bottom of the pit were reign of Emperor Titus in grave no. 130 (no.166 in the article Guštin 2004) and the reign of Emperor Hadrian in accompanied with other grave goods – some pot- grave no. 131(no. 165 in Guštin 2004). In grave no.130 (no. tery vessels and to a lesser extent glass jars. The 166 in Guštin 2004) an extremely interesting conical glass third type of graves is urn graves in which ash and cup must be considered an import, probably from a north Italy workshop. It dates from between the last quarter of cremated bones were placed in an urn which was the 1st century AD and the beginning of the 2nd century AD. The glass urn (globular jar with collar rim – type 7.2.4 49 Guštin 2003a, 199–200. by Lazar in Lazar 2003, 164–165) from grave no. 131 (no. 50 Guštin et al. 2017, 90, 91. 165 in Guštin 2004) dates from 2nd century AD. 55 Aleksandra Bugar, Mitja Guštin Figure 9 Murska Sobota-Nova tabla, grave 150 (photo A. Ogorelec). very often found at Noric-Pannonian sites and across the Roman Empire. They had become widely spread by the 2nd century AD, and their production contin- ued to the middle of the 3rd century AD, while this type of vessel in the Western Necropolis in Ptuj dates from between the Flavian Period and the first half of the 2nd century AD.54 This type of vessel in the Western Necropolis in Ptuj dates from between the Flavian Period and the first half of the 2nd cen- tury AD. According to the finds of fibulae, coins and pottery, Roman cremation burials at Nova tabla Figure 10 Murska Sobota-Nova table: 1, 2 Glass occurred from the second half of the 1st century beaker and tripod vessel with a lid from grave 150 (photo AD to the middle of the 3rd century AD, which is A. Ogorelec). characteristic for the entire the Noric-Pannonian tu- muli area. The archaeological artefacts from Roman the 2nd and first half of the 3rd centuries. There are Period at Nova tabla were mainly pottery products. an abundance of fragments of rough or medium There was a single piece of amphora fragment, and coarse kitchen and tableware, but also present is a one oil lamp with a partial imprint of an SV seal, pottery made from a more refined clay that has been almost certainly representing VRSVLI.55 Parts of identified as a possible import from one the region- the terra sigilatta vessels were fragmented and were al or provincial centres. The types of vessels which found exclusively in settlement areas. The shapes are appear at Nova tabla include pots, lids, bowls, plates, Drag. 37, 31 and 32, and they would have belonged mugs and glasses, jars and mortars, all made in a va- to Eastern Gallic production centres of the end of riety of shapes and from different fabrics ( Tab. 1 and 2). To a lesser extent, the site provided exam- 54 Bjelajac 1990, 126; Istenič 1999, 96–97 and Fig. 79. ples of glazed ceramic in different shades of green, 55 The seal VRSVLI identifies the object as being a yellow and brown, and some fragments were deco- product of the workshop located in Poetovio. This oil lamp rated with dense lines, small notches and crescents is a Loeschcke X/ Buchi X Type. Most of the oil lamps with these stamps of the Western Necropolis in Ptuj date applications ( Tab. 1: 24, 25). Glazed ceramic are a from between the 2nd century AD and the first half of the wider phenomenon that appear within the scope of 3rd century AD, and at other sites they date to the 3rd cen- ceramic production from the Late Roman Period. They tury AD (Istenič 1999, 155–159). 56 The Roman Countryside of Prekmurje the first two decades of the 2nd century.57 A diverse scope of beakers was also found on site – with a ovoid or globular bodies, cylindrical bodies, and indented beakers ( Tab. 1: 5–8). Single handle flagons occurred in two forms: with narrow necks and with wide necks, both made in differ- ent variants ( Tab. 1: 1–4). The most common shape of plates found on site is the so called „military plate“, and several finds are examples of plates with a horizontal rim spreading outward. ( Tab. 1: 9, 10). One of the features of Nova tabla site is the diversity of bowls ( Tab. 1: 16–25, 29– 34). The dominant examples are bowls made of purified fabrics and often coated, but many of them made of fabric that shows they were used as kitchen ves- sels. Apart from a few fragments that belong to the original terra siggilatta bowls, numerous shapes can be defined as imitations of siggilatta bowls, mostly by their form, and sometimes by red and seldom dark grey coatings. These imitations, mostly of type Drag. 35/36 and 37, are particularly numerous on the Nova tabla site ( Tab. 1: 16, 19), which makes them part of a general trend in ceramic produc- tion and style in this area of Roman Empire, in particular in the territory of the Pannonia provinces Figure 11 1 fragment of a bowl with stamped ornament, 2 pot with comb-/brush-like ornament (photo and Noricum.58 Certain forms, e.g. large, deep cone A. Ogorelec). shaped bowls were highly popular and long-lasting on the Nova tabla site, where they appeared in late were mass produced in numerous workshops across La Tène pits, mostly in handmade forms. Almost Pannonia in 3rd and 4th centuries.56 Ceramics found identical in shape were bowls made on the potter’s on site included one example of fragmentary grey wheels which were found in Roman pits ( Tab. 1: bowl, whose shape was similar to Drag. 37, and was 32). A few of them were decorated with comb-like decorated with stamped ornaments including gar- or brush-like ornaments ( Tab. 1: 33, 34). Special lands, leaves, rosettes and double lines. ( Fig. 11: 1, emphasis should be made of tripod vessels, several Tab. 1: 18). These stamped ceramics occur in the examples of which were found at Nova tabla, and area of the middle Danube, between the rivers in the Prekmurje sites in general, often combined Sava and Drava, and primarily in the Eastern part with cone shaped lids.59 ( Fig. 10–2; Tab. 1: 26, 27, 12). of Pannonia, and are considered as one of the most representative examples of ceramics of Pannonian 57 Vikić Belančić, 1965, 13; Mikl Curk 1969a, 7. production. They are dated from the age of Vespa- 58 Pahič 1965, T. 3: 4–6, T. 5: 2; Pahič 1972a, T. 1: 6; sian and Domitian, but production flourished until Istenič 1999, 96–97, sl. 79; Hayes 1972, 36–38; Brukner 1981, 65; Ožanić Roguljić 2016, 22. 59 Pahič 1960–61, sl. 7: 7, T. VII: 5; Pahič 1972a, T. 1: 5; Horvat-Šavel 1987, T. 1: 5, T. 3: 2; Kerman, 2008, T. 3: 4, 56 Cvjetičanin 2006, 173; Brukner 1981, 34–36; Vikić Šavel, Kerman 2008 b, cat. no. G16, G146, G174, G1079, 1970, 95; Mikl Curk 1969b, 192. G1129. 57 Aleksandra Bugar, Mitja Guštin Large numbers were recorded in production centres and animal bones indicate that the population of of the province during the 1st and 2nd centuries, and this village recorded at Nova tabla was mostly in- are, frequently found in the Noricum area but also in volved in agriculture and animal breeding, as well Pannonia. Rarely they occur in contexts dated to the as the woodworking necessary to build houses. A second half of the 3rd century and in 4th century.60 few more luxurious items found inside graves and Additionally the site also revealed mortars ( Tab. 1: within the settlements (terra sigilata vessels, parts 11), some of which were glazed, and several differ- of costumes made of bronze, glass jars, parts of ently shaped lids of fine fabrics and rough fabrics horse harnesses made of bronze etc.) showing that ( Tab. 1: 12–15). By far the most well represented a small group of inhabitants probably belonged to ceramics found on site were pots with globular and a kind of the rural elite. ovoid bodies, with a variety of different rims, pots with vertical necks and globular bodies, cylindri- cal-shaped pots, bi-conical pots, low globular pots Conclusion and pots with narrow necks ( Tab. 2). The most fre- quently recorded pots were made of coarse fabrics, Most of the Prekmurje region, apart from the sur- but there were examples made of purified clay. The roundings of Lendava, was outside the main Savaria most frequently encountered form of decoration Road, and some way away from the larger centers, on pots was comb-/brush-like ornamentation in such as at Poetovio, Savaria and Flavia Solva. However, various combinations of horizontal, vertical, an- a dense network of sites dating from Roman Period gled and wavy lines, which indicate strong indig- indicates a relatively efficacious level of communica- enous influences, including traditional taste and tion within the Prekmurje plain, as well as favoura- methods of production ( Tab. 2, Fig. 11–2). At the ble natural conditions for economic development, in Prekmurje sites, local production was present at all particular arable and pastoral agriculture. A dispersed sites investigated so far, in settlements and graves but well organised network of villages and estates was dated to between the 1st and 3rd century. At Nova situated in fertile valleys near waterways, also in area tabla it was also present in the finds from the 4th of Nova table by Murska Sobota. They buried their century. A significant number of metal items were dead in grave mounds, the so-called Noric-pannonian found at Nova tabla, e.g. tools and objects made tumuli, which were situated very close to settlements. of iron (wedges, nails, axes, knives, chisels, spades, Thus the region is one predominantly represented by rings, plates etc.) and trumpet-like fibulae made of wooden architecture, traditional forms of burial and iron with golden carvings. Bronze was used to make a prevalence of domestic pottery production, with various types of fibulae (Norico-Pannonian fibulae some imported goods from nearby centres. with double knob bow, Winged Norico-Pannoni- The overall image of settlements and grave mounds an fibulae, Pannonian fibulae with integral springs, accords with the broader archaeological view known Crossbow fibulae with onion-shaped terminals, from other sites in the Prekmurje region. In addition T-shaped fibulae), needles, bells, plates and parts to these rural settlements in Prekmurje, there were of horse harnesses. Glass finds were very rare also likely more permanent forms of architecture but nevertheless still representative: glass vessels and larger farms built by Roman colonists, which can and urns were found in graves. Slag was found in be substantiated by the discovery of villa rustica in several structures, indicating the activities of lo- Rakičanske Muzge, and the discovery of gravestones cal workshops, whilst finds of certain iron tools and sculptures, such as those sculptures from Noršin- ci, two gravestones in Murska Sobota and Dolga vas, 60 Bonis 1942, 52, T. XXIV; Plesničar Gec 1977, 54; and the inscribed graves from Martijanci and Gerlinci. Pahič 1978, 205; Brukner 1981, 40; Istenič 1999, 144. 58 The Roman Countryside of Prekmurje The Late Roman Period in general seems to be rep- Sobota, for his work on updating certain data on resented by a decline in the population, in contrast the current state of research into Roman period in to the preceding periods. Evidences for settlements Prekmurje, as well as our colleague Monika Zorka from this period are rare, and the new funeral practice at the Institute for Archaeology and Heritage for – inhumations – is difficult to detect. It was into this her technical assistance and additional help. We also scarcely settled landscape, after the middle of the 6th thank Snježana Husnjak Pavlek and Robert Jenkins century, that newcomers of Slavic origin arrived. for translation into English and Andrew W. Lamb for Thanks must go to Samo Sankovič, Archaeologist proofreading. Also we thank Andrej Magdič for the and the Curator of the Pomurje Museum in Murska register of Roman sites in Prekmurje. Bibliography GUŠTIN, M. and G. TIEFENGRABER 2001, Prazgo- dovinske najdbe z avtocestnega odseka Murska Sobota – BALAŽIC J. and B. KERMAN (eds.) 1997, Katalog raz- Nova Tabla. – Arheološki vestnik 52 , Ljubljana, 107–116. stavljenih del stalne razstave Pokrajinskega muzeja Murska GUŠTIN, M. and G. TIEFENGRABER 2002, Oblike in Sobota, In: Pokrajinski muzej Murska Sobota. 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SANKOVIČ 2011, Pri Muri pri Lendavi. – Z birka Arheologija na avtocestah Slovenije 23, Ljubljana. TIEFENGRABER, G. 2001a, Vorbericht über die Au- Aleksandra Bugar sgrabungen 1999 und 2000 in Murska Sobota/Nova tabla Zagreb City Museum unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der spätbronze- und Opatička 20 eisenzeitlichen Funde. – In: Lippert A. (ed.), Die Drau-, HR-10000 Zagreb Mur- und Raab-Region im 1. Vorchristlichen Jahrtausend. Akten abugar@mgz.hr des internationalen interdisziplinären Symposiums vom 26. Bis 29. April 2000 in Bad Redkersburg, Universitätsforschungen zur ddr. Mitja Guštin Prähistorischen Archäologie 78, Bonn, 77–101. Pusterla 7 TIEFENGRABER, G. 2001b, Neo- und eneolitische SI-6330 Piran Funde aus Nova tabla bei Murska Sobota. – In: Od Sopota mitjagustin@gmail.com 61 Pl. 1 Aleksandra Bugar, Mitja Guštin 2 1 3 5 4 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 19 18 21 20 22 23 24 25 28 26 27 29 30 31 32 33 34 Table 1 M 1 : 6 Murska Sobota-Nova tabla: Roman ceramic forms (drawing J. Tratnik Šumi, plate realised by B. Bošković). 62 M 1:6 Pl. 2 The Roman Countryside of Prekmurje 3 1 2 4 6 7 5 8 12 10 11 9 14 15 17 13 16 Table 2 M 1 : 6 Murska Sobota-Nova tabla: Roman ceramic forms (drawing J. Tratnik Šumi, plate realised by B. Bošković). 63 M 1:6 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Sledovi rimske zemljiške razdelitve na Krasu Traces of Roman Land Division on the Karst Dimitrij Mlekuž Izvleček: Arheološka interpretacija posnetkov zračnega laserskega skeniranja (lidar) Krasa je razkrila množico do sedaj nepoznanih sledov in najdišč. Zračno lasersko skeniranje je razkrilo celotne krajine z množico sledov vsakodnevnih ak- tivnosti v krajini, od prazgodovine do modernega obdobja. Ena bolj zanimivih sledov so ostanki dolgih zidov, ki se ne ozirajo na topografijo, se sekajo pod pravim kotom in ki sestavljajo fragmente pravilne kvadratne mreže modula okoli 710 m. Menimo, da gre za ostanke rimskodobne zemljiške razdelitve (centuriacije) teritorija mesta Tergeste. V prispevku predstavljamo argumenta za tovrstno interpretacijo in implikacije odkritja za razumevanje rimskodobne poselitve Krasa in geneze kraške krajine. Ključne besede: centuriacija, zemljiška razdelitev, Kras, krajina, rimska doba, arheologija Abstract: Archaeological airborne lidar survey of the Karst plateau revealed numerous new sites and traces of past land use. This allows us to broaden the focus away from individual sites to address complete landscapes – from the prehistory to modern era. One of the more interesting traces we have encountered are long straight walls that ignore topography of the landscape and run perpendicular to each other. They form a regular network with module around 710 m. We argue that they are remnants of the Roman land division (centuriation) of the territory of the town Tergeste (Trieste). We discuss the evidence and tackle some implication of discovery for the understanding of the Roman occupation of Karst and formation of Karst landscapes. Key words: centuration, land division, Karst, landscape, Roman era, archaeology Uvod neracijami. Na ta način nastane stabilen krajinski vzorec, ki se reproducira iz generacije v generaci- Poseljene krajine izgledajo, če jih opazujemo od jo. Krajina postane bolj ali manj inertna matrica in daleč, kot prostrani vzorci, sestavljeni iz polj. Ti medij za življenje ljudi v njej, krajinski vzorec polj vzorci so vzniknili skozi delovanje ljudi v krajini, pa predstavlja trden, materialni temelj, ki lajša po- skozi njihove vsakdanje prakse ukvarjanja z zem- gajanja o tem kje, kdaj, kdo in kako se posameznik ljo. Kras je poln sledov preteklih praks, aktivnosti, ukvarja s zemljo. dejanj in dogodkov, od kamnitih grobelj do kamni- V zgodovini krajine so trenutki, dogodki, ko se tih suhih zidov. Večina teh sledov je nastala skozi vzorec lahko radikalno spremeni, ko posegi v kra- prakse obdelovanja in ukvarjanja z zemljo, s polji, jino spremenijo tako prostorska razmerja v krajini ki sestavljajo krajinski vzorec. Tako se meje polj, ki kot razmerja med ljudmi. Krajina postane drugač- označujejo rob posesti in pravico do dostopa in ob- na, s popolnoma drugačnim vzorcem polj. delovanja, vzpostavijo skozi prakso čiščenja kame- V prispevku se osredotočamo na sledove preureja- nja, odlaganja na robu parcele in obdelovanja polj. nja krajine, ki so za seboj pustili značilen vzorec, ki Kupi kamenja na robu polja postanejo materialni ga lahko povežemo z rimsko zemljiško razdelitvijo, znaki posesti polja, hkrati pa pričajo o delovanju centuriacijo. prednikov in legitimirajo prenos posesti med ge- 65 Dimitrij Mlekuž Slika 1 Linearni nasipi na senčenem digitalnem modelu reliefa izdelanim iz visokoločljivih podatkov zračnega laserskega snemanja. Metoda: zračno lasersko skeniranje nasipi, zidovi, groblje, ali negativne sledove, kot so vkopi, jame in jarki.2 Naš glavni vir za preučevanje preteklih praks, ki so Kras je krajina z zelo specifičnim površjem. Tu so na- pustile značilne krajnske vzorce so posnetki zračnega ravni procesi preoblikovanja počasni, zato se sledovi laserskega skeniranja (ZLS) površja Zemlje. človeških posegov na površju zelo dobro ohranjajo. Besedna zveza lasersko skeniranje opisuje vsako teh- Ostanejo kot sled na površju, dokler jih ne zabrišejo nologijo, ki natančno in pogosto meri razdaljo od druga dejanja ljudi. Tako jih lahko prepoznamo tudi naprave do cilja s pomočjo laserja. Ta meritve zbere arheologi. kot množico koordinat, ali oblak točk, iz katerega je Poleg običajnih najdišč in arheoloških struktur, kot moč pridobiti, podatke o obliki predmeta, ki ga ske- so gomile, gradišča, gradovi in podobno, s pomoč- niramo.1 jo ZLS opazimo tudi množico drugih sledov aktiv- S pomočjo zračnega laserskega skeniranja sistematič- nosti v prostoru. Ta kvantiteta sledov preide v novo no posnamemo velike površine; z njim lahko opazu- kvaliteto, množica sledov preteklih aktivnosti nam jemo tudi tla pod gozdnim pokrovom. Da z zračnim mogoča, da krajino razumemo drugače. Nič več ne laserskem skeniranjem lahko opazimo arheološke gre za izolirana najdišča, ki ležijo v praznem prosto- sledove, morajo ti biti vidni na površju kot grbine in ru, temveč rezultat neprekinjenega bivanja v krajini, izbokline. Tako prepoznamo pozitivne sledove kot kopičenja, preurejanja, predelovanja sledov. Zračno 1 Opitz 2012, 13. 2 Opitz 2012. 66 Sledovi rimske zemljiške razdelitve na Krasu Slika 2 Ostanki linearnih nasipov med Sežano in Križem. lasersko skeniranje, prav tako kot druge vizualne teh- Rezultati: ostanki pravilne pravokotne nologije, ne izdeluje le lepih slik, temveč predvsem zemljiške razdelitve razširja zmožnosti odkrivanja, dokumentiranja in za- mišljanja krajin.3 Na posnetkih zračnega laserskega skeniranja Krasa Krajina, kot jo vidimo z ZLS je tako vzorec različnih smo prepoznali množico sledov pretekle rabe tal in sledov. Še več, sledovi so del fragmentarno ohranje- poljske razdelitve. Gre predvsem za groblje in polja nih vzorcev iz različnih epizod oblikovanja krajine, ki grobelj, strukture, ograjena polja, strukture povezane so med seboj v zapletenih razmerjih. z upravljanjem s čredami, kot so lijaki, ki usmerjajo Najpogostejša metafora za opisovanje časovne glo- črede, obore, staje in ostanki ograjenih poti. Ti sle- bine krajine je palimpsest.4 Palimpsest je pergament, dovi kažejo na intenzivno oblikovano krajino, ki je kjer je starejše besedilo izbrisano, da nastane prostor nastajala in nastala v prazgodovini.5 za novo. A sledovi starejšega besedila ostanejo, in jih Prazgodovinska krajina ni bila le množica izoliranih je moč prebrati. Prav tako lahko v krajini preberemo gradišč v praznem prostoru. Prazgodovinsko kultur- starejše sledove, starejše plasti človeškega delovanja, no krajino Krasa, so sestavljale tudi gomile, kamni- fragmente starejših vzorcev, kljub temu, da so prek- ti suhi zidovi, poti, polja, obdelane vrtače, groblje, riti z vzorcem moderne krajine. Kraško površje tako ki so nastajale pri čiščenju površja, ograjeni pašniki, lahko razumemo kot palimpsest različnih krajinskih poseki v gozdovih itn. Sledovi prazgodovinskih polj vzorcev, sestavljenih iz množice različnih sledov. so ohranjeni predvsem na marginalnih predelih, kjer 3 Mlekuž 2012. 4 Glej Crawford 1953, 51–52. 5 Glej Mlekuž 2015. 67 Dimitrij Mlekuž Slika 3 Ostanki linearnih nasipov v okolici Gorjanskega. se jih ni dotaknilo kasnejše intenzivno kmetovanje. Krasa, ki smo ga pregledali, smo prepoznali okoli 12 Krajina postane vir za razumevanje odnosov prazgo- km teh značilnosti, ki nastopajo v treh sklenjenih ob- dovinskih skupnosti do zemlje.6 močjih, med Sežano in Križem, okoli Gorjanskega Tako lahko v krajini prepoznamo dve fazi intenziv- in Komna ter v okolici Temnice in Lipe. Prepoznani nega preurejanja; prvo, ki se najverjetneje zgodi v sledovi ležijo na območju dimenzij okoli 20 × 4 km bronasti dobi in traja vse v rimski čas, in drugo, v ( sl. 2– 4). zadnjem tisočletju, ki oblikuje srednjeveško in novo- Ti naspi se po obliki razlikujejo od prazgodovinskih veško krajino. Med njima ni skoraj nobene kontinui- mejnih nasipov, kot tudi od suhih zidov in drugih ob- tete, starejša, prazgodovinska krajina je le v nekaterih lik, ki so del moderne krajine. Najbolj očitna razlika obrisih in detajlih vplivala na nastanek novoveške je v tem, da se nikakor ne prilagajajo značilnostim v krajine.7 prostoru, temveč sledijo le svoji ravni in pravokotni Na posnetkih ZLS lahko poleg sledov, ki sestavljajo logiki. Moderna zemljiška razdelitev jih ne upošteva, prazgodovinsko krajino, prepoznamo tudi nizke na- prav tako ni jasen odnos do prazgodovinskih zna- sipe, ki tečejo po pokrajini v ravnih črtah. Nasipi so si čilnosti. Na zračnih fotografijah se nasipi na odpr- bodisi vzporedni ali pravokotni ( sl. 1). Nasipom lah- tih površinah kažejo kot negativni vegetacijski znaki, ko sledimo na precej dolgih razdaljah, tudi nekaj kilo- zato lahko sklepamo, da gre za porušene in preraš- metrov. Nasipi se ne prilagajajo obliki površja, se ne čene suhe zidove. Običajno pa jih najdemo na manj izogibajo vrtačam in vzpetinam. Na Slovenskem delu preoblikovanih delih površja, v gozdovih ( sl. 5). Če osi, na katerih ležijo sledovi, podaljšamo, posta- 6 Mlekuž 2015, 676–677. ne očitno, da so prepoznani nasipi fragment enotno 7 Mlekuž 2015, 689–691. 68 Sledovi rimske zemljiške razdelitve na Krasu Slika 4 Ostanki linearnih nasipov v okolici Temnice in Lipe. zasnovanega rastra. Ostanki ležijo na vsaj treh vzpo- sledovi, kot so suhi zidovi, poti, ceste, pa tudi meje rednih oseh, ki tečejo v smeri SZ–JZ (48 stopinj parcel, se ne ozirajo nanje. Prav tako jih ne moremo vzhodno od severa) in na vsaj šestih vzporednih oseh, povezati z ostanki prazgodovinske krajine. Na podlagi ki tečejo v smeri JZ–SV (138 stopinj vzhodno od se- oblike lahko te nasipe pripišemo ostankom zemljiške vera). Osi so torej med seboj pravokotne. razdelitve (centuriacije) rimskega mesta ( sl. 7). Razdalje med osmi ustrezajo modulu razdalje 710 Centuriatio ali limitatio je rimska zemljiška razdelitev m, bodisi 1.420 m, 4.420 ali 2.840 m. Razdalja 710 s pomočjo ortogonalnih in enako oddaljenih limites m ustreza razdalji 20 actus; actus je rimska dolžinska ali mej. Te meje omejujejo običajno kvadratna po- mera, ki meri okoli 35,5 m. lja imenovana centuria. Centuriacija teritorija je del Glavno os v smeri jugozahod–severovzhod lahko ustanovitve kolonije, kolonizacija je pomenila dolo- podaljšamo v smeri proti jugozahodu natančno do čitev mej teritorija kolonije, zamejitev ter določitev Trsta, do zahodnih vrata kolonije Tergeste, ki so oko- urbanih in ruralnih območij. Ruralna območja so bila li 10 km ali natančno 9.940 m ali 280 actus oddaljene centurirana. Centuriacija je novim naseljem uredila od prvega prepoznanega križišča osi ( sl. 6). teritorij, zamejila polja, postavila legalni okvir za de- Ti nasipi so očitno načrtovani in narejeni kot del več- litev zemlje kolonistom in pripravila prostor za infra- jega, enotno zasnovanega sistema. So fragmenti mre- strukturo v obliki cest, mostov, kanalov.8 že pravokotnih polj, ki deli pokrajino na kvadrate s Zemljiško razdelitev so opravili specializirani ze- stranico 710 m (ali 20 actus). mljemerci, ki so izbrali osnovno orientacijo mreže Ti nasipi so starejši od moderne krajine, torej kraji- ne, kot je nastajala od srednjega veka naprej. Moderni 8 Gabba 1983; Dilke 1971; Regoli 1983. 69 Dimitrij Mlekuž in dekuman ter se imenujejo kardi, cardines, in deku- mani, decumani ali decimani.10 Mreža limites je služila tudi kot okvir in matrica za organizacijo podeželja in gradnjo lokalnega cestnega omrežja, saj po limites pogosto tečejo ceste. Rezultati: Terensko preverjanje S terenskim preverjanjem smo želeli preverili zgrad- bo sledov, ki jih na posnetkih ZLS prepoznamo kot nizke nasipe. Pri terenskem ogledu nasipov v okolici Šmarij pri Sežani smo zlahka prepoznali nizke nasi- pe, široke okoli 2 m in visoke do 0,4 m. V okolici ni drugih očitnih antropogenih sledov. Nasipi poteka- jo po gozdu v ravnih linijah, preraščeni so z rušo in podrastjo. Prepoznamo lahko posamezne kamne, ki štrlijo iz vegetacije. Čiščenje kratkega odseka nasipa je pokazalo, da gre za podrt nizek suh zid, sestavljen iz korodiranih apnenčastih kamnov nepravilnih oblik, različnih premerov, od 10 do 60 cm. Zid ima eno samo lice, Slika 5 Del nasipa na aeroposnetku in na posnetku obrnjeno proti severozahodu, lice definirajo daljše zračnega laserskega skeniranja. stranice večjih kamnov. Južna stran zidu nima lica, in s pomočjo instrumentov, kot je groma, zakoličili ob linijo, ki definira lice so z južne strani položeni pravokotne rigores, osi centuriacije. Te so kasneje, ko kamni manjših premerov. Zid je visok le 1 do 2 vrsti so kolonisti izkopali mejne jarke ali drugače zgra- kamnov. Sklepamo, da je bil zid postavljen tako, da so dili in označili meje, postale limites, ali meje polj, ob črto – najverjetneje označeno z vrvico – najprej centurij. Zelo pogosto je velikost centurie 20 × položili večje kamne, tako da so ti z daljšimi stranica- 20 acti in površine 200 iugera (okoli 50,4 ha), ven- mi ležali ob vrvici, nato pa prazne prostore zapolnili dar se pojavljajo tudi druge dimenzije. Centuria z manjšimi kamni in nato zid z druge strani obložili se imenuje zato, ker je bila v zgodnjerepublikan- z manjšimi kamni. Ohranjeni sta še ena do dve vrsti skem času velikost parcele, dodeljena kolonistu, kamnov. Nasip, kot ga vidimo na posnetku ZLS pa 2 iugera; centuria tako vsebuje 100 parcel. Kasne- sestavljata zid in ruševina zidu. Glede na volumen je so kolonisti dobili večje parcele, 15 do 20 iuge- porušenega zidu sklepamo, da zid nikoli ni bil zelo ra, ponekod in nekateri privilegirani kolonisti so visok, ocenjujemo, da je bil visok le dve do tri vrste dobili celo do 200 iugera, torej celotne centurie.9 kamnov, torej do največ 0,5 m. Zid je bil postavljen Pravokotni centralni osi, ki se sekata v izhodišču na skalno podlago. Ob zidu ni nobenih drugih antro- centuriacije sta cardo maximus, ki teče v smeri sever pogenih sledov, prav tako nismo odkrili najdb, ki bi jug, in decumanus maximus, ki teče od vzhoda proti pomagale datirati zid ( sl. 8). zahodu. Ostale limites so pravokotne na glavni kardo 9 Dilke 1971, 15. 10 Dilke 1971, 87, 231. 70 Sledovi rimske zemljiške razdelitve na Krasu Slika 6 Razdalje med vzporednimi nasipi ustrezajo modulu 20 actus ali okoli 710 m. Slika 7 Rekonstrukcija sistema centuriacije Krasa in ohranjeni sledovi. 71 Dimitrij Mlekuž Slika 8 Ostanki zidu med terenskim preverjanjem. Kontekst in diskusija darskih aktivnosti, ki so se odvijale znotraj teritorija skupnosti. Meje skupnosti so pogosto označene s Če gre – in menimo, da vsekakor gre – za rimsko kamnitimi gomilami.11 centuriacijo teritorija kolonije Tergeste, jo je pot- Ta vzorec kaže, da je bil Kras v prazgodovinskem rebno postaviti v historični kontekst. Prav gotovo času organiziran v množico avtarkičnih in razdro- ni centuriran prazen prostor, sam akt centuriacije, bljenih majhnih skupnosti, občin. Med občinami so preureditve krajine, vzpostavitve novih prostorskih se izoblikovala hierarhična razmerja, ki so temeljila vzorcev in odnosov je globoko zarezal v obstoječo, predvsem na nadzoru nad kultnimi kraji (kot sta npr. domorodno krajino in vzorce, ki so se vzpostavili Mušja in Skeletna jama v bližini gradišča Škocjan) in skozi prazgodovino. dostopu do eksotičnih prestižnih predmetov.12 Prazgodovinski poselitveni vzorec kaže, da je raz- Družbeno organizacijo kaštelirskih občin Predrag poreditev gradišč vezana na poselitvene niše, ki jih Novaković13 primerja s črnogorskimi in albanskimi definira relief in primernost za kmetovanje. Tipična plemeni iz dinarskega višavja do začetka 20. stoletja. poselitvena niša je sestavljena iz poljedelskih povr- Osnovna družbena in poselitvena enota teh plemen šin v bližini gradišča in pašnikov v zaledju. Ker so je zadruga, specifična oblika razširjene družine, ki obdelovalne površine razpršene, je poselitev organi- temelji na tesnih sorodstvenih zvezah, ki izhajajo zirana v več naselbinah oziroma gradiščih. Central- iz skupnih prednikov. Zadruge so bile eksogamne na naselbina obvladuje osrednje polje, medtem ko skupnosti; različne družbene in historične oko- so satelitske naselbine postavljene ob manjših po- liščine pa so vodile v oblikovanje kompleksnejših ljih. V krajini srečamo tudi nekatere strukture veza- ne na živinorejo in izrabo drugih virov v krajini. Na 11 Slapšak 1995, 79–80; Slapšak 1999, 161–163. ta način se je izoblikovala zaključena celota gospo- 12 Slapšak 2003. 13 Novaković 2001, 235–238. 72 Sledovi rimske zemljiške razdelitve na Krasu družbenih oblik. Tako so zadruge sklepale bratstva nimi točkami zunanjih stikov. Tako je vključitev (združbe več zadrug z dejanskimi ali zamišljenimi v rimsko državo pomenila predvsem ustanovitev skupnimi predniki), bratstva pa so se združevala v mestnega središča na strateški lokaciji z emporialno plemena. Plemena so nastala predvsem v vojnah tradicijo, kolonije Tergeste, vzpostavila nadzorno proti skupnemu sovražniku in predstavljajo endo- in gospodarsko infrastrukturo (vojaške postojanke, gamno skupnost. javne ceste in cestne postaje, carinska postaje) in za- Prostor Krasa se vključi v rimsko državno tvorbo gotovila gospodarsko stabilnost z različnimi načini z ustanovitvijo kolonije Akvileja leta 178 pr. n. št. oblikami agrarne izrabe, bodisi v okviru tradicional- Ager kolonije je bil centuriran, avtorji so prepoznali nih domorodnih skupnosti, pa tudi z mestno ko- več različnih centuriacij, ki so večinoma omejene na lonizacijo, s centuriacijo teritorija in dodeljevanjem furlansko nižino. državnega zemljišča kolonistom in privilegiranim Centuriacija, ki smo jo prepoznali na Krasu, pa je elitam in z organizacijo izrabe drugih virov.19 očitno vezana na Trst, rimski Tergeste, kjer smo Slapšak prepričljivo pokaže, da so kraške domoro- prepoznali njeno izhodišče. Prostor Krasa, kjer smo dne skupnosti v 1. tisočletju pr. n. št. vzpostavile prepoznali sledove, je bil pod jurisdikcijo kolonije tako trdne in uspešne strukture prostorske organi- Tergeste.14 zacije in izrabe agrarnih virov, da so kljub rimski Mesto Tergeste omenja že Strabon kot utrjeno na- nadvladi in nedvomni notranji družbeni diferencia- selje (phrourion) in kot karnijsko naselje. Kolonija ciji ustvarjale pogoje za kopičenje viškov in ustvar- je bila ustanovljena sredi 1. stoletja pr. n. št. – bodisi janje bogastva. Kljub izgubi delov teritorija (koloni- leta 46 ali v letih 42 ali 41 pr. n. št.15 Prvo letnico alni ager, ki vključuje tudi novoodkrita območja na povezuje z veteranskimi kolonijami, ki jih je Cezar Krasu, in že znana območja kot je okolica Škocja- deduciral v Italiji in provincah, drugo pa z dedukci- na, Vremska dolina, del Matarskega podolja, javne jo veteranskih kolonij po bitki pri Filipih v drugem ceste) in pravna podrejenost domorodnega prebi- triumviratu. Tega leta naj bi bila Galija Cisalpina valstva pri izrabi virov, ki so v času samostojnosti priključena Italiji, njena vzhodna meja pa naj bi bila predstavljali primerjalno strateško in gospodarsko prestavljena z reke Timave na reko Formio.16 Spet prednost regije – denimo pri nadzoru in posredo- drugi avtorji ustanovitev kolonije postavljajo pred vanju v transportu in menjavi na daleč,20 so se do- leto 52 pr. n. št., ko je bilo mesto med japodskim morodne skupnosti obdržale v 2. stoletje n. št., ko vpadom opustošeno.17 Zagotovo pa Tergeste posta- zaradi relativnega bogastva postanejo zanimiva za ne rimska kolonija najkasneje leta 35 pr. n. št., saj jo osiromašen in razredčen tržaški mestni svet in tako tako imenuje Apijan. Leta 33 ali 32 pr. n. št. Avgust pridobijo latinski pravni status. zgradi mestu obzidje. Vsekakor centuriacija ni nastala v praznem prosto- Nejasen je tudi status Trsta pred dedukcijo kolonije. ru, temveč je ostro zarezala v že urejeno krajino, ki Na podlagi napisa z Jelarjev, Degrassi sklepa, da je so jo poseljevale domorodne skupnosti. Tako limites, imel Trst pred dedukcijo kolonije nekaj let status prepoznane na posnetkih ZLS popolnoma ignorira- municipija, ustanovljenega v Cezarjevem času.18 jo predhodne sledove in značilnosti v krajini. Dober Nastop novega hegemona najverjetneje ni enako primer je okolica Volčjega grada, kjer se ostanki li- prizadel vseh domorodnih skupnosti na Krasu. mites vzhodno od gradišča Debela Griža ne ozirajo Predvsem je pomenil nadzor nad središči in ključ- na sledove domnevno prazgodovinske rabe tal, kot so ograde, zidovi in polja grobelj. Še več, ena izmed 14 Zaccaria 1992, 163–164. osi poteka preko gradišča, čeprav se zdi, da zid ni bil 15 Cassola Guida, Cassola 2002, 8–10; Degrassi 1954. 16 Degrasi 1955, 46–53. nikoli narejen ( sl. 9). 17 Pregled: Zaccaria 1992, 152; Starac 1999, 109. 18 Degrasi 1954, 52; Zaccaria 1992, 154–155; Zaccaria 19 Slapšak 2003, 248. 1998, 35; Starac 1999, 108–110. 20 Slapšak 2003, 251. 73 Dimitrij Mlekuž Slika 9 Sledovi centuriacije v razmerju do prazgodovinskih sledov v okolici gradišča Debela Griža. Kljub temu centuriacija krajine domorodnih skup- tiko odnosa hegemona do domorodnih skupnosti v nosti ni pomenila njihovega gospodarskega propa- trenutku kolonizacije, fosilizirano v krajini. da. Zdi se, da centuriacija teritorija na Krasu ni bila Da centuriacija ni imela velikega vpliva na krajino, nikoli do konca izvedena ali dokončana, temveč le kaže tudi dejstvo, da ni pustila nobenih sledov v nakazana in zaznamovana v prostoru. Zidovi, ki moderni krajini. Moderen krajinski vzorec, kot je smo jih očistili pri Šmarjah so prej enkratno zari- nastajal od srednjega veka naprej se nikjer ne nasla- sane črte v krajini, kot dejanske meje, ki nastanejo nja na ostanke rimske centuriacije. Analiza usmer- skozi njihovo upoštevanje v vsakdanjih praksah lju- jenosti parcelnih mej, ki smo jo opravili za celoten di. Sledove centuraicije, kot smo jo prepoznali na Kras, kaže, imajo le kratki fragmenti modernih par- posnetkih zračnega laserskega skeniranja morda ra- cel enako orientacijo kot odkrita centuriacija. Zdi zumemo bolj kot izkazovanje politične in gospodar- se, da moderna zemljiška razdelitev ni nikjer nastala ske moči v krajini kot dejanski akt prenosa posesti iz centuriacije. Identificirali smo le cesto Kreplje– domorodnih skupnosti na rimske državljane. To Tomaj, ki leži na meji centurije in bi lahko nastala dejanje ni globlje prizadelo vseh domorodnih skup- na trasi rimske ceste ( sl. 10). nosti in zarezalo v obstoječe razmerja. Morda fra- Sledove, ki smo jih prepoznali, lahko torej razume- gmentarnost sledov centuriacije kaže, da je bil akt mo kot rimskodobno zemljiško razdelitev, centuria- centuriranja omejen zgolj na nekatere domorodne tio dela teritorija kolonije Tergeste. Kljub temu da občine. Verjetno je bil prej eksemplaričen akt, ki je obsega precej velik prostor, na Krasu ni prizadela kaznoval in prizadel določene občine. Kaže na poli- domorodnih skupnosti in pustila pečata v krajini. 74 Sledovi rimske zemljiške razdelitve na Krasu Slika 10 Z zeleno so označene meje modernih parcel, ki so enako usmerjene kot rimska centuriacija. Z rdečo so označeni sledovi centuriacije. Cesta med Krepljami in Tomajem leži na robu centurije. Zaključek nižini21 in centuracijam teritorija Pule in Poreča v Istri,22 kjer je centuriacija dejansko služila rimski ko- S pomočjo zračnega laserskega skeniranja smo lonizaciji in predstavljala matrico za rimsko rabo tal. prepoznali sledove pravilne, pravokotne in enotno Te centuriacije so pustile tudi močan pečat v mo- zasnovane zemljiške razdelitve. Na podlagi modula derni krajini in se jih da prebrati tudi na modernih 20 actus ali 710 m in izhodišča osi v rimskem mestu topografskih kartah in zračnih posnetkih. Tergeste, današnjem Trstu, sklepamo, da gre za fra- Na Krasu smo odkrili zgolj fragmente rastra cen- gmente rimske centuriacije Krasa. turiacije. Menimo, da ne zaradi podepozicijskih Odkritje kot vedno odpira več vprašanj kot odgo- procesov, ki bi selektivno ohranili ali uničili sledove vorov. Prostor, kjer smo odkrili sledove, je nena- centuriacije. Gre prejkone za nedokončan oziroma vaden. Kraška planota ni prostor, ki bi bil zanimiv zgolj nastavljen projekt na treh mestih znotraj teri- za rimsko kolonizacijo in primeren za rimski način torija. Sama centuriacija tudi ni imela pomembnega kmetovanja. Tako se zdi, da ostanek centuriacije vpliva na kasnejšo organizacijo krajine. prej kaže na intenzivno politično dinamiko procesa kolonizacije in zapletenih razmerij med domorodni- mi skupnostmi in rimsko državo. Odkrit raster centuriacije tako težko postavimo ob bok odkritim centuriacijam Akvileje v furlanski 21 Prenc 2002; 2007. 22 Chevallier 1961; Matijašić 1988; Starac 2001; Bulić 2012. 75 Dimitrij Mlekuž Literatura PRENC, F. 2002, Le pianificazioni agrarie di età romana nella pianura aquileiese. – Antichità Altoadriatiche LII, Trieste. BULIĆ, D. 2012, Rimska centurijacija Istre. – Tabula 10, REGOLI, E. 1983, Che cos’è la centuriazione. – V: S. 50–74. Settis (ur.), Misurare la terra: centuriazione e coloni nel mondo CHEVALLIER R. 1961, La centuriazione romana dell’Is- romano, Modena, 72–84. tria e della Dalmazia. – Atti e Memorie della Società Istriana di SLAPŠAK, B. 1995, Možnosti študija poselitve v arheolo- Archeologia e Storia Patria 9. Venezia, 11–24. giji. – Arheo 17, Ljubljana. CRAWFORD, O. G. S. 1953, Archaeology in the Field. – SLAPŠAK B. 1999, Slovenski Kras v poznejši prazgodo- London. vini in v rimski dobi. – V: A. Kranjc (ur.), Kras, Pokrajina, CASSOLA GUIDA, P. in F. C. CASSOLA 2002, Tergeste življenje, ljudje, Ljubljana, 145–163. preromana e romana: nuove considerazioni. – V: A. Dugu- SLAPŠAK, B. 2003, O koncu prazgodovinskih skupnosti lin (ur.), La necropoli di San Servolo. Veneti, Istri, Celti e Romani na Krasu. – Arheološki vestnik 54, 243–257. nel territorrio di Trieste, Trieste, 7–16. STARAC, A. 1999, Rimsko vladanje u Histriji i Liburniji: DEGRASSI, A. 1954, Il confine nord-orientale dell‘Italia roma- Društveno i pravno uređenje prema literarnoj, natpisnoj i na. – Bern. arheološkoj građi. – Monografije i katalozi 10/1. Pula. DEGRASSI, A. 1955, I porti romani dell‘Istria – V: G. C. STARAC, A. 2001, Lo stato delle conoscenze sulle cen- Sansoni (ur.), Anthemon: Scritti di Archeologia e di Antichità turiazioni in Istria e Liburnia. – Quaderni di archeologia del Classiche in onorre di Carlo Anti, Firenze, 119–169. Veneto 17, 176–180. DILKE, O. A. W. 1971, The Roman land surveyors: An ZACCARIA, C. 1992, Regio X, Venetia et Histria, Terge- introduction to the Agrimensores. – Newton Abbot. ste – Ager Tergestinus et Tergesti adtributus. – Supplementa GABBA, E. 1983, Per un’ interpretazione storica della Italica n.s. 10, 139–283. centuriazione romana. – V: S. Settis (ur . ) , Misurare la terra: ZACCARIA, C. 1998, L‘età romana. – V: F. Salimbeni centuriazione e coloni nel mondo romano, Modena, 20–27. (ur.), Per la storia di Trieste: atti del Corso d‘aggiornamento della MATIJAŠIĆ, R. 1988, Ageri antičkih kolonija Pola i Parentivm. Deputazione di storia patria per la Venezia Giulia e dell IRR- – Zagreb. SAE Friuli-Venezia Giulia, Fonti e studi per la storia della MLEKUŽ, D. 2012, Messy landscapes: lidar and practices Venezia Giulia ser. II, vol. VI, 31–51, Trieste. of landscaping. – V: R. S. Opitz in D. C. Cowley (ur.), Inter- preting Archaeological Topography: Lasers, 3D Data, Observation, Visualisation and Applications, Oxford, 102–116. dr. Dimitrij Mlekuž MLEKUŽ, D. 2015, Oblike prazgodovinske poljske raz- Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije delitve na Krasu. – Kronika 63, št. 3, 675–690. Center za preventivno arheologijo NOVAKOVIĆ, P. 2001, Prostorska in pokrajinska arheologija, Poljanska 40 Študija na primeru Krasa. – Doktorska disertacija. Univerza SI-1000 Ljubljana v Ljubljani, Ljubljana. in OPITZ, R. 2012, An overview of airborne and terre- Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta strial laser scanning in archaeology. – V: R. S. Opitz in Oddelek za arheologijo D. C. Cowley (ur.), Interpreting Archaeological Topography: Zavetiška 5 Lasers, 3D Data, Observation, Visualisation and Applications, SI-1000 Ljubljana Oxford, 13–31. dimitrij.mlekuz@zvkds.si 76 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk On the edge of the known. The quarry landscape at Podpeč Na robu znanega. Kamnolomska krajina v Podpeči Bojan Djurić, Luka Gale, Edisa Lozić, Igor Rižnar Izvleček: Na južnem robu Ljubljanskega barja, na desnem bregu Ljubljanice, leži v vznožju hriba Sv. Ane v Podpeči do- kaj velik kamnolom apnenca, ki je bil odprt v 1. stoletju n. št. in bil aktiven do leta 1973. Kamnolom je oskrboval rimsko kolonijo Emono in od srednjega veka naprej mesto Ljubljana s kamnitimi bloki, okrasnim kamnom in apnom, žganim v Podpeči. Njegov pomen se je izredno povečal po uničujočem ljubljanskem potresu leta 1895. O obsežnih obnovitvenih dejavnostih v Ljubljani priča ne le veliki kamnolom v lasti gradbene družbe, temveč tudi mnogi mali kamnolomi ležeči za hišami v Podpeči ter številni posegi na pobočjih Sv. Ane. Ti posegi so bili odkriti s pomočjo lidarske tehnike, kažejo pa vrsto sledov različne starosti in različnih funkcij. Pobočja Sv. Ane odkrivajo razgibano kamnolomsko krajino, ki jo je treba razložiti in po možnosti vključiti v načrt upravljanja s kulturno dediščino. Ključne besede: Podpeč, Sv. Ana, kamnolomska krajina, kamnolom, podpeški apnenec, Emona, Ljubljana, litiotidne školjke, spodnja jura Abstract: The quarry at Podpeč is situated at the foot of the hill of Sv. Ana in the village of Podpeč, at the southern edge of the Ljubljansko barje (Ljubljana Moor) and on the right bank of Ljubljanica River. It is a relatively large lime- stone quarry with a long history; it opened in the 1st century AD and remained active until 1973. It was supplying the Roman colony of Emona and, from the Middle Ages onwards, the town of Ljubljana with dimension stone, decorative lumachella and lime fired at Podpeč. Its importance grew significantly in the wake of the devastating Ljubljana Earthqu- ake in 1895, as evidenced by the extensive main quarry, owned by a construction company, the many small and privately owned quarries behind the houses in Podpeč, as well as the numerous interventions on the slopes of Sv. Ana. These interventions were rediscovered using Lidar as a series of features of different dates and functions. The slopes of Sv. Ana have thus been revealed as an articulated quarry cape yet to be understood and possibly included into the cultural heritage management scheme. Key words: Podpeč, Sv. Ana, quarryscape, quarry, Podpeč limestone, Emona, Ljubljana, lithiotid bivalves, Lower Jurassic Podpeč is a small village below the Sv. Ana hill (482 construction onwards. The Romans probably also m). It is located at the southern edge of the Lju- used this rock for lime production. In the 20th cen- bljansko barje ( Ljubljana Moor) on the right bank of tury, the quarry was the source of the regionally the Ljubljanica River and some 14 km to the SW popular „lumachella“ (lithiotid and small megalo- of Ljubljana.1 The name of the village is Slavic in dontid bivalves) type of decorative stone, used by origin and means „a settlement below a rock cliff“, the Slovene architect Jožef Plečnik in many of his suggesting that a quarry face was visible there at buildings.3 the time of the first Slavic settlement. The site was At present, the quarry is owned by the Mineral Com- most probably first quarried by the Romans in the pany of Slovenia, but is not active;4 extraction having early 1st century AD2 and the good quality (Lower ceased in 1973.5 The quarry was declared a natural Jurassic) black-to-grey limestone became a source of dimension stone for the colonia Ivlia Emona from its 3 Krečič 1993. 4 http://www.mineral.si/si/kamnolomi/podpec/ 1 See Krajevni leksikon 1937, 334–335. 5 Decision of the then Inspectorate of Energy at the 2 Djurić, Rižnar 2017. Department of Mining. 77 Bojan Djurić, Luka Gale, Edisa Lozić, Igor Rižnar Figure 1 Digital terrain model (DTM by D. Mlekuž) of the Ljubljansko barje. monument in 19916 and a geological monument of Main Dolomite Formation that passes upwards into national importance in 2004.7 In 2014 the Podpeč the Lower Jurassic dolomite and dolomitic breccia, lithiotid limestone was proposed for designation as a which are gradually replaced with limestone (Podbu- Global Heritage Stone Resource.8 kovje Formation).9 A 75 m thick succession of the Lower Jurassic strata is exposed at the Podpeč quarry. The bedding is typ- Geology ically sub-vertical and the succession is characterised by alternating micritic, oolitic and peloidal, intraclas- The quarry lies in the foothills of Mt. Krim form- tic and bioclastic limestones. In the northern part of ing the southern edge of the Ljubljansko barje, a the Sv. Ana hill, lithiotid bivalves are usually concen- large depression filled with Quaternary fluvial-fan, trated in claystone, in 0.1–0.5 m thick lumachellas, lacustrine and moor deposits, which covers an area intercalated among limestone beds. However they of 150 km2. The platy to thick-bedded limestone rarely occur in the limestone matrix. in the quarry dips steeply to the south. The quarry Around 12 different types of limestone have been is located at the northern edge of Krim mountain observed at the quarry,10 but these still have to be range composed of dolomite and limestone belong- properly addressed and grouped using polished sam- ing to the Dinaric Carbonate Platform. The succes- ples and thin sections. For the moment, we should sion of the platform carbonates begins with the only mention two of them. These are a 4 m thick ho- rizon of dark grey limestone with abundant lithiotid 6 Uradni list 18, 1991 (11.10.1991). 7 Uradni list 111, 2004 (14.10.2004). 9 Dozet 2009. 8 Kramar et al. 2015. 10 Gale 2014; 2015. 78 On the edge of the known. The quarry landscape at Podpeč Figure 2 „Lumachella black marble“ from Podpeč; (a) revetment slab in the Slovene parliament, black limestone with lithiotids (photo B. Peršolja), and (b) a slab found in Emona, black limestone with small megalodontids, kept in the Mestni muzej Ljubljana (photo B. Djurić). bivalves and a grey limestone bed with recrystallized the area showing different land use with remains of white gastropod and bivalve shells exposed on the terraces, which are perpendicular to the geological northern side of the quarry face. structures and parallel to the slope. These were created The lithiotid horizon passes into thick-bedded dark to level the slope and/or reduce soil erosion. Dolo- grey to grey oolitic limestone towards the southern mite, particularly the late diagenetic type with large end of the modern quarry. Beyond this, traces of dolomite crystals, inhibits the karstification process quarrying are different and point to the extraction and thus retains soil and humus at the surface, mak- of succession (the bedding is still subvertical here) ing the area suitable for agriculture. Traces of quar- of thin-bedded black limestone, which is several me- rying reappear further south, where another up to 60 tres thick. It represents the transition from massive m wide bed of limestone is exposed, followed by yet to thick-bedded oolitic limestone to the black mic- another bed of dolomite, which is covered by and ritic mudstone. The productive horizon stops at the with it arable land and pasture that have replaced the boundary with a horizon of emersion breccia with original forest cover. a yellowish residual clayey matrix. The horizon be- tween the edge of the quarry face and the emersion breccia is up to 30 m thick. Quarrying, transport and use Another productive horizon of thick bedded to mas- sive, black to dark grey oolitic limestone follows fur- There is no direct evidence of Roman quarrying at ther south, where different traces of extraction have Podpeč. All of the hypotheses presented here are been observed. This is followed in turn by a horizon thus based exclusively on the rock used for architec- of dolomitised oolitic limestone and dolomite, with tural members and sepulchral monuments at colonia Figure 3 The sub-vertical bedding and succession of alternating micritic, oolithic and peloidal-intraclastic-bioclastic limestone at Podpeč (by L. Gale). 79 Bojan Djurić, Luka Gale, Edisa Lozić, Igor Rižnar Figure 4 LiDAR-derived DTM of the Sv. Ana hill and the quarrying area at the foot of its northern slope with marked geological sequence: A – Podpeč limestone, B – emersion breccia, C – massive oolitic limestone, D – dolomite, E – limestone, F – dolomite (by E. Lozić, I. Rižnar). The LiDAR point cloud has been filtered using Lasground software (settings: terrain type – forest or hills, granularity - ultra fine; ignore points with classification 7). DEM interpolated with ordinary kriging (settings: no. of sectors to search – 4, maximum no. of data from all sectors 64, maximum no. of data from each sector 16, maximum no. of data in all sectors – 8, blank node if more than 3 sectors are empty, radius 20 m). Complex multiple visualisation merging RVT software-derived visualisations, sky-view factor and openness (settings for both: no. of search directions 32, radius 10 pixels, low level of noise removal), and WhiteboxGIS software-derived deviation from mean elevation (settings: radius 10 cells). (Data source: web service eVode at http://evode.arso.gov.si/indexd022.html?q=node/12, GKOT D48 files: GK544_92, GK 555_92, GK 456_92, GK 454_91, GK 455_91, GK 455_91, GK454_90, GK 455_90 and GK 456_90). 80 On the edge of the known. The quarry landscape at Podpeč the most important activities at Podpeč,13 using the local limestone, dolomite and dolomitised limestone. The importance of the stone for Ljubljana is illus- trated by two wrecks from the Ljubljanica River re- covered not far from Podpeč and related to the trans- port of this stone to the city. One is a log-boat from the 16th or 17th century, loaded with stone and lime, whilst the other is a cargo of stone found scattered over the bottom of the riverbed.14 Podpeč limestone ceased to be used as building material with the intro- duction of reinforced concrete after the First World Figure 5 LiDAR-derived 0.5 m DTM (see Fig. 4) of War,15 but architects continued using it for different the broader Podpeč quarry area. 3D view : 1.5 times height types of revetment and architectural members. Pod- exaggeration, perspective projection, field of view 45°, rotation 197°, tilt 30°, light position horizontal 135°, peč limestone was in widespread use from the late vertical 45° (by E. Lozić). 19th century onwards and enjoyed pride of place in the work of the Slovene architect Jožef Plečnik. It Ivlia Emona (modern Ljubljana) sharing the same set was he who introduced the new fashion for Podpeč of specific characteristics (colour, presence of fos- limestone as a superior decorative stone, largely in sils, especially megalodontids, etc.) with the rock Ljubljana but also elsewhere. identified at Podpeč as well as on the fact that no Podpeč stone was transported to Ljubljana (and pre- other significant outcrops of lithiotid limestone are viously to Emona) via the Ljubljanica River, which was known in the area. It has been widely assumed that its main advantage over potential competition. The later quarrying at Podpeč has destroyed any possible river transport continued until 1953, when it stopped traces of Roman activities, but no archaeological in- and the quay at Špica in Ljubljana was closed. Earlier, vestigations have as yet been conducted at the quarry the main unloading site of Ljubljana was at Breg.16 to either prove or disprove this assumption. The memory of ship building and shipping is still As far as it is known today, post-Roman extraction alive in Podpeč, which owned no less than 30 small in the quarry began at least by the 16th century,11 with transport vessels in the late 17th century.17 Different increased production noted in the Baroque period sources reveal heavy traffic on the Ljubljanica, but when „black marble“ was in vogue.12 In Ljubljana, surprisingly little evidence of this has survived to this this stone was used to make many of the architec- day, as has already been noted above. tural elements in the houses of the secular and ec- There is a hypothesis regarding Roman stone trans- clesiastical dignitaries, as well as in those of contem- port to Emona that is widely accepted by archaeolo- porary merchants. Podpeč limestone was also used gists, first stated by Simon Rutar18 towards the end of as building material. However, it is not yet possible the 19th century and later adopted by Walter Schmid19. to specify the beginning of this use, although there It suggests that the Romans diverted the part of the are indications pointing to the Late Renaissance and Ljubljanica riverbed closest to the Podpeč quarry to Baroque times at least, while the peak dates to the years following the devastating Ljubljana Earthquake of 1895. In this period, lime production was one of 13 For the lime production at Podpeč see Bras 1977. 14 Gaspari, Erič 2007. 15 Mihelič 2002, 19. 11 For the use of the Podpeč stone for the new con- 16 Žargi 2009. structions at Ljubljanski grad (Ljubljana Castle) before 17 Valvasor 1689, 684. 1562 see Vrhovec 1895, 101. 18 Rutar 1892. 12 See Valvasor 1689, 434. 19 Schmid 1913, 67. 81 Bojan Djurić, Luka Gale, Edisa Lozić, Igor Rižnar Figure 6 Section of the Franciscan cadastral maps (Presser and Seedorf cadastral municipalities) showing the situation in Podpeč (Podpezh) in the year 1823. The quarry plots listed in the Protocols are marked in blue. facilitate the transport of heavy loads.20 However, barges, rather than to excavate a channel to the main this hypothesis has serious flaws. It would have been riverbed that was almost 6 km long. If the Romans much easier to use the channel of the nearby stream did indeed divert the river, it was undertaken with (Podpeški potok) to connect the quarry with the Lju- some other goal in mind22 and stone transport was of bljanica,21 and adapt it to accomodate the flat bottom secondary importance. 20 For a summary and state of discussion see Gaspari 1998. 22 Probably military. The river-to-road communication 21 The Krainische Baugesellschaft adapted part of it for between Navportus and Siscia seems a good reason for such ship loading in the 19th century (Denkschrift 1898, 80). a great undertaking. 82 On the edge of the known. The quarry landscape at Podpeč and outbuildings along the road and owned by local farmers;25 whilst a large community-owned quarry lay to the northeast.26 In 1886, the Krainischen Baugesellschaft 27 from Ljublja- na bought the quarry in Podpeč, which had already been active during the time of the construction of the Southern Railway ( Südbahn).28 Not long after this purchase the Baugesellschaft also bought the neigh- bouring quarry of Giovanni Comolli, which was most probably the quarry previously owned by Jože Artač and the point where the large modern quarry began.29 The quarry was nationalised after the Sec- ond World War. In 1952, it became part of the Mar- mor (Ljubljana), company that was incorporated in the Mineral Company (Ljubljana) in 197730 which is Figure 7 Map of the Podpeč quarry, owned in 1898 still its owner. by the Krainische Baugesellschaft, as published on the An intriguing issue for the purposes of this contribu- Übersichtsplan in DENKSCHRIFT 1898. tion is the possible evidence for the location of the Roman quarry. Two indicators are important in this Quarry(land)scape23 respect. The first is the topography of the Podpeč The new LiDAR-derived high-resolution digital ele- vation model of the wider Podpeč quarry area clearly 25 All private quarries are located in the cadastral mu- shows a set of features on the slope and at the foot nicipality Preserje (Gemeinde Presser). From north to of the hill around the main quarry. They are inter- south, the owners are: Artač Jože (Nro. der Parzelle 925, preted here as small private quarries located behind Artazh Giuseppe, Podpezh 16, quad. Klafter 113.99 = 409.79 m2); Turk Georg (Nro. der Parzelle 929, Turk the houses along the foothills and as traces of stone Giorgio, Podpezh 15, quad. Klafter 90.24 = 423.41 m2); extraction in small quarries on the slopes interlinked Svete Jože (Nro. der Parzelle 930, Svete Giuseppe, Pod- with paths. This landscape has formed through the pezh 24, quad. Klafter 33 = 118.64 m2); Vodoničar Jože (Nro. der Parzelle 964, Votonizhar Giuseppe, Podpezh 14, ages as the result of closely related extraction activ- quad. Klafter 37.95 = 136.43 m2); Šenk Tomaž (Nro. der ities of varying intensity. It is a landscape that may Parzelle 963, Shenk Thomaso, Podpezh 13, quad. Klafter rightly be called a „quarryscape“. In order to attempt 46.55 = 167.35 m2); Makovc Lovrenc (Nro. der Parzelle 960, Makouz Lorenzo, Podpezh 11, quad. Klafter 69.35 = to understand it, an integrated approach using his- 249.31 m2); Artač Gašper (Nro. der Parzelle 952, Artazh torical, archaeological, geological and other data was Gasparro, Podpezh 4, quad. Klafter 80.60 = 289.76 m2); applied. Šušteršič Jože (Nro. der Parzelle 948, Podpezh 4, quad. Klafter 31.18 = 112.09 m2). The beginnings of the extensive modern quarry- 26 In the cadastral municipality Jezero (Gemeinde See- ing along the foothill can best be understood from dorf), belonging to the Ortschaft Podpeč (Nro. der Parzel- the Franciscan cadastral maps with their Protocols le 382, Joche 1, quad. Klafter 1457 = 10,989.92 m2). 27 The construction company was called Kranjska stavb- (lists of plots and owners) that reveal the situation na družba in Slovene; founded in 1873. in 1823.24 The maps show a number of quite small 28 Denkschrift 1898, 7. private quarries at Podpeč, situated behind houses 29 In 1823, plot no. 924 (Presser) where the central part of the modern Podpeč quarry lies was owned by Artač Jože. It is not clear which part of it later belonged to the 23 For the concept of a quarry landscape see Heldal so-called „Knez pruh“ which was the quarry bought by the 2009. Krainischen Baugesellschaft according to Ramovš 2000. 24 For the first cadastral maps see Goleč 2010. 30 D. J. 1986. 83 Bojan Djurić, Luka Gale, Edisa Lozić, Igor Rižnar Figure 8 Digital elevation model (DEM by D. Mlekuž) of the Sv. Ana hill with the quarrying areas (blue) interlinked with paths (brown) and agricultural areas (green). village.31 The houses of the village are mainly built 1850 and 1857.33 In this period, enormous quan- parallel to the foot of the hill with the exception of tities of dressed stone and rubble for hardcore, two early houses in the northern part (Artač and but also lime were needed for the rail embankment Svete), which lie at a right angle to this line, indicat- and its foundations (690,000 m3) and for the vari- ing the existence a large cut in the slope at the time ous bridges in the Ljubljansko barje alone. To meet of their construction. It is posited here that this is these needs, additional quarries were opened in the the most likely area to seek Roman quarrying traces. vicinity of the railway (Notranje gorice and Žalost- The second indicator is provided by the specific ge- na gora in 1851).34 ological situation, as the subvertical south-oriented Quarries along the lower slopes of Sv. Ana in Pod- bedding of relatively thin and lithologically differ- peč and Jezero were opened at roughly the same ent layers with an east-west trend permits attempts altitude as the road and only rarely at higher loca- to locate the layers from which the stone was ex- tions. The largest of them was organised in quarry tracted for the Roman products, now in various mu- terraces with the debris being dumped in the nearby seum collections. marshes where it sank.35 Other productive areas on the slopes of Sv. Ana In the 19th century and later, several new extraction were probably opened after the 1895 Ljubljana areas were opened on the steep slopes at behind the Earthquake32 and the period of the construction of the Vienna – Trieste Railway, or more precisely, its Ljubljana – Trieste section that was built between 33 Mohorič 1968; Brilej 1999, 64. 34 Brilej 1999, 64. In Podpeč, the old communal quarry (Ortschaft Podpezh) was probably used for this purpose 31 See Franciscan cadastral maps for the cadastral mu- as one may deduce from the report of the Krainischen nicipalities Presser and Seedorf. Baugesellschaft (Denkschrift 1898). 32 See Denkschrift 1898. 35 See Denkschrift 1898, 79. 84 On the edge of the known. The quarry landscape at Podpeč Figure 9 Western quarry terrace of the 350 m long Figure 10 Traces of holes made by hand plug drills trench cut into the layer of grey oolitic limestone, surveyed in (photo B. Djurić). 2015 (photo B. Djurić). houses in Podpeč and higher up the slope.36 These der cartridges made with hand plug drills, as well as extraction areas were accessed via a side road lead- traces of the horizontal extraction of stone slabs. ing to Preserje to the south of the Šušteršič quar- The westernmost section of the trench surveyed ry.37 A series of paths, areas of surface quarrying in 201539 shows a typically opportunistic quarrying and small quarries with traces of hand drilled holes approach using natural cracks for easier stone ex- have been documented here, with heaps of small traction. stone blocks left along the paths. Neither the local nor the professional communi- Other extraction areas have been documented on ties have as yet recognised the integrity of the de- the slopes behind and to the west of the main scribed quarry landscape on the slopes and at the quarry.38 One of the most impressive extraction foot of the Sv. Ana hill. It is a typical productive traces on the slopes of Sv. Ana is a circa 350 m long, landscape created by the needs of an urban cen- 5–6 m wide and 2–4 m deep trench with at least tre (Ljubljana), of which a single aspect, that of its 6 quarry terraces, located immediately above the geology, is stressed to the detriment of all other main quarry. It was cut with respect to the subver- aspects. To the contrary, we believe that the whole tical rock bedding in an east-west direction into a of the quarried area at Sv. Ana should be treated as thick layer of grey oolitic limestone. In it, there are a specific cultural landscape, a quarryscape, with its extraction traces in the form of holes for gunpow- own cultural heritage status and management plan. 36 All of the quarries in the nearby Jezero area were opened in this period. 37 Today the house at Podpeč 26. 39 The team consisted of Bojan Djurić, Luka Gale, 38 Cadastral map Preserje, cadastral maps 384/1, Edisa Lozić, Primož Miklavc, Špela Okršlar and Gašper 385/1, 924/1, 1021/24, 27, 28. Rutar. 85 Bojan Djurić, Luka Gale, Edisa Lozić, Igor Rižnar Figure 11 3D model generated using SfM (structure from motion) of the western quarry terrace of the trench cut in the east-west direction above the main Podpeč quarry (by G. Rutar). 86 On the edge of the known. The quarry landscape at Podpeč Bibliography Slovenskem: zgodovinski uvod. – In: Zgodnja industrijska ar- hitektura na Slovenskem: vodnik po arhitekturi, Ljubljana, 5–26. BRAS, L. 1977, Apnenice v Podpeči pod Krimom. – Slo- MOHORIČ, I. 1968, Zgodovina železnic na Slovenskem. – venski etnograf 30, 75–91. Ljubljana. BRILEJ, M. 1999, 150 let železnice od Celja do Ljubljane RAMOVŠ, A. 2000, Podpeški in črni pisani lesnobrdski apnenec 1894–1999. – Litija. skozi čas. – Ljubljana. 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(eds.), Global heritage stone: towards international recognition of building dr. Igor Rižnar and ornamental stones. Special Publication of the Geological Geološke ekspertize Society of London, 219–231. Ulica bratov Martinec 40 KREČIČ, P. 1993, Plečnik: The Complete Works. – New York. SI-1000 Ljubljana MIHELIČ, B. 2002, Zgodnja industrijska arhitektura na igor.riznar@telemach.si 87 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk A volcanic eruption around AD 180 and its archaeological evidence Izbruh vulkana okoli leta 180 n. št. in arheološki dokazi Heinrich Zabehlicky, Wolfgang Vetters Izvleček: Niz arheoloških dokazov iz druge polovice 2. stoletja in začetka 3. stoletja iz Evrope, Azije in Afrike, kaže na pos- labšanje podnebnih razmer (povečanje vlažnosti, poslabšanje vremena in dvig vodne gladine). V isti čas sodijo tudi politične in vojaške spremembe v rimskem cesarstvu ter nekateri s historičnimi viri dokazani dogodki na Kitajskem in nepravilnosti v ledeni skorji na Grenlandiji. Izbruh vulkana je lahko eden izmed vzrokov za krizo v tretjem stoletju. Ključne besede: klimatska katastrofa, vulkan Taupo, ogrevanje, kašče, vojaška uniforma, mejna politika, kriza 3. stoletja Abstract: A series of archaeological evidences in Europe, Asia and Africa hint on increasing humidity, bad weather and rising ground water levels, to be dated to the second half of the 2nd and beginning of the 3rd centuries. Also changes in the political and military Roman history as well as some recorded events in China and anomalies in the ice-cores of Green- land fit to that presumed climatic phenomenon. The geological answer to the suspicion of a climatic deterioration was the eruption of the Taupo volcano on the North Island of New Zealand, which caused a climatic effect for a period of circa 50 years. This can be considered as one of the many reasons which caused the „crisis“ of the 3rd century. Key words: Climatic catastrophe, Taupo volcano, heating, granaries, military uniform, frontier policy, 3rd century crisis The topic of archaeological evidence that could be factors. Short-term shifts are often caused by geo- explained by climatic deterioration, caused by a vol- genic factors in the atmosphere and the stratosphere, canic eruption, has been discussed by the authors such as: several times (see the bibliography at the end). 1. percentage of aerosols (e.g. sulphur), This paper thus seeks to bring this to the attention 2. dust or ash particles, of more researchers, in order that they may seek 3. water vapour. similar evidences in their own fields of activity. Violent and explosive volcanic eruptions produce a The research started with archaeological evidence great amount of dust and gas in the atmosphere. The that hinted at increasing humidity, bad weather and retention period of volcanic products in the atmos- rising ground water levels, which could be dated phere is crucial for the shifts of irradiation and there- to the second half of the 2nd and beginning of the fore for the climate. The local climate, the height of the 3rd centuries AD. The archaeologist Heinrich Za- eruption and the chemical and petrographic composi- behlicky and the geologist Wolfgang Vetters have tion of the eruption cloud are also important factors. sought to find an explanation for these changes. The Taupo volcano is situated in the centre of the The geological answer to suspicions of deteriora- North Island of New Zealand. Its caldera is now tion in the climate was the eruption of the Taupo marked by a lake with an area of 624 sq kms. Thick volcano on the North Island of New Zealand. The pumice deposits in an area of over 1,000 sq kms results are summarized as follows. testify to that violent explosion. The event is dated In general the climate is determined by solar radiation, by various methods of age determination to about whose long-term shifts are caused by astronomical AD 180. Anomalous ash layers dating to this period 89 Heinrich Zabehlicky, Wolfgang Vetters Figure 1 Worldwide effects of the eruption of the volcano Taupo. are even recognizable in ice cores from Greenland. be recognisable in the archaeological record, although On the basis of the petrographic and chemical com- one has to accept that the reasons for these changes position of the pyroclastic materials, the Taupo erup- would have been unknown to the Romans and that tion can be equated with that of the Tambora volca- they kept no weather statistics as far as it is known. no in 1815. This eruption on Sumbawa island in the Thus otherwise unexplained changes on military sites Little Sunda Islands (Indonesia) had similar dimen- and in civil settlements and, for instance, the spread sions in respect of volume and its chemical compo- of heated rooms, might have been reactions to this sition is also comparable. The eruption of 1815 was period of bad weather. documented and interpreted in numerous climatic The relocation of settlements to higher and drier observations in America and Europe. Climatic charts places are examples of this. In Austria, north of the of the following years provide a characteristic picture Danube, a Germanic settlement, was first secured by of weather deterioration. A remarkable drop in the a flood protection wall after the Marcomannic wars summer temperatures and the resulting annual val- (AD 163–180), but then totally abandoned in the ue occurred in 1816. This year was called the „year first half of the 3rd century AD. Other settlements in without summer“ and the regular summer average Germania Libera were transferred to higher altitudes, was not regained until 1840. The 25 years from 1815 both in Lower Austria and northern Slovakia. The to 1840, by which time the temperature had recov- continued occupation of the settlement at Feddersen ered, fell within a period of generally increasing Wierde (Germany) also had to be secured by increasing temperatures. In contrast, the 2nd century AD marks its altitude. The use of locations at a greater altitude the beginning of a period of declining warmth after increased more rapidly during the second half of the a maximum at circa AD 100, which became cooler by 2nd century AD. Within the Imperium Romanum the le- the medieval period. Thus the climatic effect of the gionary camp near Albing (Austria) was under con- Taupo eruption could have lasted longer and may be struction in AD 175, when the legio II Italica left for a estimated to have lasted for approximately 50 years. campaign, but after its return the camp was re-built Some reaction to this period of some decades should some few miles distant at Lauriacum (Lorch), on a site 90 A volcanic eruption around AD 180 and its archaeological evidence at a greater altitude probably in AD 191. The camp Some further observations can be considered on of the legio III Italica at Abusina (Eining) (Germany) the basis of the literary sources. The emperor Com- was never used and could have been abandoned for modus (AD 180–192) was not well reputed by the the same reason. historians, thus these sources (Historia Augusta) are Building measures, adopted as a conse- not highly regarded. During his reign some omina and quence of worsening, wetter and colder portenta are reported such as „hairy stars“ at night and weather, could be proved in some examples: caligo (fog) during the day. Both phenomena may be Whereas only baths were heated regular- explained by an unusual amount of dust in the air. On ly in the 1st and earlier 2nd centuries AD, from the other hand, the policy of the respected emperor the end of the 2nd century AD onwards liv- and military leader Septimius Severus seems to be ing rooms in private houses were also heated, inconsistent: the province Mesopotamia was newly sometimes by underfloor heating that was in- established and other provinces were reorganized in stalled subsequently in pre-existing living rooms. the desert areas of the East. The province of Africa Heating systems were even installed in the climat- was expanded into the pre-desert and limitanei settled ically favoured Mediterranean area, e.g. in Ephesus. in fortified farms in regions, where the soil was suit- Here the processional way from the city to the Arte- able for agriculture, if only enough water was pro- misium was covered in circa AD 185 at the expense vided. On the other hand, an expedition took place of the donor T. Flavius Damianos, a wealthy citizen around the island in Britannia, but the border was fi- of Ephesus and a Roman knight. His biographer nal y withdrawn to the line of Hadrian’s Wall and the Philostratos relates that he had erected this hall for region between it and the northern line of the Anto- the purpose that „the goddess should not lose her nine Wall was abandoned. This development is more devotees when it rains“. In the absence of Ancient consistent if a colder and wetter climate is assumed. weather reports it is hardly possible to get closer to Thus on the one hand the advance into desert are- this phenomenon in the written historic tradition. as that could become fertile under these conditions Originally only wooden granaries were equipped can be explained; whilst on the other hand condi- with a raised floor. However, new masonry horrea tions would favour the holding or conquest of poor also included suspensurae from the Antonine/Sever- regions such as the north of Britain, which had to be an period onwards. An increased moisture content supplied with imported food. of the soil, caused by higher amounts of precipita- The climatic effect of this enormous eruption should tion, might explain this change. The same reason be expected to be worldwide in scale. Indeed blood- might lie behind the replacement of the wooden red sunrises and sunsets were observed in China in palisade by a stone wall on the Upper-German this period and famine led to the revolts that resulted Raetian limes. in the overthrow of the Han Dynasty. The uniform of the Roman soldiers was reformed The „change of the Roman world“ or the „crisis and unified in the reign of Caracalla. The change during the 3rd century“ surely can not only be ex- from the short-sleeved tunica to the tunica manicata plained by the climatic change mentioned above. with long sleeves and the use of trousers as well as However, this climatic change can be understood as the longer sagum as a coat all surely point to a trend one contributing factor among many others. towards warmer clothing. 91 Heinrich Zabehlicky, Wolfgang Vetters Previous and more elaborate VETTERS, W. and H. ZABEHLICKY 2003, Der lange publications on the topic: Winter der Römer. – In: H. Ristedt (eds.), Klimavariabilität, 6. Deutsche Klimatagung, 22.–25. September 2003, Potsdam, KANDLER, M., W. VETTERS and H. ZABEHLICKY Terra Nostra, Schriften der Alfred Wegener Stiftung 2003.6, Ber- 1995, Fragile Towns in the North of the ancient Roman lin, 453 – 455. Empire. A geo-ecological impact for the last quarter of VETTERS, W. and H. ZABEHLICKY 2004, Eine Kli- the 2nd A.D. and earthquakes. – In: V. Cotecchia (eds.), La makatastrophe um 200 n.Chr. und ihre archäologische Nach- città fragile in Italia. Incidenze geologiche, idrogeologiche e geotecniche weisbarkeit. – Forum Archaeologiae 30/III/2004 (http:// sulla evoluzione di insediamenti del passato e sulla conservazione del farch.net). patrimonio artistico e culturale, Atti primo convegno del gruppo na- ZABEHLICKY, H. 1994, Kriegs- oder Klimafolgen in zionale di geologia applicata Giardini Naxos (ME) 11–15 giugno archäologischen Befunden? – In: H. Friesinger, J. Tejral 1995, Geologia Applicata e Idrogeologia 30, 561 – 568. and A. Stuppner (eds.), Markomannenkriege. Ursachen und VETTERS, W. 1994, Der Taupo und das Klima um 200 Wirkungen, Spisy Archeologického Ústavu AV ČR Brno 1, A.D. in Europa. – In: H. Friesinger, J. Tejral and A. Stuppner Brno, 463 – 469. (eds.), Markomannenkriege – Ursachen und Wirkungen, Spisy Ar- ZABEHLICKY, H. and W. VETTERS 2004, A climatic cheologického Ústavu AV ČR Brno 1, Brno, 457 – 461. disaster around 200 A.D. and its archeological evidence. VETTERS, W. and H. ZABEHLICKY 2001, Eine Kli- – In: Proceedings of International Symposium on Earth System makatastrophe um 200 n. Chr. und ihre archäologisch-his- Sciences 2004 Istanbul – Turkey, Istanbul, 151 – 156. torische Nachweisbarkeit. – In: M. Frey and N. Hanel (eds.), Archäologie – Naturwissenschaften – Umwelt. Beiträge der Arbeitsgemeinschaft „Römische Archäologie“ auf dem 3. Deutschen dr. Heinrich Zabehlicky Archäologenkongreß in Heidelberg, BAR International Series 929, Michelbeuerngasse 3/8 Oxford, 9–12. AT-1090 Wien VETTERS, W. and H. ZABEHLICKY 2002, The north- heinrich.zabehlicky@gmail.com ern, southern and eastern frontiers and the climate circa AD 200. – In: P. Freeman, J. Bennett, Z. T. Fiema and B. dr. Wolfgang Vetters Hoffmann (eds.), Limes XVIII. Proceedings of the XVIIIth Flurweg 3 International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies held in Am- AT-5020 Salzburg-Morzg man, Jordan (September 2000), Vol. I, BAR International Series wolfgang.vetters@sbg.ac.at 1084(I), 67 – 70. 92 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Municipium Claudium Aguntum – Excavations in the City Centre (2006-2015) Municipium Claudium Aguntum – Izkopavanja v mestnem središču (2006-2015) Martin Auer Izvleček: V zadnjih letih je bil z izkopavanji v Aguntu (izvajal jih je Inštitut za arheologijo Univerze v Insbrucku, vodja raziskave je bil prof. dr. Michael Tschurtschenthaler) raziskan rimskodobni administrativni in trgovski center mesta. Obsežnejša izkopavanja, ob katerih je bila odkrita pokrita tržnica ( macellum), so se začela leta 2006. Tržnica, pravilnih ge- ometrijskih oblik, je edinstvena v severozahodnem delu imperija. Podobne zgradbe najdemo predvsem v Italiji in severni Afriki. Med leti 2008 in 2010 je bil na vzhodnem delu tržnice raziskan tudi forum. Glede na stratigrafijo in odkrite drob- ne najdbe lahko gradnjo foruma postavimo v klavdijski čas, medtem ko je bila tržnica postavljena skoraj 100 let zatem, torej v 2. stoletju. Tako tržnica kot forum pa sta bila sredini 3. stoletja uničena v požaru. Po požaru izgubita vlogo javnih stavb. Kljub nekaj poskusom obnove so na tem mestu v drugi polovici 3. in 4. stoletju postavljene stanovanjske zgradbe in delavnice za obdelovanje kovine in kamene strele. Poselitev je izpričana najmanj do 5. stoletja, kasneje pa je bilo na območju rimskega središča mesta pokopališče. Ključne besede: Norik, Agunt, središče mesta, forum, tržnica ( macellum). Abstract: The excavations in the Roman Municipium Claudium Aguntum (conducted by the Institut für Archäologien, Universität Innsbruck; head of excavations: Prof. Dr. Michael Tschurtschenthaler) concentrated on the centre of the city in recent years. After some preliminary work in the 1990s a large-area excavation started in 2006 with the unearthing of the Macellum. The geometrically accurate shape of this building is unique in the northwestern Empire. The best parallels for it can be found in Italy and Northern Africa. Excavations in the area east of the Macellum started in 2008 and by 2010 it became clear that the Forum was located in this area. The stratigraphy and associated small finds point to a Claudian date for the construction of the Forum. However the Macellum was built almost 100 years later during the 2nd century. Both buildings were in use at least until the mid of the 3rd century, when the greater part of the Forum was destroyed by fire and as was presumably the Macellum. After some attempts at reconstruction and a partial reuse of the Forum area in the 3rd century, private buildings and work spaces occupied the city center during the 4th century. The last occupation phase continued until the 5th century at least; the ruins of the city centre later being used as a cemetery. Key Words: Noricum, Aguntum, City Centre, Forum, Macellum. Archaeological fieldwork in the area of the Roman the First World War and the ensuing economic crises. Municipium Claudium Aguntum started in the early The archaeologist Erich Swoboda3 continued the ex- 20th century. This early work was undertaken by the cavations from 1931 to 1935 due the planned con- Franciscan Innozenz Ploner1 and the archaeologist struction of the B100 transit route. He excavated the Rudolf Egger2 who worked in separate areas during city gate and some buildings on the eastern side of different periods of the year. Parts of the city walls the gate. The Second World War again stopped the (Ploner) and an Early Christian church (Egger) had exploration of Aguntum, but the Austrian Institute been revealed by 1913, but the work stopped due to for Archaeology (öAI) conducted several excavation 1 Ploner 1912. 2 Egger 1914; Egger 1916. 3 Swoboda 1935. 93 Martin Auer Figure 1 General Plan of Municipium Claudium Aguntum (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). campaigns in Aguntum from the 1950s onwards. Franz quarter10 and then on the so- called „Prunkbau“ Miltner4, Wilhelm Alzinger5, Stefan Karwiese6 and where excavation had already started under the di- Gerhard Langmann7 worked on the city walls, the rection of Wilhelm Alzinger.11 The city centre was Thermae, the Atrium House and the so-called Arti- the focus of the excavations when the „Prunkbau“, sans’ quarter/Residential quarter (ger. Handwerkervi- interpreted as part of the Basilica of Aguntum, was ertel / Wohnviertel). examined. However, this work had to stop due to the In 1991 the Institute for Archaeologies (former In- re-planning of the main road transit route in the East- stitute for Classical and Roman Provincial Archae- ern Tyrol (B 100), which passes through the Roman ology) of the University of Innsbruck started exca- city. Excavations along the projected line of this road vations in Aguntum. The excavations were directed were a prority in 1994 and 1995.12 The central part of by Elisabeth Walde from 1991 to 20078 and from the „Atriumhaus“ was uncovered during these exca- 2008 onwards by Michael Tschurtschenthaler (who vations. Archaeological activity concentrated on the acted as site supervisor from 1991 to 2007).9 In the „Atriumhaus“ and its surroundings in the following first years’ work continued in the areas investigated years, because of the presence of rich archaeological by the previous excavators. This meant that excava- remains, including a peristyle with a basin covered by tion continued on „Haus 1“ as part of the Artisans’ large marble plates ( Fig. 2).13 4 Miltner 1953; Miltner 1955. 5 Alziner 1959; Alziner 1994 with bibliography listing 10 Klimesch 1995; Tschurtschenthaler, Walde 1993; all excavation reports. Tschurtschenthaler 1994. 6 Karwiese 1974; Karwiese 1975. 11 Tschurtschenthaler, Walde 1993; Tschurtschenthaler 7 Langmann 1971. 1994. 8 Walde 2002. 12 Tschurtschenthaler 1997. 9 Tschurtschenthaler, Auer 2013a with bibliography. 13 Tschurtschenthaler 2005 with bibliography. 94 Municipium Claudium Aguntum – Excavations in the City Centre (2006-2015) Figure 2 The Atrium House and the water basin (right) (= 213 on the plan) (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). The excavations in this part of the city lasted un- located on the alluvial cone of the river Debant, which til 2006, but a return to excavation in the city cen- deposited a large amount of debris over the ruins tre was always planned. Initially geophysical survey after the Roman city centre was abandoned. Thus was conducted in the area of interest. However the Roman structures lie under up to 3 m of alluvi- these methods did not provide clear results due to al material, which contains large quantities of stone the geomorphology in Aguntum. The Roman city is ( Fig. 3). These are of the same material as that used Figure 3 The location of Aguntum on an alluvial cone formed by the river Debant (1, 2). Alluvial material above the western wall of Room 290 (Forum) (3) (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). 95 Martin Auer Figure 4 The trial trench (left) and structures in the area of the so called „Waldschnitt“ (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). Figure 5 The Macellum before (left) and after (right) the removal of the collapse debris (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). as building material in the Roman period. This makes In 2006 excavations in the westernmost part of the the interpretation of the geophysical survey very dif- supposed city centre began with the intention of ficult.14 Thus it was decided to explore the city centre exploring the building containing the circular walls. by means of a traditional trial trench, in 2000 ( Fig. 4). After the removal of the latest Roman deposits, the This method permitted the discovery of several struc- outline of the building was revealed. It was a square tures in the region of interest. In addition to other fea- structure (18.5 m × 18.5 m) with an internal circu- tures, a circular wall in the west of the trench was of lar walled area (internal diameter 17 m), which was particular interest.15 already visible in the collapse ( Fig. 5). The circular area itself is divided into 10 sections; each of these 14 Auer et al. 2013. sections is 3 m wide and covers an area of about 15 Tschurtschenthaler 2001. 96 Municipium Claudium Aguntum – Excavations in the City Centre (2006-2015) Figure 6 The Macellum after final cleaning. Note the water channel (presumable using a lead-pipe), which leads from the Sacellum to a pit in the middle of the building (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). 14 m2. The height of the dividing walls clearly Sacellum, which is suggested the presence of a wa- decreases towards the centre of the circular area. ter channel leading from this section to the middle During the excavation this led to a interim interpre- of the central circular area ( Fig. 6). A pit ( circa 2 m tation of it being similar to a Comitium or possibly a wide, 1.5 m deep), was discovered here. It is highly small theatre, because only the northern part of the likely that this was the site of a basin,18 although it building could be excavated in 2006. However it be- was no longer extant. This is, possibly because it came clear after the building was excavated in more was made of a reusable material such as marble or detail that the sections are paved with lime mortar some type of metal. and the central circular area is floored with a flag- This discovery led to the question for further exca- stone pavement. The main entrance of the building vations in Aguntum to answer of whether the whole was on the southern side with a secondary entrance city centre could be similar to city centres in towns on the northeastern side. Some of the sections were in Italy. If this were so, then it would be very likely connected via small entrances. This means that it that the Forum would be situated next to the Ma- could be neither a Comitium nor a theatre. Analogies cellum. The layout of the city centre with the Ther- with buildings in, for example, Italy, suggest that it is mae situated to the north and the possible, partially a Macellum.16 The careful construction is clearly based excavated Basilica „Prunkbau “ to the south of the on models in Italy, most probable in Aquileia,17 which so-called Decumanus Primus Sinister made it highly was well connected with southern Noricum. The op-probable, that the Forum would be situated in the posite entrance in the north may have contained a so-far unexcavated area to the east of the Macellum. 16 Tschurtschenthaler 2006; Tschurtschenthaler 2007. 18 Similar to better preserved examples of Macella in 17 For a similar building in Aquileia see: Bertacchi Northern Africa suggest – for an overview: de Ruyt 1983; 2003, 38. Hamdoune 2009. 97 Martin Auer Figure 7 The southern rooms of the Forum near the Figure 8 The Niche Oven (Ger. Nischenofen) in rebuilt Macellum (the building was rebuilt approximately 0,5 Room 276 (Forum) (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für m above the original structures in order to better preserve the Archäologien, FB Aguntum). original) (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, room ( circa 45 m2) on this side is also paved with FB Aguntum). lime mortar and shows traces of wall paintings. In 2008 the team began to explore the rectangular A corridor (3 m wide) that encircles the central buildings located by the trial trench. Work was initial- square (1,100 m2) is located in front of these rooms, ly concentrated on the so-called Decumanus Maximus ( Fig. 9). No buildings have been located on the cen- and cleared the southern edge of the building to the tral square so far, notwithstanding the interpreta- east of the Macellum.19 In the following years excava- tion of the geophysical survey that was carried out tion of the southern rooms of the possible Forum in 2011.23 took place. These exhibited a very uniform plan20 The data that has been obtained through the exam- ( Fig. 7). In addition to a single large central room ( cir- ination of the wall foundations in different parts of ca 75 m2), furnished with the remains of wall paint- the Forum illuminates the process of Roman town ings and a lime mortar floor, all of the small rooms planning in Aguntum. The foundations reach to a are about the same size ( circa 15 m2), are furnished depth of circa 1.5 m beneath the floor levels in the with clay floors and heated with so-called „niche ov- southern part of the Forum, whereas the founda- ens“ (ger. Nischenöfen) ( Fig. 8). The hearths in front tions only reach a depth of circa 0.3 m beneath the of the niches were stone or tile-built and were refur- floor levels in the northern part of the Forum. The bished several times. The small niche itself did not composition of the layers also shows that the north- serve as a chimney, but was perhaps used to keep the ern part of the Forum is built directly on the natu- fire going overnight. Thus these small rooms can be ral subsoil, whilst a lot of material containing some interpreted as accommodation. The eastern part of of the earliest small finds has been used as make-up the Forum21 exhibits a similar layout.22 The central layers to raise and level the area. Thus the ground surface in the entire Forum area has been raised and levelled to create an almost completely flat surface 19 Tschurtschenthaler 2008, Tschurtschenthaler 2009. 20 Tschurtschenthaler, Auer 2010; Tschurtschenthaler, (a slope of about 1.6 % still remains24) ( Fig. 10). This Auer 2011. data provides good evidence that the area of the later 21 Tschurtschenthaler, Auer 2012; Tschurtschenthaler, Auer 2013b. 22 One difference to the Southern wing is a small cellar 23 Auer et al. 2013. (= Room 285) which was built in the north of the Eastern 24 This is also true for other parts of the city, where the wing, next to Room 284. This feature has been used in the same „overall – slope“ can be reconstructed – see Auer first two centuries AD. 2008. 98 Municipium Claudium Aguntum – Excavations in the City Centre (2006-2015) Figure 9 General Plan of Macellum and Forum (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). Figure 10 Schematic illustration of the make up layers, which were necessary to level the ground (above). The material was removed in the north of the Forum area, where the foundations of the walls reach a depth of 0.3 m, measured from the Roman floor level (lower right). The material was dumped in the southern part of the Forum (lower left), which results in wall foundations that are up up to 1.5 m in depth (measured from the Roman floor level) (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). 99 Martin Auer Figure 11 The child graves found in Room 284 (Forum) are indicated by blue dots. The skeletal remains (right) belong to feature 2088 (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum / Mag. Marlies Steinhauser). Roman city required terracing as a prerequisite to the commencement of construction. This also explains the irregular (non- orthogonal) street plan of Agun- tum to some extent. The northern wing of the Forum revealed a com- pletely different layout in comparison to the south- ern and eastern wings.25 A single large room with an area of circa 250 m2 is located in the northeast. This room did not show any trace of a distinct floor apart from a partly preserved layer of clay that may be in- Figure 12 A pit filled with ash, and burnt bone (2045) terpreted as a former floor level. Room 284 exhibits with the oil lamp found in the fill (Universität Innsbruck, several building phases, indicating that the room had Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). an entrance on the northern side in the earliest phase of the Forum. Three graves of very young children (under 4 months old) also belong to this phase and are located along the northern wall of Room 284 in the area of the former entrance ( Fig. 11). A third pit, filled with cremated bone with an associated lamp,26 was interpreted as a child grave during the excavation ( Fig. 12), but a preliminary analyses of the skeletal material shows, that this pit only contained bones Figure 14 The stone lined pit in the northeastern corner of Room 284 (see Fig. 13) (Universität Innsbruck, Institut 25 Tschurtschenthaler, Auer 2013b; Tschurtschentha- für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). ler, Auer 2014; Tschurtschenthaler, Auer 2015a. 26 Type Loeschcke VI b; for similar decorations see: Di Filippo Balestrazzi 1988, No. 524, 526, 528, 531–536, 538. 100 Municipium Claudium Aguntum – Excavations in the City Centre (2006-2015) Figure 13 The location (blue dot) and photographs of theclay coated upper surface (1) and cross section of the circular tile structure revealing the stone base (2) (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). Figure 15 The location of the Rock Crystal deposits in Room 287 (left) and a photograph of one layer of Deposit 1 (right) (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). from several animals.27 The interpretation of this fea- ture of roof tiles and stones ( circa 1.5 m in diameter) ture remains open, but it seems highly likely that the hat was filled and coated with very hard, unburnt pit is connected with either the child graves or with clay ( Fig. 13). This feature is also located near the some kind of sacrifice in context of the commence- former northern entrance, but its precise function ment of construction in the area of the Forum. The remains unknown. The second feature is a stone- function of another two features in the first building lined pit ( Fig. 14), which did not contain any material phase is also obscure. The first one is a circular struc- suitable for the interpretation of its use. The room was rebuilt during the 2nd century and a new entrance 27 For the preliminary analysis of the skeletons was constructed on the eastern side. An L-shaped and bone remains we thank Mag. Marlies Steinhauser corridor was excavated (Room 287–288) in the west- very much. 101 Martin Auer Figure 16 Examples of rock crystals from Deposit 1(Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). Figure 17 Examples of ash/charcoal layers and burnt floors in the Forum – Room 281 (left) and Room 263 (right) (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). Figure 18 Plan of Room 289 (light to dark red = pottery; brown = iron; green = grain; light green = bronze; light blue= glass; dark blue = azurite; orange = stone) (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). 102 Municipium Claudium Aguntum – Excavations in the City Centre (2006-2015) Figure 19 Barley grain from Room 289 (above left) and Radiocarbon-dating data sheet (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum / BETA Analytic Radiocarbon Dating Laboratory). ern part of Room 284. Excavation has not yet been ty of the crystals is characterised as very good.28 It completed in the area, but the eastern part of the is posited that the trade in raw materials from the corridor (Room 287) has already yielded two exciting mountains around Aguntum was a very important deposits of rock crystal ( Fig. 15). Deposit 1 dates to economic factor for the Roman town. Rock crystals the 1st century and contains more than 70 fragmented were being traded in Aguntum at least until the third rock crystals, which range in size from 5 to 20 cm century, as is borne out by Deposit 2. A large number ( Fig. 16). It is highly likely that this deposit, composed of the rock crystals in this deposit exhibit fire dam- primarily of the uppermost parts of the crystals age. This provides evidence of an important event alone, represents the remains of material, which was not suitable for further use, even though the quali- 28 Thanks to the initiative of Prof. Dr. Harald Stad- ler (Head of the Institute for Archaeologies at the Inns- bruck University) it was possible to conduct a preliminary analysis of the better preserved rock crystals by Dr. Georg Kandutsch. According to the analysis the Rock Crystals originate from Eastern Tyrol (Innergschlöß, Kals, Venedi- ger, Virgental) and Carinthia (Fleißtal Region). 103 Martin Auer Figure 20 Layer of crushed roof tile (above) and cross Figure 21 Late Roman heating channel and section of the layer (below) in Room 270 (Universität corresponding hearth in Room 283 / 285 (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). in the centre of Aguntum, namely a destructive fire, traces of which have been found in almost all of the Forum Rooms ( Fig. 17). There is particularly good dating evidence for this destruction by fire in Room 289, to the west of the L-shaped corridor. This room may have been used as a storage room at the time of the fire, as is indicated by the heterogeneity of the excavated finds. It does not seem to have been cleaned out in the aftermath. Glass vessels, pottery, including amphorae partly filled with Azuritegrains, Samian ware and locally produced vessels, bronze and iron artefacts, stone weights and pumice stones formed the assemblage in this room. This is also true of the remains of wooden barrels, that were filled with burnt barley ( Fig. 18). The relative chronolo- gy of the range of finds from the Forum area as a whole and the radiocarbon dates of the burnt barley ( Fig. 19) point to a mid 3rd century date for this de- structive fire. The building was only partly reused after the destruc- tion of the Forum. A layer of crushed roof tiles indi- cates that the entrance in the south, which had been renewed in the 2nd century, was reopened shortly af- ter the fire ( Fig. 20). This layer continues in direction of the unexcavated western wing and the unexcavat- Figure 22 Hearth (1) with the remains of steeply sloping channels (2, 3) in the western part of Room 284 (above). ed central square of the Forum. No trace of activity Detail of the hearth (below) (Universität Innsbruck, Institut later than the 3rd century has been revealed to the für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). east of the entrance. The same is true of the major 104 Municipium Claudium Aguntum – Excavations in the City Centre (2006-2015) Figure 23 The Late Roman pits and post holes (blue) in the Macellum (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). part of the eastern wing of the Forum. Most of the of Room 284 ( Fig. 22). The steeply incline of the rooms were covered by collapsed masonry and rub- channels and several pits filled with iron slag in the ble. There are traces of Late Roman activity towards same room suggest that it may be interpreted as a the north of the building. A Y-shaped heating chan- Late Roman metal processing workshop or smelter. nel, typical for the 4th and 5th century in the region, This evidence suggests that it is highly likely that the has been discovered above the former Rooms 283 Forum lost its public function after its destruction and 285 ( Fig. 21). This indicates the utilization of this by fire. The period immediately after the fire cannot area as a domestic building. A hearth with connected be clearly characterized at the moment, as the crucial Y-shaped channel is also located in the western part sections of the Forum for this period, the western 105 Martin Auer Figure 25 A simplified excerpt of the Matrix in Room 250 with the pottery belonging to Feature 0925 (after the Macellum was built) and Features 0988, 1042 and 1063 (dating to period before the construction of the Macellum) (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum). rooms and central square have not yet been excavat- ed. The reuse of the area can be traced to the 4th century, but without any indications of public func- tion. This period of reuse lasted until at least the 5th century. The Macellum was also reused for the con- struction of domestic dwellings at the same time (4th and 5th century). Several post holes in the Ma- cellum ( Fig. 23) and other traces of the reutilization of building materials, such as the flagstones and the presumed basin in the middle of the building, date to the 4th and 5th centuries.29 In addition a furnace was built in the Porticus to the south of the Macellum Figure 24 The furnace in the Porticus of the Macellum ( Fig. 24), where the remains of bronze semi-prod- (see Fig. 23) (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für ucts indicate another workshop. Another Late Ro- Archäologien, FB Aguntum). man residential building was identified to the east of 29 For the Late Roman phase of the Macellum see also Auer 2012a. 106 Municipium Claudium Aguntum – Excavations in the City Centre (2006-2015) Figure 26 Location and photograph (above) of the Late Roman layer (blue dot), from which charcoal was sampled for a Radiocarbon analysis. The results are shown on the data sheet (Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, FB Aguntum / BETA Analytic Radiocarbon Dating Laboratory). 107 Martin Auer this furnace, inside the former Porticus of the south- the eastern wall of the Macellum (0925) and the first ern entrance to the Forum. The remains comprise a activities after the Macellum has been built, contain heating channel with Praefurnium. It is presumed that Samian Ware, which is dateable to the third quarter of the surviving walls of the partly collapsed Forum the 2nd century ( Fig. 25). After a second construction and Macellum in this corner were reused for this Late phase in the Forum, which may chronologicallycor- Roman building.30 respond with the construction of the Macellum, the Altogether , two market buildings (the Macellum and city center was engulfed by a major fire. It is highly the Forum), a possible Basilica „Prunkbau“ and the probable that this fire not only destroyed the Forum, Thermae to the north of the Decumanus I Sinister have but also the Macellum, although the evidence here is been revealed so far in the city centre of Aguntum. unclear, due to intensive Late Roman reuse.33 The The first construction phase of the Thermae belongs partial reuse of the whole area can be traced until the to the early Claudian period.31 The so called „Prunk- 5th century ( Fig. 26), but evidence for later occupa- bau“ cannot be securely dated given the current state tion has not been found, although the excavations in of research. The finds from Room 250, a former the so-called Basilica revealed burials that date to the street ( Cardo) to the west of the Forum, as well as the 6th or 7th century.34 finds from the Forum itself provide some informa- The results of the excavations from 2006 to 2015 tion about the date of these buildings. The earliest have permitted us to locate the city centre of Agun- layers in the Forum contain small amounts of Italian tum. The excavated area of the Forum has been sub- Fine Ware, Samian Ware from Arezzo and handmade ject to preliminary interpretation as a commercial local pottery.32 More material derives from Room Forum, which served mainly as a market area, as well 250, where the earliest layers are connected with the as providing accommodation. The latter could have western wall of the Forum and point to a Claudian been used by merchants or by persons responsible date for the first Forum phase (0988, 1042, 1063). for administrative tasks, regarding the trade in min- These and some of the subsequent layers were cut ing products. It will be of special interest to examine by the foundation trench of the Macellum walls, so the central place of the Forum with a focus on func- that there is also good evidence to date the latter. The tional analysis for the few next years and further- stratigraphic sequence and the related finds suggest more to link the existing excavated areas with the that the Macellum was built in the second quarter of so-called Basilica to the northwest by excavating the the 2nd century. The earliest layers, connected with western wing of the Forum. 33 Tschurtschenthaler, Auer 2016. 34 Tschurtschenthaler 1994; Tschurtschenthaler 2005, 107. 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TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. 1994, Feldarchäologis- EGGER, R. 1914, Ausgrabungen in Norikum 1912/13. che Forschungen in Aguntum seit 1991. – Osttiroler Heimat- – Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Instituts 17, blätter 62/5, 3–4. Beiblatt, 8–86. TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. 1997, Die feldarchäolo- EGGER, R. 1916, Frühchristliche Kirchenbauten im südlichen gischen Forschungen des Instituts für Klassische Archäol- Norikum. – Wien. ogie der Universität Innsbruck im Jahre 1995. – Veröf en- ENDRIZZI, L. 1990, Classi Materiali, – In: G. Ciurletti, „Ai tlichungen des Tiroler Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum 75/76, paradisi“. Una necropoli romana a Trento, Quaderni della Sezione 159–161. Archeologica Museo Provinciale dÁrte 5, Trento, 83–105. TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. 2001, KG Stribach, OG HAMDOUNE, Ch. 2009, Les macella dans les cités de Dölsach, VB Lienz, Fundberichte aus Österreich 39, 691-692. l’Afrique romaine. – Antiquités Africaines 45, 27–35. TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. 2005, Municipium KARWIESE, S. 1974, Aguntum – Das Ende einer Stadt im Claudium Aguntum. Wohnluxus in den Alpen, – In: L. Dal Spiegel seiner Münzfunde. Eine numismatisch-archäologisch-his- Ri and S. di Stefano, Littamum. Una mansio nel Noricum / torische Untersuchung. Beiträge zur römerzeitlichen Boden- Eine Mansio im Noricum, BAR International Series 1462, forschung in österreich, Wien. Oxford, 105–126. KARWIESE, S. 1975, Der Ager Aguntinus. Eine Bezirk- TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. 2006, KG Stribach, OG skunde des ältesten Osttirol. – Lienz. Dölsach, VB Lienz. – Fundberichte aus Österreich 45, 709–712. KLIMESCH, W. 1995, Haus I. Funde aus einem Agun- TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. 2007, KG Stribach, OG tiner Wohngebäude. Grabungskampagnen 1991 und 1992. Dölsach, VB Lienz. – Fundberichte aus Österreich 46, 708–712. (unpubl. diploma thesis) – Innsbruck. TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. 2008, KG Stribach, OG LANGMANN, G. 1971, Bericht über die Grabungskam- Dölsach, VB Lienz. – Fundberichte aus Österreich 47, 592–596. pagnen 1958 und 1959 in Aguntum/Osttirol. – Jahreshefte des TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. 2009, KG Stribach, OG Österreichischen Archäologischen Instituts 49, Beibl., 143–176. Dölsach, VB Lienz. – Fundberichte aus Österreich 48, 448–451. 109 Martin Auer TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. and M. AUER 2010, TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. and M. AUER 2015b, KG Stribach, OG Dölsach, PB Lienz. – Fundberichte aus Municipium Claudium Aguntum – Die frühen Befunde, – IN: Österreich 49, 428–432. U. Lohner-Urban, P. Scherrer (eds.), Der obere Donauraum TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. and M. AUER 2011, 50 v. bis 50 n. Chr. , Region im Umbruch, Band 10, Berlin, KG Stribach, OG Dölsach, PB Lienz. – Fundberichte aus 337–349. Österreich 50, 424–427. TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. and M. AUER 2016, TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. and M. AUER 2012, Zum Stand der archäologischen Forschung in Aguntum. KG Stribach, OG Dölsach, PB Lienz. – Fundberichte aus – In: B. Hebert and N. Hofer (eds.), Alte Mauern – Neue Österreich 51, 341–345. Konzepte. Aguntum – Konservierung und Entwicklung, Fundber- TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. and M. AUER 2013a, ichte aus österreich Tagungsband 3, Wien, 9–25. 100 Jahre wissenschaftliche Ausgrabungen in Aguntum. – TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. and E. WALDE 1993, Osttiroler Heimatblätter 81, 1–6. Ausgrabung Aguntum 1992. – Pro Austria Romana 43, 26–28. TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. and M. AUER 2013b, WALDE, E. 2002, Aguntum. In: M. Ciglenečki in P. Scher- KG Stribach, OG Dölsach, PB Lienz. – Fundberichte aus rer (eds.), The autonomous towns of Noricum and Pannonia, Sit- Österreich 52, 370–373, D4515–D4554. ula 40, Ljubljana, 149–163. TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. and M. AUER 2014, KG Stribach, OG Dölsach, PB Lienz. – Fundberichte aus dr. Martin Auer Österreich 53, 368–370, D5846–D5882. Universität Innsbruck, Institut für Archäologien, TSCHURTSCHENTHALER, M. and M. AUER 2015a, FB Aguntum KG Stribach, OG Dölsach, PB Lienz. – Fundberichte aus Langer Weg 11, AT-6020 Innsbruck Österreich 54, 2015, (in print). Martin.Auer@uibk.ac.at 110 Municipium Claudium Aguntum – Excavations in the City Centre (2006-2015) 1 stamped t) t) ed) ed) 37; . ompejan R ompejan R Drag 2 wl „Aguntiner Napf“ wl „Aguntiner Napf“ wl (tripod) (local / regional) wl Name Pot (local / regional) Bo Bo Bo Pot (local / regional) Plate (P Jug (Italian(?) Impor Jug (Italian(?) Impor Plate (P Bo PVPVS nal) ashable Edition). evised W hite Colour (exter 10YR4/1 7.5YR7/6 7.5YR7/8 10YR7/4 N4/ to 10YR6/3 Sherd: 10YR6/4 Coating: 10R4/6 10YR8/4 W Sherd: 7.5R6/4 Coating: 10R4/8 Sherd: 2.5YR6/8 Slip:2.5YR4/6 and ear 2000 R ts (Y tz tz Temper Carbonate Stone debris Stone debris Carbonate Quar Quar Stone debris None visible None visible Stone debris None visible heel heel heel heel heel .d. heel heel PT HfW W W W W W N W W Mould PE Rim: 90% Base: 70 % 7% 20% 75% 30% Rim: 38% Base: 52% - 12% Rim: 43% Base: 50% 49% . Colour refers to Munsell Soil Colour Char Wth. (cm) 0,65 0,5 0,65 0,5 0,7 0,9 - 0,5 0,4 0,6 minable inclusions Dm. (cm) 28 19 17 24,4 9 Rim: 28 Base: 16 - 11 Rim: 20 Base: 15 19 ST 11 RS 13 WS 17 BS 1 RS 4 RS 3 RS 9 WS 3 BS 4 WS 2 RS 10 BS 1 Handle 2 RS 8 RS 11 BS 8 RS 12 WS hnique y Number ec kness minable . ventor ved Extent v.NrIn AG 08/352/03 AG 08/348/02 AG 08/348/03 AG 08/348/04 AG 08/348/06 AG 08/352/02 AG 08/348/08 AG 08/348/01 AG 09/043/2 AG 08/050/1 gue all thic . – In erser v. Nr Catalo .d. – Not deter In ST – Sherd type BS – Base sherd RS – Rim sherd Dm. – Diameter Wth. – W PE – P PT – Production T HfW – Hand made and finished on the wheel N Temper refers to macroscopically deter 0925-1 0925-2 0925-3 0925-6 0925-7 0925-8 0925-9 0925-10 0925-11 0925-14 111 Martin Auer -Ma Padana to t) . 6B) 5 Magdalens- . 6B) Tardo are arable are are are are 3 W (comp 68)4 ra Sigillata .ME().R() Sigillata er .39/40 uerbergtopf) are Fine W . 29.1 ra wl „Aguntiner Napf“ Name Jug (Italian(?) Impor Ter Consp Pot (local / regional) Bo Istrian Amphora (Dr Pot (A Italian(?) Fine W Fine gdalensberg Pot (local / regional) Italian T Consp Stamped C Italian Fine W Magdalensberg 68 Italian Fine W Magdalensberg 103 Italian berg 115 Italian Fine W Magdalensberg 115 Lid (local / regional) Pot (local / regional) Pot (local / regional) Pot (local / regional) Pot (local / regional) Istrian Amphora (Dr nal) hite Colour (exter W Slip: 2.5YR5/6 10YR4/1 10YR4/1 7.5YR8/4 10YR5/1 Sherd: 2.5Y7/2 Slip: N3/ 2.5Y6/1 10YR5/1 Slip: 2.5YR4/8 2.5Y6/1 Sherd: N6/ Slip: N4/ Sherd: 7.5YR8/6 Slip: 5YR6/6 Sherd: 10YR6/1 Slip: 2.5YR4/4 10YR4/1 N3/ to 10YR7/3 N4/ N4/ to 2.5Y7/3 10YR5/1 to 10YR7/2 7.5YR7/6 tz .d. .d. Temper None visible Non visible Carbonate Stone Debris N Carbonate None visible None visible Carbonate None visible None visible None visible None visible None visible Carbonate Carbonate Quar Carbonate Carbonate N .d. heel heel heel heel heel heel .d. heel heel heel heel heel heel heel heel heel heel heel PT N W W W W HfW W W N W W W W W W W W W W W .d. PE - 33% 40& 5% 15% 6% 100% 8% 7% Rim: 27% Base: 15% Rim: 23% Base: 20% 38% Rim: 15% Base: 25% Rim: N Base: 45% 12% 28% 100% 7% Rim: 71% Base: 65% 20% Wth. (cm) - 0,5 0,55 0,8 1,7 0,65 0,3 0,2 0,3 0,3 0,25 0,25 0,25 0,25 0,5 0,4 0,45 0,45 0,4 1,8 .d. Dm. (cm) - 6 19 22 12 23 3,5 8 14 Rim: 11 Base: 10 Rim: 9,6 Base: 4,4 10 Rim: 9,4 Base: 4 Rim: N Base: 3,8 26 20 8,7 18 Rim: 13 Base: 7 12 ST Handle 2 BS 2 RS 1 RS 1 RS 1 RS 2 BS 1 RS 1 RS 3 RS 4 WS 2 BS 1 RS 1 BS 3 WS 5 RS 1 WS 6 RS 3 BS 2 RS 1 BS 2 RS 4 RS 2 WS 11 BS 3 WS 1 RS 4 RS 6 WS 4 BS 1 RS . v.NrIn AG 09/187/07 AG 09/187/05 AG 09/180/03 AG 09/223/02 AG 09/116/03 AG 09/090/03 AG 10/041/01 AG 09/382/11 AG 09/382/13 AG 09/418/11 AG 09/418/04 AG 09/418/05 AG 09/475/05 AG 09/418/04 AG 09/418/18 AG 09/418/13 AG 09/418/21 AG 09/418/16 AG 09/418/14 AG 09/437/06 0925-27 0925-29 0925-38 0925-52 0925-59 0925-68 0925-73 0988-1 0988-13 1042-1 1042-2 1042-3 1042-4 1042-9 1042-11 1042-12 1042-13 1042-14 1042-16 1042-39 112 Municipium Claudium Aguntum – Excavations in the City Centre (2006-2015) 56. .30, t) 6 Taf are 55; .29, Taf 1990, Jug (Italian(?) Impor Pot (local / regional) Italian(?) Fine W Pot (local / regional ?) Endrizzi 48; 1985, ico hiteW N4/ to 10YR7/3 2.5Y7/1 10YR4/1 to 10YR6/3 e MarzatSe Stone ed. and tz produc None visible Carbonate None visible Quar debris gionally/really heel heel heel loc W Handmade W W as wing entries). ed classifi be not 15% 28% 7% Rim: 54% Base: 50% wing entries). alid for the follo y thereforema 0,3 0,9 0,3 0,5 alid for the follo and . audelka 1975 (also v-K Region ino 7 22 10 Rim: 18 Base: 14,5 nt uer 2012b hindler Trethe 1 RS 4 RS 1 RS 5 RS 22 WS 2 BS in ls afel 132, 22. st paralle .“ refers to Conspectus 2002 (also v t 2002, OCK1133. its be m „Aguntiner Napf“ see A her 1963, T AG 09/464/05 AG 09 /464/08 AG 09/464/04 AG 09/464/07 m „Consp m „Magdalensberg“ refers to Sc finds pot ken, Fisc or the ter he ter he ter F Ric T T Oxè, Comfor This 1063-1 1063-2 1063-10 1063-14 Footnotes 1 2 3 4 5 6 113 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Excavations of the Roman Sites in Lika (Croatia): Žuta Lokva, Lički Ribnik Izkopavanja rimskodobnih najdišč v Liki (Hrvaška): Žuta Lokva in Lički Ribnik Ivana Ožanić Roguljič, Tatjana Kolak Izvleček: V prispevku so predstavljeni rezultati nedavnih raziskav dveh rimskodobnih najdišč v Liki v zaledju rimske province Dalmacije, in sicer najdišč Žuta Lokva in Lički Ribnik. Pri izkopavanjih na Žuti Lokvi je bila raziskana zgradba dimenzij 25 × 20 m, ki sodi v čas od 1. do začetka 2. stoletja. Ta stavba je bila verjetno postaja ( statio) ob cesti, ki je povezovala pristanišče Senia (Senj) z rimskimi mesti Avendo (Kompolje) in Arrupium (Prozor pri Otočcu) v zaledju Siscije (Sisak) v provinci Panoniji. Odkrita lončenina vsebuje veliko število severno italijanske tere sigilate, lončenine tankih sten in afriške sigilate, lončenino iz dalmatinskih delavnic v Crikvenici ter drugo namizno in grobo posodje. Amfore so zastopane z odlomki amfor z ravnim dnom (Crikvenica typ 1, Saint Archangelo) ter amforami Dressel 2 – 4 in Dressel 20. Rimskodobno najdišče pri Ličkem Ribniku (Crkvine) pa se nahaja na majhnem okljuku reke Like. Arheološka izko- pavanja in geofizikalne raziskave so pokazale ostanke velike vile rustike, ki sodi v čas od 1. do začetka 3. stoletja. Najbolj reprezentativne najdbe iz tega najdišča so ostanki kuhinje in mozaičnih tal. Obe najdišči sta izredno pomembni za boljše razumevanje Like v rimskih časih. Ključne besede: rimska provinca Dalmacija, Žuta Lokva, Lički Ribnik, caupona, villa rustica, rimska lončenina, mozaik, kuhinja Abstract: The aim of this paper is to present the finds from two Roman sites in Lika (hinterland of Roman Dalmatia) that have been recently excavated - Žuta Lokva and Lički Ribnik. Excavations at Žuta Lokva yielded the building, dimen- sions 25 × 20 m, dating from 1st to beginning of the 2nd century. This building was probably a statio on a road that con- nected the port of Senia (Senj) with Roman towns Avendo (Kompolje) and Arrupium (Prozor near Otočac) in hinterland of Siscia (Sisak) in Pannonia. Pottery material showed a large number of north Italian terra sigillata, thin walled pottery and African sigillata, pottery from Dalmatian workshops in Crikvenica and other table and coarse ware. Amphorae showed repertoire from flat bottom amphorae (Crikvenica typ 1, Saint Archangelo), then Dressel 2 – 4, and Dressel 20. Roman site at Lički Ribnik (Crkvine) is situated on a small meander of river Lika. Excavations and geophysical survey showed remains of large villa rustica dated from 1st to beginning of the 3rd century. Structures of a kitchen and mosaic floor are the most representative finds from this site. Both sites are extremely important for better understanding of Lika in Roman times. Keywords: Roman Dalmatia, Žuta Lokva, Lički Ribnik, caupona, villa rustica, Roman pottery, mosaic, kitchen Introduction interested in prehistoric finds, mainly those related to the Iron Age Iapodi tribe, as well as those that could This paper will present two sites in the interior of the be related to the literary sources that deal with the Ro- northern part of the Roman province Dalmatia. They man conquest of their lands.1 The two sites presented are located in the modern region of Lika. Although in this paper were investigated independantly of each significant archaeological investigations have been other. Žuta Lokva was subject to rescue excavation that carried out in the past, very little is known about the Roman period in this region. Researchers were largely 1 Drecheler-Bižić 1974, 19–37; Olujić 2007. 115 Ivana Ožanić Roguljič, Tatjana Kolak Figure 1 The location of the sites mentioned in the paper. ended in 2003, whilst Lički Ribnik is subject to ongoing began.4 It was excavated in several campaigns until systematic excavation that started in 2013 ( Fig.1).2 2003 and has only been published as a preliminary report.5 Excavations were conducted by the State Di- rectorate for the protection of Cultural and Natural Žuta Lokva Heritage, Directorate General of Zagreb (Državna uprava za zaštitu kulturne i prirodne baštine, Glavno The site Žuta Lokva is located a few metres from the povjerenstvo u Zagrebu) and the Museum of Lika in modern Senj–Otočac–Brinje crossroad ( Fig. 2). The Gospić (Muzej Like, Gospić) ( Fig. 3). site has been known since the end of 19th and be- This site was located beside a road mentioned in the ginning of 20th century.3 It was rediscovered during Itinerarium Antonini Augusti Ad Aquileia per Liburniam road construction in 1996, when rescue excavations Sisciam (Senia – Avendon – Arrupio – Bibium – Romula – Quadrata – Siscia) in the Roman period. The section 2 Both sites are undergoing scientific analysis, which will be published in the following years. 4 Vekić 1997, 38. 3 Brunšmid 1898, 188, 189. 5 Vekić 1997; Kolak 2012. 116 Excavations of the Roman Sites in Lika (Croatia): Žuta Lokva, Lički Ribnik Figure 2 Žuta Lokva. Position of the site at Žuta Figure 3 Žuta Lokva. Plan of the site (J. Osterman, K. Lokva (Google maps 14/3/2016). Turkalj) blue – first phase, red – second phase. of the road from Senia (Senj) to Žuta Lokva runs the 1st century AD to the middle of the 2nd century over the Vratnik pass, which is the shortest natural AD. It is posited that the first phase of the building route from the coast to the interior.6 Senia was the (dimensions 23 × 16 m) was built around the begin- most important port on this part of Adriatic coast ning of the 1st century AD and was probably used in the Roman period. This is confirmed by the fact until the third quarter of the 1st century AD. The The that it was the location of the publicum portorium Illyrici second phase of the building was larger (dimensions in the second half of the 2nd century AD. The impe- 30 × 20 m). The finds suggest that it was occupied up rial customs office were responsible for passing on to the middle of the 2nd century AD. the goods entering Senia, which that were distributed The pottery from Žuta Lokva indicates that the to the hinterland.7 The distance today between Žuta site was equipped with a numerous range of drink- Lokva and Senj is about 15 km. ing vessels for serving travellers on the road, rather At the beginning of the 20th century a Roman road than the local population.9 The pottery groups that was allegedly still visible near Žuta Lokva, but ar- are present on the site are as follows: Italian terra chaeologists have not been able to find any trace of it sigillata and thin-walled pottery, glazed ware, local recently.8 The Japodi, an Illyrian tribe, inhabited this serving vessels (jugs and bowls), products from the region in the pre-Roman period. workshop of Sextus Metillius Maximus (Crikvenica), Excavation of the site revealed a two-phase building, coarse ware, Pannonian black-slipped ware, African the walls of which survived as foundations, covered red-slipped ware (ARS) A ( Fig. 4). The following am- with shallow layers of soil. The site is located on a phora types are present on the site: Dressel 20, Dres- slope and anarea that has been disturbed by a land- sel 2–4, Adriatic flat based amphorae, Dressel 6B and slide, which has resulted in disturbance of the site several types of small amphorae. stratigraphy. Most of the material from the site was The ceramic assemblage was dominated in the 1st cen- found in disturbed contexts in the western part of tury AD by Sarius cups. Some 345, mostly undecorat- the excavated area. However, despite the unpromis- ed sherds can be attributed to Sarius cups, of which ing condition of the site interesting finds were re- only one vessel could be completely reconstructed. vealed. The two building phases are difficult to date, because the layers contain finds from beginning of 9 The pottery groups that have been identified in the assemblage so far are Sarius cups, glazed pottery, Pannoni- an slipped ware, pottery made in the Crikvenica workshop 6 Glavaš 2010. and amphorae. The material is poor condition, is very 7 Glavičić 1994, 54; Glavaš 2010. abraded and requires careful managment to provide the 8 Patch 1990, 87–87; Glavaš 2010, 12. maximum amount of information. 117 Ivana Ožanić Roguljič, Tatjana Kolak Figure 4 Chronological table based on pottery and coin finds RIC 113, RIC 83, RIC 38. 22 handles can be attributed to different cups, as well The pottery assemblage of the second half of the as seven bases, 12 different relief decorations and 1st century AD contains pottery from Italy (terra 21 rim sherds (diameter: 7–16.5 cm). The estimated sigillata; thin-walled pottery) and from Dalmatian vessel number in the assemblage is from 25 to 30 workshops. It is interesting to note the presence of individual vessels. Stamps of two potters were found: vessels, produced in the workshop of Sextus Metillius Clemens (10 BC–15 AD) and [ L. Sarivs L.] l Svrvs (10 Maximus (Crikvenica). These include a Flat-based BC–15 AD). The presence Clemens stamps (5 stamps) amphora type 1.1, a hemispherical thin-walled bowl is in keeping with the overall situation in Dalmatia, type TWP 1, a jug Type J 1, and a loomweight.14 where this is the most common stamp.10 L. Sarivs In the 2nd century AD the pottery assemblage was Svrvs is present on only three sites.11 Sarius cups have supplemented by material from other regions. This only been found so far in large numbers in Dalmatia indicated by the presence of Pannonian slipped in military camps ( Burnum, Tilurium), as grave goods wares and typical large two-handled Pannonian jugs, in cemeteries12 and in settlements. They are most which are similar to flat-basedamphorae ( Fig. 5). common on sites in Liburnia. The Sarius cups from It is not possible at present to determine wheth- Žuta Lokva being the first finds of this type in the er the Žuta Lokva complex represents an official former territory of the Japodes in Dalmatia. Sarius complex such as a mansio or mutatio, inn, or post cups are present in the province of Pannonia ( Siscia), house for officials using the Imperial Post.15 The but in much smaller numbers, although this reflects building dimensions lack of other typical road sta- the state of research rather than the real situation.13 tion infrastructure suggest that it did not provide accommodation. The location and the size of the 10 Brusić 1999, 24, 26; Šimić Kanaet 2003; Borzić 2011, excavated tableware assemblage suggest that the 281. 11 Brusić 1999, 24–25; Borzić 2014; Pešić 2015, 28. buildings were probably used as caupona, diversorium 12 E.g. Velika Mrdakovca. 13 Makjanić 1981, 50–53; Brusić 1999; Borzić 2011, 14 Ožanić Roguljić 2012; Lipovac Vrkljan 2011, 10. 279–290. 15 Kolb 2000, 71–122; Lemcke 2013, 11. 118 Excavations of the Roman Sites in Lika (Croatia): Žuta Lokva, Lički Ribnik Lički Ribnik The village of Lički Ribnik is located 6 km south of Gospić. It is located in a meander of the river Lika on the floor of the intermontane karst basin Ličko polje ( Fig. 6). The old part of the village is slightly away from the modern main roads to Dalmatia, but earlier routes were closer to the village. The remains Figure 5 Pannonian black-slipped bowl with stamped of a Roman road that runs in the direction of Bilaj, decoration (photo and drawing K. Bukal). Ribnik and Medak were discovered in Ostrovica. Local folklore refers to the entire Ribnik peninsula as or hospitium in the Roman period. The pottery as- the Town, whilst a smaller area is known as Crkvina, semblage also suggests that it was built soon after which suggests that it is the possible site of a sacral the final Roman pacification of the area or perhaps structure. A medieval site is located on the western even during the Bellum Batonianum. Presence of ma- side of the river meander. This was surrounded by a terial from the beginning of the 1st century AD in moat, which transformed the peninsula into a classic the territory of the Japodes provides an insight into wasserburg in the times of danger. A large watermill the first phase of the establishment of Roman rule. with nine millstones was once located on the north- The Japodes did not accept Roman domination eas- ern side of the entrance to the river meander.19 ily. Octavian encountered stiff resistance when he In November 2011 the Lika museum in Gospić was attacked the Transalpine Japodes during his cam- informed of the discovery of tesserae in an area in paign in 35–34 BC (App. Ill. 20). He defeated them Ribnik, which has previously identified as an archae- relatively quickly, after attacking and destroying the ological site. It was the site of the medieval town key settlement of Metulum.16 The Japodes were not and a potential Roman site. A large hoard of silver united against Romans during the Bellum Batonia- coins and jewellery dated to between the 3rd century num (AD 6–9) and their last settlements ( Splonum, BC to 1st century AD had been found in an area Raetinum and Seretion) were taken by Germanicus in known as the Turkish town on the opposite bank of AD 9.17 The road from Senia to Siscia was important the river Lika.20 for the movement of troops, officials, and civilians, A three-day trial excavation was carried out in 2012. supply and trade in this period.18 Žuta Lokva was It revealed the remains of a building with a geomet- probably the first stop on the road from Senia. The ric black-and-white mosaic floor with a swastika mo- Latin name of this place is unkown. Avendo is the tif.21 A geophysical survey using magnetometery and first place that is named on the road after Senia in ground-penetrating radar was undertaken in 2013 the Itinerarium Antonini, the former settlement of ( Fig. 7).22 The interpreted results revealed the remains the Japodes at Kompolje. of large building complex, which were confirmed by systematic archaeological excavations in 2014 and 2015. The excavations have so far encompassed an area of approximately 200 m², revealing the of a multi-roomed architectural complex, longditudinal axis of which is oriented east-west. The excavations 16 Fluss 1932, 1503–1506; Wilkes 1969, 46–77; Zanino- vić 1986, 59–67; Šašel Kos 1999 (2000), 430–437. 19 Kolak 2013; Kolak 2016. 17 Cassius Dio LV, 11–12, 1. 20 Klemenc 1935, 83. 18 Veith 1924, 17–26; Patch 1990, 55; Wilkes 1969, 50; 21 Kolak 2013, 163; Kolak 2015. Zaninović 1986, 62; Olujić 2007, 88. 22 Mušič 2014. 119 Ivana Ožanić Roguljič, Tatjana Kolak Figure 6 Lički Ribnik. Aerial photo (Google maps 14/3/2016; T. Kolak) with toponyms and the first archaeological finds. 1. Turkish town, location of large hoard of silver coins and jewellery, 2. Grad = Town, 3. Stari Grad = Old Town, 4. Crkvi- na, the putative site of a medieval church, 5. the mosaic. Figure 7 Lički Ribnik. Results of the 2013 geophysical Figure 8 Lički Ribnik. Plan of the site with geophysical survey (Mušič 2014). survey results and excavated trenches (Mušič 2014, Arheoplan d.o.o., I. Ožanić Roguljić). 120 Excavations of the Roman Sites in Lika (Croatia): Žuta Lokva, Lički Ribnik Figure 9 Lički Ribnik. Zone A, plan: kitchen, possible atrium, smelting area (I. Čondić). Sample/trench/SU BP Cal AD/BC Median Cal AD Sample 3, K-9, SU 21 1810±25 141-240 197 Figure 10 C 14 dates, Ruđer Bošković Institute, Division of Experimental Physics, Zagreb. are still on-going. The architectural remains on the date this part of the site to the second half of the Lički Ribnik site are interpreted as a typical Roman 2nd and the first half of the 3rd century AD ( Fig. 10).24 villa rustica, which was farm or country-house with The archaebotanical analysis and archaeological re- agricultural and domestic facilities, which were divid- mains also confirm that this was as a kitchen area.25 ed into the work place and living quarters of the ag- It has not been fully excavated, but it is clear that the ricultural workers and farm animals ( pars rustica) and room was large enough for all the activities that are the residential quarters of the owner and his family connected with food preparation. It is also possible ( pars urbana).23 that this was the place where the slaves or workers The excavations on the northern part of the site ( familia rustica) could assemble after work and per- (zone A) in 2015 revealed the working part of the haps even perform certain types of indoor work.26 villa ( Fig. 9). Two ovens were found on the eastern A forge or smelting furnace was located to the west side of the excavated area, which permit the interpre- of the kitchen. This room contained a large amount tation of this part of the villa as a kitchen and a food of iron slag. The geopghysical survey indicates that preparation unit. The slightly larger Oven no. 1 was the kitchen area and the smelting area were separated sub- rectangular in plan, whilst the smaller Oven no. 2 was sub-circular in plan. The results of C14 analysis 24 Analyses by Ruđer Bošković Institute, Division of Experimental Physics, Zagreb. 23 Buchi 1987, 109; Gazzetti 1979, 3; Matijašić 1998, 25 Analyses by Kelly Reed, in press. 115–145; Suić 2003, 323. 26 Smith 1875; Suić 2003, 322. 121 Ivana Ožanić Roguljič, Tatjana Kolak Figure 11 Lički Ribnik. Zone B, plan: mosaic remains, wall (N-S), Roman and prehistoric pits (Arheoplan d.o.o.). by a large putatively open space, which may be in- terpreted as an atrium. This could be used as a work- ing area and provided light to the rooms around it. The discovery of loomweights indicate that textile production was also present on the site. Worn, illegi- ble Roman coins were found were also found in this area. They were possibly struck by Marcus Aurelius (121–180 AD) or Verus Lucius (139–169 AD). The residential zone of the villa owner was proba- blyt located in the southern part of the estate com- plex (zone B). The stratigraphy becomes much more complicated in this area ( Fig. 11). The most important find in this area is part of a mosaic floor, which was found in during trial trenching in 2012. A later wall (5 m in length) ran in a north-south direction across the mosaic ( Fig. 12). Only a small part of mosaic was extant preserved (dimensions: 90 (120 cm) × 50 cm). It survived beneath the wall collapse, and due to the shallow depth of the bedrock, which discouraged plowing in this area. The remains of the mosaic indi- cate that the mosaic pavement exhibited polychrome geometric designs in opus tesselatum. Two borders Figure 12 Lički Ribnik. Remains of the mosaic (Arheoplan d.o.o.). 122 Excavations of the Roman Sites in Lika (Croatia): Žuta Lokva, Lički Ribnik are composed of a black and white meander pattern with integrated swastika and a black, white and red braid. The borders probably formed a frame around field of black rhombs on a white foundation, which may have surrounded a small rhomboid or square panel with a decoration inside. Similar decoration has been found in Valbadon, Istria.27 This type of largely black and white geometric mosaic pavement with a double braid can be dated to the 2nd century AD.28 The stratigraphy in the southernmost part of the ex- cavated area differs from the rest of the site. The layers are up to 150 cm deep and contain prehistoric pottery. The layer with prehistoric finds was record- ed in cracks in the bedrock and seems to represent a layer that was leveled to form the villa floor in the Roman period. This levelled layer contained small copper coins (AE4) of Theodosius I, which were perhaps struck in Aquileia in 383–388 AD. A. sester- tius of Gordian III, minted in Rome in 241–243 AD was found in a layer about 30 cm above this, which indicates that the layers were badly disturbed. Finds Figure 13 Lički Ribnik. Sarius cup sherd (photo T. Kolak). of tubuli indicate that some of the rooms were fur- nished with a hypocaust. Conclusion The excavations show that the site was occupied from the 1st century AD to the 4th century AD. The The lack of evidence for the existance of a mansio primary phase in the 1st century AD is not reflected or mutatio at Žuta Lokva suggests that it was a pri- in the structural remains, but is based on the presence vate inn, similar to those that existed along the major of ceramic finds of this date, e.g. the Sarius cup ( Fig. roads in Italy.30 There is no reason why such estab- 13).29 The pavement mosaic, the kitchen area and the lishment should not exist on the Senia– Siscia road, smelting area are contemporary and date to the 2nd which was one of the most important roads, link-century AD and to the first half of the 3rd century- ing Dalmatia and Pannonia. Initially, it was probably AD. The villa had at least one open space or atrium connected with the movement of troops. After the in this phase, in the pars rustica, but probably had a conquest, the innkeeper at Žuta Lokva brought new second atrium in the elite residential area. The wall Roman habits in serving and drinking to the caupo- extension that covered (and preserved) the pavement na, which continued to operate for the following mosaic was traced in the geophysical survey and one and a half centuries. The analysis of the pottery shows a slight divergence from the orientation of the from Žuta Lokva has revealed the transport and use 2nd–3rd century AD villa. This wall is probably part of of goods, the connection between Dalmatia (and the a building that date to the 4th century AD. Further ex- Mediterranean) and Pannonia, as well as revealing cavation will hopefully reveal more data and answer some new aspects of life. the open questions about the stratigraphy of the site. The villa rustica at Lički Ribnik was situated on a promontory, which was occupied from the Prehistoric 27 Meder 2003, 49, Tab. XV: 2. 28 Meder 2003, 19–20, 92–93. 29 Schindler Kaudelka 1980, Tab. 65: 185. 30 Horatio Sat. I.5. 123 Ivana Ožanić Roguljič, Tatjana Kolak period to the Medieval period. The excavations have bined with rural life ways. The resources produced provide us with a glimpse of its significance and the on the the property provided most of the needs of activities that were carried out there. It was an impor- the inhabitants. Villae rusticae changed after this peri- tant rural site in the 2nd and first half of 3rd century od due increasing economic problems, changing and AD with a luxurious elite residential building and a becoming smaller, losing their luxurious details and large area occupied by the slaves and workers . There becoming more focused on simple rural life.31 The are indications that iron smelting process was carried finds indicate that the villa rustica at Lički Ribnik con- out intensively on the site. Textile production was tinued to be occupied, but the nature and duration of also an activity carried out on the site in Roman times. this occupation is unclear. Indeed, sheep herding and and wool processing are This article has presented two recently discovered still present in this region. When the archaeobotani- sites that show different aspects of Roman life in the cal analyses are completed it will be possible to gain Lika region. The preliminary results of the excava- much more information about the types of crops tions have been presented in this paper. The excavat- that were planted in the vicinity. The archaeologcial ed material is still undergoing analysis and a multisci- evidence suggest that the site represents a typical villa plinary approach to the interpretation of the sites rustica, which functioned as a kind of autonomous will give provide much more additional information micro-world, where the urban way of life was com- in the future. Bibliography ški zbornik 6, Josipdol, 17–28. KOLAK, T. 2013, Antički lokalitet u Ribniku pored BORZIĆ, I. 2011, Sarius šalice iz Burnuma. - Rimske kera- Gospića. – Zadarska smotra, god. LXII, br. 3., Matica hrvat- mičarske i staklarske radionice; Proizvodnja i trgovina na jadran- ska Zadar, 2013, 163–169. skom prostoru. Crikvenica, 279–290. KOLAK, T. 2015, Ribnička villa rustica, Arheološko istra- BORZIĆ, I. 2014, Radionički pečati na italskoj tera sigilati živanje 2012–2015, – Lička revija 14, Matica hrvatska u iz Burnuma, Stamps on Italian Terra Sigillata from Bur-Gospiću, Gospić, 7–15. num. – Archaeologia Adriatica 8, Zadar, 133–150. 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HR-53000 Gospić ZANINOVIĆ, M. 1986, Pojava antike u središnjoj Hrvat- tkolak.mlg@gmail.com 125 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Pottery workshops in the coastal area of Roman Dalmatia: landscape, spatial organization, ownership* Lončarske delavnice na obalnem delu rimskodobne Dalmacije: krajina, prostorska organizacija, lastništvo Ana Konestra, Goranka Lipovac Vrkljan Izvleček: V prispevku poskušamo oceniti lončarske in keramične modele, ki so prisotni v rimski provinci Dalmaciji, na- tančneje v njenem najsevernejšem delu ( Liburnia), in sicer: na eni strani s povzemanjem znanih podatkov o proizvodnih zmogljivostih, lokaciji in izkoriščanju krajine ter na drugi s samimi izdelki in njihovo distribucijo. Širok spekter različnih podatkov, ki segajo od arheoloških in zgodovinskih do geoloških in palinoloških, se uporablja za rekonstrukcijo kronolo- gije lončarske in keramične proizvodnje v Dalmaciji in Liburniji ter povezovanje te industrije z drugimi vejami antičnega gospodarstva. Glede na rezultate nedavnih raziskav lahko prepoznamo modele, ki pomagajo razumeti organizacijo po- selitve, proizvodnjo in povpraševanje na trgu ter nam nenazadnje tudi pomagajo pri rekonstrukciji vseh kulturnih spre- memb in družbenih procesov, ki so zaznamovali zgodnje cesarsko obdobje na vzhodnem Jadranu, pa tudi gospodarski razvoj v poznejših obdobjih. Ključne besede: lončenina in keramična produkcija, peči, figlinae, rimska Dalmacija, Liburnija, gospodarski procesi, kulturna krajina Abstract: The paper’s aim is to try to assess pottery and ceramics production models present in the Roman province Dalmatia, more specifically for its northernmost part ( Liburnia), by summarising known data on production facilities, location and landscape exploitation as well as products and their distribution. A wide array of typologically different data, spanning from archaeological and historical to geological and palinological, is used to reconstruct the onset and the chronology of pottery and ceramic production in Dalmatia and Liburnia, and to link this industry to other branches of the ancient economy. Though still in progress, recent research shows that some general models can be discerned, helping understanding rural settlement organisation, urban production and market demands as well, and finally aiding the recon- struction of all those cultural changes and social processes that marked the early Imperial period on the eastern Adriatic, but also the economic developments occurring at later periods. Keywords: pottery and ceramics production, kilns, figlinae, Roman Dalmatia, Liburnia, economic processes, cultural landscape From the late Hellenistic period Dalmatia has inten- a cultural landscape and the dynamisms of econom- sively joined Mediterranean commerce, not only as ic and social processes. Depending on the richness importer of foreign pottery, but also, thanks to its of natural resources, communication infrastructure landscape characteristics, natural resources and re- and market demands, local, regional and provincial gional economic developments, as a producer. pottery workshops began to develop. On the basis Production, commerce, exchange and consumption of the differentiation and/or specialization of their of goods have all widely influenced the formation of produce assortment and its quantities, along with the awareness to the application of wider trends and fashions, it is possible to reconstruct the level of * This paper stems from the activities carried out within the project RED – Roman economy in Dalmatia: produc- technological development of the various categories tion, distribution and demand in the light of pottery work- of workshops and follow the mobility of knowledge shops (HRZZ, IP-11-2013-3973). 127 Ana Konestra, Goranka Lipovac Vrkljan and skills of the various artisans or the workshop’s the Kvarner coastal area and on some of the islands, orientation to either regional or provincial markets. in particular the Vinodol valley and the island of Rab.9 In the light of economic and cultural integration, or Relief and geological features unique to the karst acculturation, of different areas of the province Dal- have been shaped by anthropogenic activity to create matia in the Roman world, pottery production centres, a cultivated landscapes, adapting it to the needs of their products and their distribution destinations can agriculture and pastoralism, which main feature are provide us with a whole set of new data. This paper dry-wall structures enclosing and dividing the land.10 will focus on Roman pottery production using as a case On the other hand, along the coast, the numerous study the northernmost region of province Dalmatia, coves and bays, often characterised by stream’s or riv- ancient Liburnia (North-eastern Adriatic) ( Fig 1). er’s confluences, have been key in the development of stable settlement. Paleoclimatic and archeobotanic data for the Li- The environment of the Dalmatian burnian region is scarce, just as are ancient sources, coast providing only sporadic mentions of the potential economic activities of the eastern Adriatic: wool The eastern Adriatic coast and adjacent islands are production,11 wine and olive oil,12 while cereals are part of the Croatian karst belt,1 which presents es- mentioned for the japodian hinterland.13 Never- sentially two major geological features, the dominant theless, some information for the Kvarner area is Mesozoic and Tertiary rocks (limestone and dolo- provided by karst lake sediments (Lake Vrana, Cres mite) and occasional Eocene flysch deposits between island) which seem to indicate changes in the vege- the limestone.2 Such geological setting is influenced tation and an onset of deforestation as early as the by the relief’s characteristics, synclines and anticlines, Bronze age (or even the Neolithic).14 The formation that form coastal mountain ranges (Velebit) and hilly of most of the current vegetation layer occurred in ridges on the major islands.3 These, in combination later prehistory and Roman times with the onset of with climatic factors,4 favour the erosion and dis- Quercus ilicis forest,15 while a sharp change in vegeta- persion of soil deposits from the costal bedrock, in tion has been noted during the 1st century BC with the particular in the flysch zones, while preserving it in appearance of walnut and chestnut, which are usually the woodland and pasture areas, and create different recorded in the period of transition to Roman occu- karst formations such as sinkholes, dolinas and karst pation.16 Olea and Vitis, also present in the sediment valleys.5 On the other hand, it is the rare flysch areas, dated to this time might indicate cultivation, while which present different lithological sediments, includ- other data is indicative of settlement in the area of ing clay or marl,6 that areas suitable for cultivation are the lake.17 In continental northern Dalmatia (Ravni more common.7 Large flysch areas occur in particular Kotari) soil analysis has detected landscape meliora- in Istria, Ravni Kotari, in Central (Kaštela-Split) and tion from the Bronze Age onwards, with an increase Southern Dalmatia.8 Smaller flysh areas are present in 9 Benac et al. 2007, 201–202, sl. 1. 1 Bogunović, Bensa 2006, 1. 10 Anić, Perica 2003, 175. 2 Mihevc, Prelovšek 2010. 11 Martial, Epigrammata, XIIII, 140; Pliny, Naturalis 3 Vujović 2009, 1. Historia, 8. 191; Varon, De re rustica, 2.10.6. 4 i.e. seasonal heavy rain, Topić et al. 2006, 130, 135. 12 Apicius, De re coquinaria, 1.5 in Matijašić 1998; 5 Anić, Perica 2003, 175; Topić et al. 2006, 128; Butorac Glicksman 2005, 201–212; Jadrić 2007. et al. 2009, 166. 13 Spelt and proso millet, Strabo, VII 5,4 in Sanader 6 Babić, Zupanič 1998, 176, 190; Toševski et al. 2012, 2006, 162. 50–52. 14 Schmidt et al. 2000, 126. 7 Bogunović, Bensa 2006, 1. 15 Schmidt et al. 2000, 127. 8 Marjanac, Ćosović 2000, 93; for a complete list of 16 Schmidt et al. 2000, 126 with earlier bibliography. flysch areas see Toševski et al. 2012, 48, Tab. 1. 17 Schmidt et al. 2000, 126, 127. 128 Pottery workshops in the coastal area of Roman Dalmatia: landscape, spatial organization, ownership Figure 1 Area of ancient Liburnia with noted some of the major Roman settlements (base map: Google maps/Snazzy maps). during Roman times, and with substantial loss of agriculture,20 while sites in the hinterland (Danilo), good pasture.18 More details gained from the Bokin- show signs of cereal cultivation from Roman times jačko blato sediments show anthropogenic influenc- onwards.21 A similar situation22 has been detected for es on the vegetation from the Eneolithic onwards, Istria as well.23 mainly with indicators of a pastoral economy, while Such changes occurring in the landscape of the Kvar- antiquity is again marked by a peak in Olea and Vitis ner region during the 1st century BC, but also in the pollen.19 Similarly, results gained from archeobotanic neighbouring areas of Istria and northern Dalmatia, studies on the vegetation in the area of the Roman harbour of Zaton show a typical Mediterranean crop 20 Šoštarić 2005, 386; Gluščević et al. 2006, 155. 21 Šoštarić 2005, 386–387. 22 i.e. the importance of olives, followed by Vitis vinifera, 18 Shiel, Chapman 1988 39, 42, fig. 2.2. Ficus carica, Pinus pinea. 19 Šoštarić 2005, 386 with earlier bibliography. 23 Šoštarić, Küster 2001; Šoštarić 2005, 387. 129 Ana Konestra, Goranka Lipovac Vrkljan Figure 2 Identified pottery and CBM kiln/figlinae of Roman date in the Province Dalmatia (base map: Google maps). indicate that a change in land management and rural Pottery production in the province activities coincided with the establishment of more Dalmatia: an overview stable contacts with Rome and the later formal estab- lishment of Roman rule. Moreover, they are indic- Research on pottery workshops in the province Dal- ative of new economic possibilities that these new matia ( Fig. 2) has so far been oriented to their identi- cultures (olive, grape) brought forward. Roman style fication on the basis of archaeological remains inter- pottery production is one of the markers of this pro- preted as workshop facilities. As no kilns datable to cess of landscape and cultural change characterizing earlier times have been discovered,25 Bronze and Iron the 1st century BC, while in central Dalmatia this pro- age pottery production is supposed on the bases of cess was already in action during Hellenistic times material’s examinations only.26 The earliest pottery with the production of various greyware pottery and kilns are those excavated at Vis ( Issa) where Hellenis- probably amphorae.24 tic and Roman pottery production is inferred on the basis of these, but also finds of numerous pottery 24 Brusić 2000, 7–17; Kirigin et al. 2002; Kirigin et al. 25 Barbarić 2012, 37. 2005, 13–15. 26 Šešelj, Vuković 2012/2013, 347. 130 Pottery workshops in the coastal area of Roman Dalmatia: landscape, spatial organization, ownership SUPPOSED LOCAL PRODUCTION BRICK STAMPS AND PRODUCTION LOCATION PO AQUILEIA VALLEY - Q. Clodius Ambrosius - C. Titi Hermerotis ax. - L. Minici Pudentis Sex. Mtilli M - C. Ivli Africani REGIO VIII - M. Albi Rufi AEMILIA - L. St. Ivsti Modesti. A ? - Q. Caecili Flaviani Tragulae Ivbi [b?]a[---]ena -Pansiana PAR Cenr -A. Faesoni AF Servilia Solonas Sat[turnius] -Valeriae Magnae P A(eslius) S(--) Epidian Ivni -C. Ivli Africani Legio XI Claudia -L. St. Ivsti pia fidelis Maximin -C. T. Hermetis Legio IIII Flavia felix Consta[---] Legio VIII Augusta Bistves Λisino[---] LEG VIII AVG Vol[---] Salonian Sonian L. Maltini Abascanti Salonian M Ippolitvs PAR M Lvtasivs Galax(idoros) Muttieni Dalmatia LOCAL PRODUCTION Ex. Of. L. Tetti Desedeni Sonian ? ITALIC IMPORT Legio IIII Flavia felix Cohors III Alpinorum MILITARY PRODUCTION Cohors I Belgarum - -]LE? VII [- - CRIKVENICA AD TURRES Cohors VIII voluntariorum POTTERY WORKSHOP civium Romanorum Legio XI Claudia pia fidelis P. Lvrivs Firmvs Legio VII Claudia pia fidelis DOCL(ea) Legio VIII Augusta ; Figure 3 Distribution of imported and locally produced stamped tiles in the Province Dalmatia (based on: Matijašić 1983; 1988; Mardešić 2006; Dodig 2007; Pedišić, Podrug 2008; Lipovac Vrkljan 2009; Tončinić et al. 2011; Ilkić, Parica 2017; and bibliography therewithin). wasters.27 At Hvar ( Pharos) amphorae production the possibility of CBM production.30 Although the datable to Hellenistic times has also been supposed, kilns are now lost, the area still abounds with finds of accompanied by that of CBM, loom-weights, fine, wasters and localized clay deposits are present, just coarse and cooking wares, and terracotta figurines.28 as a water source.31 On the bases of tile stamps CBM Recently, archaeometric analysis is being carried out production at Smrdelje can be traced from the mid- on materials from the Hellenistic settlements and 1st to the beginning of the 2nd century.32 sanctuaries of central Dalmatia in order to further In the late 19th century another pottery production characterize their pottery production.29 has been inferred on the basis of tegulae stamps33 The first mention of certain traces of Roman CBM from the site sv. Petar – Soline and Risika – Paprata production is that linked to the military camp in Bur- on the island of Krk.34 Sticotti and Nowotny state num (Ivoševci near Kistanje in continental northern the toponym le fornaci for the location at sv. Petar-So- Dalmatia), more precisely to the nearby site Smr- line, and both K. Patch and J. J. Wilkes localized Sex- delje - Rivine where, in 1895, L. Marun identified four pottery kilns, which, linked to the numerous finds of legionary brick stamps, brought forward 30 Pedišić, Podrug 2008, 85–86 with earlier biblio- graphy; Miletić 2011, 267. 27 Čargo, Miše 2010. 31 Pedišić, Podrug 2008, 85, n. 4; Miletić 2011, 267. 28 Katić 1999–2000; Kirigin et al. 2002; Jeličić Radonić, 32 Borzić 2014, 292. Katić 2015, 140–145. 33 DE SALT(u) SEX(ti) M(e)TILLI MAX(imi). 29 Šegvić et al. 2012; Miše et al. 2015; Šegvić et al. 2016. 34 Sticotti, Nowotny 1896, 167–168. 131 Ana Konestra, Goranka Lipovac Vrkljan tus’ figlina in the area of Soline bay.35 Numerous other, mainly CBM productions, have been supposed on the eastern Adriatic coast on the bases of tile stamps, and which have been summa- rised in ( Fig. 3). Pottery production, on the other hand, has been supposed on the basis of finds such as thin-walled ware36 ( Fig. 4) and jugs with inscrip- tions baring local toponyms37 ( Felix Arba, Salona). The next site linked with pottery production identi- fied on the basis of kiln finds is that of Dinjiška, and an amphorae and pottery workshop has been sup- posed at Novalja, both on the island of Pag.38 In the last decade, a number of direct indicators of production have been identified in the northern part Figure 4 Example of thin-walled ware beaker of of the province Dalmatia (Liburnia), adding new in- supposedly local eastern-Adriatic production (courtesy of sights to the aforementioned data, which was, as well, Janaf collection, photo and drawing A. Konestra). concentrated in Liburnia.39 The first major discovery was that of Crikvenica’s pottery workshop40 which the nearby sites of Beli grad and Podkućine, which allowed to locate the production of the aforemen- present architectural remains and finds of Roman tioned Sex. Metilius Maximus stamps in this figlina. pottery.45 At Mahućine bay, on the basis of a large quan-Nevertheless, Soline bay still remains a viable can- tity of pottery wasters and kiln fragments, the location didate for a pottery workshop, maybe even belong- of one or more pottery kilns has been supposed, and ing to the same owner, as later research recorded the later backed up by geophysical surveying.46 No other an- presence of overfired pottery and other wasters.41A cient structures have so far been confirmed at the site, single isolated kiln has been excavated at the site Rak- but on cape Zidine, located across the Loparska vala itnica-Tri bunara in the hinterland of Vodice.42 After cove, a large, probably later Roman rural site, has been a series of test trenches and geophysical surveying, identified.47 A third, recently identified kiln, is located no other structure has been located at the site, and all at Gonar (Rab municipality), and might be connected finds are limited to tegulae and coarse pottery.43 to the nearby roman estate of Kaštelina in Kampor.48 On the island of Rab (Lopar municipality), pottery The most recent find is that of Plemići bay (Rtina, production has been confirmed at two sites, in Podši- Ražanac municipality) to the north of Nin ( Aenona).49 lo and Mahućine bays. In the first case, a seemingly The sporadic finds of two tile stamps ( M[VTTIENI] isolated kiln has been excavated44 and later linked to and EX OF L TETTI DE[SEDES])50 support the possibility to locate here a long-lasting and complex 35 Sticotti, Nowotny 1896, 168; Wilkes 1979, 501; Wil- kes 1979, 70; Pedišić, Podrug 2008, 103 with earlier bibli- ography. 45 Lipovac Vrkljan, Šiljeg 2012, 21, 28; Lipovac Vrkljan 36 Brusić 1999, 30–31, 118–119. et al. 2014, 206. 37 see in Nedved 1990, 7: CIL III 14336; Brusić et al. 46 Lipovac Vrkljan et al. 2015. 2012, 108, Fig. 8. 47 Skelac, Radić Rossi 2006. 38 Gluščević 1988, 73–74, 82. 48 The site has been identified during filed surveys car- 39 For an overview see also Lipovac Vrkljan, Šiljeg 2012. ried out by R. Starac, who we thank for this information. 40 Starac 1991; Lipovac Vrkljan 2009. Upon visiting the site no clear evidence of the nature and 41 Lipovac Vrkljan, Starac 2007; Lipovac Vrkljan, Šiljeg dating of the kiln could be confirmed, as its structure is 2012, 18. severely damaged by sea erosion, though a few tegulae fra- 42 Brajković 2011. gments have been collected on the nearby beach. 43 Brajković 2011, 98–100. 49 Ilkić 2013. 44 Lipovac Vrkljan, Šiljeg 2010. 50 Ilkić, Parica 2017. 132 Pottery workshops in the coastal area of Roman Dalmatia: landscape, spatial organization, ownership CBM and probably amphorae production centre, derstand its connection to the estate which he must whose features are though still to be defined. have possessed in the environs (a saltus). At Crikven- ica all ceramics and pottery classes are typologically rather diverse, with six types of CBM, more than 90 Production typology, chronology, scale types of household pottery and 13 types of ampho- and distribution rae, to which loom-weights and particular shapes can be added,53 so this production established itself as a Recent data sheds new light on the problem of pot- general supplier of ceramic goods to the wider mar- tery production in Roman Dalmatia, pointing to a se- ket of the region. In fact, Crikvenica’s exports have ries of issues that can now be outlined in more depth. been identified in the area spanning from Tarsatica Firstly, in addition to military production, this new in the north to the river Krka ( Titius) in the south.54 evidence can be typologically divided in isolated But typological and distribution data points also to kilns, kilns connected to rural sites ( villas), while only the commercialisation of agricultural products from Crikvenica’s workshop can with certainty be defined Sextus Metillius’ saltus which must have been carried as such and interpreted as a protoindustrial pottery in the amphorae produced at the figlina. production complex. As far as regarding kilns or fa- At the site in Plemići bay, spatial extension, wast- cilities connected with urban settlements they seem ers concentration and typology, although still to be to belong to an earlier date – mostly late Hellenistic defined with more precision, do confirm the exist- in the case of Vis and the supposed pottery produc- ence of a larger complex producing various classes tion on Hvar and at Resnik.51 Production in Salona of materials, so far identified as CBM and ampho- and Asseria, hinted by both stamps and other pot- rae.55 Dating of this complex can only be supposed tery types, is yet to be located. Such subdivision can on the basis of amphorae typology56 which, on the underline the different aims for setting up pottery trail of italic amphorae types such as Forlimpopo- production, but also the degree of specialisation the li, can be dated from the 1st to the 4th century AD, production achieved and how longstanding its dura- but was probably confined within the early Imperial tion was. It can also give us a hint to the economic times.57 The afore-mentioned presence of two types significance of the products of each within a broader, of stamps of supposedly local production might in- regional, or local market. dicate two phases of production marked by two dif- Of particular interest is the typology of products ferent owners and/or organisational systems. which have so far been identified for the aforemen- Spatial organisation within the workshops has so far tioned sites, and their chronology. The earliest phase been explored only at Crikvenica, thanks to ten years of Roman pottery production is that of Crikveni- of systematic excavations. This allowed to define the ca’s fliglina, and with all probability the one localised main features of the workshop, such as kilns, clay in Plemići bay. For Crikvenica, evidence of a wide decanting pits, open-air areas, but also roofed spac- range of products has been established, while im- es.58 The production possibilities of the figlina can be ported finds and 14C dates place the initial phases seen as a full-time enterprise, as the diversification of of production setup in the late 1st century BC. The end of production is additionally supported by the 53 Ožanić Roguljić 2012. 54 Lipovac Vrkljan, Ožanić Roguljić 2013, 259–261. find of graves within the figlina’s waste52 placing it 55 Ilkić 2013; Bekić, Pešić 2014, 103, t. 5; Ilkić, Parica before the half of the 3rd century. Tile stamp from 2017; and personal assessment by the authors. Crikvenica’s pottery production centre allowed to 56 flat-bottomed Adriatic amphorae, Bekić, Pešić 2014, 103, t. 5. determine its owner, Sex. Metillius Maxiumus, and un- 57 A fragment of a Shindler Kaudelka 68 thin-walled cup (Schindler Kaudelka 1975) has been found during 51 Kirigin et al. 2002; Šegvić et al. 2012. field survey, providing a mid-1st century date. 52 Konestra, Ožanić Roguljić 2016. 58 presenting different phases, Lipovac Vrkljan et al. 2016. 133 Ana Konestra, Goranka Lipovac Vrkljan facilities, presenting both open-air and roofed spaces, north Italian sites. This is certainly true for Crikven- allowed all-year production within the complex.59 ica, where data on ownership and location is given On the other hand, both sites on the island of Rab by tile stamps. Tile distribution, in addition to that of point to CBM production only, and 14C dates of sam- amphorae, does provide evidence for a commercial ples from the kiln in Podršilo bay place it in the 3rd aim of CBM production which could be linked to century.60 The same products typology has been iden- an early phase of urban development in Liburnia.66 A tified at Raktnica – Tri bunara, whose chronology has tile stamp occurring within the Plemići bay waste has not been establish due to a lack of datable evidence.61 been identified at nearby Aenona.67 The site could be linked to the nearby Velika Mrda- Whether the examples from the island of Rab point kovica late Iron age hillfort and Roman settlement, to a different nature of the estates they might be but also to a site which might have been located on connected to is doubtful, as more research is needed the plains in its vicinity.62 In any case, Rakitnica’s to better understand their nature and activities, just find point to a short-lived production, perhaps es- as the range of their distribution. In any case, dis- tablished to fulfil the needs of a particular construc- tribution data from Crikvenica’s workshop supports tion phase of one of the nearby sites. Similarly, the the existence of a regional pottery and CBM trading sites on Lopar seem to have been destined to provide network parallel to that of imported wares and tegulae CBM for the rural estates of Cape Zidine and those (see Fig. 2 for the main stamps), and the new finds in Podšilo bay. Although, an interesting connection from Plemići might be indicative of this as well. could also be established with a phase of urban in- frastructure improvement at the nearby urban sites of Arba and Senia testified by late 2nd and 3rd century Productive landscapes: the choice of inscriptions.63 A similar interpretation has been pro- location posed for the DALMATIA tile stamps whose pro- duction has been localised in the environs of Diocle- Finally, a tentative interpretation of the locations atian’s palace, for the construction of which it might chosen for setting up pottery production will be dis- have been established.64 cussed. The lack of structures around the aforementioned Setting up pottery production occurs in those are- kilns, doubtful only in the Podšilo case, could pro- as where clay availability is present, but two other vide additional support for the temporary (or season- factors, water and fuel, are key as well.68 Moreover, al) character of the Mahućina and Rakitnica kilns. according to D. Arnold, the availability of good qual- These finds and some of their features provide in- ity row materials triggers not as much the onset of teresting insights for a broader reconstruction of the ceramic’s production, which might occur either way, economy of ancient Liburnia. Amphorae production as it influences its development into full-time special- at both Crikvenica and Plemići support the integra- isation.69 Another key factor is the distance to those tion of this facility within larger rural and coastal es- resources.70 Ethnographic studies have shown that tates, as has been recorded for several Istrian65 and distance covered to clay resources depends on the re- 59 Arnold 2011, 91. 66 Sex. Metillius Maximus tile stamps are present at Tar- 60 Lipovac Vrkljan, Šiljeg 2009, 27; Lipovac Vrkljan et satica – first phase of the thermal complex, Cickini rural al. 2014. estate (?) on the island of Krk, Arrupium, Preko on the 61 Brajković 2011, 99–100. island of Ugljan, and on two shipwrecks off Lošinj and 62 Brajković 2011, 100. Susak islands, Lipovac Vrkljan, Ožanić Roguljić 2013. 63 i. e. Balnea renovation inscription from Senj, CIL III, 67 Ilkić, Parica, 2017, 105, n. 4. 10054; for Rab see Nedved 1990, 19–25. 68 Degryse, Poblome 2008, 233; Rieger, Möller 2011, 64 Sanader 2006, 175. 159–160. 65 Loron, Červar and Fažana see Bulić, Koncani Uhač 69 Arnold 1985, 32. 2011; Carre, Tassaux 2012. 70 Arnold 1985, 32–33; Arnold 2011, 85. 134 Pottery workshops in the coastal area of Roman Dalmatia: landscape, spatial organization, ownership lief and transport technology, varying for clays used have been identified above the site,75 but the coastal to shape the body, those for the slip, and for tem- area of Lopar bay is highly eroded due to recent per material, but staying within 1 and 50 km. More anthropic interventions.76 precisely, profitable sourcing of clay for shaping the If clay availability might have been a key element in bodies happens between 1 and 7 km, while for late broadly choosing pottery workshops locations, wa- Antique Sagalassos distances for good quality clay are ter must have been a micro-topographic factor, as around eight km.71 In Roman Britain distances have all sites are located close to permanent or periodic been proven to arrive at 20 km, as wheeled carts and streams or ponds. Crikvenica’s figlina is located on the probably roads could have been used for transport.72 shores of the river Dubračina, which might also be As discernible from its geology, areas of clay depos- responsible for the thick clay deposit on which the its in northern Dalmatia, usually linked with the flysh site lays and which covered the site prior to excava- geology, are limited. Nevertheless, they do occur in tion, as investigations at its estuary showed signifi- those areas where Roman pottery workshops have cant sediment accumulation.77 The other sites lay also been identified (i. e. Crikvenica, Plemići, Lopar). close to water sources: at Plemići the Jaruga stream, Even more significant is the location of some of the at Smredelje the Kukalj stream, at Podšilo a tempo- identified workshops directly within clay deposits, as rary stream, at Mahućine and Rakitnica ponds and it is the case of Crikvenica and Plemići bay, which of- wells, while only at Gonar, at this point, no water ten present substantial thickness, allowing for the use source was detected. Similarly, a small lake (Jezerca) of raw materials found on site. The same has been and some ponds located close to Soline bay (island of noted for the Rakitnica – Tri bunara kiln.73 Moreo- Krk) could have provided both water and clay for the ver, the location of Crikvenica’s workshop presents supposed pottery production facilities. the possibility to source clay from deposits located The third resource to be secured was the combus- at some distance, allowing, perhaps, for a differen- tible, which is, due to the current state of research, tiation of raw materials within the different produc- the hardest to pinpoint and analyse. In the cases of tions.74 In fact around Crikvenica, various clay and the so far excavated kilns in Liburnia, wood stands marl deposits have been located, with a major out- out as the primarily, if not only, combustion material. crop at the landslide Slani potok located at less than Crikvenica’s tile stamp additionally confirms this as it 4 km from the figlina site, while the others are located states the placement of the figlina within a saltus, usu-even closer. Nevertheless, so far no evidence of an- ally understood as, on the one hand, a large wooded cient clay pits has been identified. property, while on the other, as a land subjected to On the other hand, the kilns on the island of Rab particular fiscal policies.78 Figlinas functioning within seem to have been located at somewhat different salti have been noted in various regions, most notably locations, though Podšilo bay is characterized by in northern Italy with the Pansiana operating with- flysh with silty sand deposits. On Rab, no large clay in an imperial saltus,79 or in Gallia, where the saltus deposits have been identified, so the located kilns Arverne hosted, among other industries, that of ce-must have utilized material available in smaller de- ramics production, with its most prominent centre posits, which, in the case of Podšilo, might have in Lezoux.80 One of the main products of this sal- washed away due to erosion. In the vicinity of Ma- tus, and also a prerogative for other activities (min- hućine bay, two ponds and a deposit of clayey soil ing, pottery production) are the large quantities of 71 Degryse, Poblome 2008, 233, 245 with earlier bi- 75 Lipovac Vrkljan et al. 2014; Lipovac Vrkljan et al. 2015. bliography. 76 Benac et al. 2012. 72 Arnold 2011, 89. 77 Crmarić et al. 2007. 73 Brajković 2011. 78 Soricelli 2004, 97–98. 74 for a similar situation see Degryse, Poblome 2008, 245; 79 Pellicioni 2012, 73 ss. for different sourcing possibilities see Graham 2006, 47. 80 Vigouroux 1962, 212, 216. 135 Ana Konestra, Goranka Lipovac Vrkljan wood that the saltus could provide.81 Whether this gy of the area prior to recent coastal rearrangements analogies could explain the role Sex. Metillius’ saltus and fillings. Road connections are, on the other hand, is yet to be determined, but our current understand- fairly evident as Crikvenica ( Ad Turres) was part of ing seems to point in that direction, while further the road networks crossing the eastern Adriatic from research should explore the scope and extension Aquileia to Salona and Diracchium, as demonstrated of this property and its economic possibilities. by the Peutinger’s Map (section IV)87 and possibly For other production centres or isolated kilns in- by traces of the road located on various sites of the formation on the setting within a larger property is Vinodol hinterland.88 scanty, thus nothing is known on character of the surrounding areas with significant certainty. New data from Plemići, with tegulae baring the EX OF Spreading of a know-how and notation,82 broaden the varieties of workshop set- emergence of diverse production tings present in Liburnia and provide us with poten- models tial new data on workshop organisation. Nevertheless, all areas could have provided enough It is in the imports that local fliglinas found their in- wood at least for temporary or seasonal production. spiration, as Roman style CBM was unknown in the Such data can be gathered on the basis of current region previous to the arrival of the first italic prod- woodland coverage, historic data provided by lat- ucts89 and the connection with italic flat-bottom am- er sources, and for Antiquity, by palinology (see phorae has already been mentioned. above). In fact, from the late Middle Ages onwards This familiarity with italic shapes is noticeable in the eastern Adriatic played a key role in supplying other classes as well. In fact, an abrupt change in Venice with high quality wood: in particular areas pottery style is visible at the late Iron age – Roman such as Istria, Krk island, the environs of Rijeka, imperial age passage. Though some authors note a Bakar and Senj83 and the island of Rab84 provided resemblance of certain coarse ware shapes of the wood mainly for shipbuilding. Other sources bear two periods,90 there is a clear typological break be- evidence of the existence of vast forests along the tween the two traditions as new classes are being coast, southwards at least to Zadar, and subsequent introduced. The spread of Roman style pottery hap- intense deforestation.85 pened as early as the 2nd century BC (greco-italic and Finally, location is closely connected to the possi- Lamboglia 2 amphorae, black-glazed fine wares, early bilities of transportation which allow for products thin-walled ware shapes), but local production be- marketing. While all but one (Rakitnica) so far identi- gan at a much later date and could be linked with the fied production centres are located by the shore, thus actual arrival of Italics who aided the establishment allowing for seaborne transport, only Crikvenica and of pottery production either on their newly acquired Plemići have so far yielded evidence for the exist- estates. This process of gradual land acquisition and ence of docking facilities. At Plemići these have been production establishment is visible in the configura- identified as two docks crossing the bay at either tion of Crikvenica’s workshop but also in the kilns’ side of the site,86 while at Crikvenica the existence typologies identified in the Liburnian region, which of such facilities has been inferred on the basis of are always of the Cuomo di Caprio IIb type, while, small finds, underwater finds and the geo-morpholo- though still unrecorded, previous pottery production 81 Vigouroux 1962, 214–216. 87 http://www.euratlas.net/cartogra/peutinger/4_pi- 82 Ilkić, Parica 2017, 106, n. 6. cenum/ (1.4.2016). 83 Lazzarini 2014, 31, 37. 88 Lipovac Vrkljan, Starac 2014, 97. 84 Rauš, Matić 1987, 100, 102. 89 I.e. Pansiana tegulae, Matijašić 1989, 63–64; Pedišić, 85 Štefanec 2003, 340–345. Podrug 2008, 88–94. 86 Ilkić, Parica 2017, 105. 90 Borzić 2014, 292. 136 Pottery workshops in the coastal area of Roman Dalmatia: landscape, spatial organization, ownership was certainly carried out in differently shaped kilns.91 targeted production, developed for the needs of the This makes the possibility of foreign ownership pro- rural estates they operated in and seemingly compris- viding also foreign know-how for the establishment ing exclusively of CBM. A similar situation can be of production as a viable explanation for the first implied for those production facilities identified or phase of production identified through the 1st–2nd supposed within towns (Vis, Asseria, Salona etc.). A century AD, while the role of the local potters is yet major very evident difference is certainly that of pro- to be determined and could be connected to location duction diversification, so while at Crikvenica a large choices linked to raw material availability. array of products might imply a larger work force By analysing landscape features, workshop’s organi- and different market demands, the second phase sation, ownership models, product distribution and kilns seem to have aimed at satisfying the needs of a chronology so far discussed, a set of different pro- local community (being it a rural estate, a town or a duction models arises. smaller settlement). The early organisation of ceramics production sees The first model of production, which can be linked it within larger estates (such as saltus) which seem to to the manufactory model proposed by Peacock,94 follow the integration of Liburnia in the Roman state though presenting similarities with the nucleated and the subsequent arrival of entrepreneurs from It- workshop models as well,95 seems to interest the aly. Such characteristics are discernible at Crikvenica early Imperial age, as activities at this figlinas, from and perhaps at Plemići as well. These sites point to- the currently available evidence, cease with the end wards production models that integrate a vast scale of the 2nd century. Such evolution could be linked infrastructure and full-time commitment of a skilled with similar production centres of the western Adri- labour force that acts on behalf of an independent atic, whose typological evolution (from Dr. 2–4 to owner, though the seasonality of certain tasks is not flat-bottomed amphorae) Crikvenica seems to follow excluded (i.e. kiln firing). Another feature of this at least within its amphorae production, but whose production model is vast availabilities of raw mate- activities span well into the 3rd century.96 Its demise rials which favour full-time specialisation92 and allow can also, just as that of similar Italic productions, be for a market oriented production. linked to the ever more prominent import of am- Early production onset is discernible at military pro- phorae born commodities from the Easter Mediter- duction sites as well, but they developed in a differ- ranean and Northern Africa.97 ent context93 and their market orientation is, with all The second and later model, more readily connect- probability, fairly limited. Smaller scale production able with estate production models, is that of the facilities, which are seen at sites on Rab and at Rak- seemingly isolated kilns whose purpose could be that itnica, seems to have a later onset, a more limited of providing CBM for the construction phases of production output and smaller scale distribution. In the nearby rural estates, and would thus fit within a fact, these latter cases do have in common a more time frame when italic tegulae stopped arriving on the eastern Adriatic, at least at the scale recorded before.98 91 Earlier pottery was fired on open fires or within pits The possibility that these kilns could have provided (Barbarić 2012, 16–17; for a general overview Šimić-Ka- CBM for a wave of urban reconstruction recorded naet 1996, 151–153). A potential parallel for kiln’s constru- for Rab, Senj and Tarsatica, is yet to be analysed. ction could be that of the Bronze age kilns uncovered at Monkodonja hillfort in Istria (see Buršić Matijašić 1998, 29, 49–50), though no kilns have been so far identified on Liburnian territory (for present-day Dalmatia see Barbarić 2012, 37). 94 Peacock 1997, 18–19. 92 Arnold 1985, 32. 95 Costin 1991, 8. 93 That of government participation, Peacock 1987, 96 Pannella 1989, 156–161, 163. 15–21, which can be compared to the retainer workshop 97 For wine see Pannella 1989, 166. model as seen by Costin 1991, 9. 98 Matijašić 1989, 65–66. 137 Ana Konestra, Goranka Lipovac Vrkljan Concluding remarks cator of other production activities such as agricul- ture, its role in shedding light on the ancient econo- By combining data gathered from landscape, pro- my is being ever more recognised. Thus, by analysing duction facilities and products, and products’ distri- this industry we have also tried to establish a link to bution analysis, a preliminary overview of the mod- a more general productive and economic picture of els of pottery and CBM production on the Eastern the north-eastern Adriatic through the first centu- Adriatic has been proposed. ries of Roman rule in the area. Though indirectly, a As some data is still being processed (such as archae- vibrant agro-pastoral landscape has been supposed, ometric analysis of clays and pottery from Liburnia99), organised within differently organised rural estates, this picture is open to re-elaboration, reinterpretation while links to maritime resources and woodland ex- and integration, being in fact a starting point to be ploitation can be also inferred, backed by data gath- tested as new information is obtained. Also, future ered through interdisciplinary research activates. Fur- finds of pottery and CBM kilns or figlinae will help to ther analysis on each of the afore-mentioned sites broaden our understanding of all analysed aspects. will help in pinpointing local specificities, creating While pottery and CBM production holds a dual val- a more detailed local economic picture and helping ue as indicator of ancient economic activities, being answer those question that have here been only pre- a product in its own right, but also an indirect indi- liminarily tackled. Bibliography BOGUNOVIĆ, M. and A. BENSA 2006, Tla krša – temeljni čimbenik biljne proizvodnje. – In: B. Biondić and J. Božičević ANIĆ, B. and D. PERICA 2003, Structural features of cul- (eds.), Hrvatski krš i gospodarski razvoj, Zagreb, 41–50. tural landscape in the karst area (landscape in transition) / BORZIĆ, I. 2014, Keramičko kuhinjsko posuđe XI. le- Strukturne in oblikovne značilnosti kraške kulturne krajine gije s lokaliteta Burnum–Amfiteatar. – In: G. 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Ljudevita Gaja 32 VIGOUROUX, C. 1962, Le Saltus arverne, complexe HR-10000 Zagreb économique. – Revue archéologique du Centre de la France 1/3, gorankalv@gmail.com 141 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Rimskodobni lončarski obrat na Otoku pri Metliki The Roman Pottery Manufacturing Site at Otok near Metlika Katarina Udovč, Manca Vinazza Izvleček: Na severnem robu belokranjske vasi Otok pri Metliki smo med letoma 2012 in 2013 izkopali lončarski obrat. Odkrili smo štiri manjše dvodelne peči, okroglega ali ovalnega tlorisa s sredinskim podpornim stebrom in masivnimi rešetkami s trikotnimi ali pravokotnimi odprtinami. Med otoško lončenino je bila najdena široka paleta keramičnih oblik, tako kuhinjskega kot namiznega posodja, izključno lokalne proizvodnje. Izpostavljamo posode „vazaste“ oziroma valja- ste oblike z izvihanim ustjem, katerim smo našli primerjave v bližnjih grobiščih na Otoku in v Rosalnicah. Gre za pivsko posodje iz 1. in 2. stoletja n. št., sicer razširjeno tudi na širšem dolenjskem prostoru. Med otoškim gradivom izstopajo odlomki keramike, okrašene z aplikami kač in kuščarja, ki jih lahko uvrstimo v sklop t. i. Schlangengefässe. Povezujemo jih s kultom, čaščenim v domačem oziroma družinskem okolju, saj je kača tudi simbol oz. zaščitnica hiše in družine. Lončarski obrat, na osnovi izkopanega gradiva, časovno opredeljujemo med 1. in 2. stoletje n. št. Ugodne pogoje za razvoj lončarske obrti je omogočala bližina gozda, kakovostna glina in reka Kolpa. Ključne besede: Bela krajina, rimsko obdobje, lončarski obrat, lokalna proizvodnja keramike, vzhodni kulti Abstract: A pottery production site was excavated in the village of Otok near Metlika on the upper terraces of the river Kolpa in 2012–2013. Four small bipartite kilns were excavated. These were circular or oval in plan and were equipped with a central pedestal and a massive kiln floor, which was pierced with triangular and rectangular openings. A wide range of pottery forms were found at the Otok pottery production site. These included both cooking and tableware of exclu- sively local production. The „vase“ shaped or cylindrical jar with everted rim is of particular note. Examples of this vessel type are known from the cemeteries at Otok and Rosalnice in the vicinity of the site. These are drinking vessels, which were also found throughout Dolenjska in the 1st and 2nd centuries AD. The Otok assemblage also contains numerous potsherds that are decorated with snake and lizard appliqués, which are classified by the authors as part of the so-called „Schlangengefässe“ category. They are probably related to a cult in the domestic or private domain. The pottery produ- ction site dates from the 1st to the 2nd centuries AD. The development of the pottery workshop and the transport of its products were facilitated by proximity to the river Kolpa, which was navigable in the Roman period and represented the shortest possible route between Siscia and the Adriatic See. Keywords: Bela Krajina, Roman period, pottery production site, local pottery production, Eastern cults Uvod drejena vojni upravi v Iliriku.2 Arheološke najdbe pričajo o postopni romanizaciji podeželskega pros- Vas Otok pri Metliki1 leži ob reki Kolpi v Beli kra- tora brez večjih urbanih središč. Na belokranjskem jini ( sl. 1). Območje današnje Bele krajine je bilo območju se za čas med 1. in 2. stoletjem n. št. do- ob koncu 1. stoletja pr. n. št. priključeno rimskemu mneva obstoj več podeželskih vil ( villae rusticae). Re- cesarstvu in je predstavljalo mejno območje med zultati geofizikalnih raziskav so to potrdili v Ogu- provincama Panonijo in Dalmacijo. Upravno je linu pri Vinici, na Jakovčičevem vrtu v Cerkvišču bila Bela krajina v času flavijske dinastije (69–96) in Loki pri Črnomlju, vendar jih večina ostaja še vključena v provinco Panonijo, pred tem je bila po- neraziskanih.3 V vasi Otok, v neposredni bliži- 1 V starejši literaturi se omenja tudi kot Otok pri Pod- 2 Dular 1985, 30. zemlju. 3 Prim. Mason 2012, sl. 2. 143 Katarina Udovč, Manca Vinazza Slika 1 Vas Otok (po Atlas okolja). ni obravnavanega območja raziskav ( sl. 2), so bili Zgodovina raziskav na otoku na vrtu stanovanjske stavbe najdeni temelji stavb. Rimskodobna grobišča poznamo v vasi Otok, v V vasi in njeni bližnji okolici je znanih več najdišč Rosalnicah in Borštku pri Metliki.4 V vasi Rožanec, iz različnih obdobij, večina jih sodi v rimski čas. Ar- blizu Črnomlja, je stal mitrej.5 heološke raziskave na tem območju potekajo že od V letih 2012 in 2013 so, na podlagi pozitivnih rezul- konca 19. stoletja, natančneje od leta 1890, ko so tatov predhodnih arheoloških raziskav iz leta 2011, bili najdeni prvi rimskodobni žgani grobovi.9 Josef znotraj registrirane enote kulturne dediščine Otok – Szombathy je pri sondiranjih na Novakovem vrtu Arheološko najdišče Otoško polje (EŠD 11115),6 potekala ( sl. 2) naletel na vodnjaku podobno kamnito arheološka izkopavanja rimskodobnega lončarskega strukturo z 0,8 m široko in 1,2 m dolgo ovalno kompleksa. Raziskovali smo na severnem robu vasi odprtino ter z več kot 1 m debelim zidom, ki je Otok, na poljih izven današnje strnjene pozidave v globino segala vreč kot 2 m. Notranjost je bila ( sl. 1–2). Območje leži na zgornjih aluvialnih tera- zatrpana z rimskodobnimi najdbami (keramika, sah reke Kolpe izven poplavno ogroženega obmo- živalske kosti, kovina). Kljub temu, da so doma- čja, zato je bil ta prostor primeren tako za pose- čini večkrat naleteli na rimskodobno keramiko, se litev kot za poljedelstvo.7 Lončarstvo in transport raziskave niso nadaljevale.10 Slabo grajene zidove izdelkov je najverjetneje omogočila in olajšala, v domnevno rimskodobne naselbine, je na Nova- rimskem času plovna reka Kolpa, po kateri je pote- kovem vrtu med izkopavanji leta 1897 odkril tudi kala najkrajša povezava med Siscijo in Jadranskim Jernej Pečnik.11 Ker ni prišlo do pravih izkopavanj, morjem.8 ni uspel ugotovil ali gre za obzidane grobove ali za ostanke rimskodobne naselbine. Janez Dular predvideva, da se enaka situacija nadaljuje proti 4 Mason 2008, 32. 5 Curk 1990, 97. 6 Mason, Pinter 2013, 90−91. 9 Dolenjske Novice VI/24 (15. 12. 1890), št. 24, 192. 7 Vlašić 2010, 19. 10 Dular 1985, 77. 8 Strabon, IV 207 in VII 314. 11 Pečnik 1904, 190. 144 Rimskodobni lončarski obrat na Otoku pri Metliki vrt). Leta 1890 so na ledini Na jamah ( sl. 2) potekala izkopavanja podzemeljskega župnika J. Rometa, te- kom katerih so ugotovili, da so bile žare položene ali v preprosto jamo ali v grobno skrinjo, zgrajeno iz kamnitih plošč. Med drugim so odkrili dve oljen- ki, dva lakrimarija, uhana, steklen okras v podobi kače in tri novce. Tri žgane grobove je Na jamah iz- kopal tudi Pečnik, najdbe danes hrani Naravoslovni muzej na Dunaju.15 Grobišče se nadaljuje tudi proti ledini V Jauši ( sl. 2) in na sosednjo njivo, kjer sta leta 1897 Novak in Pečnik izkopala več grobov.16 Nadaljevanje grobišča proti vzhodu predstavlja re- gistrirana enota dediščine Otok - Arheološko najdi- šče Vrh (EŠD 11117), kjer je Szombathy leta 1891 našel iz kamnov zidan ovalen grob.17 Pred drugo svetovno vojno so pri rigolanju istega zemljišča na- leteli še na kamnite plošče in ostanke keramičnih posod ( sl. 2). Szombathy je leta 1888, v času ko je raziskoval grobišče v Zemlju, v Otoku registriral žgan rimski grob, ki je podrobneje nelokaliziran.18 Pri izkopavanjih pod vodstvom Alfonsa Müllnerja, ki so potekala na Furlanovi njivi (podrobneje neloka- lizirani), so odkrili grobove s skromnimi pridatki, ki so bili zaradi intenzivnega kmetovanja močno poškodovani.19 Najdbe iz grobov, ki jih je izkopal Pečnik na ledini Na jamah je Anja Dular opredelila Slika 2 Ledinska imena obravnavana v tekstu in območje na konec 1. in začetek 2. stoletja n. št.20 raziskav iz let 2012–2013 (prirejeno po karti Franciscejskega Leta 2008 je bila v okviru predhodnih arheoloških katastra za Kranjsko iz leta 1823–1869 (AS 176 Mapa: raziskav jugozahodno od območja naših raziskav N220) (izvedba M. Vinazza). v koluvialni plasti najdena prazgodovinska kerami- zahodu in jugu.12 Glede na raziskave med letoma ka,21 leta 2011 pa še rimskodobna. Slednja je bila 2012 in 2013 menimo, da se sledovi naselbine širijo najdena tudi severovzhodno22 od obravnavanega tudi proti severu. Druga lokacija, kjer so bili naj- območja. deni sledovi poselitve, je Jurajevčičeva njiva (parc. Poljska pot, ki poteka od Primostka do Zemlja čez št. 916, k. o. Primostek; sl. 2). Lastniki so na njej Otoško polje, naj bi bila po ustnem izročilu iz rim- skoraj vsako leto pri oranju naleteli na več metrov skega obdobja.23 Z naseljem na Otoku povezuje dolg z malto vezan kamnit zid, ki je potekal v smeri sever−jug. Drugih najdb niso našli.13 15 Dolenjske Novice X/24 (15.12. 1894), str. 192; Du- lar 1985, 77. V vasi Otok sta bili najdeni tudi dve rimskodobni 16 Pečnik 1904, 190; Knez, Petru 1975, 242. grobišči,14 in sicer severno od današnje vasi (ledina 17 Dular 1977, 196. Na Jasi, V Javši, Vrh, Na jamah) in v vasi ( Novakov 18 Dular 1985, 77–78. 19 Rutar 1891, 194. 20 Dular 1977, 201. 12 Dular 1985, 77. 21 Mason, Sakara Sučević 2010, 259. 13 Dular 1985, 76. 22 Kovač 2011. 14 Dular 1977, 196. 23 Knez, Petru 1975, 243; Dular 1985, 177. 145 Katarina Udovč, Manca Vinazza drenažni jarek odpadni jarek Peč št. 1 Peč št. 3 drenažni jarek Peč št. 4 Peč št. 2 odpadni jarek odpadni jarek 10 m objekt Slika 3 Lončarski obrat na Otoku, izkopan v letih 2012–2013 (izris M. Vinazza). Dular24 žrtvenik, ki je bil najden kot gradbeni ma- Lončaski obrat terial v cerkvi iz 5. do 6. stoletja na Kučarju.25 Z grobišči iz Otoka pa Balduin Saria povezuje tudi Raziskave med letoma 2012 in 2013 so potekale na slabo berljiva rimska nagrobnika, ki sta bila vzidana zemljišču (parc. št. 862/3, k. o. Primostek), ki je na pri vhodu na grajski vrt gradu Gradac.26 franciscejskem katastru ( sl. 2) vrisano kot njivska površina, do takrat pa je bil v uporabi kot travnik, čeprav so domačini večkrat omenjali, da je bila na zemljišču zasajena tudi vinska trta. Izkopno polje, velikosti 715 m2, je bilo omejeno na območje pred- videne gradnje stanovanjske hiše in njene dovozne 24 Dular 1985, 32. poti. Na osnovi izkopanih štirih lončarskih peči, več 25 Šašel 1977, 114–117. ognjišč in jam, treh drenažnih jarkov, ruševin lesene 26 Dular 1985, 73. 146 Rimskodobni lončarski obrat na Otoku pri Metliki konstrukcije, več stojk in dveh jarkov, zasutih s kera- je bila dovolj dobro ohranjena, da smo jo zaščitili in miko lahko sklenemo, da smo odkrili lončarski obrat. utrdili ter predali v nadaljnjo hrambo v Belokranjski V jarkih smo med lončenino izkopali tudi dele defor- muzej v Metliki. ( sl. 6), zato smo jo očistili in doku- miranih oziroma ponesrečenih posod. Do deformacij mentirali le do nivoja rešetke in do vhoda v kuriščni je prišlo zaradi neprimernih pogojev med žganjem. kanal. Podobno situacijo poznamo iz Spodnje Hajdine pri Ptuju.27 Na zahodnem delu izkopnega polja, kjer so bile zgornje plasti že odstranjene s posegi v sodob- nem času, smo odkrili temelje zidane stavbe, zgrajene 0020 iz lomljencev. Stavbo na osnovi najdb uvrščamo v 2. in 3. stoletje n. št. V nadaljevanju predstavljamo lončarski obrat s po- udarkom na lončarskih pečeh ( sl. 3), ki predstavljajo 0100 izjemno odkritje na širšem prostoru Bele krajine in Dolenjske. 0022 0095 Gre za štiri lončarske peči za žganje keramike. Veči- noma so se ohranile le do višine rešetke. Kot ruševi- ne kupole smo interpretirali od 0,10–0,25 m debelo plast ožgane gline, ki je prekrivala rešetko in obod 50 cm peči. Peč št. 1 Peč št. 1 je imela okrogel obod (SE 0095) premera LEGENDA 1,33 m, debelina stene je variirala od 0,05 do 0,12 keramika m. Po odstranitvi ruševine kupole smo našli robu- ožgana glina stno, 0,04 m debelo, okroglo rešetko (SE 0100; sl. 4) gradbeni material s trikotnimi odprtinami, velikosti 0,14 × 0,12 m. Na Slika 4 Peč št. 1 po odstranitvi ruševine kupole in njej ni bilo predmetov namenjenih žganju. Rešetko izpraznitvi manipulativnega prostora. Pogled proti severu (izris je v sredini podpiral ovalni steber, velikosti 0,13 × M. Vinazza). 0,16 m. Pred pečjo je bil 1,34 × 1,08 × 0,64 m velik manipulativni prostor (SE 0022) iz katerega je v peč 0095 0021 vodil kuriščni kanal (SE 0096) banjaste oblike. Ma- nipulativni prostor je bil zapolnjen s številnimi od- lomki keramike in ogljem (SE 0021). V tlorisu je bil 0096 nepravilne oblike in se kotanjasto zoževal proti dnu. 0022 Dno je bilo zamazano z zbito ilovico. V manipulativ- 0016 nem prostoru smo našli celi posodi ter opeke, ki so 50 cm jih najverjetneje uporabili za konstrukcijo oboka oz. LEGENDA za zatesnitev stranske odprtine v kuriščno-zgorevalni keramika komori ( sl. 5, sl. 6). Enaki posodi sta bili izkopani v ožgana glina manipulativnem prostoru peči št. 2 ( t. 1: 2). Peč št. 1 gradbeni material Slika 5 Vhodni del peči št. 1. Pogled proti severu (izris M. 27 Istenič, Tomanič Jevremov 2004, 313, 329. Vinazza). 147 Katarina Udovč, Manca Vinazza 0,9 do 1,15 m. Debelina stene oboda oziroma kon- strukcije peči je znašala 0,04 m. Ohranil se je spo- dnji del peči (SE 0068), podporni steber (SE 0148) in manipulativni prostor (SE 0112/0113). Zgornji del, rešetka s kupolo, ni bil ohranjen. Peč je imela glinen sredinski steber pravokotne oblike velikosti 0,25 × 0,16 × 0,20 m (SE 0148). Za utrditev so vanj vgradili tudi odlomke keramičnih posod. Pred ku- riščnim kanalom je bil manipulativni prostor, skoraj polkrožne oblike, velikosti 1,3 × 1,55 × 0,20 m (SE 0112). Zapolnjen je bil večinoma z ogljem in odlom- ki keramike (SE 0113), med katerimi je bila tudi v celoti ohranjena posoda ( t. 1: 2; sl. 7). Ob peči so Slika 6 3D model peči št. 1 z označenimi osnovnimi deli (izvedba M. Vinazza). bile najdene štiri stojke (SE 0120/0121, 0122/0123, 0126/0127, 0118/0119), ki jih interpretiramo kot os- Peč št. 2 tanke konstrukcije nadstreška, na kar nakazuje tudi njihova razporeditev okoli peči. Na nivoju stojke SE Ruševina peči št. 2 (SE 0050) je bila vidna že na glo- 0120/0121 je bila najdena sidrasta fibula ( t. 1: 1), ki bini 0,30 m. Tekom izkopavanj se je izkazalo, da je sodi v 2. stoletje n. št.28 bila v tlorisu ovalne oblike, dolga 1,30 m in široka od 0167 T. 1: 1 0120 T. 1: 2 0122 0050 0112 0148 0068 0113 0148 LEGENDA 0117 0052 keramika 50 cm ožgana glina kamen 0124 dno peči Slika 7 Peč št. 2 z manipulativnim prostorom in stojkami, ki predstavljajo del nadstreška ob peči. Pogled proti severu (izris M. Vinazza). 28 Koščević 1980, 25. 148 Rimskodobni lončarski obrat na Otoku pri Metliki Peč št. 3 Peč št. 3 ( sl. 8) je bila najslabše ohranjena med vsemi, saj jo je presekal sodoben vkop za postavitev elek- tričnega droga. Ohranjeno je bilo le njeno dno (SE 0106), del stene kuriščnega kanala (SE 0159) ter ma- nipulativni prostor (SE 0160/0161), v katerem je bila najdena skleda. Peč št. 4 Največja peč, peč št. 4 ( sl. 9) je bila v tlorisu ovalne oblike (obod SE 0276), velikosti 1,60 × 1,96 × 1,26 m, s polkrožno oblikovano robustno rešetko (SE 316; sl. 10). Rešetka, debeline 0,07 m, je imela pravokotne skleda 0106 Slika 9 Peč št. 4 (foto D. Avsec). in trikotne odprtine, velikosti 0,20 × 0,10 do 0,27 0106 × 0,12 m. Podpirala sta jo glinena sredinska stebra. Manjši okrogel steber je imel premer približno 0,25 0016 m in višino 0,27 m, ovalen je bil velikosti 0,34 × 0,21 × 0,27 m. Dno peči, ki ga je prekrivala tanka plast 0106 oglja (SE 0322), je bilo ravno in prežgano, medtem ko je bilo dno manipulativnega prostora (SE 0325) kotanjasto. Kuriščni kanal (SE 0323) višine 0,35 m 0106 0160 je imel trapezoidni obok ( sl. 10). Peč je imela manj izrazito ruševinsko plast od peči št. 1. V njej nismo našli posod, zato sklepamo, da je bila pred opustitvi- jo izpraznjena. Ugotovili smo, da je bil manipulativni prostor (SE 0292) zapolnjen z najmanj dvema zasut- LEGENDA jema (SE 0291, 0304; sl. 11). keramika ožgana glina 50 cm Slika 8 Delno ohranjena peč št. 3. Pogled proti severu (izris M. Vinazza). 149 Katarina Udovč, Manca Vinazza 0316 0325 0275 0316 0322 1 m 0253 0323 0271 0325 LEGENDA 0299 keramika ožgana glina Slika 10 Peč št. 4. Ruševina kupole (SE 0253) (levo) in situacija po odstranjeni ruševini, ko je vidna rešetka (SE 0316) (desno). Pogled proti severu (izris M. Vinazza). Razprava 0276 Otoške peči uvrščamo med manjše dvodelne ver- 0276 0291 0325 tikalne peči. Dvodelne zato, ker rešetka deli peč na spodnji kuriščni in zgornji žgalni del – komoro s 0304 0323 LEGENDA kupolo.29 Kuriščno-zgorevalna komora je bila zara- keramika di boljše toplotne izolacije vkopana v zemljo. Nad 25 cm ožgana glina kamen njo je bila žgalna komora s kupolo, v katero je skozi oglje predrtine na rešetki prihajal vroč zrak. Predvideva se, Slika 11 Presek vhoda v peč št. 4. Pogled proti 29 Šimić Kanaet 1996, 155; Cuomo di Caprio 1978– severozahodu (risba M. Vinazza). 1979, 23; Swan 1984, 23. 150 Rimskodobni lončarski obrat na Otoku pri Metliki da je imela kupola na vrhu odprtino za izpust plinov. vojski s celine ali pa jih je za oskrbo z lončenino pri- Po dognanjih Pascala Duhamela je število dvodelnih peljala vojska sama, vendar tovrstne peči niso imele peči poskočilo v srednji in pozni bronasti dobi, v dolgoročnejšega vpliva na nadaljnji razvoj tamkajšnje starejši železni dobi so izginile in se nato ponovno lončarske tehnologije.35 Rimskodobne peči za žganje pojavile v mlajši železni dobi ter ostale v uporabi vse keramike so imele žgalni del peči v celoti nad nivojem do srednjega veka.30 Dvodelne vertikalne peči pred- tal. Za polnjenje in praznjenje peči so imele urejeno stavljajo tako tehnološko kot tudi glede na izkoristek odprtino,36 za katero ne vemo ali je bila na vrhu ali toplote in prostora najrazvitejši tip peči. Z ločeva- ob strani. njem prostora za kurjenje od prostora za žganje z Otoške peči spadajo med manjše vertikalne, dvodel- izgradnjo rešetke in različnimi sistemi za kroženje ne peči. Njihov premer variira od 1,33 do 1,55 m. zraka, je bila vzpostavljena osnovna „infrastruktura“ Domneva se, da je bil kuriščni kanal oz. peč običaj- za specializacijo žganja posameznih keramičnih oblik no obrnjen v smer, od koder je pihal veter, česar za predmetov. Najenostavnejše so bile zgrajene iz gline, otoške zaradi različne usmeritve vhodov ( sl. 3) ne opeke ali v kombinaciji gline, opeke in kamna.31 Jo- moremo trditi. Peči, ne glede na to ali sodijo v čas achim Henning je dvodelne peči razdelil na tri tipe. mlajše železne dobe ali rimski čas, imajo večinoma Peči podobne otoškim oziroma peči okroglega tlori- rešetke z okroglimi predrtinami za kroženje zraka, sa s podpornim stebrom je uvrstil v tip A, najstarejše otoške pa so imele obliko mreže in predrtine trikotne peči tega tipa naj bi bile izkopane v grških mestih ali pravokotne oblike. Enostavne dvodelne peči so oziroma kolonijah ob obali Črnega morja ( Histria, pogoste na najdiščih iz rimske dobe v Sloveniji, npr. Olbia, Nimphaion). V rimskih provincah so jih v več- na Ptuju, v Celju, Drnovem in Cogetincih.37 V Drno- jem obsegu začeli uporabljati v 2. oz. 3. stoletju n. št., vem je bil izkopan enak tip peči kot na Otoku, torej s vendar jih le malo poznamo izven območja rimskega sredinskim podpornim stebrom, vendar z okroglimi cesarstva. Pogosto so jih uporabljali v vzhodnih Kar- predrtinami rešetke.38 Otoškim podobno rešetko in patih, na območju Černjahovske kulture.32 Po tipo- vhod, vendar s sredinsko pregrado, ki sega do ku- logiji Ninine Cuomo di Caprio tovrstne peči spadajo rišča, je imela tudi rimskodobna peč iz Strebersdor- v tip I/a. Zanj je značilen podporni steber, ki je stal fa.39 Najdbe, lončarski obrat in peči , časovno uvršča- v središču kuriščno-zgorevalne komore. Podpiral je jo v 1.–2. stoletje n. št, medtem ko je bil zidan objekt rešetko in ji pomagal nositi težo keramičnih posod, po vsej verjetnost v uporabi še v tretjem stoletju. namenjenih žganju.33 Sredinski podporni stebri so bili različnih oblik, okrogli ali pravokotni in zgraje- Posode lokalne proizvodnje in posode z ni iz različnih gradbenih materialov. Pri manjših pe- aplikacijami kač čeh so bili zgrajeni iz gline, pri večjih pa iz kamna ali opeke. Največkrat so bili stebri okrogle oblike, ker Med otoško lončenino najdemo široko paleto oblik, je okrogla oblika omogočala boljše kroženje zraka.34 žganih v različnih atmosferah in iz različnih glinenih V Veliki Britaniji je rimske lončarske peči preučevala mas. Med izkopanim gradivom (99.275 odlomkov) Viviene Swan. Ugotovila je, da so se peči s podpor- je zastopano tako kuhinjsko kot namizno posodje. nim stebrom prvič pojavile v času zgodnjega rimske- Prevladujejo vrči, sklede, kadilnice, melnice in čaše. ga osvajanja, oz. v času vladavine cesarja Klavdija po Izpostaviti velja sklede s pečatno okrašenim oste- letu 43 n. št. Gradili so jih lončarji, ki so sledili rimski njem in posode „vazaste“ oziroma valjaste oblike z 30 Duhamel 1978–1979, 55–56. 31 Šimić Kanaet 1996, 165. 35 Swan 1984, 86. 32 Henning 1977, 193–194. 36 Drews 1978–1979, 44, sl. 26. 33 Cuomo di Caprio 1978–1979, 24–25; Cuomo di 37 Horvat 2013, 31–36. Caprio 1988, 142. 38 Topličanec 2008, 58. 34 Šimić Kanaet 1996, 158. 39 Sauer et al. 2013, Abb. 7. 151 Katarina Udovč, Manca Vinazza izvihanim ustjem ( t. 1: 2). Tovrstne večje posode je jo z mitraizmom, v okviru katerega predstavlja kača Dularjeva poimenovala vaze, manjše pa čaše.40 Pol- simbol zemlje. V kontekst mitraizma ne sodijo poso- kroglaste sklede s prstanastim dnom in s pečati ali de, na katerih so poleg kač upodobljene tudi želva, kaneluro okrašenim ostenjem posnemajo sigillatno žaba ali kuščar. Omenjene živali povezujejo tudi s obliko Drag. 37.41 Primerjave najdbam iz manipula- Sabazijevim kultom. Kača je poleg petelina, koze in tivnih prostorov peči št. 1 in št. 2 najdemo v grobu želve tudi atribut Merkurja, zaščitnika trgovcev in ro- 9 iz Rosalnic,42 t. i. čaše pa je Pečnik izkopal tudi na kodelcev, ki so ga častili v zahodnih provincah. Najd- Novakovem vrtu na Otoku ter v grobu 10 v Rosal- be iz Karnunta, Dakije in Zgornje Mezije povezujejo nicah. Rosalniški grobni inventar je datiran od konca s kultom Libera in Libere. Vamos je zapisal, da je bila 1. do začetka 2. stoletja,43 kar sovpada s proizvodnjo objavljena manjšina posod z aplikami omenjenih ži- v otoškem lončarskem obratu. Tovrstno pivsko po- vali. Izjemi sta Karnuntum in Petoviona. Posamezne sodje je razširjeno tudi na širšem dolenjskem prosto- primerke poznamo iz najdišč: Gorsium, Vindobona, ru, npr. na grobiščih v Globodolu,44 Dolenjem Polju, Intercisa, Aquincum, Brigetio in Sala.48 S čaščenjem ital-Ruhni vasi in Rojah45 ter Novemu mestu – Beletov skega boga Libera, ki so ga častili osvobojenci je po- vrt,46 kjer se je podeželsko, staroselsko prebivalstvo vezan arkadni krater okrašen z aplikami kač, najden počasi romaniziralo. V 1. in 2. stoletju n. št. je bila še v temenos Augusteum v Naroni.49 Tovrstno okrašene vedno močno prisotna stara tradicija, kar potrjuje v posode povezujejo tudi s čaščenjem hišnih oziroma latenski oziroma lokalni tradiciji izdelana lončenina. privatnih bogov. Za najdišči Kaiseraugst in Augst se Za najdbe z otoških grobišč in grobišča iz Rosalnic predvideva, da so jih po vsej verjetnosti uporabljali lahko na osnovi makroskopskega opazovanja kera- skupaj s kadilnicami od 1. stoletja n. št. dalje, in sicer mike in primerjave gradiva domnevamo, da so jih v privatnem kultu znotraj družine, saj kača predsta- izdelovali prav v obravnavanem lončarskem obratu. vlja tudi zaščitnico družine in domačega ognjišča.50 Natančnejšo distribucijo izdelkov bomo lahko ugo- V vzhodni četrti Petovione, današnji Rabelčji vasi, so tovili le z nadaljnjimi petrografskimi analizami. našli ostanke velikega lončarskega obrata s sedmimi Med otoškim gradivom izstopajo številni odlomki lončarskimi in opekarskimi pečmi, obenem pa tudi keramike, okrašeni z aplikami kač in kuščarja, ki jih posode, okrašene z aplikami v obliki kač. Posode so uvrščamo v sklop posod, ki je v literaturi znan kot bile izdelane v poetovionskih delavnicah iz fine pre- Schlangengefässe. Tovrstno okrašene posode razisko- čiščene, oksidacijsko žgane gline, ki po vsej verjetno- valci povezujejo s čaščenjem različnih kultov, zato sti izvirajo iz odpadlega materiala delavnic. Okvirno jih največkrat interpretirajo kot kultne. Z gotovostjo so datirane v 2. in 3. stoletje n. št.51 V Petovioni so jih lahko z določenim bogom ali kultom povežemo le našli tudi v petem52 in tretjem mitreju na Zgornjem tiste, ki so bile izkopane v svetiščih. V nadaljevanju Bregu.53 predstavljamo nekaj kultov, s katerimi se povezujejo V otoškem lončarskem obratu smo aplike kač in od- aplike s kačami in kuščarji.47 Pogosto so jih namreč lomke posod, okrašenih s kačami in kuščarji, izkopali našli v svetiščih posvečenih Mitri ali v njihovi bližnji v jarkih ob peči št. 1 in št. 2, ki smo jih interpreti- okolici, zato jih raziskovalci najpogosteje povezuje- rali kot jarke z odpadnim gradivom. Odlomek je bil odkrit na nekdanji hodni površini (SE 0055). Skupaj smo našli torej tri odlomke z upodobljenim oziro- 40 Dular 1977, 200. 41 Vidrih Perko 2006, 90–91. ma apliciranim kuščarjem ( t. 1: 3), odlomek z vidno 42 Dular 1977, t. 6: 3, 5. 43 Dular 1977, t. 7: 4; t. 16: 11–12. 48 Vámos 2009, 538, 544 z nadaljnjo literaturo. 44 Petru 1969, t. 4: 4; t. 8: 6. 49 Topić 2011, 545–546. 45 Dolenje Polje, Ruhna vas in Roje: Knez 1969, t. 2: 50 Schmid 1991, 68. 3; t. 4: 2; t. 5: 3. 51 Horvat, Tomanič Jevremov 2001, 359. 46 Knez 1992, t. 29: 10 (grob 78). 52 Tušek 2001, 198. 47 Predstavitev kultov je povzeta po Vámos 2009. 53 Žižek 2001, 132. 152 Rimskodobni lončarski obrat na Otoku pri Metliki LEGENDA Colapis naselbina grobišče Slika 12 Naselbina s pripadajočim grobiščem v rimskem času (izvedba M. Vinazza). okončino, po vsej verjetnosti kuščarja, in odlomek z in proizvodnje keramike v lončarskem obratu iz 1. in okončino in trupom, sedem odlomkov aplik z zavito 2. stoletja n. št., ki je deloval ob rimskem naselju. Da oblikovanimi kačjimi telesi ( t. 1: 4) ter odlomek ustja gre tukaj za širši poselitveno območje, kažejo izsledki z aplicirano kačo ( t. 1: 5). Aplike oziroma telesa kač, v historične analize, s pomočjo katere lahko rekonstru- preseku ovalne oblike, so okrašene z različno globo- iramo takratno situacijo na Otoku ( sl. 12). Rimska na- kimi, okroglimi odtisi, ki dajejo vtis pikčastega vzorca selbina se je torej razprostirala na območju Novako- oziroma lusk. Najgloblje so vtisnjene oči. Glava kače vega vrta, kjer gre najverjetneje za takšne objekte, kot je v primerjavi z glavo kuščarja bolj zašiljena in manj smo jih izkopali v zahodnem delu območja raziskav ploščata. Glave so preprosto oblikovane, gobec pa v letih 2012 in 2013, ki pa jih pa na tem mestu ne zaprt. Obravnavane najdbe z lončarskega obrata na obravnavano. Nadaljuje se severno od Novakovega Otoku ne bodo pomagale razjasniti povezav z različ- vrta, kjer je stal lončarski obrat. Še severneje pa se je nimi kulti kot so npr. mitraizem, Sabazijev kult, hišni razprostiralo precej veliko grobišče. ali morebitni lokalni kulti. V že omenjenem mitreju Gospodarski vpliv in pomen naselbine znotraj širše- iz Rožanca, ki je od Otoka oddaljen ca. 10 km zračne ga območja bomo lahko razumeli šele z nadaljnjimi črte, so leta 1982 potekala manjša arheološka son- raziskavami, najprej v smislu ovrednotenja celotne- diranja.54 Med izkopanim keramičnim gradivom iz ga keramičnega korpusa z Otoka tako s tipološke- mitreja ni bilo odkritih tovrstnih aplik. V otoškem ga, kronološkega kot tudi kemično mineraloškega primeru, kjer smo izkopali večje število različno okra- vidika ter s primerjavo tega z gradivom s širšega šenih kadilnic in več aplik ter s kuščarji in kačo apli- območja Bele krajine, Dolenjske in bližnjih najdišč ciranih odlomkov posod, je najverjetnejša povezava na Hrvaškem, ki ležijo ob takrat plovni reki Kolpi s kultom domače oziroma privatne sfere.55 Latenske ( Colapis). Nadaljnje arheološke raziskave ob bodo- oblike posod kažejo na lokalno tradicijo oblikovanja čih različnih gradbenih in infrastrukturnih posegih na Otoku bodo nedvomno razjasnile prostorsko 54 Curk 1990, 97. organiziranost. 55 Glej opombo 47. 153 Katarina Udovč, Manca Vinazza Katalog56 1. Bronasta sidrasta fibula brez ohranjene igle. Pre- hod iz peresovine na samostrel je okrašen s tremo- lirnimi vrezi, prav tako tudi lok. Noga ima J presek. Mere: dolžina 4 cm. 2. Posoda valjaste oziroma vazaste oblike z ravnim dnom, izvihanim ustjem in neizrazitim prehodom ustja v trup. Sestava: fino prečiščena glina, površi- na: prašnata, barva rozasto siva (7,5 YR 6/2) do siva (10 YR 6/1). Mere: višina 25 cm, premer ustja 11 cm. 3. Okrašen odlomek posode. Sestava: zelo fino pre- čiščena glina, površina gladka in prašnata; okras: aplika z motivom kuščarja z odtisi; barva: zelo bledo rjava (10 YR 8/3). Mere: ohr. dolžina 9,5 cm; širina 3,4 × 6,5 cm. 4. Odlomek okrašene posode. Sestava: zelo fino pre- čiščena glina; površina gladka; okras: aplika z mo- tivom kuščarja s plitvimi odtisi; barva: temno siva (2.5 Y 4/1). Mere: ohr. velikost 5,0 × 1,6 cm. 5. Odlomek ustja vrča. Sestava: zelo fino prečišče- na glina, površina gladka in prašnata; okras: aplika z motivom kuščarja, okrašena z odtisi; barva: zelo bledo rjava (10 YR 8/4). Mere: ohr. dolžina 9,2 cm, ohr. širina 4,8 × 3 cm. 56 Tehnologija keramike je bila izdelana po M. 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Univerze v Ljublja- Poljanska 40 na, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za geografijo, Ljubljana SI-1000 Ljubljana (neobjavljeno). katarina.udovc@zvkds.si ŽIŽEK, I. 2001, Tretji ptujski mitrej v luči materialne kul- ture. − V: M. Vomer Gojkovič in N. Kolar (ur.), Ptuj v rim- Manca Vinazza skem cesarstvu, mitraizem in njegova doba: mednarodno znanstveno Oddelek za arheologijo srečanje / Ptuj im römischen Reich, Mithraskult und seine Zeit: Filozofska fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani internationales Symposium. Ptuj in the Roman empire, mithraism Zavetiška 5 and its era: international scientific symposium, Ptuj, 11.–15. okto- SI-1000 Ljubljana ber 1999, Archaeologia Poetovionensis 2, 125−178. manca.vinazza@ff.uni-lj.si 157 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Dokumentiranje poškodb žledoloma – naselbina Ivanjk, Šmartno v Tuhinjski dolini The documentation of damages due to frost breaking trees – the settlement of Ivanjk, Šmartno in Tuhinj valley, Slovenia Maja Jerala, Dimitrij Mlekuž, Blaž Orehek Izvleček: V letu 2014 je bila večina Slovenije poškodovana zaradi posledic žledoloma, kar se je odrazilo tudi na poškod- bah kulturne dediščine. Eno od takih najdišč predstavlja naselbina Ivanjk nad Šmartnem pri Cerkljah, ki je bilo deloma poškodovano z izruvanimi panji podrtih dreves, najbolj pa z vsekano vlečno potjo na severni strani pobočja. Na podlagi zračnega laserskega skeniranja je bil izdelan digitalni model terena, na katerem smo prepoznali 56 teras nepravilne oblike, ki se prilagajajo terenu ter 7 gomil, ki so od naselbine ločene s kratkim jarkom. Terase na vrhu so bolj izrazite, sam vrh pa je izravnan v teraso skoraj pravokotne oblike. Spodnje ležeče terase so ožje in bolj nepravilnih oblik, na podlagi česar bi lahko sklepali, da je bil spodnji del kasnejši. Ta hipoteza je bila potrjena z analizo drobnih najdb, saj odlomki posod, najdenih na vrhu platoja, pripadajo prazgodovinskemu obdobju. Vlečna pot je na spodnjem delu presekala objekt z materialom, ki ga lahko opredelimo v poznolatensko/zgodnjerimsko obdobje, ki pa je sicer za prostor Gorenjske zelo slabo poznano. Izvedene raziskave začetek naselbine torej postavljajo na vrh vzpetine in časovno uvrščajo v čas starejše železne dobe s pripadajočim gomilnim grobiščem na vzhodnem grebenu, ki so ga morda uporabljali tudi še v poznem latenu. V tem času oziroma v zgodnjem rimskem obdobju se naselbina razširi nižje po terasah, temu obdobju pa pripada tudi objekt izven naselbine, ki je morda predstavljal lončarsko delavnico. Ključne besede: žledolom, Gorenjska, Ivanjk, lidar, gradišče, latenska doba, zgodnjerimska doba Abstract: In the beginning of 2014 the majority of Slovenia’s forest was damaged due to the ice storm which resulted in extensive damages to the archaeological heritage. One of damaged sites is Ivanjk above Šmartno in the Tuhinj valley, Gorenjska, by treefals and new forrest road bult to clear the damage done Airborne laser scaning (ALS) of the area revealed 56 settlement terraces mostly on the northern, eastern and western slope. Terraces become more prominent near the summit of the hill, which is artificialy leveled into a large plateau. Lower, less prominent terraces are obviousl latter, which is also proved by the small finds, mainly potter. Destruction by new forrest road in the lower part of the settlement revealed material dated to late La Tene/Early roman period, a period very porly know in this area. Settlement summit, was obvisouly settled in the early Iron Age and has been in use until La Tene, Barrows on the ridge east of settlement can be associated with early Iron Age settlement. In the La tene period, the setlement expaned on the lower terraces, outside the settlement where evidence of pottery workshošp was found. Key words: ice storm, Gorenjska, Ivanjk, hillfort, La Tene period, Early Roman period Uvod rekordne vrednosti padavin in nizkih temperatur v zadnjih 50 letih. Večja količina dežja, ki je marsikje Konec januarja in začetek februarja 2014 je Slove- zmrzoval v stiku s tlemi in na objektih, je prived- nijo zaradi nizkih temperatur in dežja prizadel uni- la do obsežnega žledoloma. Izjemni gmotni škodi čujoč žled, ki je poškodoval večji del Slovenje, pred- sta se izognila le skrajni jugozahod in severovzhod vsem pa območje Primorske in Gorenjske.1 Gre za ( sl. 1), s tem pa se žled v letu 2014 uvršča med redke posamezne vremenske dogodke s takim obsegom 1 Poročilo urada za metereologijo 2014. 159 Maja Jerala, Dimitrij Mlekuž, Blaž Orehek Slika 1 Karta občin z gmotno škodo zaradi visokega snega in žleda (vijolično) in poplav (modra šrafura) v obdobju od Slika 2 Pregledna karta največje poškodovanosti gozdov po 30. januarja do 3. februarja 2014. Vir podatkov: Dnevno- občinah (po www.mkgp.gov.si, dne 11. 2. 2014). informativni bilten Uprave RS za zaščito in reševanje(vir: lokacijah na območju ZVKDS OE Kranj in ZVKDS Poročilo urada za metereologijo 2014). OE Nova Gorica. Ogled in dokumentiranje škode, poškodb, ki ga lahko uvrstimo na seznam največjih nastale na območju OE Kranj, je bilo opravljeno v naravnih katastrof v Sloveniji.2 marcu 2014, v okviru katerega je bilo opredeljenih Načrt sanacije posledic žledoloma, ki ga je pripravil 25 lokacij, ki večinoma predstavljajo poznoantična Zavod za gozdove Slovenije, je zajel 51 % površi- naselja, gomilna grobišča in razvaline gradov v goz- ne gozdov Slovenije in zajema površine, kjer je bila dovih. Pregled je bil omejen na lokacije pod 900 m potrebna sanitarna sečnja ter ukrepi za obnovo in nadmorske višine, ker žled ni segal višje.5 Na podlagi revitalizacijo poškodovanih gozdov. Najbolj so bili opravljenega poročila je Ministrstvo za kulturo Cen- poškodovani gorenjski, goriški, osrednjeslovenski in tru za preventivno arheologijo naročilo arheološke notranjski gozdovi ( sl. 2). raziskave v obliki arheološkega dokumentiranja pos- Glede ukrepov in aktivnosti za sanacijo posledic žle- ledic žledoloma na območjih registriranih arheolo- doloma je bil sprejet tudi t. i. interventni zakon, ki je ških najdišč na območju OE Nova Gorica in Kranj. uredil področje financiranja, sanacijo, izvedbo sana- Na območju OE Kranj je bilo za nadaljnje raziskave cijskih ukrepov.3 V okviru sklepa Republike Sloveni- določenih 6 enot, od katerih v tem prispevku pred- je glede ocenjene neposredne škode je bila ocenjena stavljamo naselbino Ivanjk pri Šmartnem v Tuhinjski splošna gmotna škoda, med drugim tudi na stvareh dolini. in stavbah kulturne dediščine, s katerim je iz naslova pomoči, ki je določena z Zakonom o odpravi posle- dic naravnih nesreč, zagotovila sredstva za odpravo Naselbina Ivanjk poškodb.4 V okviru Programa odprave posledic po- plav, visokega snega in žleda med 30. januarjem in 27. Naselbina Ivanjk (tudi Ivank)6 leži na visokem grebe- februarjem 2014 na stvareh za obdobje 2015–2020 z nu nad Šmartnim v Tuhinjski dolini in južno od po- izhodišči za izvedbo v letu 2015 so bile opredeljene membnega prometnega prehoda skozi Tuhinjsko do- dosedanje aktivnosti in program posledice na stva- lino ( sl. 3). Greben je na severnem, severozahodnem reh. Na tej osnovi je Ministrstvo za kulturo Zavodu in jugovzhodnem pobočju preoblikovan s približno za varstvo kulturne dediščine v izvedbo naročilo pre- 50 antropogenimi naselbinskimi terasami, ki so bile gled in dokumentiranje škode, nastale na arheoloških 2 Poročilo urada za metereologijo 2014. 5 Sagadin 2014. 3 Žledolom 2014. 6 Šmartno v Tuhinju – naselbina Ivanjk, EŠD 11351; 4 Sklep vlade glede ocene škode 2014. 682 m.n.v.). Površina območja EŠD znaša skoraj 21 ha. 160 Dokumentiranje poškodb žledoloma – naselbina Ivanjk, Šmartno v Tuhinjski dolini Slika 3 Lokacija Ivanjka pri Šmartnem (po Podatki državnega lidarskega snemanja, obdelava podatkov D. Mlekuž). Slika 4 Pogled na Šmartno pri Tuhinju, vrh naselbine Ivanjka in prehod proti vzhodu (po Podatki državnega lidarskega snemanja, obdelava podatkov D. Mlekuž). 161 Maja Jerala, Dimitrij Mlekuž, Blaž Orehek Slika 5 Geodetski načrt naselbine Ivanjk iz leta 1989. poseljene v prazgodovini in pozni antiki.7 Pobočje karjevi zbirki.8 Ob severnem vznožju hriba Ivanjk, najbolj strmo pada proti Tuhinjski dolini oziroma na t. i. Rosovih grobljah, so okoli leta 1880 odkri- naselju Šmartno, greben pa se bolj položno nadalju- li poznoantični mozaik,9 omenjajo pa se tudi najd- je proti Pšajnovici in Zlatemu polju ( sl. 4). Območje be sarkofagov in drugih antičnih ostankov.10 Na tej hriba Ivanjk je danes v celoti poraslo z gozdom. Na lokaciji se predvideva poznoantična vila ali starokr- njegovem južnem robu poteka prometna povezava ščanska cerkev, na holocenski rečni terasi zahodno proti Zlatemu polju in dolini Črnega grabna, na nje- od nje pa antična naselbina.11 Posamezne naključne govi severni strani pa se v smeri vzhod-zahod razte- antične najdbe ob gradbenih delih v naselju Sidol za dolina ob potokih Nevljica in Tuhinjščica, kjer je kažejo na antično naselbino,12 poročajo pa tudi o predvsem ob meandrastem toku Nevljice površje te- najdbi bronastega kipca rimskega božanstva na tem rasasto preoblikovano. V dolini Nevljice in Tuhinjšči- območju.13 Na območju stare šole v naselju Šmar- ce ter v dolinah ob njenih hudourniških pritokih so tno se predvideva prazgodovinsko in rimsko žarno glavne obdelovalne površine, ki so jih verjetno izko- grobišče, na kar kažejo naključne najdbe14 in najdba riščali tudi v preteklosti. rimskega žganega groba z oljenkama ob gradnji šo- Na sami naselbini Ivanjk do sedaj ni bilo arheoloških le.15 Zgodnjesrednjeveška poselitev se predvideva na raziskav, ki bi podrobneje opredelile značaj in dataci- območju zaselka Selišče, ob farni cerkvi sv. Martina jo naselbine. V letu 1989 je bil opravljen le geodetski pa zgodnjesrednjeveško grobišče.16 Prazgodovinska posnetek z namenom lociranja antropogenih teras gradišča naj bi bila še na Malem Rakitovcu in na Ga- ( sl. 5). brovnici, ki ležita jugovzhodno od Ivanjka, poznoan- Pri analizi naselbine se zato lahko naslonimo na hi- storično analizo oziroma na predhodne podatke o 8 Gabrovec 1965, 103. arheološki poselitvi širšega prostora. Domnevno v 9 ANSL 1975, 203. okolici Šmartnega v Tuhinjski dolini so bile najde- 10 RKD. ne bronasta in steklena zapestnica ter bronasta fibula 11 RKD. 12 RKD. srednjelatenske sheme, ki se zdaj nahajajo v Sadni- 13 ANSL 1975, 203. 14 RKD. 15 ANSL 1975, 203. 7 RKD. 16 RKD. 162 Dokumentiranje poškodb žledoloma – naselbina Ivanjk, Šmartno v Tuhinjski dolini Slika 6 Lokacije bližnjih najdišč (po RKD). tična naselbina pa na Gradišču v Tuhinju, severno od na splošno pa v poškodbah panjev nismo nikjer Šmartnega17 ( sl. 6). odkrili arheoloških struktur ali plasti z več najdbami. Nekaj keramičnih najdb se je v poškodbah izruvanih panjev pojavljalo le na severozahodnem pobočju, za- Metodologija raziskave nimivo pa je tudi, da na samem grebenu in na tera- sah proti jugovzhodu ni bilo najdb, kjer so izruvana Zaradi obsežnosti zaščitenega območja smo prostor drevesa poškodovala predvsem plast gozdne ruše in raziskave zamejili na zgornji del grebena do višine, ponekod izruvala bloke matične kamnine. kjer se še pojavljajo terase ( sl. 7). Tekom dokumen- Po žledolomu so v pobočje, na nižji legi kot so naj- tiranja poškodb po žledolomu smo podrobno do- bolj spodnje terase, na severovzhodni strani grebe- kumentirali vse poškodbe, ki so nastale zaradi izru- na, v pobočje tudi več kot 3 m globoko vsekali novo vanega drevja na območjih teras in v njihovi bližini. gozdno pot, ki je dolga približno 770 m. V najbolj Poškodbe, ki so bile zaradi odstranitve debla zakrite, zahodnem delu nove gozdne poti smo dokumentirali smo samo prostorsko umestili, poškodbe na strmih presek v treh delih, in sicer na mestih, kjer so se po- pobočjih zunaj teras nismo pregledovali. Zelo poško- javljale najdbe, kulturne plasti in jame.18 dovano je bilo zlasti severno pobočje hriba, kjer naj Na vzhodnem delu, kjer se predvideva gomilno gro- še posebej izpostavim vsekano cesto zaradi vlake, ki bišče, smo opravili terenski pregled, vendar nismo je poškodovala objekt z debelo plastjo žganine in ar- odkrili poškodb, ki bi poškodovale podpovršje ( sl. 10). heološkimi najdbami ( sl. 7, sl. 8). Veliko poškodb smo Zračno lasersko skeniranje območja razkriva obseg zasledili tudi na območju s terasami na jugovzhodu, naselbine ter terasasto preoblikovano površje. Po- 17 ANSL 1975, 203. 18 Lokacije 13, 44 in 45. 163 Maja Jerala, Dimitrij Mlekuž, Blaž Orehek snetek je potrdil naša terenska opažanja o zamejitvi Zemlje. Sem uvrščamo aerofotografijo, satelitske naselbine, in postavlja objekt z naselbinskimi ostanki posnetke, lasersko snemanje, termično snemanje … izven ožjega območja naselbine. Opazovanja iz zraka so hiter, sistematičen, neinvazi- ven in relativno cenen način pridobivanja podatkov o arheoloških najdiščih in zgodovini krajine. Analiza visokoločljivih topografskih V Sloveniji, kjer je večina površja prkritega s vege- podatkov zračnega laserskega skeniranja tacijo se za izredno uspešno metodo izkazalo je la- sersko skeniranje površja. Besedna zveza lasersko Daljinsko zaznavanje je nabor metod s katerimi lah- skeniranje opisuje vsako tehnologijo, ki natančno in ko od daleč – običajno iz zraka -- opazujemo površje pogosto meri razdaljo od naprave do cilja s pomočjo Slika 7 Lokacije poškodb in trasa nove gozdne poti na najdišču Ivanjk; rdeče označene točke predstavljajo arheološko pozitivne lokacije, zeleno označene predstavljajo arheološko negativne lokacije (obdelava podatkov zračnega laserskega skeniranja D. Mlekuž). 164 Dokumentiranje poškodb žledoloma – naselbina Ivanjk, Šmartno v Tuhinjski dolini Slika 8 Severno pobočje hriba Ivanjk z novo gozdno vlako Slika 10 Območje ozkega vzhodnega grebena (foto (foto M. Jerala). M. Jerala). Slika 9 Presek nove gozdne vlake (lokacija 44 in 45) z žganinsko plastjo (foto M. Jerala). laserja. Te meritve zbere kot množico koordinat, ali tudi sledove plazov in erozijskih jarkov. Iz severa na oblak točk, iz katerega je moč pridobiti podatke o vrh vzpetine vodi gozdna pot. Različne vizualizaci- obliki predmeta, ki ga skaniramo. je DMT pokažejo, da na množico teras nepravilne Z ZLS tako opazujemo površje zemlje njeno obli- oblike, ki se prilagajajo obliki terena ( sl. 11, sl. 12, ko in vse predmete, ki ležijo na površju zemlje. Da sl. 14–16). Prepoznali smo 56 teras ( sl. 13). Terase na lahko z lidarjem opazimo arheološke sledove morajo vrhu vzpetine so bolj izrazite in preoblikujejo površje biti vidni na površju kot grbine in izbokline sledovi v skorajda pravilen, pravokoten raster. Sam vrh vzpe- kot nasipi, zidovi, groblje, ali vkopov, jam in jarkov. tine je izravnan, na njem lahko prepoznamo teraso ZLS je zaradi svoje zmožnosti opazovanja tal pod pravokotne oblike, približnih dimenzij 10 × 10 m. V gozdnim pokrovom zelo primerna za uporabo v Slo- spodnjem delu najdišča so terase ožje in nepravilnih veniji. Velike površine, ki so bile prej zaprte za sis- oblik. Zdi se, da je najdišče sestavljeno iz dveh delov, tematično opazovanje so postale vidne. Gozdovi so zgornjega pravilnejšega in intenzivneje preoblikova- prostori, kjer so zaradi omejenih človeških posegov nega, in spodnjega, ki se širi predvsem proti severu arheoloških sledovi zelo dobro ohranjeni.19 z ožjimi in bolj nepravilnimi terasami. Spodnji del bi Vzpetina, na kateri leži Ivank je poraščena s goz- lahko bil kasnejši. Naselbina ni obdana z obrambnim dom.Je grebenaste oblike, greben se nadaljuje proti nasipom, obodu naselbine se da slediti kot nizki tera- jugovzhodu. Na severni in južni strani so strma po- si. Po severnem robu naselbine teče gozdna pot, ki je bočja, predvsem na južni strani lahko prepoznamo uničila potencialno teraso. Nekaj teras je tudi izven naselbine. Na strmih juž- 19 Opitz 2013; Doneus et al. 2008; Mlekuž 2009; Mle- nih pobočjih je nekaj oblim, podobnih terasam. kuž 2011; Mlekuž 2012. 165 Maja Jerala, Dimitrij Mlekuž, Blaž Orehek Slika 11 Iz treh strani senčen digitalni model terena (izvedba D. Mlekuž). Slika 12 Karta naklonov. Terase (oziroma izravnana območja) so obarvane modro (izvedba D. Mlekuž). 166 Dokumentiranje poškodb žledoloma – naselbina Ivanjk, Šmartno v Tuhinjski dolini Slika 13 Kartirane značilnosti. Z bež barvo so označene terase, z zeleno gomile in z rdečo jarek (izvedba D. Mlekuž). Slika 14 Položaj presekov čez najdišče (izvedba D. Mlekuž). 167 Maja Jerala, Dimitrij Mlekuž, Blaž Orehek hriba. Večina poznolatenske ali zgodnjerimske lon- čenine (36 odlomkov), ožgane gline (66 odlomkov), lepa, žlindre, živalskih zob in kosti ter vsi svitki so bili najdeni v žganinski plasti domnevnega lončarskega objekta izven naselbine. Ostale najdbe so bile najde- ne v kotanjah prevrnjenih dreves na sedlu in na sever- nem pobočju hriba. Analogije za odlomke lončenine lahko najdemo na najdišču Straža nad Šmartnim pri Cerkljah, kjer so bili prav tako kot na Ivanjku najdeni svetlo sivi in svetlo oranžni odlomki posod iz prečiš- Slika 15 Presek 1 čene gline. Odlomki velikih loncev in pekev so bili izdelani iz grobozrnate gline, bili so rjave in sive bar- ve ter delani na roko.20 Podobna lončenina naj bi bila najdena tudi v najzgodnejših plasteh najdišča Moš- nje pri Radovljici in na Malem gradu v Kamniku21. Nekatere posode pa so bile že delane na lončarskem vretenu ( t. 1: 3–5), med katerimi bi obliko enega kosa ( t. 1: 5) lahko opredelili kot latensko glinenko.22 Lo- nec z odebeljenim ustjem ( t. 1: 2) je bil izdelan iz grobozrnate keramike, ki ima izrazite bele primesi in je malo porozna. Lahko bi ga primerjali z lonci z odebeljenim ustjem iz grobozrnate gline.23 Kerami- Slika 16 Presek 2 ka z najdišča Straža nad Šmartnim pri Cerkljah je na Gre najbrž za plastovitost geološke podlage, lahko podlagi kombinacije latenske keramike in rimske vo- pa so terase tudi antropogenega nastanka. Tera- jaške opreme opredeljena v čas med 1. stoletjem pr. se na severnem pobočju, bi lahko interpretirali kot n. št. in 1. stoletjem n. št. Lončenina kaže na kombi- ostanke poti, ki je vodila na naselbine. Presekane so niranje prazgodovinskih (latenskih) form ter rimskih z gozdno potjo. inovacij. Izrazit predstavnik prazgodovinskih form je Na vzhodnem grebenu lahko prepoznamo 7 gomil, del ostenja z rebri in izvlečeno stožčasto bradavico ki so od naselbine ločene s kratkim jarkom. Naselbi- ( t. 1: 6). Bradavice, ki so bile sicer lahko izvlečene ne proti jarku vodi ugreznjena pot. Gomile ležijo na iz ostenja posod ali pa nanj aplicirane, se le redko majhnih terasah. pojavljajo pri sestavljenih okrasih in so imele poleg okrasa tudi uporabno vlogo.24 Po drugi strani barvni premaz ( t. 1: 5) kaže na prevzemanje rimskih inovacij, Najdbe pri čemer glinena zmes še vedno ostaja grobozrnata. Tekom pregleda posledic žledoloma na Ivanjku smo odkrili 3 odlomke prazgodovinske lončenine, 72 od- lomkov poznolatenske ali zgodnjerimske lončenine, 109 odlomkov ožgane gline in kos lepa, kos žlindre, del žrmlja ( t: 1, 16), nedoločljiv del železnega pred- 20 Primerjava s Horvat 2015: t. 5: 5–6; t. 6: 8; t. 5: 8–10 in t. 6: 2-3, 6-7, 10-11, 15, 19. meta, več živalskih zob in kosti ter 14 odlomkov svit- 21 dr. Jana Horvat, ustna informacija. kov ( t:1, 10–15). Odlomki prazgodovinske keramike 22 Prim. Horvat 2015, t. 5: 5, 6. so bili najdeni v kotanji podrtega drevesa na sedlu 23 Prim. npr. Horvat 2015, t. 5: 9. 24 Grahek 2013, 165. 168 Dokumentiranje poškodb žledoloma – naselbina Ivanjk, Šmartno v Tuhinjski dolini Sklep ska cerkev. V neposredni bližini se na holocenski rečni terasi zato predvideva antična naselbina (EŠD Na območju EŠD 11351 (Šmartno v Tuhinju – Na- 11350 Šmartno v Tuhinju – Antična naselbina), za- selbina Ivanjk) je bil že leta 1989 narejen geodetski hodno od naselbine Ivanjk pa se zaradi posameznih načrt terena25 ( sl. 5), kjer so bile označene zamejitve antičnih najdb najdenih ob gradbenih delih predvi- ca. 50 naselbinskih teras in gomil, ki se razprostirajo deva še en del antične naselbine (EŠD 1859 Sidol – po nižje ležečem sedlu in poleg topografskih ogle- Antična naselbina) ( sl. 6). V primeru Šmartnega pri dov predstavlja edino informacijo glede poznavanja Cerkljah so na robu ravnine in po bližnjih vzpetinah tega najdišča. V okviru dokumentacije poškodb žle- znana arheološka najdišča iz različnih obdobij, na doloma je bil izveden posnetek zračnega laserskega griču Straža tako najdemo ostanke naselbine z drob- skeniranja ( sl. 17), ki je potrdil številne naselbinske nimi najdbami iz starejše in mlajše železne dobe ter terase predvsem na severnem, vzhodnem in zahod- iz zgodnjerimske in poznorimske dobe. Na Straži se nem pobočju, ki se dviguje nad Tuhinjsko dolino, po sicer predvideva prazgodovinska naselbina, grobišča kateri je potekala cestna komunikacija med Ljubljan- pa so se širila po vznožju hriba.28 Podobno lahko tudi sko kotlino in Štajersko. Že pri samem ogledu teras v primeru naselbine na Ivanjku predvidevamo že sta- na Ivanjku smo opazili, da se oblika, lega in velikost rejšeželeznodobno naselbino, saj v prazgodovinsko razlikuje od značilnih teras zgodnjesrednjeveških na- obdobje uvrščamo tudi ostanke grobišča okoli cerkve selbin (npr. Gradišče nad Bašljem (EŠD 5547) ali Gr- sv. Martina v Šmartnem in na prostoru med Šmar- davov hrib (EŠD 11342) ( sl. 5). Pri nadaljnjem pre- tnim in cesto Kamnik – Ločica pri Vranskem (EŠD gledu keramičnih najdb26 smo ugotovili, da pripadajo 11353 Šmartno v Tuhinju – Prazgodovinsko grobišče času poznega latena oziroma zgodnjega rimskega v okolici stare šole) ( sl. 6). Na Straži so lepo vidne na- obdobja. Poselitev Gorenjske v latenskem obdobju selbinske terase na zahodnem, južnem in vzhodnem je sicer slabo poznana, saj so znane le tiste lokacije, ki pobočju, na severu pa pod vrhom leži sedelce, ki pre- so se navezovale na predhodna starejšeželeznodobna haja v nižji vrh, najdbe pa sicer obsegajo obdobje od središča. Ležale so na območju Kranja, Bleda, Bohi- prazgodovine do srednjega veka.29 Podobno situacijo nja (Ajdovski gradec), Mengša (Gobavica), Šmartna lahko vidimo na Ivanjku, kjer na južni strani grebena pri Cerkljah (Straža) in Lukovice (Gradišče). Posebej leži sedlo, ki se potem razprostre v nižji vrh, kjer se naj izpostavimo najdišče Straža nad Šmartnim, kjer nahaja območje z gomilami, sicer tudi dobro vidnimi najdbe delov vojaške opreme naselbinske znake uvr- na posnetku zračnega laserskega skeniranja ( sl. 17). ščajo v dva časovna obdobja: od sredine 1. stoletja V primeru Straže so blizu južnega roba naselbine v pr. n. št. do zgodnjeavgustejskega časa oziroma zgo- koreninah štora našli 9 kg keramičnih črepinj, prež- dnjetiberijskega časa. Od srednjeavgustejskega časa gano ilovico, žlindro, železo, bakrove zlitine, oranžne dalje gradišče ni bilo več poseljeno, saj se je težišče prežgane kamne in živalske kosti.30 Podobno smo poselitve prestavilo v ravnino.27 Podobno situacijo bi tudi na Ivanjku na severnem robu oziroma že izven lahko pričakovali v primeru poznolatenske naselbine naselbine pri vrezu vlake zaradi sanacije podrtih dre- na Ivanjku, pri čemer se je poselitev v rimskem času ves tekom žledoloma odkrili bogato žganinsko plast prestavila na ravnino; v vasi Šmartno se na levem z večjo količino keramike, vijčkov, živalskih kosti in bregu Nevljice ob severnem vznožju hriba Ivanjk ožganih kamnov (lokacije 13, 44, 45; tabela 1). Na predvideva poznoantična vila oziroma starokrščan- lokacijah 44, 45 je v preseku vidna žganinska plast, katera je nakazovala na obstoj objekta (dl. 7,9 m), ki 25 ZVKDS OE Kranj. 26 Za posvet in pomoč pri opredelitvi keramike se na tem mestu zahvaljujem Diani Džidić, dr. Tini Žerjal (Arhej 28 Horvat 2015. d.o.o.) in dr. Jani Horvat (ZRC SAZU). 29 Horvat 2015. 27 Horvat 2015. 30 Horvat 2015. 169 Maja Jerala, Dimitrij Mlekuž, Blaž Orehek Slika 17 Vidljivost naselbinskih teras in gomil na posnetku zračnega laserskega skeniranja (izvedba D. Mlekuž, M. Jerala). smo ga glede na najdbe in lego izven naselbine inter- čenine (lokacija 30) in del utrjenih teras je bil verjetno pretirali kot poznolatensko lončarsko delavnico. poseljen že v obdobju starejše železne dobe, verjetno Na poznolatensko poselitev Straže pri Šmartnem pa so bile v tem času nastale tudi gomile na jugo- kažejo kovinske drobne najdbe31 in tudi keramika. vzhodnem delu naselbine. Poselitev se je nadaljevala Manjkajo ostaline iz zgodnjeavgustejskega obdob- tudi v poznolatenskem obdobju, ko bi lahko priča- ja, zato se predvideva, da je bila naselbina takrat že kovali tudi naknadne pokope v starejšeželeznodobne opuščena oziroma prestavljena v ravnino. Zaradi tega gomile ( sl. 18). ostanke s Straže interpretirajo kot občasno prisotnost Tradicijo naknadnega vkopavanja latenskodobnih rimske vojske, morda kot manjšo postojanko, ki je grobov v starejšeželeznodobne gomile lahko sicer obstajala od sredine 1. stoletja pr. n. št. do zgodnjeti- opazujemo tudi v primeru gomilnega grobišča na berijskega obdobja. V poznoantičnem času pa Straža Vrtičnjaku. V rimskem času se je poselitev prestavila verjetno ni bila poseljena.32 Z območja Ivanjka za- v dolino, človekova prisotnost v nižini se je verje- enkrat ni znanih najdb vojaške narave, zato lahko na- tno nadaljevala še v poznoantičnem času, saj se na selbino opredelimo zgolj kot civilno poznolatensko območju zaselka Selišče okoli stare cerkve na pod- naselbino. Vrh naselbine, kjer smo v panjih podrtih lagi patrocinija in ljudskega izročila predvideva zgo- dreves našli tudi odlomke starejšeželeznodobne lon- dnjesrednjeveška naselbina (EŠD 11355 Šmartno v Tuhinju – Naselbina na Selišču) in zgodnjesrednje- 31 Odkrite pri površinskem pregledu ali z detektorjem veško grobišče (EŠD 11354 Šmartno v Tuhinju – kovin. Arheološko območje stare cerkve) ( sl. 6). Zaključi- 32 Horvat 2015. 170 Dokumentiranje poškodb žledoloma – naselbina Ivanjk, Šmartno v Tuhinjski dolini Slika 18 Hipotetična interpretacija naselbine Ivanjk v Tuhinjski dolini (izvedba D. Mlekuž, M. Jerala). mo lahko, da je dokumentiranje posledic poškodb osvetljuje področje kontinuirane višinske poselitve žledoloma na podlagi tako terenskih podatkov kot od starejše železne dobe do mlajše železne dobe ali rezultatov zračnega laserskega skeniranja bistveno zgodnjerimskega obdobja. Hkrati predstavlja prispe- doprineslo k boljšemu poznavanju tega sicer dokaj vek tudi k sicer slabemu poznavanju poselitve v času nepoznanega arheološkega najdišča. Kljub skro- poznega latena oziroma zgodnjerimskega obdobja mnemu številu najdb in neinvazivnim metodam dela na prostoru Gorenjske. 171 Maja Jerala, Dimitrij Mlekuž, Blaž Orehek Katalog 9. Odlomek dna posode. Grobozrnata keramika, poroz- 1. Odlomek dna posode. na, siva. Izdelava na lončarskem Grobozrnata keramika, poroz- vretenu. Lokacija 45, SE 010. na, oranžna. Lokacija 40. 2. Odlomek ustja lonca. 10. Del svitka. Grobozrnata Grobozrnata keramika, malo keramika, neporozna, oranžna. porozna, oranžna. Izdelana pro- Izdelana prostoročno. Lokacija storočno. Presek nove gozdne 45, SE 010. vlake. 3. Odlomek ustja posode. Grobozrnata keramika, nepo- 11. Dva dela svitka, na enem vi- rozna, siva. Izdelava na lončar- den okras križca. Grobozrnata skem vretenu. Lokacija 13. keramika, neporozna, oranžna. Izdelana prostoročno. Lokacija 4. Odlomek ustja posode. 45, SE 010. Grobozrnata keramika, nepo- rozna, siva. Izdelava na lončar- 12. Del svitka. Grobozrnata skem vretenu. Lokacija 45, SE keramika, neporozna, oranžna. 010. Izdelana prostoročno. Lokacija 5. Odlomek ustja vrča z rde- 45, SE 010. čim premazom. Grobozrnata keramika, neporozna, oran- žna. Izdelava na lončarskem vretenu. Lokacija 45, SE 010. 13. Del svitka. Grobozrnata kera- 6. Odlomek ostenja posode mika, neporozna, oranžna. Izdelana z rebri in izbočenim delom. prostoročno. Lokacija 45, SE 010. Grobozrnata keramika, malo porozna, oranžna. Izdelana prostoročno. Lokacija 45, SE 010. 7. Odlomek dna posode. 14. Dva dela svitka, na enem vi- Grobozrnata keramika, malo den okras križca. Grobozrnata porozna, črna. Izdelana prosto- keramika, neporozna, oranžna. ročno.. Lokacija 45, SE 010. Izdelana prostoročno. Lokacija 45, SE 010. 8. Odlomek dna posode. Grobozrnata keramika, nepo- 15. Del kamnitega žrmlja. Lo- rozna, oranžna. Izdelavana lon- kacija 45, SE 010. čarskem vretenu. Lokacija 45, SE 010. 172 Dokumentiranje poškodb žledoloma – naselbina Ivanjk, Šmartno v Tuhinjski dolini Tabla 1 1– 4 keramika, 15 kamen; M 1 : 4 (izris najdb S. Ohman, foto S. Pukšič). 173 Maja Jerala, Dimitrij Mlekuž, Blaž Orehek Literatura dne škode zaradi posledic poplav, visokega snega in žleda, http://www.ess.gov.si/_files/5734/Sklep_Vlade_zled.pdf ANSL 1975, Arheološka najdišča Slovenije. – Ljubljana. (dostopano 25.5.2015). GABROVEC, S. 1965, Kamniško ozemlje v prazgodovini. ŽLEDOLOM 2014, http://www.mop.gov.si/si/delov- – Kamniški zbornik 10, 89–134. na_podrocja/zmanjsevanje_posledic_naravnih_nesrec/ GRAHEK, L. 2013, Železnodobno gradišče Cvinger nad zledolom_2014/ (dostopano 25.5.2015). Virom pri Stični. Stratigrafija in tipološko-kronološka ana- liza naselbinske keramike. – E-Monographiae Instituti Ar- chaeologici Sloveniae 3/1, Ljubljana. dr. Maja Jerala HORVAT, J. 2015, Zgodnjerimske vojaške najdbe s Bratovševa ploščad 8 prazgodovinskih naselbin na Gorenjskem. – V: J. Iste- SI-1000 Ljubljana nič, B. Laharnar in J. Horvat (ur.), Sledovi rimske vojske maja_jerala@yahoo.com na Slovenskem, Katalogi in monografije 41, Ljubljana, 151–189. dr. Dimitrij Mlekuž Pregledna karta največje poškodovanosti gozdov po ob- Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine činah, www.mkgp.gov.si (dostopano 11.2.2014). Center za preventivno arheologijo Poročilo urada za metereologijo, Sneg, žled, padavine med Poljanska 40 30.1.2014 in 3.2.2014, 2014, Agencija Republike Slovenije SI-1000 Ljubljana za okolje, Ministrstvo za kmetijstvo in okolje, http://me- dimitrij.mlekuz@zvkds.si teo.arso.gov.si/uploads/probase/www/climate/text/sl/ in weather_events/sneg-zled-padavine_30jan-3feb2014.pdf Univerza v Ljubljani (dostopano 25.5.2015). Filozofska fakulteta Program odprave posledic poplav, visokega snega in žleda Oddelek za arheologijo med 30. januarjem in 27. februarjem 2014 na stvareh za Aškerčeva 2 obdobje 2015-2020 z izhodišči za izvedbo v letu 2015. SI-1000 Ljubljana MLEKUŽ; D: 2011. Zmeda s krajinami: lidar in prakse dimitrij.mlekuz@ff.uni-lj.si krajinjenja. Arheo 28, 87-104 RKD, Register kulturne dediščine. Ministrstvo za kulturo, Blaž Orehek INDOK center. http://giskds.situla.org/giskd/ Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine SAGADIN, M. 2014, Poročilo o dokumentiranju škode, Center za preventivno arheologijo nastale zaradi žledoloma na arheoloških lokacijah na ob- Poljanska 40 močju ZVKDS OE Kranj. – (neobjavljeno poročilo). SI-1000 Ljubljana Sklep republike Slovenije, glede Končne ocene neposre- blaz.orehek@zvkds.si. 174 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk From Crucium to Uinperch: new approaches to the Roman period in the middle Krka valley in eastern Slovenia Od naselja Crucium do kraja Uinperch: novi pristopi k rimskemu obdobju v osrednji dolini reke Krke v vzhodni Sloveniji. Philip Mason Izvleček: Zadnje raziskave na območju večjih posegov v prostor razsvetljujejo naravo rimskodobne poselitve v osre- dnjem delu doline reke Krke v zahodnem delu province Pannonia Superior. Prispevek obravnava podatke iz zadnjih izve- denih arheoloških terenskih raziskav na trasah avtoceste Ljubljana – Obrežje in večjih infrastrukturnih projektov, kakor tudi na območjih industrijskih in poslovnih con, ki kažejo na potek trase glavne rimske državne ceste Emona (Ljublja- na)– Neviodunum (Drnovo)– Siscia (Sisak) in na lokacije poštnih postaj. Po mnenju avtorja podatki kažejo na ponavljajoči se vzorec pri izbiri in trajanju lokacij poselitve. Posebna pozornost je posvečena novim dokazom za lokacijo poštne postaje Crucium, ki jo je zdaj možno locirati na obe strani potoka pri naselju Draga vzhodno od naselja Bela Cerkev, pod žele- znodobnim gradiščem na planoti Vinjega vrha. Izkopavanja od l. 2002 do 2010 kažejo na prisotnost večjega obcestnega naselbinskega kompleksa, ki je bil poseljen tekom rimske dobe in v zgodnjem srednjem veku do ustanovitve prafare v Beli Cerkvi ( apud Uinperch pri Vinjem vrhu) v njegovi neposredni bližini v 11. stoletju. Ključne besede: rimske obcestne naselbine, Crucium, Draga, Latobiki, Neviodun, Panonija Abstract: Recent research from large scale interventions has thrown new light on the nature of Roman settlement in the middle Krka valley in the western part of the province of Pannonia Superior. The paper looks at new evidence that has been provided by archaeological fieldwork on the Ljubljana – Obrežje motorway, major services and large scale development of industrial and commercial zones for the line of the main Roman road between Emona (Ljubljana), Neviodunum (Drnovo) and Siscia (Sisak) and for the locations of post stations along it. It is posited that this reveals a recurring pattern in the choice of site locations and the duration of occupation. In particular, the new evidence for the site of Crucium is considered. This can now be plausibly located to a site on either side of the Draga stream near Bela Cerkev, below the major Iron Age hillfort on the Vinji vrh massif. Excavation in the area between 2002 and 2010 have revealed the presence of a major road side settlement complex with evidence of occupation throughout the Roman and into the Early Medieval period, culminating in the 11th century in the foundation of an early parish at Bela Cerkev ( apud Uinperch – at the Weinberg/Vinji vrh). Keywords: Roman roadside settlement, Crucium, Draga, Latobici, Neviodunum, Pannonia Recent research in advance of large scale interven- of the Roman province of Pannonia Superior, close tions in space – the proposed routes for the con- to the border with the X. region of Italy.1 struction of major infrastructure, has thrown new This area of south-eastern Slovenia had already light on the nature of Roman settlement in the mid- been subject to the construction of the Ljubljana– dle Krka valley, which lies within the regions of Do- Zagreb–Belgrade highway in the 1950s, but archae- lenjska and Posavje in south-eastern Slovenia ( Fig. ological work on this project was accompanied by 1). This area was part of the civitas of the Latobici, a watching brief, largely in the area of previously which is essentially defined as being the catchment of known sites and with little or no rescue excavation the river Krka and the Krško polje basin between the river Sava and the Gorjanci hills in the western part 1 Lovenjak 2003, 93. 175 Philip Mason in advance of construction.2 However this situation followed by the motorway route on the sub-sections changed with the motorway construction project be- Kronovo–Smednik and Krška vas–Obrežje. There is tween 1994 and the first two decades of the 21st cen- also new evidence for non-elite rural settlements, e.g. tury, which represented the first large-scale investor Zagorica and Mačkovec in the area.7 Site categories funded archaeological project on major long distance that formed a traditional focus of archaeological re- infrastructure in Slovenia, the SAAS project.3 search are also well represented with the partial exca- The SAAS project based on the employment of a vation of villa estate centres in the hinterland close unified methodology of extensive surface and to the civitas capital, Neviodunum, e.g. at Veliki Dol sub-surface field survey on the entire route of the near Veliki vasi8 and at Pečina near Gorenje Skopice.9 various motorway sections, intensive surface and Valuable evidence of military installations from the sub-surface field survey on newly discovered concen- period of the Roman conquest in the late 1st centu- trations of archaeological material (newly identified ry BC and the early 1st century AD have also been sites) and previously known sites, test pitting and, discovered to the route of the main Roman road, finally, excavation of newly identified sites within or in its immediate hinterland, e.g. Dolenje Krono- the motorway route.4 This methodology was applied vo, Skopice–Sv. Urh, Čatež–Sredno polje, and the to all of the sub-sections of the motorway route in Obrežje border crossing ( Fig. 1).10 Dolenjska and Posavje (Višnja gora–Bič, Bič–Koren- This recent archaeological fieldwork has revealed itka, Korenitka–Hrastje–Lešnica, Lešnica–Kronovo, a recurring pattern in the choice of site locations Kronovo–Smednik, Smednik–Krška vas, Krška vas– and the duration of occupation for the Roman post Obrežje). It has also been applied to other large scale stations and/or roadside settlements on the line of linear infrastructure projects in the region, e.g. the the via publica.11 This is particularly clear at Ribni- 3rd Developmental Axis, hydroelectric projects, in- ca. Excavation on this site in the 1950s had already terregional and local infrastructure and services e.g defined identified the Roman settlement remains in the Bela krajina watermain, the Črnomelj bypass, and this area as being those of the Roman post and cus- a growing number of industrial zones and business toms station Romula.12 However excavation between parks, e.g. PSCM Mačkovec, which often follow the 2001 and 2003 revealed the structure of the station in major road projects.5 Excavation in advance of the greater detail, as well as producing finds of graffiti on redevelopment of urban areas, including historical potsherds, bearing the name of the settlement. The town centres and greenfield housing developments, morphology of the station also became clear. It was e.g. in Trebnje,6 have also contributed to an increas- constructed on either side of a deeply incised stream ing awareness of the nature and extent of Roman on the narrow terrace between the river Sava and the period settlement in the region. Gorjanci hills on southern side of the Sava valley. The The recent archaeological fieldwork associated with administrative, industrial and residential buildings lie these projects has provided new evidence for the on either side of the stream and are flanked by a west- line of the main Roman road and the locations of ern and eastern cemetery, which define the extremi- post stations between Emona (Ljubljana), Neviodu- ties of the station area. Thus the post and customs num (Drnovo) and Siscia (Sisak), which is actually station was located at a point on the state highway, 2 Petru 1960a, 300, 302; Petru 1960b, 300, 304, 306; Pe- 7 Vičič, Slapšak 2005, 77–80. tru 1975a, 250; Petru 1975b, 250; Petru 1975c, 259; Petru 8 Novaković, Novšak pers. com. 1975d, 259; Šribar 1960, 251–270. 9 Bavec, pers. com. 3 SAAS – Skupina za arheologijo na avtocestah Sloveni- 10 Guštin 2003, 69–75; Guštin 2005, 255–256; Mason je / Slovene Motorway Archaeology Group. 2008, 193–196; Murko, Ciglar 2012, 14–24, 25–26. 4 Djurić 2005, 9–28. 11 State road. 5 Mason 2012, 143–157. 12 Lovenjak 2006, 40; Petru 1975c, 259; Petru 1975d, 6 Bavec 2010, 383. 259. 176 From Crucium to Uinperch: new approaches to the Roman period in the middle Krka valley in eastern Slovenia Figure 1 The Krka and Sava valley in Slovenia, western Croatia and the location of the sites mentioned in the text (drawn by I. Pintér after Horvat 1999, Fig. 1). which permitted control of traffic and also the lev- ly excavated in 2014–2015.15 It should also be noted ying of tolls and taxes. Furthermore, finds from the that there is an extensive area of Roman settlement settlement also suggest that it served as a collecting at Benečija to the south of the river Temenica, which point for textiles or wool.13 is contemporary with the customs post in the town A further example of the structure of post and cus- itself.16 tom stations can be recognised in the recent excava- It is now appropriate to turn to the middle Krka val- tions that have taken place on the eastern outskirts ley, where excavation between 2002 and 2003 on the and in the centre of Trebnje ( Praetorium Latobicorum), Kronovo–Smednik sub-section of the Ljubljana– a major customs post and roadside settlement in the Obrežje motorway has provided evidence of inten- Temenica valley to the northwest of Novo mesto. sive settlement along on the narrow terrace at the foot These have revealed the presence of a complex of of the Vinji vrh massif between the Toplica stream warehouses and fullers/weavers workshops industrial in the west and the marshy valley of the Radulja in buildings lining the state road on the eastern edge of the east. The sites in this area were already partial- the marshy Širokenca valley, which divided it from the ly known from the previous archaeological watching cemetery at Pristava.14 The state road runs on in an brief in the 1950s.17 The recent motorway excavations easterly direction through the building complex in the have provided more coherent evidence for the pres- centre of the modern town, which were was partial- ence of a major road side settlement complex. 13 Breščak 2003a; Breščak 2003b; Breščak 2005, 237– 15 Bavec pers. com. 239; Breščak 2006, 63–65. 16 Breščak 1989, 220–221. 14 Bavec 2010, 383–385. 17 See footnote 2. 177 Philip Mason Figure 2 The Vinji vrh massif showing the LBA settlement at Vihra, the EIA hillfort on Veliki Vinji vrh with associated EIA barrows and LIA flat cemeteries. The areas of archaeological fieldwork are marked in yellow (drawn by I. Pintér after Dular 1991, fig. 3.; Mlekuž 2014; archive IPCH, CPA). The confluence of the Toplica stream with the river road in 1950s and was subject to further excavation Krka represents the southern end of a route running in 2002 prior to the construction of the Ljubljana– past the western edge of the Vinji vrh massif from Obrežje motorway ( Fig. 1, Fig. 2).20 It is situated at the Radulja valley and ultimately from the Mirna–Te- the southern end of the route along western side of menica valley and the Posavsko hribovlje, between the Radulje valley along the eastern edge of the Vinji the Krka and the Sava. The southern end of this vrh massif, close to the route of the state road across route is dominated by the Roman period settlement the Radulje valley and on into the marshy Krakovski at Požarnica, which lies directly on the route of the gozd ( Fig. 1). state road ( Fig. 1, Fig. 2).18 The northern of the Pri- The main Roman roadside settlement was located on novec–Toplica stream is dominated by the recently the narrow terrace and colluvial/alluvial deposits at discovered Roman settlement in Šmarjeta, over- foot of the Vinji vrh massif. The settlement is divided looking the valley of the Radulja at the point that it into two parts by the deeply incised north-south val- emerges from the confines of the Klevevž gorge.19 ley of the Draga stream ( Fig. 2, Fig. 3). The western The south eastern part of the terrace below the Vin- settlement area comprises the stone-built buildings ji vrh massif is also dominated by a Roman settle- of the Draga 2 complex, immediately to the west of ment complex at Stranje, which was discovered in the Draga stream, and the Dolge njive complex of during the construction of the Ljubljana–Zagreb timber buildings, associated pits, bread ovens and 18 Tica 2005a, 233–235; Topličanec, Tica 2006, 53–53. 20 Gabrovec 1975b; Petru 1960b, 300, 304, 306; Petru 19 Mason et al. 2013, 35–36. 1961, 194; Tica 2005b, 257–258. 178 From Crucium to Uinperch: new approaches to the Roman period in the middle Krka valley in eastern Slovenia Figure 3 Plan of the excavated Roman features at Dolge njive, Draga 1, Draga 2 and Draga 3 (archive ZVKDS, drawn by D. Cvetko) (Draga 1, Draga 2 and Draga 3 redrawn by permission of the excavators , B. Križ, Dolenjski muzej Novo mesto and Primož Predan, PJP d.o.o.). Figure 4 The Roman structure at Draga 2 from the west, during excavation in 2002 (archive ZVKDS, photo P. Predan). 179 Philip Mason Figure 5 Dolge njive during excavation in 2002, looking towards the Bela Cerkev promontory in the west (archive ZVKDS, photo T. Pungerčar). four post storage structures, broadly dated to the pe- riod from the 2nd to the 4th century AD, which lies on the slopes, further to the northwest, below the rocky cliffs of the Bela Cerkev promontory (Fig. 4, Fig. 5).21 The western edge of this part of the settlement was marked by a cemetery to the southwest of the village of Bela Cerkev. It was, composed of a stone-kerbed burial plot and a second stone built structure, possi- bly a mausoleum. Only a single cremation grave and a single inhumation grave survived on the site.22 Figure 6 The Roman cemetery at Draga 1 from the The eastern part of the Roman roadside settlement south, during excavation in 2002 (archive Dolenjski muzej with associated cemetery was discovered in the area Novo mesto, photo B. Križ). of the archaeological sites at Draga 1 and 3.23 It is dominated by a second large stone-built structure that was located on the Krka terrace immediately to east of the Draga stream ( Fig. 5). To the north of this was 21 Djurić, Pinter 2001a; Mason 2003; Mason 2005, an area of timber buildings, dated to the 1st century 123–125, Mason 2006, 55–57. AD. A Roman cemetery, first recorded in during the 22 Gabrovec 1975a, 226; Šribar 1960, 251–270; Urleb, Petru 1960, 298–299. construction of the Ljubljana-Zagreb highway in the 23 Djurić, Pinter 2001b; Bavec, Predan 2003; Križ 1950s, marked the eastern edge of the settlement in 2003a; Križ 2003b; Križ 2005, 128–129; Križ 2006, 58–59; the 2nd to 4th centuries AD. It comprised 20 cremation Lovenjak 1998, 219–220. 180 From Crucium to Uinperch: new approaches to the Roman period in the middle Krka valley in eastern Slovenia graves and five inhumation graves arranged around a the 3rd century AD.28 However, it should be noted stone-kerbed plot, containing three robbed-out cre- that the finds from the Roman site at Groblje sug- mation graves ( Fig. 6).24 However the Draga 3 settle- gest that it is the site of a villa rustica, on the south- ment of timber buildings, dated to the Late Roman ern edge of the Šentjernejsko polje.29 It is located in period. Some of the finds from this part of the site open country and is one of a series of villae rusticae suggest that it had a military character.25 located on the broad interfluves between the streams, The settlement extended for a distance of circa 1000 which flow down from the Gorjanci hills to run into m towards the east along the main road between Aq- the right bank of the river Krka. This is not location, uileia and Siscia and lay on both sides of the deep- from which it is possible to control both road and riv- ly incised Draga stream, which drains into the river er traffic, as is the case with Ribnica, or for that matter Krka at the Draga underpass. The morphology of with the Dolge njive/Draga complex. the settlement is thus extremely similar to that of The toponym Crucium is probably of Celtic origin. The the post station and customs post at Romula (Ribni- same element is present in the Roman settlement and ca), which is described above. Thus it is evident that mutationes Pennocrucium at Water Eaton in Staffordshire, the morphology of the Dolge njive/Draga complex England.30 The site is mentioned by name in the An- is similar to that of the other known post stations tonine Itinerary and means a hill summit or the end of on the Emona– Siscia state road. The location of the a ridge (ibid., Pennocrucium-Water Eaton). The word Dolge njive/Draga complex is compatible with the „crug“ means „hill“ or „hillock“ in the modern Welsh location of the roadside settlement/post station at language.31 It has also been suggested that the topo- Crucium, mentioned in both the Tabula Peutinger- nym is derived from a hypothetical Pannonian place iana and in the Ravenna Cosmography. The former name element of similar meaning.32 gives the location of Crucium as being located be- The potential Celtic nature of the toponym and its tween Neviodunum (Drnovo) and Praetorium Latobico- meaning was also mentioned by Pirkovič, although rum (Trebnje).26 he linked this to barrows or even the low mounds The debate about the location of the site of Crucium over flat graves in a Roman cemetery.33 However, giv- began in the 19th century, when the location was the en the concentration of Roman occupation along the post station was suggested in such diverse locations Roman road below Vinji vrh, it is much more likely as Hrast pri Jugorju in northern Bela krajina, Bučna that this toponym is related to the Vinji vrh massif, vas to the north of Novo mesto and the area at the which rises directly above the Dolge njive/Draga southern foot of the Vinji vrh massif.27 I. Pirkovič site. Veliki Vinji vrh was an important Late Bronze supported the opinion given by B. Saria and sug- Age, Early Iron Age and Late Iron Age centre, which gested that the roadside settlement of Crucium was dominated the Šentjernejsko polje. The roadside located at the Roman site in the village of Groblje settlement in the area of Dolge njive/Draga could in the Šentjernejsko polje. This site is located well thus have taken its name from the prehistoric centre. to the south of the line of the Roman road beneath However, if this name were to relate to a barrow, or the Vinji vrh massif and would also require a con- barrows as Pirkovič suggested,34 then this description siderable detour from this line, a fact which Pirkovič accommodated by suggesting the road was diverted 28 Ibid, 10–32, 43–6. from its original line due to climatic deterioration in 29 Petru, S. 1975, 221–222. 30 http://www.roman-britain.org/main.htm 2005, The Antonine Itinerary, Iter Britanniarum, Iter II. 31 http://www.geiriadur.net/Y Geiriadur ar-lein o 24 Križ 2003b, 19–37; Urleb 1960, 302. Adran y Gymraeg. 25 Bavec, Predan 2003, 22–23. 32 Repanšek 2014, 194–196. 26 Šašel 1975a, 75–76, 80–82. 33 Pirkovič 1968, 61. 27 Pirkovič 1968, 8–10. 34 Ibid. 181 Philip Mason might also be applied to the narrower area of Dolge village of Bela Cerkev represents the place „apud njive, where three Early Iron Age barrows were exca- Uinperch“, where a church was built in 1074 at the vated close to the mid to late Roman stone buildings behest of the Patriarch of Aquielia.36 Similar de- at Draga 1 and Draga 2. These barrows were partially velopments can also be seen in other Roman set- buried under colluvial deposits and later damaged by tlements in Dolenjska, e.g. Trebnje, where a Slavic the construction of the wooden structures at Dolge cemetery is also present around the parish church in njive in the 3rd–4th century AD. Thus it is possible the town centre.37 to equate the Dolge njive/Draga Roman roadside In conclusion, it may be seen that the application settlement complex with the Roman roadside settle- of new archaeological methodologies in the con- ment of Crucium on the basis of site morphology, text of recent archaeological research in advance of the written sources and onomastics, as well as the large scale interventions has thrown new light on archaeological finds and structures. many aspects of the Roman period in general and The Dolge njive/Draga 1/Draga 2/Draga 3 road- the Roman settlement in particular in the middle side settlement was also occupied in the late Roman Krka valley. This paper has been largely concerned period and into the Early Medieval period. Indeed with new data for the line of the main Roman road the late phases of the midden on the north-western between Emona (Ljubljana), Neviodunum (Drnovo) edge of Dolge njive have produced finds, which can and Siscia (Sisak) and for the locations of post sta- be dated to the 10th and 11th century AD. Recent ar- tions along it. The data have revealed a recurring chaeological fieldwork in 2009 and 2010 around the pattern in the choice of site locations and the du- parish church of Sv Andrej in the village of Bela ration of occupation for these sites and has given Cerkev resulted in the discovery of an Early Slavic new insights into their structure and development, cemetery, which was probably associated with the as well as their continuing importance in the Early earliest church in the village.35 This suggests that the Medieval period. Bibliography carinska postaja ob rimski cesti Emona–Neviodunum–Si- scia. – Rast 17, Novo mesto, 63–65. 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Autonomous Towns of Noricum and Pannonia (Die autonomen PETRU, S. 1975, Groblje pri Prekopi. – In: Arheološka najdi-Städte in Noricum und Pannonien), Situla 41, Ljubljana, 93–105. šča Slovenije, Ljubljana, 221–222. LOVENJAK, M. 2006, Rimski miljniki na Doljenskem. PIRKOVIČ, I. 1968, Crucium: Rimska poštna postaja med Rimska državna cesta Emona–Neviodunum–Siscia. – Rast Emono in Neviodunom. Od hipoteze do teorije (Die Rö- 17, Novo mesto, 39–47. mischen Poststation zwischen Emona und Neviodunum). MASON, P. 2003, Bela Cerkev – arheološko najdišče Dolge – Situla, Razprave Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljana 10, Ljubljana. njive, Vitrina meseca (28. maj–19. junij 2003). – Informativni REPANŠEK, L. 2014, Keltski prežitki v slovenski toponimi-list 7 , Novo mesto. ji: prispevek k metodologiji preučevanja ( Celtic Survivals in Slovene MASON, P. 2005, Dolge njive near Bela Cerkev. – In: Djurić Toponymy: A Contribution to Research methodology). – Doctoral and D. Prešeren (eds.), The Earth beneath Your Feet: Archaeology thesis. University in Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Ljubljana on the Motorways in Slovenia: Guide to Sites, Ljubljana, 123–125. (unpublished). MASON, P. 2006, Rimska poselitev pri Beli Cerkvi: Arhe- ŠAŠEL, J. 1975a, Rimske ceste v Sloveniji. – In: Arheološka ološko najdišče Dolge njive ob rimski cesti Emona–Nevio- najdišča Slovenije, Ljubljana, 74–98. dunum–Siscia . – Rast 17, Novo mesto, 55–57. ŠAŠEL, J. 1975b, Trebnje. – In: Arheološka najdišča Slovenije, MASON, P. 2008, The Roman Fort at Obrežje and Augu- Ljubljana, 231–232. stan military activity in the Sava valley in Slovenia. – In: J.-S. ŠRIBAR, V. 1960, Zavarovalno izkopavanje antičnega pri- Kühlborn (eds.), Rom auf dem Weg nach Germanien: Geostrategie, stanišča v Beli Cerkvi (Notausgrabung eines antiken Hafens Vormarschtrassen und Logistik: internationales Kolloquium in Del- in Bela Cerkev). – Arheološki vestnik IX-X/1–4 , 1958–1959, brück-Anreppen, vom 4. bis 6. November 2004, Mainz, 187–198. 251–270. MASON, P. 2012, Sites in the landscape or the landscape as TOPLIČANEC, M. and G. TICA, 2006, Rimska in praz- site (Najdišča v pokrajini ali pokrajina kot najdišče). – In: B. godovinska cesta pri Požarnicah. – Rast 17, Novo mesto, Migotti, P. Mason, B. Nadbath and T. Mulh (eds.), Scripta in 53–54. honorem Bojan Djurić, Ljubljana, 143–157. TICA, G. 2005a, Požarnice near Družinska vas. – In: B. MASON, P., I. É. PINTER, R. PLESNIČAR, M. JANE- Djurić and D. Prešeren (eds.), The Earth beneath Your Feet: 183 Philip Mason Archaeology on the Motorways in Slovenia: Guide to Sites, Ljublja- Online resources na, 233–235. TICA, G. 2005b, Stranje. – In: B. Djurić (eds.), The Earth http://www.roman-britain.org/main.htm beneath Your Feet: Archaeology on the Motorways in Slovenia: Guide http://www.geiriadur.net/ to Sites, Ljubljana, 257–258. URLEB, M. 1960, Draga. – Varstvo spomenikov 7 , Ljubljana, 298–299, 302. dr. Philip Mason URLEB, M. and P. PETRU 1960, Bela Cerkev. – Varstvo Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage spomenikov 7 , Ljubljana, 298–299, 304–305. of Slovenia, VIČIČ, B. and B. SLAPŠAK 2005, Roman Settlement and Centre for Preventive Archaeology cemetery. – In: B. Djurić and D. Prešeren (eds), The Earth Poljanska 40 beneath Your Feet: Archaeology on the Motorways in Slovenia: Guide SI-1000 Ljubljana to Sites, Ljubljana, 77–80. phil.mason@zvkds.si 184 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Izgubljeni relief s krilatim genijem iz Celja The lost relief of the winged genius from Celje Katarina Šmid Izvleček: Prispevek obravnava danes izgubljeni relief iz Celeje, ki ga je leta 1821 skiciral Peter Fendi. To preprosto risbo je leta 1829 objavil Anton Steinbüchel ( [Wiener] Jahrbücher der Literatur, 1829) med nedavno najdenimi rimskimi reliefi, zatem pa je isto skico objavil še Otto Jahn ( Archäologische Beiträge, 1847). Upodobljen je genij z metuljevimi krili, ki se z levim komolcem naslanja na steber, v desnici pa drži navzdol obrnjeno baklo. Nad njim lebdi metulj. Na zadnji strani reliefa je napis, ki navaja, da je spomenik postavil Kupit za svojo partnerko. Figura je bila označena kot Genij večnega spanja, uvrščena pa je bila tudi med upodobitve Erosa in Psihe, katere atribut so ravno metuljeva krlia. Zaradi navzdol obrnjene bakle in metuljevih kril lahko predstavlja Somnus, čeprav z držo lik posnema žalujočega genija (nem. Trauergenius) oz. erota, ki so značilni okras funeralnih spomenikov Norika in Regio X Venetia et Histria. Ključne besede: Celeia, Celje, eroti, Eros, žalujoči genij (nem. Trauergenius), Somnus, Psyche Abstract: The article discusses the lost relief from Celeia, which was drawn by Peter Fendi in 1821. It was first published among the recently found Roman reliefs in the territory of the Austrian Empire ( [Wiener] Jahrbücher der Literatur, 1829) and later by Otto Jahn ( Archäologische Beiträge, 1847). It depicts a youth with butterfly wings, who rests his left elbow at the pillar. He holds a reversed torch in his right hand and a butterfly hovers above him. The revers bears an epitaph which states that the monument was erected by Cupitus for his contubernalis. The figure was labeled as the Genius des ewigen Schlafes and also listed among the depictions of Eros and Psyche, whose common attribute are butterfly wings. However, he can also be interpreted as Somnus due to the reversed torch and butterfly wings, although his posture and attribute resemble to a great extent the mourning genius ( Trauergenius) or one of the funerary Erotes, which are widely spread in Noricum and the Regio X Venetia et Histria. Key words: Celeia, Celje, funerary Erotes, Eros, Trauergenius, Somnus, Psyche Med razširitvijo tedanje vojašnice v Knežjem dvo- A Roman slab with the relief of the winged youth, ru v Celju („Cilli“)v 20. letih 19. stoletja je bil odkrit leaning on a pillar, was found during the extension rimski relief s krilatim mladeničem, ki se naslanja na of the military barracks in the Princely Palace (slov. steber.1 Kamen je izgubljen vse od štiridesetih let 19. Knežji dvor, Ger. Fürstenhof) in Celje („Cilli“) in the stoletja dalje.2 1820’s.1 It was lost by 1847 at the latest.2 1 V času odkritja kvadra je bila v Knežjem dvoru voja- 1 In the time of the discovery Princely Palace was used šnica, v katero je dvorec med letoma 1748-1750 predela- as military barracks, which were built there during 1748- la cesarica Marija Terezija (Stopar 1999, 103). O rimskih 1750 under the Empress Maria Theresia (Stopar 1999, najdbah na območju Knežjega dvora: Lazar 1997. 103). For the other Roman finds from the Princely Palace 2 Nekaj neskladij je tako okoli leta najdbe, kakor tudi see: Lazar 1997. leta izginotja. Paginirana stran v Fendijevi skicirki je ozna- 2 There are some discrepancies regarding the year of čena kot „Cili (!) von 2. April 1821“, kar je torej terminus discovery, as well as its disappearance. As the page in Peter post quem, četudi večina avtorjev trdi, da je bil kamen naj- Fendi’s sketchbook is marked „Cili (!) von 2. April 1821“, den po letu 1825. Po Ignacu Orožnu je bil odkrit med le- it was certainly found before that date. However, most of toma 1825 in 1826 med „erweiterung der Kasarne“, v ka- the authors claim that it was found after the year 1825. sarni naj bi bil vse do leta 1840, nakar se je za njim izgubila According to Ignac Orožen, it was found between 1825 185 Katarina Šmid Risba figuralnega reliefa je bila prvič objavljena leta A drawing of the figural relief was first published 1829 med nedavno odkritimi rimskimi kamni znotraj among the newly found Roman stones within the meja Avstrijskega cesarstva kot ilustracija k podlistku borders of the Austrian Empire as an illustration Alterthümer in der Österreichischen Monarchie v suplemen- in the sequel article Alterthümer in der Österreichischen tu Anzeiger Blatt k [Wiener] Jahrbücher der Literatur ( sl. Monarchie in the supplement Anzeiger Blatt of the [Wie-1).3 Napravil jo je avstrijski slikar Peter Fendi (1796– ner] Jahrbücher der Literatur ( Fig. 1).3 It was sketched in 1842) aprila leta 1821, ko je spremljal direktorja k.k. April 1821 by the Austrian artist Peter Fendi (1796– Münz- und Antikenkabinett Antona Steinbüchel von 1842), who accompanied the director of k.k. Münz- Rheinwalla (1790–1883) na službeno pot v Benetke.4 und Antikenkabinett, Anton Steinbüchel von Rhein- Upodobljen je gol mladenič na podstavku. Teža te- wall (1790–1883) on his business trip to Venice.4 lesa počiva na desni nogi v ospredju, medtem ko je A young male nude is depicted on a pedestal on the leva noga potisnjena nazaj, tako da se s prsti dotika obverse. The body weight is transferred to the right talne površine. Na desni, ob figuri, je steber, ki nudi leg in the foreground, whilst the left leg is bent back- podporo levemu komolcu, na katerega se naslanja. wards and touches the ground with the toes. There Drugo roko ima pokrčeno v komolcu, v njej pa drži is a pillar in front of the figure, on the right, which navzdol usmerjeno baklo. Nad njegovo glavo lebdi gives support to the left elbow, on which he reposes. metulj, nenavaden detajl pa so velika metuljeva krila His other arm is bent at the elbow and he holds a na hrbtu figure. reversed torch in his hand. A butterfly hovers above Na drugi strani kvadra je epitaf, 5 sodeč po katerem his head. The large butterfly wings on his back are a je bil nagrobni spomenik postavljen za pokojno Ku- special and quite uncommon feature. pitovo partnerko, Klavdijo Sekundo, ki je umrla pri There is an epitaph on the reverse of the slab.5 Ac- dvaintridesetih letih (po R. Wedenigu): 6 cording to the epitaph, the grave monument was dedicated to the deceased partner, contubernalis of Cu- 1 Claudiae pitus, Claudia Secunda, who died at the age of 32 (after Secundae R. Wedenig):6 annor(um) XXXII contubernali 1 Claudiae 5 h(ic) s(itae) et Secundae C(aio) Cornelio Felici et annor(um) XXXII vivis et sibi Cupitus contubernali Celeian(orum scil. servus) [f(aciendum)] curavi[t].7 vsaka sled (Orožen 1854, 303, št. 49; Johann Gabriel Seidl je odkritje razpel med leti 1825–1828 (Seidl 1846, 9, d)). and 1826 during the „erweiterung der Kasarne“, where Od leta 1847 naj bi bil izgubljen po: CIL III 5228; Lupa it was preserved until 1840 (Orožen 1854, 303, no. 49; 4070; Wedenig 1997, 126, št. C 18. V Knežjem dvorcu je Johann Gabriel Seidl states that is was found between kvader zadnji omenil zgodovinar Albert von Muchar (von 1825–1828 (Seidl 1846, 9, d)). It has been lost since 1847, Muchar 1844, 360, Taf. I: 1). according: CIL III 5228; Lupa 4070; Wedenig 1997, 126, 3 Von Steinbüchel 1829, 101, Taf. II: 3. no. C 18. The slab was last mentioned in Princely Palace 4 Adolph 1963, 9; Kehl-Baierle 2007, 168. by the historian Albert von Muchar (von Muchar 1844, 5 Četudi je bil epitaf vselej ločeno objavljen, je običajno 360, Taf. I, 1). naveden kot del istega nagrobnega spomenika (cf. CIL III 3 Von Steinbüchel 1829, 101, Taf. II, 3. 5228; von Muchar 1844, 360; Seidl 1846, 9, d; Wedenig 4 Adolph 1963, 9; Kehl-Baierle 2007, 168. 1997, 126, št. C 18). 5 Although the epitaph was always separately published, 6 Wedenig 1997, 126, št. C 18. it was regularly mentioned as an integral part of the grave 7 O epitafu: CIL III 5228, nekaj popravkov k branju je monument (cf. CIL III 5228; von Muchar 1844, 360; Seidl v CIL III, 1830; von Steinbüchel 1829, 95, št. 286; Seidl 1846, 9, d; Wedenig 1997, 126, no. C 18). 1846, 9, d; Gubo 1909, 13; Šašel 1970, 140, št. 16; Alföldy 6 Wedenig 1997, 126, no. C 18. 186 Izgubljeni relief s krilatim genijem iz Celja 5 h(ic) s(itae) et C(aio) Cornelio Felici et vivis et sibi Cupitus Celeian(orum scil. servus) [f(aciendum)] curavi[t].7 A close examination of the figural relief will now be undertaken. It should be noted at the outset that all of the Fendi sketches of the Roman reliefs from Regio X Venetia et Histria and Noricum, drawn on the above mentioned business trip, are very accurate. Thus it is right to assume that there is no artist’s license or imaginative additions.8 Anton Steinbüchel von Rheinwall interpreted the fig- ure as the Genius of Eternal Sleep ( Genius des ewigen Schlafes).9 A prominent German scholar, Otto Jahn, however, drew attention to it in a chapter entitled Eros und Psyche in his widely reached scholarly work Archäologische Beiträge (1847). He not only accepted the Fendi’s drawing, but also the Steinbüchel’s interpre- tation. He stressed that the Genius of Eternal Sleep can be recognised through his common attribute, the reversed torch, and that the butterfly wings mark the god of Sleep.10 Slika/Figure 1 Krilati genij iz Celja. / Winged genius from Celje. Carl Robert (1907) listed the Celje-relief among the representations of the same loving couple in the Poglejmo natančneje figuralni relief. Potrebno je po- extensive lexicon Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen sebej poudariti, da so vse skice rimskih reliefov iz Altertumswissenschaft. He labeled the winged youth as Desete regije Italije in Norika, ki jih je Fendi napravil „eine Art Todesgenius“ and stressed that the butter- na omenjenem potovanju, zelo natančne, zaradi česar fly wings are characteristic for Psyche, but can also be upravičeno domnevamo, da ni nobenega avtorjevega featured by her counterpart, Eros, especially in con- domišljijskega dodatka.8 junction with her. The butterfly, on the other hand, is Anton Steinbüchel von Rheinwall je figuro raz- a common attribute of Psyche and can even be her ložil kot Genija večnega spanca ( Genius des ewigen pars pro toto.11 Schlafes).9 Na relief je v poglavju Eros und Psyche v The Genius des ewigen Schlafes, Hypnos or Somnus is de-odmevnem delu Archäologische Beiträge (1847) opo- picted in a variety of ways in the visual arts of the zoril nemški arheolog Otto Jahn. Avtor ni prevzel le Fendijeve risbe, temveč tudi Steinbüchlovo inter- 7 On the epitaph: CIL III 5228: some corrections of pretacijo. Poudaril je, da se Genija večnega span- the reading in CIL III, 1830; von Steinbüchel 1829, 95, no. 286; Seidl 1846, 9, d; Gubo 1909, 13; Šašel 1970, 140, no. ca prepozna zaradi njegovega običajnega atributa, 16; Alföldy 1974, 267, 274; Wedenig 1997, 126, no. C 18. 8 The sketchbook is available online on the Albertina 1974, 267, 274; Wedenig 1997, 126, št. C 18. website (http://sammlungenonline.albertina.at/#adb- 8 Skicirka je objavljena na spletni strani Albertine 67146-0b38-45cf-b441-60f022346f31). For the hint about (http://sammlungenonline.albertina.at/#adb67146-0b- the sketchbook I am grateful to Dr. Dragan Božič. 38-45cf-b441-60f022346f31). Za namig o skicirki se zah- 9 Steinbüchel 1829, Taf. III, 2. valjujem dr. Draganu Božiču. 10 Jahn 1847, 182–183, Taf. III, 2. 9 Steinbüchel 1829, Taf. III: 2. 11 Robert 1907, 534. 187 Katarina Šmid navzdol obrnjene bakle, in da metuljeva krila kažejo na boga Spanja.10 Med upodobitve istega para je v obsežnem leksiko- nu Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswis- senschaft (1907) celjski relief umestil tudi Carl Ro- bert. Krilatega mladeniča je označil kot „ eine Art Todesgenius“ in poudaril, da so metuljeva krila zna- čilna za Psihe, a jih ima lahko tudi njen ljubimec, Eros, še posebej, ko nastopa v paru z njo. Na drugi strani pa je tudi metulj Psihin atribut in celo njen pars pro toto.11 V likovni umetnosti rimske dobe je Genius des ewigen Schlafes, Hypnos ali Somnus, različno upodobljen. Lah- ko je bodisi v podobi Erosa, mladeniča ali starca (kar je njegova najbolj pogosta upodobitev). 12 Značilen zanj je par kril (v največ primerih ptičjih), ki so ali na hrbtu ali na glavi, tik za ušesi.13 V redkih primerih ima bog na svojem hrbtu metulje- va krila in kot tak na nagrobnih spomenikih simbo- lizira večen spanec.14 Na marmorni nagrobni steli iz Suaze, ki jo je v 1. stoletju pr. n. št. postavil osvobo- jenec Sekst Titij za svojo ljubico ( concubina), Lukanijo Benigno, je na desni stranici (čeprav tokrat obrnjen proti levi), upodobljen golobrad mladenič v podobni razmišljujoči pozi kakor figura v Celju ( Ancona, Museo Archeologico Nazionale delle Marche, inv. št. 73; sl. 2).15 Podobno se Somnus s komolcem naslanja na steber in si podpira brado, medtem ko je druga roka spuščena Slika/Figure 2 Somnus, Ancona, Museo Archeologico in drži venec, v čemer se razlikuje od celjske figure. Nazionale delle Marche, inv. št. 73. / Somnus, Ancona, Prav tako je njegova desna noga prekrižana pred levo Museo Archeologico Nazionale delle Marche, inv. nr. 73 nogo in ne vice versa. Per analogiam sta si obe figuri so- (Koppermann, Neg. D-DAI-Rom-61.279). rodni ravno v drži in metuljevih krilih. Roman period. He is either shown in the form of 10 Jahn 1847, 182–183, Taf. III: 2. Eros, the youth or the old man (his most common 11 Robert 1907, 534. representation).12 His characteristic is the pair of 12 Cf. Lochin 1990, 607. 13 Lochin 1990, 591, 607. Za Somnusove upodobitve: wings (in far most cases bird wings), which are either cf. Lochin 1990, 596–598, kat. št. 35–60 (cf. Stat. Silv. 5, 4; on his back or head, just behind the ears.13 Tib. Elegiae 2.1, 89–90; Sil. Pun. 10, 344–345; Sen. Her. F. Nevertheless, in rare cases the god has the wings of 1066–1069). 14 Macchioro 1909, 32; Sauer 1884–1890, 2850–2851; a butterfly on his back and as such he symbolizes Lochin 1990, 607. 15 Henzenn 1872; Lochin 1990, 643, št. 1. Na levi stranici reliefa iz Suaze je bradata figura v podobni pozi 12 Cf. Lochin 1990, 607. - njegov dvojček Tanatos, ki je bil dokaj pogost v grški 13 Lochin 1990, 591, 607. For the depictions of So- umetnosti (zlasti v atiškem vaznem slikarstvu 5. stoletja mnus cf. Lochin 1990, 596–598, nos. 35–60 (cf. Stat. Silv. pr. n. št.), a je bil v umetnosti rimske dobe le redka izjema 5, 4; Tib. Elegiae 2.1, 89–90; Sil. Pun. 10, 344–345; Sen. Her. (Bažant 1994, 906–907). F. 1066–1069). 188 Izgubljeni relief s krilatim genijem iz Celja eternal sleep on funerary monuments.14 A beardless youth, Somnus, in the similar deliberating posture (al- though turned to the left) as the figure from Celje is located on the right hand lateral side on the marble grave stele from Suasa, which was erected in the 1st century BC by a freedman Sextus Titius for his con- cubina, Lucania Benigna ( Fig. 2).15 In close similarity to the Celje-relief, Somnus leans with one elbow on the pillar and supports his chin. However his other arm differs in being lowered and holding a wreath. His right leg, unlike that of the figure from Celeia, is crossed before his left leg and not vice versa. Per analo- giam, the figures obviously share the butterfly wings and the posture. Another rare case is a sandstone grave stele from Scampa in central Albania (Elbasan Museum), which dates to the 2nd century AD ( Fig. 3).16 Although the posture and the garment of the young male figure generally strongly differ from those of the Celje re- lief, both figures share the butterfly wings and the reversed torch in one hand. A reversed torch is a customary attribute of the funer- ary Erotes or of the Genius of Death (Ger. Graberot, Trauergenius, Todesgenius) in Hellenistic-Roman and es- pecially in Roman provincial art.17 What is more, the German classical archaeologist Carl Robert and the Styrian historian Albert von Muchar even labelled the figure from the Celje relief as Genius des Todes.18 Thus, the reversed torch without doubt follows a cer- tain type of Eros that was transmitted to funerary Erotes, which are a frequent adornment of the lateral sides of the funerary altars and sarcophagi from Regio 14 Macchioro 1909, 32; Sauer 1884–1890, 2850–2851; Lochin 1990, 607. Slika/Figure 3 Somnus, Muzej v Elbasanu. / 15 Henzen 1872; Lochin 1990, 643, no. 1. The coun- terpart of Somnus on the left lateral side in the relief from Somnus, Elbasan Museum. Suasa is a bearded figure of the similar posture – his twin Drug redek primer je nagrobna stela iz peščenjaka iz brother Thanatos, who is quite common in Greek art. (especially in the Attic vase painting from the 5th century Skampe v osrednji Albaniji iz 2. stoletja n. št. ( sl. 3).16 BC), but was in Roman art a rare exception (Bažant 1994, Četudi tako drža kot oblačilo ne ustrezata mladeniške- 906–907). mu liku iz Celja, so obema skupni metuljeva krila in pa 16 Praschniker, Schober 1919, 53; Koch 1989, 157; Koch 2013, 841. navzdol obrnjena bakla v roki. 17 Blanc, Gury 1986, 907; Cumont 1942, 409–410; Kolšek 1991a, 139; Kolšek 1991b, 1; Pflug 1989, 118–119; 16 Praschniker, Schober 1919, 53; Koch 1989, 157; Pochmarski 1996, 136; Walde 2005, 119; Cambi 2010, 48. Koch 2013, 841. 18 Robert 1907, 534; von Muchar 1844, 360. 189 Katarina Šmid V helenistično-rimski in še posebej v rimski provin- cialni umetnosti je navzdol obrnjena bakla stalen atri- but nagrobnih Erotov oziroma Genija smrti (nem. Graberot, Trauergenius, Todesgenius).17 Opozoriti velja, da sta tudi nemški klasični arheolog Carl Robert in zgodovinar Albert von Muchar označila figuro kot Genius des Todes.18 Obrnjena bakla je brez dvoma značilna za določen tip Erosa, ki je bil prenešen na nagrobne Erote, ti pa so stalni okras stranske stranice oltarnih nagrobnikov in sarkofagov iz Regio X Venetia et Histria vse od 2. stoletja pr. n. št. do pozne rimske dobe. 19 Upodobi- tev se je kot alegorija žalovanja domnevno razširila iz Akvileje v Norik (vključno s Celejo in pripadajočim teritorijem).20 Genij smrti v Deseti regiji Italije in tudi Noriku je običajno upodobljen na sledeč način: stoji frontalno, tako da so noge prekrižane. Ena roka sloni na prsih, dlan pa polaga na nasprotno ramo, na kate- ro naslanja glavo (prim. sl. 4). Druga roka je spuščena in se opira na navzdol obrnjeno baklo, v roki lahko drži venec ali grozd. 21 Dobro razvidna so številna neskladja med zelo raz- širjenim tipom Genija smrti in med figuro na iz- gubljenem reliefu – oba si de facto delita zgolj obr- njeno baklo in goloto. Tudi metuljeva krila niso v nobenem primeru niti atribut Genija smrti niti Erotov na nagrobnih spomenikih. 22 17 Blanc, Gury 1986, 907; Cumont 1942, 409–410; Kol- šek 1991a, 139; Kolšek 1991b, 1; Pflug 1989, 118–119; Po- chmarski 1996, 136; Walde 2005, 119; Cambi 2010, 48. 18 Robert 1907, 534; von Muchar 1844, 360. 19 Collignon 1911, 329–333; Blanc, Gury 1986, 1047; Gabelmann 1973, 64; Pochmarski 1996, 135–136; Walde 2005, 117–119; Drack 2008, 84–124. Na sarkofagih se je prvič pojavil iz delavnic v mestu Rim ( stadtrömische Sarkop- hage), na katerih je bil najbolj pogost v srednjem antonin- Slika/Figure 4 Nagrobni Erot, Grobnica Enijcev, skem obdobju (Koch 1993, 86). Šempeter v Savinjski dolini. / Funerary Erot, The Ennii 20 O Genijih smrti v Celeji z agrom: Kolšek 1991a; tomb, Šempeter in the Savinja Valley. Kolšek 1991b. 21 Erwin Pochmarski je za upodobitve Erotov na vi- X Venetia et Histria from the 2nd century BC until runskih nagrobnih spomenikih domneval, da je njihov razvoj potekal od otroških do bolj mladostnih figur po- the late Roman period.19 The depiction as an allegory dobno, kakor naj bi se razvili Eroti z girlandami. Tako naj bi vitkejši in mladostnejši Eroti spadali v seversko dobo 19 Collignon 1911, 329–333; Blanc, Gury 1986, 1047; (Pochmarski 1996, 135–137; Pochmarski 1997, 212–213). Gabelmann 1973, 64; Pochmarski 1996, 135–136; Walde 22 Cf. Blanc, Gury 1986, 1047. Metuljeva krila imajo 2005, 117–119; Drack 2008, 84–124. On the sarcophagi lahko na hrbtu sicer tudi Eroti, kakor kaže npr. stenska sli- they first appeared on the sarcophagi from the workshops ka v grobnici Oktavije Pavline na Via Triumphalis v Rimu iz in Rome ( stadtrömische Sarkophage) that are in their greatest okoli leta 220 n. št. (zdaj Rim, Museo Nazionale Romano; extent dated in the middle Antonine era (Koch 1993, 86). 190 Izgubljeni relief s krilatim genijem iz Celja of grief presumably spread from Aquileia to Noricum (including Celeia with its adjoining territory).20 The Genius of Death in Regio X Venetia et Histria, as well as in Noricum, is conventionally portrayed in the fol- lowing manner: he is depicted standing from a fron- tal viewpoint with his legs crossed. One arm is bent towards the chest; the hand is laid on the opposite shoulder on which he reclines (cf. Fig. 4). The oth- er arm is lowered and is supported by the reversed torch, whilst a wreath or bunch of grapes may be held in the hand.21 There are numerous differences between the wide- spread type of the Genius of Death and the figure on the lost relief from Celje, only sharing de facto the reversed torch and nakedness. Indeed, the butter- fly wings are neither an attribute of the Genius of Death nor of the funerary Erotes.22 As mentioned above, the butterfly wings are a char- acteristic of Psyche and can also be borne by her lov- er Eros. Moreover, Carl Robert even listed the motif on the Celje-relief among the depictions of Eros and Psyche.23 Psyche on the relief from Benevento ( Fig. 5),24 for example, is quite close in her posture to the figure from Celeia (crossed legs, leaning on the pillar, supporting her chin with the hand). Finally, attention should also be paid to the butterfly itself.25 The butterfly has been the symbol of the Slika/Figure 5 Psihe, Benevento, Museo del Sannio, inv. št. 644. / Psyche, Benevento, Museo del Sannio, inv. 20 On Genius of Death in Celeia with ager see Kolšek no. 644. 1991a; Kolšek 1991b. 21 Erwin Pochmarski tried to derive the iconographic Še najbolj so metuljeva krila značilna za Psihe, čeprav development of funerary Erotes from Virunum from jih ima lahko tudi njen ljubimec Eros – nenazadnje childish to youth figures, the same development he has applied to the Erotes with garlands. Therefore the sleek je celo Carl Robert uvrstil motiv na celjskem reliefu youth funerary Erots would be dated into Severan period med upodobitve Erosa in Psihe. 23 Psihe na reliefu iz (Pochmarski 1996, 135–137; Pochmarski 1997, 212–213). Beneventa, npr., v drži (stoji s prekrižanimi nogami, 22 Cf. Blanc, Gury 1986, 1047. The wings of the butter- fly can, however, also adorn the backs of the Erotes, as is z roko sloni na stebru in si z dlanjo podpira brado) seen in the tomb of Octavia Paulina in Via Triumphalis in povsem ustreza celjski figuri ( sl. 5).24 Rome from around 220 AD (now Rome, Museo Nazio- Nazadnje je pozornost potrebno usmeriti še na me- nale Romano; Bendinelli 1922, 428–436, Fig. 4; Cumont 1942, 345–346; Andreae 1963, 64; Icard-Gianolio 1994, tulja.25 Vse od 6. stoletja pr. n. št. je metulj simboliziral 573, no. 54). 23 Vide supra. Bendinelli 1922, 428–436, sl. 4; Cumont 1942, 345–346; 24 Heydemann 1868, 102–103, no. 6; Icard – Gianolio Andreae 1963, 64; Icard-Gianolio 1994, 573, št. 54). 1994, 569, no. 4. 23 Vide supra. 25 Needless to say, as this drawing is the only depiction 24 Heydemann 1868, 102–103, št. 6; Icard - Gianolio of the lost relief, it is hard to see whether a butterfly or 1994, 569, št. 4. perhaps a bee hovers above, as both of them can symbo- 25 Ker je ta risba edina ohranjena upodobitev tega reliefa, lize the soul (Waser 1902–1909, 3221). With regard to the 191 Katarina Šmid odhajajočo dušo, skozi svojo metamorfozo iz bube departed soul and through its metamorphosis from pa je postal tudi simbol nesmrtnosti.26 Slavno zgodbo the pupa also the symbol of immortality since the o Erosu in Psihe (Apul. Met. 4.28–6.24) se je v sim- 6th century BC.26 The famous story of Eros and bolnem pomenu razlagalo kot metaforo za dušo, ki Psyche (Apul. Met. 4.28–6.24), needless to say, was se je, po potovanju skozi življenje, zemeljsko trpljenje also symbolically understood as a metaphor for the in smrt, končno združila z Božanskim tako, kot se je soul, which, after travelling through life, terrestrial smrtnica Psihe združila z nesmrtnim Erosom.27 suffering and death, finally unites with the Divine, Če na koncu povežemo napis z nenavadno just as the mortal woman Psyche was united with upodobitvijo, dobimo zanimivo sliko. Nagrobni immortal Eros.27 spomenik je bil postavljen za pokojno partnerko v If the inscription is finally matched with the uncon- zakonski zvezi med sužnjema, contubernalis, Klavdijo ventional depiction, an interesting picture is obtained. Sekundo.28 Njena odhajajoča duša, ψυχή, ali celo ona The grave monument was erected for the deceased sama, bi lahko bila predstavljena v metulju. Žalujoči partner in the slave union, contubernalis, Claudia Se- mladenič, ki spominja tako na Hipnosa-Somnusa cunda.28 Her departed soul, ψυχή, or even she herself, (metuljeva krila), Erote na nagrobnih spomenikih ali can be represented in the hovering butterfly. The Erosa (obrnjena bakla) pa bi lahko simboliziral Kupi- mourning youth, who has the distinctive marks of ta, ki žaluje za svojo pokojno soprogo, katere duše je Hypnos-Somnus (butterfly wings), one of the funerary bila ravnokar zapustila tuzemsko življenje. Erotes or Eros (reversed torch), can therefore sym- bolize Cupitus, who grieves for his deceased partner, whose soul has just left the terrestrial life. Literatura ch–München, 952–1049. BREMMER, J. 1983, The Early Greek Concept of the Soul. – ADOLPH, H. 1963, Peter Fendi 1796–1942. – Wien. New Jersey. ALFöLDY, G. 1974, Noricum. – The Provinces of the Ro- CAMBI, N. 2010, Sarkofazi lokalne produkcije u rimskoj Dal- man Empire. London–Boston. maciji / Die Sarkophage der lokalen Werkstätten im römischen ANDREAE, B. 1963, Studien zur römischen Grabkunst. – Mi- Dalmatien. – Biblioteka knjiga Mediterana 60, Split. tteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts: Rö- COLLIGNON, M. 1911, Les statues funéraires dans l’art grec. mische Abteilung: Ergänzungsheft. Heidelberg. – Paris. BAŽANT, J. 1994, s.v. Thantaos. – V: Lexicon Iconographicum CUMONT, F. 1942, Recherches sur le symbolisme funéraire des Mythologiae Classicae VII, 1, Zürich–München, 904–908. Romains. – Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 35. BENDINELLI, G. 1922, Notizie degli scavi di antichità: Paris. Roma: Primo Ipogeo. – Atti della R. Accademia dei Lincei DEONNA, W. 1954, The Crab and the Butterfly: A Study XIX, 5. ser., 429–444. in Animal Symbolism. – Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld BLANC, N. and F. GURY 1986, s.v. Eros, Amor, Cupido. Institutes 17, 1–2, 47–86. – V: Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae III, 1, Züri- DRACK, A. 2008, Erotendarstellungen in Noricum: Diplo- je težko razločiti ali je zgoraj metulj ali čebela, oba sicer lah- entire picture, I am of the opinion that the butterfly is in ko simbolizirata dušo (Waser 1902–1909, 3221). Po mojem fact depicted here. mnenju je – tudi glede na celotno sliko – upodobljen metulj. 26 Waser 1902–1909, 3234, 3237–3238; Robert 1907, 26 Waser 1902–1909, 3234, 3237–3238; Robert 1907, 531–533; Cumont 1942, 409; Deonna 1954, 63; Huskin- 531–533; Cumont 1942, 409; Deonna 1954, 63; Huskin- son 1996, 53; Lübker 2005, 867. In fact, the word ψυχή, son 1996, 53; Lübker 2005, 867. Kakor je namignil Aristo- as indicated by Aristotle ( Hist. An. 5.19), can stand either tel ( Hist. An. 5.19), naj bi beseda ψυχή pomenila tako dušo for the soul or the butterfly (Macchioro 1909, 31–32; kot metulja (Macchioro 1909, 31–32; Bremmer 1983, 82). Bremmer 1983, 82). 27 Kenney 1990, 12, 16. 27 Kenney 1990, 12, 16. 28 O contubernium: Rawson 1974, 293–295; Visočnik 28 About contubernium: Rawson 1974, 293–295; Visoč- 2007, 58–59. nik 2007, 58–59. 192 Izgubljeni relief s krilatim genijem iz Celja marbeit. – Graz. tersuchungen zur Chronologie, Typologie und Ikonographie. – Ma- GABELMANN, H. 1973, Werkstattgruppen der oberitalischen inz am Rhein. Sarkophage. – Beihefte der Bonner Jahrbücher 34, Bonn. POCHMARSKI, E. 1996, Severische Reliefs aus dem GUBO, A. 1909, Geschichte der Stadt Cilli. – Graz. Stadtterritorium von Virunum. – V: G. Bauchhenß (ur.), HENZEN, G. 1872, Monumento sepolcrale ritrovato a Akten des 3. internationalen Kolloqiums über Probleme des provin- Suasa. – Annali dell’Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica 44, zialrömischen Kunstschaffens. Beihefte der Bonner Jahrbücher 61–65. 51, 127–139. HEYDEMANN, H. 1868, Antichità beneventane. – Bul- POCHMARSKI, E. 1997, Neue Forschungen zur Chro- lettino dell’Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica, 98–104. nologie der provinzialrömischen Plastik in Noricum. – V: HUSKINSON, J. 1996, Roman Childrenś Sarcophagi: Their G. Erath, M. Lehner and G. Schwarz (ur.), Komos: Festschrift Decoration and its Social Significance. – Oxford. für Thuri Lorenz zum 65. Geburtstag, 207–214. ICARD-GIANOLIO, N. 1994, s.v. Psyche. – V: Lexicon Ico- PRASCHNIKER, C. and A. SCHOBER 1919, Archäologi- nographicum Mythologiae Classicae VII, 1, Zürich–München, sche Forschungen in Albanien und Montenegro. – Wien. 569–585. RAWSON, B. 1974, Roman Concubinage and Other de JAHN, O. 1847, Archäologische Beiträge. – Wien. facto Marriages. – Transactions of the American Philological KEHL-BAIERLE, S. 2007, Peter Fendi. Wien 1796–1842. Association 104, 279–305. Wien. – V: K. A. Schröder and M.L. Sternath (ur.), Peter ROBERT, C. 1907, s.v. Eros. – V: Paulys Realencyclopädie der Fendi und sein Kreis, 166–170. classischen Altertumswissenschaft 11, 484–544. KENNEY, E. J. (ur.). 1990, Apuleius Cupid and Psyche. – SAUER, B. 1884–1890, s.v. Hypnos. – V: Ausführliches Cambridge. Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie I, 2, 2846– KOCH, G. 1989, Albanien: Kunst und Kultur im Land der Ski- 2851. petaren. – Köln. SEIDL, J. G. 1846, Epigraphische Excurse. – Anzeiger Blatt KOCH, G. 1993, Sarkophage der römischen Kaiserzeit. – Dar- für Wissenschaft und Kunst 115, 1–35. mstadt. STEINBÜCHEL VON RHEINWALL, A. 1829, Al- KOCH, G. 2013, Sepulchral Sculptures of Roman Impe- terthümer in der österreichischen Monarchie. – [Wiener] rial Times in Albania.– V: N. Cambi and G. Koch (ur.), Jahrbücher der Literatur. Anzeiger Blatt XLVIII, 84–101. Sepulkralna skulptura zapadnog Ilirika i susjednih oblasti u doba STOPAR, I. 1999, Knežji dvorec v Celju. Analiza historič- Rimskog Carstva / Funerary sculpture of the Western Illyricum nih virov. – Varstvo Spomenikov 38, 98–111. and neighbouring regions of the Roman Empire. Knjiga Medite- ŠAŠEL, J. 1970, s.v. Celeia. – V: Realencyclopädie der classischen rana 72, 837–846. Altertumswissenschaft 12, 139–148. KOLŠEK, V. 1991a, Die Todesgenien im Stadtbereich VISOČNIK, J. 2007, Jezikovne značilnosti napisov antične Celeje von Celeia. – V: M. Praznovsky (ur.), 2. Internationales Kol- z okolico kot vir za preučevanje romanizacije celejskega prostora. – loquium über Probleme des provinzialrömischen Kunstschaffens. Doktorska disertacija. Ljubljana. Internationales Kolloquium über Probleme des Provinzi- WALDE, E. 2005, Im herrlichen Glanze Roms: Die Bilderwelt alrömischen Kunstschaffens 2, 139–146. der Römersteine in Österreich. – Innsbruck. KOLŠEK, V. 1991b, Geniji smrti na reliefih mestnega ob- WASER, O. 1902–1909, s.v. Psyche. – V: Ausführliches močja Celeje. – Celjski zbornik 1991, 1–12. Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie III, 2, Le- LAZAR, I. 1997, Arheološke najdbe na območju Naro- ipzig, 3201–3256. dnega doma. – Celjski zbornik 1997, 157–172. WEDENIG, R. 1997, Epigraphische Quellen zur städtischen LUPA, Ubi Erat Lupa (http://www.ubi-erat-lupa.org/) Administration in Noricum. – Aus Forschung und Kunst 31, LOCHIN, C. 1990, s.v. Hypnos/Somnus. – V: Lexicon Klagenfurt. Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae V, 1, Zürich-München, 591–609. LÜBKER, F. 2005, Reallexikon des klassischen Altertums. – dr. Katarina Šmid Leipzig. Univerza na Primorskem MACCHIORO, V. 1909. Il simbolismo nelle figurazioni sepol- Fakulteta za humanistične šudije crali romane: Studi di ermeneutica. – Napoli. Oddelek za arheologijo in dediščino in VON MUCHAR, A. 1844, Geschichte des Herzogthums Stei- Inštitut za arheologijo in dediščino ermark I. – Graetz. Titov trg 5 OROŽEN, I. 1854, Celska kronika. – Celje. SI-6000 Koper PFLUG, H. 1989, Römische Porträtstelen in Oberitalien. Un- katarina.smid@fhs.upr.si 193 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Votivni daritvi z Drnovega Votive offerings from Drnovo Eva Butina Izvleček: Leta 2011 sta bili na robu rimskega Navioduna, v današnjem Drnovem, odkriti dve najdbi, ki sta bili interpre- tirani kot votivni najdbi. Prva je del bronaste konjske opreme v obliki solze, ki je bila položena na plast ožgane zemlje skupaj s štirimi hišicami vrtnih polžev in dvema odlomkoma lončenine. Drugo predstavlja železna ploščica, ki je bila položena v jamo za stojko skupaj z živalskimi kostmi. Prispevek ponuja različne interpretacije rimskih votivnih običajev. Ključne besede: Neviodunum, arheološka izkopavanja, votivne daritve, rimski kulti Abstract: In 2011, two archaeological finds interpreted as votive offering, were found on the edge of roman Neviodunum, in modern day Drnovo. The first find is a tear-shaped part of a bronze horse harness that was deposited on a layer of burned clay together with four snail shells and two pottery fragments. The second find represents a small iron plate de- posited in a post pit together with animal bones. The paper presents different interpretations of roman custom of votive offering. Keywords: Neviodunum, archaeological excavations, votive offerings, Roman cults Uvod Arheološka izkopavanja in mesto morebitnih votivnih najdb V letih 2010 in 2011 je ekipa Centra za preventivno arheologijo, ZVKDS, izvedla predhodne arheološke Po strojni odstranitvi travne ruše sadovnjaka in so- raziskave na območju predvidene gradnje enosta- dobnih nasutij hišnega vrta smo prišli do pokopane novanjske hiše na parceli 34/10, k.o. Drnovo, znot- ornice z dobro vidnimi sledovi oranja in redkimi raj območja registrirane enote kulturne dediščine najdbami, ki časovno segajo od zgodnjega srednjega Drnovo - Arheološko najdišče Neviodunum. Na prosto- do novega veka. Spodaj ležeče plasti in strukture, ki ru ob nekdanji strugi reke Save je bilo na južnem so ležale oz. so bile vkopane v geološko podlago alu- delu nekdanjega rimskega mesta Neviodun ( sl. 1) vialnih nanosov proda, so bile zaradi močnega oranja raziskano območje v velikosti 170 m². Odkrili smo poškodovane in premešane do globine 30 cm, arhe- objekte s preprostimi temelji iz večjih in manjših ološke najdbe pa kažejo sledi poselitve s časovnim kamnitih lomljencev, položenih na zemljeno nasu- razponom od 1. do začetka 5. stoletja n. št. Najstarej- tje in najverjetneje z lesenimi stenami. Večje število še vkope neznanih funkcij so kasneje prekrila nasutja kurišč, ostanki kvadratne peči neznanega namena, za izravnavo terena, v katero sta bila vkopana jarek večjega ognjišča in številne najdbe uvoženega finega in manjša jama za stojko ter preprost objekt s slabo namiznega posodja (tere sigilate) ter steklenega po- ohranjenimi kamnitimi temelji v obliki črke Z ( sl. 2). sodja govorijo v prid stanovanjskim objektom. Med Objekt je imel, glede na preprosto gradnjo temeljev gradivom izstopata najdbi, najdeni v dveh različnih iz tanke plasti večjih in manjših oblic peščenjaka in kontekstih, ki vsak po svoje nakazujeta morebitni nekaj lomljencev apnenca skupaj z opeko in brez ve- namen votivne daritve. ziva, najverjetneje lesene stene. V njegovi notranjosti 195 Eva Butina Slika 1 Lega najdišča na karti rimskih mest in cestnih povezav na slovenskem ozemlju (izris E. Butina po J. Šašel 1975, 67). ali ob stenah so bili na preprostih kamnitih posta- tudi na južnem delu Drnovega med obema južnima mentih v obliki večjih ploščatih kamnov postavljene grobiščema. Leta 2009 so v bližini raziskanega ob- najverjetneje lesene sohe oz. stebri. Izjema je posta- močja izkopali ročne sonde in odkrili odlomke rim- ment za stojko, ki predstavlja kamnito oporo v ob- ske in prazgodovinske lončenine.1 Istega leta so pri liki črke L, vkopano v zemljo. Na temelje objekta arheoloških izkopavanjih na sosednji parceli (parcela sta se na jugozahodu naslanjala še dva ostanka te- št. 34/5, k.o. Drnovo) odkrili rimski objekt in ostan- meljev, kar nakazuje, da je imel objekt verjetno več ke kamnitih temeljev pripadajočih lesenih objektov prostorov ali prizidek. V tej fazi nastane večina t. i. ter številne rimskodobne najdbe: odlomke lončenine, kurišč, ki jih predstavljajo manjše ali večje koncen- stekla, železnih in bronastih predmetov ter novce.2 tracije ožgane gline, ostanek manjše kvadratne peči na zahodnem robu izkopnega polja, drenažni jarek na severovzhodu z maltnim estrihom ter obe t. i. Rimske votivne daritve votivni daritvi. Objekti so bili, glede na več nivojev nasutij s prodom premešane meljaste gline v in ob Religija je predstavljala pomemben del rimskega objektih, ki najverjetneje predstavljajo hodne povr- vsakdana, pri čemer so daritve predstavljale večji del šine, v uporabi dlje časa. religioznega življenja. Pri Rimljanih so bile votivne Odkrite najdbe in naselbinski elementi na tem pro- daritve običajno izvajane na dva načina: kot inicialna storu dopolnjujejo sliko rimske naselbine, mesta Ne- daritev in kot bolj radodarna zahvalna daritev. Naj- viodunum, med 1. in 4. stoletjem. Raziskano najdišče pogosteje so bile daritve darovane po izpolnitvi za- in številne manjše raziskave v bližnji okolici kažejo na to, da se je naselbinski del Nevioduna razprostiral 1 Žorž, Nadbath 2009. 2 Olič 2009, 37. 196 Votivni daritvi z Drnovega Slika 2 Lega votivnih daritev A in B glede na odkrite antropogene kontekste Faze Ic (izris E. Butina). obljube. Vendar pa votivne daritve niso samo daritve naprodaj kamniti reliefi, bronaste figurice, votivne temveč tudi znamenja, saj poleg vrednosti predsta- ploščice s podobami bogov ali napisom v tehniki ce- vljajo komunikacijo med prosilcem in božanstvom.3 liziranja, votivne daritve v obliki listov ali peres, bro- Daritve imajo lahko velik razpon v vrednosti ter v ob- naste črke in kovinski modeli orodja in orožja ali celo liki in velikosti. Votivne daritve, narejene iz raznovr- keramični deli človeških teles za medicinske namene. stnega materiala, so prodajali v trgovinah v pomemb- V primeru posvetilnih napisov ali kadar simbolizirajo nejših templjih in svetiščih. V nekaterih primerih ti prosilca v konkretni ali abstraktni obliki, ti predmeti predmeti niso bili lokalni proizvodi. Običajno so bili predstavljajo prošnjo sàmo ali kultno dejanje.4 3 Frevel 2007, 198. 4 Frevel 2007, 198. 197 Eva Butina Kovinske votivne ploščice, listi in peresa imajo po- gosto luknjo s pomočjo katere so bili pribiti ali obe- šeni v notranjosti ali v neposredni bližini templja. V intimnem okolju doma se kot kovinske votivne darit- ve pojavljajo bronaste figurice bogov in boginj, naj- pogosteje v obliki prstanov in brošk (bron, zlato in srebro) ali novcev z upodobitvijo božanstev. V vseh primerih je simbolno dejanje darovanja bogo- vom še povečano, saj se darovalec odpoveduje resnič- nemu delu svojega premoženja oz. imetja.5 Predmet darovanja je lahko narejen namenoma za darovanje (kot npr. figurice in miniature), lahko pa gre za pred- met iz vsakdanjega življenja (nakit, orodje), ki so ga uporabili kot votivni objekt z namenom medija med božanskim in prosilcem.6 Slika 3 Votivna daritev A in kontekst odkritja (izris E. Butina). Morebitni votivni daritvi iz Drnovega predstavlja edino najdbo te vrste na najdišču. Odlo- Obe najdbi, ki sta interpretirani kot votivni daritvi na mek ometa (velik približno 10 cm in debel približno najdišču, izstopata zaradi specifičnosti kontekstov v 1,5 cm) ima na vrhnji strani ohranjeno plast rdečega katerih sta bili odkriti. V nadaljevanju bomo govorili opleska iz mešanice apna in gline bogate z železom.7 o votivni daritvi A in o votivni daritvi B. Glede na lego v jami za stojko (pokončno ob steni Votivna daritev A predstavlja železno ploščico po- vkopa), je bil lahko vanjo položen namerno ali pa je loženo na živalske kosti ( sl. 3), ki je bila v jami za bil posledica zasipa samega vkopa ( sl. 4). stojko SE 95 skupaj z barvanim kosom ometa ( sl. 4). Sama najdba predmetov v jamah za stojke ni nič neobičajnega, saj so drobni predmeti pogosto del polnil vkopov. Običajno polnila predstavljajo zasutja mešanih zemljenih plasti in odlomkov lončenine ali keramičnega gradbenega materiala. Vendar pa ome- njeni kontekst na najdišču izstopa. To je edina izmed štirih jam postamentov oz. podpornih elementov v obliki močno utrjene jame za stojko, ki tvorijo lini- jo nadstreška ali strehe objekta z najdbami. Zaradi velikosti ploščice (približno 8 × 14 cm) in njene spe- cifične lege (položena neposredno na živalske kosti), menimo, da kontekst ne more biti posledica zasipa jame, ki je relativno majhna (premer circa 40 cm) in ima dobro definirane in dokaj strme stene. Nekoliko bolj problematičen v smislu namernega ali nenamernega deponiranja, je kos ometa, ki prav tako Slika 4 Odlomek ometa v jami za stojko SE 95 (foto S. Pukšič). 5 Adkins, Adkins 2004, 334. 6 Frevel 2007; Osborne 2004. 7 Zalar Serjun, Mladenovič 2016. 198 Votivni daritvi z Drnovega Slika 5 Votivna daritev B in kontekst odkritja (foto in situ E. Butina, S. Pukšič). Za interpretacijo najdbe kot votivno daritev so ključ- Votivno daritev B predstavlja bronasta ploščica konj- ne določene podobnosti našega konteksta z določeni- ske opreme položena na plast ožgane zemlje. Delno mi rimskimi religioznimi praksami. Železna ploščica odlomljena bronasta ploščica brez okrasa v obliki na živalskih kosteh8 v jami postamenta bi lahko bila solze s kratkim zaobljenim pecljem je dolga circa 11 t. i. gradbena daritev ali Bauopfer (nemško). Iz Viruna cm in ima na eni strani trn za pritrditev. je znan primer namernega deponiranja več novcev in Glede na primerjave gre za del konjske opreme, na- keramične figurice divjega petelina v jamo za temelje.9 tančneje za okras, ki je bil obešen ali tudi pritrjen s Odločilna za interpretacijo takih najdb kot namerne pomočjo trna na usnjene dele konjske opreme. Po daritve ob gradnji v sklopu hišnih kultov, je lokacija Bishopu gre za tip 5e, ki je močno razširjen del opre- v sami zgradbi. Kljub temu ni možno določiti, ali je me v 1. stoletju n. št. Številni primerki so bili najdeni treba takšno daritev razumeti kot zahvalo za uspešno v Avstriji, Nemčiji in Angliji ter posamezni v Švici gradnjo ali kot prošnjo za zaščito bogov.10 in Franciji.12 Poleg bronaste ploščice konjske opreme Samo železno ploščico bi lahko povezali z darova- sta bila poleg še dva majhna odlomka ostenja kerami- njem običajno svinčenih ploščic z uroki, ki so v pri- ke tankih sten. meru uresničitve uroka obljubljali daritev (običajno Ploščico so na vogalih obdajale štiri hišice vrtnih svinjo) bogovom podzemlja. Tovrstne daritve so bile polžev ( sl. 5). Polži so veljali za mistična bitja že od v rimskem cesarstvu izredno priljubljene.11 Čeprav pradavnine in so imeli v rimskem cesarstvu več sim- ploščica z Drnovega nima ohranjenega napisa (če je bolnih pomenov. Zaradi svoje dvospolnosti (her- le-ta obstajal), pa bi jo lahko v primeru, da so kosti mafroditi) naj bi imeli zmožnost določati dvojne ali ob ploščici pripadale svinji (ob uresničitvi uroka), in- dvomljive dogodke.13 Zaradi svojega več ur trajajo- terpretirali kot namerno daritev najverjetneje božan- čega parjenja pa so bili tudi simbol čutnosti in ero- stvom podzemlja. tizma ter posledično povezani z mitom o Afroditi, boginji ljubezni.14 Iz Grčije so znane votivne daritve 8 Kosti so v času oddaje prispevka še v analizi. 12 Bishop 1988, 147–150, Unz, Deschler-Erb 1997, 44, 9 Pollers 2007, 123. Tab. 54. 10 Pollers 2007, 123. 13 Leland 2010, 340–341. 11 Pollers 2007, 124. 14 Cattaneo-Vietti 2016, 39. 199 Eva Butina magistratov in drugih uradnikov, ki so darovali Afro- Dokaz za to lahko vidimo v lokaciji ob vhodu in v diti ob zaključku vojaške ali uradniške službe ali pa neposredni bližini ognjišča, ki nadomešča oltar. v želji za uspešno poslovanje oz. za harmonijo med ljudmi, ki sklepajo posle.15 Kakorkoli je navezava in- terpretacije daritve B na kult Afrodite v smislu da- Sklep rovanj v okviru vojaške službe ter sklepanja poslov zelo oddaljena, pa dobi smisel v povezavi s konjsko Najdbi z Drnovega ne predstavljata tipični rimski opremo iz 1. stoletja in dejstva, da je Drnovo v tem votivni daritvi, vseeno pa njuna konteksta vsebuje- času še vojaška postojanka.16 ta elemente, zaradi katerih ju lahko interpretiramo Drugačna interpretacija se ponuja na podlagi lokacije kot votivni daritevi. Darovanje je del večine kultov konteksta. Najdba konjske opreme obdane s polži se verovanja. Odvisno od ritualnega konteksta in od je nahajala v bližini prehoda ali vhoda (?) v objekt božanstev, ki so bila čaščena, so se daritve različno ( sl. 2), v neposredni bližini večje plasti ožgane gline, izvajale. V rimski dobi se je v domačem okolju obi- ki jo lahko interpretiramo kot kurišče. V rimski reli- čajno uporabljal začasen ali permanenten oltar, ki je giji imajo hišna božanstva pomembno vlogo pri va- bil postavljen v enem od skupnih prostorov v hi- rovanju določenih delov stanovanjskih prostorov kot ši.20 Na najdišču v Drnovem je bil odkrit tudi manjši so vhod, ognjišče in shramba. Eno najpomembnejših kamnit artefakt, ki smo ga preliminarno interpretira- božanstev je bil Janus, ki je varoval vhod v bivališče li kot miniaturno aro ( sl. 6).21 Oltarji se uporabljajo pred sovražniki, hkrati pa je bil zaščitnik začetka vseh kot mize za žrtvovanje in so nepogrešljive v kultih pomembnih podvigov in poslov. 17 Glede na najdi- večine bogov. Darovanje se je v primeru, da ni bilo ščno lego bi lahko v našem primeru govorili o t. i. oltarja, lahko opravljalo tudi na domačem ognjiš- ustanovitvenem deponiranju predmetov, ki ustvarja ču.22 Izjema so bili bogovi podzemlja (npr. Pluton in tudi poseben status prostora. Tovrstno deponirani Prozerpina), kjer so daritve darovali v manjšo jamo predmeti označujejo pomembnost tega, kar je usta- izkopano v tla.23 novljeno z vzpostavitvijo povezave med strukturo in Ob tem pa spomnimo še na prazgodovinsko tradi- božanskimi silami ter hkrati označuje poseben odnos cijo darovanja v jame v naselbinskih kontekstih. V do prostora in sakralizacijo prostora.18 bronasti dobi so bile votivne daritve v (manjših) ja- Komunikacija med prostori je najpomembnejši ključ mah v tleh, skrite pod kamni, v skalnih špranjah ali za definiranje namena njihove uporabe.19 V našem kraških jamah, razširjene po celotni Evropi. Manjše primeru so temelji za interpretacijo rabe prostorov daritve hišnih uporabnih predmetov kot so orodje, preslabo ohranjeni. Naša hipoteza, da gre za namen- manjše orožje in nakit, deponirane v bližini nasel- sko deponirano votivno najdbo na prostoru vhoda bin so najverjetneje darovali posamezniki ali manj- oziroma prehoda, v povezavi z Janusovim kultom, je še skupine.24 V železni dobi so daritve deponirane tako samo ena od možnih interpretacij. v obrednih jamah in jaških znotraj naselbine ali Votivna daritev B bi glede na zgoraj navedene pove- zave na kult Afrodite in Janusov kult, lahko nastala kot daritev ob koncu vojaške službe (polži kot dari- tev Afroditi) in pričetku (novega) civilnega življenja. 20 Scheid 2007. 21 Predmet je v konservaciji in še ni bil natančneje ana- liziran. 15 Edwards 1996, 93–94. 22 Adkins, Adkins 2004, 333. 16 Lovenjak 2003, 95. 23 McIntosh 2009, 253. 17 Dunstan 2011, 31. 24 Dular 1999, 97. Z bronastodobnega najdišča Hajdu- 18 Osborne 2004, 8. samson (Madžarska) pa je znan primer mečev in sekir po- 19 Smith 2002, 28. loženih neposredno na tla (McIntosh 2009, 258). 200 Votivni daritvi z Drnovega je mesto pripadalo provinci Panoniji, po začetku 2. stoletja pa Zgornji Panoniji. Upravno območje ( ager) Nevioduna je zajemalo celotno Dolenjsko. Romani- zacija Dolenjske sredi 1. stoletja je gotovo vključevala tudi romanizacijo religioznega življenja lokalnih pre- bivalcev. Na Interpretatio Romana lahko gledamo kot na mehanizem za kontrolo lokalnega prebivalstva, lahko pa jo interpretiramo kot željo lokalnih prebi- valcev, da se poistovetijo z rimskim načinom življe- nja in se istočasno opredelijo kot posebna etnična skupina znotraj cesarstva.27 Romanizacija je potekala predvsem v centrih provinc s pomočjo vojakov, ki so bili prvi naseljenci, in administracije, ki je neredko vključevala lokalne predstavnike plemstva, bogatih predstavnikov skupnosti in včasih tudi pomembne trgovce, ki so pridobili rimsko državljanstvo. Izven Slika 6 Miniaturna ara iz peščenjaka (foto E. Butina). municipalnih centrov pa je lokalna staroselska kultu- ra živela nemoteno naprej.28 posebnega obrednega prostora, kjer so bile lahko Razumevanje najdb iz Drnovega kot votivni daritvi položene neposredno na tla.25 ima podporo predvsem v dejstvu, da so Rimljani v Kontinuiteto poselitve prostora iz pozne prazgodo- svoje religiozno življenje vključevali številne prakse vine v rimsko dobo nakazujejo tudi ostanki železno- in elemente drugih religij. Odstopanje obeh primer- dobne naselbine in gomile na območju cestninske kov z Drnovega od običajnih rimskih oblik votivnih postaje Drnovo v neposredni bližini vasi.26 Kasne- daritev in prostora darovanja, bi lahko glede na zgo- je, v sredini 1. stoletja pr. n. št., so območje okoli raj omenjene primere darovanja in datacijo drnovskih Drnovega poselili keltski Latobiki. V latensko fazo najdb v 1. stoletje n. št., interpretirali kot del prazgo- spada tudi nastanek keltskega opida Neviodunum, iz dovinske tradicije darovanja znotraj naselja. katerega se je na začetku 1. stoletja n. št. razvil rimski Po mnenju Derksa ima vsaka družba jasne ideje o municipij Flavium Latobicorum Neviodunum (status tem kaj je primerno za darovanje. Ti pojmi tvorijo rimskega municipija je naselbina dobila v času ce- ideologijo te družbe ter se izražajo predvsem v samih sarja Vespazijana (69–79 n. št.)), najprej kot vojaška ritualih.29 Kot je že zgoraj omenjeno lahko namen- postojanka, ki pa kasneje dobi civilno upravo. Sprva sko deponirani (votivni) predmeti nastopajo v raz- ličnih oblikah in zato je, kot pravi Osborne, potreb- 25 Prazgodovinske daritve od neolitika do bronaste no obravnavati kontekst deponiranih najdb glede na dobe so v temeljih stavb ponavadi vključevale daritve celoten zbir najdb in na kontekste v katerih se le-te predmetov, živali in redko tudi ljudi. V Sloveniji poznamo iz bronaste in železne dobe več manjših depojev orožja, nahajajo na celotnem najdišču.30 orodja in delov noše v manjših jamah znotraj naselbin- V arheologiji je še vedno močno prisoten problem skih kontekstov na nižinskem najdišču Gobavice nad prepoznavanja obrednih depozitov. Previden odnos Mengšem, kjer najdiščni kontekst kaže na votivni značaj depojev (Pavlin 2014, 52), depoji znotraj višinskih utrje- arheologov do deduciranja verovanj samo iz materi- nih naselij pa so bili odkriti tudi v Kranju in Gradišču nad alnih dokazov se prepleta z nepripravljenostjo spre- Gornjo Košano (Pavlin 2014, 53). Iz Rima je poznan depo po sestavi podoben številnim italskim votivnim zakladom iz 7. in 6. stoletja pr. n. št. Nad depojem, ki je bil položen 27 McLaughlin 2011. v jamo obdan s kamnitimi ploščami, so bili postavljeni te- 28 Saddington 1991, 417. melji svetišča (Pavlin, Turk 2014, 52). 29 Derks 1997. 26 Pavlovič 2007. 30 Osborne 2004, 5. 201 Eva Butina jemanja osnovne pomembnosti namensko deponira- govorili tudi o predstavniku staroselskega lokalnega nega predmeta. To je delno zaradi odsotnosti enotno prebivalstva, ki je imel tesen stik z rimskimi vojaki. dogovorjenega termina, ki se nanaša na namerno de- Omenjeni najdbi z Drnovega odsevata težavno delo ponirane predmete, za označitev ali vzpostavitev iz- arheologov pri interpretaciji netipičnih (čeprav nedo- menjave s transcendentnimi silami. Ob različnih pri- taknjenih) kontekstov, ki nimajo primerjav in se do- ložnostih, se ti predmeti lahko imenujejo posvetilo, tikajo arheoloških tem kot je vprašanje namernega daritev, votivna daritev, depo ali preprosto „depozit“. deponiranja predmetov. Prispevek na podlagi najdi- Kot raziskava izrazov kaže, večina od njih prinaša ščnih podatkov in nekonvencionalnih primerjav po- določene predpostavke o naravi zbira najdb, ki se lah- nuja interpretacije obeh najdb kot (netipični) obliki ko zdi, da prehiteva vprašanje interpretacije.31 Eden hišnih rimskih votivnih daritev prebivalcev Drnove- izmed kazalcev, da gre za ritualen depozit, je samo ga v 1. stoletju. mesto depozita, še posebej v primeru, če deponirani predmet sam po sebi ni poseben. V tem primeru lah- ko mesto depozita, ki iz različnih razlogov izstopa, Summary nakazuje na to, da gre za ritualno deponiranje.32 Interpretacija obeh najdb kot votivni daritvi ima In 2010 and 2011, Center for Preventive Archeo- svoje razloge. Kot že omenjeno, sta bili obe najdbi logy, ZVKDS, carried out archaeological excavati- odkriti v kontekstih, ki znotraj najdišča izstopata. V ons in the area along the former Sava riverbank, in obeh primerih gre za nedotaknjena zaprta konteksta, the southern part of the former Roman town of kar govori v prid namenskemu deponiranju najdb in Neviodunum. ne za sekundarno lego predmetov kot posledico po- Under the upper layers containing medieval and post škodbe in mešanja plasti. Kljub temu, da nobena od -medieval finds, we discovered a part of the Roman obravnavanih votivnih daritev ne predstavlja tipične building with simple foundations and most probably rimske votivne daritve, pa glede na zgoraj navedeno wooden walls. In the interior of the building or be- obstaja več podobnosti z aspekti različnih rimskih side it, on simple stone bedding in the form of large kultov. Zaradi pomanjkanja primerjav pa sta interpre- flat stones, stood supports for roof, most probably taciji votivnih daritvev, samo ena od možnosti. in the form of wooden posts. A large number of Poleg vprašanj o nastanku kontekstov obeh najdb, fireplaces, remains of a square furnace of unknown ostaja tudi vprašanje, kdo so ljudje, ki so depo- purpose and numerous finds dating back between 1st nirali omenjeni najdbi. Konteksta obeh najdb sta and 4th centuries were also found. Among the artefa- bila odkrita v ostankih preprostih lesenih objektov cts, two finds were found in two different contexts, na južnem obrobju naselbine, datirane v 1. stoletje each of which indicate the potential interpretation of n. št., torej v sam začetek romanizacije Dolenjske. those finds as votive offerings (hereinafter referred Del konjske opreme, namerno deponiran sredi nasel- to as voting offerings A and B). binskega prostora, lahko nakazuje na tesne stike sta- The votive offering A represents a small iron plate novalcev z rimsko vojsko, najverjetneje v smislu rim- laid on the animal bones ( Fig. 3) and placed in the skih kolonistov ali veteranov. Morda bi lahko, glede post pit. The mentioned context stands out, since na netipičnost drnovskih votivnih daritev in razume- it is the only one of the four supporting elements, vanje njunih kontekstov kot del v prostoru prisotne which contained finds. Due to the size of the iron prazgodovinske tradicije (deponiranja daritev v jame plate and its specific location (laid directly on the in uporaba netipično rimskih predmetov za daritev), animal bones), we believe that the context can not be the result of natural filling of the pit. For the in- terpretation, certain similarities of our context with 31 Osborne 2004, 5. certain Roman religious practices are key. The votive 32 Osborne 2004, 7. 202 Votivni daritvi z Drnovega offering A could be interpreted as a building sacrifice to Aphrodite) and at the beginning of a (new) civilian (depositing in the foundations) or as a sacrifice to the life. The evidence for this is seen in the location at the deities of the underworld (in the event that the bones entrance and the immediate vicinity of the fireplace, belonged to the pig). which in some roman religious practices replaces the The votive offering B represents part of a horse equ- altar. The exception were the gods of the underworld ipment in the form a tear shaped bronze plaque, pla- (eg Pluto and Prozerpina), where sacrifices were de- ced on a layer of burnt soil ( Fig. 5) together with two posited into a smaller pit dug into the ground. In the small pottery fragments. On the four corners, garden Iron Age, the offerings were deposited in ritual pits snails shells surrounded the plaque. Here, too, the pa- and shafts within the settlement or special ritual spa- per offers two interpretations. The snails could be lin- ce, where they could be placed directly on the grou- ked to Aphrodite‘s cult in terms of donations within nd. The emergence of the Celtic oppidum Neviodunum the military service and business, which makes sense also dates back to the late iron age, from which, at in connection with horse equipment from the 1st cen- the beginning of the 1st century AD, the Roman town tury and the fact that Drnovo is at that time a military Flavium Latobicorum Neviodunum developed, first as a post. A different interpretation is based on the locati- military post, which later received civil administration on of the context: near the passage or entrance (?) into in the time of Emperor Vespasian (69–79 AD). the building, in the immediate vicinity of the fireplace. The deviation of both finds from Drnovo, from the However, in our case, the building’s plan is unknown usual Roman forms and location of votive offerings therefore the hypothesis that this is a deliberately de- could, according to the above-mentioned examples of posited votive find in the space of the entrance or donation and dating of finds to the 1st century AD, transition in connection with Janus‘ cult, is thus just that is, at the very beginning of the Romanization of one of the possible interpretations. According to the Dolenjska region, be interpreted as part of the prehi- above references to the cult of Aphrodite and Janus‘ storic tradition of a representative of the local Indige- cult, the votive offering B could be result of a sacrifice nous population who had close contact with Roman at the end of the military service (snails as the offering soldiers. Literatura Aubelj (ur.), Zakladi tisočletij, Zgodovina Slovenije od neandertal- cev do Slovanov, Ljubljana, 94–97. ADKINS, L. in R. A. ADKINS 2004, Ancient Rome. – New DUNSTAN, W. E. 2011, Ancient Rome. – Lanham. York, 333–334. EDWARDS, D. R. 1996, Religion and Power, Pegans, Jews and BISHOP, M. 1988, Cavalry Equipment of the Roman Christians in the Greek East. – New York. army in the first Century AD. – V: J. C. Coulston (ur.), FREVEL, C. 2007, Gifts to the gods? Votives as com- Military Equipment and the identity of Roman Solders, BAR In- munication markers in sanctuaries and other places in the ternatational Series 394, Oxford, 67–195. Bronze and Iron Ages in Palestine/Israel. – V: C. Frevel BUTINA E. 2011, Poročilo o izvedenih predhodnih arheoloških C. in H. v. Hesberg (ur.), Kult und Kommunikation, Medien in raziskavah na območju gradnje stanovanjske hiše Mustar. – Lju-Heiligtumern der Antike, 183–245. bljana (neobjavljeno poročilo ZVKDS). LELAND, C. 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The role of culture and ideology, Dossiers d’ar- – Oxford, 253–261. chéologie du Musée National d’Histoire et d’Art 4, Musée MCLAUGHLIN, L. 2011, What do votive offerings and in- National d’Histoire et d’Art, Luxembourg, 111–127. scriptions from Romano-British sites tell us about religious worship DULAR, J. 1999, Pogrebni običaji in duhovni svet. – V: B. and life in general in Roman Britain? Dostopano na: https:// 203 Eva Butina www.academia.edu/1138685/, dne 5. 4. 2016. V: J. Rupke (ur.), A Companion to Roman Religion, Oxford, OLIČ, S. 2009, Poročilo o arheoloških izkopavanjih na parceli št. 263–272. 34/5, k.o. Drnovo. – Brežice (neobjavljeno poročilo Arheo- SMITH, J. T. 2002, Roman villas, A Study in Social Structutre. loške raziskave Slobodan Olič s.p.). – London. OSBORNE, R. 2004, Hoards, Votives, Offerings: The Ar- UNZ, C. in E. DESCHLER-ERB 1997, Katalog der Mi- chaeology of the Dedicated Object. – World Archaeology, litaria aus Vindonissa. – Verofentlichung der Gesellschaft pro Vol. 36, No. 1, 1–10. Vindonissa, Band XIV, Muttenz. PAVLIN, P. in P. TURK 2014, Starejšeželeznodobna depo- ZALAR SERJUN, V. in A. MLADENOVIČ 2016, Poročilo ja z Gobavice nad Mengšem. – Arheološki vestnik 65, 35–78. P 453/16-420-2 o petrografski analizi ometa. – Zavod za grad- PAVLOVIČ, D. 2007, Grofove njive pri Drnovem. Halštat- beništvo Slovenije, Oddelek za materiale, Ljubljana. skodobna naselbina in gomila. – Diplomsko delo. Univerza ŽORŽ, A. in B. NADBATH 2009, Poročilo o izvedenih predho- v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za arheologijo, dnih arheoloških raziskavah na območju predvidene gradnje lesenega Ljubljana. skednja Sintič. – Ljubljana (neobjavljeno poročilo, ZVKDS). POLLERS, J. 2007, Private frömmigkeit, aberglauben und magie. – V: H. Dolenz, Katalog razstave Götterwelten, Celovec, 121–126. Eva Butina SADDINGTON, D. 1991, The parameters of Romani- Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije zation. – V: Roman Frontier Studies 1989, Proceedings of the Center za preventivno arheologijo XVth International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies 1991, Poljanska 40 413–418. SI-1000 Ljubljana SCHEID, J. 2007, Sacrifices for Gods and Ancestors. – eva.butina@zvkds.si 204 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Bustum pokop v Navportu (Vrhnika) The bustum burial in Nauportus (Vrhnika) Tadeja Mulh, Mija Černe Izvleček: Od avgusta do decembra 2013 in aprila 2014 so znotraj naselja Vrhnika na vznožju nižjega kraškega obronka hriba Sv. Trojice, potekala arheološka izkopavanja. Gre za prva sistematična izkopavanja dela grobišča na Vrhniki, pri ka- terih je bilo izkopanih preko 60 grobov. Med odkritimi grobovi glede na način pokopa izstopata dva grobova tipa bustum. Med seboj se razlikujeta tako po količini in reprezentativnosti pridatkov kot tudi po izvedbi samega pokopa. Sodita v čas od 1. do začetka 2. stoletja n. št. Najzgodnejši pokopi te oblike so bili odkriti v severni Italiji in sodijo v čas okrog leta 50 pr. n. št. V 1. stoletju n. št. pa se ta oblika pokopa razširi tudi v province, predvsem na mejno območje Porenja ter Podonavja. Ključne besede: Nauportus, rimsko grobišče, bustum Abstract: The archaeological excavation of a site in the town of Vrhnika took place from August to December 2013 and in April 2014. The site was located on an artificial terrace at the foot of the low outlying karstic Sv. Trojica hill. It was the first systematic excavation of part of a cemetery in Vrhnika. Over 60 graves were excavated on the site. The two excavated bustum type graves stand out on the grounds of their burial rite. They differ from each other in terms of the number and quality of the grave goods, as well as in the realisation of the burial. They are dated to the period from 1st to the beginning of the 2nd century AD, which is contemporary with the appearence of this burial type within the Roman Empire. The earliest burials of this type were discovered in northern Italy and are dated to the period around 50 BC. In the 1st century AD they supposedly spread from this area into the provinces, above all into the frontier area along the Rhine and the Danube, as well as into the Balkans. Key words: Nauportus, Roman cemetery, bustum Uvod Introduction S sistematičnimi arheološkimi raziskavami je bil v Systematic archaeological excavations took place in letih 2013 in 2014 raziskan del grobišča rimskega vi- 2013 and 2014 on part of the cemetery of the vicus kusa Navporta ( Nauportus), ki je ležal na območju da- of Nauportus located in the area of the modern town našnje Vrhnike. Lega antičnega naselja ob glavni poti of Vrhnika. The location of the Roman settlement iz Italije v Podonavje in na začetku plovne poti do on the the main route from Italy into the Danubian Črnega morja je omogočala Navportu pomembno region and the beginning of the navigable route to vlogo v času rimskega prodora v jugovzhodne Alpe the Black Sea gave Nauportus an important role in in v poznoantičnem obdobju.1 the period of the Roman penetration into the So- Sama rimskodobna naselbina je že zelo dobro razi- utheastern Alpine region and in the Late Roman pe- skana,2 kar pa ne velja za grobišče oz. grobišča, ki so riod.1 ji pripadala. Do sedaj so bili pri različnih gradbenih The Roman settlement is well studied,2 but this does posegih odkriti samo posamezni grobovi. Ti so bili not apply to its associated cemetery or cemeteries. 1 Horvat 1990, 15. 1 Horvat 1990, 15. 2 Horvat 1990; Mušič, Horvat 2007, 219–283. 2 Horvat 1990; Mušič, Horvat 2007, 219–283. 205 Tadeja Mulh, Mija Černe predvsem žgani, le leta 1846 je bil pri gradnji hleva Only isolated graves have been discovered in the najden sarkofag z napisom na pokrovu, ki pa so ga various building interventions in the area. These were že takrat uničili.3 Potek rimske ceste je deloma doku- largely cremation graves. It was only in 1846 that a mentiran tudi na Vrhniki in sicer je trasa rimske ceste sarcophagus with an inscription on the lid was fou- potekala pod današnjo Staro cesto.4 nd during the construction of a stable, but this was Raziskano območje, kjer so v letih 2013 in 2014 po- destroyed at the same time.3 The course of a Roman tekala arheološka izkopavanja, se nahaja na umetno road has also been partially documented in Vrhnika, narejeni terasi ob vznožju nižjega kraškega obronka where it runs beneath the modern Stara cesta (Old hriba Sv. Trojice (nekdaj imenovanem tudi Vijola Road).4 gora), ki se dviga nad starim trškim jedrom Vrhnike. The area of archaeological excavation in 2013 and Leži na severozahodni strani Stare ceste, in je od nje 2014 is located on an artificial terrace at the foot oddaljeno približno 30 m (zračna linija) ( sl. 1). of the low outlying karstic Sv. Trojica hill (formerly Na zgoraj opisanem območju je bil torej odkrit del known as Vijola gora), which rises above the cen- grobišča rimskega Navporta. Na območju v velikosti tral old market town of Vrhnika. It lies on the north okoli 290 m2 je bilo odkritih preko 60 grobov. Večina -western side of Stara cesta, and is about 30 m (as the grobov je bila žganih, skeletni grobovi5 pa so bili v crow flies) from the road ( Fig. 1). manjšini. Kot je razvidno iz načrta grobišča ( sl. 2) se Part of the cemetery of Roman Nauportus was thus je pri pokopih upoštevalo naravne danosti. Geološko discovered in the above described area. Over 60 osnovo raziskanega predela predstavljata terra rosa in graves, were found in an area of circa 290 m2. Most apnenec. Ugotovili smo, da grobov ni bilo na delu, of them were cremation graves, inhumation graves5 kjer se je apnenčasta geološka osnova videla že na were in a minority. The burials respected the natural površju. Kjer je bila apnenčasta geološka osnova plit- situation of the land as can be seen from the plan ka pa je bilo bistveno manj grobov kot tam, kjer so ( Fig. 2). The underlying geology of the excavated geološko osnovo predstavljala glinena tla ( terra rossa). area is composed of terra rossa and limestone. Exca- Na območju slednje so bili grobovi vkopani na gosto, vation revealed that graves were not present in areas pogosto tudi kar drug čez drugega. where the limestone bedrock outcropped on the sur- Grobovi so bili razporejeni v smeri SV–JZ ter so bili face. There were significantly fewer graves in areas med seboj oddaljeni od 0,7 do 1,5 m. Nekatere od teh where the limestone bedrock lay at a shallow depth so v zgornjem delu presekali mlajši grobovi. Osnov- than in those areas where the underlying geology was na oblika grobov je bila preprosta grobna jama, ki je clay ( terra rossa). Graves were densely packed in the bila pri nekaterih obdana z vencem apnenčastih kam- latter areas and frequent cut or overlaid earlier graves. nov na dnu in ob stenah jame. Nekaj grobov je imelo The graves were oriented in a NE–SW direction and tudi kamnite ali opečnate konstrukcije. Pri kamnitih laid out at a distance of 0.70 m to 1.5 m between grobnih konstrukcijah so kot surovino uporabili lo- them. The basic grave form was that of a simple kalni apnenec. Ta je lahko bil neobdelan ali v obliki grave cut, which was in some cases lined with lime deloma obdelanih plošč, ki so jih prislonili na stene fieldstone on the base and sides of the cut. Some grobne jame, tako da so tvorile skrinjo, v katero so of the graves had stone or brick linings. The stone 3 Horvat 1990, 72–73. 3 Horvat 1990, 72–73. 4 Horvat 1990, 42–43. 4 Horvat 1990, 42–43. 5 Večina skeletov se ni ohranila, saj so bili grobovi vko- 5 Skeletal remains were mostly not preserved becau- pani razmeroma plitko in s tem bolj izpostavljeni kmetij- se the inhumations were buried at a shallower depth and ski obdelavi zemljišča. Ugotovili smo prav tako, da so se disturbed or destroyed by intensive agricultural activity. tudi nepoškodovani skeleti, zaradi agresivnega delovanja However, the undamaged inhumations were only partially zemlje ohranili le deloma ohranili oziroma se sploh niso extant or absent (only occaisional finds survived), because (ohranile so se le posamezne najdbe). of the aggressive nature of the subsoil. 206 Bustum pokop v Navportu (Vrhnika) Slika/Figure 1 Rimskodobna Vrhnika z označeno lokacijo izvedenih arheoloških izkopavanj v letih 2013–2014 (Evidenca arheoloških raziskav CPA, izvedba G. Rutar). / Vrhnika in the Roman period, showing the location of the archaeological excavations in 2013– 2014 (Archaeological research record, IPCHS, PAC , compiled by G. Rutar). položili grobne pridatke in žganino. V dveh prime- mortuary structures were composed of local lime- rih pa so bile za izdelavo grobne konstrukcije upo- stone. This might be raw or in the form of roughly rabljene obdelane peščenjakove6 plošče. Za izdelavo worked slabs, which lined the grave walls to form a opečnatih grobnih konstrukcij so uporabili gradbeni stone box, in which the grave goods and the crema- material, kot so tegule in tlakovci. ted remains were placed. Worked sandstone6 slabs Dosti odkritih grobov je bilo izropanih že v rimskem were used in the mortuary structure in two cases. The času. Roparske jame oziroma jarki niso bili izkopani brick mortuary structures employed building materi- sistematično, ampak so večinoma sledili vkopom grob- als such as tegulae and floor tiles. nih jam. V polnilu roparskih jam smo dokumentirali 6 Peščenjak ni lokalnega izvora, najbližje nahajališče je 6 Sandstone is not of local origin, the nearest deposits pri Ligoniji in na Drenovem Griču (Verbič 2013, 92). are at Ligonja and at the Drenov Grič (Verbič 2013, 92). 207 Tadeja Mulh, Mija Černe Slika/Figure 2 Karta rimskodobnega grobišča raziskanega v letih 2013–2014 (izvedba N. Dolinar, T. Mulh). / Plan of the Roman period cemetery, excavated in 2013-2014 (compiled by N. Dolinar, T. Mulh). 208 Bustum pokop v Navportu (Vrhnika) veliko kosov grobnih konstrukcij, ožganih kosti in Many of the excavated graves had already been grobnih pridatkov. Zanimiva je tudi ugotovitev, da robbed in the Roman period. The robber pits or čeprav so bili nekateri grobovi v celoti poškodovani, trenches were not dug systematically, but largely fol- so določeni pridatki, kot so oljenke, žare, stekleno in lowed the grave cuts. The fills of the robber ternches keramično posodje, ostali v grobni jami ali pa so bili contained large pieces of the mortuary structures, še nepoškodovani (tukaj predvsem oljenke) odkriti v burnt bone and grave goods. Despite the fact that polnilu roparskih jam. Od vseh grobov so ostali ne- some graves were badly disturbed, certain grave go- poškodovani le globlje ležeči grobovi ali tisti, ki so bili ods such as oil lamps, urns, glass and pottery vessels, vkopani v glinene vrzeli med skalno osnovo oziroma remained in the grave or were discovered undama- so bili pokriti z neobdelanimi apnenčevimi kamni, ki ged (above all oil lamps) in the fills of the robber so bili na videz zelo podobni skalnati geološki osnovi.7 trenches. The only undamaged graves were those that Glede na način pokopa izstopata dva grobova tipa bu- lay at a greater depth, those cut into the clay deposits stum. Grobova sta bila v zgornjem delu poškodovana between the bedrock outcrops, or those covered with z roparsko jamo oziroma jarkom že v rimskem času, unworked lime fieldstone, very similar to limestone deloma pa s kmetijsko obdelavo v novejših obdobjih. bedrock in appearence.7 Two graves of bustum type stand out amongst the range of burial rites on the site. The upper part of Bustum both graves was damaged by robber pits or trenches in the Roman period and by agricultural activity in Bustum je oblika pokopa, kjer sta upepelitev in pokop the more recent past. pokojnika potekala na istem mestu. Sežig pokojnika je potekal nad izkopano grobno jamo, na katero so postavili leseno konstrukcijo – grmado, nanjo pa so Bustum položili pokojnika in daritve, katerih ostanki so med sežigom padali v jamo. Po zaključku upepeljevanja Bustum is a burial type, in which cremation and bu- so grob zasuli, ponekod pa so pred tem večje ožgane rial of the deceased took place at the same locati- kosti prebrali ter jih položili na očiščeni del grobne on above the open grave pit, over which a wooden jame ali v žaro.8 pyre structure had been erected. The deceased and Večinoma so grobni pridatki v teh grobovih skromni, the grave goods were placed on the pyre and their prevladujejo pa predvsem odlomki lončenine, žeblji remains fell into the pit during the cremation. The in žebljički ter kosi stopljenih kovinskih predmetov. grave was backfilled after the cremation, but in some Pri redkih grobovih so bili pridatki položeni po upe- cases large pieces of cremated bone were collected pelitvi.9 and placed in a specially cleaned part of the grave pit Po obliki grobne jame izstopata dva osnovna tipa te or in an urn.8 vrste pokopa. Najpogostejšo obliko predstavlja pra- Most of the grave goods in theses graves were poor, vokotna, ovalna ali nepravilna grobna jama. Stene predominantly comprising potsherds, nails and hob- so navpične ali rahlo poševne in prehajajo v ravno nails, as well as melted metal artefacts. In some rare ali konkavno dno. Tako na stenah kot na dnu so ne- cases the grave goods were placed in the grave after enakomerne sledi žganja, na zgornjem robu jame pa the cremation.9 je viden rdeče oranžen pas ožgane zemlje. Debeli- Two basic forms of grave pit appear in this type of na ožgane plasti je odvisna od intenzivnosti ognja, burial. The most common forms are rectangular, oval 7 Mulh et al. 2014, 123–124. 7 Mulh et al. 2014, 123–124. 8 Leleković 2012, 322. 8 Leleković 2012, 322. 9 Damian, Simion 2007, 143. 9 Damian, Simion 2007, 143. 209 Tadeja Mulh, Mija Černe značilnosti prsti in od različnih zunanjih dejavnikov, or irregular grave cuts. The sides of the grave cut kot so atmosferski pogoji, hlapne snovi ali količina are vertical or slightly sloping and run into a flat or lesa, ki se je uporabila pri postopku upepeljevanja. concave base. Irregular traces of burning are found Pri drugi obliki grobne jame je znotraj večje grobne on both the sides and the base of the pit, whilst a red- jame, izkopana še ena manjša grobna jama.10 Tako dish-orange zone of burnt soil is visible on the upper zunanja kot notranja grobna jama sta pravokotne ob- edge of the grave pit. The depth of the burnt layer like, pri čemer zunanja meri od 1,42–3,6 m v dolžino depends on the intensity of burning, the soil cha- ter 0,92–1,95 v širino. Stene so navpične ali nekoliko racteristics and various other external factors, such razširjene navzven, dno je večinoma ravno oziroma as atmospheric conditions, volatile substances or the posnema morfologijo terena. Na dnu zunanje grobne quantities of timber used in the cremation process. jame večinoma ni sledov žganine, ki so prisotni pri The second form of grave pit has a smaller grave manjši jami.11 pit cut into the base of a larger one.10 The external Poleg grobov tipa bustum z grobno jamo so se po- and internal grave pits are rectangular in plan, with javljali tudi taki, kjer so pokojnika upepelili na hodni external dimensions of 1.42–3.6 m in length and površini, nato pa so to prekrili z gomilo.12 0.92–1.95 m in width. The sides are vertical or wi- Izvor pokopa v obliki busta ni znan. Prva omemba den slightly, the base is relatively flat or follows the tovrstnega pokopa izhaja iz pozno republikanskega morphology of the terrain. The base of the outer obdobja, kjer je v leksikonu De verborum significatu po- grave cut is usually without traces of burning, which jasnjen pomen izraza bustum kot: „ Bustum… proprie are otherwise present in the smaller, inner cut.11 dicitur locus, in quo mortuus est combustus et sepultus“ 13.14 In addition to bustum type graves with a grave pit, Najzgodnejši pokopi te oblike so odkriti v severni there are also graves in which the deceased was cre-Italiji in datirajo v čas okrog leta 50 pr. n. št.15 mated on the ground surfaces and then covered with Na podlagi tega se je razvila teorija, da bustum izhaja a barrow mound.12 iz severne Italije in so ta način pokopa v 1. stoletju n. The origin of the bustum type burial is unknown. The št. legionarji prenesli v province, predvsem na mej- first mention of this burial type is found in the Late no območje Porenja ter Podonavja/Balkan.16 Vendar Republican period, when the De verborum significatu ta teorija ni potrjena, saj je bil takšen način pokopa lexicon defines the meaning of the term bustum as: odkrit tudi pri drugih prazgodovinskih skupnostih. „ Bustum… proprie dicitur locus, in quo mortuus est combu- Poleg tega ni neposredne povezave med prazgodo- stus et sepultus“ 13.14 The earliest burials of this form vinskimi pokopi v obliki busta ter rimskodobnimi were discovered in northern Italy and are dated to busti, ki so se začeli pojavljati v drugi polovici 1. the period around 50 BC.15 stoletja n. št.17 Kontinuiteta od stare Grčije do Rim- The theory developed on the basis of this data sug- skega imperija je pri pokopih v obliki busta opazna gests that the bustum burial rite originated in northern le na grobiščih grških kolonij ob Črnem morju, ter Italy and was spread by legionaries into the provin- na območju keltsko-germanskega plemena Treverov. ces in the 1st century AD, above all into the fronti- Na slednjem je bil opazen kontinuiran pokop v ob- er areas of the Rhine valley and the Danube valley/ 10 V tuji strokovni literaturi se za to obliko pokopa uporablja izraz en etage ali step pit. 11 Damian, Simion 2007, 142–143. 10 Specialist works use the term en etage or step pit for 12 Struck 1993, 83–84. this form of burial. 13 Bustum se imenuje kraj, kjer je pokojnik sežgan in 11 Damian, Simion 2007, 142–143. pokopan… 12 Struck 1993, 83–84. 14 Klestil 2013, 9. 13 Bustum is used to describe the place, where the dece- 15 Klestil 2013, 12. ased was cremated and buried… 16 Leleković 2012, 321. 14 Klestil 2013, 9. 17 Struck 1993, 92. 15 Klestil 2013, 12. 210 Bustum pokop v Navportu (Vrhnika) liki busta, ki pa ni imel grobne jame, temveč je sežig Balkans.16 However, this cannot be confirmed, beca- potekal na površini, katero so nato prekrili z gomilo. use this burial rite has also been discovered amongst Šele v rimskem času se je vzporedno s to obliko po- prehistoric communities. However there is no direct javil tudi pokop busta z grobno jamo, ki ga nekateri link between the prehistoric bustum burials and the interpretirajo kot obuditev staroselski običajev in ne Roman period bustum burials, which began to appear kot pojav romanizacije.18 in the second half of the 1st century AD.17 Continuity Ker se je tip grobov bustum pojavil predvsem na ob- of bustum burial from Classical Greece to the Roman močju nekdanjega rimskega limesa in v utrjenih mes- Empire has only been noted in the cemeteries of the tih konec 1. stoletja do 4. stoletja n. št., se je razvila Greek colonies around the Black Sea and in the regi- teorija, da so ta način pokopa prinesli najemniški vo- on of the Celto-Germanic Treveri. While been noted jaki iz vzhodnega predela rimskega imperija.19 Po eni in the latter area that there was continuous use of a izmed teorij naj bi ti vojaki izhajali iz območja Mezije bustum burial rite, which did not involve the use of a in Spodnje Panonije, ker je na tem območju 60–90% grave pit. The cremation took place on the ground vseh grobov oblike bustum, medtem ko je bil delež te surface and was then covered with a burial mound. oblike v preostalem delu imperija izredno nizek.20 Ti It was only in the Roman period that bustum burial in naj bi bili romanizirana oblika tračanskega pokopa z a grave pit appeared in parallel with the above rite, etažno grobno jamo pod gomilo.21 while has been interpreted by some authors as the Po mnenju Ote22 rimskodobni busti niso podobni re-awakening of native traditions and not as a sign of bogatim tračanskim, temveč je bil ta običaj na obmo- Romanisation.18 čje Spodnje Mezije prinesen z romanizacijo. The fact that bustum burial appeared above all in the region of the former Roman limes and fortified towns from the end of the 1st century AD to the 4th century Bustum na grobišču Navporta AD has led to the formulation of the theory that this burial rite was brought by mercenary soldiers from Na grobišču Navporta sta bila dokumentirana dva the eastern provinces of the Roman Empire.19 One grobova tipa bustum. V grobu 16 so bili grobni pri- of these theories suggests that these soldiers came datki skromnejši; odkrit je bil železen nož, vsaj 20 from the regions of Moesia and Pannonia Inferior, železnih žebljičkov, 3 žeblji, 3 steklene jagode in ke- because 60–90% of all graves in this region are of ramičen enoročajni vrč. Železen nož s trnom za ročaj bustum type, while the percentage in the other regions ima rezilo s trikotnim presekom in trn, ki je kvadra- of the Empire is extremely small.20 These busta are tnega preseka. Vse odkrite steklene jagode so mod- supposed to be the romanised form of the Thracian re barve, od tega sta dve enojni, ena pa je dvojna.23 burial in a stepped pit beneath a barrow.21 Keramični enoročajni vrči ima trikotno oblikovano Ota22 suggests that the Roman period bustum burials ustje. Vrči te vrste se pogosto pojavljajo v daljšem are not similar to the rich Thracian bustum burials, časovnem obdobju na območju celotnega rimskega but that the rite was a facette of romanisation in the imperija. Na Štalenski gori je ta oblika značilna za 1. region of Lower Moesia. stoletje.24 Odkriti pa so bili tudi v emonskih grobo- vih, med drugim tudi v grobu 630, kjer je bila poleg 18 Struck 1993, 92. 16 Leleković 2012, 321. 19 Struck 1993, 91. 17 Struck 1993, 92. 20 Jovanović 2000, 205–206. 18 Struck 1993, 92. 21 Jovanović 1984. 19 Struck 1993, 91. 22 Ota 2007, 86. 20 Jovanović 2000, 205–206. 23 Glej Riha 1990, 88, Taf. 31. 21 Jovanović 1984. 24 Schindler Kaudelka 1989, Taf. 6, 18. 22 Ota 2007, 86. 211 Tadeja Mulh, Mija Černe odkrita tudi oljenka tipa Loeschcke 1C.25 Grob glede Bustum in the cemetery at Nauportus na ugotovljeno datiramo v 1. stoletje. Lega in ohra- njenost pridatkov kaže, da so bili le ti najverjetneje Two types of bustum burials have been recorded in skupaj s pokojnikom položeni na grmado, ki se je the cemetery at Nauportus . The grave goods in Gra- sesedla v grobno jamo. ve 16 were more humble in appearence, comprising Drugi pokop te vrste je bil dokumentiran v grobu 43. an iron knife, at least 20 iron hobnails, three nails, Pridatki so bili tukaj številčnejši ter bogatejši; odkrit three glass beads and a single-handled pottery flagon je bil železen prstan z vstavljeno gemo, železen nož, The iron tang-hilted knife had a blade of triangular odlomki železnih okovov, 14 železnih žebljev, vsaj 84 cross-section and a tang of square cross-section. All železnih žebljičkov, keramična čaša, dve keramični of the glass beads excavated on the site were blue. skodelici tankih sten, keramičen enoročajni vrč, lo- Two of them were single beads, while one was a do- nec z dvema ročajema ter keramična pečatna oljen- uble bead.23 The single-handled pottery flagon has a ka. Železen prstan ima vstavljeno ovalno gravirano triangular rim. This type of jug frequently appears gemo iz kalcedona z opalom.26 Na njej je upodoblje- over a longer period of time throughout the Roman na četverovprega ( quadriga) z voznikom ( auriga), ki v Empire. They appeared on ther Magdalensberg (Šta- levi roki drži bič, v desni pa vajeti in palmovo vejico lenska gora), where this is a 1st century shape.24 They kot simbol zmagovalca. Gre za motiviko, ki se po- were also excavated in the graves in the cemeteries javlja skozi celotno rimsko obdobje in je bila prilju- of Emona, among others in grave 630 togheter with bljena tako med sužnji, kot višjim slojem rimskega a lamp Loeschcke 1C.25 According to analogies the prebivalstva.27 Železen nož ima rezilo s trikotnim grave can be dated to the 1st century. The position presekom in delno ohranjen nastavek za ročaj, hrbet and preservation of the grave goods indicate that noža je rahlo ukrivljen. Železni okovi skupaj s šte- they were most probably placed with the deceased vilnimi železnimi žeblji in žebljički verjetno predsta- on the pyre, which then collapsed into the grave pit vljajo ostanke skrinje ozirom zaboja. Keramične čaše during the cremation. s cilindričnim vratom so poznane iz emonskih gro- The other burial of this type was recorded in Gra- bišč in datirane od flavijskega obdobja do konca 2. ve 43. The grave goods were more numerous and stoletja28 oziroma v predmarkomansko obdobje29. V richer in nature. They comprise an iron finger ring grobni celoti sta bili odkriti tudi dve skodelici tankih with a mounted gem, iron knife, fragments of iron sten. Prva je cilindrične oblike, neokrašena z žlebom mounts, 14 iron nails, a minimum of 84 small iron pod ustjem. Analogije ji lahko najdemo v materialu iz nails, a pottery beaker, two thin-walled cups, a single- vile rustike v Školaricah,30 v Emoni v drugi polovici handled flagon, a two-handled jar and a firma lampe. 1. stoletja31 in v Akvileji v odpadu iz sredine 1. stole- The iron finger ring has a mounted chalcedony and tja n. št..32 Druga je polkrožne do cilindrične oblike opal gem.26 It bears the image of a four-horse chariot okrašena z barbotinom. Motiv okrasa je sestavljen iz ( quadriga) and driver ( auriga), who holds a whip in his linije bunčic v obliki grozdov oziroma trikotnikov, ki left hand. In his right hand he holds the reins and a se pojavljajo pod profiliranim ustjem. Cilindrične in palm branch as a symbol of victory. It is a motif whi- ch appears throughout the Roman period and was 25 Glej Plesničar Gec 1972, 107, T. CXLV (grob 630) popular amongst all social classes, from slaves to the in Mikl Curk 1987. 26 Rižnar 2016. 27 Glej Humphrey 1986, 204; Vioque 2002, 61, 206, 411, 205–206. 28 Plesničar Gec 1977, 47–48. 23 See Riha 1990, 88, Taf. 31. 29 Mikl Curk 1987, 119, T 40: 13. 24 Schindler Kaudelka 1989 Taf. 6, 18. 30 Žerjal 2008, 75. 25 See Plesničar Gec 1972, 107, T. CXLV (grave 630) 31 Plesničar Gec 1977, 14–15, T. I: 5, 6, 8. and Mikl Curk 1987. 32 Maselli Scotti 1984, 54–55, T. 1:9. 26 Rižnar 2016. 212 Bustum pokop v Navportu (Vrhnika) bikonične skodelice so bile v klavdijsko-flavijskem upper classes of Roman society.27 The iron knife has obdobju pogosto okrašene z barbotinskim okrasom. a blade with a triangular cross section and partially Okras iz barbotina je bil poznan že od začetka 1. sto- extant handle tang, the back of the blade is slightly letja, vendar pa je prav v tem obdobju čas njegovega curved. The iron mounts with numerous large and razcveta in kreativnosti v iznajdbi novih motivov in small iron nails probably represent the remains of a kombinacij.33 Keramični enoročajni vrči s klekasto casket or chest. Pottery beakers with everted or ca- oblikovanim ustjem, podobni temu iz groba 43 so vetto rims are known from the cemeteries in Emo- datirani v čas 1. stoletja n. št.34 Jajčasti lonci s čašastim na, where they are dated from the Flavian period to ustjem in dvema trakastima ročajema, kakršen je v the end of the 2nd century AD28 or to the pre-Mar- tem grobu pa so bili pogosti po celem imperiju v 1. in comannic period.29 Two thin-walled cups were also 2. stoletju. Ti lonci so bili verjetno namenjeni za pro- found in the grave. The first is cylindrical in form, dajo in transport ribjih omak, saj so se v Pompejih v undecorated, with a groove below the rim. Analogies takšnih loncih ohranili ostanki ribjih kosti.35 V grobu for this form are present in the material from the villa je bila odkrita tudi pečatna oljenka tipa Loeschcke rustica at Školarice,30 in Emona in the second half of IX c z žigom FORTIS, ki je lokalne izdelave. Glede the 1st century AD31 and in the burnt stack from the na odkrite najdbe je grob datiran v čas od sredine mid 1st century AD in Aquileia.32 The second is he- 1. stoletja do začetka 2. stoletja n. št. V tem grobu mispherical to cylindrical with barbotine decoration. lahko opazimo nekoliko drugačen potek pokopa. Pri The decorative motif is composed of lines of dots kovinskih pridatkih in keramičnem loncu z dvema in the form of bunches of grapes or triangles be- ročajema lahko glede na ohranjenost predvidevamo, low the moulded rim. Cylindrical and biconical cups da so bili priloženi na grmado, medtem ko je bilo were frequently decorated with barbotine decoration preostalo keramično posodje in oljenka, posebej pos- in the Claudian-Flavian period. Barbotine decorati- tavljeno v grobno jamo, po končanem sežigu in po on was already known from the beginning of the 1st tem ko je bila grobna jama očiščena lesenih ostankov century AD, but the period of its greatest floruit and grmade. Na čiščenje grobne jame po sežigu domne- creativity in inovative new motifs and combinations vamo na podlagi žganine, ki je bila ob stenah grobne was precisely in the aforementioned period.33 The jame bolj nakopičena, v osrednjem delu grobne jame single-handled pottery flagon with everted rim, simi- pa poravnana. Znake izpostavljenosti v ognju kaže lar to the example in grave 43 are dated to the 1st tudi železen prstan z gemo (površina kalcedona je century AD.34 Ovoid pots with double strap handles namreč popokana), kar je povsem razumljivo, saj gre like the one found here are common throughout the za del pokojnikove noše. Empire in the 1st and 2nd century AD. These vessels Kot kaže imamo na Vrhniki opraviti z dvema istima were probably used in sale and transport of fish sa- načinoma pokopa, ki pa sta bila izvedena različno. uce, because the remains of fish bones were found V prvem primeru grobna jama po končanem sežigu in such vessels in Pompeii.35 A lamp of Loeschcke ne kaže znakov dodatne priprave oziroma čiščenja, medtem, ko je v drugem primeru opaziti, da so bili 27 See Humphrey 1986, 204; Vioque 2002, 61, 206, ostanki grmade skupaj s sežganimi železnimi najdba- 411, 205–206. mi (žeblji in žebljički) in keramičnim loncem z dvema 28 Plesničar Gec 1977, 47–48. 29 Mikl Curk 1987, 119, T40: 13. ročajema nekako potisnjeni ob robove grobne jame, 30 Žerjal 2008, 75. 31 Plesničar Gec 1977, 14–15, T. I: 5, 6, 8. 32 Maselli Scotti 1984, 54–55, T. 1: 9. 33 Žerjal 2008, 76; glej tudi Maioli 1973, 69; Sena Chie- 33 Žerjal 2008, 76; see also Maioli 1973, 69; Sena Chiesa sa 1985, 405; Ricci 1985, 321–343. 1985, 405; Ricci 1985, 321–343. 34 Mikl Curk 1987, 115, T. 33: 4. 34 Mikl Curk 1987, 115, T 33: 4. 35 Žerjal 2008, 185; glej tudi Gasperetti 1996, 31; Ol- 35 Žerjal 2008, 185; see also Gasperetti 1996, 31; Olce- cese 2003, 86. se 2003, 86. 213 Tadeja Mulh, Mija Černe še posebej je bila ta koncentracija vidna v zahodnem type IX c in a local fabric with a FORTIS stamp was vogalu grobne jame (deloma tudi v severnem voga- also found in the grave. Thus the grave may be dated lu in ob severozahodni stranici), kjer je bila odkrita to the period from the mid 1st century AD up to the tudi večina odlomkov železnega okovja. Preostali beginning of the 2nd century AD on the basis of the keramični pridatki so bili v grob 43 zagotovo prilo- grave goods. A slightly different burial ritual may be ženi, po končanem sežigu, na severozahodni, južni in observed in this grave. The condition of the metal vzhodni del očiščene grobne jame. Pri grobu 16, ver- grave goods and the two-handled pottery jar suggests jetno tudi zaradi bistveno manjšega števila grobnih that they were placed on the pyre, while the rema- pridatkov, tega ni mogoče opaziti, zato domnevamo, ining vessels and the lamp were placed seperately in da ta pokop ni bil deležen te vrste rituala, vendar ne the grave pit after the cremation and the removal of izključujemo možnosti, da je bila tudi ta grobna jama the wooden pyre remains. The evidence for the clea- posebej pripravljena. ning of the grave pit after the cremation is based on the burnt bone and pyre debris, which was piled up aginst the sides of the pit, but leveled in the centre. The iron finger ring with mounted gem also shows evidence of exposure to fire (the surface of the cha- cedony is cracked), which is understandable, given that it formed part of the attire of the deceased. There are two different examples of the same buri- al type present at Vrhnika. The grave pit in the first case does not exhibit evidence of additional prepe- ration or cleaning after the conclusion of the cre- mation, however in the second case it is possible to observe that the pyre remains, burnt iron artefacts (nails and small nails) and the two-handled jar were pushed up against the sides of the grave pit. The- re was a particular concentration of this material in the western corner of the grave pit (and also partly in the northern corner and along the north-western side), where most of the fragments of the iron mou- nts were found. The remaining ceramic grave goods were definitely placed in the northwestern, southern and eastern parts of the cleaned grave pit of Grave 43 after the end of the cremation. Due to the much smaller number of grave goods, this cannot be ob- served in Grave 16. Thus it is assumed that this burial was not subject to the same type of ritual, but one should not rule out the possiblity that this grave pit was also subject to special preparation. 214 Bustum pokop v Navportu (Vrhnika) Grob 16 ( sl. 3, t. 1) Grave 16 ( Fig. 3, Tab. 1) Grob 16 v obliki bustuma je skoraj pravokotne obli- Grave 16 is a bustum type with an almost rectangular ke v tlorisu (1,37 × 0,62 × 0,6 m). Ožgane stene so form in plan (1.37 × 0.62 × 0.6 m). The burnt sides strmo in ostro prehajale v ravno dno. V zgornjem are steep and run at a sharp angle into the flat base delu je bilo 0,45 m debelo polnilo rumenkasto rjave of the grave pit. The upper fill was 0.45 m deep and in rumeno rdeče meljasto glinaste ilovice z manjši- comprised a yellowish brown to yellow red silty clay mi apnenčastimi oblicami, s katero so prekrili 0,15 loam layer with small limestone river pebble inclu- m debelo žganino. Najdbe so bile odkrite v zasutju sions. It lay above a layer of pyre debris and burnt nad žganino. V plasti žganine je bil poleg drobcev bone, which was 0.15 m thick. The finds were exca- ožganih kosti tudi železen nož. vated in the upper fill above the layer of pyre debris. Antropološka analiza: 36 In addtion to burnt bone fragments, the layer of pyre Tafonomija: material je dobro žgan in fragmentarno contained an iron knife in fragments. ohranjen, bele barve. Prevladujejo manjši fragmenti, Anhtropological analysis: 36 pri čemer je povprečni v velikosti 30 × 18 mm. Taphonomy: the cremated fragments are white in colo- Prepoznani elementi: fragmentirani ostanki lobanje (del ur. The material is moderately fragmented with fra- senčnice in zob) in postkranialnega skeleta. gments measuring 30 × 18 mm on average. Spol: nedoločljiv, otrok. Sex: indeterminable, subadult. Starost v času smrti: 3–5 let. Age at death: 3–5 years at time of death. Patološke spremembe: Periostitis v blagi obliki je prisoten Identified skeletal elements: pars petrous, tooth root, very na fragmentiranih diafizah dolgih kosti. fragmented elements of cranium and postcranium. Pridatki: Pathological features: mild periostitis (inflammation of Nož s trnom za ročaj, rezilo s trikotnim presekom, the periosteum) is present on the fragments of the di- trn s kvadratnim presekom, železo. Dolžina: 15,5 cm, aphysis of long bones. širina: 2,1 cm ( t. 1: 1). Grave goods: Žebelj, železo. Dolžina: 6,7 cm, širina glavice: do Knife with tang hilt, blade triangular with cross secti- 1,8 cm ( t. 1: 2). on, tang with square cross section, iron. Length: 15.5 Žebelj, železo. Dolžina: 4,5 cm, širina glavice: 2,4 cm. cm, width: 2.1 cm. ( Tab. 1: 1). Žebelj, železo. Dolžina: 5,7 cm, širina glavice: 1,8 cm. Nail, iron. Length: 6.7 cm, head width: up to 1.8 cm Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 1,5 cm, širina ( Tab. 1: 2). glavice: do 1 cm ( t. 1: 3). Nail, iron. Length: 4.5 cm, head width: 2.4 cm. Vsaj še 19 žebljičkov, železo. Ohranjene dolžine od Nail, iron. Length: 5.7 cm, head width: 1.8 cm. 0,7 do 1,9 cm, širina glavice od 0,8 do 1 cm. Small nail, iron. Extant length: 1.5 cm, head width: Jagoda, temno modro steklo. Premer: 0,4 cm ( t. 1: 4). up to 1 cm ( Tab. 1: 3). Jagoda, temno modro steklo. Premer: 0,35 cm ( t. 1: 5). 19+ Small nails, iron. Extant length: 0.7–1.9 cm, Jagoda, temno modro steklo. Dolžina: 0,6 cm, širina: head width: 0.8–1 cm. 0,5 cm ( t. 1: 6). Bead, dark blue glass. Diameter: 0.4 cm ( Tab. 1: 4). Enoročajni vrč s trikotno oblikovanim ustjem, kera- Bead, dark blue glass. Diameter: 0.35 cm ( Tab. 1: 5). mika rdečkasto rumene barve (5YR 7/8 Munsell soil Bead, dark blue glass. Diameter: 0.6 cm, width: 0.5 cm ( Tab. 1: 6). 36 Antropološka analiza kostnih ostankov iz obeh gro- 36 Anthropological analysis of cremated human rema- bov je bila izvedena v laboratoriju Antropološkega centra ins from both graves was made by Dr. Mario Šlaus and Hrvaške akademije znanosti in umetnosti pod vodstvoma his co-workers at the Anthropological Centre Croatian prof. dr. Maria Šlausa s sodelavci (glej Šlaus, Vyroubal, Academy of Sciences and Arts (see Šlaus, Vyroubal, Bedić Bedić 2016). 2016). 215 Tadeja Mulh, Mija Černe chart), sive lise na površini (vrč je bil prežgan). Pre- Single-handled flagon, rim triangular in section, fabric mer ustja: 4 cm, rekonstruirana višina: 19 cm ( t. 1: 7). colour: reddish yellow (5YR 7/8 Munsell soil chart), Datacija: 1. stoletje n. št. grey patches on surface (the jug was burnt). Rim dia- meter: 4 cm, reconstructed height: 19 cm ( Tab. 1: 7). Date: 1st century AD. Slika/Figure 3 Grob 16: a. delno izpraznjen grob (v grobu še žganina), b. risba – interpretacija (foto in risba N. Dolinar, T. Mulh). / Grave 16; a: the partially excavated grave (the grave still contains pyre debris), b. drawing – interpretation (photo and drawing N. Dolinar, T. Mulh). 216 Bustum pokop v Navportu (Vrhnika) Grob 43 ( sl. 4, t. 2–5) Grave 43 ( Fig. 4, Tab. 2–5) Grob 43 v obliki bustuma je skoraj kvadratne oblike Grave 43 is a bustum type with an almost square form v tlorisu (1,03 × 0,94 × 0,58 m). Ožgane stene so in plan (1.03 × 0.94 × 0.58 m). The burnt sides are strmo in ostro prehajale v ravno dno. V zgornjem steep and merge sharply with the flat base. The upper delu je 0,38 m debelo polnilo sivkasto rjave meljaste fill is a greyish brown silty clay with limestone rubble gline z apnenčevim gruščem, s katero so prekrili 0,20 inclusions (depth: 0.38 m), which lay above a layer of m debelo žganino. Kovinske najdbe so bile odkrite v cremated material (depth 0.20 m). The metal artefa- žganini, keramične pa so bile položene na njo. cts were found in the burnt layer, while the pottery Antropološka analiza: artefacts were placed on top of it. Tafonomija: material je zelo dobro žgan in fragmen- Anthropological analysis: tarno ohranjen, prevladuje bela barva, med katero so Taphonomy: the cremated fragments are gray and whi- tudi sivi fragmenti in nekaj rdečerjavih fragmentov te in colour. The material is very fragmented with (zaradi oksidacije kovin). Prevladujejo manjši fra- fragments measuring 5 × 5 mm on average. Several gmenti, pri čemer je povprečni velikosti 5 × 5 mm. fragments exhibit metal oxidation stains. Prepoznani elementi: fragmentirani ostanki lobanje (del Sex: indeterminable. čelnice, desna ličnica, del maksile in mandibule) in Age at death: 20–50 years at time of death. postkranialnega skeleta (epifize in diafize femurja Identified skeletal elements: fragmented elements of the (stegnenice) in tibije (golenice)). cranium (frontal bone, right zygomatic, maxilla, man- Spol: nedoločljiv. dible) and postcranium (femur, tibia). Starost ob času smrti: 25–50 let. Pathological features: not present. Patološke spremembe: niso prisotne. Grave goods: Pridatki: Finger ring with gem; iron and chalcedony with opal. Prstan z gemo; železo in kalcedon z opalom. Gravi- Engraved oval gem; dimensions: 1.38 × 1.11 cm rana ovalna gema dimenzij 1,38 × 1,11 cm ( t. 2: 1). ( Tab. 2: 1). Nož, rezilo s trikotnim presekom, delno ohranjen Knife, blade with triangular section, partially extant nastavek za ročaj, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 7,7 cm, handle tang, iron. Extant length: 7.7 cm, width 1.5 cm širina 1,5 cm ( t. 2: 2). ( Tab. 2: 2). Okovi, železo. Ohranjenih 9 kosov, v dolžini od 2,8 Mounts, iron. 9 pieces extant, length: 2.8–22.7 cm do 22,7 cm ( t. 2: 3). ( Tab. 2: 3). Žebelj, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 3,8 cm, širina gla- Nail, iron. Extant length: 3.8 cm, head width: up to vice: do 1 cm ( t. 3: 1). 1 cm ( Tab. 3: 1). Žebelj, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 3,1 cm, širina gla- Nail, iron. Extant length: 3.1 cm, head width: up to vice: do 2 cm ( t. 3: 2). 2 cm ( Tab. 3: 2). Žebelj, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 2,6 cm, širina gla- Nail, iron. Extant length: 2.6 cm, head width: up to vice: do 1,1 cm ( t. 3: 3). 1.1 cm ( Tab. 3: 3). Žebelj, železo. Dolžina: 11 cm, širina glavice: do Nail, iron. Length: 11 cm, head width: up to 1.9 cm 1,9 cm ( t. 3: 4). ( Tab. 3: 4). Žebelj, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 6,9 cm ( t. 3: 5). Nail, iron. Extant length: 6.9 cm ( Tab. 3: 5). Žebelj, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 1,9 cm ( t. 3: 6). Nail, iron. Extant length: 1.9 cm ( Tab. 3: 6). Žebelj, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 5,1 cm ( t. 3: 7). Nail, iron. Extant length: 5.1 cm ( Tab. 3: 7). Žebelj, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 2 cm, širina glavi- Nail, iron. Extant length: 2 cm, head width: up to 1.7 ce: do 1,7 cm ( t. 3: 8). cm ( Tab. 3: 8). Žebelj, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 7,3 cm, širina gla- Nail, iron. Extant length: 7.3 cm, head width: up to vice: do 2,3 cm ( t. 3: 9). 2.3 cm ( Tab. 3: 9). 217 Tadeja Mulh, Mija Černe Žebelj, železo. Dolžina: 9 cm, širina glavice: do Nail, iron. Length: 9 cm, head, width: up to 1.8 cm 1,8 cm ( t. 3: 10). ( Tab. 3: 10). Žebelj, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 6,6 cm, širina gla- Nail, iron. Extant length: 6.6 cm, head width: up to vice: do 1,8 cm ( t. 3: 11). 1.8 cm ( Tab. 3: 11). Žebelj, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 6,9 cm, širina gla- Nail, iron. Extant length: 6.9 cm, head width: up to vice: do 2,1 cm ( t. 3: 12). 2.1 cm ( Tab. 3: 12). Žebelj, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 2,3 cm, širina gla- Nail, iron. Extant length: 2.3 cm, head width: up to vice: do 1,1 cm ( t. 3: 13). 1.1 cm ( Tab. 3: 13). Žebelj, železo. Ohranjena dolžina 4,4 cm , širina gla- Nail, iron. Extant length 4.4 cm, head width: 1.2 cm. vice 1,2 cm. Small nail, iron. Length: 1.3 cm, head width: up to Žebljiček, železo. Dolžina: 1,3 cm, širina glavice: do 1.3 cm ( Tab. 3: 14). 1,3 cm ( t. 3: 14). Small nail, iron. Length: 1.3 cm, head width: up to Žebljiček, železo. Dolžina: 1,3 cm, širina glavice: do 1.2 cm ( Tab. 3: 15). 1,2 cm ( t. 3: 15). Small nail, iron. Extant length: 1.5 cm, head, width: Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 1,5 cm, širina up to 1.3 cm ( Tab. 3: 16). glavice: do 1,3 cm ( t. 3: 16). Small nail, iron. Length: 1.5 cm, head width: up to Žebljiček, železo. Dolžina: 1,5 cm, širina glavice: do 1.2 cm ( Tab. 3: 17). 1,2 cm ( t. 3: 17). Small nail, iron. Length: 1.8 cm, head width: up to Žebljiček, železo. Dolžina: 1,8 cm, širina glavice: do 1.2 cm ( Tab. 3: 18). 1,2 cm ( t. 3: 18). Small nail, iron. Extant length: 1.4 cm, head width: Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 1,4 cm, širina up to 1.3 cm ( Tab. 3: 19). glavice: do 1,3 cm ( t. 3: 19). Small nail, iron. Extant length: 1.3 cm, head width: Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 1,3 cm, širina up to 1.1 cm ( Tab. 3: 20). glavice: do 1,1 cm ( t. 3: 20). Small nail, iron. Length: 1.8 cm, head width: up to Žebljiček, železo. Dolžina: 1,8 cm, širina glavice: do 1.2 cm ( Tab. 3: 21). 1,2 cm ( t. 3: 21). Small nail, iron. Length: 2 cm, head, width: up to Žebljiček, železo. Dolžina: 2 cm, širina glavice: do 1.2 cm ( Tab. 3: 22). 1,2 cm ( t. 3: 22). Small nail, iron. Extant length: 1.4 cm, head, width: Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 1,4 cm, širina up to 1.2 cm ( Tab. 3: 23). glavice: do 1,2 cm ( t. 3: 23). Small nail, iron. Extant length: 0.9 cm, head width: Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 0,9 cm, širina up to 1.3 cm ( Tab. 3: 24). glavice: do 1,3 cm ( t. 3: 24). Small nail, iron. Extant length: 1.1 cm, head width: Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 1,1 cm, širina up to 1.4 cm ( Tab. 3: 25). glavice: do 1,4 cm ( t. 3: 25). Small nail, iron. Extant length: 1.5 cm, head width: Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 1,5 cm, širina up to 1.3 cm ( Tab. 3: 26). glavice: do 1,3 cm ( t. 3: 26). Small nail, iron. Extant length: 0.7 cm, head width: Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 0,7 cm, širina up to 1.1 cm ( Tab. 3: 27). glavice: do 1,1 cm ( t. 3: 27). Small nail, iron. Extant length: 2 cm, head width: up Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 2 cm, širina to 1.3 cm ( Tab. 3: 28). glavice: do 1,3 cm ( t. 3: 28). Small nail, iron. Extant length: 0.9 cm, head width: Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 0,9 cm, širina up to 1.2 cm ( Tab. 3: 29). glavice: do 1,2 cm ( t. 3: 29). Small nail, iron. Extant length: 0.7 cm, head width: Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 0,7 cm, širina up to 1.2 cm ( Tab. 3: 30). glavice: do 1,2 cm ( t. 3: 30). 218 Bustum pokop v Navportu (Vrhnika) Žebljiček, železo. Dolžina: 1,2 cm, širina glavice: do Small nail, iron. Length: 1.2 cm, head width: up to 1.4 1,4 cm ( t. 3: 31). cm ( Tab. 3: 31). Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 1,1 cm, širina Small nail, iron. Extant length: 1.1 cm, head width: glavice: do 1,3 cm ( t. 3: 32). up to 1.3 cm ( Tab. 3: 32). Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 1,1 cm, širina Small nail, iron. Extant length: 1.1 cm, head width: glavice: do 1,6 cm ( t. 3: 33). up to 1.6 cm ( Tab. 3: 33). Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 0,9 cm, širina Small nail, iron. Extant length: 0.9 cm, head width: glavice: do 1,2 cm ( t. 3: 34). up to 1.2 cm ( Tab. 3: 34). Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 1,1 cm, širina Small nail, iron. Extant length: 1.1 cm, head width: glavice: do 1,4 cm ( t. 3: 35). up to 1.4 cm ( Tab. 3: 35). Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 0,8 cm, širina Small nail, iron. Extant length: 0.8 cm, head width: glavice: do 1 cm ( t. 3: 36). up to 1cm ( Tab. 3: 36). Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 1,4 cm, širina Small nail, iron. Extant length: 1.4 cm, head width: glavice: do 1,2 cm ( t. 3: 37). up to 1.2 cm ( Tab. 3: 37). Žebljiček, železo. Ohranjena dolžina: 1,4 cm, širina Small nail, iron. Extant length: 1.4 cm, head width: glavice: do 1,2 cm ( t. 3: 38). up to 1.2 cm (Tab. 3: 38). Vsaj še 66 žebljičkov, železo. Ohranjene dolžine od At least 66 small nails, iron; head width: from 1.1 to 1,1 do 2 cm, širina glavice od 0,5 do 1,6 cm. 2 cm, head width: from 0.5 to 1.6 cm. Jagoda, posrebren bron. Premer 0,3 cm ( t. 3: 39) . Bead, silvered bronze. Diameter 0.3 cm (Tab. 3: 39). Mozaična kocka. Dolžina 1 cm, širina 0,8 cm, višina Mosaic cube. Length 1 cm, width 0.8 cm, height 0,8 cm. 0.8 cm. Čaša s cilindričnim vratom, keramika zelo bledo rjave Beaker, everted rim, fabric colour: very pale brown barve (10YR 7/4 Munsell soil chart), zelo slabo ohra- (10YR 7/4 Munsell soil chart), very poorly preserved njen močno rjav premaz na zunanji površini (7,5YR strong brown slip on exterior (7,5YR 5/6 Munsell 5/6 Munsell soil chart). Premer ustja: 8,8 cm, višina: soil chart). Rim diameter: 8.8 cm, height: 10.7 cm 10,7 cm ( t. 4: 1). ( Tab. 4: 1). Skodelica tankih sten cilindrične oblike, keramika Thin-walled cup, cylindrical form, fabric colour: grey sive barve (2,5Y 5/1 Munsell soil chart), zelo slabo (2,5Y 5/1 Munsell soil chart), very poorly preserved ohranjen črn premaz na zunanji površini (2,5Y 2.5/1 black slip on exterior (2,5Y 2.5/1 Munsell soil chart). Munsell soil chart). Premer ustja: 14,4 cm, višina: Rim diameter: 14.4 cm, height: 6.4 cm ( Tab. 4: 2). 6,4 cm ( t. 4: 2). Thin walled cup with barbotine decoration, fab- Skodelica tankih sten okrašena z barbotinom, kera- ric colour: grey (2.5Y 5/1 Munsell soil chart), very mika sive barve (2.5Y 5/1 Munsell soil chart), zelo poorly preserved black slip on exterior (2.5Y 2.5/1 slabo ohranjen črn premaz na zunanji površini (2,5Y Munsell soil chart). Rim diameter: 10 cm, height: 4.5 2.5/1 Munsell soil chart). Premer ustja: 10 cm, višina: cm ( Tab. 4: 3). 4,5 cm ( t. 4: 3). Single-handled flagon with everted rim, outer edge Enoročajni vrč s klekasto oblikovanim ustjem, kera- cut vertically; fabric colour: reddish yellow (5YR 6/8 mika rdečkasto rumene barve (5YR 6/8 Munsell soil Munsell soil chart). Rim diameter: 5 cm, height: 24.1 chart). Premer ustja: 5 cm, višina: 24,1 cm ( t. 4: 4). cm ( Tab. 4: 4). Lonec s čašastim ustjem in dvema trakastima roča- Jar with everted rim and two strap handles; fab- jema, keramika rdečkasto rumene barve (7,5YR 7/6 ric colour: reddish yellow (7.5YR 7/6 Munsell soil Munsell soil chart), skoraj v celoti prežgan. Premer chart), almost completely refired. Rim diameter: 11.1 ustja: 11,1 cm, višina: 18,3 cm ( t. 5: 1). cm, height: 18.3 cm ( Tab. 5: 1). 219 Tadeja Mulh, Mija Černe Pečatna oljenka; keramika rumenkasto rdeče barve Lamp; fabric colour: yellowish red (5YR 5/8 Mun- (5YR 5/8 Munsell soil chart), Loeschcke IX c z ži- sell soil chart), Loeschcke IX c with FORTIS stamp. gom FORTIS. Dolžina: 10,5 cm, širina: 6,8 cm, viši- Length: 10.5 cm, width: 6.8 cm, height: 3.5 cm ( Tab. na: 3,5 cm ( t. 5: 2). 5: 2). Datacija: sredina 1. stoletja–začetek 2. stoletja n. št. Date: mid 1st–beginning of the 2nd century AD. Slika/Figure 3 Grob 43: a. grobna celota, b. risba – interpretacija (foto N. Dolinar, risba N. Dolinar, T. Mulh). / Grave 43: a. the mortuary lot, b. drawing – interpretation (photo N. Dolinar, drawing N. Dolinar, T. Mulh). 220 Bustum pokop v Navportu (Vrhnika) Zaključek Conclusion Grobova tipa bustum, ki sta bila odkrita med izkopa- The two bustum graves found during the excavation vanjem manjšega dela grobišča Navporta, sta datira- of a small part of the cemetery of Nauportus, are da- na v čas od sredine 1. stoletja do začetka 2. stoletja ted from the period between the middle of the 1st n. št. Gre za grobova, kjer je bil pokop pokojnika century AD and the early 2nd century AD. These be- izveden s sežigom nad grobno jamo, vendar pa je bil long to a type of grave, in which the burial of the sam potek pokopa, kot lahko sklepamo iz pridatkov, deceased involved cremation directly above the grave v obeh primerih verjetno nekoliko drugačen. V gro- pit. However, it maybe concluded that the organisati- bu 43 so bili pridatki številčnejši ter bogatejši kot v on of the burial rite, as indicated by the grave goods, grobu 16. V tem primeru lahko, glede na lego in oh- probably differed in both cases. The grave goods in ranjenost pridatkov, sklepamo, na posebno pripravo Grave 43 are richer and more numerous then those grobne jame, saj so bili ostanki grmade skupaj s sež- in Grave 16. Their preservation and location in this ganimi železnimi najdbami (okovi, žeblji in žebljič- grave, provide insights into the specific preparation ki) in keramičnim loncem z dvema ročajema (grob of the grave pit, because the pyre remains together 43, t. 5:1) nekako potisnjeni ob robove grobne jame with the burnt iron artefacts (mounts, nails and small (največja koncentracija železnih najdb se pojavlja v nails) and the two-handled pottery jar, (Grave 43, zahodnem in deloma tudi severnem vogalu, ter ob Tab. 5: 1) were pushed to the edges of the grave pit severozahodnem robu grobne jame, odlomki kera- (the greatest concentration of iron artefacts appears mičnega lonca pa so bili raztreseni v zahodni polovici in the western and partly in the northern corners, as groba). Preostali keramični pridatki so bili v grob pri- well as along the northwestern edge of the grave pit, loženi, po končanem sežigu, na očiščene dele grobne while the sherds of the pottery jar were strewn over jame (v severovzhodni del jame ter v južni in zahodni the western half of the the grave). The remaining del jame). Drugačno situacijo vidimo v grobu 16, kjer pottery grave goods were placed in the grave in a cle- so bili grobni pridatki skromni. Tukaj lahko glede na aned part of the grave pit after the cremation (in the lego in ohranjenost pridatkov37 domnevamo, da so northeastern, southern and western part of the pit). bili le ti skupaj s pokojnikom položeni na grmado, ki A different situation is apparent in Grave 16, where se je sesedla v grobno jamo, sama jama pa po konča- the grave goods were more humble in nature. The nem sežigu ne kaže znakov dodatne priprave oziro- position and condition of the grave goods37 suggest ma čiščenja. Potrebno pa je opozoriti, da tudi v tem that they were placed with the deceased on the pyre, primeru možnost ritualnega čiščenja grobne jame ni which fell into the pit on cremation. The grave pit popolnoma izključena, saj so grobni pridatki v pri- does not exhibit any signs of additional activity or merjavi z grobom 43 premalo številni, da bi lahko na cleaning after the end of the cremation. It should podlagi njih podali dokončne zaključke. also be noted that the possibility of ritual cleaning of the grave pit cannot be completely discounted, beca- use the grave goods were too few in comparison to those in Grave 43, for final conclusions to be made on the basis of them alone. 37 Keramični vrč je bil izpostavljen ognju. 37 The pottery jug was exposed to fire. 221 Tadeja Mulh, Mija Černe Literatura Katalogi in monografije 8, Ljubljana. PLESNIČAR GEC, L. 1977, Keramika emonskih nekropol. DAMIAN P. in M. SIMION 2007, Funerary practices in – Dissertationes et monographiae 20, Ljubljana. the necropolises belonging to the ancient communities RICCI, A. 1985, Ceramica a pareti sottili. – Atlante II, at Alburnus maior. – V: Acta Terrae Septemcastrensis VI, 1, 231–357. 141–153. RIHA E. 1990, Der römische Schmuck aus Augst und Ka- GASPERETTI, G. 1996, Produzione e consurno della iserangst. – Forschungen in Augst 10, Augst. ceramica comune da mensa e dispensa neila Campania ro- RIŽNAR, I. 2016, Poročilo o določitvi treh najdb z najdišč: 10- mana. – V: Bats 1996, 19–64. 0189 Bivša vojašnica Ptuj, 11-0092 Maksimović in 13-0072 HORVAT, J. 1990, Nauportus. – Dela SAZU 33. Ljubljana. Hvala, Salemović – Ptuj (neobjavljeno poročilo). HUMPHREY, J. H. 1986, Roman Circuses: Arenas for SCHINDLER KAUDELKA, E. 1989, Die grwöhnliche geb- Chariot Racing. – London. rauchskeramik vom magdalensberg: helltonige Krüge und Verwan- ISTENIČ, J. 1999, Poetovio, zahodna grobišča I. – Katalogi in dtes. – Archäologische Forschungen zu den Grabungen auf monografije 32, Ljubljana. dem Magdalensberg 10, Klagenfurt. JOVANOVIC, A. 1984, Rimske nekropole na teritoriji Jugosla- SENA CHIESA, G. 1985, Angera romana. Scavi nella nec vije. – Beograd. ro poli 1970–1979. – Achaeologica 44 , Milano. JOVANOVIĆ, A. 2000, Romanization and ethnic ele- STRUCK, M. 1993, Busta in Britannien und ihre Ver- ments in burial practice in the southern part of Pannonia bindungen zum Kontinent. Allgemeine Überlegungen Inferior and Moesia Superior. – V: J. Pearce, M. Millett in zur Herleitung der Bestattungssitte. – V: M. Stuck (ur.), M. Struck (ur.), Burial, Society and Context in the Roman World, Römerzeitliche Gräber als Quellen zu Religion Bevölkerungstruktur Oxford, 204–214. und Sozialgeschichte. Archäologische Schriften des Instituts KLESTIL, W. 2013, Römische Gräberfelder des 1. bis 3. Jhs. für Vor-und Frühgeschichte der Johannes Gutenberg in Noricum: Zum Stand der Forschung, der Strukturen sowie der -Universität Mainz, 81–94. Romanisierung anhand ausgewählter. – Diplomsko delo, Wien. ŠLAUS, M., V. VYROUBAL in Ž. BEDIĆ 2016, Rezulta- LELEKOVIĆ, T. 2012, Cemeteries. – V: B. Migotti (ur.), ti antropološke analize človeškega osteološkega gradiva s najdišča The Archaeology of RomanSouthern Pannonia The state of resear-Maksimović – Vrhnika, stručno poročilo EP – 263 – 12/16, ch and selected problems in the Croatian part of the Roman province december 2016. – Zagreb. of Pannonia, 313–357. VERBIČ, T. 2013. Ogled arheološkega najdišča na Vrhniki dne MAIOLI, M. G. 1973, Ceramica a pareti sottili del Ravena- 13. 9. 2013. – Ljubljana (neobjavljeno poročilo). te. – V: Studi Romagnoli 24, 59–77. VIOQUE, G. G. 2002, Martial, Book VII. A Commentary. – MASELLI SCOTTI, F. 1984, La ceramica ad Aquileia. Il Leiden–Boston–Köln. vaselame da mensa. – Antichita Altoadratiche 24, 68–69. ŽERJAL, T. 2008, Rimska vila rustika v luči drobnih najdb: pri- MIKL CURK, I. 1987, Rimska lončena posoda na Slovenskem. mer najdišča Školarice pri Spodnjih Škofijah. – Doktorska diser- – Ljubljana. tacija. Univerza v Ljubljani. Filozofska fakulteta. Oddelek MULH, T., M. ČERNE RADOJEVIĆ, M. JANEŽIČ, in za arheologijo, Ljubljana. T. VERBIČ 2014, Poročilo o izvedenih arheoloških izkopavanjih na območju Gradnje stanovanjske hiše Maksimović – Vrhnika, parcela št. 2215/2, k.o. Vrhnika. – Ljubljana (neobjavljeno Tadeja Mulh poročilo). Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije MUŠIČ, B. in J. HORVAT 2007, Nauportus – zgodnje- Center za preventivno arheologijo rimska trgovska postojanka na Dolgih njivah na Vrhniki. Poljanska 40 Rezultati geofizikalne raziskave z več neodvisnimi meto- SI-1000 Ljubljana dami. – Arheološki vestnik 58, 219–283. tadeja.mulh@zvkds.si OLCESE, G. 2003, Ceramiche comuni aRoma e in area romana: produzione, circolazione e tecnologia (tarda eta Mija Černe repubblicana - prima eta imperiale). – Documenti di archeo- Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije logia 28, Roma. Center za preventivno arheologijo OTA, L. 2007, Busta in Moesia Inferior. – V: Acta Terrae Poljanska 40 Septemcastrensis VI, 75–99. SI-1000 Ljubljana PLESNIČAR GEC, L. 1972, Severno emonsko grobišče. – mija.cerne@zvkds.si 222 M 1:1 4–6 M 1:2 1–3, 7 Bustum pokop v Navportu (Vrhnika) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Tabla/Table 1 4– 6 M 1 : 1; 1– 3, 7 M 1 : 2 (izris najdb S. Ohman, M. Arh, fotografije najdb S. Pukšič / finds drawn by S. Ohman, M. Arh, finds photographed by S. Pukšič). 223 , 39 M 1:1 Tadeja Mulh, Mija Čer M 1:1 1 ne M 1:2 2, 3 1 2 39 3 Tabla/Table 2 1 M 1 : 1; 2, 3 M 1 : 2 (izris najdb S. Ohman, M. Arh, fotografija najdbe B. Farič / finds drawn by S. Ohman, M. Arh, find photographed by B. Farič). 224 , 39 M 1:1 M 1:1 1 Bustum pokop v Navportu (Vrhnika) M 1:2 2, 3 1 2 39 3 Tabla/Table 3 1– 38 M 1 : 2, 39 M 1 : 1 (izris najdb S. Ohman, M. Arh, fotografija najdbe S. Pukšič / finds drawn by S. Ohman, M. Arh, find photographed by S. Pukšič). 225 M 1:2 M 1:2 Tadeja Mulh, Mija Černe 1 2 3 1 4 2 Tabla/Table 4 M 1 : 2 (izris najdb S. Ohman, M. Arh / finds drawn by S. Ohman, M. Arh). 226 M 1:2 M 1:2 Bustum pokop v Navportu (Vrhnika) 1 2 3 1 4 2 Tabla/Table 5 M 1 : 2 (izris najdb S. Ohman, M. Arh / finds drawn by S. Ohman, M. Arh). 227 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk A chance epigraphic discovery in Spodnja Šiška (Ljubljana, Slovenia) Naključno epigrafsko odkritje v Spodnji Šiški (Ljubljana, Slovenija) Julijana Visočnik, Bernarda Županek Izvleček: Pred več kot dvema letoma je bil na parkirišču v Spodnji Šiški odkrit odlomek napisnega kamna (verjetno iz podpeškega apnenca) z nagrobnim napisom. Najin prispevek začenjava z epigrafsko analizo in nadaljujeva z možnimi onomastičnimi rešitvami. Poleg tega preverjava možnost povezave nagrobnika bodisi s severnim grobiščem kolonije Julije Emone bodisi z manjšo naselbino na območju Stare cerkve v Spodnji Šiški. Ključne besede: Emona, rimski nagrobnik, epigrafska analiza, 3D modeliranje Abstract: A fragment of an inscription slab (probably made of Podpeč limestone) with a funerary inscription has been found more than 2 years ago at a parking lot in Spodnja Šiška, Ljubljana (Slovenia). Our paper begins with the epigraphic analysis of the inscription and continues with the potential onomastic solutions. Additionally, we discuss its possible connection to the northern necropolis of Colonia Iulia Emona (Ljubljana), or alternatively, to a small settlement nucleus near Stara cerkev in Spodnja Šiška. Key Words: Emona, Roman tombstone, epigraphic analysis, 3D modelling An unexpected find Epigraphic analysis In August 2015 a fragment of a Roman inscription Transcription: slab with a funerary inscription was found by a bypass- ing citizen in a car park in Spodnja Šiška in Ljubljana. - - - - - - ++ The fragment has the right part of the inscription - - - [e]t Caepariae field preserved, with four lines of inscription. The [Secun?]dinae an(norum) XXV inscription field is bordered by a profiled frame on [coni]ugi carissim(a)e the right side. 5 [---]ivs Secun(dinus) The part of the inscription surface that was exposed on the site is damaged due to mechanical damage Dimensions: 22.4 x 43 x 14.5 cm; letter height: 3.5 caused by exposure to traffic in the car park (and (l. 1), 2.5–3 (l. 2–3), 4 (l. 4) cm. possibly before) and long exposure to the elements. Line 1: the remains of two vertical strokes are still The other part of the inscription surface was covered visible at the end of the first extant line, after the with plaster, which meant that thorough mechanical break; these could be the remains of letters: I, T, N, cleaning was necessary to reveal the inscription. or similar. However, even after cleaning the inscription was not Line 2: the remains of the letter E can be seen, fully legible. A 3D model was generated from several preceding the first completely extant letter T. The photographs of the fragment with Agisoft Photos- letter T is followed by a clearly distinguishable trian- can to improve legibility, using different texturing to gular punctuation mark; the letter R is followed by an highlight the damaged parts of the inscription. I, which is smaller than the other letters, suggesting 229 Julijana Visočnik, Bernarda Županek Figure 1 The site with the fragment before excavation (photo M. Bizjak, MGML). that the stonemason probably incised it later as the als: Marcus Caeparius of Tarracina, one of the Catiline consequence of a mistake. conspirators, and Marcus Caeparius, mentioned by Line 3: there seems to be a punctuation mark be- Cicero in 46 BC.2 This name is known from Italy and tween E and A. The two letters in front of the punc- Pannonia, in both feminine and masculine forms, tuation mark are relatively poorly visible due to sur- so that its appearance in Emona is not unusual. This face wear, nevertheless, this seems to be the ending name is rarely attested; there are only 7 examples AE. There is also a punctuation mark between N and known from Italy.3 Moreover, the name has already X, and as well as after V at the end of the line. been attested in Emona, on an inscription found at Line 4: a triangular punctuation mark between I Križanke in 19564: and C. Line 5: a triangular punctuation mark between the Reading from ILJug: two SS. A smaller V is incised within the letter C. ------ The gentilicium attested in the second line is Caepari- [A]cceptae, Caesernia[e] us, in the feminine gender form, therefore CAEPAR- Sex. f. Secundae, IA.1 The Caeparia gens was a Roman family during [C]aeserniae Sex. f. Vital[i], the late Republic. It is best known for two individu- [C]aepariae Cn. f. Tertiae uxsori obitae. 1 The origin of the name could possibly be derived from the Latin word cepa ( caepa), meaning onion. Accor- 2 Cf. Münzer 1897, 1279. ding to Kajanto (1965, 335) it would, therefore, belong to 3 Cf. OPEL II, 18: ILJug 308 is ascribed to Pannonia here. the group of names derived from plant names. 4 ILJug 308, Fig. 3. 230 A chance epigraphic discovery in Spodnja Šiška (Ljubljana, Slovenia) Figure 2 3D model of the fragment in different textures (author D. Mlekuž). In the next line (line 3), the gentilicium could have considering the frequency of the name Secundin-us/a been followed by a filiation, i.e. the name of Caepar- in Emona. ia’s father. After that the cognomen is preserved. The The fourth line tells us that the tombstone was letters are hardly legible due to heavy wear precisely in erected by a husband to his dearest wife: coniugi caris- this place, but it seems that the name ends in – INA. sim(a)e. This phrase is occasionally used and has also Latin onomastics abound in such names, but the been attested in Emona, cf. RINMS 43: Aureliae Ursae probability of this being the same name is substantial coniugi karisseme(!).5 The situation in line 5 is also similar to that in line 3, namely with the supplementation of the man’s gen- tilicium. Names ending in – IUS are numerous, and many appear more than once in the index of gentilicia in RINMS. It is very difficult to establish a preference, because too little of the name is extant and it is not clear how much of the slab is missing on the left. It is not possible to talk about exact dating criteria, therefore the time frame of the erection is rather broad: it can be probably dated to the 1st or to the 2nd century. Figure 3 The inscription from Križanke (ILJug 308), also attesting the name Caeparia in Emona (photo A. 5 Karisseme is used here instead of the correct form ca- Peunik, MGML). rissimae. 231 Julijana Visočnik, Bernarda Županek 0 200 400 600 Figure 4 Emona with its cemeteries. The site in question is marked on the upper left and the cemetery is hypothetically m extended up to location of Stara cerkev (author D. Mlekuž). Tombstone provenance of the fragment in question6 and it is unclear whether our fragment might have once marked one of the The inscription surface of the fragment was cov- graves on this necropolis. ered with plaster. It must have been immured in the It seems more plausible that our tombstone fragment building at no. 41 Celovška cesta (parc. no. 1321, k.o. is connected to a small settlement nucleus near Stara spodnja Šiška). The building was demolished sever- cerkev (Engl.: Old Church) in spodnja Šiška, with al years ago and levelled for the car park. We have documented layers with Roman remains7. Several in- thoroughly examined the environs of the site, but no scriptions are known from this area, mostly built into similar artefacts were found. the walls of the church in Stara cerkev.8 The tombstone fragment of an inscription slab As this fragment was used as a spolia, it is thought (made of Podpeč or Glinica limestone) under dis- best to keep both options in mind. cussion could be connected with the northern cem- etery of Colonia Iulia Emona. The north-western part of this cemetery was formed around a road leading through the area towards Carnium (Kranj). However, the graves of the cemetery that have been document- 6 Klemenc 1955, 342; Plesničar Gec 1967. ed so far are located at some distance from the site 7 Müllner 1892, 35–36. 8 RINMS 54; CIL III 14354, 13; CIL III 14354, 14; AIJ 202; cf. Müllner 1892, 33–34. 232 A chance epigraphic discovery in Spodnja Šiška (Ljubljana, Slovenia) Figure 5 Fragment of the inscription slab from Celovška cesta 41, Ljubljana, after cleaning (photo M. Paternoster, MGML). Conclusion tlement with a cemetery around Stara cerkev, along the road towards Carnium. Last but not least, The fortuitous find of an inscription slab at it should be noted that the use of a 3D model in Celovška cesta 41 in Ljubljana attested anoth- this analysis was a useful tool when attempting to er example of the name Caeparia in Emona. Ad- read the partly damaged inscription. ditionally, it highlighted the possible relation- The tombstone fragment is now kept at the City ship between the western part of the northern Museum of Ljubljana under the inventory number cemetery of Emona and a small Roman set- 510: LJU; 0061375. 233 Julijana Visočnik, Bernarda Županek Bibliography narum, Vol. I: Aba – Bysanus, Budapest 2005; II: Cabalicius – Ixus, Wien 1999; III: Labareus – Pythea, Wien 2000; IV: KAJANTO, I. 1965, The Latin Cognomina. – Helsinki. Quadratia – Zures, Wien 2002. KLEMENC, J. 1955, Zgodovina Emone. – In: Zgodovina RE: Wissowa, G. et al. , Pauly Real-Encyclopädie der classi-Ljubljane I, Geologija in arheologija, 331–368. schen Altertumswissenschaft, 1893–1980. MÜNZER, F. 1897, Caeparius. – In: RE III , 1279. RINMS: Šašel Kos, M. Lapidarij Narodnega muzeja Slovenije 1 MÜLLNER, A. 1892, Die Kirche in Šiška bei Laibach, / The Roman Inscriptions in the National Museum of Slovenia Argo 1, 33–36. (Situla 36), Ljubljana, 1997. PLESNIČAR GEC, L. 1967, Obeležje in kronologija an- tičnih grobov na Prešernovi in Celovski cesti v Ljubljani. – Arheološki vestnik 18, 137–146. dr. Julijana Visočnik Archdiocesan Archives of Ljubljana Abbreviations Krekov trg 1 SI-1000 Ljubljana AIJ: Hoffiller, V. and S. Balduin, Antike Inschriften aus Jugos- julijana332@yahoo.com lavien. Heft I: Noricum und Pannonia Superior. – Zagreb, 1938. CIL: Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum. dr. Bernarda Županek ILJug: Šašel, A. and J. Šašel, Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugosla- Museum and galleries of Ljubljana via inter annos, repertae et editae sunt (Situla 5), Ljubljana, 1963; Gosposka 15 (Situla 19), Ljubljana, 1978; (Situla 25), Ljubljana, 1986. SI-1000 Ljubljana OPEL: Lőrincz, B. Onomasticon provinciarum Europae Lati- bernarda.zupanek@mgml.si 234 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Sledi metalurško-kovaške dejavnosti na najdišču Polje pri Vodicah Traces of Metallurgical-Forging Activities at the Polje pri Vodicah Archaeological Site Maja Lavrič, Maja Bricelj Izvleček: Najdišče Polje pri Vodicah – Antično grobišče (EŠD 16971) se nahaja na severnem delu Skaručenskega polja, prib-ližno 26 km severno od Ljubljane. Zaradi izgradnje plinovoda so bila v letu 2013 izvedena zaščitna arheološka izkopava- nja, ki so razkrila več gradbenih faz rimske vile rustike z gospodarskim, metalurško-kovaškim obratom ter pripadajočim grobiščem. Na osnovi drobnega gradiva najdišče umeščamo v čas od 2. do konca 4. stoletja in prve polovice 5. stoletja n. št. V prispevku je predstavljen gospodarski segment vile, s poudarkom na predstavitvi metalurško-kovaške dejavnosti. Ključne besede: rimska doba, rimska vila rustika, metalurško-kovaška dejavnost, kovaško ognjišče, talilna peč Abstract: The Polje pri Vodicah – Roman Cemetery (EŠD 16971) archaeological site is situated in the northern part of the Skaručna Plain, approximately 26 km north of Ljubljana. In 2013, the construction of a gas line prompted a rescue archaeological excavation, which revealed several construction phases of a Roman villa rustica with a metallurgical-forging workshop and a corresponding cemetery. Small finds date the site between the end of the 2nd century and the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century AD. This article presents the economic segment of the villa with the emphasis on the metallurgical-forging activities. Keywords: Roman period, Roman villa rustica, metallurgical-forging activities, forging hearth, smelting furnace Uvod Prostor med Kamniškobistriško ravnico, Kranjskim in Ljubljanskim poljem je del konglomeratnih teras Zahodni rob zavarovanega arheološkega najdišča z okoliškimi osamelci. Najbližji so Tršanca na seve- Polje pri Vodicah smo zaradi izgradnje plinovoda rozahodu, Koseški hrib na severovzhodu, Rašica na raziskali v dolžini 525 metrov in širini 16 metrov.1 Z jugovzhodu in najvišja, Šmarna gora na jugozahodu.3 arheološkimi izkopavanji vzdolž ceste med Skaručno Najdišče Polje pri Vodicah je bilo zavarovano na in Vodicami smo zaobjeli del treh večjih vrtač, kjer podlagi, leta 1950 odkritega, žganega rimskega gro- je bil stratigrafski zapis najbolje ohranjen (globina ba, pokritega s kamnitim pokrovom. V grobu je bila do 1,3 m), medtem ko je bil na ravninskih predelih, večja posoda s pepelom, s kroglasto stekleno poso- zaradi kultivacije prostora, že močno poškodovan do, steklenico, oljenko z okrasom girlande, z delom (globina 0,25 m). Razgiban relief na območju Ska- pasne spone in z odlomki dveh posodic v imitaciji ručenskega polja je del večje Ljubljanske udornine.2 tere sigilate. Južno od žganega groba so bile na nji- vah tudi večje količine kamenja.4 Pri izkopavanjih na 1 Izkopno polje (z izhodiščnimi koordinatami: x: 460711,10, y: 113362,68) smo razdelili na 4 sektorje, znotraj teh pa na kvadrante vel. 5 × 5 m v ortogonalni Kranjsko polje. Občasna seizmična delovanja kažejo, da mreži. oblikovanje udornine še ni zaključeno (Premru, Cajhen 2 Ljubljansko udornino, ki je nastala med starejšim ple- 1983, 33, 48). istocenom in današnjim časom, sestavljajo Ljubljansko 3 Pak 1998, 84–85. barje, Ljubljansko polje, Mengeško-Kamniško polje in 4 Grafenauer 1953, 144–147. 235 Maja Lavrič, Maja Bricelj trasi plinovoda smo na južnem delu raziskali tudi del Ruševina iz apnenčevih in peščenjakovih prodnikov grobišča z 32 žganimi in 24 skeletnimi grobovi, ki jih ter lomljencev in konglomeratnih kamnov se je na- umeščamo v čas 2. stoletja, morda še v prvo polovico hajala po celotnem robu kotanje. Območje vrtače so 3. stoletja n. št.5 po opustitvi uporabljali kot odpadno jamo. Uporaba prostora se je širila na reliefno najvišjih predelih iz- kopnega polja, zahodno in južno od vrtače. Zahodno Oris naselbinskega dela od vrtače smo rekonstruirali manjšo stavbo 4 z me- talurškim obratom (kovaški ognjišči in talilna peč) in Največja koncentracija naselbinskih arheoloških os- z večjimi jamami ( sl. 2), južno od nje pa večjo stavbo talin je bila na severnem delu izkopnega polja, kjer 5, znotraj katerega je delovala manjša talilna peč, ter smo lahko sledili zahodnemu delu rimske vile rustike večje jame različnih namembnosti. Na južnem delu z gospodarskimi stavbami v več fazah.6 Raziskali smo naselbinskega kompleksa je bil precej dobro ohran- del gospodarskih poslopij, grajenih v tehniki s stojka- jen kamnit temelj pravokotne stavbe 8, z veliko ko- mi in stavbe z zidanimi temelji. Naselbini pripadajoče sov rimskega gradbenega materiala. Znotraj te stavbe grobišče je bilo oddaljeno 200 metrov proti jugu in z je bilo iz nivoja hodne površine vkopanih nekaj jam, izkopavanji smo, glede na grob, najden leta 1950, za- večja shrambna jama, zidana peč, dve kurišči in kam- objeli njegov zahodni rob. Prvo rimsko poselitveno nit postament, ki skupaj z jamami za stojke morda fazo smo dokumentirali v severnem delu izkopnega predstavlja ostanek nosilcev strešne konstrukcije. Po polja, v vrtači7 ter južno od vrtače, na južnem pre- opustitvi stavbe 8 in z njo povezanih nekaterih večjih delu rimske vile. Raziskali smo lahko samo severo- shrambnih jam8 in peči9 je bila zgrajena stavba 9. zahodni rob in del dna vrtače. Večina stavb (1, 2, 3, Z geofizikalnimi raziskavami severovzhodno od iz- 6 in 7) je bila grajenih v tehniki s stojkami, kar kaže kopnega polja smo pridobili tudi podatke oz. tlorise na gradnjo preprostih lesenih poslopij, ki so lahko ostalih stavb z zidanimi temelji z osrednjim dvoriščem služili v shrambne, gospodarske ali bivalne namene. in indice morebitnih ognjišč. Tako ocenjujemo veli- V objektih so bile večje jame različnih namembnos- kost vile na ca 1,6 hektarja. Najbolj reprezentativen ti, kurišči in domnevna lončarska peč. Drobne naj- je podolgovat objekt,10 ki smo ga delno dokumenti- dbe in radiokarbonska analiza oglja iz peči stavbe 6 rali z izkopavanji in dodatno z geofizikalnimi izsledki kažejo na čas druge polovice 2. in 3. stoletje n. št. ( sl. 1).11 Stratigrafija mlajših plasti (pozni srednji vek, Na severnem delu izkopnega polja je v smeri severo- zgodnji novi vek) je kazala znake poplave, saj smo od vzhod–jugozahod potekal večji jarek, ki je verjetno severa proti jugu dokumentirali debelo plast aluvija, služil kot drenaža že v rimskem času, v uporabi pa ki se je proti jugu počasi izklinjala. je bil daljše obdobje in še danes sovpada z obstoječo parcelno mejo. V vrtači so bili ohranjeni le skrom- ni deli zidanih temeljev, s katerimi so verjetno utrdili Metalurško-kovaška dejavnost lesene konstrukcije stavb 2 in 3. Njihovo natančno usmeritev je zaradi slabe ohranjenosti težko določi- V bližini vrtače so bili ostanki metalurško–kovaške ti, vendar se zdi, da lahko ostanke zidanih temeljev dejavnosti ( sl. 2). Vrtača je bila daljše obdobje v upo- pripišemo že k prvi fazi stavb, opustitveno fazo pa rabi kot odpadna jama. V njej in drugih odpadnih predstavljajo porušeni ostanki kamnitih temeljev. 8 Plast 2147, ki je bila zasuta s podobnim kamnitim ma- terialom kot temelj kasnejše stavbe 9. 5 Lazar 2014; Žerjal, v tem zborniku. 9 Peč (SE 2242) je bila sekundarno uporabljena kot od- 6 Arheološki zapis se je dobro ohranil na območju padna jama, zasuta z zelo veliko odlomkov lončenine in manjše depresije in v večji kotanji, medtem ko je bil na kamenjem. višje ležečih predelih zaradi oranja precej uničen. 10 Smith 1997, 56, Fig. 16. 7 Rižnar 2014. 11 Plesničar 2014. 236 Sledi metalurško-kovaške dejavnosti na najdišču Polje pri Vodicah Slika 1 Ostanki vile rustike z izsledki raziskav geofizikalnih meritev (izris R. Plesničar, M. Lavrič, arhiv ZVKDS, CPA). jamah smo odkrili velike količine žlindre (1103 kosov, 38637 g), ki je izjemnega pomena za razumevanje N metalurških procesov.12 Makroskopsko pregledani vzorci žlindre kažejo, da pretežni del vzorcev pred- stavlja talilniško žlindro in v manjši meri kovaško žlindro.13 Značilnost manjših železarskih obratov v rimskem času, kot so Polje pri Vodicah, je prisotnost obeh postopkov – taljenje in kovanje rude. Tako sta se vse do srednjega veka v eni delavnici izvajala oba postopka, ločena sta bila le na območjih, kjer so in- tenzivno izdelovali in posredovali surovo železo.14 Prav tako je bil del predelave rude pražilno ognjišče ( sl. 3), s katerim so pred topljenjem rudo toplotno obdelali. Tako je ruda postala porozna, kar je omogo- čalo lažje drobljenje.15 Na skrajnem severovzhodnem robu vrtače se je nahajalo pražilno ognjišče (velikos- ti 2,72 × 1,65 in globine 0,70 m). Po celotnem dnu jame je bila močno ožgana plast ( sl. 3), na kateri so ležali veliki ožgani prodniki in večji apnenčasti kam- ni, pomešani z večjimi kosi oglja, zbitimi kosi prež- ganega apnenčevega kamenja in s posameznimi kosi opeke. Med njimi smo našli izrabljen bronasti novec Slika 2 Sledi metalurško-kovaške dejavnosti (foto K. cesarja Galijena, kar lahko nakazuje uporabo pra- Dremelj, arhiv ZVKDS, CPA). 12 Horvat et al. 2007, 35. 13 Mladenovič 2016, 53. 14 Cleere 1976, 53; Inkret 2013, 3. 15 Pleiner 2000, 108. 237 Maja Lavrič, Maja Bricelj Slika 3 Pražilno ognjišče (foto K. Dremelj, arhiv ZVKDS, CPA). žilnega ognjišča že v drugi polovici 3. stoletja n. št. jamami različnih namembnosti (severno od ognjišča Glede na več podobnih polnil v jami predvidevamo, sta bili dve večji odpadni jami, med seboj povezani, da so rudo pražili v več ciklih. Jamo je tako zapolnje- večkrat presekani in zapolnjeni). Ohranjeni deli og- val temno sivkasto rjav glinen melj z drobci malte, njišča nam podajo osnovno obliko ( sl. 2). Sprednji del oglja in ožgane gline. Nad žganino je bila plast zbite- ognjišča pravokotne oblike so predstavljali večji kam- ga pepela z drobnim peskom. Najdbe pražene rude ni z ravno zgornjo površino, ki je verjetno služila za so redke,16 pogosto se ohrani le veliko pepela, saj so prvo odlaganje predmeta iz ognjišča. Na sprednji del za praženje uporabljali suhi les.17 Pražilno ognjišče je je bila v polkrogu naslonjena prva linija kamenja iz bilo ob opustitvi zapolnjeno z večjim kamenjem. peščenjakovih prodnikov in apnenčevih lomljencev. Jugozahodno od vrtače so se nahajali ostanki jam za Notranjost ognjišča je bila večkrat premazana z glino, stojke stavbe 4 (velikosti 6 × 3 m), v kateri je bila me- saj smo dokumentirali tri debelejše rdečkasto rumene talurško–kovaška delavnica s slabo ohranjenim kova- glinene premaze. Na ožgani glini v notranjosti og- škim ognjiščem (velikosti 1 × 0,90 m). Običajno so njišča sta bili dve plošči iz peščenjkovega lomljenca bili kovaški obrati zaradi zavetrja in ohranjanja toplo- in opeke, ki sta verjetno služili za namestitev pred- te pokriti z nadstreškom.18 Ohranili so se le spodnji meta v ognjišču. Na zunanjem jugovzhodnem robu deli ognjišč, zato je posamezen tip včasih težko dolo- ognjišča so se nahajali ostanki majhnih luknjic, t. i. sa- čiti. Ognjišče je delovalo na višini tal, skupaj z drugimi pnic, ki so služile za dovod zraka v ognjišče. Običaj- no so bile ob zunanji strani kovaškega ognjišča manj- 16 Buchwald 2005, 91; Inkret 2013, 6. še jame, v katerih so imeli vodo za hlajenje kovanega 17 Inkret 2013, 6. 18 Steiner 1995, Fig. 13; Horvat et al. 2007, 35, sl. 74; Skelj Ivančan 2016, 124, sl. 4. 238 Sledi metalurško-kovaške dejavnosti na najdišču Polje pri Vodicah predmeta.19 V našem primeru najverjetneje takšno jamo predstavlja manjša jama na vzhodnem robu og- njišča (SE 1217). Prav tako je bil vzhodno od kovaške- ga ognjišča in situ ohranjen večji kos kamna (velikosti 0,30 × 0,25 m), ki so ga verjetno uporabili kot kalup (lokacija na tlorisu sl. 2, sl. 4). V neposredni bližini je bilo dvojno ognjišče z manipulativnim prostorom na sredini ( sl. 5). Ta je služil kot odpadna jama (SE 1418) z zasutjem velike količine žlindre, oglja in tudi nekaj odlomkov lončenine. V danem primeru zaradi slabe Slika 4 Večji kos obdelanega kamna, ki so ga verjetno ohranjenosti ognjišč težko z gotovostjo zagovarja- uporabljali kot kalup (foto K. Dremelj, arhiv ZVKDS, mo razlago o talilni peči, saj so bile te navadno več- CPA). je, ker je bilo potrebno v ognjišču zagotoviti delovni prostor z redukcijsko atmosfero do vsaj 1200 stopinj 1418). Zahodno od te jame je bilo drugo preprosto celzija.20 Glede na ostanke talilniške žlindre, vseeno kovaško ognjišče22 (velikosti 0,45 m), na dnu katere- dopuščamo možnost preprostega talilnega ognjišča21 ga so bili močno ožgani apnenčevi in peščenjakovi na vzhodni strani odpadne jame (SE 1466). Ognjišče lomljenci. Odpadna jama (SE 1418) je bila poleg je delovalo na tedanji hodni površini, ostanki ožgane žlindre zapolnjena z veliko količino glajene keramike gline ob straneh pa nakazujejo morebitno nadgradnjo. oz. keramike z glajenim okrasom, značilne za drugo Žlindro so v tem primeru čistili v osrednjo jamo (SE polovico 4. in 5. stoletje n. št. Prav tako je bila glaje- Slika 5 Dvojno ognjišče z manipulativnim prostorom (foto K. Dremelj, arhiv ZVKDS, CPA). 19 Horvat et al. 2007, 31, sl. 55. 20 Cleere 1972, 8. 21 Tipologija talilnih peči po Cleere 1072, Fig 14. 22 Horvat et al. 2007, 30, sl. 53. 239 Maja Lavrič, Maja Bricelj na keramika najdena v žganinskih zasutjih ognjišča loncev in skled ter odlomki glajene keramike po- in v vrhnji ruševini (SE 1457, 1436), v katerih so bili stavljajo kontekst v drugo polovico 4. in 5. stoletje. tudi odlomki afriških amfor, odlomki celih kuhinj- V polnilu jame je bila tudi posebna najdba železne skih loncev zelo poznih oblik, ki kažejo predvsem na talilne posodice. čas opustitve ognjišča iz konca 4. in prve polovice 5. Jugovzhodno od omenjenih peči se je nahajala še ena stoletja n. št. plitko vkopana talilna peč (velikosti 0,77 × 0, 64 m) Severozahodno od ognjišč z manipulativnim pros- s plitkim čistilnim kanalčkom v sprednjem delu in z torom je bila odkrita odpadna jama (SE 1202; odpadno jamo ( sl. 6). Peč je bila na dnu premaza- velikosti 1,34 × 1 m in globine 0,21 m) z odlom- na z glino, kosi ožgane gline pa so bili tudi v okolici ki keramike, kovine in s kamenjem ob robu jame. ognjišča, kar lahko kaže na ostanke zgornjega dela Odlomek krožnika Hayes 50B afriške sigilate C iz peči. Ostanek strukture kamnitega dela ognjišča so druge polovice 4. stoletja n. št., odlomki kuhinjskih predstavljali večji kosi peščenjakovih lomljencev na Slika 6 Ostanki talilne peči (foto K. Dremelj, arhiv ZVKDS, CPA). 240 Sledi metalurško-kovaške dejavnosti na najdišču Polje pri Vodicah Zaključek Rezultati raziskav na najdišču Polje pri Vodicah ka- žejo posamezne indice za uporabo prostora v praz- godovini, predvsem pa odkrite ostaline kažejo na rimskodobno poselitev, s stanovanjskimi objekti in metalurško-kovaškim obratom vile rustike ter s pri- padajočim grobiščem. Skaručenska ravan je bila tako poseljena vsaj od 2. do konca 4. in prve polovice 5. stoletja n. št. Metalurško-kovaška dejavnost na področju vile rus- tike je bila prisotna od konca 3. stoletja naprej. Z izkopavanji26 smo določili uporabo dveh kovaških ognjišč in dveh talilni peči. Zaradi globokega oranja sta bili ognjišči in peči slabo ohranjeni. Na najdišču Slika 7 Rekonstrukcija talilne peči s plitkim čistilnim sta potekala dva procesa, ki sta značilna za pridobi- kanalčkom v sprednjem delu in z odpadno jamo (Pleiner vanje kovin: predelava kovin do polizdelkov (taljenje 2000, 258, Fig. 67). rude) in izdelava končnih izdelkov (kovanje). Prav jugovzhodnem robu ognjišča ( sl. 6). Talilne peči so tako smo našli velike količine odpadkov, ki so po- bile v splošnem grajene iz kamna in gline iz lokalno vezani s taljenjem in predelavo rude. Makroskopske dostopnih materialov23 in imajo kupolasto ali cilind- analize so potrdile obstoj kovaške in talilniške žlin- rično nadgradnjo z odprtinami za vpihovanje zraka dre. V veliko večji meri je zastopana talilniška žlindra, in za odtekanje žlindre. Žlindra lahko odteka tudi v ki smo jo našli v polnilih odpadnih jamah. Kovaška jamo na dnu peči, se sprime s stenami peči, nad njo dejavnost je potekala v stavbi 4, kjer smo raziskali pa se nabira železna goba.24 Peči z jamami za zbiranje dve kovaški ognjišči. Obe ognjišči sta delovali iz tal. žlindre so bile namenjene za enkratno uporabo, zato Prvo je imelo v sprednjem delu položeno kamenje, v našem primeru, glede na čistilni kanal, ki je vodil namenjeno odlaganju vročih predmetov iz ognjišča. iz peči v odpadno jamo, predvidevamo, da so talilno Ob jugovzhodni strani ognjišča smo dokumentirali peč uporabili večkrat ( sl. 7). t. i. sapnice, ki so služile za dovod zraka v ognjišče. Del metalurško-kovaškega procesa je tudi upora- Drugi del ognjišča je verjetno na osnovi ohranjenega ba orodij, ki jim je omogočala rokovanje z vročimi kamenja in ožgane gline, predstavljala kupola. V ne- predmeti. Med njimi so kladivo, klešče, tehtnica, pi- posredni bližini je delovalo drugo preprosto kovaško halnice, talilne posodice, nakovala in kalupi.25 Na ob- ognjišče, ki je imelo skupen manipulativen prostor ravnavanem najdišču smo poleg že prej omenjenega (odpadna jama) s talilno pečjo. Ognjišče je bilo plitko kalupa ( sl. 4) in talilne posodice v neposredni bližini vkopano, ostankov sapnic in kupole nismo zasledili. talilne peči, v jami (SE 1283/1282) našli pet predme- Zahodno od omenjenega kovaškega ognjišča je bil in tov, ki so se uporabljali v metalurško-kovaški dejav- situ najden kamnit kalup, z obdelano vdrtino v obliki nosti. Ker so predmeti še v postopku konservacije, lahko sedaj omenimo le klešče in najverjetneje dele 26 Izkopavanja je izvedla ekipa Centra za preventivno tehtnice. arheologijo, ZVKDS; vodja raziskav: M. Bricelj, vodje sektorjev: M. Lavrič, E. Lazar, M. Ravnik, dr. P. Mason. Sodelovalo je tudi podjetje PJP, d.o.o., zanj M. Ravnik in H. Bešter, ter tehnična ekipa arheologov in študentov ar- 23 Pleiner 2000, 251. heologije. Odgovorna konservatorka je bila M. Topličanec, 24 Paynter 2007, 209. ZVKDS OE Ljubljana. Avtorici prispevka se za dobro so- 25 Coulon 2000, 23; Horvat 2007, 30. delovanje vsem lepo zahvaljujeva. 241 Maja Lavrič, Maja Bricelj rezila. V odpadni jami v bližini ognjišča se je nahajala due to the damage caused by deep ploughing. Trac- talilna posodica. V stavbi 4 je bila prav tako manj- es of two metallurgical processes were discovered at ša talilna peč, ki je delovala iz tal in je imela skupen the site: the production of intermediate (ore smelt- manipulativen prostor s kovaškim ognjiščem. Druga ing) and final products (forging). Furthermore, large talilna peč se je nahajala v stavbi 5. Peči sta bili plitko quantities of waste associated with the smelting and vkopani, v notranjosti premazani z več plastmi gline, processing of ore were discovered. Slag from forging ob straneh obdani s kamenjem. Obe peči sta imeli and smelting was confirmed by macroscopic anal- odpadni jami kamor so čistili žlindro. Obe talilni peči ysis. Smelting slag, which was discovered in the fill uvrščamo med obliko peči na volka z izpuščeno te- of waste pits, was far more common. Forging took kočo žlindro (tip peči, ki je namenjen večkratni upo- place in Building 4, where two forging hearths were rabi). Glavnino najdb na področju, kjer je potekala investigated. Both hearths were dug into the floor. metalurško-kovaška dejavnost, predstavljajo kovaški There were stones in front of the first hearth, where odpadki, kovaška in talilniška žlindra, odpadna kovi- hot objects from the hearth could be put down. The na in redko orodje. V neposredni bližini stavbe 5 smo so-called tuyeres, through which air was blown into v jami (SE 1283) našli klešče, tehtnico in še nekatere the hearth, were documented on the southeastern kose orodja, ki jih zaradi postopka konservacije še ne side of the hearth. The preserved stones and burnt moremo natančno opredeliti. clay indicate that the remaining part of the hearth was probably a cupola. There was a second simple forging hearth in the immediate vicinity, sharing the Conclusion manipulation area (waste pit) with a smelting furnace. The hearth was dug shallowly into the ground and The results of the investigations of the Polje pri Vod- no remains of the tuyeres or the cupola were discov- icah archaeological site indicate some traces of the ered. To the west of the above-mentioned forging use of the area in the prehistoric period, but above all hearth, a stone mould with a worked blade-shaped a Roman-period settlement with residential buildings hollow was found in situ. There was a smelting bowl and a metallurgical forging workshop belonging to in a waste-pit near the hearth. Building 4 also con- a villa rustica with a corresponding cemetery. This tained a smaller smelting furnace, which lay on the means that the Skaručna Plain was populated at least floor and shared the manipulation area with the from the end of the 2nd century to the end of the 4th forging hearth. The second smelting furnace was in and first half of the 5th century AD. Building 5, which was of posthole construction. The Metallurgical-forging activities can be traced in the two furnaces were shallowly dug into the ground, area of the villa rustica from the end of the 3rd centu- their interior was coated with several layers of clay ry onwards. The excavations27 revealed that two forg- and their sides were lined with stones. Each of the ing hearths and two smelting furnaces had been in two furnaces had a waste-pit for slag. Both smelting use. The hearths and furnaces were in bad condition furnaces can be classified as bloomeries from which molten slag is let out (the type of furnace to be used 27 The excavation was conducted by a team from the multiple times). The finds from the area of the met- Centre for Preventive Archaeology at the Institute for the allurgical-forging activities are mostly forging waste, Protection of Cultural Heritage of Slovenia; director of the excavation: M. Bricelj, heads of sectors: M. Lavrič, E. forging and smelting slag, waste metal, and, rarely, Lazar, M. Ravnik, Dr. P. Mason. Other participants were tools. A pair of pincers (PN 1325) and a scale (PN the PJP d.o.o. (M. Ravnik and H. Bešter), as well as a team 1328) were discovered in a pit (1283) in the imme- of archaeologists and archaeology students. The conser- vator responsible was M. Topličanec from the Institute for diate vicinity of Building 5, along with some other the Protection of Cultural Heritage of Slovenia, Ljubljana tools, which are still undergoing conservation and Regional Office. The authors would like to thank all of therefore cannot be precisely defined yet. them for good cooperation. 242 Sledi metalurško-kovaške dejavnosti na najdišču Polje pri Vodicah Literatura najdišču Polje pri Vodicah. – Ljubljana (poročilo). PREMRU, U. in J. CAJHEN 1983, Osnovna geološka karta BUCHVALD, V. F. 2005, Iron and steel in ancient times. – Hi- 1:100 000. Tolmač za list Ljubljana, L33–66. – Beograd. storisk-filosofiske Skrifter 29, Copenhagen. RIŽNAR, I. 2013, Poročilo o geoloških razmerah na arheološkem CLEERE, H. 1972, The classification of early iron smel- najdišču Polje pri Vodicah. – Ljubljana (poročilo). ting furnaces. – Antiquaries Journal 52/2, 8–23. SKELJ IVANČAN, T. 2016, Predindustrijska obrada že- CLEERE, H. 1976, Ironmaking. – V: D. Strong in D. ljeza: Pokazatelji talioničke djelatnosti na primljeru arheo- Brown (ur.), Roman crafts, London, 127–141. loških nalazišta u podravini. – Podravina, Volumen 15, broj COULON, G. 2000, Sous l'Aile de Mercure Artistes et artisans 29, Koprivnica, 118–125. en Gaule romaine. – Belgique. SMITH, J. T. 1997, Roman Villas, A study in social structure. GRAFENAUER, F. 1953, Rimski grob, najden pri Skaru- – London, New York. čni. – Arheološki vestnik 4, 144–147. STEINER, L. 1995, Le Bas-Empire et le Haut Moyen HORVAT, M. 2007, Sela pri Dobu. – Arheologija na avtoce- Age. – Archäologie der Schweiz 18/2, 89–100. stah Slovenije 3, Ljubljana. ŽERJAL, T. 2017, Keramični skupek vile rustike Polje pri INKRET, A. 2013, Rimskodobno železarstvo – organizacija Vodicah – V: M. Janežič, B. Nadbath, T. Mulh, I. Žižek in pomen proizvodnje. – Diplomsko delo. Univerza v Lju- (ur.), Nova odkritja med Alpami in Črnim morjem. Rezultati bljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za arheologijo, Lju- raziskav rimskodobnih najdišč v obdobju med leti 2005 in 2015, bljana. Zbornik 1. mednarodnega simpozija, Ptuj, 8. in 9. oktober 2015, LAZAR, E. 2014, Končno strokovno poročilo o arheoloških raz- In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk, Ljubljana, 279–299. iskavah na lokaciji Polje pri Vodicah na trasi plinovoda M5/R51 Vodice. – TE TOL (poročilo). MLADENOVIČ, A. 2016, Poročilo št. P 453/16-420-1 Maja Lavrič o makroskopski analizi arheološke žlindre. – ZAG, Oddelek Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije za materiale, Laboratorij za beteone, kamen in reciklirane Center za preventivno arheologijo materiale, Ljubljana (poročilo). Poljanska cesta 40 PAK, M. 1998, Savska ravan. – V: D. Perko in M. Orožen SI-1000 Ljubljana Adamič (ur.), Slovenija, pokrajine in ljudje, Ljubljana, 84–93. maja.lavric@zvkds.si PAYNTER, S. 2007, Innovations in bloomery smelting in Iron Age and Romano-British England. – V: S. La Niece, dr. Maja Bricelj D. Hook in P. Craddock (ur.), Metals and Mines. Studies in Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije Archaeometallurgy, London, 202–210. Center za preventivno arheologijo PLEINER, R. 2000, Iron in archaeology: the European bloomery Poljanska cesta 40 smelters. – Archeologický ústav AVČR, Praha. SI-1000 Ljubljana PLESNIČAR, R. 2014, Poročilo o geofizikalnih raziskavah na maja.bricelj@zvkds.si 243 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Rimskodobna zemljiška razdelitev v Prekmurju Roman land division in the Prekmurje region Gašper Rutar Izvleček: V prispevku so podani rezultati arheološke aerofoto interpretacije območja Prekmurja, kjer se kažejo številna nova najdišča. V članku tokrat izpostavljamo predvsem dva aspekta: sledove nekdanjih cestnih mrež in starejših zemlji- ških delitev, ki kažejo na obstoj rimskodobne zemljiške razdelitve (centuriacije) dimenzij 710 × 710 m. Na koncu se odpira tudi vprašanje strategije varovanja tovrstnih najdišč na območjih intenzivne kmetijske obdelave. Ključne besede: aerofotografija, rimska zemljiška razdelitev (centuriacija) Abstract: Article sums up the results of aerial photo interpretation in the Prekmurje region. Numerous new sites were discovered but the emphasis is on series of linear ditches that group into orthogonal grid with dimensions of 710 × 710 meters. This grid together with adjacent structures (ring ditches, tumuli, buildings etc.) suggests that we are dealing with the remains of roman land division (centuriatio). Finally we bring to the attention the question of managing and protecting these sites in intensively cultivated areas. Keywords: aerial prospection, Roman land division ( centuriatio) Uvod prvič pa so se pokazali tudi jasni sledovi rimskodob- ne centuriacije v okolici Tomaja.4 Tokrat bodo pred- Sledovi rimskodobne zemljiške razdelitve (centuria- stavljeni rezultati arheološke aerofoto interpretacije, cije) na območju Slovenije so bili, še toliko bolj zaradi ki pri nas, kljub dobrim rezultatom v posameznih tovrstnih razdelitev v naši neposredni okolici v Istri, regijah5 ni ravno pogosta, toliko bolj ko govorimo Furlaniji, Avstriji in na Madžarskem,1 vedno v zaves- o njeni sistematični spremljavi in uporabi za potrebe ti slovenskih arheologov, pa vendar neoprijemljivi. konservatorstva. Pregledali in interpretirali smo šest Pred 33 leti je Iva Mikl Curk ob študiju kart, kata- serij digitalnih ortofoto posnetkov (DOF) cikličnih strov in zračnih posnetkov Dravskega polja nakazala aerosnemanj (CAS) območja Pomurja. Posnetki so iz možnost obstoja, predvsem pa poudarila potrebo po obdobja med leti 19956 in 2014, mestoma so rezulta- nadaljnjih raziskavah rimskodobne zemljiške razde- te dopolnjevali izseki iz drugih spletnih virov ( Google litve.2 Podobna opažanja o možnih sledovih parcela- in Bing), le na manjših območjih ohranjenih gozdov cije v navezavi s sočasno itinerarsko cesto je imel tudi smo analizo dopolnili še s pregledom posnetkov ZLS P. Petru za območje Drnovega.3 Razvoj metod daljin- (zračnega laserskega skeniranja). Odkrita so bila šte- skega zaznavanja, je v zadnjih desetletjih prinesel ve- vilna nova potencialna arheološka najdišča, ki tokrat like spremembe in napredek v arheološki prospekciji, predvsem v kvantitativnem smislu, potrjujejo nov 1 Chevallier 1961; Matijašić 1988; Gugl, Doneus, Do- neus 2008; Marchiori 2010; Franceschelli, Marabini 2007; 4 Mlekuž 2014, 27, sl. 20. Mocsy 1965; Tóth 1977; Bödőcs, 2013; Bödőcs, Kovács, 5 Glej Grosman 1996; Kerman 1999; Kerman 2013. Anderkó 2014; Bödőcs, 2013 idr. 6 Posnetkov iz let 1995–2001 je dejansko zelo malo. Ve- 2 Mikl Curk 1983. čina izmed posnetkov, ki so služili za interpretacijo je bila 3 Petru, Petru 1978, 28–29. posneta od leta 2004 dalje. 245 Gašper Rutar Slika 1 Lemerje – Gomilno grobišče (EŠD 6770). Slika 2 Prepoznani jarki, krožni jarki (gomile) in druge Prepoznane gomile in potek ceste. strukture med Puščo, Černelavci in Veščico. pogled na preteklo poselitev Prekmurja, ki ga je pri- lokacij na katerih so bili identificirani tlorisi objek- nesla izkušnja ob izgradnji avtocest in aeroposnetki tov, krožni ali pravokotni jarki, slednji pogosto tudi v snemanj B. Kermana.7 V članku izpostavljamo pred- navezavi z linearnimi jarki, ki označujejo poteke nek- vsem dva aspekta; sledove nekdanjih cestnih mrež in danjih cest. Le izjemoma je bilo mogoče interpreta- starejših zemljiških delitev, ki nakazujejo obstoj rim- cije dopolnjevati z interpretacijo posnetkov ZLS, saj skodobne zemljiške razdelitve (centuriacije) in pro- so topografski sledovi zaradi intenzivne kmetijske blematiko varovanja tovrstnih najdišč na območjih obdelave večinoma zabrisani, ohranjena območja intenzivne kmetijske obdelave. starejšega strnjenega gozda pa so zelo redka. Veči- noma pa lidar posnetki kažejo popolnoma drugačno sliko oz. kažejo sledove večjih dimenzij. Pokopana krajina Tokrat velja izpostaviti predvsem številne linearne jarke in nasipe, slednji so razkropljeni po prostoru Za arheološko interpretacijo so se, tako zaradi spre- in po serijah posnetkov, a jih je bilo mogoče ob menjene tehnologije snemanja8 in ločljivosti pa tudi sistematičnem kartiranju povezati v pravilno pra- sicer bolj posrečenih razmer v času snemanj, kot bolj vokotno mrežo. Sledove jarkov z enako usmeritvijo izpovedni pokazali posnetki (štirih serij) od leta 2006 je mogoče zaznati vse od naselja Lemerje na seve- dalje. Vsa ciklična snemanja na območju obdelave rozahodu pa do Ivanjcev na vzhodu, največji sklop so potekala meseca junija ali julija, torej v času polne pa je ohranjen severno od Gančanov. V nadaljeva- vegetacije, zato je bila velika večina arheoloških sle- nju je prikazanih nekaj lokacij, kjer so sledovi bolj dov prepoznana preko vegetacijskih znakov. Skup- zgoščeni in ilustrativni. no je bilo na aeroposnetkih prepoznanih preko 150 Na gomilnem grobišču Lemerje (EŠD 6770), le 100 metrov zahodno od ledine Kastelišče z registrira- 7 Kerman 2013. nim najdiščem Puževci – Villa rustica in gomili (EŠD 8 Tega leta je bilo prvič aerofotografirano celotno ob- 6762) je ohranjen 300 metrski odsek nekdanje ceste močje Slovenije, prvič je bil uporabljen digitalni aerofo- toaparat, aerofotografiranje je bilo izvedeno v barvnem in trinajst gomil, ki so razporejene vzdolž nje, še dve (RGB) in infrardečem spektru. Običajno je velikost slikov- gomili pa ležita zahodneje v gozdu ( sl. 1). V eni od nega elementa na terenu – dolžina talnega intervala (DTI) gomil so že v 19. stoletju našli kamnit sarkofag, ki 0,25m (splet 1). 246 Rimskodobna zemljiška razdelitev v Prekmurju Slika 3 Sledovi objektov rimske vile pri Kupšincih (EŠD 6757), ki sledijo usmeritvi zemljiške razdelitve. gomilno grobišče datira v rimsko dobo.9 Na lokaciji Največji ohranjeni sklop je doslej dokumentiran med Pušča – Na Gorici ( sl. 2) je na skrajnem vzhodnem Noršinci in Mlajtinci na severu, Gančani na jugu, delu serija petih krožnih jarkov (gomil) premera med Ivanci na vzhodu in Rakičanom na zahodu ( sl. 4), kjer 9 in 16 metrov nanizanih v ravni vrsti. Proti zahodu lahko opazujemo ostanke treh linij v obeh smereh, poteka linearni jarek, ki nadaljuje enako usmerjenost na ledini Oplate pa obod skoraj celotne centurije. v dolžini 550 metrov do gramoznice. Na njeni za- hodni strani na lokaciji Veščica – Veliki dol, sta dva pravokotna jarka, ponovno z enako usmeritvijo. Za- hodni ima vidne tri stranice, zato lahko v eni smeri določimo dimenzijo premera na 15 m, vzhodni, ki je na posnetkih videti širši in močnejši, bi bil glede na lego lahko tudi vogalni jarek centurije. Njegov zahodni vogal je namreč poravnan s smerjo 450 m dolgega jarka, ki poteka južneje pravokotno na doslej opisane strukture in tako tvori drugo os centurije. Tudi približno kilometer severozahodno ležeča rim- ska vila pri Kupšincih (EŠD 6757, sl. 3) oziroma eden od njenih objektov ima enako usmeritev.10 9 Turcsányi 1871, 131. Slika 4 Ohranjeni sledovi zemljiške razdelitve severno od 10 Glej Rutar et al. 2015, sl. 8. Gančanov. 247 Gašper Rutar delitev na pravilne kvadrate s stranicami dolžine 710,4 m (20 actus), kar kaže zelo sorodno sliko za- dnjim predlogom centuriacije teritorija Savarije, ki je bila potrjena tudi na terenu.12 Pregledni načrt ( sl. 7) prikazuje vse interpretirane značilnosti, ki odstopajo od današnje rabe oz. zemljiške razdelitve, vključno z novoveškimi potmi, ki jih lahko prepoznamo še na kartah 19. stoletja. Samo število in gostota sledov ter njihovo dosledno ujemanje na večjem območju je preveliko, da bi njihovo pojavnost lahko opredelili kot naključno. Trenutno lahko govorimo o več kot dvajsetih lokacijah, kjer je mogoče najti ujemanje prepoznanih sledov (cest, jarkov ter gomil, krožnih ali kvadratnih jarkov ob njih) z rekonstruirano mrežo centuriacije. Tako kot na primeru Veščice, Ivanjcev Slika 5 Sledovi ceste (s sečiščem centurij) in pravokotne strukture pri Ivanjcih. kot pri Bakovskih Muzgah se pravokotni jarki pojav- ljajo ob sečišču osi centuriacije, kar je vsekakor po- Sledovom je mogoče slediti deloma kot linijskim jar- menljivo. Zaenkrat je prezgodaj za ugibanje ali gre kom na aeroposnetkih, deloma kot jarkom s sprem- za grobiščni, naselbinski ali kakšen drug kontekst, ljajočimi nasipi na lidar posnetku. ter kakšno je bilo razmerje med tradicionalno rabo Dva kilometra vzhodno na Gospodskih njivah pri prostora in poselitvijo ter novo zemljiško razdelitvi- Ivanjcih je v posevkih ponovno mogoče zaslediti obe jo. V vsaj enem primeru (gomilno grobišče Lemerje) osi v seriji paralelnih jarkov ter nezaključenem pravo- imamo še ohranjeno rimskodobno gomilno grobišče kotnem jarku dimenzij 12 × 10 m ( sl. 5). v vrsti ob osi ene od cest na osi centuriacije. Tako Na lokaciji Bakovske Muzge – Nova tabla med Ba- orientacija, kot lega ob mejah oziroma poteh in križi- kovci in Lipovci lahko dvojnemu jarku najverjetneje ščih le teh, pa vsaj posredno namigujeta tudi o možni nekdanje ceste (širine pribl. 7 m) sledimo v dolžini dataciji in funkciji teh struktur. Večina prepoznanih skoraj enega kilometra. Na njenem zahodnem delu je jarkov je enojnih, vendar tudi dvojni, ki jih razume- na južni strani še pravokoten jarek dimenzij 16 × 17 mo kot cestne jarke, niso redki. Če odštejemo tiste, m popolnoma poravnan s smerjo ceste, 200 metrov ki jih na podlagi historičnih kart zanesljivo oprede- zahodneje pa na isti strani še krožni jarek premera ljujemo kot (še) novoveške, se kaže precej ustaljen 13 m ( sl. 6: B–D). Severovzhodno ( sl. 6: A) je bil na vzorec širine domnevnega cestišča med 4,5 in 7 m aeroposnetku prepoznan dvojni jarek prav tako širi- (variacija je seveda tudi posledica merjenja na sekun- ne okoli 7 m, južni se konča z vogalom, ki natančno darnem vegetacijskem kazalcu na posnetkih z ločlji- ustreza vogalu rekonstruirane centurije (primerjaj vostjo 0,5 m).13 Prav tako usmerjenost precejšnjega sl. 7). števila dvojnih jarkov (cest in poti) ustreza predlagani Zelo kmalu se je pokazalo, da v orientaciji in centuriaciji. razprostranjenosti jarkov (in cest) obstaja pravilen Rekonstruirana centuriacija je vsekakor lahko izho- vzorec, ki ga je bilo mogoče rekonstruirati. Usmeritev dišče za opazovanje in dokumentiranje, za podajanje je za približno 14 stopinj zamaknjena glede na sme- prostorskega, krajinskega konteksta nekaterim novim ri neba (os sever-jug ima tako azimut 166 stopinj11). Razdalje med ortogonalnimi linijami pa kažejo na 12 Glej Bödőcs 2013; Bödőcs 2014. 13 Širina ceste Poetovio-Savaria-Carnuntum pri Lendavi je bila pri sondiranjih izmerjena v povprečju 7,8 m (Horvat 11 V GK D-48 koordinatnem sistemu. Šavel 1985, 172). 248 Rimskodobna zemljiška razdelitev v Prekmurju Slika 6 Sledovi cest in struktur na lokaciji Bakovske Muzge. ali starim nikoli popolnoma raziskanim najdiščem. šestih serijah DOF zaznanih vsega šest krožnih jar- Vendar je potrebno opozoriti tudi, da v vsakem pri- kov, na poševnem posnetku B. Kermana14 ob pravih meru, sploh pa ko gre za ciklična snemanja, ki niso razmerah jih je 23, dodatne dopolnitve pa so na isti opravljena v optimalnem času za detekcijo arheolo- lokaciji ponudile še geofizikalne raziskave,15 ki niso ških struktur, upravičeno lahko domnevamo, da je odvisne od poljske razdelitve, posevkov in rasti vege- tovrstnih ostankov ob zaznanih in povsod vmes še tacije. Naslednje kar moramo vzeti v obzir pa je mož- vsaj nekajkrat toliko. Ponujajo torej izhodišče, ne nuj- nost (ali verjetnost?), da so sledovi, ki smo jih zaznali no pa tudi končni cilj nadaljnjih raziskav. Prepozna- na aerofotografiji, mogoče vidni prav zato ker so zelo nih sledov ne moremo jemati kot izolirane strukture, poškodovani. Bolje ohranjeni ostanki pa mogoče le- temveč so zelo verjetno del obsežnejšega najdišča, ti žijo v njihovi neposredni bližini, kar bi sicer lahko pa so del še obsežnejše (arheološke) krajine. Delno nam to ilustrira primer najdišča Murska Sobota – Arhe- ološko najdišče Grofovsko II (EŠD 15540), kjer je bilo na 14 Kerman 1999, sl. 12. 15 Glej Mušič 2013, sl. 18. 249 Gašper Rutar Slika 7 Načrt vseh interpretiranih sledov in rekonstruirana zemljiška razdelitev (centuriacija) (izvedba G. Rutar). ugotavljali z integracijo posnetkov ZLS, geofizikalnih nekaj pove tudi o njeni ohranjenosti. Na 50% naj- raziskav in tudi ciljnega sondiranja. dišč registriranih kot gomilno grobišče, na lidar po- snetkih v topografiji ni opaziti nobene gomile več, v 29% primerov so pretežno poškodovane ali le še Za konec nov začetek komaj zaznavne, le v 21% gomil še zaznamo v ob- liki in številu zabeleženim pred desetletji ali celo le Na tem mestu se lahko dotaknemo še vprašanja va- nekaj leti. Analiza rabe zemljišč znotraj registrirane rovanja in dolgoročnega upravljanja s tovrstno dedi- arheološke dediščine na ozemlju celotne Slovenije ščino. Pri pregledu registriranih gomilnih grobišč na kaže, da je 12% površine intenzivno kmetijsko ob- ZLS posnetkih Prekmurja lahko namreč ugotovimo delano, 53% pod gozdom, 16% pod pašniki in 17% precej alarmantno stanje. Zanje imamo precej dob- površine registriranih najdišč pozidanih (oz. gre za re podatke in popise,16 ob dostopnih podatkih lidar ceste, poti ipd). V Pomurju je intenzivno obdelana snemanj pa je sedaj mogoče opraviti hiter pregled kar polovica (50%) zemljišč znotraj območij registri- stanja, saj nam ohranjenost nasutja plašča gomile rane arheološke dediščine, 24% zemljišč je pozida- nih, na 20% površine raste gozd. Dolgoročni vpliv oranja na arheološke depozite v ravninskih predelih 16 Glej npr. Pahič 1960–1961; Šavel 1991. 250 Rimskodobna zemljiška razdelitev v Prekmurju Slika 8 Registrirana območja arheološke dediščine, interpretirani sledovi in raba zemljišč. je očiten, čeprav je bilo v nekaterih primerih uniče- že zaradi samega obsega problematike, največkrat vanje gomil pospešeno tudi z načrtnim odvažanjem potisnjena na stran.19 Vendar pa na nujnost siste- zemlje, predvsem v drugi polovici 20. stoletja.17 Na matičnega pristopa do obravnave, vrednotenja, drugi strani pa imamo sedaj še 135 novih potencial- varovanja in upravljanja dediščine na kmetijsko nih18 najdišč, na katerih so vidni krožni in pravoko- intenzivno obdelanih površinah nazorno kaže ana- tni jarki, vsi zaznani na intenzivno obdelanih kmetij- liza stanja na primeru gomilnih grobišč. Pasivno skih površinah ( sl. 8) in na le šestih serijah cikličnega varovanje se v tem primeru dolgoročno ne obnese, snemanja, ki niso optimalni za arheološko aerofoto zato bo potrebna proaktivna politika varovanja in interpretacijo. raziskovanja, ki pomeni tudi aktivnejšo vlogo pri Vpliv in stanje dediščine na kmetijskih površinah oblikovanju prihodnje kmetijske politike. sta pri nas, tako kot marsikje drugod po Evropi, 17 Glej npr. Šavel 1991, 72, 80; Pahič 1960–1961, 103. 18 Ceste, jarki in nasipi domnevne centuriacije niso všteti. 19 Glej Trow 2010. 251 Gašper Rutar Literatura renzo in rapporto ai grandi complessi costieri istriani. il caso nord parentino. – Doktorska disertacija. Università degli Studi di BöDŐCS, A., G. KOVáCS in K. ANDERKÓ 2014, The Padova, Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia, Padova. impact of the roman agriculture on the territory of Sava- MIKL CURK, I. 1983, Sledovi rimskega zemljemerstva na ria. – V: D. Bartus (ur.), Disertationes Archaeologicae Ser. 3, Dravskem polju. – Arheološki vestnik 34, 357–359. No. 2, 321–332. MLEKUŽ, D. 2014, Poročilo o arheološki interpretaciji zračnega BöDŐCS, A. 2013, Borders. The problems of the aerial laserskega snemanja okolice Tomaja. Kartiranje arheoloških značil- archaeological reserach of a Roman limitatio in Pannonia. nosti s pomočjo topografskih podatkov visoke ločljivost i. – Ljublja- – V: Z Czajlik in A. BöDŐCS (ur.), Aerial Archaeology and na (neobjavljeno poročilo, ZVKDS, CPA). remote sensing from the Baltic to the Adriatic, 59–66. MOCSY, A. 1965, Savaria utcarendszerének rekonstruk- BöDŐCS, A. 2014, Földmérők Savariaban. Javaslat a sa- ciójához. – Archaeologiai Értesítö 92, 27–36. variai centuriatio újabb elméleti modelljére. – V: P. Balász MUŠIČ, B. 2013, Poročilo o geofizikalni raziskavi – Projekt: (ur.), Firkak III. Fiatal Római Koros Kutatók III konferenci- „Predhodne arheološke raziskave za Južno obvozno cesto Murske akötete, 361–372. Sobote“. – Maribor (neobjavljeno poročilo, Gearh d.o.o.). CHEVALLIER, R. 1961, La centuriazione dell’Istria e del- PAHIČ, S. 1960–1961, Antične gomile v Prekmurju. – Ar- la Dalmazia. – Atti e memorie della Società istriana di archeologia heološki vestnik 11–12, 88–146. e storia patria 9, 11–24. PETRU, S. in P. PETRU 1978, Neviodunum (Drnovo pri Kr- FRANCESCHELLI C. in S. MARABINI 2007, Lettura di škem). Katalog najdb. – Katalogi in monografije 15, Ljublja- un territorio sepolto. La pianura lughese in età Romana. – Bolo- na. gna. RUTAR, G in D. MLEKUŽ 2015, Ocena arheološkega poten- GROSMAN, D. 1996, Antično Posavje. Uporaba nede- ciala območja DPN za HE Hrastje Mota na Muri, metode 1–4. struktivnih arheoloških metod. – V: M. Guštin (ur.), Rim- – Ljubljana (neobjavljeno poročilo, ZVKDS, CPA). sko podeželje / Roman Countryside, Ljubljana. ŠAVEL, I. 1991, Arheološka topografija Slovenije. XX. Prek- GUGL, C., M. DONEUS in N. DONEUS 2008, Ro- murje. – Ljubljana. man field Boundaries in West Pannonia – Diversity of a TÓTH, A. 1977, Geschichte der Oberen Wart im 1. Jahr- System. – V: Landmarks ans Socio-economic Systems. Proceedings tausend. – V: L. Triber (ur.), Die Obere Wart. Festschrift zum of Le Mans COST Conference (7th–9th December 2006) „Lan-Gedenken an die Wiedererrichtung der Oberen Wart im Jahre dmarks and socio-economic systems: the construction of pre-indu- 1327, Innsbruck, 77–100. strial landscapes and their perception by contemporary societies“, TURCSANY A. 1871, Archaeologiai levelek XVI. – Ar-Archéologiques 1, Rennes Cedex, 113–125. chaeologiai értesítő 5, 130–132. HORVAT ŠAVEL, I. 1985, Sondiranje rimske ceste od TROW, S. 2010, Farming, forestry, rural land management Kota do Dolge vasi. – Arheološki vestnik 36, 163–178. and archaeological historical landscapes in Europe. – V: S. KERMAN, B. 1999, Poselitvene strukture v Prekmurju iz Trow, E. Holyoak in V. Byrnes (ur.), Heritage Management of zraka. – Arheološki vestnik 50, 333–347. Farmed and Forested Landscapes in Europe, EAC Occasional KERMAN, B. 2013, Interpretacija zgodovinske poselitve Prek- paper no. 4, 129–134. murja na primeru aerofotografije. – Doktorska disertacija. Uni- verza na Primorskem, Fakulteta za humanistične študije, Koper. Gašper Rutar MATIJAŠIĆ, B. 1988, Ageri antičnih kolonija Pola i Paren- Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije tium i njihova naseljenost od I. do III. Stoljeća. Biblioteca Center za preventivno arheologijo Latina et Graeca. – Gradovi VI, Zagreb. Poljanska 40 MARCHIORI, A. 2010, Infrastrutture territoriali e strutture SI-1000 Ljubljana insediative dell’Istria romana: la divisione centuriale di Pola e Pa- gasper.rutar@zvkds.si 252 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Pokrajine umrlih: struktura in dinamika severnega grobišča Emone Landscapes of the deceased: the structure and dynamics of the northern Emona necropolis Bernarda Županek Izvleček: V prispevku se osredotočamo na strukturo in dinamiko pokopov v severnem grobišču rimske kolonije Julije Emone (Ljubljana, Slovenija) ter razvoj samega grobišča. To obsežno grobišče je bilo intenzivno raziskovano, in doslej je bilo odkritih že prek 3000 grobov. Za našo analizo se opiramo predvsem na najnovejše raziskave, predvsem na arhe- ološka izkopavanja najdišč Kozolec 2 in Slovenska cesta 55a. Odgovoriti skušamo na naslednja vprašanja: kako je bilo severno grobišče strukturirano? Kako se je širilo oziroma razvijalo skozi čas? Osvetliti skušamo vzroke za strukturno različna območja pokopa znotraj severnega grobišča, kot tudi njegovo infrastrukturo in odnos do severne ceste in bližnjih industrijskih območij. Ključne besede: Emona, rimski čas, rimsko grobišče, struktura in dinamika pokopov Abstract: The paper focuses on the structure, burial dynamics and evolution of the northern necropolis of the Roman colony Iulia Emona (Ljubljana, Slovenia). This large necropolis has been extensively excavated and to date approxima- tely 3000 graves have been discovered. This analysis relies mostly on the latest excavations, especially those at the sites Kozolec II and Slovenska cesta 55a. The aim is to shed some light on the question of how the northern necropolis was structured and how it evolved over time. There is also a discussion of structurally differentiated burial areas in the necro- polis, as well as its infrastructure and relation to the northern road and industrial areas in the vicinity. Key-words: Emona, Roman period, Roman necropolis, structure and dynamics of burials Kolonija Emona in njena grobišča The Emona colony and its necropolises Rimska kolonija Emona je bila zgrajena na začetku 1. The Roman colony of Emona was built in the early stoletja našega štetja. Mesto z domnevno okoli 3000 1st century AD. The town with a population of ap- prebivalci je živelo več stoletij, po mnenju nekaterih proximately 3000 existed for a few centuries: accord- nekako do polovice1 oz. največ do konca petega2, po ing to some experts, until roughly the middle of1 or, mnenju drugih pa še dlje, do polovice šestega stole- at the latest, until the late fifth2 century, while some tja3 ali celo čez.4 Emona je imela 3 velika grobišča, ki believe it lasted even longer, until the middle of the so se razprostirala ob treh glavnih mestnih vpadni- sixth3 century or even later.4 Emona had 3 large ne- cah. Vzhodno grobišče je ležalo ob cesti na Nevio- cropolises along the three main town arteries: the dun in naprej na Siscijo; severno ob cesti v Celejo in eastern necropolis along the road towards Neviodunum Petoviono; zahodno ob cesti v Akvilejo. and onwards towards Siscia; the northern necropolis along the road leading to Celeia and Poetovio; and the 1 Ciglenečki 1997, 192. 1 Ciglenečki 1997, 192. 2 Prim. Horvat 1999, 249. 2 Cf. Horvat 1999, 249. 3 Mikl Curk 2006. 3 Mikl Curk 2006. 4 Plesničar Gec 2006, 70. 4 Plesničar Gec 2006, 70. 253 Bernarda Županek Med emonskimi grobišči je najbolje poznano sever- western necropolis along the road to Aquileia. no, ki so ga raziskovali že od sredine 17. stoletja nap- The best known is the northern Emona necropolis, rej. V 1960-tih je velike odseke raziskovala Ljudmila which was first excavated in the mid-17th century. Plesničar Gec;5 to so bila prva sodobna raziskovanja In the 1960s, extensive stretches were excavated by severnega grobišča Emone, v nezavidljivih okolišči- Ljudmila Plesničar Gec.5 These were the first mod- nah, ki so vplivale na kvaliteto arheološkega dela. Sta- ern excavations on the territory of the northern ne- rejše raziskave emonskih grobišč je zbrala in objavila cropolis, in unenviable conditions that affected the Sonja Petru.6 quality of the archaeological work. The older studies V zadnjih 15 letih je bilo na območju severnega of the Emona necropolises were collected and pub- grobišča Emone nekaj večjih arheoloških raziskav. lished by Sonja Petru.6 Po številu odkritih grobov daleč največje je bilo iz- Over the last 15 years, a number of large-scale ar- kopavanje Potniški center Ljubljana oz. Emonika7 z chaeological excavations have taken place in the area več kot 400 grobovi; potem Kozolec II in Sloven- of the northern Emona necropolis. With regard to ska cesta 55c s skupaj 69 grobovi;8 SNG Opera s 2 the number of graves found, the most extensive ex- groboma;9 Kongresni trg10 z vsaj 21 grobovi,11 Šte- cavations took place on the location of the planned fanova 4 z 20 grobovi12 in Slovenska cesta-sever z 8 Emonika Transport Centre Ljubljana (TCL)7 with grobovi.13 Do danes je bilo na prostoru grobišča, od over 400 graves; this is followed by the locations Kongresnega trga do Linhartove ceste, ter od Ko- Kozolec II and Slovenska cesta 55c with a total of 69 menskega in Miklošičeve ulice do Delavskega doma graves;8 the Opera House with 2 graves;9 the square ter SNG Opere odkritih okoli 3000 grobov. Kongresni trg10 with at least 21 graves,11 Štefanova 4 with 20 graves12 and Slovenska cesta – North with 8 graves.13 Rimski pokop in severno emonsko grobišče Roman burial and the northern Emona Pokop je hkrati sredstvo družbene komunikacije necropolis in zelo simbolno dejanje, katerega pomen je tesno zvezan z izkušnjami, ki jih delijo umrli in tisti, ki ga Burials are both a means of social communication pokopavajo. Pogrebi so bili ena od ceremonij, skozi and a highly symbolic act, the significance of which katere so Grki in Rimljani oblikovali in diskutirali po- is closely connected with the experiences shared by mene svojega sveta.14 Proces priprave na pokop, po- the deceased and those burying them. Funerals were greb in popogrebne aktivnosti niso pasivna odslikava 5 Plesničar Gec 1972. 5 Plesničar Gec 1972. 6 Petru 1972. 6 Petru 1972. 7 Mulh 2008. 7 Mulh 2008. 8 Županek, Klasinc, Draksler in print. 8 Županek, Klasinc, Draksler v tisku. 9 Dirjec et al. 2012. 9 Dirjec et al. 2012. 10 Badovinac et al. 2011. 10 Badovinac et al. 2011. 11 The report does not make it clear how many chil- 11 Iz poročila ni jasno, koliko skeletov otrok je antičnih dren’s burials are from Antiquity and how many are pre- in koliko prazgodovinskih, zato skupne številke grobov ni historic, so the total number of graves cannot be fixed; cf. moč fiksirati; prim. Badovinac et al. 2011. Badovinac et al. 2011. 12 Tomažinčič et al. 2014. 12 Tomažinčič et al. 2014. 13 Poročilo o raziskavah na Slovenski cesti leta 2014 je 13 At the time this article was submitted, the report on bilo v času oddaje tega teksta v pripravi. Zahvaljujem se the excavations on Slovenska cesta in 2014 was still being kolegom iz Skupine Stik, še posebej Roku Klasincu, za vse drawn up. I wish to thank my colleagues from Skupina posredovane informacije. Stik, particularly Rok Klasinc, for all the information they 14 Morris 1992. supplied. 254 Pokrajine umrlih: struktura in dinamika severnega grobišča Emone identitete, pač pa obred, in kot tak del vzpostavljanja one of the ceremonies through which ancient Greeks in obnavljanja identitete žalovalcev in širše skupnosti. and Romans shaped and discussed the meanings of Glede na kontekstualne odnose do smrti so identitete their world.14 The process of preparation for burial v kontekstu pogrebnega rituala aktivno transformira- and the post-funeral activities are not a passive reflec- ne tako, da predstavljajo ideološko verzijo družbene tion of identity, but a performance, and thus part of strukture.15 the establishment and restoration of the identity of Pri rimskem pokopu sta bila odločilna dejavnika the mourners and the wider community. According družbeni status in vzrok smrti. Ob bogastvu virov to the contextual attitudes to death, identities are ac- za različne pokope, na primer omemb v pisnih vi- tively transformed during the funerary ritual in such a rih, arheoloških in epigrafskih virov, kipov in relie- way that they represent an ideological version of the fov, je poudarek raziskovalcev še vedno na študiju social structure.15 spomenikov, aktivnosti in obnašanja višjih slojev ali The decisive factors in the Roman burial were social tistih posameznikov, ki so se potrudili za legitimacijo status and the cause of death. With the multitude of svoje (nove) identitete in pozicije znotraj družbe, kot available sources in connection with various burials – npr. osvobojenci. Zato je tipična procedura za poko- such as records in written sources, archaeological and pe premožnih, uglednih rimskih državljanov dovolj epigraphic sources, statues and reliefs, etc. – the re- dobro dokumentirana. Manj pa vemo o revnejšem search emphasis still lies on the study of monuments segmentu prebivalstva in ubožnih; predstavnikov and the activities and behaviour of the higher classes, obeh slednjih kategorij je bilo v primerjavi s prvo as well as individuals making an effort to legitimise veliko več. Diskrepanca med podatki, ki jih imamo their (new) identity and position within society (e.g. iz pisnih virov in umetniških del, ter tistimi iz arheo- freedmen). This is why the typical burial procedure loških virov, se pojavlja predvsem pri vprašanjih kot of wealthy Roman citizens is sufficiently well doc- so posebne kategorije umrlih (npr. otroci), obravnava umented. However, less is known about the not so trupla, starostne kategorije. Naše vedenje o pokopih well-off segments of the population and the impov- in komemorativnih praksah v rimskem svetu in še erished; after all, there were many more representa- posebej v Emoni je omejeno na relativno majhen del tives of the latter two categories than the former. The populacije in majhen del možnih vprašanj. gap between the data available from written sources Severno emonsko grobišče je topografsko komple- and works of art, and those from the archaeological ksno pokopališča z zelo veliko pokopi in dolgim tra- sources is particularly apparent in relation to issues janjem. Doslej odkritih v severni nekropoli je okoli such as special categories of the dead (e.g. children), 3.000 grobov. V Emoni naj bi živelo okoli 3.000– the treatment of the corpse and age categories. In 5.000 prebivalcev,16 s povprečno življenjsko dobo short, our knowledge about burials and commemo- 30 let,17 okvirno torej tri generacije na stoletje. Če rative practices in the Roman world and especially predpostavimo zgolj štiri stoletja uporabe severnega in Emona is limited to a relatively small proportion grobišča (glej spodaj poglavje o poznih grobovih), je of the population and a small number of possible ocenjeno skupno število grobov prebivalcev Emone questions. okoli 36.000–60.000. Izračun nam pokaže, da načelo- The northern Emona necropolis is a topographically ma poznamo le 250 grobov iz vsake generacije, torej complex burial ground with a large number of burials manj kot 10% domnevanega obsega prebivalstva v over a long period. So far, approximately 3000 graves generaciji. Skupno število doslej odkritih grobov v se- have been discovered in all of Emona’s necropolises. vernem grobišču prav tako ne predstavlja niti desetine It is thought that between 3000 and 5000 people lived 15 Shanks, Tilley 1982. 16 Prim. Gaspari 2010, 136. 14 Morris 1992. 17 Tomazo Ravnik 1984, 52. 15 Shanks, Tilley 1982. 255 Bernarda Županek celotnega prebivalstva Emone v štirih stoletjih, niti po in Emona,16 with an average lifetime of 30 years,17 najnižji oceni ne. Tudi če vzamemo v račun, da je ena- which means roughly three generations per centu- ko število umrlih pokopanih v obeh drugih emonskih ry. If we assume that the Emona necropolises were grobiščih – zahodnem in vzhodnem (čeprav je glede used for four centuries, the estimated total number na današnje poznavanje severno grobišče daleč največ- of graves of Emona residents is between 36,000 je) – in da je določeno število grobov spregledanih ali and 60,000. This shows that only 250 graves from izgubljenih, in da jih bo določeno število še izkopanih, each generation are known to us, i.e. less than 10 % pa je vendarle videti, da večina emonskih pokojnikov of the alleged size of the population within a gen- ni pustila vidnih sledi. To pomeni, da je naš vzorec za eration. Moreover, the total number of the hitherto raziskavo v resnici zelo majhen in da moramo biti pre- discovered graves in the Emona necropolises repre- vidni pri iskanju vzorcev in interpretaciji. sents less than a tenth of the total Emona population V tem prispevku si o severnem grobišču Emone zas- over the four centuries, even according to the lowest tavljamo več vprašanj. Prvenstveno nas zanima, kako estimates. And even if we take into account that a je bilo strukturirano, in kako se je razvijalo in širilo certain number of graves have been overlooked/lost, skozi čas. Ali je imelo območja, ki so bila drugačna, and that a certain number are yet to be excavated, it posebna, namenjena posebnim pokopom? Zadnja still seems that most of the Emona dead left no visi- izkopavanja enako kvalitetno kot same grobove ra- ble trace. This means that our research sample is very ziščejo tudi prostore med grobovi in ob njih, zato small and that we must be very cautious in the search si lahko pogledamo tudi nekaj podatkov o grobiščni for patterns and in our interpretations. infrastrukturi. Zanima nas tudi, kakšen je bil odnos This article poses a number of questions about the med grobiščem in severno cesto ter doslej znanimi northern Emona necropolis. The main issue is how industrijskimi območji. it was structured and how it developed and grew through the time. Did it have areas that were differ- ent, special, intended for special burials? The latest Kronološki razvoj excavations studied to the same high standards not only the graves but also the spaces between and Najstarejši doslej odkriti grobovi, srednje do pozno- alongside them, which is why there is now more in- avgustejski, so s Kongresnega trga,18 ki je hkrati tudi formation about the necropolis infrastructure. An- geografski začetek severnega grobišča Emone. Videti other interesting issue is the relationship between je, da je bilo celotno grobišče zasnovano in razdelje- the necropolis and the northern road and the known no ob začetku kolonije, saj nekateri od grobov pri industrial areas. Gospodarskem razstavišču, torej na ugotovljenem koncu grobišča, niso veliko kasnejši.19 Drži torej, kot piše Plesničarjeva, da je bilo že v 1. stoletju zasedeno Chronological development celotno območje ob današnji Slovenski cesti od Kon- gresnega trga do Gospodarskega razstavišča.20 Tak- The oldest graves discovered so far, from the mid- rat so bile najverjetneje že zasnovane in razdeljene to the late Augustan period, are in Kongresni trg,18 tudi družinske parcele ob glavni cesti.21 Le-te prvič which is also the geographical beginning of the jasno odkrijejo pazljiva izkopavanja najdišča PCL,22 northern Emona necropolis. It seems that the whole necropolis was designed and divided at the beginning of the colony, since some of the graves next to the 18 Bekljanov Zidanšek 2012; Gaspari et al. 2015. 19 Prim. Plesničar Gec 1972; Ložar 1933. 20 Plesničar Gec 1972. 16 Cf. Gaspari 2010, 136. 21 Plesničar Gec 1972, 12. 17 Tomazo Ravnik 1984, 52. 22 Mulh 2008. 18 Bekljanov Zidanšek 2012; Gaspari et al. 2015. 256 Pokrajine umrlih: struktura in dinamika severnega grobišča Emone kasneje pa domnevno tudi Kozolec223 in Slovenska Exhibition and Convention Centre, i.e. at what is cesta 2014.24 Severno grobišče pa kmalu raste tudi v now considered to be the end of the burial ground, širino, že v 2. polovici 1. stoletja vse do Komenskega do not date from much later.19 Plesničar was thus ulice25 na vzhodu, na zahodu pa do Lattermanovega right when she wrote that even in the 1st century the drevoreda oz. današnje Bleiweisove.26 whole area along today’s Slovenska cesta, from Kon- Družinske grobne parcele so orientirane glede na gresni trg to the Exhibition and Convention Centre, cesto, bodisi glavno ali stransko.27 Kako je z grobi- was occupied.20 At that time, the family plots along ščno infrastrukturo? Z drugih območij v imperiju the main roads were most likely already created and poznamo primere dopolnjevanja grobnih parcel z divided.21 These became clearly seen for the first time različnimi grajenimi zavetji, skupaj z drevesi, rožami, by the careful excavations on the site TCL,22 and later vodnjaki ipd. Ponekje so bile grobne parcele dovolj also on the sites Kozolec II23 and Slovenska cesta – velike, da so nanje postavili stavbe za sužnje in osvo- North24 (cf. Fig. 7). But the northern necropolis soon bojence. Tovrstna infrastruktura je bila uporabljena began to grow width-wise as well; in the second half za praznovanja obletnic in podobno. Vodnjak, odkrit of the 1st century it already extended all the way to na lokaciji Kozolec2, bi bil lahko narejen za potrebe what is today the street Komenskega ulica25 in the grobišča.28 Morda lahko govorimo o svetišču, in sicer east and in the west to Lattermanov drevored, i.e. boginje Ekorne, na prostoru samega grobišča.29 V today’s Bleiweisova cesta.26 tem primeru je bil verjetno na fizično in simbolično Family grave plots are orientated with regard to the ločenem delu, kot je običajno v antičnem svetu, kjer road, be it the main road or the side road.27 What ritualno onesnaženje, ki ga pomenijo mrtvi, skruni about other necropolis infrastructure? From other svetišče. Odkrita so bila različna nagrobna obeležja areas within the Empire, there are examples of grave in monumentalni grob t. i. Emonca oz. emonskega plots being supplemented with various constructed meščana, nagrobno obeležje na cesarskem nivoju.30 shelters, together with trees, flowers, wells, etc. In some places, grave plots were big enough for build- ings for slaves and freedmen. This type of infra- Prvi grobovi structure was used for anniversary celebrations and similar. The well found on the location Kozolec II Arheološka izkopavanja na območju Kongresnega could have been created for the requirements of the trga v Ljubljani v letih 2009-2010 so med drugim necropolis.28 In addition, we can perhaps talk about a odkrila gomilno grobišče in več posameznih planih temple of the goddess Aecorna in the necropolis it- grobov iz starejše železne dobe.31 Ista izkopavanja self,29 of course in a physically and symbolically sepa- so odkrila tudi dve skupini zelo zgodnjih, v srednje- rate section, as was customary in Antiquity, where the in poznoavgustejski čas postavljenih grobov, torej ritual pollution signified by the dead was considered to desecrate a temple. Also found were typological- ly different grave monuments and the monumental 23 Županek, Klasinc, Draksler v tisku. 24 Poročilo o raziskavah na Slovenski cesti leta 2014 je 19 Cf. Plesničar Gec 1972; Ložar 1933. bilo v času oddaje tega teksta v pripravi. Zahvaljujem se 20 Plesničar Gec 1972. kolegom iz Skupine Stik, še posebej Roku Klasincu, za vse 21 Plesničar Gec 1972, 12. posredovane informacije. 22 Mulh 2008. 25 Slabe 1968. 23 Županek, Klasinc, Draksler in print. 26 Mullner 1894, 39; Plesničar Gec 1967. 24 See note 13. 27 Prim. Slovenska cesta 2014; Mulh 2008, priloga 4. 25 Slabe 1968. 28 Županek, Klasinc, Draksler v tisku. 26 Mullner 1894, 39; Plesničar Gec 1967. 29 Šašel Kos 1992, 9. 27 Cf. Slovenska cesta 2014; Mulh 2008, attachment 4. 30 Istenič 2012. 28 Županek, Klasinc, Draksler in print. 31 Badovinac et al. 2011, VII, 114–118. 29 Šašel Kos 1992, 9. 257 Bernarda Županek glede na sedanje vedenje, čas pred in med izgradnjo grave of the so called Emonec – an Emona citizen, a kolonije Emone.32 grave monument on the imperial level.30 Prva skupina, 5 grobov, je ležala neposredno ob praz- godovinskih gomilah. Dva objavljena, 1042 in 1039, sta interpretirana kot vojaška, kot grobova keltizira- The first graves nih staroselcev, ki sta služila v rimski vojski.33 Prvi, št. 1042, je postavljen v čas od 20/15 pr. n. št. – 5/15 n. During the archaeological excavations at Kongresni št.; grobova št. 1038 in 1039 sta poznoavgustejska.34 trg in Ljubljana between 2009-2010 a burial ground Avtorji menijo, da so bile ob koncu 1. stoletje n. št., with tumuli and a number of individual flat graves torej v času teh prvih pokopov, gomile še jasno vidne. from the Early Iron Age was found.31 The same ex- Pokopi neposredno ob še vidnih monumentalnih cavations also uncovered two groups of very early grobovih staroselcev bi bili torej lahko namerni, kot graves, dated to the mid- and late-Augustan period, izjava o povezavi pokopanih s herojsko preteklostjo i.e. according to the current knowledge, to the time in predniki, ali kot okupacija tudi tega, grobiščnega before and during the construction of the colony of prostora. Oba vojaška grobova sta domnevno poko- Emona.32 pa pripadnikov lokalne vojaške elite, ki se je na novo The first group, a total of 5 graves, lay directly next situacijo odzivala različno, tudi z zavezništvom, naje- to the pre-historical tumuli. Two published graves, mništvom oz. službo v pomožnih enotah.35 nos. 1042 and 1039, are interpreted as military, be- Arheološka izkopavanja so okoli 50 m južneje od longing to two Celticized indigenous individuals opisane skupine odkrila še šest zgodnjerimskih gro- who served in the Roman army.33 The first grave, no. bov. Obe skupini – skupaj 11 grobov – sta časovno 1042, is dated to the time between the years 20/15 in prostorsko povezani36 in lahko predstavljata celo- BC and AD 5/15, while the graves no. 1038 and 1039 to. Edini doslej objavljen grob v južni skupini, grob are late-Augustan.34 The researchers believe that in 1007, je datiran v srednje- do poznoavgustejsko ob- the late 1st century AD, i.e. at the time of these first dobje in sodi pred do sedaj najzgodnejše objavljene burials, the tumuli were clearly visible. The burials grobove severnega grobišča.37 Celotno skupino teh directly next to the still visible monumental graves srednje- in poznoavgustejskih grobov lahko posta- of the indigenous people could be intentional, as a vimo v čas tik pred formalno ureditvijo severnega statement about a connection between those buried grobišča, saj so vsaj nekateri očitno vezani na žele- and the heroic past and forebears, or as a symbolic or znodobne gomile, le-te pa so bile poškodovane oz. actual occupation of the burial area. The indigenous zravnane ob urejanju severnega grobišča Emone.38 local military elite responded to the new situation in Tudi ob upoštevanju zamika med časom nastanka in different ways, including forming alliances, serving as časom uporabe pridatkov v grobovih, najzgodnej- mercenaries or in auxiliary units.35 ši rimski grobovi s Kongresnega trga datirajo v čas The archaeological excavations found another six pred kolonijo na levem bregu Ljubljanice, in odpirajo Early-Roman graves around 50 metres south of the vprašanja o poreklu pokojnih in njihovi naselbini. group discussed above. Both groups – altogether 11 graves – are connected with regard to time and space36 and may represent a whole. Like the graves in 32 Prim. Slapšak 2014. 30 Istenič 2012. 33 Gaspari et al. 2015. 31 Badovinac et al. 2011, VII, 114-118. 34 Gaspari et al. 2015. 32 Cf. Slapšak 2014. 35 Gaspari et al. 2015; prim. Dizdar, Radman-Livaja 2012. 33 Gaspari et al. 2015. 36 Bekljanov Zidanšek 2012, 15. 34 Gaspari et al. 2015. 37 Bekljanov Zidanšek 2012, 15, 20. 35 Gaspari et al. 2015; Dizdar, Radman-Livaja 2012. 38 Gaspari et al. 2015, 131. 36 Bekljanov Zidanšek 2012, 15. 258 Pokrajine umrlih: struktura in dinamika severnega grobišča Emone Struktura grobišča the first group, the only hitherto published grave in the southern group, grave 1007, is also dated to the Rimska grobišča so pogosto razdeljena v družinske mid- to late-Augustan period and thus before the ear- parcele z različno razporejenimi grobovi v njih. Izko- liest graves in the northern necropolis published so pavanja na najdišču PCL39 so poleg ostalega odkrila far.37 Both groups can thus be placed in the time just pet grobnih parcel, grajenih iz prodnikov, ki so bili before the formal establishment of the northern ne- ponekod še vedno vezani z malto. Na najdišču Ko- cropolis since at least some graves are tied to the Iron zolec2 so bile meje družinskih grobnih parcel ravni, Age tumuli which were damaged or flattened during pravokotno se sekajočimi jarki, nekoč verjetno zasa- the establishment of the northern Emona necropo- jeni z nizko vegetacijo.40 Družinske parcele je mestna lis.38 Even taking into account the delay between the uprava razdeljevala prebivalcem mest, in na njih so si time of the graves’ appearance and the time of the slednji pogosto še za življenja postavljali nagrobnike. introduction of the custom of grave goods being put Parcele so bile urejene: običajno ograjene, zasajena z in graves, the earliest Roman graves from Kongresni vegetacijo, nanje so bile postavljene klopce ali manjši trg are from the time before the appearance of the objekti itd. Ureditev grobne parcele je bil del social- colony on the left bank of the River Ljubljanica and ne kompeticije in še ena priložnost za razkazovanje open up questions about the origin of the deceased moči in statusa družine ali posameznika, ki je lahko and their settlement. dosegla ogromne razsežnosti.41 Pokopi v družinskih parcelah so ena podoba sever- nega grobišča Emone. Druga so različno „gosti“ deli The necropolis structure grobišča brez sledov grobnih parcel. Morda lahko ponekod identificiramo nekaj goriščnih grobov, okoli Roman necropolises are often divided into family katerih se razporejajo drugi grobovi.42 Tretja podoba plots containing differently arranged graves. Family so različno orientirani, blizu drug drugega vkopani plots were allocated to the townspeople by the town grobovi, za katere se ponekje zdi, da so razporejeni v administration and the former often erected grave- vrste43 na drugi strani. stones for themselves even during their lifetime. The To pomeni tudi – v severnem grobišču Emone ne plots were usually fenced off, planted with vegeta- zelo razločno vidno – razliko med monumentalni- tion, there were benches and smaller constructions, mi, razkošno urejenimi in okrašenimi grobnicami and so on. The arrangement of grave plots was part bogatih ter skromne grobove revnih na eni strani, of social competitiveness and yet another opportuni- ter relativno uniformiranim grobiščem, kar se izka- ty for showing off the strength and status of a family zovanja statusa tiče. To razliko delno zaznavamo kot or an individual, which could reach huge propor- razliko med sočasnimi grobovi z veliko in malo pri- tions.39 Among other things, the excavation at the site datki na nekaterih delih grobišča (npr. PCL z nekaj TCL40 revealed five grave plots built from pebbles that were in places still bound with mortar. At the site Kozolec II, the borders of family plots consisted 39 Mulh 2008. 40 Županek, Klasinc, Draksler v tisku. 41 Plinij Starejši na primer omenja pogreb osvobojenca 37 Bekljanov Zidanšek 2012, 15, 20. leta 8 pr. n. št., ki je z oporoko velel, da se za njegov pokop 38 Gaspari et al. 2015, 131. potroši 1.100.000 sestercev. V drugem primeru, iz leta 152 39 Pliny the Elder, for example, mentions the funeral of pr. n. št., pa je omenjen strošek 1 milijon asov, kar bi v a freedman in 8 BC, who in his will ordered that 1,100,000 tistem času zadoščala za enoletno preživetje 800 manjših sesterces should be used for his burial. In another example kmetij (Rope 2007, 88). from 152 BC, the expense of 1 million asses is mentioned, 42 Prim. Mulh 2008, priloga 1. which at the time sufficed for a year’s survival of 800 smal- 43 Npr. Štefanova 4, Tomažinčič et al. 2014, 11; Mulh ler farms (Rope 2007, 88). 2008, 242. 40 Mulh 2008. 259 Bernarda Županek zelo bogatimi ženskimi grobovi)44 in deli grobišča of straight ditches that intersected each other at right z malo pridatki v vseh grobovih; ti grobovi so obi- angles, which were probably in the past planted with čajno poznoantični (npr. Štefanova 4;45 Kozolec246). low vegetation.41 V prvih stoletjih je variabilnost med številom in vre- Burials on family plots are one aspect of the north- dnostjo pridatkov v grobovih dosti večja kot kasneje; ern Emona necropolis. Another aspect consists of razločimo lahko več stopenj bogatih in revnih gro- the varyingly „dense“ parts of the necropolis with- bov. Prav tako je med nošo in pridatki več artefaktov, out any trace of grave plots. Perhaps a few focal ki pričajo o življenju elit, o otium – igre na srečo, hra- graves can be identified in places, around which oth- na in pijača, kopanje, ludi, pisanje/pismenost. Očitno er graves are arranged.42 The third aspect is varyingly je to način reprezentacije emonskih elit v grobovih, oriented, mostly Late-Roman graves, located beside ustrezno z družbenimi pričakovanji kazanja bogastva each other, which in places seem to be arranged in in statusa v smrti. Videti je, da je v tem prikazu prav- rows.43 zaprav malo razlike med ženskami in moškimi pripa- There is thus a difference (although not particular- dniki višjih slojev. ly obvious in the northern Emona necropolis) be- Kasneje so kulturna in družbena pričakovanja očitno tween burial ground areas with monumental, lavishly drugačna. Slika, ki nam jo kažejo poznoantčni grobo- planned and decorated tombs of the rich alongside vi v severnem grobišču Emone je dosti bolj uniform- the modest graves of the poor, and relatively uniform na, ni izjemno bogatih grobov z zelo veliko artefakti areas where displays of status are not all that appar- in/ali artefakti iz dragocenih materialov. Pa vendar je ent. This difference is partly perceived as one be- tudi v pozni antiki rimska družba zelo stratificirana, tween contemporary graves with many grave goods še več, stratificiranost je v primerjavi z zgodnjo anti- and those with few grave goods in some parts of the ko bolj fiksna, vendar pokopi tega ne odsevajo več v necropolis (e.g. the site TCL with a few very rich enaki meri. Mogoče je homogenost poznoantičnega women’s graves44) and parts with only a few grave grobišča hotena, kot kontrast močno diferencirani goods in all the graves; these graves are usually from družbi, ki je pokopavala, kot nek poskus enakosti Late Antiquity (e.g. Štefanova 445; Kozolec II46). In v smrti. Podobni pokopi in skupna grobišča imajo the early centuries the variability between the number lahko inkluzivno vlogo, združujejo različne družbe- and value of grave goods is much greater than later ne skupine in tako doprinesejo k konstrukciji skupne and several degrees of rich and poor graves can be identitete. Razkošni pokopi kot del socialnega in eko- distinguished. In addition, there are more artefacts nomskega tekmovanja med posameznimi družinami among the attire and the grave goods, which bear v mestu v času, ko tudi upravno-administrativno ob- witness to the life of the elites, to the otium: objects last v rimskem mestu prevzame zgodnjekrščanska connected with gaming, wonderful food and bever- Cerkev, mogoče niso več zaželeni. Tekmovalnost, ki ages, bathing, ludi, writing/literacy. This is obvious- jo cerkev dovoli pri pokopih, je običajno tista vezana ly the way in which the Emona elites demonstrated na bližino iz verskih razlogov posebnih grobov. To- their wealth and status in death, in line with social rej, kompetitivnost, ki je v zgodnji antiki vezana na expectations. In this demonstration there is very little pomembne družine in posameznike, je v času razma- difference between the female and male members of ha krščanstva izražena predvsem v verskih terminih.47 the higher classes. Pokopov, ki bi jih lahko interpretirali kot ad sanctos, ali pokope okoli sakralnih zgradb, kot so martyria, 41 Županek, Klasinc, Draksler in print. 42 Cf. Mulh 2008, appendix 1. 43 E.g. Štefanova 4, Tomažinčič et al. 2014, 11; Mulh 44 Mulh 2008. 2008, 242. 45 Tomažinčič et al. 2014. 44 Mulh 2008. 46 Županek, Klasinc, Draksler v tisku. 45 Tomažinčič et al. 2014. 47 Petts 1997, 115ss. 46 Županek, Klasinc, Draksler in print. 260 Pokrajine umrlih: struktura in dinamika severnega grobišča Emone memoria itd., v emonskih grobiščih (še) nismo zasle- Later, the cultural and social expectations were evi- dili. Videti je, da je ta običaj nekoliko kasnejši kot dently different. The picture shown by the Late An- so najmlajši zanesljivo datirani grobovi v severnem tiquity graves in the northern Emona necropolis is emonskem grobišču48 in da so mlajša tudi izključno much more uniform, there are no exceptionally rich krščanska grobišča v provincah.49 Nekatere razlike graves with many artefacts and/or with artefacts med obema obdobjema pa arheološko sploh niso vi- made from precious materials. And yet in the Late dne: na primer, obiski grobov so v tem času skupin- Antiquity society was still very stratified, even more, ski in javni, ne več zasebni in družinski. the stratification was much more fixed in compari- Grobna arhitektura v severnem grobišču Emone je son to Early Antiquity. But this is no longer reflected zelo različna, od preprostih grobnih jam do zidanih to the same extent in burials. Perhaps the homoge- grobnic.50 Slednje so bile v redkih primerih tudi po- neity of the Late Antiquity burial ground is deliber- slikane ( sl. 1). Enako velja za nagrobno arhitekturo, ate, as a contrast to the highly differentiated socie- kjer nam nagrobne stele,51 oltarji ( sl. 2), ograje ( sl. 3) in ty and an attempt at equality in death. Such graves monumentalni spomeniki52 vsaj v nekem delu kažejo and joint burial grounds may play an inclusive role, emonsko severno Gräberstrasse v vsem sijaju. uniting various social groups and thus contributing Inhumacije so pogosto interpretirane kot pokopi v to the construction of a common identity. Perhaps krstah, zaradi pogostih in dostikrat številnih žebljev v lavish burials as part of the social and economic grobu. Ena od interpretacij so tudi žeblji kot ostanek competition among individual town families were pogrebne postelje; v primeru kremacij se jih običajno no longer appropriate at the time when the admin- povezuje s skrinjicami oz. skrinjami. istrative power in this Roman town was taken by the Včasih za tak zaključek ni potrebnih elementov, in early Christian Church. The competitiveness permit- poudariti je treba, da je bil fenomen pridajanja žeb- ted by the Church with regard to burials was usually ljev v grobove razširjen po imperiju.53 Interpretiran connected to the proximity of special graves with je, poleg drugih praks, kot del vraževernega zaščitne- religious significance. Thus, the competitiveness that ga obnašanja živih, ki so se želeli zaščititi pred ne- in Early Antiquity had been connected with impor- varnimi „nemirnimi umrlimi“.54 Žebelj oz. žeblji so tant families and individuals was thus at the time simbolično pribili umrlega v grob in preprečili škodo of the growth of Christianity expressed mostly in živim. Po drugi strani pa so bili žeblji v antiki sami religious terms.47 Burials that could be interpreted po sebi posebni predmeti z apotropejsko vrednostjo, as ad sanctos, i.e. burials in the proximity of sacral in prisotnost enega ali več žebljev v grobu bi lahko buildings, such as martyria, memoria etc., have so far imela oba pomena.55 not been found in the Emona necropolises. It seems Za strukturo grobišča sta pomembni dve pogosto that this custom is slightly younger than the latest re- soodvisni stvari: označevanje grobov in obdobja ne- liably dated graves in the northern Emona necropo- uporabe grobišča, oz. obdobja, ko je drugače vzdrže- lis48 and that the exclusively Christian necropolises in vano in urejano grobišče prepuščeno propadu. Gle- the provinces are also from later.49 Some differenc- de na vire in analogije domnevamo, da je bil vsaj del es between the two periods are archaeologically not visible at all: for example, the visits to graves were in Late Antiquity public and conducted in groups, 48 Prim. Luciano 2013. 49 Prim. Román Punzón 2009. rather than personally or within the family. 50 Pregled v Plesničar Gec 1972, T. CCXII-CCXVII; The grave architecture in the northern Emona ne- Petru 1972, 11–16. cropolis is very different, from simple grave pits to 51 Prim. Šašel Kos 1997, 183ss. 52 Istenič 2012, sl. 1. 53 Prim. Alfaye Villa 2010, tabela 2. 47 Petts 1997, 115ss. 54 Alfaye 2009; Alfaye Villa 2010, 445–448. 48 Cf. Luciano 2013. 55 Alfaye Villa 2010, 449. 49 Cf. Román Punzón 2009. 261 Bernarda Županek constructed tombs.50 The latter were in rare cases also painted ( Fig. 1). The same applies to the funerary architecture, where the stele,51 altars ( Fig. 2), fences (F) and the colossal monuments52 show the northern Emona Gräberstrasse in all its glory. Inhumation is often interpreted as burial in a coffin, due to the frequently found and often copious nails in the graves. One of the interpretations of nails is that they are sometimes part of the construction of the funerary bed; in the case of cremations they are usually connected with chests. Sometimes there are no elements justifying such a conclusion and it must be stressed that the phenomenon of putting iron nails into graves as a grave good was widespread in the Roman Empire.53 It has been interpreted as part of the superstitiously protective behaviour of the liv- ing, who wished to be guarded against the dangerous, restless dead.54 A nail or nails symbolically nailed the deceased into their graves and prevented any harm to the living. On the other hand, iron nails in themselves were in Antiquity special objects with an apotropa- ic value and the presence of one or more nails in a grave could have both significances.55 Two often co-dependent things are important with Slika/Figure 1 Manjša zidana grobnica z deljenim regard to the necropolis structure: the marking of pokrovom. Notranjost groba je bila ometana z grobim graves and the periods when the burial ground was ometom in poslikana z rastlinskim motivom. Najdišče: not used, i.e. periods when the otherwise maintained Pošta, grob 117, oz. grob 424 v Plesničar Gec 1972. Arhiv MGML. / A smaller masonry tomb construction with necropolis was allowed to decline. In view of the a divided cover. The inside of the tomb was covered with sources and analogies it is assumed that at least a rough plaster and painted with a plant motif. Site: Pošta proportion of the graves in the northern necropolis (Post Office), grave 117, or grave 424 in Plesničar Gec were marked in some way,56 but there is very little 1972 (MGML Archives). direct evidence for this. Possible traces of entrench- grobov v severnem grobišču na nek način označen,56 ments or bases for grave marking can sometimes be vendar je direktnih dokazov za to malo. Možne sle- found during a detailed excavation.57 In spite of the dove vkopov ali baz za označbo groba je moč slediti fact that the practice of marking graves is attested pri natančnem izkopu.57 Kljub domnevnem označe- to, the examples of burials a few generations later, vanju poznamo dosti primerov, ko nekaj generacij mlajši pokopi posežejo v starejše in jih vsaj deloma 50 Overview in Plesničar Gec 1972, T. CCXII-CCX- VII; Petru 1972, 11–16. poškodujejo (prim. Kozolec2, grobova 1004 in 26). 51 Cf. Šašel Kos 1997, 183ss. Prav tako poznamo nekaj ponovno uporabljene zgo- 52 Istenič 2012; Fig. 1. dnjerimske grobne arhitekture v druge namene, npr. 53 Cf. Alfaye Villa 2010, Tab. 2. 54 Alfaye 2009; Alfaye Villa 2010, 445–448. 55 Alfaye Villa 2010, 449. 56 Toynbee 1971, 73ss. 56 Toynbee 1971, 73ss. 57 Prim. Županek, Klasinc, Draksler v tisku, Slovenska 57 Cf. Županek, Klasinc, Draksler in print, Slovenska 55c, grobovi 2, 4 in 7. 55c, graves 2, 4 and 7. 262 Pokrajine umrlih: struktura in dinamika severnega grobišča Emone encroaching into the older graves and damaging them at least partly (e.g. Kozolec II, graves 1004 and 26), are relatively common. In addition, some re-us- es of the early Roman grave architecture for other purposes are also known, e.g. the repair of the cloaca beneath road J with parts of a grave fence.58 It is as- sumed that many graves with stele and other mon- uments were ruined or removed when the families owning them died out. A certain proportion of the graves could, with regard to analogies, be marked by the unfilled upper part of an urn/amphora, which also served for libation. Finds of libation structures are rare in the northern Emona necropolis, but not completely unknown (cf. Fig. 4). The transition to inhumation Funerary customs were usually conservative. In spite of this, in a large part of the Roman Empire during the time between the late first century and the late second Slika/Figure 2 Dela nagrobnih oltarjev iz century – i. e. a relatively short period – there occurred debelozrnatega marmorja. Levi je bil odkrit pri arheoloških a change in the funerary practices, which is today seen raziskavah na lokaciji NUK II kot eden od kamnov, s as the biggest change in antique burials, i.e. transition katerimi je bil sekundarno pokrit del kloake pod cesto F. Hrani ga MGML (inv. št. 510:LJU;0059558) (foto M. from cremation to inhumation. As in the rest of the Paternoster, MGML). Desni stoji v okenski niši velikega Empire, this change can be observed in Emona as early dvorišča Križank. (foto A. Peunik, MGML). / Parts of as in the late first century (e.g. Pl 396). funerary altars made of coarse-grained marble. The part The transition to inhumation was connected with on the left was found during archaeological excavations Christianity, both in Emona and the rest of the Em- at the location NUK II, as one of the stones secondarily covering a section of the cloaca beneath the road F (It is pire.59 Inhumations as burials of Christians are as- kept by MGLM (inv. no. 510:LJU;0059558), photo M. sumed to have involved fewer or no grave goods60 Paternoster, MGML). The part on the right is positioned and a specific orientation, but at least in Emona, this in the window niche of the large courtyard in Križanke does not apply: Emona inhumations vary greatly. (photo A. Peunik, MGML). Some are also considerably earlier than the first trac- popravilo kloake pod cesto J z deli grobne ograje ( sl. es of Christianity in Emona (Pl 19; Pl 223; Pl 396; Pl 3).58 Menimo, da je veliko grobov z nagrobnimi stelami 110; Pl 198; Pl 247; Pl 917; Mulh 327). in drugimi spomeniki propadlo oz. bilo odstranjenih, No justified causal connection between Christianity ko so družine, ki so jih imele v lasti, izumrle. Določen and inhumation has so far been found. It seems that delež grobov je, glede na analogije, označeval nezasut the domination of inhumation burials was the result zgornji del žare oz. amfore, ki je hkrati služil za libacije. of a series of social and political variables rather than Najdbe struktur za libacije so v emonskem severnem grobišču redke (vendar prim. sl. 4). 58 Plesničar Gec 1999, 40, Fig. 57, 58. 59 For Emona, cf. Klemenc 1962, 12; Plesničar Gec 1984, 17. 58 Plesničar Gec 1999, 40, sl. 57, 58. 60 Plesničar Gec 1984, 17. 263 Bernarda Županek of religious identity. One of the explanations focuses on the emulation of everything Greek by the Roman elites; the Greek eastern part of the Empire did not use cremation. But in fact, in the northern Emona necropolis there is only one grave that can with some probability be labelled as Christian (Pe 679). At the same time, Christianity was strongly present in Emo- na from at least the 4th century onwards.61 In addition to the church complex with the baptistry, at least one church and the bishop’s premises in Insula XXXII, with a previous assembly hall, two other church sites Slika/Figure 3 Deli nagrobne ograje, sekundarno uporabljeni za pokrivanje kloake. Najdišče: Sektor C– are assumed to have existed in Insulae XII62 and XI- Čemažar, med OŠ Majde Vrhovnik in Igriško ulico. Arhiv II.63 A number of oil lamps with Christograms and MGML. / A part of a funerary fence discovered during the circle of a labarum have also been found in Em- the excavations on the street Slovenska cesta in 2016 in the ona. It is certain that there were still pagan priests64 filled in cloaca (Kept by MGML (no. PG0071489), photo in Emona as late as 388, that is at the time when the M. Paternoster, MGML). above mentioned archaeological remains, as well as Prehod k inhumiranju the written sources (e.g. Hieronimo’s letters, notices about Emona bishops, etc.) lead us to assume that Pogrebni običaji so navadno konservativni. Kljub there was a strongly developed community of Em- temu se po velikem delu imperija v času od poznega ona Christians, and at the time when inhumations prvega do poznega drugega stoletja – torej v rela- completely prevailed in the northern Emona necrop- tivno kratkem času – zgodi sprememba v pogrebni olis. However, there is not enough evidence to talk praksi, ki jo danes vidimo kot največjo spremembo about sections of the necropolis that were definitely pri antičnem pokopu, tj. prehod iz kremacije v inhu- Christian, as suggested by Klemenc65 in relation to macijo. Kot drugje v imperiju jo lahko tudi v Emoni the street Gosposvetska cesta. Klemenc believed that opazimo že konec 1. stoletja (npr. Pl 396). a burial in a sarcophagus was always Christian: „[…] Prehod k inhumiranju je bil tako po imperiju kot v Gosposvetska cesta lies on nothing but sarcophagi, Emoni pripisovan krščanstvu.59 Inhumacije naj bi, i.e. mostly on Christian graves.“ But the sarcophagi ker so pokopi kristjanov, imele manj ali sploh nič found in no way attest to Christian burials; they are, pridatkov60 in določeno orientacijo, vendar vsaj za above all, a show of wealth and status rather than of Emono to ne drži: emonske inhumacije so zelo raz- religious beliefs. Neither is there a typical Christian lične. Nekatere so precej zgodnejše od prvih sledov necropolis infrastructure. However, it is worth men- krščanstva v Emoni (Pl 19; Pl 223; Pl 396; Pl 110; tioning that even Rome with its large Christian com- Pl 198; Pl 247; Pl 917; Mulh 327). Smiselna vzročna munity did not have explicitly Christian necropolises povezava med krščanstvom in inhumacijo doslej ni bila najdena. Videti je še, da je prevlada inhumacije 61 Both chapels, cf. Plesničar Gec et al. 1983; Djurić rezultat vrste družbenih in političnih spremenljivk, 2012; but cf. Klemenc 1962, 6., with regard to the possibi- lity of the existence of a diocese a century earlier, and with ne religiozne identitete. Eno od pojasnil izpostavlja regard to early Christianity in the surrounding towns. With emulacijo vsega grškega s strani rimske elite; grški regard to Christianity in Aquileia in the second half of the Vzhodni del imperija namreč ni uporabljal kremacije. 2nd century, cf. Cuscito 2015, 25. 62 Klemenc 1962, 8–10. 63 Djurić 2012. 59 Za Emono prim. Klemenc 1962, 12; Plesničar Gec 64 Latini Pacati Drepanii Panegyricus Theodosio Augu- 1984, 17. sto Dictus, c. 37. 60 Plesničar Gec 1984, 17. 65 Klemenc 1962, 11. 264 Pokrajine umrlih: struktura in dinamika severnega grobišča Emone Slika/Figure 4 Ostanki infrastrukture za libacije: leta 1962 odkrita tegula z zmodelirano odprtino polmera 11,8 cm (hrani MGML, inv. št. 510:LJU;0059565). Tegula je bila poveznjena na amforo, ki je pokrivala žaro z žganino in pridatke pokopa 656 na Titovi cesti (danes Slovenska cesta). Foto M. Paternoster, MGML; desno risba strukture pokopa v Plesničar 1972, T. CLI. / The remains of the infrastructure for libation: a tegula discovered in 1962 with a modelled opening with a radius of 11.8 cm (kept by MGML, inv. no. 510:LJU;0059565). The tegula was placed on top of the amphora that covered the urn with the ashes and the grave goods of burial 656 on the street Titova cesta (now Slovenska cesta) (photo M. Paternoster, MGML); on the right, a drawing of the burial structure in Plesničar Gec 1972, T. CLI. Pravzaprav imamo iz severnega grobišča Emone en before Emperor Constantinius,66 while outside Rome sam grob, ki mu z neko verjetnostjo rečemo krščan- such necropolises were of an even later origin, e.g. in ski (Pe 679). Hkrati pa je bilo v Emoni krščanstvo Baetica they are from the 6th and 7th century.67 dobro vidno vsaj od sredine 4. stoletja naprej.61 Po- With regard to the interpretation of the Emona inhu- leg cerkvenega kompleksa s krstilnico, vsaj eno in- mations as Christian burials, the possibility has been sulo in prostori za škofa na območju insule XXXII, expressed that the early inhumations in Emona are s predhodno aulo primitivo, se cerkvena objekta, burials of members of the Jewish community. But domnevata še na območju insule XII62 in XIII.63 Iz the abolition of cremations was all too widespread Emone je znanih tudi nekaj najdb oljenk s kristo- for it to be explained in this way.68 Moreover, with grami in kolo labaruma. regard to burials, a differentiation between Christians and Jews can be made on the basis of the specific Jewish iconography, which does not appear around 66 With regard to the catacombs it was believed for a 61 Obe molilnici, prim. Plesničar Gec et al. 1983; Djurić long time that they were exclusively Christian necropoli- 2012; vendar prim. Klemenc 1962, 6, za možnost obstoja ses, but it has now been proven that they grew from pa- škofije že stoletje prej, ter za zgodnje krščanstvo okoliških gan subterranean burial grounds and often included them. mest; za krščanstvo v Akvileji v drugi. polovici 2. stoletja Moreover, there have been attested Christian burials in prim. Cuscito 2015, 25. pagan family graves. 62 Klemenc 1962, 8–10. 67 Román Punzón 2009. 63 Djurić 2012. 68 Toynbee 1971, 40. 265 Bernarda Županek Vsekakor so bili v Emoni še leta 388 tudi poganski the Empire until the 3rd century (Rutgers 1995, 366). svečeniki,64 torej v času, ko lahko tako iz arheoloških Even contemporaries, with the exception of the ed- ostankov kot virov (npr. Hieronimovi pismi, notice ucated elite, must have found it difficult to differenti- o emonskih škofih itd.) sklepamo na močno razvi- ate between „Christian“, „Jewish“ and some „pagan“ to skupnost emonskih kristjanov – in hkrati v času, cults, as the differences were in some respects very ko je skeletni pokop na severnem grobišču povsem small. Above all, in Roman times Jews were com- prevladal. Vendar nam za definitivno krščanske od- pletely integrated into Roman society, a part of the seke grobišča – kot predlaga Klemenc65 za Gospos- rich ethnic mosaic of the Roman world. They took vetsko cesto – manjka dokazov. Klemenc je mne- on and imitated the Roman forms of burial to the nja, da je pokop v sarkofagih praviloma krščanski: extent that it is impossible to tell them apart from the „... leži Gosposvetska cesta na samih sarkofagih, t.j. „true Roman“ burials.69 Of course Jewish burials, ir- večinoma na krščanskih grobovih.“ Odkriti sarkofagi respective of the form and expression of the wealth pa z ničemer ne izpričujejo, da bi bili pokopi v njih and status of the deceased,70 were always inhuma- krščanski; sarkofagi so predvsem izkaz bogastva in tions, but they are practically impossible to differenti- statusa, ne verskega prepričanja. Prav tako nimamo ate from the Christian ones or, of course, pagan ones. tipične krščanski grobiščne infrastrukture. Velja pa So far in Emona no remains of a distinctively Jewish izpostaviti, da niti Rim, s tamkajšnjo veliko krščansko architecture, such as a mikveh or a synagogue, have skupnostjo, nima izrecno krščanskih grobišč vse do been found. But it is certain that the large northern časa cesarja Konstantina,66 izven Rima pa so le-ta še necropolis was the space where people of different mlajša, npr. v Betiki v 6. in 7. stoletju.67 religions and following different cults were buried, V luči razlage emonskih inhumacij kot krščanskih the only question is to what extent this can be found pokopov je bila izražena možnost, da so zelo zgodnje in the archaeological records. emonske inhumacije pokopi pripadnikov judovske In short, there are a number of different factors that skupnosti. Vendar pa je bilo opuščanje kremacije že contributed to the gradual process of inhumations v času pred velikim razmahom krščanstva vse preveč taking over from cremations, both in Emona and splošno, da bi jo lahko pojasnili na ta način.68 Poleg elsewhere. It certainly partly involves social and not tega pa lahko pri pokopih ločujemo med kristjani in only religious changes. However, considering how Judi samo po specifični judovski ikonografiji, ki pa widespread Jewish communities were, including in se po imperiju pojavi šele v 3. stoletju.69 Prav goto- the nearby Aquileia, at an early stage, it cannot be ex- vo je bilo izven izobražene elite v praksi težko loče- cluded that some of the Emona inhumation burials vati med „krščanskim“, „judovskimi“ in nekaterimi involve the members of this religious community. It „poganskimi“ kulti. Judje so v rimskem času povsem should be reiterated here that at such an early time integrirani v rimsko družbo, del bogatega etničnega there was no sharp dividing line between the two mozaika rimskega sveta in privzamejo in oponašajo religions – Judaism and Christianity. In addition, for rimske oblike pokopavanja, do te mere, da jih je ne- the time being it is assumed that there is no known specifically Christian burial ground in the northern 64 Latini Pacati Drepanii Panegyricus Theodosio Augu- Emona necropolis, that the Christians and pagans sto Dictus, c. 37. buried their dead together, which was common in 65 Klemenc 1962, 11. 66 Za katakombe se je dolgo verjelo, da so povsem kr- other parts of the Empire71 and that this is why ščanska grobišča, vendar je zdaj dokazano, da so zrasle iz Christian graves are very difficult to define as such poganskih podzemnih grobišč, in jih pogosto vključevale. without any specific grave goods or inscriptions. Po drugi strani so izpričani pokopi kristjanov v družinskih poganskih grobovih. 67 Román Punzón 2009. 69 Fine 2010, 442. 68 Prim. Toynbee 1971, 40. 70 Cf. Fine 2010, 442ss; 455. 69 Rutgers 1995, 366 71 Rutgers 1992, 109ss. 266 Pokrajine umrlih: struktura in dinamika severnega grobišča Emone mogoče ločiti od „pravih rimskih“.70 Seveda pa so bili The Christian identity of the dead could have been judovski grobovi, ne glede na obliko in izkaz bogastva marked – if at all – in an archaeologically invisible in statusa pokopanega71 vedno skeletni, vendar jih je or transient way. praktično nemogoče ločiti od krščanskih – ali, seve- da, od poganskih. Prav tako v Emoni doslej ni bilo odkritih ostankov distinktivno judovske arhitekture, Burials of wealthy brides, soldiers and kot je mikveh in sinagoga. Gotovo pa je bilo veliko the elderly severno grobišče prostor, kjer so pokopavali različno verujoče, sledilci različnih kultov, vprašanje pa je, ko- In this short overview of burials in the northern Em- liko lahko temu sledimo v arheološkem zapisu. ona necropolis, a number of interesting patterns can Skratka, za postopno prevlado inhumacije nad kre- be observed. According to the findings by Kaja Štem- macijo tako v Emoni kot drugod stoji cela vrsta raz- berger,72 among the burials of women, 8 or 9 very ličnih faktorjev; gre za del družbenih in ne le reli- rich graves stand out, involving gold jewellery and gioznih sprememb. Glede na razširjenost judovskih apotropaic objects. These were probably young wom- skupnosti tudi tako blizu, kot je Akvileja, že zelo zgo- en who were still childless, as otherwise the jewellery daj, pa vsekakor ni za izključiti, da je del emonskih would have been inherited by the children.73 Apot- skeletnih grobov pokop članov te verske skupnosti. ropaic objects are relatively common in children’s and Znova pristavljamo, da v tako zgodnjem času ostre adolescents’ graves, due to the belief that their death ločnice med obema religijama – torej judovsko in was mors immature, and that those who die prematurely krščansko – ni bilo. Poleg tega zaključujemo, da za- are especially dangerous to the living.74 Young wom- enkrat v severnem emonskem grobišču ne poznamo en’s graves rich with grave goods appear elsewhere posebnega krščanskega pokopališča, da so kristjani around the Empire, with a typical selection of attire in pogani pokopavali skupaj, tako kot je bilo pogosto and grave goods, and the interpretation that the girls drugje po imperiju72 in da zato krščanske grobove, died prior to marriage.75 brez specifičnih pridatkov ali nagrobnih napisov, zelo In Roman necropolises there is often, with regard to težko prepoznamo kot take. Krščanska identiteta the number of graves,76 a tendency for the domination umrlih je bila – če sploh – lahko izkazovana na arhe- of male inhumation graves compared to women’s.77 It ološko neviden, nematerialen ali minljiv način. is considered that in pre-industrial populations the mortality of women in the category maturus, i.e. women of childbearing age, was twice as high as that Pokopi bogatih nevest, vojakov in of men in the same age range.78 However, there are starostnikov no known graves of pregnant women in the northern Emona necropolis and in general, they are rare in Ro- V severnem grobišču Emone pri našem kratkem pre- man necropolises, even though at that time pregnancy gledu pokopov zasledimo nekaj zanimivih vzorcev. and birth signified the greatest risk to women’s life. In Med pokopi žensk po ugotovitvah Kaje Štemberger73 addition, the high mortality of small children meant izstopa 8–9 zelo bogatih grobov, z zlatim nakitom in apotropejskimi predmeti. Verjetno gre za mlade 72 Štemberger 2014. 73 Štemberger 2014, 71. ženske, ki so bile še brez otrok, saj bi drugače nakit 74 Cf. Alfaye 2009, 184–186. 75 Cf. Martin-Kilcher 2000, 64ss. 76 Cf. Pearce 2011, 246ss. 77 Tomazo Ravnik 1984, 52; Mulh 2008; Berdnik et al. 70 Fine 2010, 442. 2013. 71 Prim. Fine 2010, 442ss; 455. 78 With regard to populations in the pre-modern archa- 72 Rutgers 1992, 109ss. eological records a similar demography is assumed as with 73 Štemberger 2014. regard to modern, pre-industrial societies. 267 Bernarda Županek podedovali le-ti.74 Apotropejski predmeti so v gro- that, on average, a woman had to carry to term and bovih otrok in adolescentov relativno pogosti, zara- give birth to at least 4 children for the population to di verovanja, da je bila njihova smrt mors immatura, be preserved. This means that women were pregnant in da so prezgodaj umrli še posebej nevarni živim.75 for at least 3 years of their life. The usual explana- Tovrstni po bogatih pridatkih izstopajoči grobovi tions for the absence of pregnant women in Roman mladih žensk se pojavljajo tudi drugje po imperiju, s necropolises are the fragility/lower recognisability of tipičnim naborom noše in pridatkov ter interpretaci- the foetal bones, burying pregnant women outside jo, da so dekleta umrla pred poroko.76 regular burial grounds or not at all, and the possibility Nenavaden, vendar na rimskih grobiščih pogost,77 je that babies were cut out of the mothers before burial, trend številčne prevlade moških skeletov v primerja- as determined by the Numa Pompilius’s lex regia. vi z ženskimi.78 Ocenjuje se, da je smrtnost žensk v As elsewhere, in the northern Emona necropo- obdobju maturus, torej okvirno žensk v rodni dobi, v lis men are more difficult to recognise on the basis predindustrijskih populacijah še enkrat večja kot smr- of their attire and grave goods.79 Men were clear- tnost moških v enakem starostnem obdobju.79 Ven- ly commemorated on the gravestones, which they dar grobov nosečnic iz severnega grobišča Emone ne themselves usually erected. Women were only rarely poznamo, in so tudi na splošno v rimskih grobiščih mentioned on grave stones on their own, but usual- zelo redki, čeprav sta ravno nosečnost in porod po- ly through their relationship to the man (e.g. „wife/ menila eno večjih življenjskih tveganj za ženske v tem mother/daughter […] of such and such“) who was času. Poleg tega je visoka smrtnost majhnih otrok also buried in the same grave or had the gravestone pomenila, da je morala ženska v povprečju donositi erected. Inscriptions on the gravestones included in roditi vsaj 4 otroke, da se je populacija ohranjala. and emphasised all the important characteristics and Torej je bila vsaj 3 leta svojega življenja noseča. Obi- functions of a man, such as citizenship, vocation, re- čajne razlage za odsotnost nosečnic v rimskih gro- lations, military successes, etc. In the very patriarchal biščih so krhkost/slabša prepoznavnost kosti fetusa, Roman society men were thus very explicitly repre- pokopavanje nosečnic izven regularnih grobišč ali sented by their gravestones and not necessarily parts sploh ne, ter možnost, da so otroka izrezali iz matere of their attire or the grave goods, preserved in the preden so jo pokopali, kot je določal lex regia Nume graves. At the same time the difference between the Pompilija. representation of women and men in graves and on Pri pokopih moških v severnem grobišču je orožje le gravestones is also the difference between the rep- izjemoma pridano v grobove.80 Pač pa se predvsem resentation of the private and the public, i.e. between v 4. stoletju začne relativno pogosto pojavljati noša the idealised dichotomy of the spheres in which the (prim. Štefanova 4, grob 18; Kozolec 2, grobovi 17, two sexes moved. 32, 39; Pl170; Pe130; Pe544; Pe569; Pe793; Pe801; In the northern necropolis, weapons were only PCL, grob 86), ki je pogosto interpretirana kot voja- rarely placed in men’s graves.80 However, particu- ška. Nedvomno vojaški element je le pas, medtem larly in the 4th century, attire begins to appear rela- tively frequently (cf. Štefanova 4, grave 18; Kozolec 74 Štemberger 2014, 71. II, graves 17, 32, 39; Pl170; Pe130; Pe544; Pe569; 75 Prim. Alfaye 2009, 184–186. Pe793; Pe801; TCL, grave 86), and is usually inter- 76 Prim. Martin-Kilcher 2000, 64ss. 77 Prim. Pearce 2011, 246s. preted as military. According to Irena Sivec (2002, 78 Tomazo Ravnik 1984, 52; Mulh 2008; Berdnik et al. 248), the military attire in these graves is never 2013. complete, which is why the author opens up the 79 Za populacije v predmodernem arheološkem zapisu se načeloma domneva podobna demografija kot za mo- derne predindustrijske družbe. 79 Cf. Štemberger 2014, 77. 80 Prim. Gaspari et al. 2015, kjer gre za posebno skupi- 80 Cf. Gaspari et al. 2015, which involves a special gro- no grobov; bodalo v Pe930. up of graves; the dagger in Pe930. 268 Pokrajine umrlih: struktura in dinamika severnega grobišča Emone ko so fibule lahko nosili tudi civilni uradniki.81 Ske- question of the symbiosis with the civilian popula- let mladega pokojnika ( iuvenis) v grobu 18 na loka- tion. The indubitably military element in these graves ciji Kozolec2 je antropološka analiza določila kot is usually the belt, whilst fibulae were also worn by ci- ženska; ali gre za drugačno uporabo noše ali pa za vilian clerks.81 The skeleton of young person (iuvenis) zelo gracilen moški skelet utegnejo pokazati nadalj- in the grave with military attire no. 18 at Kozolec II nje raziskave. was determined by the anthropological analysis as fe- Moški so skozi nošo in pridatke v grobovih tudi male. This either involves a less common use of the v emonskem severnem grobišču težje zaznavni.82 attire or future research might show that it is a very Spomniti se velja, da so bili moški jasno komemo- graceful male skeleton. rirani na nagrobnikih, ki so jih najpogosteje tudi A special issue are the graves of the older Emona postavljali. Ženske so bile na nagrobnikih le redko inhabitants. Although, considering the epigraphic komemorirane same po sebi, pač pa večinoma skozi monuments, a different picture would be expected, it svoj odnos do moškega (npr. „žena/mati/hči…tega seems that in the northern Emona necropolis there in tega“), ki je bil ravno tako pokopan v istem grobu are practically no inhumations of inhabitants older ali pa je dal postavili nagrobnik. Napis na nagrobniku than 61.82 Even though records of very mature ages, je zajel in izpostavil vse pomembne lastnosti in funk- including centenarians, in Emona and its surround- cije moškega, npr. državljanstvo, poklic, sorodstvene ings are often the result of exaggeration and round- zveze, vojaške uspehe itd. V – močno patriarhalni ing up,83 the low proportion of those over the age of – rimski družbi je torej moške zelo eksplicitno re- 61 in the northern Emona necropolis is surprising. prezentiral nagrobnik, ne nujno delci noše, ki so se This problem is not limited to Emona and it seems nam ohranili v grobu, in grobni pridatki. Hkrati pa that this is the consequence of the techniques that je razlika med reprezentacijo žensk in moških v in na are in use for the determination of the age of the grobovih tudi razlika med reprezentacijo privatnega skeletal remains of adults. Most of these techniques in javnega, razlika med idealizirano dihotomijo sfer show a tendency to setting the age of older persons gibanja obeh spolov. lower than their real age.84 Posebno vprašanje so grobovi starejših Emoncev. Čeprav imamo glede na epigrafske spomenike dru- gačna pričakovanja, je videti, da v severnem grobišču Where are the children? Emone praktično ni inhumacij prebivalcev, ki bi bili starejši od 61 let.83 Omembe visoke, celo stoletne sta- Irrespective of their size, in most Roman necropolis- rosti v Emoni in okolici so resda pogosto rezultat es few children’s graves have been found, consider- pretiravanj in zaokroževanj,84 vendar je tako nizek ing the very high mortality rate among children. This delež starejših od 61 let v severnem emonskem gro- was highest in the first year of life, between 20% and bišču presenetljiv. 40%.85 Considering that approximately half the chil- dren born did not reach adulthood,86 a high number of children’s burials would be expected and, as men- tioned above, burials of pregnant women and still- 81 Hoss 2010. 82 Cf. Tomazo Ravnik 1984 and the anthropological 81 Hoss 2010. results in the reports Mulh 2008; Tomažinčič et al. 2014; 82 Prim. Štemberger 2014, 77. Berdnik et al. 2013. 83 Prim. Tomazo Ravnik 1984 in antropološke rezultate 83 Cf. Šašel Kos 2006. v poročilih Mulh 2008; Tomažinčič et al. 2014; Berdnik et 84 Cf. Aykroyd et al.1999. al. 2013. 85 Carroll 2011, 102ss. 84 Prim. Šašel Kos 2006. 86 Pearce 2000, 125; Carroll 2011, 102. 269 Bernarda Županek Kje so pokopani dojenčki? born babies. But in Emona, as elsewhere, hardly any such graves have been found. V večini rimskih grobišč, ne glede na njihovo ve- It seems that the reason lies mostly in the worse pres- likost, je bilo odkritih malo otroških grobov glede ervation and recognisability of children’s burials.87 na zelo visoko smrtnost otrok. Le-ta je bila najvišja Children’s skeletons in general do not remain as well v prvem letu življenja, med 20% – 40%.85 Glede preserved as those of adults since children’s bones are na to, da okoli polovica rojenih otrok ni dočakala smaller, with lower density and greater porosity and odraslosti,86 bi pričakovali zelo veliko število otro- with a lower share of minerals and collagen. In addi- ških pokopov, in, kot smo že rekli, tudi pokopov tion, the shallow children’s graves are more sensitive nosečih žensk ter mrtvorojenih otrok. Tega tudi v to post-depositional disturbances, such as the later Emoni doslej ni. use of the burial ground, predators, and the influence Zdi se, da je razlog predvsem v slabši ohranjenosti of roots, ploughing and erosion. in prepoznavnosti otroških pokopov.87 Otroški ske- In Early Antiquity, the usual burial of small children leti se na splošno veliko slabše ohranijo kot skeleti and babies – stillborn, newly born and up to around odraslih, saj so njihove kosti manjše, manj goste, half a year old – was inhumation, as attested to by bolj porozne in z manjšim deležem mineralov in both written and archaeological sources. Why? Ac- kolagena. Poleg tega so plitvi otroški grobovi bolj cording to the sources, very young children were not občutljivi za postdepozicijske motnje, npr. kasnejšo mourned, or were mourned only a little, since they uporabo grobišča in plenilce, vpliv korenin, oranje were not quite yet people, and they were buried in in erozijo. special areas without cremation.88 Moreover, none of Običajni pokop majhnih otrok, dojenčkov – mrtvo- the rituals usually performed for the dead were re- rojenih, novorojenih ter starih do okoli pol leta – je quired. Sources state the opinion of the elites, which v zgodnji antiki inhumacija, o čemer pričajo tako was influenced a great deal by stoicism as the domi- pisni kot arheološki viri. Zakaj? Glede na vire naj za nant philosophy of the time. In this light it is interest- zelo mladimi otroci ne bi žalovali, ali vsaj le malo, ing that children shown by the funerary art are never ker še niso povsem ljudje, in pokopavalo naj bi se jih new-borns and that the number of inscriptions ded- nesežgane na posebna območja.88 Prav tako naj bi icated to children younger than a year is low.89 Usual- ne potrebovali ritualov, ki se jih je običajno izvajalo ly it is assumed that Roman society, due to the high za umrle. Viri nam govore o mnenju elit, na katere- mortality rate of children, tried to remain emotionally ga očitno vpliva stoicizem kot dominantna filozofija distant from them by socially defining them slightly tega obdobja. V tej luči je zanimivo, da otroci, ki jih differently so that the pain upon a loss was smaller.90 prikazuje nagrobna umetnost, niso nikdar novoro- This could also be the reason for the late naming of jenčki, in da je število napisov, posvečenih otrokom children, etc., and the marginal position of children mlajšim od enega leta, majhno.89 Gre pa verjetno in Roman society, where the focus was on adult citi- bolj za poglede elit kot široke populacije. V literaturi zens, and the allegedly smaller pollution91 brought by se običajno domneva, da so se zaradi visoke smr- a child’s death compared to an adult’s death. tnosti otrok skušali čustveno nekako odmakniti od 87 Pearce 2001, 130–131. 88 Plin. H. N. 7 15.72, Juv. 15.140, Fulgent. de prisc. 85 Carroll 2011, 102s. serm. 7. 86 Pearce 2001, 125; Carroll 2011, 102. 89 Sources lead to the conclusion that children acquired 87 Prim. Pearce 2001, 130–131. the basic form of personality through naming on their dies 88 Plin. H. N. 7 15.72, Juv. 15.140, Fulgent. de prisc. lustricus, when they officially entered the family and society. serm. 7. 90 Caroll 2011, 100. 89 Iz virov je sklepati, da so otroci pridobili osnovno 91 The Romans saw death as pollution and in connecti- obliko osebnosti z imenovanjem na svoj dies lustricus, ko so on with it grappled with a whole series of religious worries uradno vstopili v družino in družbo. and practical problems. 270 Pokrajine umrlih: struktura in dinamika severnega grobišča Emone Slika/Figure 5 Grob 1000, eden od pokopov novorojenčkov na Kongresnem trgu. Skelet brez pridatkov je pokopan v konstrukciji iz opek (foto D. Badovinac, arhiv MGML). / Grave 1000, one of the new-born burials in Kongresni trg. The skeleton without any grave goods is buried in a brick construction. Photo David Badovinac, MGML Archives. njih, jih socialno definirati drugače, da so bile bo- The Early Antiquity burials of babies and children lečine ob izgubi manjše.90 Temu naj bi služilo tudi in the northern Emona necropolis were perhaps pozno poimenovanje ipd., marginalna pozicija ot- found in a special part of this necropolis, in the rok v rimski družbi, kjer je bil fokus na odraslem northern part of Kongresni trg. They were thus državljanu in domnevno manjše onesnaženje,91 ki jo located at the very start of the northern necropo- prinese otroška smrt v primerjavi z odraslo. lis, close to the large northern artery and near the Zgodnjeantični skeletni pokopi dojenčkov in otrok Iron Age tumuli found there. The report states that v severnem grobišču Emone so bili morda odkriti v the pre-historic mounds must have still been visi- posebnem delu tega grobišča, v severnem delu Kon- ble in Early Antiquity and that children were buried gresnega trga. Locirani so torej na samem začetku at their edge.92 But it still remains unclear whether severnega grobišča, blizu velike severne vpadnice, in these children’s graves appeared before the formal blizu tam odkritega gomilnega grobišča iz železne establishment of the northern necropolis, as the dobe. Iz Poročila je videti, da naj bi bile prazgodo- tumuli were allegedly damaged or flattened during vinske gomile v zgodnji antiki še vidne, in da so bili the landscaping of this necropolis.93 The discovered otroci pokopani ob njihovem zunanjem robu.92 Vse- children’s graves do not contain grave goods. If they eno pa ostaja nejasno, ali so ti otroški grobovi nastali are all from Early Antiquity (cf. Fig. 5) – rather than from the Iron Age – the situation is similar to that in Britain and Gallia, where small children were buried 90 Caroll 2011, 100. 91 Rimljani so videli smrt kot onesnaženje, in so v zvezi s tem imeli celo vrsto religioznih skrbi in praktičnih pro- blemov. 92 Badovinac et al. 2011, VII, 75–79 and I, 14–15. 92 Badovinac et al. 2011, VII , 75–79 in I, 14–15. 93 Gaspari et al. 2015, 131. 271 Bernarda Županek pred formalno ureditvijo severnega grobišča, saj naj at the edge of necropolises.94 The burial of children bi bile gomile poškodovane oz. zravnane ob urejanju in this way may have been part of the inauguration severnega grobišča.93 Odkriti otroški grobovi so brez of the use of the necropolis or it separated it from pridatkov. Če so vsi zgodnjeantični (kot ta na sl. 5) – the surroundings, which had a different character.95 in ne železnodobni – imamo podobno situacijo kot v A different example involves the skeletons of new- Britaniji in Galiji, kjer so bili majhni otroci pokopava- borns in the eastern Celeia necropolis. There, five ni na robove grobišč.94 Pokop otrok na rob grobišča skeletons of new-borns were found from the time je bil lahko del inavguracije uporabe grobišča ali pa between the Flavians and the late 2nd century, buried je ločeval grobišče od okolice, ki je bila drugačnega among the cremation graves of adults in the regular značaja.95 Drugačen primer so skeleti novorojenčkov part of the necropolis.96 v vzhodnem grobišču Celeje. Tam so odkrili pet ske- At the Kongresni trg site there are also two chil- letov novorojenčkov iz časa od Flavijcev do konca 2. dren’s burials from Early Antiquity beneath the stoletja, pokopanih med žganimi grobovi odraslih v buildings.97 Although the site is outside the town regularnem delu grobišča.96 walls, there was an urban settlement there in the Z najdišča Kongresni trg imamo tudi dva zgodnje- 1st and 2nd centuries. Both inhumations are without rimska pokopa otrok pod stavbami.97 Najdišče je si- grave goods, while stratigraphically they belong to cer izven mestnega obzidja, a ima v 1. in 2. stoletju the Early Antiquity. Similar examples of children’s poselitev na urbani ravni. Obe inhumaciji sta brez inhumations both in formal necropolises and be- pridatkov, stratigrafsko pa sodita v zgodnjo antiko. neath urban and rural buildings are known also To ni izjemno, primere inhumacij otrok tako na for- from the Roman Gallia and Italy.98 In the British malnih pokopališčih kot pod urbanimi in ruralnimi rural sites, children’s burials are often marked by the objekti imamo tudi v rimski Galiji in Italiji.98 Na ru- start of a construction of or the end of the use of ralnih najdiščih Britanije pa otroški pokop pogosto a building.99 zaznamuje začetek gradnje ali konec uporabe neke In Late Antiquity, there is a relatively high percent- zgradbe.99 age of children’s skeletons buried in the northern V pozni antiki so na severnem grobišču Emone Emona necropolis among adults, between 18 and otroški skeleti pokopani med odraslimi v relativno 24%,100 but still too low considering the estimat- visokem odstotku, med 18–24%.100 Ti pokopi ima- ed mortality rate. These burials often do involve jo pogosto pridatke, ki se ne razlikujejo bistveno grave goods, which do not differ much from those od pridatkov odraslih, in odslikujejo njihov položaj, of adults and reflect their social position, which is ki je načeloma prirojen, ne pridobljen. Vendar je v usually acquired at birth rather than later. There are emonskem severnem grobišču tudi odstotek pozno- also a few examples of „special“ grave goods, such rimskih otroških grobov prenizek glede na ocene as toys, miniature vessels and bells – which could be smrtnosti. part of the crepundia or appear as sonorous objects with an apotropaic significance in themselves – am- ulets and individual iron nails (e.g. Pl 39, Pe490, Pe 791, Pe 842, Kozolec II gr. 23). At least some 93 Gaspari et al. 2015, 131. 94 Pearce 2001, 136. 94 Pearce 2001, 136. 95 Pearce 2001, 136. 95 Pearce 2001, 136. 96 Mackensen 1978. 96 Mackensen 1978. 97 Badovinac et al. 2011, zvezek III, 22. 97 Badovinac et al. 2011, volume III, 22. 98 Carroll 2011, 110–111. 98 Carroll 2011, 110–111. 99 Pearce 2011, 127. 99 Pearce 2001, 127. 100 Prim. Tomazo Ravnik 1984, 52; Mulh 2008; Župa- 100 Cf. Tomazo Ravnik 1984, 52; Mulh 2008; Županek, nek, Klasinc, Draksler v tisku. Klasinc, Draksler in print. 272 Pokrajine umrlih: struktura in dinamika severnega grobišča Emone Rast prebivalstva v 4. stoletju in categories of these objects have an apotropaic con- manjkajoči grobovi 5. in 6. stoletja nection with the dead children, dangerous because of their mors immatura. 101 V severnem grobišču je grobove mlajše od sredine 2. stoletja težje natančno datirati. Predvsem je temu vzrok upad sigilatnega posodja kot pridatka ter oh- Population growth in the 4th century and lapno datiranje bolj lokalnih proizvodov. Zdi pa se, the missing graves from the 5th and 6th da število grobov upada, tja vse do konca 3. stoletja. centuries Plesničarjeva to opaža na lokaciji Delavski dom,101 in sicer kot časovni hiatus med žganimi in skeletnimi In the northern necropolis, the graves from after the grobovi. mid-2nd century are more difficult to date precisely. Podobno situacijo, tj. zelo malo grobov, ki bi jih bilo The main reason for this is the decline of the ter- možno trdno postaviti v drugo polovico 2 stole- ra sigillata appearing as grave goods and the loose tja in v 3. stoletje, opažamo tudi na lokaciji Kozo- dating of the more local products. But it seems that lec2.102 Domnevamo, da gre za že omenjene težave the number of graves kept falling until the late 3rd z natančnim datiranjem grobov, ali pa morda upad century. Plesničar observed this at the Delavski dom emonskega prebivalstva, ki zato ne pokopava na ob- location102 as a temporal hiatus between cremation robnih lokacijah severnega grobišča, kot sta Delavski and inhumation burials. A similar situation, i.e. very dom in Kozolec2. Pojav sovpada s t. i. krizo 3. stole- few graves that could be firmly placed in the second tja, ki je zaznavna tudi v novčnem obtoku Emone.103 half of the 2nd century and in the 3rd century, has Peter Kos upad v novčnem obtoku razlaga z depo- also been observed at the site Kozolec II.103 The as- pulacijo Emone zaradi kuge, ki v tem času pustoši sumption is that the reason is a decline in Emona’s po imperiju.104 Po tej razlagi nam manjkajo številni population and consequently burials not taking place grobovi umrlih zaradi kuge. in the marginal locations of the northern necropolis, Za razliko od 3. stoletja pa je številne grobove moč such as Delavski dom and Kozolec II, since there datirati skozi celotno 4. stoletje, od teh precejšen de- was enough space elsewhere. The phenomenon co- lež v njegovo drugo polovico in konec. Sočasno ima- incides with the „crisis“ in the 3rd century, which can mo jasne kazalnike ekonomskega vzpona Emone v also be observed in the coin circulation in Emona.104 tem času.105 V Emoni v 4. stoletju obnovijo obzidje, Peter Kos explains the decline in the coin circulation forum, izgradijo termalni kompleks v insulah XVII, with the depopulation of Emona because of a pan- XIII in XXVII itd.106 Domneva se porast prebival- demic, known as the Antonine Plague, which was stva in morda tudi doseljevanje oz. prihod vojakov v ravaging the Empire around that time.105 The pan- povezavi s Claustro Alpium Iuliarum in utrjevanjem demic is thought to have reduced the population by Emone.107 V severnem grobišču imamo na Štefano- at least 20% and the previous population level was vi 4 zgolj grobove 4. stoletja,108 kar lahko razumemo not to be reached again until 75 years later.106 kot širitev grobišča čez robove zaradi populacijske- In contrast to the 3rd century, numerous graves can ga pritiska. Hkrati pa je Štefanova 4 tudi odsek, kjer be dated to the whole of the 4th century, particularly the second half and end of that century. At the same 101 Plesničar Gec 1967, 146. time there are clear indicators of an economic boom 102 Županek, Klasinc, Draksler v tisku. 103 Kos 1986. 101 Cf. Martin-Kilcher 2000. 104 Kos 1986. 102 Plesničar Gec 1967, 146. 105 Plesničar Gec 1997; Kos 1986, 246. 103 Županek, Klasinc, Draksler in print. 106 Plesničar Gec 2005, 401. 104 Kos 1986. 107 Plesničar Gec 2005, 404; Gaspari 2014, 235ss. 105 Kos 1986. 108 Tomažinčič et al. 2014. 106 Laurence, Esmonde Cleary, Sears 2011, 315. 273 Bernarda Županek in Emona during that time.107 In the 4th century, Em- ona renovated its walls and the forum, and built a thermal complex in Insulae XVII, XIII and XXVII, etc.108 It is assumed that the population grew and that there was an arrival of soldiers in connection with the lively events in connection with the Claustri Al- pium Iuliarum and the reinforcements of Emona.109 In the northern necropolis, at the site Štefanova 4, there are only graves from the 4th century,110 which can be interpreted as the spreading of the necropolis Slika/Figure 6 Slovenska cesta 2014, pokop 7002, because of population pressures. At the same time inhumacija brez pridatkov, vkopana v severno vpadnico this site is also a section where graves, only a few (arhiv MGML). / Archaeological excavations on the north decades older, were not respected and were, upon the part of the street Slovenska cesta in 2015: burial 7002, inhumation without grave goods, entrenched in the Emona burial of a new body, damaged or destroyed. Had the northern artery (MGML archives). graves been unmarked? Or did the „truly Roman“ rules on the inviolability of graves no longer apply? se – najbrž le nekaj desetletij – starejših grobov ne After the multitude of graves from the 4th century spoštuje in se jih ob pokopu novega pokojnika po- and a small number of graves that can be placed in škoduje ali uniči. Ali so bili grobovi neoznačeni? Ali the first half of the 5th century, there are practically pa „prava rimska“ pravila o nedotakljivosti grobov no graves that could be dated to the second half of niso več veljala? the 5th century or even the 6th century, when Emona Ob obilici grobov v 4. stoletju in nekaj grobovih prve is said to have still existed.111 Plesničar also dated the polovice 5. stoletja pa praktično ni grobov, ki bi jih Late Antiquity Emona graves only up to the mid-5th lahko postavili v drugo polovico 5. stoletja ali celo century,112 which is confirmed by the new discoveries 6. stoletje, ko naj bi mesto še živelo.109 Plesničarjeva of graves with grave goods. Plesničar thought that postavlja poznoantične grobove emonskih grobišč most of the late burials in Emona were inhumations do sredine 5. stoletja,110 kar nova odkritja grobov s without grave goods.113 Are inhumations without pridatki potrjujejo. Plesničarjeva meni, da je večina grave goods thus in fact burials from the second half poznih pokopov iz Emone skeletnih grobov brez pri- of the 5th or perhaps even 6th century? Are the graves datkov.111 So torej inhumacije brez pridatkov pokopi from the late 4th century being dated too early? Was iz 5. in 6. stoletja? Ali grobove iz 5. stoletja datiramo the material dated to the late 4th century put in graves prenizko? Se gradivo, ki ga datiramo v konec 4. sto- considerably later?114 Another possibility regarding letja, v grobove pridaja še precej kasneje?112 Ena od 5th/6th century graves is the smaller burial grounds možnosti so tudi manjša grobišča bližje mestu, npr. nearer the town, e.g. in the street Salendrova115 or, na Salendrovi113 ali, morda, Knafljevem prehodu114. 107 Plesničar Gec 1997; Kos 1986, 246. 108 Plesničar Gec 2005, 401. 109 Za Emono v drugo polovico 5. in v 6. stoletja prim. 109 Plesničar Gec 2005, 404; Gaspari 2014, 235ss. Plesničar, Sivec 1978; Plesničar Gec 2005, 406–408; za 110 Tomažinčič et al. 2014. drugačno stališče prim. Ciglenečki 2012. 111 For Emona in the second half of the 5th and in the 110 Plesničar Gec 1984, 19. 6th century, cf. Plesničar, Sivec 1978; Plesničar Gec 2005, 111 Plesničar Gec 1984, 19. 406–408; for a different view, cf. Ciglenečki 2012. 112 Prim. Migotti, Leleković 2013 za daljši razpon data- 112 Plesničar Gec 1984, 19. cij sorodnega gradiva. 113 Plesničar Gec 1984, 19. 113 Korošec 1951. 114 Cf. Migotti, Leleković 2013 for a longer range of 114 Masaryk, Tomazo Ravnik, Bekljanov Zidanšek the dating of related material. 2011. 115 Korošec 1951. 274 Pokrajine umrlih: struktura in dinamika severnega grobišča Emone perhaps, the passageway Knafljev prehod.116 The graves entrenched into the northern artery could also be from the same period117 (cf. Fig. 6). The connection between the northern necropolis and the road and craft areas The northern necropolis was at least in some parts clearly delimited. At the site Kozolec II a border Slika/Figure 7 Slovenska cesta 2014, mejni zid ditch was found between the necropolis and an area med cesto in območjem grobišča. Arhiv MGML. / where there were no burials.118 Excavations on Slov- Archaeological excavations on the north part of the street enska cesta – North uncovered a wall that served as Slovenska cesta in 2015: the border wall between the road and the burial ground (MGML archives). a border between the road and the necropolis ( Fig. 6). But so far no border between the industrial ar- Iz istega obdobja bi lahko bili tudi grobovi, vkopani eas (clay kilns in Štefanova,119 the pits connected v severno vpadnico115 ( sl. 6). with meat-processing activities at the Opera House site120) and the necropolis itself can be seen; perhaps the border area has not yet been found. The kilns Odnos severnega grobišča do ceste in discovered so far were from roughly the same time obrtnih območij as the necropolis, while the situation at the Opera House location was successive: initially there were Severno grobišče je bilo vsaj na nekaterih delih jas- waste pits and then in Late Antiquity graves. Neither no zamejeno. Na Kozolcu2 smo zasledili mejni jarek is it clear everywhere how, if at all, the border was de- med območjem grobišča in območjem, kjer poko- fined between the graves and buildings discovered by pov ni bilo.116 Raziskave na Slovenski cesti-sever leta the excavations at the site ploščad Borisa Kraigherja,121 2014 so odkrile zid, ki je razmejeval območje ceste od on Kongresni trg122 and on Slovenska cesta – North, območja grobišča ( sl. 7). Zaenkrat pa ni videti meje where in places the border wall is also the wall of a med industrijskimi območji (lončarske peči na Štefa- house.123 novi,117 jame mesno-predelovalnih aktivnosti na Ope- With regard to the contact area between the northern ri SNG118) in grobiščem; morda mejno območje še necropolis and the town, the relationship changed: ni bilo odkrito. Doslej odkrite lončarske peči so bile excavations on Kongresni trg showed that in phase okvirno sočasne z grobiščem, medtem ko je situacija VI there was a settlement similar in shape and quality na lokaciji Opera SNG zaporedna: najprej odpadne to the one inside the walls, with hypocausts, mosaics, jame, v pozni antiki grobovi. Prav tako ni povsem jasno, kako je bila, če sploh, definirana meja med gro- bovi in stavbami, ki jih odkrijejo izkopavanja na plo- 116 Masaryk, Tomazo Ravnik, Bekljanov Zidanšek ščadi Borisa Kraigherja,119 na Kongresnem trgu120 in 2011. 117 Plesničar Gec 1992, 95. 118 Županek, Klasinc, Draksler in print. 119 Plesničar Gec 1999, 85. 115 Plesničar Gec 1992, 95. 120 Dirjec et al. 2012. 116 Županek, Klasinc, Draksler v tisku. 121 Plesničar Gec 1992, 95. 117 Plesničar Gec 1999, 85. 122 Badovinac et al. 2011. 118 Dirjec et al. 2012. 123 Masaryk R. presentation „Slovenska cesta 2014“, 119 Plesničar Gec 1992, 95. at the meeting Archaeology in 1015, National Museum of 120 Badovinac et al. 2011. Slovenia, 31 March 2016. 275 Bernarda Županek Slovenski cesti-sever, kjer je mestoma mejni zid tudi frescos, drainage channels, etc.124 In view of the cit- zid hiše.121 ed report it is believed that the settlement continued Kar se tiče stika severnega grobišča z mestom, se je outside the walls, as described by authors in Antiqui- razmerje spreminjalo: pri raziskavah na Kongresnem ty, particularly in legal discussions, as continentia ae- trgu se je pokazalo, da je tu v VI. fazi poselitev, po ob- dificia.125 Although extra muros, the dense settlement, liki in kvaliteti podobna tisti znotraj obzidja, s hipoka- similar to that within town walls, was usually treated vstnim gretjem, mozaiki, freskami, odtočnimi kanali as part of the town, an urban periphery. itd.122 Glede na citirano Poročilo menimo, da gre lah- ko za kontinuirano poselitev izven obzidja, ki jo antič- ni avtorji predvsem v jurističnih razpravah označujejo Conclusion s continentia aedificia.123 Gosta, urbanemu načinu po- dobna poselitev je bila, čeprav extra muros, običajno Necropolises are an important part of the topog- obravnavana kot del mesta, del urbane periferije. raphy of Roman settlements. These public spaces along main roads were constantly visible to local inhabitants and travellers, since the dead in Roman Zaključek times were not pushed out of everyday life. On the contrary, they were the first thing to be seen when Grobišča so pomemben del topografije rimskih na- approaching a town and the last thing when leaving selij. Ti javni prostori ob prometnih glavnih cestah so it, buried in a place and manner visible to the living bili stalno na vidiku lokalnih prebivalcev in popotni- and thus part of their life. Graves were created with kov, saj mrtvi v rimskem času niso bili odrinjeni stran the intention of addressing an audience and along- iz vsakodnevnega življenja. Nasprotno, bili so prvi, ki side the main roads into or out of town, an audi- si jih srečal na poti v neko mesto, in zadnji ko si mes- ence was guaranteed. Like public buildings or private to zapuščal, pokopani tam in tako, da so bili vidni za architecture, the different, complex iconographic or žive in del njihovega življenja. Grobovi so bili urejeni architectural markers of graves were also a space and za to, da bodo nagovarjali občinstvo, in ob glavnih medium for expressing identity and status in a form cestah v in iz mesta je bilo občinstvo zagotovljeno. that lasted long after burial. Like the grave goods in Kot javne zgradbe ali privatna arhitektura je bil tudi the grave itself, the funerary monuments were not grob, z različno ikonografsko ali arhitekturno kom- the reflection of an absolute reality but part of the pleksnim označevalcem, prostor in medij za izražanje construction of an ideal. identitete in statusa v obliki, ki je trajala še dolgo po In towns like Emona, necropolises occupied a large samem pokopu. Enako kot pridatki v samem grobu part of the urban morphology. The dead acquired tudi nagrobno obeležje ni odsev neke absolutne real- their place right at the beginning, during the deduc- nost, ampak del konstrukcije idealnega. tion of the colony as part of the binary oppositions V mestih kot je bila Emona so grobišča okupirala the colony itself signified: without-within, favour- velik del urbane morfologije. Svoje mesto so mrtvi able-unfavourable, safe-dangerous. The town sur- dobili že na začetku, pri dedukciji kolonije, kot del rounded itself with forebears, which gradually con- binarnih opozicij ki jih je kolonija pomenila: zunaj tributed to the new town acquiring an appearance of -znotraj, ugodno-neugodno, varno-nevarno. Mesto having been there for ever, of being ancient, with all the rights accompanying old age, tradition and continuity. The northern necropolis of the colony of 121 Masaryk R., predstavitev „Slovenska cesta 2014“, na srečanju Arheologija v letu 2015, Narodni muzej Slo- Emona in no significant way deviates from compa- venije, 31.3.2016. 122 Badovinac et al. 2011. 124 Badovinac et al. 2011. 123 Prim. Goodman 2006, 14ss. 125 Cf. Goodman 2006, 14ss. 276 Pokrajine umrlih: struktura in dinamika severnega grobišča Emone se je obdajalo s predniki, kar je sčasoma pripomoglo, rable necropolises around the Empire. It was a space da se je novo mesto zdelo tu od nekdaj, staro, davno, intended to be seen, for burials and rituals, a very z vsemi pravicami, ki pritičejo starosti in tradiciji in active space that was constantly changing and being kontinuiteti. Severno grobišče kolonije Emone v niče- reshaped in line with the requirements and prefer- mer signifikantno ne odstopa od primerljivih grobišč ences of the living. In accordance with these, the po imperiju. Kot slednja je bilo tudi emonsko severno northern necropolis gradually became partly or fully grobišče prostor, namenjen pogledom, pokopom in abandoned. A special challenge for future research is različnim ritualom, zelo aktiven prostor, ki se je stalno the considerable number of relatively well published spreminjal in preoblikoval glede na potrebe in prefe- graves, which facilitates comparisons and different rence živih. V skladu z le-temi je bilo severno grobišče analyses, and the necropolis infrastructure that is in sčasoma tudi delno oz. v celoti opuščeno. Poseben parts well researched. izziv za nadaljnje raziskave je znatno število relativno dobro objavljenih grobov, kar omogoča primerjave in različne analize, in mestoma dobro raziskana grobišč- na infrastruktura. 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Ferle (ur.), TOMAŽINČIČ, Š. et al. 2014, Končno strokovno poročilo o Emona: mesto v imperiju, katalog razstave, Ljubljana, 17– arheoloških izkopavanjih na območju izgradnje podzemnih zbiralnic 40. na Štefanovi 4 v Ljubljani. – Kranj. ŠAŠEL KOS, M. 1992, Boginja Ekorna v Emoni. – Zgodo- TOYNBEE, J. M. C. 1971, Death and burial in the Roman vinski časopis 46/1, 5–12. world. – London. ŠAŠEL KOS, M. 1997, Lapidarij Narodnega muzeja Slovenije. ŽUPANEK, B., R. KLASINC in J DRAKSLER, v tisku, – Situla 35, Ljubljana. Nova dela severnega grobišča Emone: Kozolec 2 in Slo- ŠAŠEL KOS, M. 2006, Centenarians in the Emona area venska cesta 55c (Ljubljana, Slovenija). and the Adjacent Norican and Pannonian regions. – V: M. G. Angeli Bertinelli in A. Donati (ur.), Misurare il tempo, misurare lo spazio, Atti del Colloquio AIEGL, Borghesi 2005, dr. Bernarda Županek 175–197. Muzej in galerije mesta Ljubljana ŠTEMBERGER, K. 2014, Identity of females buried at Gosposka 15 Colonia Iulia Emona. – Arheo 31, 69–82. SI-1000 Ljubljana TOMAZO RAVNIK, T. 1984, Emonec z antropološke- bernarda.zupanek@mgml.si 279 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Keramični skupek vile rustike Polje pri Vodicah Ceramic Assemblages from the Roman Site Polje pri Vodicah Tina Žerjal Izvleček: Leta 2013 so bili v Polju pri Vodicah izkopani ostanki rimske vile rustike z grobiščem. Keramične najdbe obsegajo predvsem lokalno izdelano namizno in kuhinjsko keramiko, ki najdišče povezuje z lončarsko proizvodnjo emonskega agra, predvsem na Gorenjskem, in samim mestom Emono. Oljenke oblike Loeschcke X (pečatne oljenke) so večinoma izdelali lokalni lončarji in so datirane od 2. stoletja dalje. Afriške oljenke oblike Atlante VIII in njihovi lokalni posnetki pa datirajo konec grobišča v čas od konca 4. do začetka 5. stoletja. Ključne besede: Slovenija, Deseta regija, Emona, rimska keramika, vila rustika Abstract: At Polje pri Vodicah the remains of a Roman villa rustica with a cemetery were excavated in 2013. The ceramic finds encompass mainly local table and kitchen ware that links the site to the ceramic production in the Emonian ager, especially in Gorenjska region, and the city of Emona. The oil lamps of Loeschcke X type (Firmalampen) were predo- minantly of local production and dated from the 2nd centuries onwards. African lamps Atlante VIII types and their local imitations date the end of the cemetery to the end of the 4th and beginning of the 5th century. Key words: Slovenia, Regio X, Emona, Roman pottery, villa rustica Uvod Izkopavanja so tako zajela skrajni zahodni rob rim- ske kmetije, najverjetneje le gospodarska poslopja Arheološke raziskave leta 2013 so na poljih južno in – pars rustica. Izkazalo se je, da so imeli le nekate- jugozahodno od vasi Polje pri Vodicah razkrila del ri prostori in stavbe kamnite temelje (vkopane ali tlorisa rimske kmetije ( villa rustica) in njenega grobi- nadzemne). Večinoma pa so bila odkrita lesena šča. Izkopavanja so zajela le pas posega za postavitev poslopja in celo manjše lope, ki so služile za razna plinovoda – torej pas širine 15 ali 16 m in dolžine kmečka opravila, za shranjevanje pridelka, ozimni- okoli 525 m.1 co, krmo, morda za hleve in za obrtniško dejavnost Med tem, ko so na trasi plinovoda izkopavanja že na posesti. Med kopico stojk in jam so bile namreč potekala, so bile na poljih med Skaručno in Poljem odkrite lončarske peči, shrambene jame, ognjišča, pri Vodicah opravljene tudi geofizikalne raziskave. krušne peči in najpomembneje – metalurški obrat Le-te so razkrile celoten tloris rimske vile rustike. iz mlajšega obdobja vile rustike.2 Temu ustreza tudi Različna poslopja so bila organizirana okoli pravo- keramični skupek odkrit v arheoloških plasteh, za kotnega dvorišča. Pri tem moramo poudariti, da so katerega domnevamo, da je nastal v obdobju od 2. bile z geofizikalnimi metodami zaznane le zidane stoletja do prve polovice ali prve četrtine 5. stoletja. stavbe ali stavbe s kamnitimi temelji, ne pa tlorisi lesenih stavb. 1 Bricelj, Lavrič v tem zborniku. 2 Natančneje Bricelj, Lavrič v tem zborniku. 281 Tina Žerjal Študij rimske lončenine v emonskem knjige.10 Arheometrične analize so celo pokazale, da agru je večina posodja keramike tankih sten uvožena iz severne Italije in niso lokalni izdelek.11 Že nekaj časa V Emoni so že v 1. stoletju lokalni lončarji vzpostavi- vemo, da tudi novci v grobovih niso dobro datacijsko li dobro lončarsko proizvodnjo, ki je dokumentirana sredstvo. Omogočajo le datacijo ante quem non.12 Tako z odkritimi lončarskimi obrati in arheometričnimi domnevamo dokaj izkrivljeno sliko obravnavane analizami.3 tipologije emonske keramike za drugo polovico 2. in Na osnovi grobov severnega emonskega grobišča4 je predvsem za 3. stoletje, ki je bilo tudi za nas precej Ljudmila Plesničar Gec v sedemdesetih letih 20. stole- trd oreh. tja izdelala tipo-kronološko sekvenco oblik lončenine Tudi Iva Mikl Curk se je s pronicljivo natančnostjo v izdelane v Emoni.5 Njeno obsežno delo je bilo tak- svojih člankih spopadla z emonsko keramiko in sicer rat in je še danes zelo pomembno tudi za širši pro- z uvoženo zgodnjo sigilato severnoemonskih grobišč13 stor tega dela rimskega imperija. Pri analizah rimske in kuhinjsko keramiko14 ter z najdbami in lončenino lončenine v osrednji in velikokrat vzhodni Slove- posameznih najdišč v mestu in okolici.15 Emonsko niji se uporablja kot ključna literatura. Toda v štirih lončenino je vklopila tudi v svoja pregledna dela o desetletjih so keramične analize napredovale, napre- rimski lončenini na Slovenskem.16 dovali so tudi metodološki pristopi do arheoloških Posebno pozornost so do sedaj raziskovalci v Emoni in grobiščnih kontekstov.6 Delo Plesničarjeve je po- posvetili tudi amforam,17 afriški sigilati,18 lokalni kera- trebno ponovno kritično pretehtati. Njena datiranja miki19 in oljenkam.20 grobov slonijo na uvoženi italski sigilati, oljenkah in Žal je bilo do sedaj v Emoni in njeni okolici razen novcih.7 V zgodnjih grobovih je imela Plesničarjeva grobov objavljenih zelo malo arheoloških kontekstov na razpolago veliko uvoženih italskih izdelkov, ki so s celotnim gradivom iz časa od 2. stoletja dalje. Obja- ji omogočili zanesljivo datiranje emonske keramike. V ve zgodnjih kontekstov 1. stoletja pr. n. št. in 1. stole- času srednjega in poznega cesarstva oz. že dejansko tja n. št. so pogostejše: Vrhnika,21 Emona (Ljubljana),22 od konca 1. in začetkov 2. stoletja se razmerje med uvoženimi in lokalnimi izdelki spremeni v prid sle- dnjih, kar datiranje močno oteži.8 Žal je datiranje 10 Mikl Curk 1978. Plesničarjeve na osnovi oljenk skoraj popolnoma 11 Istenič, Daszkiewicz, Schneider 2003; prim. Plesni- zastarelo, saj je večino pečatnih oljenk z žigom proi- čar Gec 1987. 12 Kos 1997; Miškec 2012. zvajalca po takrat razpoložljivi literaturi uvrstila v čas 13 Mikl Curk 1977; Mikl Curk 1979a; Mikl Curk 1992; prve polovice 2. stoletja. Danes vemo, da so jih izde- Mikl Curk 2006. lovali bistveno dlje, vsaj do 4. stoletja (glej v nadaljeva- 14 Mikl Curk 1973. 15 Mikl Curk 1972/73; Mikl Curk 1979b; Mikl Curk nju). Ločimo lahko tudi med uvoženimi in lokalnimi 1986; Mikl Curk 2006. ali regionalnimi izdelki.9 Pri izdelavi svoje tipologije 16 Npr. Mikl Curk 1969; Mikl Curk 1985; Mikl Curk Plesničarjeva tudi ni upoštevala različnih tehnoloških 1987; Mikl Curk, Petru, Šubic 1973. 17 Bezeczky 1994; Vidrih Perko 1994; Vidrih Perko skupin, kar ji je Iva Mikl Curk očitala že ob izdaji 2000; Vidrih Perko 2006b. 18 Perko, Plesničar Gec 1991; Vidrih Perko 1992b. 19 Plesničar Gec, Vidrih Perko 1993; Istenič, Daszki- 3 Istenič, Daszkiewicz, Schneider 2003; Istenič, Plesni- ewicz, Schneider 2003. čar Gec 2001; Plesničar Gec 1985; Istenič 2010. 20 Šubic 1975; Istenič, Daszkiewicz, Schneider 2003; 4 Plesničar Gec 1972; Petru 1972. Perko 2012. 5 Plesničar Gec 1977. 21 Horvat 1990; Horvat 2012; Mušič, Horvat 2007; 6 Prim. Mikl Curk 1997; Istenič 1999; Novšak 2011. Horvat, Peterle Udovič, Tolar, Toškan 2016. 7 Plesničar Gec 1977, 9–11. 22 Forum: Plesničar Gec 2006; NUK II: Gaspari 2010; 8 Prim. Plesničar Gec 1977, 62; Mikl Curk 1987, 48. desni breg: Vičič 1993, Vičič 1994, Vičič 2002; Ravnik, Žu- 9 Istenič, Daszkiewicz, Schneider 2003; Schneider, panek 2017; Novšak, Bekljanov Zidanšek, Vojakovič 2017; Daszkiewicz 2011, Istenič 2010. Žerjal 2017. 282 Keramični skupek vile rustike Polje pri Vodicah Rodine,23 Kranj.24 Zaradi velikih količin uvoženih iz- Domnevamo, da so vsaj najkvalitetnejše izdelke delkov so ti konteksti primerljivi v širši regiji. izdelovali v najbližjem večjem centru – mestu Med mlajšimi arheološkimi konteksti v sami Ljubljani Emona, čeprav ne moremo izključiti tudi drugih poznamo le publikacijo izkopavanj starokrščanskega delavnic v agru ali v vili sami. Zato te odlomke centra pri osnovni šoli Majde Vrhovnik,25 za večje na- prištevamo k emonski namizni keramiki s premazom, selbine na Gorenjskem pa objave raziskav manjšega emonskim posnetkom sigilate oz. bolje emonski si- obsega v Kranju26 in Mengšu.27 Na Gorenjskem je bilo gilati.31 Odkrita keramika spada v sklop lončarskih odkritih kar nekaj podeželskih posesti ali vil rustik, proizvodenj posnetkov sigilatnih servisov, kakor je ki se na Kranjskem polju skoncentrirajo na razdaljo proizvodnja panonske loščene keramike32 2. stoletja 1,4 km prav v okolici Mengša.28 Žal še nobena ni bila in prve polovice 3. stoletja,33 ali poznih proizvodenj povsem izkopana in objavljena. Najdbe so površinske finega namiznega posodja, kakor je proizvodnja se- ali pridobljene med manjšimi sondiranji.29 Le za redke vernoitalske sigilate srednjega cesarskega obdobja vile vemo, da so bile zgrajene že v 1. ali 2. stoletju. druge polovice 2. in 3. stoletja.34 Gradivo iz 3. stoletja je zelo slabo poznano. Večino Lokalni lončarji v emonskem prostoru s prihodom kmetij ali vil rustik se na osnovi malega obsega najdb Rimljanov niso opustili svojega delovanja, kar se od- datira predvsem v 4. stoletje, živijo pa verjetno še vsaj raža v nadaljevanju staroselske keramike in njenih prvo polovico 5. stoletja.30 oblik. Z izdelavo posnetkov uvožene rdeče sigilate naj bi v Emoni začeli šele s flavijskim obdobjem ali v zadnji četrtini 1. stoletja.35 Konec 1. in v začetku Lončenina vile rustike Polje pri Vodicah 2. stoletja so lokalne lončarske delavnice postopno prevzele tržišče s svojimi izdelki, ki so posnemali ital- Emonska namizna keramika s premazom ske, predvsem poznopadske vzore (flavijske oblike V zgodnjih grobovih in najstarejših kontekstih nasel- bine se pojavljajo ostanki posod namizne keramike z rdečim premazom ali posnetki italske sigilate. Odlom- 31 Tu uvajamo nova poimenovanja primerljiva s podob- ki imajo praviloma zelo prečiščeno fakturo, večinoma nimi proizvodnjami v naši bližini. Zaradi namena lončar- se šele pri kasnejših oblikah pojavljajo vključki (največ- jev po izdelavi sigilatnega posodja, je izraz „emonska sigi- krat redka zrnca zdrobljene keramike in pogoste luske lata“ za kvalitetno izdelano posodje najprimernejši. 32 Slovenski prevod nemškega izraza Pannonische Glan- zelo fine in fine sljude). Večina je žgana v oksidacijski ztonware (PGW) – po Adler-Wölfl 2004; nazadnje Leleko- atmosferi, barva keramike je roza do zelo bledo rjave vić 2016. V slovenščini je bila ta zvrst poimenovana tudi ali bež barve z rdečim premazom. V skromnem deležu panonska žigosana keramika ali posnetki oz. imitacija terre sigillate. Vsi uporabljeni izrazi so deloma problematični, saj smo odkrili tudi ostanke redukcijsko žganih posod s ne odražajo ne razprostranjenosti proizvodnje (ki presega keramiko sive do temno sive barve in črnim do zelo okvirje province Panonije) in ne vseh lastnosti izdelave. temno sivim premazom. Za problematiko izrazoslovja glej še npr. Istenič 1999, 91; Vidrih Perko 2006a, 87. Beseda lošč morda tudi ni najbolj- ša, saj se v slovenski literaturi uporablja predvsem za točno določene srednjeveške in novoveške premaze. Za najkvali- 23 Valič, Petru 1964/65. tetnejše primerke bi ustrezal izraz „panonska sigilata“. 24 Sagadin 2003; Sagadin 2008. 33 Istenič 1999, 91–103; Adler-Wölfl 2004; Leleković 25 Plesničar Gec 1983. 2016. 26 Sagadin 2008. 34 Fontana 2005. 27 Sagadin 1995a; Železnikar 1999. 35 Na Ptuju naj bi se lokalna proizvodnja posnetkov 28 Sagadin 2008, 174. sigilate sicer začela že s posnetki sigilatnih oblik tiberij- 29 Pregled Sagadin 1995a; Sagadin 1995b; Sagadin sko-klavdijskega obdobja (Istenič 1999, 102). Najstarejši 2002; Sagadin 2006. posnetki sigilatnega posodja (PGW) drugje po Panoniji 30 Sagadin 1995b; Sagadin 2008; Vidrih Perko, Sagadin sodijo predvsem v flavijsko obdobje (Adler-Wölfl 2004; 2004; Vidrih Perko 2011; Horvat, Sagadin 2017. nazadnje Leleković 2016, 609–610), kakor v Emoni. 283 Tina Žerjal Consp. 39–45 in Consp. 34),36 kasneje pa tudi galsko parentalije ipd. To je opazila tudi Ljudmila Plesničar in afriško sigilato. Gec na severnem emonskem grobišču.44 Na grobišču se zelo pogosto pojavljajo odlomki sko- V žganem grobu 3033 sta bili odkriti dve celi in delic ali krožnikov, ki posnemajo poznopadske servi- delno ohranjena tretja skodelica z navzven izvihanim se oblikovne skupine B (oblike Consp. 39–46, morda ustjem - posnetki oblike Consp. 43 ( sl. 8: 1–3), peča- tudi oblike Consp. 47–49 in Consp. 34) ali servise tna oljenka Loeschcke Xb z žigom VIBIANI in obra- južnogalske sigilate (oblike Dragendorff 35/36 ipd). bljen novec 1. ali 2. stoletja. Mnogi grobovi v Emoni Na emonske lončarje so imeli nedvomno največji imajo natančno enako sestavo kakor grob 3033. Koli- vpliv poznopadski lončarji, saj so njihove izdelke v ko časa so posnetke Consp. 43 izdelovali v Emoni oz. velikih količinah uvažali.37 Poznopadski krožniki in v tem jugovzhodnoalpskem in panonskem območju skodelice oblikovne skupine B, predvsem servis A oz. še ni dorečeno. Morda bi njihovo uporabo lahko po- obliki Consp. 39 in 43,38 so predstavljali glavno obli- tegnili tudi v začetek ali prvo tretjino 3. stoletja, saj ko flavijskega časa v padskem in noriško-panonskem se skodelice Drag. 35 in krožniki Drag. 36 v galski prostoru. V poznopadski sigilati so jih izdelovali do sigilati izdelujejo vsaj še prvo tretjino 3. stoletja. sredine 2. stoletja.39 Najštevilčnejši so odlomki skodel in krožnikov z raz- Lokalni posnetki sigilatnih oblik Consp. 39–49 so ličnimi oblikami vodoravnih ustij, ki so okrašena s številni v Emoni, Celeji in Ptuju.40 V Karnuntu se kanelurami in včasih peresnim okrasom ( sl. 8: 4–11), pojavljajo od flavijskega časa in še celo 2. stoletje.41 kar je pogosto tudi v Karnuntu.45 Množica variant Na emonskih grobiščih naj bi se lokalni posnetki, ki nedvomno posnema oblike poznopadskih servisov so večinoma oksidacijsko žgani z oranžno-rdečim D z vodoravnim ustjem in pokončnim robom (obliki premazom, redki pa tudi redukcijsko žgani s temno Consp. 41 in 45 – sl. 8: 4–5, 8–11). Nekoliko zaobljen sivim premazom, pojavljali le v žganih grobovih od prehod pri skodelici ( sl. 8: 10) bi spominjal tudi na konca 1. pa vsaj do konca 2. stoletja.42 Na zahodnih skodelice Hayes 75 vzhodne sigilate B. grobiščih Ptuja se npr. lokalni posnetki PTS7–11, 13 Manj številni so posnetki že omenjenega servisa A pojavljajo predvsem v grobovih, ki so datirani od z izvihanim ustjem (obliki Consp. 43 in Consp. 39 – flavijskega časa ali konca 1. do sredine 2. stoletja.43 sl. 8: 1–3) in servisa B z vodoravnim ustjem (obliki Zaradi velikega deleža odlomkov ožjega prstanastega Consp. 44 in Consp. 40 – sl. 8: 6–7, 11). Pri nekate- dna lahko domnevamo, da gre med odlomki s Po- rih skodelicah rob ustja postopno prehaja v ostenje lja pri Vodicah predvsem za skodelice. Te skodelice skodelice z globljim recipientom – kakor pri oblikah so bile le redko pridane v grobove kot pridatki ali poznopadskega servisa C s pokončnim robom ustja popotnica pokojniku. Najpogosteje so zelo prežgane, (oblike Consp. 47, 48 in 49). obrabljene in močno fragmentirane. Domnevamo V naselbini se pojavljajo popolnoma drugačne oblike lahko, da so bile dodane na ustrino ali uporabljene pri namizne keramike s premazom. Odlomek krožnika določenih obredih na grobišču pri praznikih kakor so ali pokrova z rdečim premazom je na zunanji povr- šini okrašen s koleščkanjem ali peresnim okrasom ( sl. 8: 15). Morda bi lahko posnemal obliko krožnika 36 Plesničar Gec 1977, 60–67; Mikl Curk 1987, 47–48; Consp. 3 poznopadske sigilate, ki je značilna za čas Mikl Curk 1979a, 354. do sredine ali konca 2. stoletja.46 Tak okras zanje sicer 37 Mikl Curk 1979a. 38 Conspectus 1990, 49–50. ni značilen. 39 Conspectus 1990, 120–136; Zabehlicky Scheffeneg- Najpogostejša oblika premazane namizne keramike v ger 1992, 421–422. naselbini so čaše. Pojavljajo se tako oksidacijsko žgane 40 Vidrih Perko 2006a, 87; Istenič 1999, 96–100. 41 Adler-Wölfl 2004, 84–85; Skodelice Sa 2.4, Sa 2.5, krožniki Te 2.4, Te 2.5, Te 2.6. 44 Plesničar Gec 1977, 52–53. 42 Plesničar Gec 1977, 52–53, T 7: 1–9. 45 Prim. Adler-Wölfl 2004. 43 Istenič 1999, 96–99. 46 Conspectus 1990, 56; Žerjal 2005. 284 Keramični skupek vile rustike Polje pri Vodicah z rdečim premazom ( sl. 8: 13–14) kakor redukcijsko žgane s temno sivim premazom ( sl. 8: 12). Čaše ima- jo pokončno cilindrično profilirano ali trikotno ustje, trebušast trup, ki je na zunanji površini okrašen s ko- leščkanjem in ozko, rahlo prstanasto dno. Predvsem čaše s cilindričnim ustjem bi lahko po obliki pripisali posnetkom retijskih čaš.47 Originale so množično izdelovali celotno 2. in do sredine 3. stoletja.48 Posnetke teh oblik pa so izdelovali v mnogih delavnicah, domnevno tudi v Emoni.49 Proizvodnja posnetkov je za 2. in vsaj začetke 3. stoletja dokumentirana na Ptuju50 in v Celju,51 v Mauternu v drugi polovici 2. in prvi polovici 3. stoletja.52 Podobno oblikovane čaše Slika 1 Odlomek sive keramike s temnim premazom z najdemo tudi na Ilovici pri Vranskem, kjer se najdbe reliefnim okrasom (foto S. Pukšič). datirajo do sredine 3. stoletja,53 in v Hrastniku, kjer je najdišče datirano do začetkov 4. stoletja, z zgostitvijo veliko skled ali melnic z vodoravnim ustjem in ro- najdb v 2. in 3. stoletju.54 bom, ki je bilo lahko različno okrašeno. Izdelane so Zelo fini redukcijsko žgani keramiki s sivim prema- bile iz namizne keramike z rdečim premazom. Ne- zom pripada odlomek ramena čaše z reliefnim ok- katere so imele v notranjosti dna kamenčke kakor rasom, na kateri se prepozna moža z dolgim nosom glazirane melnice.57 ( sl. 1). Ali pripada izdelek izjemni proizvodnji v okvi- ru panonske žigosane keramike? Fina keramika z zeleno engobo V mlajših plasteh in grobovih 4. in 5. stoletja je tudi nekaj namizne keramike z rdečim premazom, npr. ne- V žgani grob 3024 je bil pridan lonec ( sl. 2, sl. 8: 16) kaj vrčev z izlivom trolistne oblike ( sl. 9: 37) in sklede z valovnico in vodoravnimi pasovi glavničenja ter z vodoravnim ali poševnim ustjem ( sl. 8: 27). Skle- temno zeleno engobo ali nebleščečim premazom, de spadajo že v sklop posnetkov večjih skled afriške ki skorajda ni bila več ohranjena. Keramika sama je sigilate in melnic glazirane keramike, ki so značilne zelo fina, prečiščena in sive barve, saj je bila žgana v za prehranjevalne navade poznorimskega obdobja. Enake oblike ustij namizne keramike brez premaza ( sl. 8: 23, 25, 26) so drugje prevlečene z rdečim pre- mazom ali zeleno olivno glazuro. Podobni posnetki se v Mauternu datirajo različno: od druge polovice 2. stoletja,55 predvsem pa v 3., 4. in 5. stoletje, pač odvisno od variante.56 Na Hrušici je bilo najdenih 47 Prim. Istenič 1999, 134. 48 Varga 2016. 49 Vidrih Perko 2006a, 88; Plesničar Gec 1977, 47, 49. 50 Istenič 1999, 134. 51 Krajšek, Stergar 2007, 249. 52 Groh, Sedlmayer 2002, 194–195. 53 Vidrih Perko 2006a, 88–89. 54 Krajšek, Stergar 2007, 249–250. 55 Groh, Sedlmayer 2002, 177, pri posnetku sklede se- Slika 2 Posoda z zeleno engobo (foto D. Kovačič). vernoitalskih izdelkov Consp 37.2. 56 Groh, Sedlmayer 2002, 183–185. 57 Giesler 1981, 86, T. 37. 285 Tina Žerjal redukcijski atmosferi. Trebušast lonec ima enostav- no navpično ustje in ravno dno. Najbližji analogiji smo našli v dveh žganih grobovih v Emoni. Pridatki v grobu 182 kažejo na čas od konca 1. do sredine 2. stoletja ali morda do konca 2. stoletja.58 Dru- gi pridatki v grobu 215 ne nudijo boljše datacije konteksta,59 je pa lonček ali čaša iz groba 215 pre- mazan s temno rdečo engobo.60 Podoben lonček se je nahajal v grobu odkritem ob gradnji temeljev za gimnazijo v Prežihovi ulici leta 1896, kjer grobna celota ni znana.61 V Narodnem muzeju je shranje- na še ena neobjavljena cela posodica62 zelo podobne oblike z enakim okrasom in olivno zelenim prema- zom, toda bistveno manjših dimenzij. Žal izvira iz neznane lokacije nekih starejših izkopavanj (verjetno Walterja Schmida) v Emoni.63 Siva keramika s temnim premazom in Slika 3 Posoda z vtisnjenim okrasom (foto D. Kovačič). vtisnjenim okrasom poznana po opisu podobna keramika poimenova- Med inventarjem izstopa lonec iz skeletnega groba na „ Hellgraue Feinkeramik mit dunklem Uberzug“ ali 3043 izdelan iz fine redukcijsko žgane prečiščene fine „ Hellgraue Feinkeramik mit schwarzem Uberzug“.66 keramike sive do temno sive barve s premazom črne ali zelo temno sive barve ( sl. 3, sl. 8: 17). Na zunanji Afriška sigilata površini ramena sta vidna dva pasova kratkih polkro- žnih potegov z glavnikom. Podoben okras je krasil V naselbini smo odkrili nekaj odlomkov afriške sigi- lonec, sicer z narebrenim vratom, iz skeletnega groba late. Najštevilčnejši so odlomki krožnikov Hayes 50B 216 severnega emonskega grobišča.64 Podobne oblike afriške sigilate C3/4, ki so značilni za drugo polovico loncev ali vaz Plesničarjeva uvršča v čas do druge po- 4. stoletja.67 Odlomek ustja posebno fine proizvo- lovice 4. stoletja, saj je bil grobu 175 dodan tudi novec dnje, morda afriške sigilate C3/4 ali C/E, bi lahko Konstancija II.65 pripadal krožniku oblike Hayes 57 (290 ali 300−375) Morda je lonec izdelek pozne proizvodnje lokalne ali Hayes 58A.68 redukcijsko žgane keramike s premazom ali glajene Ostali odlomki pripadajo delavnicam severne Tuni- keramike (v nadaljevanju). Na Hrušici je bila pre- zije ali proizvodnji D. Krožniki oblike Hayes 61A so datirani v čas od leta 320 oz. 330 do začetkov 5. 58 Plesničar Gec 1972, T. 50: 9–14. stoletja,69 veliki pladnji oblike Hayes 59A z navpično 59 Plesničar Gec 1972, T. 60: 15–21. kaneluro na ostenju pa sočasno od leta 320 oz. 330 60 Zahvaljujem se Bernardi Županek za ogled najdbe. do 400 oz. 420.70 61 Petru 1972, 139, št. 560, t. 110: 31, inv. št. Narodni muzej Slovenije R 2682. 62 Inv. št. Narodni muzej Slovenije R 15435. 66 Giesler 1981, 88–89, T. 38. 63 Zahvaljujem se Janki Istenič in Heleni Bras za ogled 67 Hayes 1972, 73; Pröttel 1996, 32–33; LRFW working najdbe in podatke o obeh lončkih iz Narodnega muzeja group 2011, 5; Quaresma 2011. Slovenije. 68 Hayes 1972, 91-96; Pröttel 1996, 34; LRFW 1. 64 Plesničar Gec 1972, T. 61: 1. 69 Mackensen 1993, 319–320, 402–403. 65 Plesničar Gec 1977, 44, T. 5: 12; Plesničar Gec 1972, 70 Mackensen 1993, 401; LRFW working group 2011, T. 48: 10, 11. 5, 18. 286 Keramični skupek vile rustike Polje pri Vodicah Slika 4 Odlomki glazirane keramike (foto S. Pukšič). Glazirana keramika ljenim robom na koncu ( sl. 5 zgoraj desno). Popolno- ma enake oblike so izdelovali tudi v namizni keramiki Melnica z ovratnikom ali vodoravnim ustjem je ena ( sl. 8: 23, 25, 26). Zanimivo je ustje melnice ali sko- od pogostejših oblik poznorimske glazirane keramike dele z rjavo zeleno glazuro in valovitim robom ( sl. 4 v vsem obdobju njene izdelave, od konca 3. do 6. spodaj). Z zeleno glazuro so bile prevlečene tudi dru- stoletja.71 To je razvidno tudi iz našega gradiva, saj je ge posode. Trakast ročajček pripada vrčku. Kolešč- prisotnih nekaj različnih melnic z vodoravnim ustjem kan okras na zunanji površini se pojavi pri skodelici, ( sl. 4, sl. 5, sl. 8: 23–25) – take z le ukrivljenim ustjem skledi in večji posodi ( sl. 4 v sredini). Na grobišču je in rebrom ( sl. 8: 23), z vodoravnim ustjem in rebrom prisotna tudi glazirana oljenka. ( sl. 8: 24), z vodoravnim ustjem in pokončnim žleb- Uporaba glazirane keramike se je razširila proti kon- cu 3. stoletja, množično pa od sredine 4. do 6. sto- 71 Magrini, Sbarra 2007, 33–37; Magrini, Sbarra 2009. 287 Tina Žerjal Slika 5 Odlomki glazirane keramike (foto S. Pukšič). Slika 6 Odlomki glajene keramike ali keramike z glajenim okrasom (foto S. Pukšič). 288 Keramični skupek vile rustike Polje pri Vodicah letja.72 Postojanke v okviru sistema zapor Claustra bi sledila šele po sredini 4. stoletja, ko lahko dom- Alpium Iuliarum je oskrbovalo več lončarskih delavnic nevamo njeno prisotnost tudi v našem prostoru. V iz akvilejskega območja, kakor je znana delavnica v poznem 4. in zgodnjem 5. stoletju je bila v Panoniji Carlinu,73 in lokalnega območja, ki še niso ugotovlje- in sosednjih provincah izjemno priljubljena. Razvoj ne.74 glajenih posod in glajenega okrasa, predvsem v 5. in 6. stoletju, se največkrat povezuje z germanskimi Glajena keramika in keramika z glajenim prišleki z vzhoda. Po zadnjih študijah so glajeno kera- okrasom miko v 4. in 5. stoletju verjetno izdelovale tudi rimske lončarske delavnice, čeprav si teze o njenem izvoru Med poznorimskim finim posodjem smo prepozna- še nasprotujejo.77 Enoročajni vrči hruškaste oblike z li odlomke glajene keramike ali keramike z glajenim glajenim okrasom, večinoma v obliki poševnih črt, so okrasom75 ( sl. 5, sl. 8: 18–22). Izredno številčni so bili pogosta oblika med poznorimskim gradivom Pano- v stavbi 4. Posode so bile različno kvalitetno izdela- nije in tudi v Sloveniji so pogosti. Najboljše analogije ne. Nekateri odlomki so izjemno kakovostni, tanki, iz najdemo v dveh vrčih iz druge polovice 4. stoletja iz zelo dobro prečiščene fine in trdo žgane keramike, ki Kosovelov v Vipavski dolini78 in v loncu z glajenim vsebuje obilna fina in zelo fina zrnca sljude. Barva na okrasom iz rimskega vodnjaka v Dobovi, ki je datiran površini je črna ali zelo temno siva, prelom je lahko v čas od konca 4. oz. začetka 5. do sredine 5. stoletja.79 temno sive ali svetlo sive do bele barve. Površine so Ta ima podobno obliko ustja in fakturo, krasi pa ga zaglajene in na nekaterih smo zasledili glajen okras glajen okras mreže, ki se pojavi šele konec 4. stoletja, poševnih ali navpičnih črt, ki niso zamejene s kane- kasneje kakor okras prisoten na naših odlomkih. V lurami ( sl. 8: 19). To naj bi bila značilnost zgodnje Sloveniji naj bi v isti čas spadali tudi vrči najdeni na faze te proizvodnje iz druge polovice 4. stoletja.76 grobišču v Drnovem, v dveh grobovih na Zgornjem Poleg teh pa lahko opazujemo tudi celo paleto posod bregu na Ptuju, na Rifniku, odlomki na Ančnikovem slabše izdelave, s pogostejšimi vključki (zrnca kreme- gradišču in v Kranju.80 Na Hrušici lahko po oblikah na sive, rjave in bele barve). Nekateri zelo porozni posod in vrčkov domnevamo, da gre pri keramiki primerki se že približuje kuhinjski keramiki. Vsa ke- poimenovani Feine schwarze Glimmerware za nekaj po- ramika ima bolj ali manj zaglajene površine, temno dobnega.81 sive ali sive barve in prelom svetlo sive ali bele bar- ve. Včasih je notranja površina ostala groba in svetla. Amfore in druga uvožena keramika Keramika je bila verjetno žgana pri nizki temperaturi in že med žganjem izpostavljena dimljenju ali močni Med gradivom smo ugotovili le en odlomek dna redukcijski atmosferi. t. i. „pompejanskega“ pekača s premazom rdeče bar- Na osnovi najdenih ustij in številnih odlomkov roča- ve v notranjosti. Na tirenski obali srednje Italije so jih jev, ki so praviloma pritrjeni na ustje, domnevamo, da proizvajali do 3. stoletja.82 jih večina pripada enoročajnim vrčem hruškaste ob- Iz antičnega mesta Phocaia na zahodnih obalah Male like. Dna vrčev so večinoma ravna ali ob strani rahlo Azije je dospel mali narebreni lonček egejske kuhinj- preoblikovana. ske keramike oblike Knossos Cooking pot type 4. V 2. in Glajeno keramiko so v Panoniji izdelovali že v drugi 3. stoletju se zelo množično pojavljajo v Atenah, na polovici 3. stoletja, toda množična proizvodnja naj 77 Nazadnje pregled Modrijan, Novšak 2015; Otto- 72 Cvjetićanin 2006; Magrini, Sbarra 2007; Magrini, manyi 2015. Sbarra 2009; Ottomanyi 2015. 78 Knific, Žbona Trkman 2011. 73 Magrini, Sbarra 2007. 79 Modrijan, Novšak 2015. 74 Magrini, Sbarra 2009. 80 Sagadin 2008; nazadnje Modrijan, Novšak 2015. 75 V nadaljevanju uporabljam izraz glajena keramika. 81 Giesler 1981, 87, T. 39. 76 Ottomanyi 2015. 82 Di Giovanni 1996, 67−70, 82–86. 289 Tina Žerjal Jadranu in območju zahodne Slovenije.83 Iz vzhod- nega Sredozemlja je bil prinesen še vrč z lijakastim ustjem. Odlomki amfor obsegajo celo paleto proizvodenj. Med zgodnjecesarske amfore spadajo odlomki vin- skih amfor Dr. 2−4, katere so ponekod lahko izde- lovali še do konca 2. ali v začetku 3. stoletja,84 in dno vinske amfore z ravnim dnom, ki je ohranilo ostanke smole in ga datiramo med sredo 1. in 3. stoletja.85 Uvoz vina iz vzhodnega Sredozemlja nakazujejo tem- no rdeči odlomki egejskih dvoročajnih vrčev LRA3, izdelani v delavnicah maloazijskih obal od konca 4. Slika 7 Pečatna oljenka posebne oblike (foto K. Dremelj). vse do 6. oz. 7. stoletja,86 in odlomki amfore LRA4 (amfora Gaza) iz območja Levanta.87 Slednja ima ne- Oljenke koliko posebno fakturo, ki bi lahko pripadala drugi poznorimski vzhodnosredozemski amfori ali enemu Oljenke so bile najdene predvsem v grobovih, kjer so od njenih severnoafriških posnetkov. bile položene ob pokojniku med pogrebnim običajem, Najmlajši so odlomki amfor iz Prokonzularne Afrike, da bi mu s svojo simboliko luči življenja lajšale biva- ki se v severnojadranskem prostoru pogosto pojav- nje v onostranstvu. Sedem od desetih oljenk iz grobov ljajo v času od 3. do sredine 5. stoletja.88 Večina slabo je bilo pečatnih oljenk oblike Loeschcke X lokalne ali ohranjenih odlomkov je ožje težje določljiva. Pre- regionalne izdelave, kar se odraža tudi v kvaliteti naj- poznali smo vinsko amforo oblike Dressel 30 sever- denih oljenk. Dve lahko uvrstimo v varianto L. Xa/b, noafriške proizvodnje iz časa od konca 2. do 4. stole- dve v L. Xb, dve v L. Xb/c, eno v varianto L. Xc. Na tja89 in ustja severnoafriških amfor srednjih dimenzij treh oljenkah je na spodnji strani odtisnjen žig VIBI- oblike Africana IIIA (=Keay 25.1) iz 3. in 4. stoletja ANI. Ime severnoitalskega izdelovalca so množično ali oblike Africana IIIB (=Keay 25.2) iz konca 4. in reproducirali tudi emonski lončarji, kakor je bilo po- sredine 5. stoletja.90 trjeno z arheometričnimi analizami.92 Na emonskem V kontekstih skupaj s poznorimskimi afriškimi amfo- grobiščih je to tretji najpogostejši žig pečatnih oljenk.93 rami so prisotne še manjše amforice Dr. 6B s tipično Z arheometričnimi analizami je bilo dokazano, da so istrsko fakturo, podobne tipu Fažana 1/Aquincum emonski lončarji izdelovali pečatne oljenke različnih 78/Grado I ali Fažana 2/Bónis 31/5, značilne za 2., kvalitet: L. Xa, Xa/b, Xb, Xb/c in Xc.94 Na zahodnih 3. in vsaj še 4. stoletje.91 ptujskih grobiščih se lokalno izdelane oljenke pojavi- jo že v prvi tretjini 2. stoletja. Variante Loeschcke Xa in Xa/b se najpogosteje pojavljajo v grobovih druge polovice 2. in prve polovice 3. stoletja, prisotne pa 83 Hayes 1983, 106; Žerjal 2008b. so še do tretje tretjine 3. stoletja. Varianta Loeschc- 84 Pregled Panella 2001, 184−185, 194. ke Xb je značilna za drugo polovico 2. in prvo po- 85 Panella 2001, 184–185. lovico 3. stoletja, uporablja se še celotno 4. stoletje.95 86 Pieri 2005, 95–98, Modrijan 2014. 87 Pieri 2005, 110–114. Najmlajše variante Loeschcke Xc se navadno datirajo 88 Vidrih Perko 2000; Vidrih Perko 2006b; Modrijan 2015. 89 Bonifay 2004a, 148−151: najbolj podobna obliki Os- tia I, sl. 263. 92 Istenič, Daszkiewicz, Schneider 2003. 90 Bonifay 2004, 111−122, fig. 57−63. 93 Perko 2012, 34. 91 Pesavento Mattioli, Carre 2009; Vidrih Perko 2006b; 94 Istenič, Daszkiewicz, Schneider 2003. Vidrih Perko, Župančič 2011. 95 Istenič 1999, 153–160, 172. 290 Keramični skupek vile rustike Polje pri Vodicah v drugo polovico 3., 4. in 5. stoletje,96 čeprav jih ne- pas poševnih vrezov na obeh straneh. Pripada obliki kateri postavljajo že v drugo polovico 2. stoletja.97 Žal Atlante VIII A2b iz druge polovice 4. stoletja.102 Po- datacije lokalnih pečatnih oljenk po kvaliteti izdelave leg 13 steklenih jagod ogrlice je bila v grobu 3028 naj- za emonska grobišča še niso izdelane. Risbe objav pa dena oljenka Atlante VIII z reliefnim okrasom konja niso najboljše izhodišče. Kljub temu vidimo, da se vsaj v galopu ali leva v teku na disku in preluknjanim dr- oljenke L. Xb z dobro vidnim žigom pojavljajo še v žajem. Spada v obliko Atlante VIII A1-2 razširjeno grobovih severnoemonskega grobišča z novci iz začet- izven Prokonzularne Afrike v plasteh konca 4. in še po- kov ali prve polovice 4. stoletja. Pri tem sta pomemb- gosteje prve polovice 5. stoletja.103 V naselbini so bili na grob MM 115 z oljenkami L. Xb ali L. Xb/c z ži- odkriti odlomki še ene afriške oljenke oblike Atlante gom Vibiani, tremi oljenkami z žigom Cresces in eno VIII s polnim držajem in okrasom spiral na ramenu. oljenko L. Xc ter novcem Maksimina Daia, kovanem V grobu 3030 je bila oljenka iz poznorimske glazirane med leti 310–311,98 ter grob NM 513 z oljenko L. Xb keramike. Telo je hruškaste oblike z navpičnim pre- z žigom Fortis in zlatnikom uzurpatorja Magnencija, luknjanim držajem in je na zunanji površini prevlečeno kovan med leti 350 in 353.99 Oljenka variante L. Xb/c s svetlo zeleno glazuro. z nečitljivim žigom je bila najdena v grobu MM 225 s poznorimskim kozarcem in tremi bronastimi novci Namizna keramika (as Nerve, kovan med leti 96–98, novec Maksimijana, kovan med leti 296 in 297, ter folis Konstantina I., ko- Lokalno namizno posodje ( sl. 9) je najpogostejše v van okoli leta 317).100 Oljenke L. Xc so bile pogosto zgodnejših kontekstih druge polovice 2. stoletja in 3. najdene skupaj z novci 4. stoletja, npr. na Štefanovi ulici stoletja, kjer najdemo številne odlomke krožnikov z v grobu 18 z novcem Kostancija II. (kovan med leti ravnim dnom ( sl. 9: 1–6) in različne lončke, med kateri- 341–348).101 mi so tudi lokalni posnetki egejskih narebrenih lončkov V večini grobov Polja pri Vodicah pogosto ni drugih ( sl. 9: 14–17). V mlajših, poznorimskih kontekstih je na- datacijskih elementov. Dve oljenki variante L. Xa/b sta mizno posodje redko, toda še zmeraj prisotno. Najbolj bili najdeni v najstarejših grobovih s pridatki iz 2. sto- izpovedna sta grob 3025 iz prve polovice 4. stoletja z letja (grob 3024 in 3033). Dve oljenki variante L. Xb/c namiznim loncem ali vazo s trikotnim ustjem ( sl. 9: 23) sta premazani z rdečim premazom, ena je bila najdena in grob 3027, datiran v 4. in prvo polovico 5. stoletja, v grobu z novcem iz druge polovice 2. stoletja, ki pa je z vrčem s trolistnim izlivom ( sl. 9: 35). Pogosti so od- na osnovi drugih najdb verjetno kasnejši. Grob z oljen- lomki vaz s cilindričnim vratom ( sl. 9: 18–22), ki imajo ko variante L. Xc pa vsebuje tudi druge pridatke iz 4. mnoge analogije v emonskih grobovih 2. do 4. stoletja,104 stoletja. na Ilovici pri Vranskem105 in na Hrušici, kjer se pojav- V naselbini je bila najdena zanimiva pečatna oljenka ljajo različne velikosti in celo en primerek prevlečen s posebne oblike ( sl. 7). Na disku je imela pokončen pre- poznorimsko zeleno glazuro.106 Najdemo pa tudi nekaj luknjan držaj, na ramenu pa okras iz bunčic. Hruškasti pokrovov ( sl. 9: 42–45), skled ( sl. 9: 8–13) in pladnjev trup spominja na obliko L. Xc. ( sl. 9: 7). V dveh grobovih sta bili severnoafriški oljenki. Obe Na Hrušici se pojavlja tudi večina tehnoloških skupin pokojnici sta nosili ogrlice iz steklenih jagod. Oljen- najdenih na Polju pri Vodicah: našo prečiščeno na- ko v grobu 3019 krasi motiv rozete v sredini diska in mizno keramiko je Gieslerjeva npr. poimenovala Feine 96 Istenič 1999, 157; Žerjal 2008a, 109–112; Perko 2012. 97 Žerjal 2008a, 109–112. 102 Bonifay 2004, 359, 364, Bonifay lampe type 44. 98 Plesničar Gec 1972, 172–173, T. 32: 1–6. 103 Bonifay 2004, 358–364, Bonifay lampe type 45. 99 Petru 1972, 53, T. 34: 3. 104 Plesničar Gec 1977, 49. 100 Plesničar Gec 1972, 49, T. 63: 5–7. 105 Vidrih Perko 2006a. 101 Tomažinčič 2014. 106 Giesler 1981, T. 41: 12. 291 Tina Žerjal weisstonige Kerami“,107 fakturo krožnikov pa bi lahko pre- ki so značilni za rimske naselbine Gorenjske v 1. stole- poznali v njeni Feine zweifarbige Glimmerware.108 tju in prvi polovici 2. stoletja (padska, poznopadska ali italska sigilata, keramika tankih sten iz severne Italije, Kuhinjska keramika modenske pečatne oljenke, starejše istrske amfore Dr. 6B in še kaj). V naselbinskih kontekstih prevladujejo odlomki ku- Najstarejša grobova na grobišču (grob 3024 in 3033) hinjske keramike ( sl. 10, sl. 11). Zgodnejše oblike so lahko široko datiramo v 2. stoletje, morda celo redke ( sl. 10: 1–4), večinoma odlomki pripadajo po- prvo polovico 3. stoletja. Sicer množica odlomkov znorimskim trebušastim loncem ( sl. 10: 6–37). Lonce emonskih posnetkov sigilatnih oblik Consp. 39–49 iz z neznatno izvihanim ustjem in ravnim dnom različ- grobišča, njegov nastanek postavlja vsaj v 2. stoletje. nih velikosti je Ciglenečki na Tinju pri Žusmu uvrstil To potrjuje tudi žgani grob, ki je bil pred letom 1950 v tip 1 ( sl. 10: 6-13).109 Prisoten je tudi njegov tip 2, med poljskimi deli odkrit ob poljski poti med Skaru- predvsem pa je večina izvihanih ustij loncev na koncu čno in Poljem pri Vodicah in v katerem so bili najde- prirezana ali odrezana ( sl. 10: 14–37), kar je značilno ni tudi zgodnji uvoženi izdelki.114 Poleg steklene žare, za Ciglenečkijeve tipe 3, 4, in 5 ter za poznorimsko balzamarija stožčaste oblike in drugih najdb smo pre- obdobje 4. in prvo polovico 5. stoletja ter kasnejši poznali tudi dve skodelici sive keramike tankih sten s čas.110 Najmlajši so lonci z visečim spodnjim robom temnim premazom padske proizvodnje ali fabrikata E ustja ( sl. 10: 31–36), ki so na Tonovcovem gradu ve- s Štalenske gore, ki je značilen za čas druge polovice 1. činoma uvrščeni v tip 4 po Modrijan in datirani zelo in prve polovice 2. stoletja.115 pozno, od vsaj sredine 5. stoletja dalje, saj je njihova Predvsem v ruševinskih oz. koluvialnih plasteh zapol- največja priljubljenost bila v 6. stoletju.111 nitve kotanje v sektorju 1 (SE 1072) najdemo poleg Poleg tega so prisotni tudi manjši lončki ( sl. 10: 13, prazgodovinske keramike tudi najstarejše novce iz 2. 39), pokrovi ( sl. 11: 16–20), trinožniki ( sl. 11: 15), stoletja in keramične odlomke gradiva, ki ga lahko cedila za sir ( sl. 11: 14) in tipične poznorimske sko- široko datiramo v čas od 1. do 3. stoletja. Le redke dele ali sklede z ravnim dnom ( sl. 11: 1–13) ana- kontekste v izkopanem delu naselbine lahko uvrsti- logne tipom 1 in 2 s Tinja112 ali tipom 1, 2 in 4 s mo široko v čas druge polovice 2. in prve polovice 3. Tonovcovega gradu.113 stoletja. Domnevamo zato, da je bila kmetija ali vila rustika prvotno postavljena nekoliko izven območja izkopa proti vzhodu, kjer je bilo z geofizikalnimi ra- Zaključek ziskavami odkrita glavnina arhitekturnega kompleksa (vsaj mlajše faze). Skozi stoletja življenja so se poslopja Pregled najdb na grobišču in naselbini nam daje slutiti, širila tudi proti zahodu, kjer so potekala izkopavanja da je bila vila rustika zgrajena v 2. stoletju. Med izko- leta 2013. Ostanki gradbenega materiala v podpornih panim gradivom manjkajo ključni uvoženi predmeti, strukturah najmlajšega obdobja kažejo na določen višji nivo bivanja tudi v zgodnjem času življenja v vili 107 Giesler 1981,93–95. Zahvaljujem se Jani Horvat, ki rustiki. Bivalni prostori so imeli določene ugodnosti. je prepoznala podobnosti med tehnološko skupino N1a in Prebivalcem so nudili ogrevane prostore (ostanki tu- hrušiško belo namizno keramiko. bulov), tla reprezentačnih prostorov so bila tlakovana 108 Giesler 1981, 88. 109 Ciglenečki 2000, 63–64. z belo-črnim kamnitim mozaikom. Zidane stavbe so 110 Prim. Žerjal 2008a, 168–170: SKOL KK7; Cigle- nečki 2000; Bausovac 2012; Modrijan, Milavec 2011; Rav- nik 2006. 114 Grafenauer 1953, 144–147; ANSl 1975, 206. 111 Modrijan, Milavec 2011, 188–190. 115 Naša interpretacija pridatkov se nekoliko razlikuje 112 Ciglenečki 2000, 67. od originalne objave, je pa podana le na osnovi opisa, slik 113 Modrijan, Milavec 2011, 173–176; prim. Žerjal in risb objavljenega gradiva. Zelo verjetno vse najdbe niso 2008a, 173−175, KK44−47. del le ene same grobne celote. 292 Keramični skupek vile rustike Polje pri Vodicah bile prekrite s tegulami in korci (imbreksi). Kljub temu Kranju.125 Obe naselbini živita namreč zelo dolgo, od moramo ugotoviti, da so izkopane stavbe pripadale prazgodovine do pozne antike ali celo dalje v srednji manjši ali kvečjemu srednje veliki posesti, torej neko- vek. Najnovejše najdbe iz bližnjih Vodic, domnevne liko skromnejši „vili rustiki“ ali kmetiji, na kateri so se vaške naselbine ( vicus ali pagus) od 1. do 4. stoletja, ukvarjali tudi s kovaštvom in predelavo železa.116 predstavljajo še najboljše analogije, a žal še niso ob- Grobovi si datacijsko lepo sledijo, tako da lahko dom- javljene.126 nevamo, da kmetija ni bila nikoli opuščena, temveč je Pogoste analogije najdemo sicer tudi na višinskih po- živela neprekinjeno do prve polovice 5. stoletja. znorimskih in poznoantičnih naselbinah kakor so Ti- V izkopanem predelu naselbine lahko gradivo uvrsti- nje pri Žusmu, Ančnikovo Gradišče, Gradec pri Prap- mo predvsem v poznorimski čas, v 4. stoletje in prvo retnem, Tonovcov grad, Rifnik, Ajdovski gradec pri polovico 5. stoletja. Mnoge analogije najdemo na Hru- Vranju idr.,127 ki so zelo dobro raziskane. Začenjajo se šici117 in drugih utrdbah zapornega sistema Claustra predvsem v drugi polovici ali proti koncu 4. stoletja Alpium Iuliarum npr. Martinj hrib pri Dolenjem Lo- in živijo še celo 5. in daleč v 6. in 7. stoletje. Morda gatcu.118 Na našem najdišču sicer ni toliko uvoženih bi lahko na osnovi odsotnosti nekaterih poznih tipov izdelkov kakor na Hrušici, le posamezni kosi egejske skled, kakor so sklede tipa 3 s Tinja, ki naj bi bile zna- kuhinjske keramike, afriške sigilate in različnih amfor čilne predvsem za čas od druge polovice in konca 5. (jadranske, afriške in vzhodnosredozemske amfore), stoletja dalje, opustitev kmetije ali vile rustike pri Polju saj je bila narava naselbine drugačna. Zanimivo pa pri Vodicah lahko datirali v drugo četrtino ali v čas do je, da se na Hrušici pojavljajo skoraj vse tehnološke sredine 5. stoletja. skupine in analogije za oblike lokalno ali regionalno izdelane keramike: prečiščena namizna keramika, mel- nice z rdečim premazom, glazirana keramika, glajena Zahvala keramika, siva keramika s temnim premazom, kuhinj- ska keramika.119 Dokler hrušiški material ne bo obde- Zahvaljujem se organizatorjem za povabilo na simpo- lan po kontekstih, lahko te številne primerke datiramo zij, posvečen veliki arheologinji dr. Ivi Mikl Curk. V le široko v čas najbolj intenzivne poselitve hrušiške čast si štejem, da sem lahko osebno spoznala njeno utrdbe – zadnja četrtina 3. stoletja in celo 4. stoletje do širino znanja in duha ob svojih začetkih keramoloških začetkov 5. stoletja.120 Seveda najdemo mnoge analo- študij in med njenimi obiski izkopavanj na Tribuni in gije tudi v grobovih Emone, kjer pa imamo velike pro- Prulah v Ljubljani. Bila je pravi navdih za nas, mlade bleme z datacijami teh grobov, predvsem v 3. stoletju, arheologinje in arheologe. pa tudi v poznorimskem času, če ni pridanih novcev.121 Za tehtne napotke se zahvaljujem Zvezdani Modrijan, Za zgodnje oblike 3. stoletja sicer najdemo analogi- Vereni Vidrih Perko, Jani Horvat, Slavku Ciglenečke- je tako na Ilovici pri Vranskem122 kakor v Hrastniku.123 mu in Iris Bekljanov Zidanšek. Zahvaljujem se vsem Najbližje analogije najdemo tudi v Mengšu124 in v sodelavcem na Centru za preventivno arheologijo ZVKDS za potrpljenje; izkopavalcem Maji Bricelj, Maji Lavrič in Evgenu Lazarju ter predvsem sodelav- 116 Bricelj, Lavrič v tem zborniku. cem Samu Ohmanu, Niki Čremošnik, Nataši Svenšek, 117 Ulbert 1981; Pflaum 2004; Kos 2014. Moniki Arh, ki so pod vodstvom Maje Janežič poskr- 118 Leben, Šubic 1990. 119 Prim. Giesler 1981; Vidrih Perko 1992a. beli za grafiko. 120 Nazadnje datacije utrdbe Pflaum 2004; Kos 2012, 2014. 121 Prim. 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PLESNIČAR GEC, L. 1985, Proizvodnja lončenine v TOMAŽINČIČ, Š. 2014, Končno strokovno poročilo o arheo- Emoni. – Kronika 33, 209–211 loških izkopavanjih na območju izgradnje podzemnih zbiralnic na PLESNIČAR GEC, L. 1987, Thin walled pottery in Emo- Štefanovi 4 v Ljubljani. – Magelan d.o.o., (neobjavljeno po- na. – Acta Rei Cretarie Romanae ročilo), Kranj. Favtorum 25–26, 451–462. ULBERT, T. (ur.) 1981, Ad Pirum (Hrušica). – Münchner PLESNIČAR GEC, L. 2006, Emonski forum = Emona forum. beiträge zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte 31, München. – Koper. UREK, M., S. DJOKIĆ, L. ROZMAN in Š. TOMAŽIN- PLESNIČAR GEC, L. in V. VIDRIH PERKO 1993, La ČIČ 2015, Končno strokovno poročilo o arheoloških iz- ceramica grezza negli strati d'insediamento più antichi di kopavanjih v okviru izgradnje občinskega središča Vodice. Emona. – V: Archeometria della ceramica: problemi di metodo, – Magelan skupina d.o.o., (neobjavljeno poročilo) Kranj. Atti 8. SIMCER - Simposio internazionale della ceramica, Rimi- VALIČ A. in S. PETRU 1964–65, Antični stavbni kom- ni, 10-12 novembre 1992. Bologna, 109-113. pleks. – Arheološki vestnik 15–16, 321–338. PRöTTEL, P. M. 1996, Mediterrane Feinkeramikimporte VARGA, N. 2016, Raetian Ware in Aquincum. – Rei Creta- des 2. bis 7. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. im Oberen Adriaraum riae Romanae Fautores Acta 44, 671–679. und in Slowenien. – Kölner Studien zur Archäologie der Römi- VIČIČ, B. 1993, Zgodnjerimsko naselje pod Grajskim schenProvinzen 2, Köln. gričem v Ljubljani. Gornji trg 15. – Arheološki vestnik 44, QUARESMA, J.C. 2011, Chronologie finale de la sigillée 153–201. africaine A à partir des contextes de Chãos Salgados (Mi- VIČIČ, B. 1994, Zgodnjerimsko naselje pod Grajskim gri- robriga?): differénces de facies entre Orient et Occident. čem v Ljubljani. Gornji trg 30, Stari trg 17 in 32. – Arheo- – V: LRFW 1, 67−86. loški vestnik 45, 25–80. RAVNIK, M. 2006, Zaščitne raziskave Ančnikovega gradišča VIČIČ, B. 2002, Zgodnjerimsko naselje pod Grajskim gri- pri Jurišni vasi v letih od 1986 do 1994. – Diplomska naloga, čem v Ljubljani. Gornji trg 3. – Arheološki vestnik 53, 193–221. Oddelek za arheologijo, Filozofska fakulteta Univerze v VIČIČ, B. in B. ŽUPANEK 2017, Emona MM: urbanizacija Ljubljani, Ljubljana. prostora - nastanek mesta = Emona MM: urbanisation of space RAVNIK, M. in B. ŽUPANEK 2017, Nekaj novih ugoto- - beginning of a town. – Ljubljana. vitev o poselitvi pod Grajskim gričem v Ljubljani: raziska- VIDRIH PERKO, V. 1992a, La ceramica tardoantica di ve na Starem in Gornjem trgu v letih 2009-2011 = New Hrušica (Ad Pirum). – Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum Acta insights into the settlement below Grajski grič in Ljublja- 31/32, 349–364. na: results of the 2009-2011 investigations at Stari trg and VIDRIH PERKO, V. 1992b, Afriška sigilata v Emoni. – Gornji trg. – V: Vičič, Županek 2017, 71–89. Arheološki vestnik 43, 93−104. SAGADIN, M. 1995a, Mengeš v antiki. – Arheološki vestnik VIDRIH PERKO, V. 1994 , Poznoantične amfore v Sloveniji. − 46, 217–230. Doktorska disertacija, Ljubljana. SAGADIN, M. 1995b, Poselitvena slika rimskega podeže- VIDRIH PERKO, V. 2000, Amfore v Sloveniji. – Annales. lja na Gorenjskem. – Kranjski zbornik, 13–22. Ser. hist. sociol. 10, 421–455. SAGADIN, M. 1999, Rimsko obdobje. – V: J. Železnikar VIDRIH PERKO, V. 2006a, Keramično gradivo. – V: I. (ur.), Poselitvena podoba Mengša in okolice od prazgodovine do sre- Lazar (ur.), Ilovica pri Vranskem. Arheologija na avtocestah dnjega veka, 16–17, 39–46, Mengeš. Slovenije 1, Ljubljana, 86–247. SAGADIN, M. 2002, Od kamnitega orodja do zgodnjega VIDRIH PERKO, V. 2006b, Amfore. – V: Plesničar Gec srednjega veka. − Zbornik občine Komenda, Komenda , 39−54. 2006, 99–108. SAGADIN, M. 2003, Zgodnjeantični Kranj. – V: Avgušti- VIDRIH PERKO, V. 2011, Železna nit. Sprehod skozi arheolo- nov zbornik (Zbornik ob 50 letnici Gorenjskega muzeja), Kranj, ško preteklost Gorenjske. Vodnik in katalog stalne arheološke raz-71–81, T. 5: 3. stave Železna nit. Gorenjski muzej, Mestna hiša v Kranju. – Kranj. SAGADIN, M. 2006, Ozemlje občine Šenčur v arheolo- VIDRIH PERKO, V. in M. SAGADIN 2004, Gorenjska v ških obdobjih. – V: M. Kladivec (ur.), Pod Jurijevim klobu- antiki. – Kamniški zbornik 17, 207–224. kom. Zbornik občine Šenčur, 19–30, Šenčur. VIDRIH PERKO, V. in M. ŽUPANČIČ 2011, Local brick SAGADIN, M. 2008 , Od Karnija do Kranja. Arheološki podat- and amphorae production in western Slovenia / Lokalna ki o razvoju poselitve v antičnem in zgodnjesrednjeveškem obdobju. proizvodnja opeke i amfora u zapadnoj Sloveniji. – V: G. – Doktorsko delo, Oddelek za arheologijo, Filozofska fa- Lipovac Vrkljan, I. Radić Rossi in B. Šiljeg (ur.), Rimske kulteta Univerze v Ljubljani, Ljubljana. keramičarske i staklarske radionice : proizvodnja i trgovina na ja- 296 Keramični skupek vile rustike Polje pri Vodicah dranskom prostoru: zbornik 1. međunarodnog arheološkog kolokvi- Univerze v Ljubljani, Ljubljana. ja, Crikvenica, 23.–24. listopada 2008, Crikvenica, 151–163. ŽERJAL, T. 2008b, Eastern imports in ager tergestinus. – ZABEHLICKY SCHEFFENEGGER, S. 1992, Terra si- Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautores Acta 40, 131−140. gillata tardo-padana. – Acta Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautores ŽERJAL, T. 2017 Obrežje Ljubljanice na Prulah (Ljublja- 31−32, 415−443. na) v avgustejskem obdobju = The bank of the Ljubljani- ŽELEZNIKAR, J. (ur.), 1999, Poselitvena podoba Mengša in ca at Prule (Ljubljana) in the Augustan period. – V: Vičič, okolice od prazgodovine do srednjega veka. – Mengeš. Županek 2017, 53–69. ŽERJAL, T. 2005, Sigillata from Školarice near Spodnje Škofije. Trade with sigillata ware in Northern Istria during the 1st and 2nd century AD. – Arheološki vestnik 56, 263–292. dr. Tina Žerjal ŽERJAL, T. 2008a, Rimska vila rustika v luči drobnih najdb: Ob Ljubljanici 2 primer najdišča Školarice pri Spodnjih Škofijah. − Doktorska SI-1360 Vrhnika disertacija, Oddelek za arheologijo, Filozofska fakulteta tina.zerjal@guest.arnes.si 297 Tina Žerjal Posnetki sigilate 2 1 3 4 5 6 7 8 10 11 9 Čaše 13 14 12 Pokrov Zelena engoba Vtiskan okras 15 16 17 Glajena keramika 18 19 20 21 22 Melnice 23 24 25 26 27 Slika 8 Tipološka tabela – fino posodje, M 1 : 6 (izris S. Ohman, izdelava N. Svenšek). 298 Keramični skupek vile rustike Polje pri Vodicah Krožniki 1 2 3 4 5 6 Pekač ali široki krožnik Sklede 8 9 10 11 13 12 7 Posnetki egejskih lončkov 14 17 15 16 Cilindrične vaze 20 21 18 19 Lončki/vaze/vrči 25 27 28 26 29 30 33 34 31 23 24 32 Vrči Lonci 40 41 37 38 35 36 39 Pokrovi 42 43 44 45 Slika 9 Tipološka tabela – namizna keramika, M 1 : 6 (izris S. Ohman, izdelava N. Svenšek). 299 Tina Žerjal Lonci 1 2 3 5 4 11 9 10 7 8 6 12 16 17 13 15 18 14 19 20 21 22 26 23 24 25 28 27 29 30 32 33 34 35 36 31 37 Slika 10 Tipološka tabela – kuhinjska keramika – lonec, M 1 : 6 (izris S. Ohman, izdelava N. Svenšek). 300 Keramični skupek vile rustike Polje pri Vodicah Pladenj 1 Krožniki/sklede 2 3 4 5 6 7 10 8 9 11 12 Skodelica Cedilo Trinožnik 13 14 15 Pokrovi 16 17 18 19 20 Slika 11 Tipološka tabela – kuhinjska keramika – druge oblike, M 1 : 6 (izris S. Ohman, izdelava N. Svenšek). 301 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Arheološke raziskave na lokaciji I. osnovne šole v Celju Results of the Archaeological Investigation at the I. osnovna šola Site in Celje Maja Bausovac Izvleček: Med letoma 2014 in 2015 so zaradi izgradnje nove telovadnice na I. osnovni šoli v Celju potekale arheološke raziskave – sprva v obliki jedrnih vrtin in sondiranja, nato arheološkega izkopa celotnega območja predvidenega za grad- njo. Pri tem so se pokazali ostanki mlajše železnodobne ter rimskodobne poselitve. Kljub precejšnjemu uničenju zaradi oranja, je bilo ob robu nekdanje struge potoka Koprivnica moč prepoznati tlorise več antičnih objektov s kamnitimi temelji ter peč za žganje keramike iz začetka 1. stoletja n. št. Ključne besede: Slovenija, Celje, mlajša železna doba, rimska doba, temelji objektov, lončarska peč Abstract: The archaeological investigation conducted between 2014 and 2015 in advance of the construction of a new gymnasium at the First primary school in Celje (I. osnovna šola Celje) involved core drilling and trial trenching that re- vealed late La Tene and Roman period habitation traces. In spite of considerable damage caused by ploughing, this area, once the bank of the Koprivnica stream, yielded the ground plans of several buildings with stone foundation, as well as the lower part of a pottery kiln, all dating to the beginning of the 1st century AD. Key words: Slovenia, Celje, Late Iron age, Roman period, the foundations of the buildings, pottery kiln V jeseni 2014 in delno še v zimi 2015 je ekipa Po- stoletja n. št.1 To se je ob nadaljevanju raziskav tudi krajinskega muzeja Celje izvedla zaščitna arheološka potrdilo, saj smo na južnem delu naleteli na sledove izkopavanja na igrišču I. osnovne šole v Celju – t.j. poselitve iz obdobja poznega latena, temelji antičnih na mestu gradnje bodoče šolske telovadnice. Po objektov pa so bili odkriti na različnih delih najdišča preliminarnih raziskavah, predvsem arheološkem ( sl. 1, sl. 2). sondiranju, je bilo jasno, da ima lokacija predvsem Ker so objekti nastali na nekoliko dvignjenih predelih, na svojem vzhodnem delu, precejšen arheološki po- danes sicer izravnano zemljišče je bilo nekoč bolj raz- tencial. Izkopavanja, ki so sledila, so bila omejena gibano, so bili njihovi temelji ter pripadajoče hodne na velikost pravokotne gradbene jame v velikosti površine s kasnejšim oranjem precej uničeni. približno 31 × 60 m. Vsi objekti so bili vkopani v ilovnate in peščene plasti, Po strojni odstranitvi popolnoma recentnih nasutij ki so se pojavljale po celotnem območju raziskav in vzdolž celotnega raziskanega območja smo priš- so nastale z vodnim delovanjem. V neposredni bližini li do ornice, nekdanje obdelovalne površine, ki je je namreč v preteklosti tekel potok Koprivnica. Ta je predvidoma nastajala v obdobju med 17. in 19. sto- skozi čas precej spreminjal svoj tok ter tako povzročil letjem, ter vanjo vkopanih temeljev objektov in in- nastanek prodnatih in peščenih nasipin ter globeli, v frastrukture zbirnega taborišča za izgnance iz časa katerih se je po premiku struge proti vzhodu odložil druge svetovne vojne. fin ilovnat sediment. Ostanki nekdanje rečne struge Že v ornici odkrite arheološke najdbe so nakazova- le, da imamo na tem mestu opravka z arheološkim 1 V članku je predstavljeno predvsem keramično gra- najdiščem s časovnim razponom vsaj od 1. do 3. divo z jasnimi in datacijsko oprijemljivimi konteksti. Za pomoč pri opredelitvi se na tem mestu zahvaljujem Juretu Krajšku iz Pokrajinskega muzeja Celje. 303 Maja Bausovac odlomke poznolatenske keramike ( sl. 3; t. 1: 4–9), od- lomke lepa, v eni od njih celo koščen žeton ( t. 1: 3) ter odlomek zlatega predmeta ( t. 1: 2). Kljub temu, da je bil najden v ornici, lahko istemu obdobju pripišemo tudi bronast gumb z vrezano rozeto ( t. 1: 1). Poleg analogij v tuji literaturi4 je bil namreč izredno podoben primerek najden še med la- tenskim gradivom iz 1. stoletja pr. n. št. na Ljubični nad Zbelovsko goro5 ter še eden v strugi Savinje v Celju.6 Pri tem gre morda za dele čelad t. i. tipa Novo mesto (po Schaaffu).7 V antičnem obdobju oz. v času med 1. in 2. stoletjem n. št. je nastalo vsaj pet objektov, katerih temelji so bili odkriti na različnih delih najdišča ( sl. 1, sl. 2). Ob severnem robu izkopnega polja smo tako najprej naleteli na antičen Objekt 1, pri čemer je šlo za večjo pravokotno zgradbo z zunanjim premerom ok. 10 × 10 m. Ker so bili njegovi zidovi oz. temelji izropani, po vsej verjetnosti v času med 17. in 19. stoletjem, je bil njihov potek viden le še v obrisih. Novonastali Slika 1 vkopi, ki so merili v širino 1,1 m in v globino od Pogled iz jugovzhoda na ostanke antičnih objektov (foto J. Krajšek). 0,8 do 1,1 m, so bili namreč zasuti nazaj z zemljenim polnilom, ki je bilo za odtenek temnejše in se je tako so se tako pokazali v jugozahodnem ter v vzhodnem že na prvi pogled ločilo od okoliške ilovnate plasti. predelu najdišča. Na podlagi posameznih najdb v teh Le 4,5 m vzhodneje smo odkrili vzporedno poteka- plasteh sklepamo, da je do njihovega nastanka prišlo joče, ravno tako izropane temelje antičnega Objekta v obdobju med starejšo železno dobo in latenom. 3 z zunanjimi dimenzijami vsaj 6,5 × 16 m. Objekt je Še v času gradnje Okoliške deške (leta 1926), danes imel najmanj tri prostore; glede na globino (od 0,25 I. osnovne šole, je bilo to območje precej močvirno, do 0,55 m) in širino (do 0,6 m) roparskih jarkov lahko zaradi česar so bili v srednjeveškem in novoveškem sklepamo, da je bil precej nižji od Objekta 1 in je imel obdobju tu zgolj travniki in njive; o tem priča tako zelo verjetno leseno nadgradnjo. ledinsko ime Dolgo polje,2 kot tudi upodobitve na Ob zahodni stranici objekta je bil najden spodnji del vedutah in starih katastrih.3 večjega kuhinjskega lonca v primarni legi, zgornji Najstarejše sledove arhitekture na najdišču predsta- del je bil uničen z oranjem. V loncu so bili odlomki vljajo ostanki lesenih objektov, vidni v obliki jam za različnih keramičnih posod ( sl. 4; t. 3: 6–10) in posa- stojke, ki sodijo v obdobje poznega latena. Žal jih mezne živalske kosti. Glede na okoliščine sklepamo, zaradi kasnejšega uničenja danes težko med seboj da gre za daritev ob izgradnji objekta, ki jo lahko na povezujemo v objekte. podlagi keramičnih najdb, predvsem sigilatne skodele V isto obdobje sodijo tudi večje jame nedefinirane galske produkcije ( t. 3: 10), datiramo v sredino 2. funkcije v neposredni bližini, v katerih smo odkrili stoletja n. št. 2 Orožen 1957, 54–55. 4 Challet 1992, Fig. 76: 118–121. 3 Na primer na franciscejskem katastru iz leta 1825 5 Pirkmajer 1991, t. 21: 142. (Jeloussigovo kopijo originala hrani Zgodovinski arhiv 6 Lazar 1996, 290, t. 2: 8. Celje v Zbirki načrtov). 7 Schaaff 1980. 304 Arheološke raziskave na lokaciji I. osnovne šole v Celju OBJEKT 1 OBJEKT 3 OBJEKT 5 OBJEKT 2 OBJEKT 4 0 2.5 5 7.5m PEČ S Z V J Slika 2 Tloris antičnih objektov in struktur, odkritih na najdišču I. osnovna šola (izdelava F. Pašić). Ob južni stranici delovišča je bil odkrit Objekt 2 z proti vzhodu padajočo depresijo oz. rečno brežino. dimenzijami 11 × 9,5 m. Delno že uničeni temelji Po odstranitvi nasutij smo odkrili ostanke lončarske širine 0,8 m, ki so se ohranili v globino do 0,45 m, peči iz začetka 1. stoletja n. št.,8 ki je bila vkopana v so bili grajeni „na križ“. Zapolnjevale so jih poveči- rob te depresije. Služila je za žganje grobih kuhinjskih ni rečne oblice, med katerimi so bili številni odlomki loncev ( t. 2: 1–4) kakršne najdemo povsod po Celju v amfor tipa Dressel 6B. Na podlagi slednjih izgradnjo kontekstih iz začetka 1. stoletja.9 objekta zgolj na grobo umeščamo v 1. stoletje n. št. Od peči se je do danes ohranil spodnji del žgalne Iz istega obdobja je po vsej verjetnosti podobno komore ter spodnji del kurišča;10 oba prostora sta grajen, vendar nekoliko bolje ohranjen, Objekt 5 na med seboj ločena s kamnito pregrado, sestavljeno iz severovzhodnem delu najdišča, od katerega je bil raz- nevezanih večjih prodnikov in lomljencev, z dvema iskan le jugozahodni vogal, medtem ko je večji del prepustoma ( sl. 5, sl. 6). Ob straneh in vzdolž osre- objekta izven izkopnega polja. Njegovi, iz nevezanih dnjega dela žgalne komore potekajo linearne pod- večjih oblic sestavljeni temelji, so bili delno vkopani pore rešetki, ob robu so še vidni ostanki rešetke v v podlago (glob. vkopa: 0,5 m), delno nadgrajeni obliki vertikalnih predrtin okroglega preseka. Skupna (ohr. viš. do 0,3 m). dolžina peči znaša več kot 4,1 m, širina do 1,5 m. Na vogalu objekta so bili ravno tako odkriti ostanki daritve, lonca, v katerem so bili odlomki vrča, am- 8 Datacija je bila podana na podlagi stratigrafije in tipo- fore, opeke in posamezne živalske kosti, vendar jo loške opredelitve keramike iz peči, potrdile pa so jo tudi na podlagi tipologije keramike ni možno natančneje analize oglja iz peči, ki so jo izvedli v Poznań Radiocarbon Laboratory na Poljskem. časovno opredeliti. 9 Krajšek 2015. Južno od Objekta 5 smo naleteli najprej na številna 10 Peč je bila izpraznjena in dokumentirana, potem pa nasutja nastala tekom 1. stoletja n. št., ki so pokrila zaščitena in zasuta nazaj; ker se nahaja pod nivojem grad- benih posegov, se bo ohranila v primarni legi. 305 Maja Bausovac Slika 3 Keramika, odkrita v eni od poznolatenskih jam Slika 4 Ostanki daritve ob izgradnji Objekta 3 (foto M. Bausovac). (foto N. Sovdat). Prežgan ilovnat premaz ob notranjem robu kaže na do hadrijanskega obdobja,11 kar sovpada s splošno njeno večkratno uporabo, ravno tako velika količina datacijo plasti. žganine in škartirane keramike, ki je bila pobrana v Ob arheoloških raziskavah na I. osnovni šoli Celje neposredni bližini vzdolž rečne brežine ( t. 1: 10–11, se je proti pričakovanjem pokazalo, da gre za multi- t. 2: 5–8, t. 3: 1–5). periodno najdišče, ki je v preteklosti svoj višek do- Zgornji del peči oz. njena kupola je bila po prene- seglo v antičnem obdobju, natančneje v celotnem 1. hanju uporabe porušena do tal, njen vkopani del, ki in še v prvi polovici 2. stoletja. Ker gre pri najdbah sega pribl. 0,5 m v globino, pa zasut s prežganimi povečini za gradbeni material in lokalno izdelano ku- apnenčevimi lomljenci, med katerimi so bili drobci hinjsko keramiko s širokim časovnim razponom, so oglja ter odlomki grobe kuhinjske keramike. edini indici ki kažejo, da je bilo to področje aktivno Nad pečjo je v času njene uporabe verjetno stal lesen še tudi v 3. in 4. stoletju, novci. Natančneje, bronast nadstrešek, saj so bili v neposredni bližini vidni soča- kovanec Septimija Severa iz konca 2. oz. začetka 3. sni ostanki vsaj treh stojk. stoletja, ter manjši in slabše ohranjen bronast novec Približno v sredini 1. stoletja, ko peč ni bila več v cesarja Konstantina I. iz prve polovice 4. stoletja. Žal uporabi in je bil teren na njeni severni strani že precej njuni konteksti niso izpovedni, saj je bil prvi najden v izravnan, je nastal preprost Objekt 4, ki je imel dva ornici, drugi pa v recentnem zasutju roparskega jarka prostora in katerega zunanje dimenzije so znašale Objekta 3. približno 8,5 × 9,5 m. Najnižje ležeča vzhodna stra- Težko določljiva je tudi funkcija objektov, saj imamo nica ni bila le vkopana v podlago, ampak tudi precej povečini opravka z roparskimi jarki ali s spodnjimi visoko pozidana, pri čemer je služila kot podlaga le- deli temeljev objektov, medtem ko so bile sočasne seni nadgradnji, pa tudi kot neke vrste škarpa. Hodna hodne površine, katerih nivo je bil približno enak površina vzhodno od objekta je bila namreč v tem srednjeveškim in novoveškim hodnim površinam, času za ok. 0,5 m nižja od površine v objektu. uničene s kasnejšo obdelavo zemljišča. To bi lahko V prvi polovici 2. stoletja se je z južne strani na bil razlog, da nismo našli sledove kakršnekoli komu- Objekt 4 naslonil manjši temelj oz. škarpa, depre- nikacije, verjetno v obliki makadamskega cestišča, ki sija na vzhodni strani pa je bila dokončno zasuta. bi, glede na lokacijo objektov, morala potekati v sme- V enem od zasutij je bil najden sekundarno upo- ri vzhod-zahod oz. med Objektoma 2 in 4 na eni ter rabljen pasni zaključek noriško-panonske noše, kakršni so bili v uporabi od poznoavgustejskega 11 Garbsch 1965, 105. 306 Arheološke raziskave na lokaciji I. osnovne šole v Celju Slika 5 Pogled z vrha na ostanke peči za žganje keramike Slika 6 Pogled na kamnito pregrado med žgalno komoro (foto N. Sovdat). in kuriščem peči (foto N. Sovdat). Objekti 1, 3 in 5 na drugi strani. Gre hkrati za usmeri- ne moremo potrditi, saj manjkajo predvsem grobne tev proti 350 m oddaljeni Mariborski cesti, kjer je bila celote. Širok plitev vkop v katerem so bili najde- pred leti odkrita rečna struga čez katero je v antičnem ni nedoločljivi drobci antične keramike in bronasta obdobju vodil lesen most; na severni strani struge so ločna fibula oblike A 236c (po Garbschu) le stežka stala svetišča, ki so jih ob koncu 1. stoletja n. št. na- opredelimo kot grob. Še ena bolje ohranjena fibula domestili stanovanjski objekti in obrtne delavnice, na istega tipa je bila najdena v ornici na vzhodnem delu južni strani je bilo v začetku 1. stoletja žarno grobišče najdišča, njihov pojav pa je značilen za celotno 1. ter lončarske delavnice, v čas med 3. in 5. stoletje pa stoletje n. št.13 so datirani odkriti skeletni grobovi.12 Med seboj vzporedna Objekta 1 in 3 sta verjetno Glede na arheološke ostanke na I. osnovni šoli in funkcionirala istočasno. Objekt 1 po svoji pravil- glede na znane podatke iz sosednjih najdišč lahko za- ni kvadratni obliki, velikosti ter debelini in globini ključimo, da gre na obravnavani lokaciji v eni najsta- temeljev spominja na stolpe obrambnega značaja, rejših faz za lončarsko delavnico, katere razsežnosti medtem ko je bil Objekt 3, glede na velikost, globi- pa niso znane, saj se odkrita peč nahaja na skrajnem no in debelino temeljev ter razporeditev prostorov, jugovzhodnem delu raziskanega območja. Časov- verjetno bivalen. Morda gre pri prvem za obrambni no se približno ujema z lončarskimi delavnicami na stolp, pri drugem pa za pomožne ali bivalne prosto- Mariborski cesti, s to razliko, da so v slednjih izde- re za vojaško posadko, ki funkcionirata kot izolirana lovali izključno namizno posodje, medtem ko je bila celota v času, ko ostali objekti niso več v funkciji. na območju I. osnovne šole doslej edina v Celju od- Glede na lokacijo Konstantinovega novca v sicer re- krita peč, ki je služila za žganje kuhinjske keramike. centnem zasutju Objekta 3, bi lahko bila oba objek- Zgolj na podlagi tega, da se Objekt 4 nahaja v ne- ta v rabi še v nemirnem poznorimskem obdobju, posredni bližini peči in da ne daje vtisa bivalnega ko so tudi na Mariborski cesti objekti že povečini objekta, sklepamo, da je služil obrtni, morda lončar- opuščeni in prostor služi še zgolj kot grobišče. ski dejavnosti. Med seboj podobno grajena in na podlagi stratigra- fije in najdb sočasna Objekta 2 in 5 bi bila lahko ostanka z ograjo zamejenih grobnih parcel, kar pa 12 Krempuš 2005; Gaspari et al. 2007. 13 Garbsch 1965, 29–30. 307 Maja Bausovac Katalog predmetov 6 Več odlomkov pokrova z globokimi horizontalnimi kanelurami na ostenju in vertikalno predrtino na vrhu. Okrajšave: Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelan na vretenu in žgan v redukcijski atmosferi; površina porozna; b: črna; pr: 4,1 B = barva cm, ohr.viš: 4,5 cm. Bp = barva površine SE 122; Inv. št.: R-25974. Bpr = barva preloma Bnp = barva notranje površine 7 Dva odlomka ustja z ostenjem lonca; tik pod ustjem vidni Bzp = barva zunanje površine sledovi enojne valovnice. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; iz- Deb = debelina delan na počasnem vretenu in žgan sprva v redukcijski, nato Drag. = Dragendorff v oksidacijski atmosferi; površina delno porozna; bp: sivo Inv. št. = inventarna številka rjava, bpr: zelo temno rjavo siva; pu: 19,0 cm, ohr. viš: 4,5 Ohr. = ohranjen cm. P = premer SE 091; Inv. št.: R-25975. Pd = premer dna Pr = premer ročaja / držaja 8 Več odlomkov ustja z ostenjem lonca; po celotnem os- Pu = premer ustja / roba (pri pokrovih) tenju globok, vertikalno glavničen okras, ki se na ramenu Rek. = rekonstruiran polkrožno zaključi. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelan SE = stratigrafska enota na vretenu, ročno dodelan in žgan v redukcijski atmosferi; Vel = velikost sekundarno prežgan; površina porozna; bp: črna do bledo Viš = višina rjava (lisasta), bpr: črna; pu: 23,0 cm, ohr. viš: 11,5 cm. SE 152; Inv. št.: R-25976. Tabla 1 9 Dva odlomka ustja z ostenjem posode; sledovi poševnih 1 Masiven bronast gumb z vrezano rozeto, v kateri so os- vrezov na ramenu. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelana tanki rdečega emajla; na spodnji strani ostanek železnega na počasnem vretenu in žgana v redukcijski atmosferi; se- nastavka za pritrjanje. P: 1,6 cm; ohr. viš: 1,6 cm. kundarno prežgana; površina porozna; bzp: oranžno rjava SE 002; Inv. št.: R-25969. do črna, bnp in bpr: črna; pu: 20,0 cm, ohr. viš: 4,2 cm. SE 122; Inv. št.: R-25977. 2 Odlomek zlatega tordiranega predmeta. Ohr. viš: 0,6 cm, deb: do 0,25 cm. 10 Več odlomkov ustja, ostenja in dna lonca; na zgornjih SE 091; Inv. št.: R-25970. dveh tretjinah ostenja vertikalno glavničen okras, ki se na ramenu polkrožno zaključi. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; 3 Koščen žeton. P: 1,5 cm, deb: 0,35 cm. izdelan na vretenu in žgan v stihijski (?) atmosferi; sekundar- SE 142; Inv. št.: R-25971. no prežgan; površina porozna; bp: temno siva, bpr: bledo oranžno rjava; pu: 19,0 cm, pd: 11,7 cm, viš: 26,4 cm. 4 Več odlomkov ustja z ostenjem ter dna z ostenjem lon- SE 280; Inv. št.: R-25978. ca; horizontalne kanelure na vratu, vertikalne kanelure na spodnjem delu ostenja posode. Drobnozrnata masa z 11 Več odlomkov ustja, ostenja in dna lonca; na zgornjih vključki; izdelan na vretenu in žgan v redukcijski atmosfe- dveh tretjinah ostenja vertikalno glavničen okras, ki se na ri; sekundarno prežgan; površina porozna; bp: zelo temno ramenu polkrožno zaključi. Drobnozrnata masa z vključ- siva do bledo rjava (lisasta), bpr: zelo temno siva; pu: 25,0 ki; izdelan na vretenu in žgan v stihijski (?) atmosferi; se- cm, pd: 18,5 cm, ohr. viš: 8,0 cm in 5,0 cm. kundarno prežgan; površina porozna; bp: bledo rjava do SE 091; Inv. št.: R-25972. temno siva, bpr: bledo oranžno rjava; pu: 24,0 cm, pd: 12,0 cm, viš: 26,8 cm. 5 Več odlomkov pekve; na spodnjem delu ostenja ho- SE 280; Inv. št.: R-25979. rizontalno poudarjeno in s prsti preoblikovano rebro. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelana na počasnem vre- tenu in žgana v redukcijski atmosferi; površina sekundar- no prežgana in porozna; bzp: oranžno rjava, bnp in bpr: črna; ohr. viš: 3,0 cm. SE 091; Inv. št.: R-25973. 308 Arheološke raziskave na lokaciji I. osnovne šole v Celju Tabla 1 1 bron, 2 zlato, 3 kost, 4–11 keramika. 2 M 1 : 1; 1, 3 M 1 : 2; 4–11 M 1 : 3. 309 Maja Bausovac Tabla 2 7 Več odlomkov ustja z ostenjem lonca; sledovi poševne- ga metličenja na ostenju. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; 1 Dva odlomka ustja z ostenjem lonca; po ostenju verti- izdelan na vretenu s sledovi ročne dodelave in žgan sprva kalno glavničen okras, ki se na ramenu posode polkrožno v redukcijski, nato v oksidacijski atmosferi; površina po- zaključi. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelan na vrete- rozna; bp: svetlo rjava, bpr: v osrednjem delu črna, na ro- nu in žgan v stihijski (?) atmosferi; sekundarno prežgan; bovih svetlo rjava; pu: 22,0 cm, ohr. viš: 18,5 cm. površina porozna; bzp: bledo rjava, bnp: bledo rjava do SE 280; Inv. št.: R-25986. siva, bpr: na zunanji strani svetlo oranžno rjava, na notra- nji strani siva; pu: 20,0 cm, ohr. viš: 10,4 cm. 8 Več odlomkov dna z ostenjem lonca; kratki poševni vre- SE 296; Inv. št.: R-25980. zi na ramenu ter sledovi poševnega in vertikalnega glavni- čenja na ostenju posode. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; 2 Več odlomkov ustja z ostenjem lonca; po celotnem os- izdelan na vretenu, ročno dodelan in žgan v redukcijski at- tenju sledovi vertikalnega glavničenja. Drobnozrnata masa mosferi; površina porozna; bp: sivo rjava do črna (lisasta), z vključki; izdelan na vretenu s sledovi ročne dodelave; bpr: črna; pd: 12,0 cm, ohr. viš: 23,8 cm. žgan v redukcijski atmosferi, sekundarno prežgan; povr- SE 280, 291; Inv. št.: R-25987. šina porozna; bzp: bledo rjava do temno siva, bnp: bledo rjava, bpr: zelo temno rjavo siva; pu: 21,0 cm, ohr. viš: 11,6 cm. SE 307, 280; Inv. št.: R-25981. 3 Več odlomkov ustja z ostenjem lonca; po celotnem os- tenju vertikalno glavničen okras, ki se na ramenu posode polkrožno zaključi. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelan na vretenu in žgan v redukcijski atmosferi; površina po- rozna; b: zelo temno siva; pu: 16,0 cm, ohr. viš: 17,5 cm. SE 261; Inv. št.: R-25982. 4 Več odlomkov ustja z ostenjem lonca; na ostenju sle- dovi vertikalnega in poševnega glavničenja. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelan na vretenu in žgan sprva v reduk- cijski, nato v oksidacijski atmosferi; površina porozna; bp: bledo oranžno rjava, bpr: v osrednjem delu črna, ob stra- neh bledo oranžno rjava; pu: 26,0 cm, ohr. viš: 12,5 cm. SE 296, 280; Inv. št.: R-25983. 5 Trije odlomki ustja z ostenjem lonca; sledovi horizon- talnega, vertikalnega in poševnega glavničenja na ostenju. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelan na vretenu, ročno dodelan in žgan v redukcijski atmosferi; površina porozna; bp: črna, bpr: na notranji strani sivo rjava, na zunanji črna; pu: 16,0 cm, ohr. viš: 8,5 cm. SE 280; Inv. št.: R-25984. 6 Odlomek ustja z ostenjem lonca; sledovi metliče- nja na ramenu posode. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelan na vretenu, ročno dodelan; žgan v redukcijski atmosferi, sekundarno prežgan; površina porozna; bp: bledo rjava, bpr: črna; pu: 21,0 cm, ohr. viš: 5,3 cm. SE 280; Inv. št.: R-25985. 310 Arheološke raziskave na lokaciji I. osnovne šole v Celju Tabla 2 Vse keramika, M 1 : 3. 311 Maja Bausovac Tabla 3 8 Dva odlomka držaja z ostenjem pokrova. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelan na hitrem vretenu in žgan v oksi- 1 Več odlomkov ustja z ostenjem lonca; plitva horizontal- dacijski atmosferi; površina gladka in neporozna; bzp in na rebra na zgornjem delu ostenja. bpr: bledo oranžna, bnp: bledo oranžna do črna (lisasta); Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelan na vretenu in žgan pr: 4,3 cm, ohr. viš: 2,9 cm. v redukcijski atmosferi; površina porozna; bp: sivo rjava, SE 096; Inv. št.: R-25995. bpr: zelo temno rjava; pu: 16,0 cm, ohr. viš: 10,6 cm. SE 280; Inv. št.: R-25988. 9 Več odlomkov dna z ostenjem in trakastega ročaja vrča. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelan na hitrem vretenu 2 Več odlomkov glavničenega ostenja z večtračnima valov- in žgan v oksidacijski atmosferi; površina gladka in nepo- nicama in kratkimi vtisi glavničastega orodja na ramenu po- rozna; b: bledo oranžna; pd: 10,5 cm, ohr. viš: 11,2 cm. sode. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelana na vretenu in SE 096; Inv. št.: R-25996. žgana sprva v oksidacijski, nato v redukcijski atmosferi; po- vršina porozna; bp: temno siva, bpr: v osrednjem delu opeč- 10 Več odlomkov ustja, polkroglastega ostenja in dna si- nata, ob robovih temno siva; po: do 26 cm, ohr. viš: 16,5 cm. gilatne skodele tipa Drag. 37; reliefni okras trtinih listov. SE 280, 291; Inv. št.: R-25989. Fina, prečiščena masa; zelo trdo žgana v oksidacijski at- mosferi; površina svetleča; bp (premaza): rdeča (10R 4/6), 3 Več odlomkov roba z rahlo narebrenim ostenjem pekve. bpr: svetlo rdeča (2.5YR 6/6); pu: 18,5 cm, pd: 7,8 cm, Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelana na vretenu, žgana viš: 8,2 cm. v redukcijski atmosferi, sekundarno prežgana; površina SE 096, Inv. št.: R-25997. porozna; bp: bledo rjava do oranžna, bpr: v osrednjem delu temno rjavo siva, na robovih bledo oranžno rjava; pu: 24,0 cm, ohr. viš: 6,2 cm. SE 280; Inv. št.: R-25990. 4 Dva odlomka roba z ostenjem pokrova; dve horizontal- ni kaneluri nad robom. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; iz- delan na vretenu, žgan v redukcijski atmosferi, sekundarno prežgan; površina porozna; bp: bledo oranžno rjava, bpr: v osrednjem delu črna, na robovih bledo oranžna; pu: 18,0 cm, ohr. viš: 3,0 cm. SE 280; Inv. št.: R-25991. 5 Odlomek roba z ostenjem pokrova; nad robom vrezane tri koncentrične kanelure in znak lončarja. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelan na vretenu s sledovi ročne dodela- ve; žgan v redukcijski atmosferi, sekundarno prežgan; po- vršina porozna; bp: rjava do črna (lisasata), bpr: črna; pu: 30,0 cm, ohr. viš: 7,5 cm. SE 280; Inv. št.: R-25992. 6 Več odlomkov ustja, dna in ostenja čaše. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki (na površini dobro vidni lističi muskovitne sljude); izdelana na hitrem vretenu in žgana v redukcijski atmosferi; površina raskava in delno porozna; bp: črna, bpr: zelo temno rjavo siva; pu: 16,0 cm, rek. viš: 15,7 cm. SE 096; Inv. št.: R-25993. 7 Več odlomkov dna z ostenjem hrambenega lonca. Drobnozrnata masa z vključki; izdelan na vretenu in žgan v redukcijski atmosferi; površina gladka, na zunanji strani porozna, na notranji delno porozna; bp: sivo rjava, bpr: črna; pd: 19,0 cm, ohr. viš: 10,7 cm. SE 096; Inv. št.: R-25994. 312 Arheološke raziskave na lokaciji I. osnovne šole v Celju Tabla 3 Vse keramika, M 1 : 3. 313 Maja Bausovac Literatura KREMPUŠ, R. 2005, Arheološko izkopavanje na Maribor- ski cesti v Celju: Rimska Celeia razkriva svoje skrivnosti. CHALLET, V. 1992, Les Celtes et l'émail. – Paris. – Delo, št. 47, 18. GARBSCH, J. 1965, Die norisch-pannonische Frauentracht im 1. OROŽEN, J. 1957, Posestna in gradbena zgodovina Celja. – und 2. Jahrhundert. – München. Celje. LAZAR, I. 1996, Latènezeitliche und frührömische Funde PIRKMAJER, D. 1991, Kelti na Celjskem. – Katalog aus der Savinja in Celje. – Arheološki vestnik 47, 279–296. razstave, Celje. GASPARI, A., R. KREMPUŠ in M. NOVŠAK 2007, Pre- SCHAAFF, U. 1980, Ein Spätkeltisches Kriegergrab mit liminary report on the discovery of a Late Celtic sanc- Eisenhelm aus Novo mesto. – Situla 20/21, Ljubljana, tuary and two Gallo-Roman temples in Celje (Slovenia). 397–413. – V: Ph. Barral, A. Daubigney, C. Dunning, G. Kaenel in M.-J. Rouliére–Lambert (ur.), L'age du Fer dans l’arc jur- rassien et ses marges. Dépôts, liex sacrés et territorialité á l’âge du dr. Maja Bausovac Fer. Actes du XXIXe colloque international de l’AFEAF vol. 2, Pokrajinski muzej Celje Bensançon, 835–840. Trg Celjskih knezov 8 KRAJŠEK, J. 2015, Keramika rimske Celeje. – Doktorska Sl-3000 Celje disertacija (hrani Filozofska fakulteta v Ljubljani), Celje. maja.bausovac@guest.arnes.si 314 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk Lamps in Abruzzo: The Evidence from Monte Pallano Oljenke iz Abrucev: Gradivo iz Monte Pallana Archer Martin Izvleček: Zbira oljenk z arheoloških izkopavanj, ki jih vodita Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell’Abruzzo in Sangro Valley Project (SVP), sta doprinesla novo vedenje o oskrbovanju Monte Pallana z oljenkami. Tipološko se oljenke navezu-jejo na tirensko območje osrednje Italije. Gre predvsem za lokalno, kot tudi regionalno priljubljene izdelke, saj nekatere prihajajo iz tirenske osrednje Italije, pa tudi iz severne Italije in vzhodnega Sredozemlja. Analize kontekstov, kjer so bile oljenke odkrite, kažejo, da je Monte Pallano pozno sprejel oljenke in jih zmerno uporabljal. Sliko, kot se kaže za Monte Pallano, bo mogoče primerjati z drugimi konteksti odkritja oljenk v Abrucih, ko bodo ti dostopni. Ključne besede: oljenke, Abruci, Monte Pallano Abstract: Two assemblages, from excavations carried out by the Sangro Valley Project and the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell’Abruzzo, provide information about the supply of lamps to Monte Pallano. Typologically, the lamps look decidedly toward Tyrrhenian central Italy. Most of them appear to have been produced locally or regionally, although some pieces come from Tyrrhenian central Italy, as well as from northern Italy and the eastern Mediterranean. The analysis of the stratified assemblages in which the lamps from the Sangro Valley Project’s excavations were found sugge- sts that Monte Pallano adopted lamps late and used them sparingly. The picture obtained for Monte Pallano can be tested against other lamp assemblages from Abruzzo as they become available. Key Words: Lamps, Abruzzo, Monte Pallano The site of Monte Pallano settlement rather than as a purely defensive ele- ment. The settlement also included a forum area Monte Pallano is a mountain reaching a height of and several cult areas. nearly 1000 m, located between the Sangro and Sinel- Excavations were carried out by the Soprintendenza lo Rivers in the province of Chieti in the region of per i Beni Archeologici dell’Abruzzo and the Sangro Val- Abruzzo and is thus close to the Adriatic but not on ley Project (sponsored by Oberlin College in con- the coast.1 It is usually considered to have begun as a junction with Oxford University) during the 1990s proto-urban, hilltop settlement as early as the 4th cen- and 2000 on two sites near to each other within the tury BC and to have continued under the Romans, walled area. The Soprintendenza’s site is considered until the 2nd century AD, perhaps as a pagus center. a forum. The one excavated by the SVP is thought Monte Pallano appears to have been situated near to be associated with a sanctuary because of the dis- the territory of several pre-Roman tribes, perhaps covery of decorative architectural terracotta plaques. belonging as a central place to the northern Luca- The material considered here comes from these nians. Its most notable archaeological feature is a excavations. wall of polygonal masonry, which research in re- The material from the Sangro Valley Project’s ex- cent decades has come to see as a symbol of the cavations is very fragmentary and weathered. Nev- ertheless, it offers some important information be- 1 For the site in general see: Faustoferri and Riccitelli cause it has been quantified in a phased stratigraphic 2005; Colonna 2010; Kane 2011, 147. 315 Archer Martin Lamps by Groups Sangro Val ey Project (29 examples) Soprintendenza (103 examples) 64 16 15 13 13 4 2 3 0 1 1 0 0 0 Republican wheel- Other wheel-made Republican mold- Hellenistic mold- Bildlampen Firmalampen Late Lamps made made made Figure 1 Lamp groups attested at Monte Pallano. sequence. The material from the Soprintendenza’s Although the stratigraphic sequence for the Soprin- site, on the other hand, is richer and better preserved tendenza’s excavations has not been elaborated, there but has not yet been divided by phases or classified in is some indication in the presence of African Red- its entirety. For this material, is possible only to make Slip Ware A and C, as well as of the lamps, that this considerations within the assemblage of 103 whole part of Monte Pallano continued to be frequented, or partial lamps, all those distinguished and set aside perhaps on a reduced scale, for some time longer than by the excavators. the site investigated by the Sangro Valley Project. The stratigraphic sequence of the Sangro Valley Project excavations is articulated in eight ancient structural phases. The first concerns the occasional Lamp Groups at Monte Pallano frequentation of the site, with the most recent ma- terial dating to circa 200 BC. The succeeding Phases The lamps fit into four main groups and a few minor 2–8 concern the building and remodeling of ter- ones ( Fig. 1). Wheel-made republican lamps account race walls – Phase 2 with a terminus post quem of 125 for 13 of the lamps in the stratified contexts of the BC, Phase 3 of AD 25, Phase 4 after Phase 3 on Sangro Valley Project’s excavations, while there are 16 stratigraphic grounds but with no later terminus post in the material from the excavations of the Soprinten- quem from the material, Phase 5 no earlier than AD denza. One mold-made republican lamp comes from 75, Phases 6 and 7 with very little pottery and no the excavations of the Sangro Valley Project and four terminus post quem later than Phase 5, Phase 8 with from the Soprintendenza’s. There are also a wheel- material no earlier than AD 50. It is to be noted that made and two mold-made lamps that come from the Phase 8 has no stratigraphic relationship to Phases Hellenic world from the Soprintendenza’s excavations. 4–7 and therefore is not necessarily later than AD Fifteen Bildlampen complete the picture for the San- 75, although it may well be. gro Valley Project, while the Soprintendenza has 64. 316 Lamps in Abruzzo: The Evidence from Monte Pallano There are no Firmalampen among the stratified mate- rial of the Sangro Valley Project, although some were found in modern or otherwise unreliable contexts there, while the excavations of the Soprintendenza gave 13. The Soprintendenza’s material also contains three later lamps. Thus, Bildlampen constitute the larg- 1 cm est group both for the Sangro Valley Project and for the Soprintendenza, the former slightly and the latter Figure 2a Ricci E – SBAA: US 454 (R 435). overwhelmingly. Wheel-made republican lamps are the second most important group for both, while mold-made republican lamps are scarce for both. Firmalampen make up a certain presence. Lamps of other groups are represented by only a few pieces. Lamp Types Attested at Monte Pallano 1 cm Further typological discussion is possible mostly with the Soprintendenza’s lamps. With few excep- Figure 2b Ricci E – SBAA: US 522 (R 526). tions, they fit into standard typologies, principally for Rome and Tyrrhenian central Italy (Ricci and Dres- sel) but also for northern Italy (Loeschcke) and else- where (Howland). Typologically, the wheel-made republican lamps cor- respond well to the series elaborated for the area of Rome. Ricci E (also known as the bi-conical Esquiline type), a lamp in black-gloss ware dated between cir- 1 cm ca 250 and 50 BC is the most important among the wheel-made republican lamps.2 There are nine exam- Figure 3 Ricci H – SBAA: US 617 (R 737). ples of it from the Soprintendenza’s excavations and one from the Sangro Valley Project’s ( Fig. 2). Ricci H (also called the cylindrical Esquiline type), an un- slipped lamp whose date ranges from 150 to 50 BC approximately, is the second most important lamp of this series,3 with four examples among the Soprin- tendenza’s lamps and one among the Sangro Valley Project’s ( Fig. 3). Single examples appear of Ricci C, which derives from Greek lamps that date as early 1 cm as the 4th century and remains in production into the 2nd century BC ( Fig. 4), and of Ricci D, another lamp Figure 4 Ricci C – SBAA: US 924 (R 998). 2 Ricci 1973, 216–219; Pavolini 1981, 144–149; Ceci 2005, 312. 3 Ricci 1973, 223–226; Pavolini 1981, 149–152; Ceci 2005, 312. 317 Archer Martin attested at Rome between the mid and late republi- can period ( Fig. 5). There is also a curious wheel-made lamp with two nozzles attached opposite each other to a cylindrical body ( Fig. 6). If it had only one nozzle, it would bear a certain resemblance to Ricci H, although the central opening has a high ring around it with two small holes on an axis perpendicular to the nozzles from which it could be hung. 1 cm One wheel-made lamp does not fit into the series of republican wheel-made lamps and is presumably an Figure 5 Ricci D – SBAA: US 363 (R 222). import from somewhere in the Greek world, where similar profiles are attested in various places ( Fig. 7). Mold-made lamps of the late republican period with parallels in the area of Rome appear at Monte Pallano, although they are rare, with no type attested more than once in the two assemblages considered. The best preserved are examples among the Soprin- tendenza’s material of Dressel 2A ( Fig. 8), a type 1 cm datable between 100/80 BC and AD 15,4 and Ricci G ( Fig. 9), which is known between the 2nd and 1st Figure 6 Unidentified two-nozzled, wheel-made lamp – century BC.5 SBAA: US 132 (R 18). Smaller sherds also appear among the Soprintendenza’s material – a Dressel 3 discus, a type datable between 100/80 BC and 10 BC;6 and a Dressel 4 nozzle with the characteristic bird’s head, a type datable between 50 BC and AD 15.7 Otherwise, there are a few uni- dentifiable sherds from both sites. There are also two more exotic finds, mold-made Hellenistic lamps among the material from the So- printendenza’s excavations. One is a Howland 49A 1 cm lamp ( Fig. 10), a product of Ephesos datable be- tween the last quarter of the 2nd century BC and the Figure 7 Unidentified Hellenistic, wheel-made lamp – first quarter of the 1st century AD.8 The fragment of SBAA: US 363 (no inv.). a mold-made lamp with a petal inside the base-ring probably comes from a lamp made in the Greek East ( Fig. 11).9 4 Ricci 1973, 187–190; Pavolini 1981, 162; Ceci 2005, 313. 5 Ricci 1973, 222–223. 6 Ricci 1973, 193–198; Pavolini 1981, 162; Ceci 2005, 313. 7 Ricci 1973, 200–205; Pavolini 1981, 162; Ceci 2005, 313. 1 cm 8 Howland 1958, 168 (652); Bailey 1975, 90–93. 9 Bailey 1975, 202 (Q472). Figure 8 Dressel 2A – SBAA: US 511 (R 561). 318 Lamps in Abruzzo: The Evidence from Monte Pallano 1 cm 1 cm Figure 9 Ricci G – SBAA: US 518 (no inv.). Figure 12b Bailey Aiv – SBAA: US 354 - R 106). 1 cm 1 cm Figure 10 Howland 49A – SBAA: US 132 (R19). Figure 13 Loeschcke IX – SBAA: US 585 (R 640). 1 cm 1 cm Figure 11 Unidentified Hellenistic, mold-made lamp – Figure 14 Loeschcke X Normalform – SBAA: US SBAA: US 863 (R 782). 532 (R 612). 1 cm 1 cm Figure 15 Loeschcke X Kurzform – SBAA: US 759 Figure 12a Bailey Aiii – SBAA: US 349 (no inv.). (R 1076). 319 Archer Martin Bildlampen, characterized by figural decorations on regional fabric groups for black-gloss ware, with the the disci, belong to a tradition without reference to exception of an unidentifiable lamp in Campana A Hellenistic predecessors emanating from the area of and another in an unknown black-gloss ware (both Rome. All the Bildlampen for which it is possible to found among the Sangro Valley Project’s material). give a more precise identification are volute lamps. The unslipped Ricci H lamps present the fabric used They belong specifically to Bailey A with angular for local or regional thin-walled ware. A fabric equiv- nozzle terminations ( Fig. 12), which were produced alent to the local or regional cooking ware appears on from circa 20 BC to the Flavian period.10 the Ricci C and D lamps, as well as the two-nozzled Firmalampen were devised in northern Italy rather one. The mold-made republican lamps may be im- than in the area of Rome and began a tradition that ported. The two Hellenistic lamps are also imports rivaled that of Bildlampen, especially north of the – the Howland 49A lamp with its distinctive, highly Alps. Loeschcke IX ( Fig. 13), whose production be- micaceous, gray fabric and the base fragment in an- gan between AD 60 and 75, is attested among the other grayish fabric. The fabric of the Bildlampen, as material from the Soprintendenza’s excavations,11 well as of the two Bailey R lamps, seems equivalent to as are Loeschcke X Normalform ( Fig. 14) and that of the local or regional coarse ware. The Firma- Loeschcke X Kurzform ( Fig. 15), which started to be lampen, on the other hand, present the typical fabric produced circa AD 90.12 of products from northern Italy. The Roman tradition of mold-made lamps ends with Bailey Type R, current at Rome from the late 3rd to the early 5th century, which has beaded decoration Decorations on the Lamps at Monte on the shoulder instead of images on the discus.13 Pallano A nearly complete lamp from the Soprintendenza’s excavations belongs to Bailey R ( Fig. 16), as well as The Bildlampen present various decorations, as one a fragment. would expect. The most frequent ( Fig. 18) is the In Late Antiquity, it was Africa rather than Italy that frontal bust of a boy or cupid with an elaborate coif- provided the model for lamps. Even in Tyrrhenian fure, present in four examples among the material central Italy, the lamps produced in this period de- from the Soprintendenza’s excavations. It is tempting rived ultimately from African prototypes.14 A lamp to think that this figure, attested also on another site from the Soprintendenza’s excavations without close in Abruzzo,15 has some significance in the region. It parallels ( Fig. 17) can be assigned generically to this is known, however, also at Vindonissa with five exam- family of lamps because of its shape lacking a clear ples,16 at Ljubljana with one and Sisak with two,17 as distinction between the nozzle and the discus. well as without provenience in various collections.18 Fabrics on the Lamps at Monte Pallano Epigraphy on the Lamps at Monte Pallano Most of the lamps appear to be of local or region- al production. The wheel-made lamps in black-gloss The epigraphy on the lamps from Monte Pallano ware can be attributed to one of the major local/ concerns mostly Firmalampen. The best preserved 10 Bailey 1980, 126–127; Ceci 2005, 313, 323. 15 Buonocore e Staffa 2010, 163–164 (Fig. 257). 11 Ceci 2005, 313. 16 Loeschcke 1919, 390 (n. 355–359). 12 Ceci 2005, 313. 17 Iványi 1935, 40 (n. 42 – Ljubljana), 110 (n. 1042– 13 Bailey 1980, 377–380. 1043 – Sisak). 14 Pavolini 1986, 250; Ceci 2005, 323. 18 Heres 1972, 89 (n. 598) with earlier literature. 320 Lamps in Abruzzo: The Evidence from Monte Pallano 1 cm 1 cm Figure 16 Bailey R – SBAA: US 403 (R 310). Figure 20 Signature AVCTV on Bailey A or B – SBAA: US 291 (R 109). 1 cm Figure 17 1 cm Unidentified late-antique lamp – SBAA: US 355 (R 437). Figure 21 Letter A and stamped mark on a Bildlampe – SBAA: US 538 (no inv.). 1 cm 1 cm Figure 18 Discus of a Bildlampe with the bust of a boy Figure 22a Circular motifs on Bailey Aiv – SBAA: or cupid with an elaborate coiffure – SBAA: US 502 (R US 354 (R 106). 627). 1 cm 1 cm Figure 19 Signature SEXTI on Loeschcke X Figure 22b Circular motif on Bailey Aiii – SBAA: Normalform – SBAA: US 532 (R 612). US 530 (R 573) 321 Archer Martin example, from the excavations by the Soprintenden- the coast, occasional mentions of lamps, often from za, bears the signature Sexti ( Fig. 19). Also from the grave contexts, make it clear that the main types at- Soprintendenza’s excavations come the signatures tested at Monte Pallano appear there, although their Cerialis, Litogenes, and Strobili, while Fortis is attested in relative importance is unknown, and that there are an unphased context of the Sangro Valley Project’s few types that are not attested at Monte Pallano – excavations. These are all known lamp-producers in the bi-conical Esquiline type at Penne26 and Iuvanum;27 northern Italy in the 1st and 2nd centuries, attested also the cylindrical Esquiline type at Penne28 and Loreto in CIL XV. Fortis is, of course, an extremely prolific Aprutino;29 volute lamps with angular nozzle termi- and widely exported producer.19 Cerialis,20 Communis,21 nations at Loreto Aprutino,30 Penne31 and Iuvanum;32 Litogenes 22 and Strobilus 23 are also widely documented a volute lamp with a rounded nozzle termination at names. Sextus is less well known.24 Iuvanum;33 a probable volute lamp stamped by the AVCTVS ( Fig. 20), written before firing on the base well-known Roman lamp-maker C. Oppius Restitutus of a Bailey A or B lamp from the excavations by the at Iuvanum;34 Firmalampen Loeschcke IX at Penne;35 Soprintendenza, is the only signature not on a Fir- Firmalampen Loeschcke X at Loreto Aprutino36 and malampe. Auctus is attested in CIL XV with a similar Vasto;37 Firmalampen and imitations at Iuvanum;38 lo- signature on a volute lamp.25 cally produced versions of Firmalampen Loeschcke On a Bildlampe from the Soprintendenza’s excava- X at S. Vito Chietino;39 Bailey R lamps at Iuvanum.40 tions, there is a letter A in relief derived from the The production of local versions of Firmalampen mold accompanied by a mark stamped into the lamp at S. Vito Chietino and the presence of imitations consisting of four circular motifs arranged in a cross of Firmalampen at Iuvanum is the most significant pattern ( Fig. 21). difference with respect to Monte Pallano. Farther in- Circular motifs with various patterns stamped into land, at the villa of San Potito, the situation is differ- the bases of Bildlampen from the Soprintendenza’s ent, undoubtedly both because its date range is later excavations ( Fig. 22), should probably also be consid- and because its location is much closer to Tyrrhenian ered workshop marks. central Italy – a number of Bailey M lamps41 (usually little known outside the area of Rome) appear along- side a single Firmalampe Loeschcke X and some Lamps Elsewhere in Abruzzo Loeschcke VIII lamps.42 Also in the interior, there The lack of publications dedicated to lamps from 26 Buonocore e Staffa 2010, 35. Abruzzo hampers the evaluation of the material 27 Fabbricotti 1996, 30, 34. from Monte Pallano in terms of the supply to the 28 Buonocore e Staffa 2010, 35. 29 Staffa 1998b, 37, 39. region in general. For the part of Abruzzo on or near 30 Staffa 1998b, 56–57. 31 Buonocore e Staffa 2010, 163–164. 32 Aromatario 1990, 108. 19 CIL XV, 6450; Mercando 1973, 429; Bailey 1980, 33 Nardecchia Marzolo 1996, 44–45, 48. 275–276; Gualandi Genito 1986, 279–284. 34 Tritapepe 1990, 126. 20 CIL XV, 6365; Mercando 1973, 427; Gualandi Geni- 35 Buonocore e Staffa 2010, 163–164. to 1986, 271–272. 36 Staffa 1998b, 51–52. 21 CIL XV, 6382; Mercando 1973, 428; Gualandi Geni- 37 Staffa 1995, 86–89. to 1986, 272–273. 38 Aromatario 1990, 108; Tritapepe 1990, 126–127. 22 CIL XV, 6517; Mercando 1973, 432; Gualandi Geni- 39 Odoardi e Staffa 1996, 453, 455; Staffa 1998a, 438; to 1986, 286–287. Staffa 2003, 117; Staffa 2015, 601. 23 CIL XV, 6696; Mercando 1973, 436; Gualandi Geni- 40 Aromatario 1990, 108. to 1986, 294–296. 41 Gabler e Redő 2011, 221–222; Gabler 2015, 110 24 CIL XV, 6690; Mercando 1973, 436; Loeschcke (attributed to Bailey O–P but Bailey M to judge by Fig. 1919, 109. 16.5), 117 and 124. 25 CIL XV, 6322; Mercando 1973, 426. 42 Gabler e Redő 2009, 111; Gabler 2015, 124–127. 322 Lamps in Abruzzo: The Evidence from Monte Pallano 10 9 ls Vesseax.M 5 4 1 0 0 0 Phase 3 Phase 4 Phase 5 Phase 8 Republican lamps Bildlampen Figure 23 Sangro Valley Project – Comparison between black-gloss ware and sigillata; Comparison between republican lamps and Bildlampen. is the mention of a Bailey A lamp at Alba Fucens.43 There is some reason, however, to suspect that lamps Thus, the material from Monte Pallano is probably were not adopted as early at Monte Pallano as in the typical of the lamp supply of the coastal part of area of Rome. No lamps appear in Phases 1 and 2 of Abruzzo, although perhaps not of the entire region. the Sangro Valley Project’s excavations, datable to no earlier than 200 and 125 BC respectively. They are at- tested in Phases 3, 5 and 8, that is, in the major phas- Discussion es datable to AD 25 or later. These phases are also by far the richest in the number of finds, and the lack of It has been observed that Italy outside the areas of lamps in Phases 4, 6 and 7 is undoubtedly to be as- Hellenic settlement accepted the use of lamps many cribed to the scant finds in them. On the other hand, centuries later than the Greek motherland or Magna as Phases 1 and 2 are also relatively rich in finds, the Graecia, apparently because it had sufficient supplies lack of lamps there should be considered significant. of forest products to use for lighting rather than Apparently, Monte Pallano was a late adopter of illu- such a precious product as olive oil, which could be mination by lamps. eaten or employed for bathing or perfumes.44 In the The consideration of the material in the later contexts area of Rome, lamps began to be produced in the suggests that this not merely by chance ( Fig. 23). Re- second half of the 3rd century BC, with the bi-conical publican lamps and black-gloss ware on the one hand Esquiline type or Ricci E, followed in the 2nd century and Bildlampen and sigillata on the other have approx- by the cylindrical Esquiline type or Ricci H. There- imately the same date ranges. However, from Phases 3 fore, from a typological point of view it is possible to 5, residual black-gloss ware dominates greatly over that lamps came into use at the same time at Monte sigillata (mostly Italian Sigillata but with an example Pallano, as these types are attested there. of Eastern Sigillata A and seven of Eastern Sigillata B in Phase 5) and is still a significant presence in Phase 43 Strazzula, Di Cesare e Liberatore 2009, 205. 8. On the other hand, residual republican lamps are 44 Pavolini 1981, 140–141; Pavolini 1982. 323 Archer Martin much less important in an admittedly very small sam- indicate, however, that it is a question of local or re- ple. It is likely that black-gloss ware was used from the gional lamp-producers following the typological lead beginning at Monte Pallano but that republican lamps of Tyrrhenian central Italy rather than large-scale im- appeared only during the later part of their date range, portation of lamps themselves from there. On the therefore with few available to be included in the later other hand, Monte Pallano accepted some imports secondary fills. from elsewhere (particularly northern Italy but also It is to be noted furthermore that Monte Pallano from the Greek world) without recourse to imita- seems to have been far from an enthusiastic user of tions, unlike S. Vito Chietino and Iuvanum. lamps, with 34 fragments from a maximum of 29 lamps in all the stratified contexts of the excavations of the Sangro Valley Project. Among the material Conclusion from Phases 3–8, they account for 0.20% by sherd count (of a total of 16,829) and 0.18% by maximum The material from the two excavations at Monte Pal- vessels (of a total of 16,482). Scores ranging between lano has allowed a certain picture of its lamp supply nearly 0.5% and 1.5% appear to be normal in con- to be drawn up – one in which the site seems to be texts dating from the late 2nd century BC to the 1st a late and a sparing adopter of lamps, looking for century AD in Tyrrhenian central Italy, while a rich its models toward Tyrrhenian central Italy but large- site can show more than 2.5%.45 As the calculations ly obtaining its lamps locally or regionally. There is for Monte Pallano were made on large numbers of nothing unusual in this. It is easy to imagine that fragments and maximum vessels, this exceptionally the people at Monte Pallano preferred to use other low score is cannot be attributed to the aberration sources of light than burning olive oil just as those of a scanty assemblage. Nor is Monte Pallano, which in Tyrrhenian central Italy did as long as it was possi- scholars insist was a well connected central place, to ble. Lamp workshops supplying limited markets with be considered an isolated site unable to access the standardized products is also the pattern to be ex- products desired there. It is more likely that Monte pected in Italy. Finally, an orientation toward Tyrrhe- Pallano continued to be able to use forest products nian central Italy is a long-standing tendency in the for lighting longer than Tyrrhenian central Italy and region, going back to pre-Roman times with buc- perhaps could ill spare oil for the purpose. A certain chero and appearing in the fine wares from Monte conservatism, to be seen elsewhere in the ceramic re- Pallano, where importations from northern Italy or cord, may also have played a role. overseas are minor. What evidence there is of lamps Monte Pallano was decidedly oriented in lamps to- elsewhere in Abruzzo seems compatible with the pic- ward the area of Rome. This is true from the wheel- ture drawn here. 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Le merci, gli insediamenti, Bari 241–250. GABLER, D. 2015, La ceramica rinvenuta nella villa ro- RICCI, M. 1973, Per una cronologia delle lucerne tardo- mana di San Potito di Ovindoli (AQ). – Acta Archaeologica repubblicane. – Rivista di Studi Liguri XXXIX, 168–234. Academiae Scientarum Hungaricae 66, 71–144. STAFFA, A. R. (ed) 1995, Dall’antica Histonium al castello GABLER, D. and F. REDŐ, 2009, Nuovi indagini nella del Vasto. – Fasano. villa romana di San Potito (Ovindoli, AQ). – Quaderni di STAFFA, A. R. 1998a, Le produzioni ceramiche in Abruzzo Archeologia d’Abruzzo. Notiziario della Soprintendenza per i Beni tra fine V e VII secolo. – In: L. Saguì (ed.), Ceramica in Italia: Archeologici dell’Abruzzo I, 101–117. VI–VII secolo. Atti del Convegno in onore di John W. Hayes Roma, GABLER, D. and F. REDŐ 2011, Nuove indagini nella 11–13 maggio 1995, Firenze, 437–480. villa romana a San Potito di Ovindoli 1999–2009. – In: Il STAFFA, A. R. 1998b, Loreto Aprutino ed il suo territorio dalla Fucino e le aree limitrofe nell’antichitá. Atti del III convegno di ar-Preistoria al Medioevo: Antiquarium di Loreto Aprutino – Collezione cheologia in ricordo di Walter Cianciusi, Castello Orsini, Avezzano, Casamarte, Loreto Aprutino – Palazzo Comunale. – Pescara. 13–15 novembre 2009, Avezzano, 217–228. STAFFA, A. R. 2003, Impianti produttivi d’età romana nel GUALANDI GENITO, M. C. 1986, Le lucerne antiche del Tren- territorio della provincia di Pescara: le fornaci. – Rivista tino. – Patrimonio storico e artistico del Trentino 11, Trento. di Topografia Antica XIII. Atti del IV Congresso di Topografia HERES, G. 1972, Die römischen Bildlampen der Berliner Anti- Antica: Insediamenti e strutture rurali nell’Italia Romana (Roma, ken-Sammlung. – Schriften zur Geschichte und Kultur der 7–8 marzo 2001), VI ciclo di lezioni sulla ricerca applicata in Antike 3, Berlin. archeologia, Certosa di Pontignano (SI), Museo di Montelupo (Fi), HOWLAND, R. H. 1958, The Athenian Agora. Results of Ex- 1–5 marzo 1993, 117–154. cavations Conducted by The American School of Classical Studies at STAFFA, A. R. 2015, Considerazioni su produzioni cera- Athens IV: Greek Lamps and their Survivals. – Princeton. miche e commerci nell’Abruzzo awwdriatico fra VI e VIII 325 Archer Martin secolo. – In: E. Cirelli, F. Diosono and H. Patterson. (eds.), TRITAPEPE, V. 1990, Bolli figulini. – In: Iuvanum. Atti Le forme della crisi. Produzioni ceramiche e commerci nell’Italia del Convegno di Studi, (Chieti maggio 1983), Chieti, 126–132. centrale tra Romani e Longobardi (III–VIII). Atti del Convegno, Spoleto-Campello sul Clitunno, 5–7 Ottobre 2012, Bologna, 593–615. dr. Archer Martin STRAZZULA, M. J., R. DI CESARE and D. LIBERA- Howard Comfort FAAR ’29 Summer School in Roman TORE 2009, Alba Fucens (Massa d’Albe, AQ). Indagini Pottery, American Academy in Rome dell’Università di Foggia sul lato orientale del Foro, Qua- Via Angelo Masina 5 derni di Archeologia d’Abruzzo. – Notiziario della Soprinten- IT-00153 Roma denza per i Beni Archeologici dell’Abruzzo I, 205–208. archer.martin@alice.it 326 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 Keramika skupnosti na Štalenškem vrhu Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Izvleček: Trgovsko nadelbino Štalenski vrh so v Noriku ustanovili trgovci iz Akvileje. V njej se je odvijala tako distri- bucija uvoženega blaga kot produkcija visokokakovostnih izdelkov iz jekla in brona. Stoletje njenega razcveta sovpada s hitrimi spremembami mode in bliskovitimi prilagoditvami prehranjevalnih navad staroselcev. Z nenehnimi gradnjami in povečano potrebo po zazidljivem prostoru se je oblikovala obsežna stratigrafija, ki pripada trem glavnim gradbenim fazam. Velik delež pozno republikanskih najdb ne odgovarja številu izkopanih struktur najstarejše gradbene faze, ki traja od sredine 1. stoletja pr. n. št. do leta 25 pr. n. št. Druga faza obsega avgustejski čas. Izrazita sprememba lončenega re- pertoarja, ki jo lahko opazujemo tako med uvoženimi dobrinami kot regionalno izdelano lončenino, je značilna za 3 ob- dobje, ki sodi v tiberijski in klavdijski čas. Sredi 1. stoletja n. št. se je življenje naselja končalo. 17 zvezkov „Archäologische Funde zu den Grabungen auf dem Magdalensberg“ pokriva tipokronologijo različnih zvrsti gradiva in se ne omejuje le na lončenino, temveč obsega tudi steklene, bronaste, železne in koščene predmete. Zadnjih 20 let je prineslo spremembo raziskovanja, ki se sedaj osredotoča na študijo kontekstov in njihove vsebine. Zbir uvožene keramike svetlooker barve, predvsem eno ali dvoročajnih vrčev in podobnih oblik, se je v zadnjih 30 letih od objave „Gewöhnliche Gebrauchske- ramik vom Magdalensberg“ podvojila. Zato menimo, da je pravi čas za ovrednotenje novih oblik s študijo kontekstov. Ključne besede: Štalenški vrh, uvožena lončenina, uvožena keramika svetlo oker barve, Lagynoi, enoročajni vrči, dvo- ročajne shrambene posode, komercializacija Abstract: The market town on the Magdalensberg created in Noricum by merchants from Aquileia had a double voca- tion as a transfer centre for imported goods as well as off-shore facility for a high-tech steel and bronze production. Its hundred year floruit spans over a period characterised by fast fashion changes and comes combined with swift adap- tation of the natives’ eating habits. Due to constant modifications and the increasing need for building space the place has produced extensive levelling layers that belong to three main building phases. Although the high percentage of the late-republican finds does not correspond with the number of excavated structures, the first chronological feature lasts from the middle of the 1st century BC until 25 BC. Period 2 covers the Augustan age. The notable change in the pottery repertoire is not restricted to imported goods. It can be traced in regionally produced crockery as well. This remarkable pattern of switch within the repertoire is enhanced in period 3 that belongs to Tiberian and Claudian times. In the middle of the 1st century AD the town’s life comes to an end. Seventeen volumes of the „Archäologische Funde zu den Gra- bungen auf dem Magdalensberg“ cover the typo chronology of different classes and define not only the pottery, but the glass, bronze, iron and bone objects as well. The last 20 years brought a change of the research which is now focused on the comprehensive study of the contexts and their content. The stock of buff-coloured imported pottery, mainly one or two handled jugs and related shapes, has almost doubled in 30 years since the publication of the „Gewöhnliche Gebrau- chskeramik vom Magdalensberg“. Time has come to assess the new types in a context-based study. Key words: Magdalensberg, imported pottery, buffcoloured wares, Lagynoi, one-handled jugs, double-handled conta- iners, commercialization 327 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Introduzione La prima edizione sulla ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg,1 attualmente fuori commercio, che circola ormai sotto forma di brutte copie scan- sionate o fotocopiate, o ancora disponibile in open source nella homepage della Fondazione Austriaca delle Scienze,2 rimane ancora oggi un valido aiuto per un iniziale orientamento allo studio della classe. Al- lora, correva l’anno 1989, il primo approccio a questi materiali è stato il risultato di quanto rimasto escluso dalle altre classi di manufatti3 recuperate nel sito del Magdalensberg nel corso degli scavi tra il 1948 ed il Figura 1 Alcuni esemplari di brocche che componevano il 1984, e per questo motivo, estremamente eterogeneo set da tavola. e diversificato sotto il punto di vista delle forme, del- le aree di provenienza e della funzione. In seguito, un Le novità non interessano esclusivamente aggiorna- solo altro consistente aggiornamento è stato propo- menti di carattere morfologico (poche nuove forme sto, ameno in parte, per questa classe, concentrando- con minime nuove varianti), ma verranno ripresi qui si soprattutto sugli aspetti peculiari delle produzioni alcuni materiali già editi nel 1989, per i quali sono locali a pasta grigia al fine di trovare quali fossero le necessarie alcune precisazioni - e dove possibile cor- forme che componevano la batteria di stoviglie utiliz- rezioni - relative alle interpretazioni funzionale e alle zata in ogni casa ( Fig. 1).4 aree di produzione dei manufatti, oltre che alla loro In quell’occasione si è toccato solo marginalmente datazione. A questi sì aggiungono correzioni in me- il problema relativo alla ceramica comune depurata rito a manufatti in precedenza ascritti ad altre clas- a pasta rosata di importazione, e soprattutto in fun- si di materiali, con particolar riferimento ai reperti zione della contestualizzazione del vero oggetto della oggetto di monografie tematiche, tralasciando volu- trattazione, ovvero le stoviglie di produzione regio- tamente tutti quelli sparsi qua e là nella moltitudine nale, e la loro evoluzione morfologica nel tempo. bibliografica sul Magdalensberg. Ebbene, a quasi 30 anni dalla pubblicazione di „La Gli aggiornamenti e le revisioni sono stati resi possi- ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg“ pare bili grazie anche al prezioso confronto con numerosi giunto quindi il momento di riprendere in mano studiosi, che qui ringraziamo,6 i quali hanno messo a quanto già edito aggiornandolo con i dati che nel disposizione la loro conoscenza su materiali ancora corso degli ultimi anni il Magdalensberg ha offerto, e inediti e ne hanno permesso la visione. Meno con- di rivalutarne alcune considerazioni iniziali. fortante è stata, invece, la consultazione bibliografica, Il panorama attuale delle conoscenze è ricco di per gli ovvi motivi e problematiche insite in questa nuovi esemplari, recuperati nel corso degli scavi classe. Si tratta, infatti, di materiali di fattura abba- che dal 1985 al 2012 hanno interessato almeno 4 stanza ordinaria - prodotti con tecnologie semplici aree del sito.5 che decretano una moltitudine di „false“ varianti - 1 Schindler Kaudelka 1989. 6 Si ringraziano per il loro prezioso contributo, la dispo- 2 Indirizzo: https://fedora.e-book.fwf.ac.at/fedora/ nibilità ed il confronto: Martin Auer, Tamas Bezeczky, Mi- get/o:131/bdef:Asset/view. chel Bonifay, Rita Chinelli, Illuminata Faga, Ada Gabucci, 3 Così come definito tanti anni fa, nel corso di una ani- Kordula Gostenčnik, Maja Janežič, Jure Krajšek, Donato mata discussione, da Michaela Kronberger . Labate, Stefano Magnani, Stefania Mazzocchin, Brunella 4 Schindler Kaudelka 2012. Portulano, Kathleen W. Slane, Marina Volonté, Susanne 5 Si rimanda al paragrafo successivo. Zabehlicky Scheffenegger. 328 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 Tuttavia, l’estrema variabilità all’interno delle produ- zioni, difficilmente inquadrabili entro sistemi chiusi, e le molteplici lacune in merito alla conoscenza dei numerosissimi impianti produttivi dislocati in tutto l’Impero sono almeno in parte causa dell’assenza di repertori di riferimento. D’altro canto, la storia degli studi ci insegna che nu- merosi sono stati fino ad oggi gli approcci classifi- catori dedicati alla ceramica comune depurata. Basti ricordare qui, a puro scopo esemplificativo, la pub- blicazione di Mercedes Vegas, all’interno della quale compaiono anche contenitori anforari e ceramica fine decorata a matrice,9 l’approccio di Stephen L. Dyson Figura 2 Mortai, VRP e vasi con orlo applicato forato. per i materiali di Cosa10 che la definisce „utilitarian pottery“11 o ancora quello francese di Odile Leblanc.12 e privi, in molti casi, di elementi peculiari che ne per- Questa varietà di metodi sembra dipendere, soprat- mettano una identificazione certa solo attraverso il tutto, dalle abitudini e consuetudini dell’approccio confronti di disegni e foto. Altresì, anche l’utilizzo scientifico che ciascuna istituzione segue, a livello na- di analisi archeometriche sembra del tutto superfluo zionale, e in parte anche al taglio che ciascun studio- in assenza di veri e propri gruppi di riferimento, così so predilige per il proprio lavoro, condizionato anche come ha dimostrato un approccio archeometrico alla dalle caratteristiche del materiale, sempre molto ete- ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg, con- rogeneo. In Francia e negli Stati Uniti, ad esempio, la dotto già nel 1985, dal quale non erano emersi risul- ceramica comune depurata è considerata un tutt’u- tati interessanti.7 no con le batterie da cucina, e non si fanno gran- Va sottolineato, per altro, che l’accesso ai materiali di differenze tra materiale locale ed importato. Sul del Magdalensberg, ed in particolare agli esemplari Magdalensberg la tradizione scientifica, supportata che confluiscono in questo lavoro non è stato possi- da dati quantitativi, credeva poi che la maggior parte bile dal 2012 ad oggi. della ceramica da cucina fosse di origine celtica, e le L’avanzare degli studi, la conoscenza di nuove produ- classificazioni erano limitate ad un piccolo gruppo zioni e il raffinamento delle cronologie non ha per- di materiali importati, quali i tegami a vernice rossa messo, tuttavia, di porre una soluzione alla grande interna13 o le olle con orlo forato inserito ( Fig. 2).14 eterogeneità dei manufatti che all’interno di questa In merito alla depurata, poi, esemplificativo è il classe si fanno confluire. La problematica interessa in modello dei balsamari e dei piccoli contenitori per maniera trasversale sia i vasi prodotti con argille più unguenti, medicamenta e condimenti compresi nel fini che quelli foggiati con argille più grossolane, e 1975 nella trattazione della ceramica a pareti sotti- che rispondono entrambi all’espletamento di funzio- li15 e, successivamente nel 1989, nel catalogo della ni quotidiane e sui quali prevale l’aspetto utilitaristico rispetto a quello puramente estetico. Anche in merito 9 Vegas 1973. alla denominazione di questa categoria il panorama 10 Dyson 1976. risulta tutt’altro che unitario, sebbene „ceramica co- 11 Schindler Kaudelka 2012. mune“ pare essere quello più riconosciuto8 e mag- 12 Leblanc 2007. 13 Schindler Kaudelka 1986. giormente utilizzato. 14 Zabehlicky Scheffenegger 1985; Zabehlicky Sche- ffenegger 1996; Schindler Kaudelka, Zabehlicky Scheffe- 7 Schindler Kaudelka 1985. negger 1995. 8 Cortese 2005, 325. 15 Schindler Kaudelka 1975, Tav. 33 e 34. 329 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani comune depurata.16 Tale scelta è stata giustificata, ordinato delle principali forme documentate, suddi- allora da una volontà strettamente personale in rela- vise per caratteristiche macroscopiche, morfologiche zione anche al materiale a disposizione ed alla possi- e funzionali. bilità di renderne noto il rinvenimento. Lo studio è stato compiuto considerando i reperti È importante sottolineare qui che le problematiche qualitativamente innovativi di tutti i contesti del Ma- insite nella ceramica comune rimangono, quindi, gdalensberg, compresi quelli contaminati, secondo quelle evidenziate in ciascuno dei lavori fondamentali il consueto approccio per lo studio dei manufatti su questi materiali17 e ribadite anche nel primo ap- dell’emporio norico.20 proccio allo studio della depurata del Magdalensberg: Nella trattazione non sono stati inseriti, poi, tutti quei non possiamo parlare di una vera e propria classe, materiali di nuovo rinvenimento che possono essere quanto più di una categoria18 di materiali che rispon- però riferibili tranquillamente alla vecchia classifica- dono a necessità utilitaristiche, definendola quindi zione, e che non apportano, quindi, nuove informa- ceramica comune ad impasto depurato cotta in atmo- zioni di carattere qualitativo, ma solo quantitativo. sfera ossidante, importata da varie aree dell’Impero. Il testo è corredato dalle tavole del catalogo e relative Coerenti con questa definizione si è deciso di con- didascalie di riferimento nelle quali è possibile repe- tinuare ad escludere dal lavoro di aggiornamento e rire le informazioni di dettaglio di ciascun esemplare sintesi tutti quei materiali attribuibili con certezza a trattato, e da una tabella nella quale sono raccolte tut- produzioni locali o regionali, e che presentano tutti te le correzioni o puntualizzazioni trattate nel testo una pasta di colore grigio.19 ( Fig. 26). Per la presente trattazione sì è preferito discostarsi, Conseguentemente, nel catalogo è stato inserito un almeno in parte dall’impostazione del lavoro utilizza- singolo disegno per ciascuna delle nuove forme e ta per il volume del 1989, basata sul sistema area di varianti identificate, o per le forme in precedenza produzione - forma - tipo che si è rivelata, alla luce pubblicate ma sulle quali si apporta una revisione delle attuali conoscenze e della mancanza di analisi cronologica o di area di produzione, tralasciando le inequivocabili, artefatta, rischiosa e incompleta. informazioni ridondanti. Le conoscenze, infatti, spesso non avanzano con il ritmo delle scoperte, bensì delle pubblicazioni, e non è sempre possibile posizionare ciascun tassel- Nuovi dati di carattere quantitativo e sui lo al proprio posto: la classificazione archeologica, servizi da mensa ancor più in questo caso, è un artefatto umano che non rispecchia la complessità delle attività artigianali, Non ci si dilungherà qui sulla presentazione del sito commerciali, degli usi, costumi e mode del periodo del Magdalensberg, realtà ormai universalmente nota in questione. e oggetto di numerosissime monografie e articoli di Pertanto, i materiali saranno presentati seguendo lo varia natura.21 Ciò che può essere rilevante, in que- schema forma-tipo, e dove possibile, verranno in- sta sede, è evidenziare quali siano state le principali dicate le produzioni e relativi confronti morfologici novità in merito alla natura e alla vita dell’emporio, noti, editi o meno, quando utili all’inquadramento del rispetto quanto riportato nel volume del 1989. manufatto. L’approccio non vuole avere la pretesa di La prima, e la più importante, è la revisione delle cro- essere una vera classificazione, quanto più un elenco nologie del sito che hanno corretto il tiro in merito 16 Schindler Kaudelka 1989, Tav. 36. 17 Vegas 1973; Dyson 1976; Frova 1977; Olcese 1993; 20 Schindler Kaudelka 2004b. Della Porta, Sfredda, Tassinari 1998; Olcese 2003, 7–8; 21 Per un inquadramento del sito, funzionale anche Cortese 2005. alla comprensione degli aspetti di carattere economico e 18 Olcese 1993, 45. commerciale, si rimanda, da ultimo a Schindler Kaudelka 19 Baur, Schindler Kaudelka 2015. 2012a; Schindler Kaudelka 2012b. 330 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 alla definizione di alcuni periodi e fasi,22 con la conse- guente necessità di ricalibrare le datazioni dei materiali in essi contenuti, per le quali si rimanda al paragrafo specifico. A partire dal 1985, poi, i nuovi saggi stratigrafici con- dotti in alcune aree del sito hanno restituito nuovi esemplari di ceramiche comuni depurate. In partico- lare, di interesse per il presente lavoro sono la con- clusione delle indagini nel settore Südhang dal quale provengono materiali già editi in maniera sintetica.23 Altri esemplari provengono dallo scavo del Plate- aubau, effetuato nel 1986,24 dalle indagini sul lato a nord-ovest del Forum Mercantile (1987-1989), in un settore interessato da grandi perturbazioni post-anti- che25 e dallo scavo della centrale amministrativa im- periale delle miniere del Norico, a sud della attuale strada provinciale.26 In tutti questi casi i relativi rin- venimenti di ceramiche comuni depurate sono stati resi noti, inserendoli però, solo nelle presentazioni Figura 3 Alcuni degli esemplari di brocche trilobate con dei contesti, privi di una trattazione esaustiva.27 decorazione sovradipinta da NG/34, SH/4 e SH/5. L’avanzamento nello studio dei contesti del sito ha permesso, inoltre, l’identificazione di numerose dati di carattere puramente generale ( Fig. 3).28 identità funzionali (edifici amministrativi, negozi, Si tratta, in totale, di 2685 nuovi ingressi, che vanno a magazzini, cucine, forni o cauponae e derversoria), sommarsi agli altrettanti rinvenimenti editi nel 1989, per alcune delle quali lo studi analitico e sistematico per un totale di 5370 esemplari, quasi sempre fram- dei reperti non si è ancora esaurito. È il caso dei ma- mentati, in ceramica comune depurata. Il materiale gazzini bruciati NG/34, SH/4 e SH/5 all’interno qui trattato rappresenta, tuttavia, solo una piccola dei quali sono stati recuperati migliaia di manufatti, parte del totale. Sono stati selezionai 185 esemplari, ovvero stoviglie invendute, il cui numero consisten- dei quali si forniscono disegni e schede, pari a circa te non ha ancora permesso un’edizione completa di il 3,6 % del totale e poco più del 7,2% dei rinveni- ciascuna classe. Per la terra sigillata, ad esempio, sono menti effettuati tra il 1985 e il 2012. Ad un primo ap- editi i dati analitici degli esemplari bollati, mentre per proccio il campione parrebbe poco rappresentativo, i restanti manufatti privi di firma è stata realizzata una ma in questa valutazione vanno considerati aspetti presentazione complessiva nella quale si forniscono come l’esiguità di numerosi frammenti, di difficile o impossibile identificazione morfologica, o ancora il 22 A questo proposito, per gli aggiornamenti in merito ripetersi di forme triviali, senza perdere di vista che alla cronologia del sito si rimanda a Dolenz et al. 2009. Si l’obiettivo di questo lavoro è l’aggiornamento di una rimanda, invece, a Baur, Schindler Kaudelka 2015 per le precedente edizione. questioni relative alla nomenclatura e al significato della terminologia utilizzata per la definizione delle cronologie Il gruppo della ceramica comune depurata a pasta del Magdalensberg. rosata rappresenta un nucleo abbastanza contenuto 23 Schindler Kaudelka 2004d. di esemplari se confrontato, ad esempio, con la terra 24 Schindler Kaudelka 2004c. 25 Schindler Kaudelka 1996; Schindler Kaudelka 2001. sigillata, la cui quantità è quattro volte più grande, 26 Schindler Kaudelka, Zabehlicky Scheffenegger 2006. 27 Schindler Kaudelka 2008; Schindler Kaudelka 2010; Schindler Kaudelka 2012a. 28 Zabehlicky Scheffenegger 1998b. 331 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Figura 4 Esemplari di anfore Agora F65 precedentemente Figura 5 Brocche biansate con marchi di fabbrica (da inseriti nella trattazione sulla ceramica comune (da Schindler Schindler Kaudelka 1989, tav. 68). Kaudelka 1989, tav. 14/38). o con il numero dei contenitori da trasporto, quasi non pare trovare in accordo gli specialisti anforologhi. doppio. Si segnala, poi, un gruppo di ceramiche depurate L’utilizzo dei software di calcolo ha permesso una (34/1-12, 36/1 del 1989) in precedenza denomina- migliore e più veloce quantificazione dei manufatti e te „Seltene Stücke“. Si tratta di contenitori aperti e di conseguenza una più raffinata comprensione dei chiusi (coppe, ciotole e olle), le cui forme rimanda- rapporti di carattere tipo-cronologico e della distri- no al repertorio celtico del LTD2 e che non paio- buzione spaziale dei reperti. Tuttavia, in questa sede no essere del tutto frutto di mano romana. I pochi non ci si soffermerà su informazioni di carattere confronti morfologici, che rinviano genericamente quantitativo e percentuale le quali, anche alla luce alle aree di Gomolava o di Novo Mesto,29 così come dell’impossibilità di identificare con certezza le for- le argille, ricche di inclusi micacei, li avvicina alle me alle quali appartengono numerosi esemplari in produzioni slovene. L’assenza di confronti certi e di frammenti, non aggiungono nessuna significativa analisi archeometriche non ne permettono, tuttavia, informazione in merito alla cronologia e all’origine una collocazione certa, tant’è che non sembra da dei manufatti. escludere nemmeno la possibilità che si tratti di pro- dotti locali e, per tale motivo, non saranno oggetto di tale trattazione. Nuove tipologie e forme ceramiche Sono stati volutamente escludi dalla trattazione an- che i mortaria, già materia di un approfondimento30 Poche sono le forme sostanzialmente nuove rispetto ( Fig. 2) e le brocche biansate con marchi di fabbrica31 al panorama presentato nel 1989, ma rilevanti sono ( Fig. 5) per i quali non si segnala nessun nuovo signi- le correzioni da apportare a numerosi materiali, frut- ficativo ingresso. to allora di valutazioni errate dovute ad una scarsa Non sono documentati, poi, nuovi tituli picti, per i conoscenza delle produzioni. quali si rimanda al volume del 1989, Tav. 67. Innanzitutto, prima di procedere con l’analisi delle Qualche dato in più si ha, invece per i materiali che ceramiche comuni depurate, si sottolinea che alcuni andremo ora a presentare, e che sono stati suddivisi dei materiali precedentemente inseriti come stoviglie in gruppi sulla base di comuni caratteri morfologici, per la mescita dei liquidi dovrebbero ora essere ora la maggior parte dei quali sono costituiti da nuove considerato contenitori per il trasporto di derrate varianti di forme note. alimentari (15/57-61, 17/91-92) quali le Agora F 65 (14/28, 33, 36, 38 del 1989) ( Fig. 4), o l’anfora tron- 29 Schindler Kaudelka 1989, 65. co-conica da olive (?) (18/5 del 1989) che, tuttavia 30 Zabehlicky Scheffenegger 1996. 31 Schindler Kaudelka 1989, Tav. 68. 332 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 Figura 6 Lagynos con decorazione a pastiglie applicate Figura 7 Lagynoi con diverse capacità: a sinistra (cfr. Tav. 1: 1). l’esemplare 35/1 del 1989. Tale organizzazione morfologica, che riprende a „Mulsum“ presente su un esemplare già edito del Ma- grandi linee la vecchia scansione, è ancora una volta gdalensberg (1/7 del 1989), sono solitamente caratte- frutto di decisioni del tutto arbitrarie che non pos- rizzati da argille chiare, molto fini, e da pareti sottili. sono sempre rispettare una reale differenza formale Poche sono le novità morfologiche da evidenziare e funzionale, soprattutto a causa della natura dei ma- per questo gruppo, che si dimostra, tutto sommato teriali molto frammentati, il cui sviluppo formale è coerente con i rinvenimenti precedenti. Si segnalano, più difficile da comprendere. in particolare, la presenza di decorazioni applicate a forma di pastiglie, posizionate nel punto di congiun- zione dell’ansa, sotto all’orlo, e sulla sommità della Mensa, dispensa e preparazione dei cibi stessa ( Tav. 1: 1–3, 7) ( Fig. 6). Sono stati riconsiderati nella classe anche l’esemplare sottodimensionato di Tav. 1: 8 in precedenza inserito Lagynoi ( Tav. 1) nella classe delle pareti sottili33 e quelli di Tav. 1: 9 e 1: 10. Questi ultimi, documentati dall’ultima età re- I lagynoi, la cui forma trae ispirazione dal repertorio pubblicana nella cantina OR/20c, fino alla tardissima greco,32 sono brocche caratterizzate da un rapporto epoca tiberiana nel magazzino della anfore, ricorda- collo/h. max solitamente di 1:1, dove il collo si pre- no una analoga forma presente nel repertorio della senta lungo e stretto e il corpo più o meno schiacciato ceramica comune e della terra sigillata.34 Si tratta di ed espanso, caratterizzato da spalle con carena, sulla un contenitore che, nella variante con dimensioni quale si imposta l’ansa che giunge fin sotto l’orlo. Le maggiori (si veda l’esemplare 35/1 del 1989), è atto anse, caratterizzate da un gomito abbastanza accen- alla conservazione della razione giornaliera di un tuato in prossimità dell’orlo, presentano, solitamente, soldato.35 I tre vasi in questione potrebbero quindi una sezione schiacciata, e possono essere decorate con rappresentare una mezza misura della razione gior- costolature. naliera ( Fig. 7). Questi contenitori, documentati anche nel reperto- rio metallico e vitreo di epoca romana, utilizzati per 33 Schindler Kaudelka 1975, Tav. 33 : 3. la mescita del vino, così come ci ricorda il graffito 34 Conspectus 1990, Tav. 63, Kd. 35 Analogo fenomeno lo si osserva con i vasi Conspec- 32 Roth-Rubi 2007, 226–229; Roth-Rubi 1979, 16; tus 51.1 prodotti anche in ceramica comune depurata. Cipri- Schindler Kaudelka 1989, 31–32; De Mitri 2016. ano, Sandrini 2014; Desbat 2016, Cipriano Sandrini c.s. 333 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Figura 8 Porzioni di spalle decorate con sovradipinture a bande di colore rosso corallo di probabile importazione slovena (cfr. Tav. 2: 14). Lagynoi con spalla carenata o decorata e parallele. A tale forma possono essere riferiti altri ( Tav. 2) frammenti, non inseriti in catalogo perché di esigue dimensioni ( Fig. 8). Paiono afferenti a questo gruppo morfologico anche un insieme di lagynoi che si discostano dalla linea del Brocche monoansate ( Tav. 3) modello originario, pur rispettandone le proporzioni. L’esemplare di Tav. 2: 11, di dimensioni considerevoli In questo gruppo confluiscono tutti i contenitori (diam. max 34 cm) ha una spalla caratterizzata da una chiusi per liquidi (brocche e olpi) caratterizzati da una doppia carena, decorata con rotellatura. Il tipo di ar- sola ansa e privi di beccuccio versatorio. gilla, saponoso e ricco di inclusi micacei sembrerebbe Pochi sono gli esemplari dei quali si conosce lo svi- rimandare, per alcuni esemplari ( Tav. 2: 11, 13–14) luppo completo del corpo, che sembra qui attestato ad area slovena, soprattutto sulla base di confronto sia nella variante a trottola ( Tav. 3: 20–21), globulare macroscopico diretto con altri manufatti proveniente ( Tav. 3: 16) e bulbiforme ( Tav. 3: 15). Quest’ultima, da queste aree (ad esempio i biconici di Tav. 13: 108 in particolare, è discretamente documentata nel re- e le coppe con alto bordo convesso di Tav. 15: 124– pertorio delle produzioni di Celeia37 motivo per il 129). A conferma di tale ipotesi sembra pertinente la quale si presuppone che l’esemplare del Magdalen- presenza di analoghe brocche con spalla carenata e sberg possa essere ascrivibile alle officine della città decorata a rotella nella necropoli di Celeia.36 slovena. L’esemplare di Tav. 2: 14, per il quale sembra proba- Si segnalano, tra gli altri l’esemplare di Tav. 3: 16 bile una produzione slovena, ha invece corpo cilin- interamente rivestito nella parete interna con uno drico e decorazione sovra dipinta a bande orizzontali strati di colore rosso vivo. L’impasto, duro e non 37 Comunicazione orale di Jure Krajšek; Kolšek 1972, 36 Kolšek 1972, Tomba 1, n. 10. passim. 334 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 Figura 9 Ansa e fondo di contenitore con rivestimento Figura 10 Porzione di spalla di olpe con decorazione interno di colore corallo di probabile produzione cretese (cfr. sovradipinta (cfr. Tav. 4: 31). Tav. 3: 16). particolarmente micaceo, sembra del tutto analogo puntuali con le produzioni nord-italiche, ma non si a quello dei contenitori da trasporto di produzione esclude che il dato sia imputabile ad un vuoto nella cretese ( Fig. 9). documentazione archeologica. Altri due frammenti presentano evidenti colature di colore corallo ( Tav. 3: 16), forse da mettere in relazio- Brocche con beccuccio versatorio ( Tav. 4) ne con la produzione delle olpi trilobate con spalla decorata (3/5-6, 4/7-12 del 1989), o di pece sull’orlo Oltre un centinaio di brocche con beccuccio versato- ( Tav. 3: 18). rio e decorazione sovradipinta sulla spalla (analoghi Infine, gli esemplari Tav. 3: 23, 24 sono caratterizzati a 3/5-6, 4/7-12 del 1989) provengono dall’ensem- da argille molto scure, probabilmente non bruciate, ble della bottega SH/5 e trattasi, quindi, di manufatti ascrivibili, forse, a produzione dell’Italia Settentrio- pronti per la vendita e non ancora utilizzati. Poiché la nale, mentre i frammenti di bordo di Tav. 3: 19, 20, 21 morfologia e la decorazione sono analoghe a quelle e 22 rappresentano nuove varianti degli innumerevoli documentate nella precedente edizione si è scelto qui esemplari di olpi rinvenute nel negozio incendiato, e di informare esclusivamente sull’incremento nume- giunte sull’emporio in età tardo-tiberiana. rico della forma, senza riportarne i disegni in tavola (Fig. 3). La forma trova ancora oggi poche attestazio- Brocche con spalla decorata ( Tav. 4) ni in ambito cremonese,38 dove forse è stata prodotta come sosteneva Giuseppe Pontirolli, adriese,39 e nel L’esiguità dei frammenti non permette di comprende- più recente rinvenimento del relitto del fiume Stella re la forma nella sua totalità, che pare essere del tutto (Palazzolo della Stella - UD).40 analoga a quella delle brocche 5/3-7 del 1989, con alcune varianti nel tipo di decorazione a rotella. L’e- 38 Schindler Kaudelka 1989, 58. Autopsia presso il mu- semplare di Tav. 4: 31 presenta decorazione a sottile seo di Ala Ponzone. Si ringraziano Giuseppe Pontirolli e linea sinuosa di colore bruno sovradipinta ( Fig. 10). Maria Volontè per il confronto. Per tutti questi esemplari mancano confronti 39 Autopsia. 40 Inedito, comunicazione personale di Stefano Magnani. 335 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani A questi esemplari, si aggiungono pochi altri fram- profilo abbastanza semplice. Ad essi va aggiunto menti di orli con beccuccio versatorio. Uno di essi anche un frammento di ansa con sezione circolare ( Tav. 4: 32) presenta un orlo con fascia interna, la ( Fig. 22), purtroppo non ascrivibile ad una precisa cui conformazione rimanda ad ambito orientale, forma. ed in particolar modo alla serie dei bollitori. Solita- L’esiguità delle attestazioni nell’emporio norico è mente questi manufatti, attestati in area alto-adria- da imputare, con ogni probabilità, a motivi di carat- tica (Chiunsano, Adria - via Retratto,41 Trieste – via tere cronologico, trattandosi di una produzione che Crosada,42 Aquileia – Casa delle Bestie ferite43 e Slo- ha la sua acme attorno alla metà del I sec. d.C., e a venia,44 solo per citarne alcuni) presentano una pa- mode e preferenze tipiche delle province del Nord, sta molto dura, di colore grigio, e pareti sottili.45 Il che sfiorano solo marginalmente il gusto italico. nostro esemplare è invece modellato con argille più brunastre, e documenta uno dei rari casi di conteni- Brocche da tavola biansate ( Tav. 5) tore per bollire le bevande, identificati sul sito, dato questo imputabile, con ogni probabilità alla bontà In questo insieme sono stati raggruppati gli esem- delle acque del Magdalensberg, le quali non necessi- plari di forma chiusa utilizzati in tavola per servire tavano di nessun procedimento di disinfezione, de- le bevande e riferibili agli esemplari delle tavv. 12- calcificazione o purificazione. 17 della pubblicazione del 1989. La morfologia dei pezzi qui presentati propone Brocche con superficie a mica dorata ( Tav. 4) nuove varianti delle forme già identificate: gli orli possono essere estroflessi semplici ( Tav. 5: 3839, Si tratta di contenitori per la conservazione e la 42, 45), a fascia semplice ( Tav. 5: 37, 43) o con pro- mescita di liquidi caratterizzati da una pasta beige filo pendente ( Tav. 5: 40–41). L’esiguità dei fram- rosata, tenera e saponosa trattata nella parete ester- menti non permette di conoscere lo sviluppo del na con applicazione di un sottile strato argilloso corpo. ricco di frequenti inclusi di mica dorata, che confe- È possibile, tuttavia, distinguere due principa- riscono al manufatto un aspetto molto lucente, ad li gruppi, sulla base della presenza o meno di un imitazione delle stoviglie in metallo. Questa parti- collo sviluppato. Il primo gruppo è caratterizzato colare lavorazione, tipica delle figlinae della Gallia da esemplari con un orlo che si imposta su un col- del Nord, dove è stata prodotta tra il I e la metà del lo abbastanza allungato ( Tav. 5: 37–42), il secondo II sec.d.C.,46 è talvolta considerata come ceramica gruppo da un collo più tozzo ( Tav. 5: 43–47). fine ingobbiata, in quanto imitante spesso le forme Si tratta di manufatti abbastanza omogenei dal pun- della terra sigillata, altre volte ancora inserita nella to di vista della fattura, la maggior parte dei quali categoria delle ceramiche comuni. modellati con argille depurate di colore beige rosa- A questa classe, non riconosciuta all’epoca della pri- to o aranciato, depurate, abbastanza tenere e polve- ma edizione sulla ceramica comune del Magdalen- rose, con eventuale lisciatura esterna, riconducibili sberg, rimandano i due pezzi di Tav. 4: 35–36, i quali ad ambito padano e, in un solo caso, ad area slove- non sono però assimilabili a vere e proprie imitazio- na, per la presenza di numerose miche nell’impasto ni terra sigillata, trattandosi di orli di brocche con ( Tav. 5: 42). Si segnalano, poi due esemplari con impasto molto duro ed aranciato e coperta di sale, 41 Autopsia. caratteristiche che rimanderebbero ad una produ- 42 Riccobono 2007, Tav. 14: 1–2. zione di area africana. 43 Autopsia. 44 Istenič 2000, 344, Fig. 3.3. 45 Sul modello delle brocche di produzione egea (Hayes 1983, Tav. 6: n. 76). 46 Deru 1996, 190. 336 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 Ollette ( Tav. 6) Un sottogruppo è costituito da ollette in cui l’orlo si innesta direttamente sulla spalla del contenito- re, con atrofizzazione completa del collo ( Tav. 6: 49–54, 54–55, 57). L’esemplare di Tav. 6: 49, in particolare, trova un preciso riscontro morfologico con le cosiddette „olle ad impasto refrattario“47 documentate in area padana, ed adibite alla cottura dei cibi. Il frammento di orlo qui trattato presenta, tuttavia, un’argilla con inclusi di granulometria assai più fine, e per questo Figura 11 Olla di probabile produzione modenese (cfr. non adatto all’esposizione al fuoco. Si ricorda, inol- Tav. 6: 58). tre, che analoghi contenitori di dimensioni inferiori sono documentati ad Adria. In quest’ultimo caso, la utilizzato in quel contesto per le abluzioni rituali.50 ridotta capacità dei vasi e l’estrema sottigliezza delle Rimanda invece ad ambito orientale-egeo il pezzo pareti propendono per una attribuzione alla classe di Tav. 6: 59, caratterizzato da un impasto di colore della ceramica a pareti sottili.48 grigio molto duro. Tra gli esemplari più interessanti si segnalano poi quattro pezzi ( Tav. 6: 50-52, 60) con rivestimento a Piccoli contenitori da trasporto ovoidali con coperta di sale, forse di produzione del mediterra- anse sporgenti connesse all’orlo ( Tav. 7) neo meridionale. In particolare, l’esemplare di Tav. 6: 60 presenta una scialbatura ed un impasto del Si tratta di una forma documentata per la prima volta tutto analogo a quello delle anfore di produzione sul Magdalensberg da tre esemplari frammentati che nord-africana. Potrebbe forse trattarsi di un conte- presentano orlo estroflesso semplice leggermente in- nitore di medie dimensioni, analogo per funzione a grossato, un collo più o meno sviluppato ed un corpo quello rinvenuto a Pompei, recante un titulus pictus ovoidale o con spalla accentuata. che ne esplica l’utilizzo come „merce campione“, Tali contenitori, forse impiegati per il commercio finalizzata a garantire quantità, proprietà e traspor- delle derrate alimentari, potevano svolgere anche tatore di un carico di 15.200 moggi di grano, e a altre funzioni, come testimonierebbe l’esemplare certificare, la qualità del carico spedito. L’anforetta adriese51 internamente rivestito da uno spesso strato campana conteneva, infatti, un campione del grano di calcare che ne indicherebbe un utilizzo come bol- trasportato, che doveva risultare conforme a quello litore o come contenitore per la calce impiegata nella consegnato.49 pittura muraria, come documentato a Bruckneudorf.52 L’olletta biansata con corto collo e corpo globulare Va specificato, tuttavia, che il nostro esemplare non di Tav. 6: 58 ( Fig. 11) può essere invece attribuita presenta un impasto refrattario e non essendo adat- a produzione di area modenese, sulla scorta di un to all’esposizione al fuoco potrebbe quindi trattarsi confronto puntuale con un esemplare provenien- te dal Santuario di Montegibbio (Sassuolo-MO) 50 Catalogo della mostra „Minerva Medica. Un san- tuario romano a Montegibbio“, (Sassuolo, 18 settemb- re–18 ottobre 2015). Si ringrazia Donato Labate per la segnalazione. 51 Materiale in corso di studio da parte di Valentina 47 Della Porta et al. 1998, 147, olla n. 42. Mantovani. 48 Mantovani 2015, forma 44, Tav. XI: i–m. 52 Materiale inedito, comunicazione personale di Su- 49 Nutrire l’Impero 2015, 20–29. sanne Zabehlicky Scheffenegger. 337 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani di un contenitore nel quale è ristagnata l’acqua. Le argille dei tre esemplari in oggetto si presentano depurate e di colore beige rosato, con consistenza va- riabile dal tenero al duro. Di particolare rilievo è l’e- semplate di Tav. 7: 63 che presenta rivestimento ros- so sulla parete esterna, mentre nella porzione interna sono visibili numerosi residui di colore rosso almeno fino ad 1 cm dal bordo, interpretabili forse come resti di contenuto (vino?) ( Fig. 12). Figura 12 Particolare di olletta con ansa sporgente Piccoli contenitori da trasporto ovoidali ( Tav. 8) connessa all’orlo nella quale sono visibili tracce di ingobbio (cfr. Tav. 7: 63). In questo gruppo sono comprese le olle con cor- po ovoidale, orlo estroflesso variamente conforma- (cheppia), Sprattussprattus (spratto), Engraulis en- to, fondo apodo e due anse che si innestano sotto crasicholus (alice), e Soleidae (sogliola).58 l’orlo, e che corrispondono agli esemplari delle tav. In letteratura sono documentati altri casi di piccoli 23-26 della pubblicazione del 1989, allora definiti contenitori adibiti al commercio di derrate alimenta- „Doppelhenkelkrüge ohne Hals, sogenannte Honi- ri. Si tratta, per lo più di olle con corpo a trottola e gkrüge“ sulla base della definizione data dalla Ett- piccolo orlo esoverso, molto diverse dal tipo Ostia II, linger per gli esemplari di Vindonissa.53 401 e più simili ai pezzi di Tav. 8. Va innanzitutto sottolineato che, alla luce di una se- Si ricordano poi i rinvenimenti di Bliesbruck, nella rie di rinvenimenti più o meno recenti, tale attribu- valle della Mosella, di circa una ventina di olle da zione funzionale deve essere corretta. Questo vale, dispensa nelle quali restano visibili tracce circolari in particolar modo per i vasi del Magdalensberg di all’interno - probabilmente corrispondenti all’im- Tav. 26 del 1989, per i quali non si segnalano nuovi pronta delle olive stesse - e un titulus pictus che men- ingressi. ziona l’oliva picena.59 Analoghi ritrovamenti si segna- Queste olle sono riferibili ad analoghe forme cono- lano a Wiesbaden,60 dove compare ancora una volta sciute con il nome di Ostia II, 401,54 nella variante a il riferimento all’oliva Picena, e a Mainz.61 corpo piriforme, datata al I sec. d.C. I ritrovamen- Esemplari simili al tipo Ostia II, 401, così come le ti di Sutri55 e della Celsa56 in associazione con gli olle con piccolo orlo esoverso, ma privi di indicazio- impianti di produzione, del Forum Transitorium di ni sul contenuto, sono discretamente diffusi in tutto Roma, di Ostia, di Pompei e di Stabbia, solo per l’impero (Adria, Gabii, Bologna, Aquileia, Carnun- citare i più conosciuti di ambito italico, li qualifi- tum, Emona e Vindonissa solo per citarne alcuni62), cano come „contenitori di salse di pesce“, per la tra la fine del I sec. a.C. e la prima metà del I sec. d.C. presenza, al loro interno, di resti di pesci lavorati.57 In particolar modo le attestazioni nord-italiche - e tra Numerose analoghi esemplari si segnalano nel re- queste rientrerebbero anche gli esemplari dell’empo- litto Arles-Rhone 3 che ne confermano un conte- rio norico - nelle quali il profilo è più panciuto e l’or- nuto a base di salsamenta ottenute dalla macerazio- lo meno sviluppato in verticale rispetto al tipo Ostia ne di Scomber scombrus (sgombro), Alosa fallax II, 401 - andrebbero forse considerate imitazioni di 53 Ettlinger, Simonett 1952. 58 Djaoui, Piquès, Botte 2014, 178. 54 Ostia II 1969, Tav. XXII: 401; Tav. XXIII: 403–404. 59 Albrecht 1998. 55 Duncan 1964. 60 Paci 2005; Paci 2009; Pesavento Mattioli 2009, 56 Carbonara, Messineo 1991–1992, 179–194, Fig. 335–348. 249: 18. 61 Ehmig 2006. 57 Djaoui, Piquès, Botte 2014 e bibliografia precedente. 62 Schindler Kaudelka 1989, 63–64. 338 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 Figura 13 Tipologie dei piccoli contenitori per il trasporto di derrate alimentari (pot à garum) e relative capacità. questa forma ( Fig. 13). In questi esemplari è presente, documentati al Magdalensberg nella variante con una poi, una grande variabilità anche nel tipo con piccolo o due anse (Tav. 27 e 28 del 1989), se ne ripropongo- orlo esoverso, il cui confronto con le olle da olive no alcune nuove varianti che interessano soprattutto non è particolarmente puntuale. la conformazione dell’orlo. Le caratteristiche macroscopiche delle argille dei pezzi Le paste sono abbastanza eterogenee: accanto ad del Magdalensberg, che si presentano perlopiù depu- esemplari di colore grigio ( Tav. 9: 77–78), per i quali rate e di colore beige rosato-aranciato, talvolta polve- sembra difficile definirne l’area di provenienza, si se- rose e non particolarmente dure, rimandano a centri gnala un altro esemplare monoansato riconducibile produttivi dell’area nord-italica o adriatica, ma sono al tipo dei boccali da birra, forse di importazione slo- documentati anche un certo numero di contenitori vena ( Tav. 9: 75), area nella quale questi contenitori modellati con argille più dure, granulose e aranciate, sono abbastanza comuni. e un rivestimento con coperta di sale che parrebbe Mancano ad oggi confronti puntuali con la produzio- rimandare ad area africana ( Tav. 8: 64–65) ( Fig. 14). ne dell’Italia settentrionale ma non si esclude fossero Nessuno degli esemplari in questione presenta re- anch’essi utilizzati per il trasporto di prodotti alimen- sidui di contenuto o di tituli picti, tantomeno sono tari come le brocche da olive o i pots à garum. visibili tracce di pece o di resina nelle pareti interne. Contenitori biansati con collarino/Dressel Piccoli contenitori da trasporto ovoidali con 28 e similis ( Tav.10, 11) spalla accentuata ( Tav. 9) In questo insieme afferiscono grandi contenitori Sono presenti, poi, varianti con spalla caratterizzata chiusi e biansati (h. 31-36 cm, diametro orlo 10-15 da una carena più o meno evidenziata per mezzo di cm) con orlo a fascia caratterizzato da due principali un sottile solco nel punto di passaggio dal collo. Già modanature, poste lungo il bordo superiore e inferio- re della fascia. Il collo è cilindrico, e il corpo a forma di trottola, con punto di massima espansione in cor- rispondenza della spalla. Il fondo è caratterizzato da un piede ad anello semplice e le anse si presentano a fascia molto larga lavorata con quattro modanature. Tale forma, documentata sul Magdalensberg per un totale di 287 esemplari (53 disegni presentati nell’e- dizione del 1989 e 12 di più recente rinvenimento) trova strette somiglianze morfologiche e dimensio- Figura 14 Orli di piccoli contenitori con coperta di sale di nali con l’anfora Dressel 28, contenitore prodotto in probabile produzione africana (cfr. Tav. 8: 64–65). 339 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Figura 15 Dressel 28 del Magdalensberg: esemplari integri a confronto e loro capacità. Lusitania, in Baetica63 e in Gallia,64 in un arco di tem- proposta ed utilizzata dai ricercatori francesi, che si po compreso tra la tarda età augustea e gli inizi del limitano a definire tali contenitori „cruche-ampho- III sec. d.C. con apparenti attardamenti fino al IV. res“, quindi brocche-anfore. Le Dressel 28 di produzione spagnola vengono iden- In linea con l’edizione del 1989, nella quale erano sta- tificate come possibili contenitori vinari,65 dato che ti già pubblicati diversi esemplari di cruche-amphores sembrerebbe confermato anche da analoga vocazio- sotto il nome di „Große Krüge mit Halsring, Dressel ne della serie delle Gauloise 1-8, anch’essi contenitori 28“ (tav. 18-22 del 1989) e definite come contenitori a fondo piatto adibiti al trasporto e commercializza- da trasporto si è deciso, pertanto, di proseguire su zione del vino. Altre ipotesi menzionano, come pos- quella linea. Tale decisione è mossa a monte anche sibile contenuto delle Dressel 28 il miele, le olive o i dall’eventualità che una loro esclusione da questa molluschi.66 trattazione continui a rimandare la problematica, la- Sebbene riconosciute già dal Dressel, che per pri- sciando in ombra la forma. mo le classificò, ancora oggi gli studiosi di anfore Si tratta per il Magdalensberg, in ogni caso, di conte- mostrano una certa reticenza nel considerare tali nitori di medie dimensioni - con capacità abbastanza contenitori, con caratteri più affini alla ceramica co- uniforme, circa 12-15 litri - ( Fig. 15) impiegati per mune depurata, come anfore tout court, tanto da il trasporto di derrate alimentari, come documente- essere escluse dalla trattazione dei contenitori da rebbe il loro rinvenimento nelle tre cantine per lo trasporto del Magdalensberg.67 Da allora l’avanzare stoccaggio delle anfore rinvenuto nel 199968. Altri degli studi non sembra aver portato ad una soluzio- esemplari sono documentati nelle officine per la la- ne metodologica univoca: gli studiosi ritengono non vorazione del bronzo, e nella fabbrica auraria, mentre sia corretto includerle nella classe, mentre di con- assenti sembrano nei laboratori del ferro.69 tro, non paiono poter essere trattate con la ceramica Nelle botteghe dei fabbri del Magalensberg non si comune depurata perché da considerarsi più affini esclude siano state reimpiegate anche come conte- alle anfore, in quanto utilizzati per il trasporto ed il nitori per l’acqua, e questo ne giustificherebbe la commercio delle derrate. Una soluzione accettabile, loro presenza nelle officine per la lavorazione del ma che non risolve le problematiche relative al reale bronzo, anche se in questo caso specifico l’olio e uso e al contenuto di questi oggetti, parrebbe quella i prodotti di pesce vanno esclusi come contenuto originale poiché renderebbero imbevibile l’acqua 63 Garcia Vargas 2000. contenuta al loro interno. 64 Tchernia, Villa 1977. 65 I rinvenimento di Port-Vendres presentano impecia- tura scura (Colls et al 1977, 77). 66 Zevi 1966, 226. 68 Schindler Kaudelka 2000. 67 Bezeczky 1994; Bezeczky 1998. 69 Schindler Kaudelka 2004a. 340 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 Un sottoinsieme, precedentemente inserito nel grup- mediamente depurati sono stati rinvenuti anche in po delle olpi da tavola (Tav. 15 del 1989), è costituito via Gattamelata, a Padova.71 da frammenti di orlo che ricordano in maniera meno Manca invece, ad oggi, un dato certo in merito alla diretta le Dressel 28. È qui presente una maggiore loro presenza a Concordia e Aquileia, che permet- articolazione delle modanature, che interessano an- tano di seguirne la distribuzione fino all’emporio che la parte centrale della fascia ( Tav. 10: 82, 85), da norico. rigonfiamenti dell’orlo stesso ( Tav. 11: 88), che può presentarsi più estroflesso, come nel caso del fram- Ciotole biansate con corpo carenato ( Tav. 12) mento di Tav. 10: 83, o caratterizzato da una strozza- tura nella sua porzione inferiore ( Tav. 11: 89). Questi contenitori, la cui forma è tipica e facilmente Di difficile inquadramento è, infine, la porzione di riconoscibile, sono caratterizzati da un orlo vertica- spalla con carena accentuata di Tav. 11: 91, pertinente le a fascia con scanalatura interna, corpo a trottola agli esemplari 18/1 e 4 del 1989 che non richiama schiacciato, con carena accentuata nella porzione me- direttamente la conformazione delle cruche-ampho- diana, e due anse costolate che si innestano sotto l’or- res in oggetto, ma le cui dimensioni spingono verso lo e in appoggio alla carena. Si tratta di ciotole già in l’interpretazione di un contenitore per il trasporto o precedenza ben documentate al Magdalensberg (Tav. la conservazione dei liquidi. 29 del 1989) e che, al di là del Noricum, trovano una I vasi del Magdalensberg sono modellati con argille discreta diffusione nel versante nord orientale della molto fini e dure (spessori tra gli 0,7 e i 0,9 cm), di co- penisola italica e in area pannonica.72 lore beige rosato e prive di rivestimento, spesso con Tali recipienti, sui quali possono essere presenti fasce esterno lisciato a stecca. In alcuni casi sono presenti e colature di colore rosso (32/44 del 1989), poteva- frequenti miche. no essere utilizzati in cucina per espletare numerose In merito all’origine dei manufatti, esclusa la possibi- funzioni, dal mescolamento e condimento degli ali- le provenienza lusitana per via delle argille estrema- menti fino al loro servizio in tavola. Sul Magdalen- mente depurate, si era pensato, almeno inizialmente, sberg sono documentati principalmente in ambien- ad una produzione dell’Italia settentrionale. Tuttavia, ti interpretati come deversoria, cauponae, tavernae, nel 2004, in occasione di scavi preventivi presso il forse indizio del fatto che venissero adoperati come sito di Mariborska cesta, nel pieno centro di Celeia70, contenitori per minestre o zuppe di legumi. sono stati rinvenuti numerosi esemplari di Dressel 28 Le paste, depurate e di colore beige rosato ma non considerati di fattura locale. Da un’analisi macrosco- particolarmente dure, rimandano ad area padana. pica comparata tra i reperti di Mariborska cesta e del Magdalensberg non è stato possibile rilevare nessun Ciotole semplici ( Tav. 12) tipo di differenze dal punto di vista delle argille. A questa produzione solvena, che Jure Krajsek tende a Si aggiorna anche la panoramica delle ciotole prive considerare come il risultato di un „atelier italico in di anse e senza particolari elementi morfologici di- ambiente celtico“, potrebbero quindi essere assegnati stintivi, già attestate in precedenza (soprattutto tav. i contenitori del Magdalensberg. 34 del 1989), e per le quali è ipotizzabile un uso Mancano, tuttavia, ad oggi, analisi archeometriche come contenitori per la preparazione dei cibi o, for- atte a supportare il dato macroscopico. se, con funzione analoga alle ciotole in terra sigillata Un discreto numero di contenitori con caratteristi- Dragendorff 29 e 37. che morfologiche simili e con impasti chiari (bian- co, giallo o giallo pallido, marrone chiaro e rosa) e 71 Cipriano et al. 1991. 72 Schindler Kaudelka 1989, 64. Ad Adria sono do- cumentati sia in contesti necropolari che di abitato (Necro- 70 Gaspari 2010, Tav. 25. poli: Dallemulle 1975, Fig. 3; abitato: autopsia). 341 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Figura 16 Contenitori biconici: panoramica delle decorazioni e dei rivestimenti presenti (cfr. Tav. 13). Gli esemplari presentano argille depurate e di colore probabilità con un pennello o con le dita simile alle beige rosato non particolarmente dure che rimanda- brocche con beccuccio versatorio, mentre l’ultimo no ad area padana, e in qualche caso un rivestimento insieme è costituito da manufatti privi di rivestimento esterno di colore rosso brunastro ( Tav. 12: 99). o decorazioni ( Tav. 13: 108–110). I pezzi del primo e del terzo gruppo sono forgiati in Grandi boccali biconici ( Tav. 13) argille ben depurate che variano dal beige chiaro, al rosato e al rosso carico, ricche di inclusi micacei e che A questo gruppo afferiscono un discreto numero al tatto risultano saponose. di esemplari di contenitori di forma chiusa, con In merito all’area di produzione per il primo grup- corpo biconico e piccolo orlo estroflesso o con- po, stringenti sono le somiglianze con i prodotti del- vesso ( Fig. 16). le officine di Poetovio (fabriks F7, F8 e F7/8),75 ma La forma, molto frequente nell’ambito delle Panno- si rammenta che esemplari analoghi sono discreta- nische Glanztonwaren,73 sembra rappresentare una mente diffusi in Pannonia e nel Norico meridionale parziale ripresa e re-interpretazione di modelli pseu- (Emona, Neviodunum, Novo Mesto, Vindobona). do celtici del periodo LTD1 e LTD2 caratterizzati Per quanto concerne invece il terzo gruppo, caratte- da impasto grigio e decorazione di colore bianco e rizzato anch’esso da frequenti miche ma privo di ri- rosso.74 vestimento, si segnalano somiglianze con i manufatti In merito ai nostri esemplari, la superficie esterna di Celeia, anch’essi quasi sempre sprovvisti di deco- della parete, sovente trattata con steccature, è carat- razioni sovradipinte76 ma quasi sempre con bande di terizzata da cordonature orizzontali in numero varia- rotellature.77 bile, tra le quali può essere inserita una decorazione Il secondo gruppo di manufatti, caratterizzati da un a rotellatura. Le argille, depurate e non adatte all’e- orlo verticale a fascia leggermente convesso e con sposizione al fuoco, ne indicano un utilizzo, con ogni decorazioni a goccia presentano, invece, argille meno probabilità, per servire pietanze liquide o semi-solide. saponose e micacee, in alcuni casi con evidenti calca- Gli esemplari possono essere suddivisi, sulla base ri. La decorazione ricorda quella presente sulle broc- della presenza o meno di decorazioni, in tre prin- che con beccuccio versatorio di produzione cremo- cipali gruppi: il primo presenta un trattamento con nese, ma l’attribuzione ad ambito padano rimane del sovradipintura di colore rosso o bruno, non sempre tutto ipotetica. ben conservata ( Tav. 13: 105–106, 107, 111, 112, 113, 114), al secondo gruppo afferiscono gli esemplari con decorazione „a gocce“ sulla porzione superio- re della parete ( Tav. 13: 103-104) applicata, con ogni 75 Istenič 2011, 205–211. 73 Istenič 1999–2000, Fig. 123, 124. 76 Autopsia e confronto con Jure Krajšek. 74 Adler-Wölfl, Mosser 2015, 19, Abb. 9. 77 Bausovac 2014, Tav. 8: 3–4. 342 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 Piccoli contenitori ( Tav. 14) Si tratta di contenitori di dimensioni ridotte e im- piegati per la commercializzazione e il consumo di unguenti, di medicine, o semplicemente usati come saliere. I nuovi rinvenimenti si riducano spesso a piccoli frammenti per lo più non attribuibili con certezza, dei quali si presentano qui gli esemplari meglio con- Figura 17 Piccoli contenitori per unguenti, medicine o servati. sale (cfr. Tav. 14: 118) (da Schindler Kaudelka 1975, tav. In seguito alla consulenza di Kordula Gostenčnik, 34/5a-c). a cui si deve lo studio e la classificazione di questi reperti sul sito del Magdalensberg,78 pare possibile Si tratta di bicchieri dalle forme semplici ma resi identificare una saliera ( Tav. 14: 115) e contenitori per con decorazioni anche curate, come nel caso del pomate ed unguenti ( Tav. 14: 116–118). frammento che presenta una lavorazione a fasci di L’esemplare di Tav. 14: 119, sul quale è possibile in- linee orizzontali molto sottili e ordinate ( Tav. 14: travedere l’attacco per una piccola ansa, rientra poi 121) documentato in altri due esemplari analoghi, tra i materiali che Ljudmila Plesničar Gec aveva ini- sempre al Magdalensberg, o con decorazione a ro- zialmente classificato come „Bicchieri di Emona“, e tella ( Tav. 14: 120). che successivamente Janka Istenic79 ha dimostrato Si segnala, poi, un piccolo gruppo di boccalini ( Tav. trattarsi di un vaso erroneamente attribuito ad una 14: 123) la cui forma e l’impasto rimandano ad area fornace trovata in centro città. L’impasto beige chia- campana, ed in particolare con i materiali rinvenuti ro, molto fine, un po’ saponoso e lisciato a stecca del nel porto di Napoli.81 nostro esemplare, è molto simile a quello del piccolo E’ stato inserito in questo gruppo anche uno dei circa bicchiere di Tav. 14: 118 ( Fig. 17). venti esemplari documentati, tra i quali si annovera- L’attribuzione funzionale è meno certa per due po- no i pezzi inseriti nella trattazione sulle pareti sottili tenziali contenitori per medicinali (Tav. 20: 183, 185). (34/4a-4e del 1975) la cui forma è del tutto avvici- In questa ultima categoria debbono essere considera- nabile ai cosiddetti „anforiscoi“ o „fritilli“ ( Tav. 14: ti anche un numero ridotto di piccoli contenitori glo- 122). Si tratta di contenitori dalla forma piriforme, bulari precedentemente editi nel volume sulle pareti con orlo verticale convesso e piccolo peduncolo, dif- sottili (34/5a-c).80 fusi in tutto il bacino del mediterraneo per alcuni se- Consci del fatto che vasetti simili andrebbe sviluppa- coli, e per i quali non sembra essere ancora possibile ta prendendo in considerazione anche i manufatti in definire una precisa funzione. metallo e vetro, se ne segnala qui la presenza funzio- La loro prima rappresentazione grafica è da attri- nale alla rettifica della pubblicazione del 1975. buire a Siegfried Loeschcke82 che li definì e disegnò come tappi per contenitori anforacei, tesi ripresa e Bicchieri ( Tav. 14) poi sviluppata da numerosi anforologhi83 anche in favore dell’uso come cucurbitulae (ventose per l’e- Poche ma significative sono le presenze di piccoli con- strazione dei tappi).84 Tuttavia, questa ipotesi non tenitori potori, utilizzati soprattutto per la mensa. 81 Faga 2008, 648, Fig. 4: 1–10. 78 Gostenčnik 2004, 357–442; Gostenčnik 2002, 82 Loeschcke 1939, 104–106. 161–177. 83 Almagro 1955, 141, 146; Vegas 1973, 147–149; Pa- 79 Istenič, Plesničar 2001, RCRF Acta 37. volini 1980, 1009. 80 Schindler Kaudelka 1975, 34: 5a–5c. 84 Rodriguez Almeida 1974, 813 e ss. 343 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Figura 18 Frammenti di vasi piriformi (cfr. Tav. Figura 19 Piccoli bicchieri del Magdalensberg simili agli 14:122). esemplari definiti dalla Plesničar Gec come produzioni locali di Emona (cfr. Tav. 14: 118, 119). sembra ancora oggi essere supportata da rinveni- menti in situ85 ( Fig. 18). Coppe con due anse e alto bordo convesso Altri studiosi sono inclini a considerarli come ele- ( Tav. 15) menti di scarico delle volte leggere,86 come nel caso Abbastanza uniforme è il gruppo delle coppe con dei rinvenimenti della Celsa, a Roma,87 dove conser- alto bordo convesso, caratterizzate da una pasta vano ancora tracce di malta, bossoli per il gioco dei molto depurata, di colore beige chiaro, ricca di mi- dadi,88 o ancora contenitori per unguenti.89 che e saponosa al tatto che rimanda ad area slovena. Un recente lavoro su un considerevole numero di Un piccolo numero di queste coppette, per le quali vasetti piriformi da Augusta Raurica sembrerebbe in precedenza non era stata riconosciuta la forma avvalorare proprio quest’ultima tesi, soprattutto sulla (35/4 del 1989), presenta decorazioni a rotella o a base dei dati provenienti dai luoghi di rinvenimento pettine ( Tav. 15: 125, 127, 131) distribuite nelle parti di questi oggetti - sepolture, santuari o edifici termali limitrofe al ristringimento centrale ( Fig. 19). - e quasi mai in associazione con anfore, e supportati La forma, con la tipica strozzatura tra pancia e alto da alcuni riscontri iconografici nei quali sono visibi- bordo convesso, ricorda quella delle coppe Marabini li piccoli contenitori piriformi avvolti e sostenuti da XXVI/Mayet 10 e delle coppe „tipo Sarius“. piccoli spaghi.90 Un nutrito gruppo di esemplari, sempre privi di de- Ciononostante si è deciso di inserire l’esemplare qui corazioni, proviene dal negozio incendiato NG/34 trattato genericamente nel gruppo dei bicchieri, per e fa parte di quel consistente nucleo di manufatti in- una questione puramente di carattere morfologico venduti. che esula da qualsiasi interpretazione e significato di Sulla scorta proprio di questo lotto di materiali è carattere funzionale. I dati in nostro possesso in me- possibile, inoltre, supporre queste coppe compones- rito al suo rinvenimento non permettono, infatti, di sero parte del servizio, insieme con le brocche con stabilirne l’esatta funzione. beccuccio e spalla sovradipinta o i lagynoi, anch’essi recuperati in NG/34 ( Fig. 20). 85 Schmid 2014, in particolare nota 7, 802. Coppe senza anse ( Tav. 15) 86 Bergau 1867, 405 e ss. 87 Materiali in corso di studio da parte di Matilde Car- Variegato è, poi, il panorama delle rare coppe semplici. rara. 88 Pavolini 1980, 1012. Si segnala un frammento ( Tav. 15: 132) forse riferi- 89 Beltran Lloris 1970; Lusuardi Siena 1973, 430; Ber- bile alla porzione inferiore di un esemplare del tutto nal Casasola, Saéz Romero, Fig. 1c. analogo alle coppe con alto bordo convesso ( Tav. 15: 90 Schmid 2014, Fig. 3 e 4. Si veda anche Joly 2016. 344 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 Figura 20 Coppe con alto bordo convesso: panoramica delle decorazioni presenti (cfr. Tav. 15). 124–131). Le dimensioni non permettono, tuttavia, anche da Michel Bonifay, che si ringrazia per l’a- un’identificazione morfologica puntuale. iuto. La presenza di questi contenitori già in epoca Al territorio sloveno rimanda anche un altro esem- tiberiano-claudia sul sito del Magdalensberg è con- plare di coppa ( Tav. 15: 135) (n. 184) con parete ca- fermata anche dalla presenza, in età tiberiana, di ratterizzata da una evidente carenatura: pezzi simili imitazioni locali a pasta grigia (circa 350 esemplari sono stati identificati anche a Lubiana e interpretai riferibili all’impasto 1 delle produzioni locali).93 come imitazioni locali di terra sigillata91 e in una se- Un solo frammento, di dimensioni esigue, presenta, poltura di Poetovio, in associazione con una moneta invece, argille più tenere, ruvide e ricche di mica, che di Calligola.92 rimandano ad ambito orientale. È possibile, infine che l’esemplare con orlo esoverso obliquo ( Tav. 15: 133) fosse munito di un alto piede. Cottura dei cibi Caccabi ( Tav. 16) In questo gruppo rientrano i contenitori con orlo a tesa caratterizzato dalla presenza di un battente interno per l’alloggiamento del coperchio e un cor- po sub-cilindrico e fondo arrotondato. La forma, utilizzata per le cotture e le bolliture lente di carni e verdure, è documentata sul sito del Magdalensberg da sette esemplari provenienti da varie aree del sito, indagate tra il 1951 e il 1996, ma edite solo oggi. Gli esemplari, che presentano quasi tutti un’argil- Figura 21 Ipotetico set da mensa costituito da olpai con la dura-molto dura, con inclusi micacei, calcarei e orlo trilobato e decorazione sovradipinta e coppe con alto quarziferi, ricordano la pentola africana Hayes 198, bordo convesso di produzione slovena (cfr. Tav. 15: 124 e da nella sua variante più antica, confronto avvalorato Schindler Kaudelka 1975, tav. 3: 5). 91 Comunicazione personale di Jure Krajšek. 92 Istenič 1999–2000, sepoltura n. 104. 93 Schindler Kaudelka 1997, 81–86, Fig. 1–2. 345 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Pentole da gulash ( Tav. 17) Tegami da fuoco ( Tav. 17) A questo gruppo afferiscono tre esemplari con corpo I tegami da fuoco di importazione, atti alla cottura sub-sferico schiacciato, orlo estroflesso decorato da di pietanze semi-solide, erano già documentati sul tre solcature e prese orizzontali decorate con impres- Magdalensberg in numerose varianti a VRI di impor- sioni digitali poste nel punto di massima espansione tazione campana, con uno esemplare di provenienza del corpo ( Fig. 22). orientale (Pergamo?) con esemplari Agora XXX pro- Le argille sono abbastanza depurate, ricche di inclusi venienti, anch’essi, dalle zone orientali dell’impero.96 calcarei, e di colore aranciato carico. Se ne aggiorna qui la casistica, integrandola con nuovi Questi contenitori erano stati inizialmente conside- frammenti e riprendendo alcuni esemplari preceden- rati di fattura autoctona,94 così come le imitazioni di temente editi in altre pubblicazioni, come nel caso pentole a tesa di cui si è appena parlato. In base ai più dell’esemplare n. 146, prima considerato di produ- recenti rinvenimenti in area padana e slovena sembra zione regionale, per via del colore bruno-grigiastro, invece possa trattarsi di materiale di importazione, probabilmente conseguente ad esposizione al fuoco alla cui presenza sul Magdalensberg sono seguite po- e oggi interpretabile come produzione padana ( Tav. che imitazioni in pasta grigia grezza locale. 17: 146), e altri due tegami già oggetto di un appro- Pentole con impasto di colore arancio ed analo- fondimento sui materiali di importazione orientale al go profilo, munito di tre piedini sospensorii sono Magdalensberg ( Tav. 17: 148, 150).97 presenti, infatti, tra i rinvenimenti di Celeia.95 Sembra, A questi si aggiunge un esemplare che richiama la tuttavia, che i confronti più puntuali siano con alcuni forma Hayes 19, di probabile produzione africana esemplari, ancora inediti, rinvenuti a Gazzo Veronese ( Tav. 17: 147) - interessante, così come gli altri poco (VR) e definiti da Ada Gabucci e Brunella Portulano esemplari di importazione tunisina, perché testimone „ceramica refrattaria“ di probabile produzione locale di una presenza precoce nel sito - ed un ultimo riferi- ( Tav. 17: 143–144), e con un esemplare da Mirandola bile genericamente a figlinae microasiatiche. (MO) ( Tav. 17: 145). Varia Coperchi ( Tav. 18) Sono presenti anche alcuni esemplari di coperchi di modeste dimensioni, modellati con argille depurate di colore beige, utilizzati con ogni probabilità, fuori dal fuoco, perché privi di annerimenti. Uno solo di essi presenta, in una porzione di superficie interna, tracce di bruciatura, indice di una suo possibile utiliz- zo nelle fasi di cottura dei cibi. Figura 22 Pentola da gulash di probabile produzione veronese (cfr. Tav. 17: 143– 144). 94 Schindler Kaudelka, Zabehlicky Scheffenegger 1994, 177–198, n. 146. 96 Zabehlicky Scheffenegger 1998, 279–337. 95 Autopsia. 97 Zabehlicky Scheffenegger 1998, Abb. 5: 1–2. 346 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 Figura 23 Ansa con mica dorata e ansa pseudo-bifida. Figura 24 Vasi da notte (cfr. Tav. 18: 157–158). Anse ( Tav. 18) Numerose sono le nuove anse documentate. Tra gli esemplari più interessanti e significativi si segnalano i due frammenti con andamento tortile appartenen- ti - sulla base delle caratteristiche macroscopiche dell’argilla - ad area orientale ( Tav. 18: 155) e africana ( Tav. 18: 156), e una piccola ansa pseudo bifida ed un frammento di ansa con argilla a mica dorata ( Fig. 23). Vasi da notte ( Tav. 18) Figura 25 Frammenti di fondi: a) fondo con ispessimento interno (cfr. Tav. 19: 169); b) fondo con parete sterna Rientrano in questa categoria quei contenitori con „marmorizzata“ (cfr. Tav. 19: 170); c) fondo con corpo cilindrico e orlo a tesa adibiti alla raccolta delle invetriatura verde (cfr. Tav. 19: 165). espletazioni fisiologiche notturne, così come definito da Beatrix Petznek e Silvia Radbauer.98 acido di urina sulla superficie interna di uno dei due I due soli esemplari rinvenuti al Magdalensberg im- contenitori qui presentati ( Tav. 18: 158). plementano la casistica, ben documentata in tutto È interessante notare, infine, come i due pezzi, le cui l’impero (Mediolanum, Herdonia, Aquileia, Carlino, paste rimanderebbero, forse, al mediterraneo meri- Ariminum, Beneventum, Pollentia, Ortonovo, Tar- dionale, si collochino in una fase molto antica di que- ragona, Vindobona, Carnuntum, Singidunum, Sir- sta specifica produzione romana, insieme a soli altri mium, Cibalae, Augusta Trajana, Sigindunum, Mas- esemplari italici, indice questo di una rapida capacità silia, Aquitania e Knossos, per citarne alcuni99), tra il di assorbimento dei modelli culturali romani anche I ed il IV sec. d. C. sotto il punto di vista di usi e costumi non legati alla L’inquadramento funzionale dei nostri due fram- sfera „sociale“ dei rapporti ( Fig. 24). menti è confermato anche dalla presenza di tracce di 98 Petznek, Radbauer 2008, 51–91. 99 Petznek, Radbauer 2008, Tav. 11–14. 347 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Fondi non determinati ( Tav. 19) Fondi particolari ( Tav. 19) Pochi e di esigue dimensioni i frammenti di fondi per Di ancor più difficile identificazione morfologica i quali non è possibile reperire attacchi con altre por- sono alcuni fondi. Forse pertinenti a calici sono gli zioni di contenitori e defwinirne una forma, e per i esemplari di Tav. 19: 172, 174, mentre nessun tipo di quali si propongono qui interpretazioni morfologi- suggestione evocano i restanti pezzi. Si tratta, ad ogni che passibili di errore. Tra essi spiccano un esemplare modo, di contenitori modellati con argille ben depu- forse di importazione orientale ( Tav. 19: 159) ed un rate e dure, verosimilmente di produzione padana. secondo forse di produzione africana, caratterizzato da un rivestimento a coperta di sale ( Tav. 19: 162). Varia ( Tav. 20) Fondi con piede ad anello ( Tav. 19) In questo gruppo sono stati inseriti tutti quei fram- menti di difficile inquadramento morfologico, per via Si distinguono qui fondi con piede ad anello varia- dell’assenza di elementi diagnostici. Si tratta, tuttavia, di mente conformato riferibili, forse, a brocche o olpi. esemplari con elementi peculiari, quali fitte decorazioni Tra di essi si segnalano due esemplari che presentano a stecca orizzontale ( Tav. 20: 176) interrotte da incisioni sulla superfice interna un ispessimento consistente verticali non regolari ( Tav. 20: 177), superfici con on- del fondo ( Tav. 19: 169) e un grumo di argilla ( Tav. 19: dulature orizzontali ( Tav. 20: 178–179), un probabile 167). Se nel secondo esemplare l’entità del grumo in-ugello per lavorazioni industriali ( Tav. 20: 181) ed un duce pensare si tratti di semplice incuria, per il fondo beccuccio ripiegato ( Tav. 20: 184) differente da quello si potrebbe pensare ad un inspessimento volontario presentato nel volume di 1989 Tav. 35,6. con conseguente aumento del peso del contenitore e In merito all’esemplare di ( Tav. 20: 177) si sottolinea, minore capacità. Nel caso in cui si trattasse, quindi, di infine, che non è possibile stabilire con certezza se si un contenitore utilizzato per il commercio di derrate tratti di materiale di importazione o di fabbricazione lo- alimentari, ne si potrebbe trarre un maggior guada- cale. Tuttavia, come in precedenza dichiarato, sono stati gno. Fenomeni di alterazione volontaria della capaci- esclusi dalla trattazione solo i materiali ascrivibili senza tà e del peso dei contenitori sono documentato già in ombra di dubbio a fattura regionale. In questo specifico antico antico sulle lekythos ateniesi, le quali presen- caso si è reputato quindi corretto inserire il frammento, tavano al loro interno un piccolo contenitore a forma poiché l’attribuzione risulta al momento problematica. di uovo perfettamente nascosto e di dimensioni netta- mente inferiori a quelle esterne del vaso, che riduceva notevolmente la capacità di questi contenitori.100 Nuovi dati di carattere cronologico Una particolare lavorazione presenta, poi, il fondo di Tav. 19: 170, nel quale comuni grumi di argilla ros- I materiali qui presentati coprono un arco cronolo- sastra conferiscono alla superficie esterna, di colore gico che va dalla tarda età augustea fino all’epoca di beige chiaro, un effetto marmorizzato. Claudio, documentando in maniera più o meno con- E’ presente, infine, un solo esemplare ( Tav. 19: 165) sistente le importazioni di manufatti dal momento con invetriatura verde oliva di qualità abbastanza sca- della fondazione dell’emporio fino al suo abbandono. dente ( Fig. 24). Pochi, ma significativi sono i manufatti ascrivibili alla tarda età repubblicana, utili a rafforzare la presenza di alcune forme nel sito. Tra questi si segnala il lagynos di Tav. 1: 10, facente parte di un vecchio lotto di materiali recuperati nel corso degli anni ’60 in „OR/20c c“ completamente 100 Cuomo di Caprio 2007, 205–206, finestra XVII. 348 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 bruciati e di colore grigio. Solo alla morte di Gertrud al sito. Tra i materiali più significativi a livello crono- Mossler, che per prima li attribuì a produzioni locali logico si citano qui la spalla con decorazione a rotella, sulla base della colorazione dell’argilla, è stato pos- forse di produzione africana ( Tav. 4: 36), la brocca sibile recuperare le cassette custodite dalla studiosa con beccuccio versatorio/bollitore di produzione contenenti i manufatti in questione che si sono di- orientale ( Tav. 4: 32) e l’orlo di olpe con superficie a mostrati, dopo il loro studio, tutti di importazione.101 mica dorata, proveniente dalla Gallia del Nord ( Tav. Il lagynos in questione documenta quindi la presenza 4: 35). della forma in un periodo più antico rispetto a quanto La possibile presenza africana già nelle fasi 1-3 del emerso dalle evidenze presentate nel 1989, dove tali sito, che ricordiamo qui non è al momento sup- manufatti iniziavano a comparire timidamente solo a portata da analisi archeometriche ma da semplice partire dalla media età augustea (Periode II, Komplex visione macroscopica degli impasti, è un dato assai 4), e in maniera più massiccia sotto il principato tibe- interessante che conferma le poche altre timide te- riano-claudio (Periode III, Kompex 5). stimonianze del sito. Ad analogo ambito produttivo Ad epoca tardo-repubblicana risalgono anche i 5-8 rimandano, infatti, pochissimi altri esemplari di cera- esemplari di piccolo bicchiere che trova stringenti mica da cucina (non più di dieci frammenti) e circa somiglianze con il repertorio campano ( Tav. 14: 123), una ventina di elementi diagnostici di contenitori da i caccabi modellati con paste che richiamano ambi- trasporto identificati da Ulrike Ehmig.102 to africano ( Tav. 16: 136–137) e le pentole da gulash Tra i materiali provenienti da contesti tardo-augustei ( Tav. 17: 143–145) somiglianti a quelle di Gazzo Ve- si segnala poi un’olletta, forse di produzione africana ronese. ( Tav. 6: 52). Una necessaria correzione interessa anche le prime Nuovi dati di carattere cronologico interessano an- testimonianze di cruche-amphores Dressel 28 rap- che le brocche con beccuccio versatorio e decorazio- presentate, fino ad oggi, dall’esemplare 20/26 del ne sovradipinta (3/5-6, 4/7-12 del 1989) i cui prece- 1989, allora erroneamente inserito nel Komplex 1, di denti ritrovamenti le attestavano già a partire dallo tarda età repubblicana. In seguito alla rilettura corret- strato tardo-repubblicano di livellamento del settore ta di tali dati i materiali più antichi sarebbero quindi AA e nei livelli di costruzione della basilica del Foro. I oggi documentati negli strati del „periodo 1, fase 2“ cospicui rinvenimenti effettuati nelle botteghe incen- ed inquadrabili ad età augustea, così come il reperto diate SH/4, SH/5 e NG/34 ne sanciscono un’impor- di Tav. 1: 90, proveniente da SH/8. La presenza di tazione massiccia soprattutto in età tiberiano-claudia. queste cruche-amphores si fa poi più massiccia nel Nessun nuovo dato di particolare rilievo si segnala, „periodo 3, fase 6“ (25/30-46/50 d.C). invece, per la cronologia dei grandi boccali biconi- Da contesti di prima età augustea provengono, poi, ci, che paiono confermare quanto già emerso dallo una brocca monoansata ( Tav. 3: 17), un’olletta ( Tav. 6: studio dei precedenti reperti, la cui presenza sul sito 49), una coppa con alto bordo convesso di probabile è testimoniata già a partire da epoca tardo-repubbli- produzione slovena ( Tav. 15: 127), un vaso da notte cana, fino all’abbandono dell’emporio. Non sembra ( Tav. 18: 157) ed alcuni fondi non più precisamente peraltro possibile trovare, tra i reperti qui trattati, inquadrabili dal punto di vista morfologico ( Tav. 19: nessuna particolare peculiarità cronologica che aiuti 160, 175). o confermi l’ipotetica attribuzione alle produzioni di A partire dalla piena età augustea le presenze incre- Celeia o Poetovio. Tutti i materiali per i quali si ipo- mentano, ed è interessante notare che circa la metà tizza la produzione presso uno di questi due centri dei manufatti ascrivibili a questo periodo risultino è documentata, in maniera indistinta, nella varie fasi essere importati da aree non particolarmente vicine del sito. Sembrano invece concentrarsi solo in epoca 101 Schindler Kaudelka 2003, 163–176. 102 Materiale inedito. 349 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani tardo-augustea i due esemplari con sovradipintura a trova stringenti analogie con l’esemplare di Mirandola. gocce e impasto privo di mica, che rimandano ad am- Pochi chilometri più a nord si trova il sito di Gazzo bito nord-italico. Veronese, da quale potrebbero essere state importate le altre pentole da gulash, molto simili a quelle di Mi- randola (si ricorda qui, per altro, la presenza a Celeia di Nuovi dati sull’origine e sul commercio un contenitore simile munito di tre piccoli piedi per il dei manufatti quale non è ancora stato proposta un luogo di origine). La vicinanza di questi siti al corso del fiume Po e alla Il Magdalensberg sorge su un’altura posta sul versante via per Hostilia, che risalendo verso nord si congiun- settentrionale delle Alpi Orientali, in un’area partico- geva alla Postumia a Verona, ne ha potuto garantire larmente ricca di metalli e minerali. Questa peculiari- una facile diffusione dei prodotti che, una volta giunti tà, e la posizione strategica relativamente vicina alla X a Iulia Concordia, o forse fino ad Aquileia, prosegui- Regio, permisero al sito di divenire, attorno alla metà vano verso il Norico. del I sec. a.C. un importante markettown dell’impero, Questi devono essere stati i canali preferenziali anche specializzato nella lavorazione del ferrum noricum, del per il commercio delle altre stoviglie prodotte in area bronzo e dell’oro.103 padana, ma per le quali non è possibile ipotizzare i Già ampiamente indagati sono i risvolti storici e sociali luoghi di produzione. che tale singolarità storica ha rappresentato per il sito, L’unico esemplare identificato riconducibile a pro- e quante siano le informazioni di carattere economico duzioni vesuviane non crea ulteriori problematiche, e commerciale che si riflettono sullo studio delle prin- vista la copiosa presenza sul sito di tegami a vernice cipali classi di manufatti della prima età imperiale. rossa interna importati da quell’area. L’aggiornamento sulla ceramica comune depurata In merito alle merci provenienti da ambito microasia- di importazione del Magdalensberg contribuisce a tico - si tratta di un numero discreto di brocche, ollet- consolidare, definire e puntualizzare alcuni di questi te, caccabi e tegami - e africano, che raggruppa broc- aspetti. che, ollette, piccoli contenitori da trasporto, caccabi, Già nel 1989 era stato possibile evidenziare quanto tegami e un vaso da notte, il loro arrivo sull’emporio fossero preponderanti le importazioni da area pada- deve essere avvenuto, così come per le terre sigillate na. Gli studi sulla ceramica, ancora in fieri in quel e le anfore orientali principalmente via Aquileia, testa periodo, non permisero ancora di mettere meglio a di ponte tra il Mediterraneo e le province d’oltralpe. fuoco l’entità del fenomeno che trovava, tuttavia, am- La conoscenza delle importazioni dalle province pia giustificazione dalla coeva presenza di numerose orientali sembrano maggiormente definibili grazie importazioni di ceramica a vernice nera, pareti sottili anche al progresso delle conoscenze su alcuni ateliers e terra sigillata padana. locali e per le quali due sono i principali siti dai quali Sebbene manchino ancora oggi informazioni sugli pare siano partite le merci verso il Magdalensberg: innumerevoli impianti di produzione di ceramica Poetovio e Celeia, che possono aver sfruttato la via depurata in Italia settentrionale, è possibile avanzare d’acqua della Drava per risalire, con la tecnica dell’a- alcune ipotesi in merito all’origine di alcuni di questi laggio, fino al Magdalensberg. manufatti. Al territorio cremonese sembrano ascrivibili le broc- che con beccuccio versatorio e decorazione sovradi- Questioni aperte pinta sulla spalla, ad ambito modenese potrebbe inve- ce essere ascritta la pentola da gulash ( Tav. 17: 145) che Considerato il complesso lavoro di integrazione tra nuovi dati e correzioni di precedenti lavori, si pro- pongono qui due schemi riassuntivi che permettono 103 Dolenz 2001; Zaccaria 2008. 350 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 di focalizzare velocemente tutti i cambiamenti inter- hanno permesso di allargare e mettere meglio a fuo- corsi in quasi trent’anni di ricerca archeologica co i rapporti economici e commerciali che l’empo- Nelle didascalie delle tavole è possibile reperire le rio norico ha intrapreso nel corso di quasi un secolo concordanze dei materiali qui pubblicati con la clas- di vita con i limitrofi territori della Slovenia e della sificazione tipologica, l’area di produzione e la crono- Pianura Padana orientale. Per questi ultimi territori, logia della precedente edizione. il dato era già ampiamente emerso nel corso della La Tabella di pag. 27 ( Fig. 26), vuole essere, invece, precedente trattazione, senza avere tuttavia la possi- un veloce strumento di lavoro che riassume tutte le bilità di essere più profondamente indagato. Poche principali modifiche analizzate nel testo, indispensa- forme, e di non certa attribuzione, rimandano ai ter- bile per una rilettura critica del volume del 1989. ritori collocati nelle aree limitrofe al corso del fiume Al di là dei riconoscimenti morfologici e delle attri- Po’ e alle principali arterie stradali, grazie alle quali buzioni effettuate mediante analisi macroscopica de- sono stati commercializzati e trasportati fino al Ma- gli impasti, l’assenza di analisi archeometriche, sia per gdalensberg. La recente edizione sui rinvenimenti di quanto riguarda i manufatti nei loro territori di ori- Suasa,104 Chiunsano (RO),105 o il lavoro di revisione gine che nei siti di esportazioni, rimangono ad oggi delle ceramiche comuni dello scarico di via Retratto pure ipotesi interpretative. (Adria –RO),106 confermano ancora una volta strin- Consci del rischio che si incorre ogni qual volta ci si genti analogie con i materiali della X Regio e delle spinge in questo senso, tale azione sembra render- coste del medio e alto Adriatico. si necessaria se si voglia provare ad avanzare di un Più significativi i nuovi dati relativi ai territori delle passo oltre quelle che sono le attuali conoscenze. Il provincie orientali, in precedenza quasi del tutto non confronto con i colleghi e gli esperti e l’autopsia su riconosciute tra i materiali importati sull’emporio, numerosi manufatti inediti si sono dimostrati, in que- che confermano una certa uniformità del repertorio sto senso, step necessari e di grande aiuto per dare sloveno, pannonico (Poetovio) e norico (Celeia) con forma alle suggestioni personali. quello coevo del Magdalensberg.107 Si è scelto invece di non fornire, per ciascuna for- Si ritiene probabile che, all’interno dei canali di com- ma e variante identificata, i risultati dei confronti e mercializzazione dei manufatti di produzione pada- dell’area di distribuzione, se non per specifici casi che na, campana e orientale, Aquileia abbia rappresenta- potessero essere di aiuto nell’identificazione dell’area to uno snodo commerciale fondamentale. Tuttavia, di produzione del manufatto. Solo raramente si sono come già detto per quanto riguarda la presenza di poi effettuate concordanze con altri repertori noti. terre sigillate orientali sul sito anche nel caso delle Tali scelte muovono in parte dalle problematiche ceramiche comuni egee, non sembra possa trattarsi insite nella classe in oggetto (e già esposte) e, non- di ordini regolari, quanto forse più scelte economiche dimeno, dall’impossibilità di avere a disposizione un filtrate dalla volontà e dalle conoscenze clientelari dei corpus bibliografico uniforme, nel quale poter repe- negozianti. rire foto, disegni e informazioni puntuali sull’aspetto Diverse questioni rimangono comunque aperte, e ri- dei manufatti che ne permettano un’identificazione guardano parzialmente anche problematiche di carat- univoca. Si sottolinea, tuttavia, che tale ricerca è stata tere epistemiologico. comunque necessaria e indispensabile per il progres- Nel quadro generale, accanto alle due macro-aree so delle conoscenze sulla classe. appena identificate, per i pochi esemplari ancora di Ciò che emerge da questo aggiornamento revisionato sulla ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg è 104 Biondani 2014, Tav. 1. una situazione che non sorprende. 105 Biondani 2016, 91–97. Le poche nuove produzioni identificate, grazie an- 106 Materiale in corso di studio da parte di Valentina che alle più recenti conoscenze in ambito produttivo, Mantovani. 107 Si vedano, ad esempio: Gaspari 2010; Bausovac 2014. 351 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani dubbia provenienza si potrà in futuro sperare un 2685 nuovi manufatti in ceramica comune, il panora- avanzamento della ricerca, così come accaduto per ma delle attestazioni risulta essere ancora molto ete- un certo numero di manufatti già editi nel 1989 e per rogeneo e quantitativamente inferiore ad altre classi. i quali si è resa necessaria una correzione. Oltre alla Si osserva, tuttavia, una minore variabilità delle forme determinazione dell’origine dei reperti di non certa rispetto a quando documentato nel 1989, dato con- attribuzione, di difficile inquadramento rimangono dizionato dalla natura di revisione e aggiornamento una serie di esemplari le cui peculiarità non ne per- del lavoro stesso, quanto più ad una minore creatività mettono una classificazione univoca. È il caso delle dei vasai antichi. coppe con alto bordo convesso che qui sì è deciso di Dal punto di vista funzionale poi, la gamma degli usi includere nella categoria della ceramica comune ( Tav. e delle destinazioni non registra sostanziali cambia- 15: 124–131), ma le quali rispondono, dal punto di vi- menti, fatto salvo per i casi dei pot à garum e delle sta morfologico anche alla classe della ceramica a pa- cruches-amphores, per le quali risulta, inoltre, un si- reti sottili. O ancora, alle olle con sottile cordonatura gnificativo incremento numerico rispetto alla cerami- sotto l’orlo ( Tav. 6: 49) documentate in area padana ca da tavola. nella variante con „impasto refrattario“108 ed adibite Dal punto di vista cronologico, infine, limitate ma alla cottura dei cibi, ma presenti anche nella variante significative sono le variazioni registrate all’interno sottodimensionata e pareti molto sottili.109 dell’arco temporale di vita del sito e che ci permetto- In conclusione, si può osservare che, sebbene l’avan- no di definire con precisione i mutamenti di stile e di zamento delle indagini sul sito abbia restituito circa moda che hanno interessato l’emporio norico. 108 Della Porta et al. 1998, 147, olla n. 42. 109 Mantovani 2015, forma 44, Tav. XI: i-m. 352 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 Die dünnwandige Gebrauchskeramik vom Magdalensberg, 1975 33/3 Piccolo lagynos 34/4a Contenitore per medicinali 34/4b Contenitore per medicinali 34/4c Contenitore per medicinali 34/4d Contenitore per medicinali 34/4e Contenitore per medicinali 34/5a Contenitore per medicinali 34/5b Contenitore per medicinali 34/5c Contenitore per medicinali Die gewöhnliche Gebrauchskeramik vom Magdalensberg 1, 1989 14/28 Agora F65 14/33 Agora F65 14/36 Agora F65 14/37 Amphore 14/38 Agora F65 14/39 Anfora 14/40 Anfora 15/51 Contenitori biansati con collarino/Dressel 28 e similis 15/52 Contenitori biansati con collarino/Dressel 28 e similis 15/53 Contenitori biansati con collarino/Dressel 28 e similis 15/57 Contenitori biansati con collarino/Dressel 28 e similis 15/58 Contenitori biansati con collarino/Dressel 28 e similis 15/59 Anfora 15/60 Contenitori biansati con collarino/Dressel 28 e similis 15/61 Contenitori biansati con collarino/Dressel 28 e similis 17/91 Anfora 17/92 Anfora 18/1 Contenitori biansati con collarino/Dressel 28 e similis? 18/5 Anfora 20/26 Periodo 1, Fase 2 23-26 Pot à garum 35/9 Troncoconica da olive? 34/1 Locale-regionale? 34/2 Locale-regionale? 34/3 Locale-regionale? 34/4 Locale-regionale? 34/5 Locale-regionale? 34/6 Locale-regionale? 34/7 Locale-regionale? 34/8 Locale-regionale? 34/9 Locale-regionale? 34/10 Locale-regionale? 34/11 Locale-regionale? 34/12 Locale-regionale? 35/4 Coppa con due anse e alto bordo convesso Die bodenständige Keramik vom Magdalensberg. 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Valentina Mantovani Mariatroster Strasse 113 Dipartimento dei Beni Culturali AT-8043 Graz Università di Padova elenischindler@utanet.at Piazza Capitaniato 7 IT-35139 Padova valentina.mantovani@unipd.it 359 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 1: Lagynoi Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 1,1 35,1 tiberiano-claudio __ Celeia? __ 1,2 1,6 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 1,3 35,1 tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 1,4 1,2 tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 1,5 35,1 tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 1,6 __ tiberiano __ Celeia __ 1,7 35,1 tiberiano-claudio __ Celeia? Italia Settentrionale 1,8 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 1,9 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 1,10 2,10 tardo-repubblicano __ Italia Settentrionale __ 360 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 10 8 9 Tavola 1 Lagynoi (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 361 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 2: Lagynoi con spalla carenata o decorata Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 2,11 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Celeia? __ 2,12 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 2,13 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Celeia? __ 2,14 35,7 tiberiano-claudio __ Celeia? __ 362 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 11 12 13 14 Tavola 2 Lagynoi con spalla carenata o decorata (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 363 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 3: Brocche monoansate Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 3,15 5,4 tiberiano __ Celeia __ 3,16 11,109 tiberiano-claudio prima età augustea Creta Italia Settentrionale 3,17 5,3 prima età augustea tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 3,18 6,14 tiberiano-claudio tardoaugusteo Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 3,19 9,63 e 64 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 3,20 9,63 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 3,21 9,70 tardo-augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 3,22 9,67 tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 3,23 17,85 e 86 tiberiano-claudio augusteo Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 3,24 17,85 e 86 tiberiano-claudio augusteo Orientale Italia Settentrionale 3,25 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 3,26 10,75 tiberiano-claudio prima età augustea Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 3,27 11,93 augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 364 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 15 16 18 17 19 20 21 23 24 22 25 26 27 Tavola 3 Brocche monoansate (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 365 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 4: Brocche Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 Brocche con spalla decorata a rotella 4,28 35,4 tardo augusteo tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Italia Settentrionale 4,29 35,4 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Italia Settentrionale 4,30 35,4 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Italia Settentrionale 4,31 __ augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale __ 4,34 28,8 augusteo tiberiano-claudio Africa? Italia Settentrionale Brocche con beccuccio versatorio 4,32 __ augusteo __ Orientale __ 4,33 __ prima età claudia __ Italia Settentrionale __ Brocche con superficie a mica dorata 4,35 15,45 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Gallia del Nord? __ 4,36 14,28 augusteo tiberiano-claudio Gallia del Nord? __ 366 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 Tavola 4 Brocche con spalla decorata a rotella, brocche con beccuccio versatorio, brocche con superficie a mica dorata (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 367 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 5: Brocche da tavola biansate Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 5,37 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 5,38 16,68 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale tiberiano-claudio 5,39 16,67 e 68 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale tiberiano-claudio 5,40 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 5,41 15,43 tardo-augusteo tardo-augusteo Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 5,42 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Celeia? __ 5,43 28,7 tiberiano-claudio prima età augustea Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 5,44 33,1 tardo-augusteo tiberiano-claudio Africa? Italia Settentrionale 5,45 31,29 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 5,46 28,7 tiberiano-claudio prima età augustea Africa? Italia Settentrionale 5,47 33,10 tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 5,48 23,7 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 368 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 Tavola 5 Brocche da tavola biansate (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 369 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 6: Ollette Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 6,49 __ prima età augustea __ Italia Settentrionale __ 6,50 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Africa? __ 6,51 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Africa? __ 6,52 __ tardo-augusteo __ Africa? __ 6,53 33,6 tardo-augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale __ 6,54 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 6,55 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 6,56 33,3, 4 e 7 augusteo tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 6,57 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 6,58 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Sassuolo __ 6,59 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Orientale __ 6,60 __ augusteo __ Africa __ 370 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Tavola 6 Ollette (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 371 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 7: Piccoli contenitori da trasporto ovoidali con anse sporgenti connesse all'orlo Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 7,61 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 7,72 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 7,63 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 372 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 61 62 63 Tavola 7 Piccoli contenitori da trasporto ovoidali con anse sporgenti connesse all'orlo (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 373 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 8: Piccoli contenitori da trasporto ovoidali Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 8,64 __ augusteo __ Africa? __ 8,65 25,21? tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Africa? Italia Settentrionale 8,66 __ augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale __ 8,67 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 8,68 25,20 tardo-augusteo tardo-augusteo Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 8,69 24,14 augusteo tiberiano-claudio Africa? Italia Settentrionale 8,70 25,25 tiberiano-claudio tardo-augusteo Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 8,71 28,10 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Africa? Italia Settentrionale 8,72 24 augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 8,73 24 tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 8,74 24 augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 374 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 Tavola 8 Piccoli contenitori da trasporto ovoidali (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 375 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 9: Piccoli contenitori da trasporto ovoidali con spalla accentuata Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 9,75 28,1 e 2 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Italia Settentrionale 9,76 24,15 tiberiano-claudio augusteo Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 9,77 27 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio ? Italia Settentrionale 9,78 27 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio ? Italia Settentrionale 9,79 27 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 9,80 27 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 376 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 75 76 77 78 79 80 Tavola 9 Piccoli contenitori da trasporto ovoidali con spalla accentuata (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 377 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 10: Contenitori biansati con collarino/Dressel 28 e similis Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 Italia Settentrionale?/ Italia Settentrionale?/ 10, 81 20,26 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ Italia Settentrionale?/ 10,82 19-22 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ Italia Settentrionale?/ 10,83 19-22 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ Italia Settentrionale?/ 10,84 19-22 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ Italia Settentrionale?/ 10,85 19-22 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ Italia Settentrionale?/ 10,86 19,15 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Celeia? 378 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 82 83 81 84 85 86 Tavola 10 Contenitori biansati con collarino/Dressel 28 e similis (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 379 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 11: Contenitori biansati con collarino/Dressel 28 e similis Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 Italia Settentrionale?/ Italia Settentrionale?/ 11,87 19-22 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ Italia Settentrionale?/ 11,88 20,32 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ Italia Settentrionale?/ 11,89 15,51 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ Italia Settentrionale?/ 11,90 21,35 augusteo tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ Italia Settentrionale?/ 11,91 18,1 oppure 4 tiberiano-claudio augusteo Celeia? Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ Italia Settentrionale?/ 11,92 19-22 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Celeia? Celeia? 380 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 88 89 90 87 92 91 Tavola 11 Contenitori biansati con collarino/Dressel 28 e similis (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 381 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 12: Ciotole biansate con corpo carenato e ciotole semplici Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 Ciotole biansate con corpo carenato Italia Settentrionale?/ 12,93 32,44 tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ 12,94 29 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ 12,95 29 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ 12,96 29 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ 12,97 29 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Celeia? Italia Settentrionale?/ 12,98 29 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Celeia? Ciotole semplici 12,99 __ tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 12,100 29,15 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 12,101 __ augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale __ 12,102 __ augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale __ 382 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 Tavola 12 Ciotole biansate con corpo carenato, ciotole semplici (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 383 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 13: Grandi boccali biconici Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 13,103 __ tardo-augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale? __ 13,104 __ tardo-augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale? __ 13,105 32 tardo-augusteo tiberiano-claudio Poetovio? __ 13,106 32 augusteo tiberiano-claudio Poetovio? __ 13,107 32 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Celeia? __ 13,108 32 post-augusteo tiberiano-claudio Poetovio? __ 13,109 32 augusteo tiberiano-claudio Celeia? __ 13,110 32 augusteo tiberiano-claudio Celeia? __ 13,111 32 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Poetovio? __ 13,112 32 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Poetovio? __ 13,113 32 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Poetovio? __ 13,114 32 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Poetovio? __ 384 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 Tavola 13 Grandi boccali biconici (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 385 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 14: I Piccoli contenitori Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 Piccoli contenitori 14,115 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 14,116 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 14,117 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 14,118 __ augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale __ Bicchieri 14,119 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 14,120 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 14,121 __ augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale __ 14,122 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 14,123 __ tardo-repubblicano __ Campania __ 386 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 Tavola 14 Piccoli contenitori, bicchieri (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 387 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 15: Coppe con due anse e alto bordo convesso e Coppe senza anse Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 Coppe con due anse e alto bordo convesso 15,124 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Celeia? __ 15,125 35,5 augusteo tiberiano-claudio Celeia? __ 15,126 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Celeia? __ 15,127 __ prima età augustea __ Celeia? __ 15,128 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Celeia? __ 15,129 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Celeia? __ 15,130 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Celeia? __ 15,131 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Celeia? __ Coppe senza anse Italia Settentrionale?/ 15,132 __ tiberiano-claudio __ __ Celeia? 15,133 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 15,134 __ tardo-augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale __ 15,135 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Celeia? __ 388 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 Tavola 15 Coppe con due anse e alto bordo convesso (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 389 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 16: Caccabi Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 16,136 33,11-13 tardo-repubblicano prima età augustea Africa __ 16,137 33,11-13 tardo-repubblicano prima età augustea Africa __ 16,138 33,11-13 tiberiano-claudio prima età augustea Africa __ 16,139 33,11-13 tiberiano-claudio prima età augustea Africa __ 16,140 33,11-13 augusteo prima età augustea Orientale? __ 16,141 33,11-13 tiberiano-claudio prima età augustea Africa __ 16,142 33,11-13 tiberiano-claudio prima età augustea Africa __ 390 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 Tavola 16 Caccabi (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 391 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 17: Pentole da gulash e Tegami da fuoco Pentole da gulash 17, 143 __ tardo-repubblicano __ Gazzo Veronese? __ 17,144 __ tardo-repubblicano __ Gazzo Veronese? __ 17,145 __ tardo-repubblicano __ Gazzo Veronese? __ Tegami da fuoco 17, 146 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 17, 147 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Africa __ 17, 148 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Orientale __ 17, 149 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Orientale __ 17, 150 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Orientale __ 392 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 Tavola 17 Pentole da gulash, tegami da fuoco (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 393 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 18: Coperchi, Anse e Vasi da notte Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 Coperchi 18,151 35,10-12 tiberiano-claudio tardorepubblicano Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 18,152 35,10-12 tiberiano-claudio tardorepubblicano Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 18, 153 35,10-12 tiberiano-claudio tardorepubblicano Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale 18, 154 35,10-12 tiberiano-claudio tardorepubblicano Italia Settentrionale Italia Settentrionale Anse 18,155 35,3 tiberiano-claudio tiberiano-claudio Orientale? __ 18,156 35,3 augusteo tiberiano-claudio Africa? __ Vasi da notte 18,157 __ prima età augustea __ Africa? __ 18,158 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Africa? __ 394 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 Tavola 18 Coperchi, anse, vasi da notte (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 395 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 19: Fondi non determinati, Fondi con piede ad anello Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 Fondi non determinati Tavola __ Data contesto __ Provenienza __ 19,159 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Orientale? __ 19,160 __ prima età augustea __ Italia Settentrionale __ 19,161 __ tardo-augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale __ 19,162 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Africa? __ 19,163 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ Fondi con piede ad anello 19,164 __ augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale __ 19,165 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 19,166 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 19,167 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 19,168 __ augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale __ 19,169 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 19,170 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 19,171 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ Fondi particolari 19,172 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 19,173 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 19,174 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 19,175 __ prima età augustea __ Italia Settentrionale __ 396 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 Tavola 19 Fondi non determinati, fondi con piede ad anello, fondi particolari (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 397 Eleni Schindler Kaudelka, Valentina Mantovani Tavola 20: Varia Tavola Cfr. forma 1989 Data contesto Cfr. cronologia 1989 Provenienza Cfr. provenienza 1989 20,176 __ augusteo __ Italia Settentrionale __ 20,177 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Locale-Regionale? __ 20,178 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 20,179 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 20,180 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 20,181 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 20,182 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 20,183 __ ? __ Orientale __ 20,184 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale? __ 20,185 __ tiberiano-claudio __ Italia Settentrionale __ 398 La ceramica comune depurata del Magdalensberg 2 M 1:3 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 Tavola 20 Varia (disegno V. Mantovani, tielaborazione grafica S. Pukšič). 399 In memoriam Iva Mikl Curk The First Late Antique Composite Combs in Western Illyricum: Roman or Barbarian? Prvi poznoantični sestavljeni glavniki iz Zahodnega Ilirika: rimski ali barbarski? Gojko Tica Izvleček: Na prehodu 4. v 5. stoletje se je na nekaterih poznoantičnih najdiščih pojavilo novo gradivo, ki ga nekateri avtorji pripisujejo prihodu nove, „barbarske“ populacije na območje Zahodnega Ilirika. Med tovrstnim gradivom naj- demo tudi različne oblike sestavljenih (troplastnih) glavnikov. Medtem, ko dvovrstni primerki v glavnem veljajo za rim- sko-provincialne izdelke, nekateri avtorji glavnike z različno oblikovanimi visokimi ročaji tako ali drugače povezujejo s tujimi vplivi. Nekateri jim nasprotujejo in jih ravno tako obravnavajo kot rimsko-provincialne izdelke. Po našem mnenju nekateri tipi glavnikov predstavljajo enega najbolj tipičnih barbarskih elementov na območju poznoantičnega Zahodnega Ilirika. Še več, tudi samo polaganja različnih vrst koščenih oziroma roženih glavnikov v grob je značilnost barbarskih, v glavnem germanskih skupin in ne rimsko-provincialnega prebivalstva. Tudi tipe, uvrščene med rimsko-provincialne izdel- ke, so prišleki verjetno uporabljali kot del svojih pogrebnih običajev. Razvoj izdelave glavnikov, izdelava tudi dvovrstnih sestavljenih primerkov, v primerjavi z rimskimi provincami enormno število glavnikov v grobovih iz območij srednje in vzhodne Evrope, ki so jih naseljevale predvsem različne germanske skupine, ter ravno tako dokazi o obstoju delavnic za izdelavo glavnikov iz 3. in 4. stoletja, vse to kaže na množično proizvodnjo in uporabo glavnikov med barbarskimi (predvsem germanskimi) skupinami še v času, preden so se naselili na nekaterih območjih Cesarstva. Po našem mnenju niti ni pomembno, kdo je koščene / rožene glavnike izdeloval, temveč kdo je te izdelke uporabljal, kdo je glavnike polagal v grobove kot pridatke. Očitno Barbari (v glavnem germanske skupine) in ne lokalno romanizirano provincialno prebi- valstvo. Po drugi strani pa so ob prvih množičnih prihodih Barbarov na ozemlje Cesarstva še vedno delovale tudi rimske delavnice in lokalnim mojstrom se ni bilo težko prilagoditi potrebam novih uporabnikov. Tudi kasneje, v 5 in 6. stoletju, je polaganje glavnikov kot pridatkov v grob vsaj v Zahodnem Iliriku in njegovemu sosedstvu, kazalo na barbarsko priso- tnost. Nekateri avtorji na grobiščih, kjer se pojavljajo „barbarski“ elementi iz t. i. obdobja preseljevanja ljudstev, „revne“ grobove z glavniki povezujejo z „romaniziranim“ ali „krščanskim avtohtonim prebivalstvom“, toda po našem mnenju ni nikakršnih osnov za takšne zaključke. Prisotnost glavnikov na poznoantičnih najdiščih iz časa ob koncu 4. in na začetku 5. stoletja bi lahko povezali s pojavom nove barbarske populacije na območju poznoantičnega Zahodnega Ilirika. Toda, ker „tuje“ gradivo iz tega časa ni tako pogosto, je vprašljivo, če ga lahko povežemo s t. i. federatsko skupino Alateja in Safra- ka, kot so to storili nekateri avtorji. Menimo, da to gradivo kaže, da so se nekateri Barbari naselili v Panoniji in Noriku, tudi kot vojaki, kar ni presenetljivo glede na dejstvo, da so številne barbarske skupine živele ob meji s Cesarstvom. Toda na podlagi arheoloških najdb ne moremo govoriti o gosti naselitvi določene barbarske skupine v svojstvu federatov. Do velikih etničnih sprememb v Zahodnem Iliriku, predvsem v nekaterih delih Panonije, je prišlo šele v 30. letih 5. stoletja, ko je zahodni del Cesarstva predal Panonijo v roke Hunom. Ključne besede: sestavljeni glavniki, grobni pridatki, Zahodni Ilirik, Barbari, Germani, pozna antika Abstract: At the turn of the 4th into the 5th century new material occurred on some Late Antique sites which is by some authors connected with the arrival of a new, „Barbarian“ population in the territory of Western Illyricum. Among this material we can also find different shaped composite (three-layer) combs. While double-sided examples were classified as Roman provincial products, some authors in one way or the other associate the combs with different shaped high handles with foreign influences, while others dispute this and also treat them as Roman-provincial products. The author posits that certain types of combs represent one of the most typical Barbarian elements in the area of Late Antique Western Illyricum. Moreover, the act of placing different types of bone/antler combs in the grave is characteristic of Barbarian, mainly Germanic groups and not of the Roman provincial population. So even the types classified as provincial Roman products were probably used by newcomers in mortuary rites. The development of comb production, including that of 401 Gojko Tica double-sided composite examples, the enormous number of combs in the areas settled mainly by different Germanic groups in the Central and Eastern Europe from graves compared to the specimens from Roman Provinces, as well as the evidence of the existence of workshops for comb production from the 3rd and the 4th Centuries, all point to the mass production and the use of combs among Barbarian (mostly Germanic) groups even before they settled some areas inside Empire. The autor suggests that, it is not so important who produced bone/antler combs in this period, but who used these products, and placed them in graves as grave goods. This was obviously the Barbarians and not the local Roman provincial population. Roman workshops still existed when Barbarian incomers entered the provinces in large numbers. Thus, it was not a problem for local craftsmen to adjust production for new consumers. Centuries, the practice of placing combs in graves is considered by archaeologists to be a sign of a Barbarian presence in Western Illyricum and the adja- cent areas in the 5th and 6th Centuries. Some authors have attempted to link „poor“ graves with combs in Migration period cemeteries where „Barbarian“ elements occurred with „Romanized“ or „Christianized“ autochthonous population, but in our opinion there is no evidence for such conclusions. The presence of combs on Late Antique sites from the turn of the 4th into the 5th Centuries can be connected with occurrence of new Barbarian populations in Late Antique Western Illyricum. However, the connection of this material with so the so-called foederati group of Alatheus and Saphrax, is questionable as some authors have, because „foreign“ material was not so common in this period. The author suggests that this material shows that some Barbarians settled in Pannonia and Noricum, which is not surprising given that many Barbarian groups lived on the borders of the Empire. However, the archaeological record does not provide sufficient evidence for the dense settlement of certain Barbarian groups in the sense of foederati. It was only in the fourth decade of the 5th century that some parts of Pannonia in Western Illyricum were subject to major ethnic changes, when the Western Roman Empire seceded Pannonia to the Huns. Key words: composite combs, grave goods, Western Illyricum, Barbarians, Germani, Late Antique At the end of the 4th and beginning of the 5th centu- There are some new types of finds in the Szabad- ries AD, new types of finds appeared in some Panno- battyán Type cemeteries, which do not appear in the nian cemeteries. They are regarded not only a novelty, Csákvár Type cemeteries. Supposedly used by Bar- but also a foreign element within provincial Roman barians,1 the Szabadbattyán type cemeteries began in contexts. Most prominent among the new elements the second third of the 5th century AD and lasted are composite combs with high handles made of throughout the so-called „Hunnic“ period, i.e. the bone or antler, polyhedral earrings, amulets, certain second third of the 5th century AD.2 On the basis of types of iron, bronze and less often silver brooches, written sources Salamon and Barkóczi associated the especially brooches with inverted foot, iron buckles, emergence of the Csákvár and Szabadbattyán Types the so called „nomadic“ mirrors, and clay spindle cemeteries with the Gothic-Alanic-Hunnic popu- whorls in female graves; and iron knives, sharpening lation led by Alatheus and Saphrax, who settled in stones, and fire strikers in male graves. One of the Pannonia as foederati in AD 380. These cemeteries new elements is the emergence of artificial cranial can be traced until AD 427, i.e. the third decade of deformation. the 5th century AD, when some parts of Pannonia In the 1970s, ágnes Salamon and László Barkóczi were occupied by the Huns. drew attention to these novelties and used them as a The Pannonian archaeological artefacts from the 4th basis for their definition of two types of cemeteries. and beginning of the 5th centuries AD, include arte- The earlier „Csákvár Type“ supposedly lasted from fact types that are most often associated with groups the end of the 4th century AD and well into the first half of the 5th century AD. It included cemeteries of 1 In this article has been used the word Barbarians (eth- provincial Roman origin that were also used by groups nic Barbarians) as opposed to barbarians (uncultured bru- of nomadic newcomers. The second group, the so- tes) with the intention of stressing the difference betwe- en the characterisation in terms of political ethnography called „Szabadbattyán Type“, is later and the cemeter- versus cultural anthropology (after Migotti 2015, 671). ies of this type contain the new elements from the 2 Salamon and Barkóczi 1971; Salamon and Barkóczi Csákvár Type cemeteries, but no 4th century artefacts. 1978; Salamon and Barkóczi 1980; Salamon and Barkóczi 1982. 402 The First Late Antique Composite Combs in Western Illyricum: Roman or Barbarian? of Barbarians, such as different types of composite tween the 1st and 3rd centuries AD are known. They combs made of bone or, more commonly, antler. are mostly single-sided one-piece combs and can be Salamon and Barkóczi regard the combs in general as made of bronze, ivory, amber, or bone.8 Single-sided a novelty in the Late Antique cemeteries of Pannonia, one-piece combs with high arc-shaped handles are and their emergence, regardless of the type, is asso- even rarer.9 Two specimens from the northern cem- ciated with the presence of Barbarians.3 This expla- etery of Emona could be included here, despite the nation was opposed by Eszter Vágó and István Bóna fact that Emona did not belong to Western Illyricum.10 soon after the publication of part of the Csákvár One explanation for the small number of combs in cemetery.4 Having studied the combs from one of the sites from the 1st to 3rd centuries AD could be the cemeteries in Intercisa, they recommended precau- that in that time, combs were made of wood. Fur- tion when it comes to the determination of combs thermore, there is every indication that combs, with and their ethnic affiliation. According to Vágó and few exceptions, did not have a role as grave goods.11 Bóna, double-sided combs and single-sided combs The fact that only a few combs occur in graves with high decorated handles are Roman provincial ar- among the thousands of published burials from Ro- tefacts, while high handled combs without decoration man Western Illyricum indicates that this was a rare could be either Roman or Barbarian. Since compos- occurrence indeed. ite combs with high handles also occur in the Gre- Compared to the previous centuries, the number of co-Roman cities along the north shores of the Black combs increased significantly at the end of the 4th / Sea, Vágó and Bóna assumed that these combs were beginning of the 5th centuries AD. While combs rare- adopted by the carriers of the Chernyakhov - Sîntana ly occur in Late Antique graves in Pannonia, there de Mureş culture in the Lower Danube and Crimea were a few exceptions such as e.g. Esztergom ( Solva) regions and then mass produced by them.5 The au- with 28 combs in 25 of 335 graves,12 Csákvár with thors cite Sokolsky as the evidence for the presence around 24 combs in slightly less than 2,000 graves,13 of combs with high semicircular, tongue-shaped, and or Intercisa with around 30 combs from the cemeter- bell-shaped handles along the Black Sea, but Sokolsky ies with over 2,000 graves, the military camp, and the emphasizes that such combs are rare in cities on the civilian settlement.14 It should be noted, however, northern coast of the Black Sea and represent a for- that the Esztergom cemetery came into use at the eign element, brought there by newcomers. In the first end of the 4th century AD and lasted until as late as centuries of the common era, composite antler combs the second half of the 5th century AD,15 the Csákvár are assumed to have been spread around Europe, in- cemetery also lasted until the second half of the 5th cluding the East, within the Chernyakhov - Sîntana century,16 and the military camp, the settlement and de Mureş culture.6 The views of Vágó and Bóna on the cemeteries of Intercisa lasted at least until the third the emergence and origin of composite combs were adopted by Mária Bíró, who studied Pannonian combs and is the most cited author for this topic.7 8 Groller 1907, 19, Fig. 8; Kujundžić 1982, 33, Pl. 15: 1; Bíró 2002, 32, Fig. 6; Humer 2009, 327, cat. 1243; Bíró et Only a few Pannonian combs from the time be- al. 2012, 94, cat. 172, 173. 9 Hollitzer 1902, 11, Pl. 2: Fig. 27; Bíró et al. 2012, 95, 3 Salamon, Barkóczi 1982, 151, 162. cat. 177; Шарановић Светек 1981, 158, Pl. 6: 3. 4 Salamon, Barkóczi 1971. 10 Petru 1972, 95, 100, Pl. 82: 14; 87: 10. 5 Vágó, Bóna 1976, 198–201. 11 Шарановић Светек 1981, 158. 6 Сокольский 1971, 148, Pl. 19: 12. 12 Kelemen 2008, 140–143. 7 Although Mária Bíró has changed her views on the 13 Salamon, Barkóczi 1971, 57, 63–64; Nádorfi 1996, phenomenon of combs in Late Antique Pannonia and its 97–99; Bíró 2002, 39, 40, 43. neighbourhood considerably (Bíró 2009; Bíró et al. 2012), 14 Alföldi 1957, 478–481; Salamon, Barkóczi 1975, 86; the authors mostly used her publications from 1994, 2000, Vago, Bóna 1976, 198–201; Teichner 2012, 182–185. and especially 2002 (e.g. Bíró 1987a; Bíró 1987b; Bíró 15 Kelemen 2008, 200–201. 1994; Bíró 2000; Bíró 2002; Bíró 2009; Bíró et al. 2012). 16 Nádorfi 1996, 96–97. 403 Gojko Tica decade of the 4th century AD.17 combs was found at Burggartenstrasse in Mautern,30 In the Szentedre cemetery, for instance, combs were and at Lauriacum,31 but these two cemeteries are dat- discovered in four out of 120 graves;18 in Ságvár in ed to the 4th century AD and were still in use at least one out of more than 340 graves;19 in Matrica in one in the second third of the 5th century AD. out of more than 210 published graves – although Especially when compared to the contemporary it should be noted that according to Judit Topál, cemeteries of the Chernyakhov – Sîntana de Mureş between 800 and 1,000 Roman and Early Medieval culture, it becomes clear that combs as grave goods graves had been destroyed;20 in Tokod in three out are not as common an occurrence as it would seem of 120 graves.21 In the Rusovce I cemetery ( Gerula- in Late Antique Western Illyricum. While in some ta), slightly less than half of 167 graves were inhu- cases combs are rare in the Chernyakhov – Sîntana mation burials, dated to the time between the end de Mureş cemeteries as well, there are still plenty of of the 3rd and the end of the 4th centuries AD, and cemeteries with combs in 20-30 % of all graves.32 A only one comb was found in a disturbed grave.22 In few discovered workshops ( Fig. 1) likewise testified Pécs ( Sopianae), there were around 280 published to large scale production of combs within the Wiel- graves, but Ferenc Fülep only mentions one comb bark and Chernyakhov – Sîntana de Mureş cultures.33 in a grave, in addition to the bone combs mentioned It can certainly be stated that combs were produced among the very rich finds from graves R/291–293. on a large scale within the Chernyakhov – Sîntana This means a maximum of three more graves with de Mureş culture (and generally in the Barbaricum), combs as grave goods.23 In Aquincum, just two combs and that combs as grave goods are not a custom were unearthed in Late Antique graves, one in the that could be associated with the provincial Roman eastern cemetery of the civilian settlement24 and the tradition.34 It is therefore comes as no sur- other one in the Canabae – western cemetery.25 The situation was similar in Noricum, where combs rare- 30 Wewerka 2004. 31 Kloiber 1957; Deringer 1967. ly occur in graves. They were found, for instance, 32 For example Viitenka (Любичев 2011, Fig. 6: 12; 7: 5, in the eastern cemetery in Mautern ( Favianis), where 14; 10: 6; 11: 7, 19; Варачёва 2014, Fig. 4: I/1; 5: 1; Pl. 3), combs were discovered in three out of more than Privolnoe (Кухаренко 1955, 131–142; Pl. 2: 19), Krinička (Сымонович 1960b, 245, 252, Fig. 2: 3, 4; 7: 2; 9: 1), Ra- 270 graves,26 in Linz ( Lentia), where combs were dis- kovec (Винокур, Островский 1967, Fig. 3: 3; 7: 7–9; Гей covered in only four out of 40 graves of the Tiefer 1990, Fig. 3: 2), Mihălăşeni (Şovan 2012, 155–156, Pl. 174: Graben cemetery,27 and in only one out of 68 graves 3; 304: 28, 29; 305; 306: 37, 38; 331–333), Miorcani (Ioniţă 1974, 83), Leţani (Bloşiu 1975, 218–221), Bârlad – Valea Se- in the Zizlau II cemetery.28 In the Frauenberg ceme- aca (Palade 2004, 208–209), Barcea (Ţau, Nicu 2011), Copu- tery near Leibnitz ( Flavia Solva), only two combs were zu (Muşeţeanu 1986, 216, Fig. 4: 12–14), Independenţa (Mi- found in more than 430 graves.29 A larger number of trea, Preda 1966, 44–56, Fig. 104: 2; 107: 11; 111; 115: 3; 117: 10; 122: 4; 125; 128: 4; 147; 150: 3; Ioniţă 1971, 14–16), Sîntana de Mureş (Kovács 1912, Fig. 12: 3a–b; 26; 37: 3; 40: 3; 42; 52: 5; 56: 3; 59: 5; 67: 1; 88: 1a–b; 92: 1; 100: 1; 103: 1; 17 Visy 1977, 35–43; Visy 2003b, 118; Teichner 2012, 105: 6; 107: 1a–b) or Fîntînele „Rît“(Marinescu, Găiu 1989, 19–25. 141, Fig. 2: A/1; 4: A/5; 5: B/1; 6: A/2, 6/B2). Combs 18 Maróti, Topál 1980. often occurred as grave goods in some (often small) ce- 19 Burger 1966. meteries in Moldavia (Republic of Moldova as well as the 20 Topál 1981. Romanian part of Moldavia) and in Transylvania. 21 Lányi 1981. 33 Palade 1971; Palade 2004, 167–172; Diaconu et al. 22 Kraskovská 1974; Kraskovská 1976. 1977, 214–215; Opreanu 1992; Bierbrauer 1994, 88–92; 23 Fülep 1977; Fülep 1984. 94–95; Bednarczyk 1998, 77. The Wielbark and Chernyak- 24 Lassányi 2010. hov – Sîntana de Mureş cultures, as well as the Masłomęcz 25 Topál 2003. group, which existed between the 2nd century AD and the 26 Pollak 1993. first decades of the 5th century AD in the triangle between 27 Ruprechtsberger 1991; Ruprechtsberger 1999. the rivers Bug, Huszwa and Bukowa, are associated with 28 Ruprechtsberger 1999. the Goths (see e.g. Kokowski 2008). 29 Steinklauber 2002. 34 Musteaţą 2017. 404 The First Late Antique Composite Combs in Western Illyricum: Roman or Barbarian? Chernyakhov – Sîntana de Mureş culture. In many cases they were found near the head, but were also frequently placed near the feet, near the legs, near the arms, between the legs, on the chest, or near the shoulders. They might also be in a corner of the grave, somewhat to one side of the body, togeth- er with other grave goods. Combs were sometimes placed in pots, which were stacked near the body. Even when placed next to the head, it is believed that the function of the comb was not adorning or fastening the hair: combs were most likely associat- ed with funerary rituals, beliefs or superstitions and could perhaps even indicate the social status of the deceased (e.g. age, gender, family, rank, etc.). This might be evidenced by small bone and antler comb- like pendants ( Fig. 1: 5, 9), which can be found in ar- chaeological sites within the Chernyakhov – Sîntana de Mureş culture.36 Considering their shape, size, teeth density, and Figure 1 Combs, pieces of antler raw-material and sometimes weight,37 it is debatable whether most of semi-products from castra in Pietroasele (Diaconu et al. the Late Antique and Early Medieval combs could 1977, Fig. 20). be used for adorning and fastening hair at all. More- over, combs are sometimes found together with prise that this custom, associated with any Bar- their sheaths, and they also occur in infant graves. barian – but especially Germanic – group It is therefore hard to imagine the emergence of a in the vicinity of Western Illyricum, is new hairstyle with combs in the Late Antique peri- contemporary with the occurrence of the first com- od, resulting in the occurrence of combs in graves, posite combs in the territory of western Illyricum. as is the view of some authors.38 Modern combs In the Sarmatian settlement area, some combs were for fastening and adorning the hair are quite large, found within the settlements dated to the 4th cen- „adapted“ to the shape of the head, slightly curved tury AD and the first half of the 5th century AD. and with thin long teeth ( Fig. 3).39 It is reasonable The dates, however, are based solely on analogies to expect that similar combs would have been used from Pannonia and the Chernyakhov – Sîntana de for fastening and adorning hair in the Late Antique Mureş culture,35 while no reliable Sarmatian graves period. However, no combs used for fastening and with combs have been identified within the Sarma- adorning women’s hair are known in Europe before tian settlement area in the eastern Pannonian Basin. the second half of the 18th century.40 It can therefore be assumed that within the Barbari- cum, the custom of putting combs into graves is 36 E.g. Diaconu et al. 1977, Fig. 21: 5; Palade 2004, 213, Fig. 242: 2; 276: 4; Ţau, Nicu 2011, 70, Pl. 5: type VIII; characteristic of several Germanic, but not Sarma- Самойловський 1952, Fig. 3: 1. tian groups. 37 For example, the bone (not antler) comb with high The positions of combs in the graves varied, both bell-shaped handle from Predjama (Korošec 1983, 90, Pl. 1: 1; Bitenc, Knific 2001, 27, cat. 68) is too heavy to be in Western Illyricum and in the territory of the used for adorning or fastening (Fig. 2: 1). 38 E.g. Kovács 2000, 140; Swift 2000, 119. 39 Berk, Bogataj, Pukšič 1993, 94–95; Cruse 2007, 26–28. 35 Medgyesi 2011; Pintye 2009, 176–177. 40 Cruse 2007, 13, 16. 405 Gojko Tica Figure 2 Combs and cases for combs from Predjama (Korošec 1972, Pl. 2: 1; 1: 1, 2). The special significance of combs amongst the most common type of combs in the Late Antique Germani is also indicated by the numerous combs period, as well as the Early Middle Ages. They were from the sacrificial deposits of weapons (probably most likely made after the example of the Roman military equipment of defeated enemies) in the military wooden single-sided combs, crafted out of marshes in Illerup on the Jutland peninsula (148 a single piece of wood ( Fig. 4). combs) or Vimosa on the island of Fyn ( circa 60 There is no doubt, however, that the manner of their combs) in Denmark, which are dated to the 2nd and production represents the heritage of Barbarian 3rd centuries AD.41 (Germanic) craftsmen,42 since composite combs of Double-sided composite combs are usually inter- any type are not known anywhere in the Western Il- preted as Roman provincial artefacts. This was the lyricum provinces before the second half of the 4th century AD. On the other hand, the development of combs from small single-sided one-piece combs ( Fig. 5) through composite single-sided combs ( Fig. 6) to the earliest – larger – composite single-sided combs ( Fig. 7) can be traced during the 1st and 2nd centu- ries AD in the area populated by various Germanic groups, mostly between the Elbe on the west, the Baltic on the north, the Middle Danube on the south Figure 3 Samples of modern combs for fastening and the present Belarus on the east.43 hair (1. Olga Schmid. Hair Decorating, https//www. pinterest.com/pin/525373112751223539 [Accesed 6 The earliest combs with high arc-shaped handles, Oct. 2015]; 2. Brandon Femme. Hair accessories: Combs, both one-piece and composite variants, resemble in http://brandonfemme.com/product_info.php?products_ form the bronze La Tene specimens and also the id=2541137 [Accesed 10 Oct. 2015]). Roman one-piece combs. Later, in the 3rd and 4th centuries AD, combs with high arc-shaped handles 41 Ilkjær 1989, 58–60. Combs from these sites are of different types, small one-piece single-sided combs, com- are joined by composite combs of other shapes, posite single-sided combs and composite combs, all with whose production starts in the Barbaricum. In the high arc-shaped handles. Same types of combs appeared Central and Western Europe, these new forms were in some Danish and south Swedish cemeteries from the same time. In the cemetery in Møllgårdsmarken on the predominantly combs with high triangular handle,44 Danish island of Fyn, for example, 46 composite combs while in the East, combs with high semicircular, were unearthed (Ilkjær 1989, 59–60). Combs as grave go- ods are also common in early Anglo-Saxon England (e.g. Williams 2003, 101–119; Ashby 2014, 165–172). These examples show that putting combs into graves was a com- 42 Galloway, Newcomer 1981, 73; MacGregor 2001, 74. mon practice among the Germanic peoples in general, not 43 Thomas 1960, 56–94; Teuber 2005. just among the eastern Germanic groups. 44 Thomas 1960, 94–104. 406 The First Late Antique Composite Combs in Western Illyricum: Roman or Barbarian? Figure 4 1. Military one-piece single-layer wooden combs.; 2. Vechten (Derks and Vos 2010, Pl. 1: 1, 2). Figure 5 One-piece single-layer combs with high arc-shaped handles. 1. Cieple; 2. Gotland; 3. Branč II (Teuber 2005, Pl. 4; 5; 3: 3; 4: 8). Figure 6 Composite single-layer combs with high arc-shaped handles. 1. Chorula; 2. Tarnów; 3. Zadowice; 4. Illerup (Teuber 2005, Pl. 7: 5, 8, 9; 8: 2). 407 Gojko Tica bell-shaped and tongue-shaped handles prevailed.45 and not during their earlier contacts with the Hellen- It therefore comes as no surprise that composite istic cities along the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov, double-sided combs, which are made in the same where one-piece double-sided combs of various ma- way as composite single-sided combs ( Fig. 8),46 did terials had been known at least from the 5th century not appear before the time when the territory of the BC onwards, unlike their composite antler or bone Empire was being penetrated and settled by larger, counterparts.50 predominantly Germanic groups. Combs with high semicircular ( Fig. 1: 1, 2, 6; 2: 2; Double-sided combs with straight sides remained 10: 6–8; 12; 13; 14), bell-shaped ( Fig. 1: 3, 9; 2: 1; 10: unchanged from the second half of the 4th century 4) and tongue-shaped handles ( Fig. 10: 5; 11) have AD to at least the end of the 6th century AD. Dou- usually been denoted as being associated with the ble-sided combs with variously decorated profiled Goths, because these types often appeared on sites sides ( Fig. 9), on the other hand, occurred for a rela- from the 4th and beginning of the 5th centuries AD tively short period of time.47 The earliest specimens throughout the territory of the Chernyakhov – Sîn- appear to be from the Valentinian period, i.e. the last tana de Mureş culture.51 third of the 4th century AD. They disappear in the Notwithstanding the shape of the handle, most of the mid-5th century AD, coinciding with the Hunnic inva- authors classify these combs in a single group, named sions and the fall of the Danube Limes in Pannonia Type III according to Thomas.52 Tejral, for instance, in the 430s, as well as in Moesia and Dacia Ripensis pointed out that this group of combs was character- in the 440s.48 Within the Chernyakhov – Sîntana de ized by a variety of handle forms, decoration and side Mureş culture, double-sided combs occur rarely, and forms.53 According to Nikitina, such combs developed only in its western areas.49 This indicates that the car- in the area of the Chernyakhov culture54 in the 4th cen- riers of the Chernyakhov – Sîntana de Mureş culture tury AD from earlier forms of arc-shaped ( Fig. 6; 8: 1; adopted this type of combs only when they started 10: 1, 2) and trapezoid-shaped ( Fig. 10: 3) combs. In to migrate towards the Roman limes on the Danube her opinion, Type III combs did not continue in use after AD 400 in the area of Chernyakhov – Sîntana de Mureş culture, unlike in the Central and Western Eu- 45 Thomas 1960, 104–114. 46 For the production of Late Antique and Early Me- rope, where they can occur in the 5th century.55 Recent dieval bone/antler combs see e.g. Hervai 1984; Aufleger research shows that combs also appeared at least in 1996; MacGregor 2001, 55–72; Bíró et al. 2012, 63, 70. some Chernyakhov – Sîntana de Mureş culture sites 47 Rare examples of double-sided combs with profiled sides occur even later, but, with the exception of a few ca- also in the first half of the 5th century AD,56 but this ses such as e.g. the two combs from the Prague – Podbaba does not change the fact that by far the greatest number cemetery (Fig. 9: 5), which is dated to the 6th century AD of combs comes from the area of the Chernyakhov – (Svoboda 1965, 263, Pl 46: 24; Droberjar 2005, 155), and the almost identical specimen from Carnuntum (Humer 2009, 328–329, cat. 1251), which could therefore be dated 50 Сокольский 1971, 138–144; Петерс 1986, 66. to the same – and not earlier – time, these combs no lon- 51 E.g. Thomas 1960, 113–114; Petković 1995, 28; ger have the beauty and quality of their predecessors from Cnotliwy 1996, 104; Kazanski 1999, 15. the 4th century and the first half of the 5th century AD. An 52 E.g. Thomas 1960, 104–114; Lamiová Schmiedlová obviously local group with no analogies is represented by 1964, 197–198; Chmielowska 1971, 58–59; Никитина a few combs from the Dravlje cemetery in Ljubljana (Fig. 1969, 149. 9: 6), which is dated to the end of the 5th and the first de- 53 Tejral 1982, 24. cades of the 6th century AD (Slabe 1975, Pl. 4: 1; 12: 1, 2; 54 The author took into consideration only the finds 13: 5; 17: 1). The Dravlje specimens show, in comparison from the former Soviet Union, not those from Romania. with earlier combs, a strong degeneration in the working 55 Никитина 1969, 149, 159–160, Fig. 1. of sides and the decoration of crosspieces. 56 For the continuity of the Chernyakhov – Sîntana de 48 Petković 1995, 23. Mureş culture in the first half of the 5th century AD see 49 E.g. Mitrea, Preda 1966, Fig. 33: 2; Muşeţeanu 1986, e.g. Ščukin, Kazanski, Sharov 2006, 128–145; Lăzărescu, Fig. 4: 14; Marinescu, Găiu 1989, Fig. 4: 5; Ţau, Nica 2011, Ciupercă, Anton 2015, 220–227; Магомедов 2001, 143; Pl. 5: Type VI; Şovan 2012, Pl. 174: 3. Петраускас, Шишкин 2013, 16–18. 408 The First Late Antique Composite Combs in Western Illyricum: Roman or Barbarian? Figure 7 Composite triple-layer combs with arc-shaped handles. 1. Gajary; 2. Blažovice; 3. Jagsthausen (Zeman 2001, Pl. 3: 6, 9; Schach Dörges 1994, Fig. 1: a, b). Figure 8 The way of making the different triple-layer combs (Theune Großkopf 1997, Fig. 1). Sîntana de Mureş culture and that these combs are the Thervingi – Visigoths.59 earliest Type III combs, together with some examples The combs that appeared largely in the western are- from the Wielbark culture and the Masłomęcz group.57 as of the Chernyakhov – Sîntana de Mureş culture, According to Horedt, Type III combs occurred in the can, which according to Bíró, be attributed to the area of the Sîntana de Mureş culture (Transylvania) so-called Marosszentana (Hungarian name for Sîn- under the influence of the Cernyakhov culture, which tana de Mureş) type, or, in her later publication, the means they were later there than in the territory of the so-called Type III./2. These are semicircular combs former Soviet Union.58 The somewhat older Cernyak- with punched surface decoration ( Fig. 1: 1, 6; 10: 8; hov culture (Volhynia, Ukraine, Moldavia) as usually 12; 13; 14: 3).60 They were made from two plates on attributed to Greuthungi – Ostrogoths, and the Sîn- each external side, a rectangular crosspiece and a tana de Mureş culture (mainly the parts of Romania semicircular handle. They were decorated along the that used to be the Roman province of Dacia and had edges with jagged double lines similar to punching. been left by the Romans in the time of Aurelian) to These lines may be replaced by wavy lines, com- posed of tiny reversely placed semi-circles or both 57 E.g. Kokowski 1995, 15, Fig. 3: f, g; 72 / Map 47; 59 E.g. Bierbrauer 1994a, 105–134; Bierbrauer 1994b, Bednarczyk 1998, Fig. 97. 35–46. 58 Horedt 1982, 100. 60 Bíró 1994, 39; Bíró 2002, 50, 55. 409 Gojko Tica Figure 9 Double-sided combs with profiled sides. 1. Csákvár; 2. Tác; 3. Ptuj-Zgornji breg; 4. Csákvár; 5. Prague- Podbaba; 6. Ljubljana-Dravlje (Bíró 2002, Fig. 19, 29, 28, 16; Droberjar 2005, 155; Slabe 1975, Pl. 4: 1). Figure 10 Combs from Mihălăşeni (Şovan 2012, Pl. 214: 2; 222: C 1; 176: 2; 94: 3; 107: 3; 212: B 4; 67: 5; 267: A 1; 174: 3). 410 The First Late Antique Composite Combs in Western Illyricum: Roman or Barbarian? Figure 11 Combs with tongue-shaped handles. 1. Leţani; 2. Enns; 3. Ózd; 4. Tokod; (the comb was published as a find from the horreum in Tokod (Mócsy 1981, 46, Fig. 52), while Mária Bíró cited the comb as a find from Szőny (Brigetio); 5. Untersiebenbrunn (Bloşiu 1975, Fig. 9: 3; Bíró 2002, Fig. 132; 107; 134; Kubitschek 1911, Fig. 36). Figure 12 Combs with the figural depictions of type III./2. by Mária Bíró. 1. Leţani; 2. Medias; 3. Târgu Mureş; 4. Vrbov; 5. Carnuntum; 6. Hrtkovci-Gomolava; 7. Intercisa; 8. Csákvár; 9.–10. Páty (Bíró 2002, Fig. 129; 128; 130; Pieta 1999, Fig. 11: 33; Werner 1988, Fig. 33: 6; 5; Bíró 2002, Fig. 122; Werner 1988, Fig. 23: 4; Ottományi 2003, Fig. 7: b; 4: 7). 411 Gojko Tica Pannonia only on the sites of Mediaş, Lehninţa de Mureş and Târgu Mureş in Transylvania, which are located in close proximity to each other.64 That Type III./2. combs are not so unique in Pan- nonia was indicated, in addition to the examples from the limes in Upper Moesia,65 and the already mentioned combs with animal figures, by some oth- er finds from certain sites within the Chernyakhov – Sîntana de Mureş culture, e.g. Brăviceni in Moldo- va,66 Leţani ( Fig. 12: 1),67 Mihălăşeni ( Fig. 10: 8)68 and Figure 13 Handle plate with figural depiction from Viminacium (Спасић Ђурић / Spasić Djurić 2002, Fig. 87). Bârlad–Valea Seacă69 in the Romanian part of Mol- davia or Pietroasele ( Fig. 1: 1, 6)70 and Independ- types of decoration may be combined. The second enţa71 in Muntenia.72 Workshops for manufacturing sub-group of this type is represented by combs bone and antler products are, for example, also at- with stylized animal figures61 carved with tiny chis- tested in Upper Moesian Singidunum,73 Bârlad–Valea els within the border zone of the semicircular plate. Seacă74 and Pietroasele ( Fig. 1)75. In addition, there The animal bodies may be filled with tiny dot-cir- are also examples of combs with handles made cles ( Fig. 1: 1; 12; 16). from a separate rectangular crosspiece and a semi- Bíró is aware that her Type III./2. combs (Type Ma- circular handle plate on each side of the comb ( Fig. rosszentana) represented a transitional type „ with a 10: 7; 14: 2; 15), but unlike the above mentioned number of unsolved questions and relations“ with figural Type III./2., combs of these forms are not decorat- decoration, which was completely unfamiliar to Ro- ed, except when the rivets no longer merely serve man workshops on the grounds of the motif produc- to fit the comb parts, but might also be arranged tion method and the motifs themselves.62 However she suggested that Pannonian workshops manufac- tured these Late Antique combs and exported them beyond the borders of the Empire.63 She posited that 64 Bíró 1994, 36, 39; Bíró 2000, 173; Bíró 2002, 55, 59, Type III./2. combs originated in Pannonia, where 67–68. Bíró quoted ágnes Salamon (Salamon 1977) for they represented the most typical comb type and the sites in Transylvania, but she listed the sites incorrectly. Salamon listed combs with animal figures from Târgu most popular comb form with the provincial popula- Mureş, Mediaş and the Leţani cemetery in the Romanian tion. These combs supposedly spread independently part of Moldavia (Salamon 1977, Pl 32; 33: 1, 2), and not of Germanic settlement. According to Bíró, Type from Lehninţa de Mureş (Maroslekence) in Transylvania, as given in Bíró (Bíró 2000, 173, Fig. 3; 2002, 55, Fig. 128). III./2. combs appeared in large numbers in Panno- 65 Petković 1995, 27–28. nia, but only rarely beyond its boundaries. Further 66 Grosu, Vornic 2009, Fig. 3: 7. she states that combs from the second sub-group 67 Bloşiu 1975, Fig. 6: 1. The comb that Bíró wrongly attributed to the Lehninţa de Mureş site. with animal figures on the handles appeared outside 68 Şovan 2012, Pl. 102: B/1; 267: A/1. 69 Palade 2004, Fig. 87: M57/4; 261: 5; 265: 8. 70 Diaconu et al. 1977, Fig. 21: 1, 6. 61 According to Bíró, this group also included a comb 71 Mitrea, Preda 1966, Fig. 122: 4; 150: 3. with extremely stylised male and female figures, possibly 72 When Mária Bíró dealt with Pannonian combs of an erotic scene (Fig. 13). While she states that it was found her Type III./2., she listed both sub-groups, with geo- in Sirmium (Bíró 2002, 55, Fig. 131; 2009, 75, Fig. 4: 4b), metric and zoomorphic decoration, but only mentioned it was actually a chance find from Viminacium (Popović combs with zoomorphic (and not geometric) decoration 1987, 126, Pl. 3: 1; Petković 1995, 64, Pl. 10: 2; Спасић outside the borders of the Empire (Bíró 2002, 55). Ђурић / Spasić Djurić 2002, 106, Fig. 87). 73 Bjelajac, Ivanišević 1993, 128–129. 62 Bíró 1994, 39. 74 Bierbrauer 1994, 94–95; Palade 2004, 167–172. 63 Bíró 1994, 36. 75 Diaconu et al. 1977, 214–215. 412 The First Late Antique Composite Combs in Western Illyricum: Roman or Barbarian? Figure 14 Combs with high semicircular handles. 1. Velikaja Bugaevka; 2. Leţani; 3. Unterlanzendorf (Петраускас, Шишкıн 2013, Fig. 141: 3; Bloşiu 1975, Fig. 8: 14; Stadler 1981, Fig. 6: 1). in a decorative manner.76 The production of these combs ( Fig. 15) was the same as that of Type III./2. combs according to Bíró. She also mentioned three combs from northern Slovakia ( Fig. 12: 4), which she suggested had come from the short-lived set- tlements of Roman merchants (?).77 However, she made no further mention of the Slovakian combs in her later publications. It is now appropriate to return to the combs with fig- ural representations on the handles. As has been not- ed, Bíró very narrowly limited their occurrence out- side Pannonia to three sites in Transylvania, which are located in close proximity to one another. One of these specimens does not even come from Leh- ninţa de Mureş in Transylvania, but from the Leţani cemetery in the Romanian part of Moldavia ( Fig. 12: 1). Likewise, the comb that she attributes to Sirmium comes from Viminacium in Moesia ( Fig. 13). In ad- dition to the Bíró list, there are few more examples of combs with zoomorphic figures on the handles. One example was found in Carnuntum in Pannonia ( Fig. 12: 5),78 whilst another comes from Romosch in western Volhynia in the Ukraine, that is from the Chernyakhov – Sîntana de Mureş culture area. Figure 15 The production sequence of Type III./2. combs, 79 Al- by Mária Bíró (Hervai 1984, Pl. 3). though it is a comb with high triangular handle, as regards motifs (deer on one side of the comb, on the dle plates and decoration techniques of displays, we other roe deer), decoration of the edges of the han- can classified in the same group comb from Alten- dorf in Bavaria ( Fig. 16).80 In addition to the comb 76 E.g. Mitrea, Preda 1966, Fig. 147; Bloşiu 1975, Fig. from Carnuntum, further combs with animal fig- 8: 14; 15: 4; 26: 2; Palade 2004, Fig. 222: 4; 256: 8; Şovan ures are known in Pannonia from Brigetio,81 Csákvár 2012, Pl. 67: 5; 117: B1; 161: B2. 77 Bíró 2000, 174. 78 Werner 1988, 285, note 111; Fig. 23: 6. 80 Pescheck 1969, Fig. 12; Endert 1997. 79 The comb is only mentioned, without illustration. 81 Thomas 1960, 203, cat. 80. The comb is only menti- Horedt 1982, 140, Fig. 56. oned, without depiction and other data. 413 Gojko Tica ( Fig. 12: 8),82 Páty ( Fig. 12: 9, 10),83 Intercisa ( Fig. 12: on the handles only appeared in Pannonia on the 7)84 and Gomolava ( Fig. 12: 6).85 It is apparent that limes and its hinterland, that is in the region where only two Western Illyricum combs came from defi- contact between the provincial population and Bar- nite mortuary contexts (Csákvár and Páty) and nei- barians was at its most intense. This type of comb is ther can be interpreted with certainty as the grave of unknown so far in the interior of Western Illyricum a member of Roman provincial population or dated ( Map 1). to a period that shows these combs to be earlier than With the economic crises in the Late Antique peri- the examples of the same type from the Chernyak- od some territories of the Empire began to rely on hov – Sîntana de Mureş culture (or more precisely supply of goods and local production of goods, from the Barbaricum in general). The contexts where which included workshops for the manufacture of the other examples were found are too unreliable to bone and antler artefacts.86 The developed nature of permit the conclusion that this type of comb was stock-breeding and hunting meant that such indus- product of Roman workshops. tries did not require expensive raw materials and un- The above finds permit conclusion that combs with certain supply. In addition to this, the technological a high semicircular handle, made of two plates on process of preparation of the raw material is not dif- each side of the comb, were used and most likely ficult87 and does not require special conditions. Antler manufactured in the western part of the Chernyak- and bone are also easier to process than, for example, hov – Sîntana de Mureş culture area, above all in wood or stone.88 Provincial workshops had never be- present day Moldova and Romania. Such combs can fore used bone and antler in production to such ex- be undecorated or decorated in various techniques tent. In the absence of other raw materials, the pro- and with different motifs, including jagged double duction of cheap bone/antler substitutes started, and lines similar to punching, or wavy lines, composed of the use of bone as material was very non-selective in minute reversely placed semi-circles, characteristic of comparison to previous periods. The number of dif- Type III./2. combs after Bíró. Combs with animal ferent types of bone products also increased.89 Thus, figures also appeared in Moldavia, Muntenia, Tran- in the late 4th and early 5th centuries AD in Western sylvania and Volhynia (and not just in Transylvania). Illyricum, few known workshops for manufacturing The deer, hare and probably water birds were depict- bone and antler items existed in towns and military ed on these combs. The figures in Pannonia are lim- camps,90 where products related primarily to military ited to water birds, although the combs from Intercisa equipment were produced. Although the quality of are exceptions to this. It is not an insignificant fact products declined in comparison with the products that Type III./2 combs with figural representations from 1st to 3rd centuries AD, the quality as well as the spectrum of bone/antler products of provincial 82 Salamon, Barkóczi 1971, Fig. 11: 12. Grave good. craftsmen was wider than that of the craftsmen in 83 Ottományi 2003, Fig. 4: 7; 7: b. Two Type III./2 the Barbaricum. combs are known from Páty, one from grave 558, dated to This is likely to have led to an adjustment of the the Hunnic period, and one from the settlement. 84 Alföldi 1957, 491, cat. 107, Pl. 34: 10, 11; Salamon provincial workshops to the new consumers and it is 1977, Fig. 4: 1–4. Finds from settlement. 85 Dautova Ruševljan and Brukner 1992, 132, Pl. 20: 109. One Type III/2 comb is known from Gomolava, 86 Petković 1995, 17; Ciglenečki 1999, 323; Шарановић whilst the other combs are double-sided. The authors Светек 1980, 122–125. believed that the combs from Gomolava were derived 87 Production of Late Antique combs is otherwise from destroyed graves. Part of the Roman cemetery complicated and long lasting process (for literature about was excavated, which was dominated by Late Antique the production of combs see Note 46). inhumation burials (a total of 1 cremation and 33 88 Petković 1995, 12–20. inhumation graves). These graves from the 3rd and 4th 89 Шарановић Светек 1980, 124. century AD did not contain combs (Dautova Ruše- 90 E.g. Salamon 1977; Bíró 1987a; 1987b; Petković vljan, Brukner 1992, 167–173, 188). 1995, 16–20; Шарановић Светек 1980. 414 The First Late Antique Composite Combs in Western Illyricum: Roman or Barbarian? Figure 16 Comb with high triangular handle with figural depictions from Altendorf (Endert 1997, Fig. 5). likely that Western Illyricum craftsmen met with new the combs in the graves from the newcomers, who forms, new types of production and some new types were probably not so numerous at least at the end of of decoration on combs. The components and man- the 4th and beginning of the 5th centuries AD.91 The ufacture of Type III./2. combs after Bíró are very written sources also reported the mass acceptance of similar to the components and manufacture of the Christianity by the Tervingi, when they crossed the double-sided combs that appeared in Western Illy- Danube in AD 376,92 but the question arises as to ricum for the first time at the end of the 4th century what extent they were conscious Christians just a few AD ( Fig. 8; 15). The manufacture of combs with high years later, years, which were moreover mostly spent handles, made of two parts on each side, resulted in in conflict with the Empire. At the same time, for the substantial reduction of the surface of bone or instance, we have no data at all about the spread of antler, which has been required to produce the han- Christianity among Greuthungi. dle. The rectangular crosspieces of these combs are The archaeological data indicates that double-sided the same as the connecting crosspieces of the dou- combs soon replaced high handle combs among the ble-sided combs. If the knowledge that was required Barbarian newcomers as well. High handled combs to make other, even more complex bone products is disappeared in the second half of the 5th century AD, taken into account, it becomes apparent that the new at least in Pannonia and its vicinity. Type III combs method of comb production probably posed no ma- were confined to the Chernyakhov – Sîntana de jor problem for Western Illyricum craftsmen. Thus, it Mureş culture alone in the last two decades of the 4th may be assumed that on the base of newly acquired century AD. However, they later became an extra-re- knowledge they also began to produce composite gional type, which had spread from Eastern Europe triple-layer double-sided combs, which they embel- to Gaul and Hispania by the end of the 4th and be- lished with new motifs and new methods of exe- ginning of the 5th centuries AD.93 It is most likely that cuting these motifs. Or on the other hand Barbarian they were brought to Pannonia by the carriers of the craftsmen met new shapes and new forms of decora- Chernyakhov – Sîntana de Mureş culture, but since tion known to Roman workshops. Influence operat- they appear at the same time and even later outside ed in both directions. Composite combs, mostly dou- the borders of the Empire, in the areas populated by ble-sided examples, were likely to be used as everyday other Barbarian, predominantly Germanic groups, objects by both the provincial populations and the newcomers, whilst the provincial population was less 91 Even though: „ In terms of religion, both sites obviously likely than the mostly Germanic groups to use combs held communities with a pronounced pagan and Christian syncretism as objects connected with funeral rites. It is hard to imbued with apotropaic concepts. “ (Migotti 2015, 678). 92 About Christinanity among Goths see e.g. believe that the mostly Christian population all of a Bednaříková 2003, 71–112.; Schäferdiek 2007, 52–59; sudden and in a very short period of time adopted Thompson 2008, 78–132. for them the totally alien pagan custom of laying 93 Kazanski 1993, Fig. 2; 1999, Fig. 1: 1, 2;. Barroso Cabrera, Lopez Quiroga, Morin de Pablos 2006, Pl. 1: 9. 415 Gojko Tica the context in which these combs were found needs gom ( Solva), which contained a man and a woman. to be taken into account for their chronological and The grave contained two double-sided combs, which ethnic determination. As is the case with all Late An- could be an indication that in rare cases, combs were tique combs, not just Type III, they cannot be dat- also put in male graves.98 Double-sided combs were ed narrowly to the end of the 4th and beginning of found in one male and one female grave in the small the 5th centuries AD, when the Gothic-Alanic-Hun- Mágocs cemetery with three graves in north Baran- nic group led by Alatheus and Saphrax supposedly ya, which is dated to ca. AD 400.99 In the cemeter- settled in Pannonia, despite the fact that out of all ies of the Chernyakhov – Sîntana de Mureş culture „problematic“ finds in Pannonia, Type III combs are combs occur in female, child, and male burials. In those most typical of the carriers of the Chernyak- some cemeteries, the majority of combs was found hov – Sîntana de Mureş culture (the Goths). in male graves,100 sometimes the percentage of male In Pannonia, the largest number of combs – not just graves with combs was even quite high compared to Type III – comes from the province of Valeria,94 but all graves with combs,101 but in general, female and combs of several shapes do occur elsewhere in Late children graves with combs strongly prevailed.102 Antique Western Illyricum ( Map 2). A factor to be In some Western Illyricum cemeteries where the considered is certainly the state of research of the finds are attributed by some authors to the Barbarian Late Antique sites in different parts of Western Illy- newcomers, there are some burials in tile ( tegulae) or ricum. Hungarian archaeologists take the lead in the stone-lined graves. This is the „Roman type“ burial, study of the Pannonian limes, the Late Antique set- which is one of the reasons why such graves are, in tlements, and particularly cemeteries.95 spite of the finds, attributed to the provincial popu- In Western Illyricum, especially tombs made of lation.103 Inhumation graves with stone slabs, which stone plates often contain several skeletons, at least can be constructed in a similar fashion as the stones one female or child, and at least one male (but never or tegulae in the Western Illyricum cemeteries, while just male). These tombs also contained combs. The rare, are also known in the area of the Chernyak- graves were often destroyed, some already in the hov – Sîntana de Mureş culture104 and in Iluraton, Late Antique period, others later, either by robbing Crimea, where such a grave contained a pair of sheet or by construction and farming. This results in an in- metal round-headed brooches and a coin of Arcadi- complete understanding of Late Antique cemeteries us from the first half of the 5th century.105 Wherev- in general.96 Pannonian combs in graves are always er the population of the Chernyakhov – Sîntana de attributed to women and children, never to men. Mureş culture or the Crimean Barbarians met with This is based on the assumption that the graves with such burial type, the fact remains that it was used combs from the end of the 4th and beginning of the even in the areas outside the Empire. It would have 5th centuries AD belonged to the Pannonian provin- been therefore no wonder if they adopted it from the cial population. Only later – but not much later – provincial population in the period when they settled combs supposedly began to occur also in male graves in the Western Illyricum provinces. This is actually in the Pannonian provinces. These, however, were no longer the burials of the provincial population but 98 Kelemen 2008, 47, Pl. 43: 193/4, 5. that of the Germanic newcomers.97 An interesting 99 Gábor 1999, 114–115, Pl. 2: 3; 4: 3/4; 5: 3. 100 E.g. Сымонович 1955; Сымонович 1960a; double grave (Grave 193) was discovered in Eszter- Кравченко 1967. 101 E.g. Şovan 2012. 94 Bíró 2002, 65–66, Maps 1–4. 102 E.g. Bloşiu 1975; Körösfői 2008; Федоров 1960; 95 For the basic information about the state of resear- Винокур, Островский 1967; Гей 1990. ch see e.g. Fülep 1980; Visy 2003a; Friesinger, Krinzinger 103 E.g. Vágó, Bóna 1976, 144; Fülep 1984, 148; Klee- 2005; Đorđević 2007; Sanader 2010; Migotti 2012. mann 2008, 72. 96 E.g. Migotti, Perinić 2001, 126–128. 104 Магомедов 2001, 26, Fig. 18: 1; 23: 6. 97 E.g. Bíró 2002, 67. 105 Ajbabin 2011, 54, Fig. 23: 5, Pl. 20: 9. 416 The First Late Antique Composite Combs in Western Illyricum: Roman or Barbarian? more likely than the Roman provincial population the previously mentioned Gothic-Alanic-Hunnic adopting Barbarian customs such as artificial cra- group led by Alatheus and Saphrax. However, if the nial deformation or fragments of nomadic mirrors distribution map of combs in Western Illyricum is in graves – Volker Bierbrauer, for example, allows taken into consideration, it is possible to note that for this possibility in certain Pannonian cemeteries almost all of the combs appeared on the limes or of the Szabadbattyán type, precisely due to the con- at other strategic points in the hinterland ( Map 2), struction of the graves.106 where a military presence, if not refugii of the pro- It is therefore hard to claim that in Western Illyri- vincial population with favourable position, might cum at the end of the 4th and beginning of the 5th be expected. It should be noted that many of the centuries AD, combs were put in graves only by the combs from the above sites are stray finds, or were indigenous provincial population, due to the fact that found in occupation layers, where the Barbarian they are only found in female and child graves, while presence is only modestly, if at all, attested. Thus, e.g. the Chernyakhov – Sîntana de Mureş culture also they cannot be treated as indisputable evidence of a knew combs in male graves. It should be stressed Barbarian presence. The same, however, can be said once more that in Western Illyricum, there are few about the presence of the Roman provincial pop- graves with combs as grave goods and furthermore ulation. According to Péter Kovács, among some they largely originate from destroyed burials with others, the fact that the new fashion appeared as several deceased. Within the Chernyakhov – Sîntana a result of mutual influence throughout Pannonia, de Mureş culture, combs are likewise prevalent in the makes it impossible to look for a new ethnic group graves of women and children. Graves with combs in each burial, in which „ the brooch with inverted foot cannot be dated with certainty to the last two decades appears“.107 By the term „ the brooch“ he alludes to all of the 4th and the first decade of the 5th century. the novelties, attributed to the Barbarians, or more As a consequence, it can be stated that there is no ev- specifically to the foederati. On the contrary, we have idence for the production of any kind of composite asserted above that we can employ the term „Bar- combs by the Roman provincial population before barian“ to define at least the graves with combs as the end of the 4th century AD. Furthermore, there grave goods. This term may probably be extended to is no evidence for the use of combs for hairdressing include some combs types, regardless who produced amongst the provincial or Barbarian population, or them. Thus these graves and combs indicated an ac- for the use of combs as grave goods as a part of tual Barbarian presence in Pannonia, which existed funeral rituals amongst the Roman provincial pop- in some form, not just some form of mutual influ- ulation. On the contrary, the Barbarian (German- ence between the provincial Roman and the Barbari- ic) craftsmen produced composite combs from 2nd an populations at the end of the 4th and beginning of century onward and there is considerable evidence the 5th centuries AD. However, it is also impossible for the special meaning of combs amongst the Bar- to determine any specific ethnic group on the basis barians in both Eastern and Western Europe. Based of the appearance of combs (or any archaeological on archaeological finds, including combs, it can be material at all) without really strong additional ar- stated that there is no evidence for the presence of chaeological evidence. 106 Bierbrauer 2007, 103; Bierbrauer 2011, 122, 136. 107 Kovács 2000, 140. 417 Gojko Tica Map 11 Distribution of the combs with figural depictions of type III./2. by Mária Bíró (Tica 2017, Fig. 10). List of sites: 1. Leţani-Iaşi; 2. Pietroasele; 3. Mediaş; 4. Târgu Mureş; 5. Romoš; 6. Vrbov; 7. Kostolac – Viminacium; 8. Hrtkovci-Gomolava; 9. Dunaújváros – Intercisa; 10. Csákvár; 11. Páty; 12. Szőny – Brigetio; 13. Bad Deutsch-Altenburg / Petronell – Carnuntum; 14. Altendorf. 1 Background for the maps: http://www2.demis.nl/worldmap/mapper.asp [Accesed 5 Oct. 2015]. 418 The First Late Antique Composite Combs in Western Illyricum: Roman or Barbarian? Map 2 (p. 18) (Tica 2017, Fig. 12) ● Combs from late 4th and beginning of the 5th centuries AD. 1 ● Combs, which could be from the late 4th and early 5th centuries AD. 2 List of sites: 1. Szőny – Brigetio (Bíró 1987b; 1994); 2. Csákvár (Salamon, Barkóczi 1971; Nádorfi 1996; Bíró 2002); 3. Esztergom – Solva (Kelemen 2008); 4. Százhalombatta – Matrica (Topál 1981); 5. Tokod (Lányi 1981; Mócsy 1981; Kelemen 1981; Bíró 2002); 6. Pilismarót (Barkóczi 1960; Soproni 1978; Erdélyi, Salamon 1982); 7. Leányfalu (Soproni 1978); 8. Szentendre (Maróti, Topál 1980); 9. Obuda – Aquincum (Topál 2003; Lassányi 2010; Bíró et al. 2012); 10. Budapest-Gazdagrét (Zsidi 1988); 11. Páty (Ottományi, Gabler 1985; Ottományi 2003); 12. Ságvár (Burger 1966); 13. Dunaújváros – Intercisa (Alföldi 1957; Salamon, Barkóczi 1975; Salamon 1977; Teichner 2012; Vágó and Bóna 1976); 14. Pécs – Sopianae (Fülep 1977; 1984); 15. Pécs-Malom (Bíró 2002); 16. Mágocs (Gábor 1999); 17. Hrtkovci-Gomolava (Dautova Ruševljan, Brukner 1992); 18. Malo Kovalovo (Брукнер 1995); 19. Bregovi-Atovac (Брукнер 1995); 20. Vinkovci – Cibalae (Dizdar et al. 2002; Bojčić et al. 2009); 21. Zmajevac (Filipović 2010); 22. Győr – Arrabona (Szőke et al. 1977; Bíró 2002); 23. Szombathely – Savaria (Bíró 2002); 24. Rusovce – Gerulata (Kraskovská 1974; 1976; Snopko 1988); 25. Höflein (Kastler 1999); 26. Rannersdorf (Stadler 1981); 27. Unterlanzerdorf (Stadler 1981); 28. Bad Deutsch-Altenburg / Petronell – Carnuntum (Grünewald 1981; 1986; Rauchenwald 1992; Catalogo 2002; Humer 2009); 29. Klosterneuburg (Neugebauer Maresch, Neugebauer 1986); 30. Balácá (Koncz et al.,2001); 31. Kékkút (Koncz et al. 2001); 32. Keszthely-Fenékpuszta (Müller 2010); 33. Treštanovačka gradina near Tekić (Sokol 1997); 34. Lonja-Gradišče (Šimek 2012; Štimac Dedić 2013); 35. Kuzelin (Sokol 2012); 36. Svete gore above Bistrica ob Sotli (Korošec, Korošec 1978; Korošec 1997); 37. Črnomelj (Bitenc and Knific 2001); 38. Zwentendorf (Stiglitz 1975; Stuppner 2011); 39. Mautern (Pollak 1993; Groh, Sedlmayer 2002; Wewerka 2004); 40. Enns – Lauriacum (Kloiber 1957; Deringer 1967); 41. Linz – Lentia (Ruprechtsberger 1991; 1999); 42. Ptuj – Petoviona (Korošec 1980; 1999; Jevremov et al. 1993; Bitenc and Knific 2001); 43. Frauenberg by Leibnitz (Steinklauber 2002); 44. Ajdovski gradec above Sevnica (Bachran 1975; Knific 1979; 3 45. Rifnik (Bolta 1981); 4 46. Knallwand (Steinklauber 2005); 47. Hemmaberg (Ladstätter 2000); 48. Predjama (Korošec 1956; Korošec 1983; Bitenc and Knific 2001); 49. Golubić–Dolovi (Raunig 1968); 5 50. Kirchbichl above Lavant (Kainrath 2011); 6 51. Sremska Mitrovica – Sirmium (Popović 1987; Поповић 2003); 52. Sisak – Siscia (Burkowsky 1999; Tomaš Barišić, Burkowsky 2010); 53 Predloka near Črni kal (Boltin Tome 1981; 1987); 7 54 Tác – Gorsium–Herculia (Bíró 1987b); 55 Čortanovci (Даутова Рушевљан 1995); 56 Banoštor (Даутова Рушевљан 1995). 1 Sites are dated in the named period by authors. 2 Combs, often the chance finds, which could be typologically classified in the named period and combs from the sites, where some layers could be from named period. 3 Fragments of double-sided combs, which were on the basis of comparations dated probably in the 5th and 6th centi- ries AD, were found within settlement, which most likely existed already from the end of the 4th or beginning of the 5th centuries AD (Knific 1979, 750; 1994, 219). 4 Signs of the Roman settlement on Rifnik dating back in the 2nd century AD, but predominantly pottery testfied above the intensive settlement at the turn of the 4th and 5th centuries AD and later, at the end of the 5th and in the 6th centuries AD. In the interim we can’t talk about intense settlement (Bausovac 2011, 131–136). Some combs from Rifnik should be from the time at the end of the 4th and beginning of the 5th centuries AD. 5 The focus of the Branka Raunig’s article is processing of stone prehistoric Japodic urn, which was used tertiary as a part of the Late Antique grave construction made from the stone slabs. For author the publication of the grave of young woman was itself of secundary importance. She dated cemetery in the late 3rd or beginning of the 4th centuries AD, with notice that cemetery was not published and without any arguments for dating. Otherwise with untypical grave goods (fragments of double-sided comb, clay spindle whorl, fragment of iron knife, fragment of unidentifiable iron object, covered with a molten mass, maybe amber, and small iron tack), the grave could be dated in later time, maybe even at the end of the 4th or beginning of the 5th centuries AD. 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