118 UMAR IB revija 1-2/2006 This paper gives an overview of the current situation and trends in direct taxation in Southeastern Europe (SEE). Here, SEE refers to the countries of the former Yugoslavia plus Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. Some data on the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia is also included for comparison. Although all of the countries of SEE had some form of socialist government, there were three distinct types: Albanian, Soviet and Yugoslav. The countries that emerged from the former Yugoslavia started with the same system. Clearly some have changed more than others. Slovenia, with by far the highest standard of living (Table 1), has now joined the European Union as will Bulgaria and Romania soon. EU membership is a real possibility for the other countries in the region as well and all are moving towards modern European tax systems. The EU does not require the same level of uniformity in direct taxes as it does for indirect taxes. There have been several attempts by the EC Commission to harmonize direct taxation, but so far the main agreement has been a minimum level of taxation for savings (European Commission, 2000). The desire of all these countries to join the EU means that they are ready to adapt their tax systems more quickly than might otherwise be the case. Section One will give a bit of background of the region, par ticularly of the former Yugoslav countries. Section Two will discuss the current direct tax systems and recent changes. Section Three will give some thoughts on the future development. 1. Background Much has changed in the region since the mostly peaceful falling apart of the Soviet Union’s sphere of influence and the violent breakup of Yugoslavia. In socialist systems, taxes were more of a residual resulting from government decisions as to Jean Tesche* Direct Taxation in Southeastern Europe *Professor, Sarajevo Graduate School of Business, E-mail: jtesche@aol.com. Paper prepared for the “International Academic Forum on Flat Tax Rate”, Center for Excellence in Finance, Bled, Slovenia, 3-4 February 2006 production, wages and prices than an explicit policy. Albania had a more extreme form of this before 1990, with state control of virtually all of the economy. In all three types of systems, any taxes on wages were invisible to wage earners, who received the net amount. Yugoslavia started the period of transition from Socialist systems towards the end of the 1980s with a relatively high standard of living. The country was fairly open and seemed to have found the middle way between strict socialism and the market. However, 15 years later, five of Yugosla- via’s six republics are independent countries and Kosovo, one of two autonomous provinces, is under United Nations protection. The standard of living in most of the former Republics is still below that in the 1980s. One obvious reason for the drastic economic deterioration was the series of internal wars that devastated parts of former Yugoslavia in the 1990s. The slow collapse of the Yugoslav self- managed economy in the 1980s is a less obvious reason. Meanwhile, other former socialist countries have developed rapidly and joined the European Union (EU). Their standards of living far surpass that in most former Yugoslav countries. Slovenia is the exception. It has progressed rapidly economi- cally and joined the EU. Table 1 gives recent figures for population, GDP and GDP per capita for the region from the EBRD Transition Report (2005). Of the former-Yugoslav republics, both Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Serbia and Montenegro (S&M) need some extra comment. The Dayton Peace Accords which ended the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the end of 1995 set up a decentralized state with 2 Entities: the Federation of BiH (Federation) and the Serb Republic (Republika Srpska or RS). Taxes and custom administration were set at the Entity level, with only customs policy at the state level. A series of laws as well as decrees from the Office of the High Representative (OHR, set up by the UN to help IB revija 1-2/2006 UMAR 119 implement the Dayton Peace Accords) beginning in 2003 have moved indirect taxation to the State level. The international community has played a much bigger role in BiH than in other transition countries, with the exception of Kosovo. Serbia and Montenegro (called Yugoslavia, or rump Yugoslavia until early 2003 when the name was changed) is made up of two former republics plus two autonomous provinces, Vojvodina and Kosovo. Kosovo has been under UN protection since the NATO bombing in 1999 and has its own tax system set up by UN regulations. Montenegro is part of the same country, but has a completely separate system, including a separate currency and customs. A referendum on independence is scheduled for April of this year. Vojvodina is now an integral part of Serbia. 2. Direct Taxes Personal Income Taxes For personal income taxes, the general movement in the region has been towards fewer rates and a decrease in the top marginal rate. Romania and Slovakia have introduced flat taxes. Tables 2 and 3 summarize the current personal income tax systems in SEE and some Central European countries. We will start with the non-former Yugoslav countries. Albania, the poorest country in the region (Table 1) had and still has the highest number of rates, with 6, ranging from 0-30%. This is a decrease from 7 in 2004. The highest, 30%, is reached at a relatively low 4000. Bulgaria has the second highest number of rates with 5, ranging from 0-24%, also reached at a fairly low threshold of around 3000. The top three rates are quite close at 20, 22 and 24%. A top rate of 29% was added in 2004, but dropped again in 2005, along with a 26% rate. Romania introduced a single rate of 16% in June 2005. Previously there had been 5 rates ranging from 18-40%. In pre-war Yugoslavia, the six republics and two provinces had a great deal of autonomy over direct taxation. They had progressive income taxes on total personal income, but it covered only income greater than a multiple of average net income. Most workers did not pay this tax. The top marginal rate was as high as 80%. The Federal level relied mainly on indirect taxes (Lydall, 1989). The two Entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Federation and the RS, still have the closest to the Yugoslav system, with its number of different taxes and rates. Only rates have changed in the Federation since new Entity laws were passed in 1996-7 to replace the pre-war Republic laws. In the RS, however, a bold experiment in regressive rates was introduced in 1998. Reform of the direct tax system in both Entities is planned for 2006. Wages are now taxed at a single rate in both Entities: 5% in the Federation and 10% in the RS. Other sources of income are taxed separately at different rates in both: varying from 30-50% in the Federation and 25-45% in the RS. In the Federation, wage tax rates are down from 15% since 1996, changed to 10% after 2000. In the RS, a regressive system was in place between 1998 and 2001 with rates ranging from 25 to 0% (see Tesche, 2005 for a more complete history of BiH taxes). Croatia overhauled the inherited Yugoslav tax system in1994. It now has 4 rates between 15-45%, The top rate, which is reached at more than 35.000, was added after 2000. An additional amount up to 18% can be levied on incomes by municipalities. Macedonia has two rates of 15% and 18%. The number of rates has decreased and the rates have been decreased from 23, 27 and 35% in 2003. For most of the 1990s, (rump) Yugolavia had a number of Federal level tax laws on the books. 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