Dark Shades

of Istria

Metod Šuligoj

Series

i s s n 2820-6509

Many thanks to my colleagues

from the University of Primorska

and the Croatian Catholic University,

to the reviewers and of course

to my dear Tanja, Tim and Tom!

Dark Shades of Istria

Memorial Practices

and Their Dark Tourism Implications

Metod Šuligoj

Dark Shades of Istria: Memorial Practices and Their Dark Tourism Implications

Metod Šuligoj

Reviewers · Nikola Vojnović and Zrinka Zadel Copy Editor · Susan Cook

Design and Layout · Alen Ježovnik

Turistica · i s sn 2820-6509

Series Editor · Simon Kerma

Published by · University of Primorska Press Titov trg 4, 6000 Koper · www.hippocampus.si

Editor in Chief · Jonatan Vinkler

Managing Editor · Alen Ježovnik

Koper · 2022

© 2022 Metod Šuligoj

Electronic Edition

https://www.hippocampus.si/ISBN/978-961-293-211-4.pdf https://www.hippocampus.si/ISBN/978-961-293-212-1/index.html https://doi.org/10.26493/978-961-293-211-4

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Contents

List of Figures · 7

List of Tables · 9

1 Introduction · 11

1.1 Background and Rationale for the Study · 12

1.2 Research Purpose and Objectives · 20

1.3 Interdisciplinary Aspects of the Study · 22

2 Dark Tourism Theory and Discourse · 25

2.1 The Concept of Dark Tourism: Definitions,

Recognisability and Critique · 26

2.2 Dark Tourism Typology · 32

2.3 Dark Tourism and the Death System · 36

2.4 Warfare Tourism · 41

2.5 Chapter Conclusion · 44

3 Memorialisation Theory and Discourse · 47

3.1 Memory Concept · 47

3.2 Memory and History · 50

3.3 Linking Memory with Culture and Politics · 53

3.4 Chapter Conclusion · 57

4 Media Perspective on Dark Tourism and Memory · 59

4.1 Dark Tourism from the Media Perspective · 60

4.2 Memory from the Media Perspective · 63

4.3 Chapter Conclusion · 68

5 Trans-Border Region of Istria · 71

5.1 Region of Istria: A Political Geography Perspective · 72

5.2 Istrian Identity · 78

5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview · 81

5.4 Chapter Conclusion · 104

6 Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria · 107

6.1 Armed Forces and the Beginning of Tourism Development in Istria · 107

6.2 Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism in the post-wwi Period · 111

6.3 wwii-Related Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism · 118

6.4 Other Contemporary Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism · 132

6.5 Discussion and Chapter Conclusion · 139

7 Methodology: An Introduction · 145

7.1 Research Philosophies and Approaches · 145

7.2 Research Design and Methods · 147

5

Contents

8 Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis · 153

8.1 Additional Methodological Explanations · 153

8.2 Case Study Event 1: Homeland Thanksgiving Day

and Day of Croatian Defenders · 156

8.3 Case Study Event 2: The Anniversary of the Martyrdom

of Bl. Miroslav Bulešić · 161

8.4 Case Study Event 3: Memorial Exhibition of Bl. Francesco Bonifacio · 169

8.5 Case Study Event 4: The Anniversary of the Battle of Kućibreg · 175

8.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria · 180

9 Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Quantitative Analysis · 193

9.1 Additional Methodological Explanations · 193

9.2 Raw Data for Statistical Analysis · 200

9.3 Istrian Dark Commemorative Events and Conflicts

of the 20th Century · 201

9.4 Clusters of Dark Commemorative Events · 201

9.5 Geographical Dispersion of History-Centric

Dark Commemorative Events · 207

9.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria · 210

10 Concluding Remarks · 217

References · 229

Reviews · 277

6





List of Figures

1.1 A Symbolic Ideological and National Coexistence at the Monument

to Combatants and Anti-Fascists in the Pula Cemetery Monte Giro · 15

2.1 Global Interest in Tourism-Death Connection Topics (2004–2021) · 29

2.2 Stone’s Dark Tourism Spectrum · 36

2.3 Causal Loop Diagram of Interdependent Tourism System Elements · 39

2.4 Total Number of Visitors to the Former Auschwitz i and Auschwitz

i i-Birkenau Concentration Camps (2001–2019) · 42

5.1 Transport Connections in Istria in 1938 · 73

5.2 The Historic Building in Pazin Where the Proclamation Took Place · 91

5.3 The Former Grave of Nazario Sauro · 96

6.1 A Statue of Admiral von Tegetthoff with the View of the Harbour

and the City · 110

6.2 Monument of Nazario Sauro in the Fascist Magazine Credere e Vincere · 115

6.3 A Building of the Seaside Colony in Portorož · 117

6.4 Strunjan Memorial to Child Victims Killed or Wounded by Fascists

in 1921 · 119

6.5 Preserved ‘Socialist Toponyms’ in Istrian Towns and Cities · 120

6.6 Preserved ‘Socialist Toponyms’ in Istrian Towns and Cities · 121

6.7 Map of Important w w i i-Related Memorial Sites

in the Second Yugoslavia · 123

6.8 Monument to Anti-Fascist Fighters (Partisans) in Rovinj · 124

6.9 Tourists at the Memorial to the Victim of Nazi-Fascist Terror

on the Rovinj Waterfront · 125

6.10 Solemn Laying of Flowers at the Monument in Plovanija · 127

6.11 Participants Socialising after the Commemoration at the Monument

in Plovanija · 127

6.12 The Monument to the Victims of Post-War Killings at the Koper

Cemetery · 131

6.13 Zipline over the Cave in Pazin · 132

6.14 Map of Zerostrasse · 134

6.15 K.u.k Marinefriedhof in Pula · 135

6.16 Brochure for the Exhibition The w w i in the Adriatic · 136

6.17 Military Truck for Transport of Tourists · 139

7.1 Research Design · 150

8.1 Posters for Selected Dark Commemorative Events · 155

8.2 Defenders Parade through the Streets of Pula · 160

8.3 Tomb of Bl. Miroslav Bulešić · 163

7

List of Figures

8.4 Solemn Requiem Mass at the Parish Church of Lanišće · 164

8.5 The Scene of the Homicide of Bl. Bulešić · 166

8.6 Concelebrated Mass at the Placa in Svetvinčenat · 168

8.7 Poster at the Entrance to the Thematic Exhibition · 172

8.8 Parish Priest and Deputy Mayoress from the Italian Community

at the Opening Ceremony · 173

8.9 Improvised Bus Parking and Stands with the Local Food and Beverage

Offer Next to the Monument · 177

8.10 Wreath-Laying Ceremony at the Kućibreg Monument · 179

9.1 Internet Search Interest in the Selected Electronic Media

in the Istrian County · 196

9.2 Automatic Clustering (a i c) and Number of Clusters · 202

9.3 Predictor Importance · 203

9.4 Cluster Comparison · 205

9.5 History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria · 208

9.6 History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria · 209

8





List of Tables

2.1 Components of the Death System · 38

8.1 Events of the Multiple-Case Study · 154

8.2 Event Schedule · 157

8.3 Summary of Multiple-Case Study Findings · 190

9.1 Some Characteristics of Selected News Media · 195

9.2 Characteristics of Included Reports · 200

9.3 Istrian Dark Commemorative Events in Connection with the Conflicts

of the 20th Century · 202

9.4 Type of Area in Relation to Dark Commemorative Events Related

to the Conflicts of the 20th Century · 210

9





Introduction

1

Good friend for Jesus sake forbeare,

to dig the dust enclosed here.

Blessed be the man that spares these stones,

and cursed be he that moves my bones.

William Shakespeare Epitaph

Death and human tragedy are traditionally very interesting to people –

see Dunkley et al. (2007), Stone and Sharpley (2008), and Šuligoj (2016).

They are not interesting only to ordinary people, scholars, or the media, but also to a number of world-class and less recognisable artists whose creations attract the international public. In his series Recettes d’immortalité, Salvador Dalí, for example, includes elements that symbolise death or suffering, e.g. Le Piano Sous la Neige (The Piano in the Snow, 1966), Les Moulins (The Mills, 1966), or Dix Recettes d’Immortalité (Ten Recipes for Immortality, 1973) (Ciglenečki, 2017). In the Upper Adriatic area, the legacy of Hungarian war photographer and photo journalist Robert Capa was exhibited in 2017 (a ns a, 2017) and the scenes of horror from the Dachau concentration camp of the famous Slovenian painter, printmaker, draughtsman, as well as concentration camp prisoner, Zoran Mušič, were exhibited at Trieste’s Museo Revoltella in 2018 (Museo Revoltella, Galleria d’Arte Moderna, 2018). Also of further interest is the internationally known and award-winning novel Necropolis by the Slovenian novelist from Trieste, Boris Pahor (2010), about his holocaust experience. On the other hand, in the wider South-Eastern European area and especially in Croatia, a ‘dark exhibition’ that echoed as a provocative one was Jasenovac – The Right to Remembrance, at the United Nations in New York, on the of horror of the Jasenovac concentration camp (h rt, 2018; United Nations, 2018). The multimedia exhibition Dubrovnik, a Scarred City: The Damage and Restoration of Dubrovnik 1991–1992, opened in February 2019 at the Embassy of the Republic of Croatia in Washington, was to have a similar effect in Serbia (Radio Dubrovnik, 2019). Moving back to the Upper Adriatic, the Italian t v movies Il Cuore nel Pozzo (The Heart in the Pit) in 2005 and Rosso Istria (Red Istria) in 2019 also upset not only veteran/anti-fascist organizations in Slovenia and Croatia, but also the wider public in the region. These are only 11





Introduction

a few selected representative examples where death and suffering were exposed and which echoed in the international environment (society).

Such creations are only one way in which traumatic historical moments and memories are (in)correctly transmitted to people today. These are

‘sensuous memories produced by an experience of mass-mediated representations, and like an artificial limb, these memories often mark a trauma.’ Thus, the above-mentioned memory-related artists’ creations can be linked to the so-called ‘prosthetic memories.’ They are not natural and the property of a single social group, they are historically specific as well as quite distinct from the various forms of collective memory, but they enter into unexpected political alliances (Landsberg, 2003, pp.

148–149). Because of all these specifics, this type of memory will not be specifically considered in this monograph. Conversely, memorial events and the related media reports, which also attract a certain number of visitors and readers, form the main research direction of this monograph.

In order to clarify the complexity of the Istrian (collective) memory and the related dark tourism, which sometimes connects, sometimes completely separates people, an in-depth (theoretical) explanation, including historical contextualisation and then a qualitative and a quantitative investigation, is needed.

1.1 Background and Rationale for the Study

The Istrian Peninsula as a trans-border region, formally divided among Croatia, Slovenia and Italy, is populated by indigenous ethnic groups and immigrants who are able to quickly integrate into ‘Istria’s society. ’¹ In 1994, the region, which is limited by natural and cultural barriers not identical with national borders, was declared as a Euroregion by the major regional political party in the Istrian county as well in Croatia ( Istarski demokratski sabor – Dieta democratica Istriana) (Banovac, 2004; Banovac et al., 2004; Orlić, 2009).² This is in line with the vision of Europe as a ‘Europe of regions;’ this vision, which is closer to citizens, decreases ethnic egoisms, nationalisms and interethnic tensions. However, representatives of the nation-states are against this vision and understand regionalism just as separatism (Janicki, 2009, pp. 37–38). How far the thoughts of ‘Istrian re-

¹ Immigrants represent one of the constants of the Istrian ethnogenesis (Medica, 2011, p.

250).

² The idea also aroused interest in Italy in the 1990s, especially among (extreme) right-wingers, who had their own political calculation (Pirjevec et al., 2012, p. 217).

12

1.1 Background and Rationale for the Study gionalists’ can go in Croatia, is also evident from the regional anthem ( Krasna zemljo, Istro mila) and statute of the county, which has all the characteristics of the national Constitution (Raos, 2014, p. 38).³ Due to a different approach to regionalisation, Slovenian Istria is not a formal region, but it still has an anthem ( Vstajenje Primorske) that is common to the whole of western Slovenia. This is not just a post-independence trend or fashion, considering that Istria already had a song that sounded like an anthem in the late 19th century – Inno all’Istria (‘Anthem to Istria’). However, many other ‘anthems’ created in the late 19th and the first half of 20th century became the symbol of Italian irredentism and, much later, after the Second World War (w w i i), the symbol of the Italian exodus,⁴ which was not particularly welcomed during the post-wwii period (Di Paoli Paulovich, 2012). D’Alessio (2012a) claims that the second half of the 20th century witnessed a wide circulation of emotionally coloured words, which socialised stereotypes, populisms and the politicisation of topics, and which blocked trans-border collaboration in the Upper Adriatic. The research of Cattunar (in D’Alessio, 2012a) demonstrates that memories of older Italians with their own traumatic experience are significantly linked to the division of the nation and their own explanations of the local/regional history. It can be added that these divisions are not only rooted in different national origins, but also in different ideological orientations.

Traumatic historical events – the Great War (w w i), the period of fascism, w w i i, the revolutionary post-w w i i period and the War of Independence in the 1990s – with frequent changes in power – affected Istria’s people of all nationalities. Because of its geostrategic position, multi-ethnic Istria was an area of constant conflict and, thus, an area with reinforced military presence (a militarised area) (see chapters 5 ‘Trans-Border Region of Istria’ and 6 ‘Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria’).⁵ Today, on the other hand, it is a recognisable area of peace and coexistence. In ³ See also the Statute of the Istrian County (Statut Istarske županije, 2009).

⁴ The term ‘exodus’ is used only as a (shorter) synonym for the population movement, which was already defined in the Dictionary of Sociology by Fairchild (1944, p. 226) as ‘a transfer of human groups from one geographic setting to another.’ This means that only the sociological perspective of the term is taken into consideration in this study and not some others, e.g. the legal, political, or geostrategic, which are, on the other hand, also relevant for the study of the 20th century in the Upper Adriatic when not only Istrian Italians moved.

⁵ The complex Istrian history is presented in a manageable way in Darovec (2008).

13

Introduction

June 2014 in Strunjan near Piran, for example, a persimmon sapling was planted, a descendant of a tree that survived the devastating explosion of an atomic bomb in Nagasaki at the end of w w i i (Občina Piran, 2014), which clearly demonstrates the peaceful orientation of this part of Istria.

That was observed in the Croatian part of Istria by Katunarić (2010, p. 9), who identified a peace culture in the area, complementary to democratic culture; an Istrian way of coexistence is demonstrated in Figure 1.1 (bilin-gualism, pluralism). It seems that the slogan of the former Yugoslav federation, ‘Brotherhood and Unity,’ was still alive in Istria in the late 20th century and especially at the beginning of the 21st century, although in a completely different context and not without problems. These circumstances enable the opportunity to transfer narratives and their meaning to the next generations in order to preserve individual and collective memory (Cooper, 2006; Dunkley et al., 2011). These transfers are thus similar, comparable, if not part of the intergenerational transfer of the elements of identity, cultural, behavioural and other convictions (Zadel, 2016, pp. 58, 332). Based on these relevant findings, a new (general) issue that presents itself in this study is how and where the preservation and transmission of traumatic historic events occurs to today’s generations in multi-ethnic Istria. In relation to this, we can metaphorically say that Istria as a whole is one of the richest European regional museums, with an equally represented tangible and intangible heritage, and is interesting from the ethnological (Urošević, 2012, p. 95) as well as sociological aspect; some other perspectives are also relevant, e.g. historical, geographical.

Bufon (2008b, pp. 41–44) takes into account historical and cultural criteria when studying trans-border regions. The author highlights the individual or micro-social perception of space arising from cultural patterns of a certain living environment. Hence, he claims that people living near the border try to link something that has been politically divided in the past. This is the process of disassembling and reassembling territorial systems or systems of social life (Bufon, 2008a, pp. 22–24), which are historically significant for the Istrian case, where the Schengen border regime represents to the people of Istria a sort of second Berlin Wall and return to 1947 (Free Territory of Trieste) (Pipan, 2007, pp. 231–232). Thus, the claim that cultural space has been shifted from the national to the regional/local level (Bufon, 2008a, p. 17) means that (trans-border) regions as social constructs can be considered independently.

All these circumstances justify the separate treatment of Istria and its residents in respect to the other parts of Croatia, Slovenia and Italy. In 14



1.1 Background and Rationale for the Study

Figure 1.1

A Symbolic Ideological and National Coexistence at the Monument to Combatants and Anti-Fascists in the Pula Cemetery Monte Giro this context, this research focuses on the Croatian and Slovenian parts, which represent the vast majority of the territory of the peninsula. Raos (2014) identified many features which significantly separate the region from the continental sides of Croatia, e.g. traffic remoteness, national structure, and the specific regional identity – see also the first paragraph of this sub-chapter. Its hybridity, multicultural orientation and tolerance make the (autochthonous) residents of Istria unique in relation to Italians, Slovenians and Croats from outside the region. In addition, according to Urošević’s (2012) qualitative research carried out in Istria, 22 of the respondents (mostly from Istria County) were of the opinion that foreigners connect the word ‘Croatia’ with the Homeland War, the Balkans and Yugoslavia, while associating the word ‘Istria’ with gastronomy, nature and culture (heritage, history). Since the ethnographic aspect has already been excluded in this respect, the link with tourism⁶ is the one that remains relevant. Historically speaking, besides some Western researchers and travellers who visited Istria in the 19th century and earlier, e.g. Rieger ⁶ The case of the unesco World Heritage Sustainable Tourism Toolkit (unesco World Heritage Centre, n.d.) shows that tourism and heritage in fact coexist.

15

Introduction

(1977)⁷ or Yriarte (1883), local travellers like Agapito (1823, 1826) were also active in researching the Upper Adriatic, including Istria, and their works could then be used for travel purposes.⁸

Istria, which was the leading tourist region as early as in the period of post-w w i i Yugoslavia (Blažević, 1984, p. 5),⁹ has thus kept its status and still has tourism products highly recognisable on the international level, e.g. sports events (at p tennis tournament in Umag, beach volley in Poreč, Red Bull air races in Rovinj), cultural events (Film Festival in Pula or in Motovun, artists in Grožnjan, many concerts by different popular artists from Croatia or abroad at the Arena Amphitheatre or the Cave Romane quarry), Tito’s and other heritage on the Brijuni Islands, the seasonal open air Ulysses Theatre on the Brijuni Islands (the founder of which is the famous actor Rade Šerbedžija), traditional gastronomy, the batana – a protected traditional boat, small rectangular stone houses called kažun, many secular and sacral buildings from the Venetian, Austrian and Italian periods, including the u ne s c o-protected Euphrasiana in Poreč, the traditional salt-fields in Sečovlje, the former Parenzana railroad track, and many museums in Koper, Piran, Umag, Novigrad, Pazin and Pula, where the rich legacy of the past is presented. The Roman heritage in Pula is of great importance today, although it was highly appreciated in the past as well – see Agapito (1823, pp. 79–101) or the Notizie storiche di Pola (1876). When we think about Istria, what matters is not only the coast, but also the history and its importance in the international context (Rusinow, 1963a).

As a Roman colony, and in the time of the Templars, Pula had a special military and warfare significance, although from today’s perspective, not always an entirely positive one. The gladiatorial fights in the Arena during the Roman domination were very well known, while during the era of the Templars in Europe, many of their celebrations, knightly combats and other such events were also open to visitors (Rutar, 1896, p. 264; Yriarte, 1883, pp. 121, 122). Roman heritage between Pula ( Colonia Pietas Iulia Pola/Colonia Iulia Pola Pollentia Herculanea) and Trieste ( Colonia Iulia Tergeste) is in fact the root of the dispute between the Italians, who see themselves as the successors of the Roman civilization (and the Vene-

⁷ This monograph is a reprint of the original work from 1851.

⁸ More can be found in Kavrečič (2011; 2014; 2015).

⁹ The development of tourism in Istria from the second half of the 19th century onwards is described in Blažević (1984; 1987) and Šuligoj (2015b).

16

1.1 Background and Rationale for the Study tians), and the later immigrant Slavs. Thus, this territory evolved over time to become the hotspot of this piece of Europe. This creates different public memorial practices and a different attitude to the past. Consequently, historical events of the distant as well as the recent past (e.g.

conflicts of the 20th century) offer typical examples, which are nowadays also linked to the segment of dark tourism. Light (2017, pp. 278–279), according to other authors, summarises that ‘dark tourism is defined as involving incidences of death, disaster and atrocity that have taken place within living memory. They identified a major shift in the way that death and the dead are treated by the tourism industry, with death being increasingly commodified and commercialised.’ However, the commodification and commercialisation of memories of painful historical events is not a simple process and can be marked by remembrance, amnesia and forgiveness (Miklavcic, 2008, p. 443) as well as silence (Hrobat Virloget, 2017),¹⁰ if we do not take into account even more deviant processes, which may stifle societies/communities. Istria, where authorities and ideologies changed many times in the 20th century, faces all of them.

An important social term or phenomenon, usually forgotten in sociological research, is the so-called damnatio memoriae. At the time of the Romans – the connection to them is reasonable for Istria – the Latin phrase damnatio memoriae meant a severe penalty of erasure from memory (Varner, 2004, p. 2). Schwedler (2010) and Omissi (2016), on the other hand, understand it as a modern construct with no direct Roman root, which causes many contemporary misinterpretations.¹¹ Regardless of the considerable terminological confusion, a modern Latin phrase, which literally means damnation or condemnation of memory (Varner, 2004, p.

2) or ‘processes directed at the suppression or manipulation of the memory of an enemy of the state’ (Omissi, 2016, p. 170) is taken into account in this study. Omissi’s (2016, p. 170) claim that ‘ damnatio memoriae is not actually a single process but an umbrella term that describes a number of overlapping but discrete activities,’ is relevant for humanistic and social sciences (Schwedler, 2010), and thus also for researching history-centric memorial practices (dissonant heritage) and dark tourism as parts of social reality in multi-ethnic Istria.

Proving how pertinent and relevant all these claims, assertions and as-

¹⁰ They, in fact, constantly coexist and society is permanently filled with them (Hrobat Virloget, 2017; McAuley, 2013; Vinitzky-Seroussi & Teeger, 2010).

¹¹ More can be found in Schwedler (2010) and Omissi (2016).

17

Introduction

sumptions are, including those on (Istrian) memory and dark tourism in the Upper Adriatic, was the commemoration of Il Giorno del ricordo (The Day of Remembrance) in February 2019 in Bazovizza/Bazovica above Trieste, where Antonio Tajani, President of the European Parliament, meaningfully ended his speech with the words: ‘Long live Trieste, long live the Italian Istria, long live the Italian Dalmatia’ (h rt, 2019; L. L., 2019). A few days later he highlighted the positive achievements of the regime of Mussolini and evoked further reactions (of the Slovenian and Croatian political leaders, anti-fascist organisations, some European parliamentar-ians). With all these acts, Tajani completely ignored the Resolution on the Importance of European Remembrance for the Future of Europe (European Parliament, 2019).

All these words and events, as well as many other history-centric activities, were and still are interesting for the media, which report and comment on them. Gamson et al. (1992, p. 385) summarise some authors who established that, due to the presumed influence of the media, these turn into a series of arenas where social stakeholders struggle over the definition and construction of social reality – see also Nišić and Plavšić (2014, p. 74). On the other hand, the media influence opinion (Črpić & Mataušić, 1998, p. 673) and construct social reality through the explanation and interpretation of information; they are a (not only neutral)

‘intermediary between the event and the observer, between the creators and consumers’ (Nišić & Plavšić, 2014, p. 74). In this context, the media also re- and co-construct memory with regard to discrete events (Edy, 1999; Kitch, 2002; 2008), can generate a culturally distributed collective memory (Pavlaković & Perak, 2017, p. 301), and be the ‘site of memory’

(Mustapić & Balabanić, 2018, p. 439). Hence, the next relevant question is, how are the media associated with dark tourism? On the basis of some citations and claims of Simone-Charteris et al. (2018),¹² the following answers can be highlighted:

• ‘the media transmits images of disasters throughout the world almost as they happen, this way creating a bond with viewers, who then want to travel to these sites as they feel a connection to the event’ (pp. 70–71, 73);

• ‘the media plays an important role in publicising disasters, where they exploit peoples’ fascination regarding tragic events’ (p. 72);

• ‘the media plays a huge role when it comes to dark tourism as it ¹² See also Wise and Mulec (2014).

18

1.1 Background and Rationale for the Study contributes to the popularisation of sites; this could result in over-commercialisation of dark tourism sites and these sites becoming a spectacle’ (p. 73);

• ‘the media creates mass hysteria around a dark tourism site and tourists attach themselves to these sites, whether they have a real connection to them or not’ (p. 73).

The above-mentioned assumptions about the media, the Istrian past and present social reality suggest that the unified media-constructed social reality in relation to memorial and dark tourism sites in Istria is not easy to determine, especially because of multi-ethnicity/culturalism and the dynamic past. It can be additionally pointed out that social/political activities as well as academic research on the dynamic history of the 20th century in the Upper Adriatic (Pirjevec et al., 2012, Kacin-Wohinz, 2001) are always risky, subject to media interest, criticism and (emotional) reactions from one or the other side, but obviously always relevant and topical.

At the same time, this also shows how the heterogeneous Istrian memory is a fragile topic and a weak element of Istrian coexistence, tolerance, democracy and peace, which should foster further academic research.

Before engaging in the research purpose and objectives, let us take a quick look at the rapidly changing tourism industry. The modern era is marked by hypermodern consumerism, or post-Fordism, where products are tailored in accordance with tourists’ expectations. The so-called homo turisticus is looking for an experiential dimension based on numerous possible tourist services (Šuran, 2016, p. 69), which is completely in line with the thematic tourism theory (Douglas et al., 2001; Rabotić, 2014); this is aimed at increasing consumption. Homo turisticus, as the successor of homo viator, thus becomes homo consumens (Šuran, 2016, pp. 80, 139).

In the context of this study, they look for interesting/exciting memorial sites with an (extreme) traumatic background that shapes contemporary societies only in a certain geographical area (e.g. the Soča/Isonzo Valley with the legacy of the Soča/Isonzo Front, Eastern Slavonia with Vukovar (conflict in the 1990s), Istrian memorial sites related to fascism and w w i i) or wider, on the international level (e.g. w w i legacy of the Western Front, the holocaust sites in Europe, the legacy of D-day landings and the Battle of Normandy, of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings, or of Japan’s hostile military activities in Asia).¹³ However, as they do not nec-

¹³ Not to mention numerous cases of deliberately (forgotten) traumatic consequences of imperialism and colonialism of many European powers, or the white race in Africa, Australia and the Americas. These can also be discussed in the damnatio memoriae context.

19





Introduction

essarily understand those internationally less recognisable sites or events

– see Kennell et al. (2018, p. 948) – ‘a deep balance between tourist, the other, and the world,’ otherwise characteristic for the homo viator (Šuran, 2016, p. 139), should be developed within modern sustainable dark tourism.

In this respect, modern tourism turns back to its beginning. Such modern visitors/tourists understand, respect, and feel compassion and do not merely endanger or exploit sites and communities/societies with ‘dark memories’ for their own satisfaction/excitement. This is even more important if we consider the fact that visiting such sites is not necessarily understood among locals as part of tourism – see the already mentioned work of Šuligoj (2016), where memory turned out to be the more relevant aspect.

1.2 Research Purpose and Objectives

The previous discussion has shown how complex the Istrian past is and how relevant the said aspects are for our academic investigation. Using historical and sociological perspectives, we can demonstrate how memory and memorial practices shape the Istrian social reality. The already mentioned historical events of the 20th century form the backdrop for the research that concentrates on the (collective) memory of the Istrians. Grounded in the literature re-evaluating the impact of the past on the present, this study illuminates the connection and reflection of past traumatic events in today’s public memorial practices. The theory of dark tourism and memory studies offer a robust enough framework for the historical contextualisation and adequate investigation as well as the identification and strict empirical checking of contemporary practices in the trans-border and multi-ethnic region of Istria. Thus, the research aims to add a new dimension to (historical) sociology in providing a fresh/new in-depth analysis of history-centric memorial practices and dark tourism, with useful comparative elements. This is also a reaction to the generally held view that more research is needed in dark tourism, where conceptual researches dominate (Biran et al., 2011; Kidron, 2013; Stone & Sharpley, 2008; Šuligoj, 2016). Consequently, more specifically, the purposes of the research are to:

• provide an understanding of what memory and dark tourism mean in a specific regional environment (trans-border region of Istria); and

20

1.3 Research Purpose and Objectives

• establish a representation of topics related to Istrian history (of conflicts) of the 20th century, contemporary public memorial practices and dark tourism in leading regional electronic mass media, based on which the specific media-created social reality can be identified.

Only those public events which constitute a contemporary collective memory are relevant in this case, while those subject to social amnesia and silence are not, as they are obviously not the subject of public and, consequently, media discourse.¹⁴ This means that we are dealing with public dark commemorative events¹⁵ as they are described in the electronic media. The reasons for this orientation are explained below in this research.

According to the above-mentioned research purposes, the following objectives were created:

• to compile a conceptual framework of memory studies and dark tourism using the facts of the traumatic 20th century of Istria and its public memorial practices. The multiple theory perspective associated with the historical aspect merely reinforces and enriches research achievements;

• to define different groups (clusters) and characteristics of various Istrian contemporary history-centric memorial practices and related dark tourism on the basis of the relevant media reports on dark commemorative events. Thus, we want to identify the media-constructed social (memorial) reality as an important part of contemporary social life in Istria;

• to identify and map contemporary types and locations where public history-centric dark commemorative events take place and where, potentially, the transfer of memories occurs in situ;

• to describe, compare, contrast and thus fully understand a range of different dark commemorative event types with different historical backgrounds, which reflect the traumatic Istrian past and offer special experiences to visitors.

¹⁴ This does not mean that they do not exist.

¹⁵ A ‘dark commemorative event’ is (only) a terminological construct used in this research, which concurrently reflects its memorial and dark tourism dimensions (death, suffering, trauma, atrocities and the macabre as well as the memory of them). Although its social deviancy is also a relevant aspect (Spracklen, 2013, p. 204), it is not particularly highlighted in this monograph. The construct derives from the dark event typology of Frost and Laing (2013, pp. 36–42) and Kennell et al. (2018, p. 948).

21





Introduction

1.3 Interdisciplinary Aspects of the Study

One of the most important discourses in contemporary Europe – especially from 1980 onwards (Ćurković Nimac, 2015, p. 35; Ćurković Nimac

& Valković, 2018, p. 440)¹⁶ – is the attitude to memory or to the (recent) past in order to avoid all past mistakes with extremely negative consequences. According to Jerše (2017, p. 247), historiography has an important role in this discourse, in which scholars scrutinise and interpret the standpoints of memory. As opposed to historiography in general, the memory discourse is a relatively recent historical phenomenon, a distinct phenomenon of modern and postmodern societies (see also D’Alessio, 2012a). Moreover, memory discourse is to be perceived as a distinct cultural, historical and political phenomenon, which means that it is significantly connected to social sciences or even to interdisciplinary investigation. In social sciences, the past is used to measure historic progress and to bring contemporary events into clearer focus – from this aspect, history provides (only) the basic materials for the historical perspective approach. The so-called ‘historical perspective’ is the research of a topic in light of its earliest development, differing from the historical research focused on written documents and artefacts (Jacobs, 2010, pp. 127–128; Lawrence, 1984, pp. 307–308; Wyche et al., 2006).¹⁷ Past or classical historical research focused on high level politics (politicians) and events (milestones) is now facilitating the adaptation of analytical and other methodological procedures, and the opening of historiography to the (other) humanities and social sciences, which is a very important step for historians (Stearns, 1983, pp. 11–13). As in historiography, where many strategic jumps from political and economic history to social or cultural historiography were made – see Iggers (2017), Benčić (2016, p. 4), Kocka (2012), and Bhambra (2011, pp. 656–657) – the same happened in historical sociology (Hobson et al., 2010), where new paradigms were identified. Accordingly, Bhambra (2011) and Lynn and Bonnell (1999) highlighted cultural historical sociology.

‘The relation between history and sociology, between narrative and ex-

¹⁶ Ćurković Nimac and Valković (2018, p. 440) use terms like ‘memory surplus,’ ‘tyranny of memory,’ ‘cult of memory,’ and ‘memory epidemic’ to illustrate contemporary trends in social sciences and humanities.

¹⁷ Proponents of applied history use very similar (methodological) assumptions and views, but this alternative approach within historiography has received many criticisms – see Hakala (n.d.) and Tosh (2006).

22

1.3 Interdisciplinary Aspects of the Study planation, between the occurrence of events and the definition of causes’

are examples of the fundamental problems of social theory (Ascione & Chambers, 2016, p. 302). Zwitter (1937, p. 507) and Smith (2011, pp. 12–

13) criticised sociologists on the grounds that their theories do not rely enough on the knowledge of historical sources and their ability to critically evaluate them. Some sociologists and historians insisted that social relationships must be understood historically, in action (Abrams, 1980, p. 6). The temporal component is recognised in social analyses, as can be seen from publications of some recognised sociologists like Weber or Giddens (p. 13),¹⁸ which has enabled the development of historical sociology.

An interesting perspective is that of Giddens, who sees ‘no logical or even methodological distinctions between the social sciences and history,’

although this is not generally accepted (Abrams, 1980, p. 14; Steinmetz, 2011, p. 46; Šubrt, 2012, p. 403). Similar views can be found in Čarni (2012, pp. 27–28), who argues that both history and sociology examine human society wholly or in terms of interconnectedness of (all) social phenomena and processes; the difference between them is in generalisation – sociology is marked with this, while history is not and is focused on the particular, individual and unique (Čarni, 2012, pp. 28–29; Šubrt, 2012, p.

404; Zwitter, 1937, p. 499). Hence, Durkheim is also very much alike in his thoughts when claiming that ‘sociology and history are destined to merge into a common discipline where the elements of both become combined and unified’ (Steinmetz, 2011, p. 45); this is also claimed by Zwitter (1937, pp. 501–503), who says that Durkheim wishes to sociologise history. The introduction of quantitative techniques to historiography¹⁹ has actually brought sociology and history closer together – see Kiser and Hechter (1998, p. 786).

On the global level, recruitment to historical sociology corresponds to the beginning of the development of memory studies – see Confino (1997, p. 1395), Olick and Robbins (1998, pp. 107–108) and Timmins (2013).

¹⁸ As well as in the works of Marx, Durkheim, de Tocqueville, Homans, Merton, Bellah, Lipset, Tilly, Banks, Eisenstadt, Bendix, Moore, and Smelser (Calhoun, 1996, p. 305); see also Smith (2011), Šubrt (2012), and Šubrt and Cassling (2001).

¹⁹ More can be found in Anderson (2007, pp. 254–256), where all from the simplest descriptive to the more complex bivariate and multivariate techniques of statistics, borrowed heavily from sociology, political science, demography and economics, are identified as suitable tools necessary for quantitative analysis. Some thoughts can be found also in Zwitter (1937, p. 504).

23

Introduction

Memory studies is not only a simple narrow subfield, but also provides powerful lessons for sociology, and thus provides important insights for social theory at the broadest level; the views of historians about the relationship between memory and history are much more discordant (Bosch, 2016; Olick & Robbins, 1998, pp. 110–111, 134).²⁰

The move in historical sociology to culture-oriented research can en-tail overlapping with the sociology of culture, which sociologist Pierre Bourdieu successfully did (Knöbl, 2013).²¹ Among other things, this can illuminate the interaction of myth, memory and place and consequently open new avenues for exploring societies and their core beliefs (Borsay, 2006, p. 867). In addition, if we rely on Calhoun’s (1996, pp. 306–

307) quest for stronger theoretical foundations and longer historical-sociological perspectives of American/Western regimes and thus implications for future development, on the principle of analogy, we can draw parallels with the contemporary Slovenian and Croatian societies. These societies are characterised by multi-dimensional internal divisions arising from past conflicts²² and the present post-socialist atmosphere, emigration, unresolved border and other post-Yugoslav issues, to mention only those less pleasant. Istrian society, where public memorial practices are based on the traumatic 20th century, is not immune to these phenomena. Consequently, researching Istrian social reality is very reasonable.

²⁰ More about heterogeneous views and methodological issues related to collective memory in historiography can be found in Kansteiner (2002).

²¹ More can be found in Steinmetz (2011).

²² Slovenians and Croats were never in a mutual armed conflict.

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Dark Tourism Theory and Discourse

2

In the context of the broader social change(s), people of the post-industrial era, as defined by sociologists Touraine (1971) or Bell (1976),¹ changed their travel needs and practices as well. As noted by some scholars, e.g.

Wong and Cheung (1999), Robinson and Novelli (2005), Trauer (2006), and Šuligoj (2018, p. 19), modern tourists seek tailored tourist experiences with immaterial qualities, inner fulfilment, emotions and satisfaction as a direct response to the depersonalised and rational post-modern urban life. Consumers/tourists can, consequently, encounter a number of (thematic) tourist products in the market as a reaction to tourist demand or as products which, in fact, create demand – see Douglas et al. (2001), Kruja and Gjyrezi (2011), Štetić et al. (2013), and Trauer (2006). According to McKercher (2016), thematic tourist products can be grouped in the following product families: pleasure, personal quest, human endeav-our, nature, and business. Tourist products, as well as the product families to which they belong, are thus completely in line with the thematic tourism theory (Douglas et al., 2001; Rabotić, 2014), where many other terms are used, i.e. ‘niche tourism’ (Robinson & Novelli, 2005), ‘selective forms of tourism’ (Štetić et al., 2013) or ‘special interest tourism’ (Douglas et al., 2001).² However, Trauer (2006, p. 185) sees it as part of the interdisciplinary system of the 21st century, which encompasses all elements of supply and demand in the broadest sense, including ‘political, economical, ecological, technological, and socio-economical and socio-cultural concerns, from the local to the global level.³ This approach in tourism is the complete opposite of mass tourism (Douglas et al., 2001, p. 2; Hall & Weiler, 1992), which has greatly accelerated in the second half of the 20th century, and is still a very visible model of tourism development today, e.g. in the Mediterranean.

Dark tourism, which will be further elaborated below, is only one special type of tourism (or niche tourism), but one of the most controversial ¹ For the economic point of view of the change(s), see Kenessey (1987), while the geographic aspect was highlighted by Kellerman (1985) and Selstad (1990).

² However, the term ‘special interest tourism’ was, as the predecessor of ‘niche tourism,’

already conceptualised during the 1980s (Hall and Weiler, 1992).

³ Some general sociological explanations can be found in Šuran (2016).

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Dark Tourism Theory and Discourse

and problematic ones from the academic point of view (Light, 2017, p.

281). From this theoretical perspective and according to Trauer’s (2006, p. 188) ‘special interest tourism cycle,’ dark tourism can be placed in the

‘affinity group segments,’ together with, e.g., senior tourism, women’s tourism, or gay tourism. The heterogeneity of this segment itself greatly reflects modern society, where individuals seek excitement, pleasure, experience, knowledge and the like, even though this is related to death and suffering (Best, 2007, p. 38; Šuran, 2016, p. 69); service providers react with a customised offer. Nevertheless, dark tourism as a term and research area cannot be equated with dark leisure, although there may be many links between them (Stone & Sharpley, 2013). Visits to places associated with death and human suffering are conceptualised as dark tourism, while dark leisure is defined as ‘a form of leisure that is liminal and transgressive’ (Spracklen, 2013, p. 204). When dark tourism is discussed in its negative deviance from the expected norms of visitors’

behaviour, it is practically equal to the theoretical concept of dark leisure, which is labelled with deviance, immorality, and similar terms (Light, 2017, p. 281; Stone & Sharpley, 2013).

2.1 The Concept of Dark Tourism: Definitions,

Recognisability and Critique

Visiting sites and events associated with death and suffering is not only a modern habit, but has its roots in the distant past, in pre-modern times (Stone, 2005; Stone & Sharpley, 2008, p. 574; Young & Light, 2016), which clearly shows how strongly people and societies in general are interested in ‘morbid topics.’ This consequently means that ‘morbid topics’ can constitute a relevant reason for travel, which makes this activity a tourist activity. Today, in the context of product diversity (thematic tourism), this is denoted as dark tourism. The phenomenon itself may still be theoretically limited, fragile and thus indeterminate (Martini & Buda, 2018, p.

3; Seaton & Lennon, 2004; Stone, 2011; Stone & Sharpley, 2008, p. 575; Young & Light, 2016, p. 68). The reason is clear. We have been dealing with serious academic studies of dark tourism no earlier than from the mid-1990s (Light, 2017; Seaton, 2018), and in this period, as usual when we start to develop new research areas, the need to develop definitions that would define and limit a particular area was evident. Thus, the first definitions of Foley and Lennon (1996, p. 198) define it as ‘the presentation and consumption (by visitors) of real and commodified death and disaster sites,’ or as ‘the visitation to any site associated with death, dis-26

2.1 The Concept of Dark Tourism: Definitions, Recognisability and Critique aster and tragedy for remembrance, education or entertainment’ (1997, p.

155), or as ‘tourism associated with sites of death, disaster, and deprav-ity’ (1999, p. 46). Many other definitions were created in the following years. Tarlow (2005, p. 48) described dark tourism as ‘visitations to places where tragedies or historically noteworthy death has occurred and that continue to impact our lives,’ while Preece and Price (2005, p. 192) defined it as ‘travel to sites associated with death, disaster, acts of violence, tragedy, scenes of death and crimes against humanity.’ Dark tourism is, according to Ashworth (2008, p. 234), a concept ‘where the tourist’s experience is essentially composed of “dark” emotions such as pain, death, horror or sadness, many of which result from the infliction of violence that are not usually associated with a voluntary entertainment experience.’ It ‘involves visiting destinations at which violence is the main attraction’ (Robb, 2009, p. 51). Also very relevant and interesting are two of Stone’s definitions: dark tourism is ‘the act of travel to sites associated with death, suffering and the seemingly macabre’ (2006, p. 146) and later, ‘dark tourism is concerned with encountering spaces of death or calamity that have political or historical significance, and that continue to impact upon the living’ (2016, p. 23). All these definitions clearly indicate the breadth of the research area, as well as its essence, which are human death and suffering. Hence, it is also evident from newer definitions how important the first definitions of the above-mentioned authors, Foley and Lennon, were. With respect to mass citations, we can also deduce that there is a significant degree of consensus in the academic community on these two authors having defined the phenomenon and, consequently, having cor-roborated the concept as a research area. Furthermore, their recognisable foundational monograph entitled Dark Tourism: The Attraction of Death and Disaster (2000) conceived dark tourism as a subset of cultural tourism and shifted it conceptually from heritage tourism (Bowman & Pezzullo, 2010; Kravanja, 2018).

The creativity of the other authors can be problematic, even though the connection of all subsequent definitions to the first ones is very evident. Definitions, however, neglect that dark tourism also stimulates feelings, thoughts and perspectives of others, which, according to Dermody (2017, p. 207; Martini & Buda, 2018, p. 2), calls for additional surveys which should supplement the theoretical definitions. The author suggests further exploring the processes of transmitting emotions among people, which is also in line with the claims of Lennon and Foley (2000) who say that emotions must go beyond memories – see also Ashworth (2008, p.

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Dark Tourism Theory and Discourse

234). There is one more thing that must be highlighted here. Light (2017, p. 282) identified the similarities in definitions, and classified them into groups:

• those based on practices of visiting particular types of places, i.e.

Foley and Lennon (1997, p. 155), Tarlow (2005, p. 48), Preece and Price (2005, p. 192), Stone (2006, p. 146), Robb (2009, p. 51);

• those based on tourism in particular types of places, i.e. Foley and Lennon (1996, p. 198), Lennon and Foley (1999, p. 46);

• those based on a form of experience, i.e. Ashworth (2008, p. 234), Stone (2016, p. 23).

The term dark tourism is not the only term to define the tourism-death connection. One of the more recognised ones is thanatourism. As this chapter does not wish to enter into a debate over the terms, but rather acknowledge a commonly accepted general meaning of the term, as applied to tourism, only two definitions of thanatourism will be presented.

Seaton’s (1996, p. 240) from the mid-1990s was one of the first, where thanatourism was defined as ‘travel to a location wholly, or partially, motivated by the desire for actual or symbolic encounters with death, particularly, but not exclusively, violent death,’ while Dann and Seaton (2001, p.

24) defined it as ‘heritage staged around attractions and sites associated with death, acts of violence, scenes of disaster and crimes against humanity.’ Besides thanatourism and dark tourism, many other terms were detected. As early as in the late 1980s, O’Rourke (1988) wrote about visiting (post) conflict areas like Lebanon, Nicaragua, and Belfast (Northern Ireland), and referred to them as holidays in hell. ‘Morbid tourism’ and an ‘attraction-focused artificial morbidity-related tourism’ (Blom, 2000),

‘sombre tourism’ (Butcher, 2003; Hughes, 2008), ‘fright tourism’ (Bristow

& Newman, 2005), ‘atrocity tourism’ (Ashworth & Hartmann, 2005b),

‘grief tourism’ (Dunkley et al., 2007), ‘conflict heritage tourism’ (Mansfeld & Korman, 2015), ‘genocide tourism’ (Dunkley et al., 2007), ‘trauma tourism’ (Clark, 2006), ‘war-related tourism’ (Bigley et al., 2010), ‘postwar tourism’ (Wise, 2011), ‘war tourism’ (Keyes, 2012), ‘warfare tourism’

(Šuligoj, 2016), ‘battlefield tourism’ (Dunkley et al., 2011; Ryan, 2007),

‘tourism of memory’ (Hertzog, 2012), ‘memorial tourism’ (Drvenkar et al., 2015), or ‘memorable tourism’ (Kim, 2013) and others are just additional detected terms related to the connection between tourism and death, which are not fully synonyms. An interesting discussion about this heterogeneity was made by González Vázquez (2018). Interestingly, at the 28



2.1 The Concept of Dark Tourism: Definitions, Recognisability and Critique Figure 2.1

Global Interest in Tourism-Death Connection Topics (2004–2021; light gray – war tourism, medium gray – dark tourism, black – thanatourism; based on data from Google)

global level, the recognisability and interest for these terms is very di-verse – Figure 2.1 clearly shows the three keywords most often searched by Google Search users. The others do not appear on the graph due to a low interest among the wide professional and general public. Terms like ‘favela tourism,’ (Robb, 2009), ‘atomic’ or ‘nuclear tourism’ (Freeman, 2014; Gusterson, 2004) and ‘dystopian dark tourism’ (Podoshen et al., 2015) are not relevant in terms of (memorial) practices in Istria and were thus excluded from the analysis. The term ‘dark’ is the most frequently searched tourism-related keyword in the developed countries of North America, Europe (in the post-Yugoslav states, except for Slovenia, this term is not searched) and Australia, while the other two are searched to a much lesser extent. Thanatourism as a keyword is most commonly searched in the United Kingdom, while war tourism appears as the most frequent one in Australia and Canada. Šuligoj (2017b, p. 447) claims that this applies to South-Eastern Europe (the area of former Yugoslavia) as well. These findings are interesting, given the turbulent history of the wider region.

However, Light (2017, p. 281) treats war tourism as a sub-form of dark tourism or (closely related) forms of niche tourism, whereas he does not classify the term thanatourism as a sub-form of dark tourism. If we compare the above-mentioned definitions of dark tourism and thanatourism, and deliberately ignore that thanatourism has a much longer historical lineage (p. 279), then significant differences cannot be easily identified.

It is also questionable to put certain other definitions in such a superior-subordinate relationship. The definition of memorial tourism/tourism of memory, for example, is semantically very similar to the one of the first dark tourism definition of Foley and Lennon (1997, p. 155), which includes remembrance as well.

On the other hand, some more selective forms of the tourism-death connection show subordination in a more expressive way, since they 29

Dark Tourism Theory and Discourse

cover only a certain segment of death- and suffering-related sites/artefacts/events. War tourism⁴ is only one example including all the sites, artefacts and events which are directly connected to the military conflict (war) and violence in a certain area, as well as to the death system described below. Since it is a globally recognisable sub-form of dark tourism (see Figure 2.1) and relevant in the case of Istria, it will be further elaborated in one of the following sub-chapters.

As with any relatively new research area, dark tourism also faces many concerns, doubts, uncertainties and criticisms, which means that there are many interesting issues ahead of researchers and developers. Let us highlight some of the most significant ones:

• Dark tourism is a form of mass tourism and mostly developed for Western tourists (Dann, 1998; Lennon & Foley, 2000), and reflects primarily the Western perception of death and suffering;⁵

• as already mentioned before, there is no universal definition and typology of dark tourism yet (Stone, 2012, p. 1569);

• a special issue and subject of a broader critique is the term ‘dark tourism’ itself and its introduction into the tourism domain (Stone, 2006, p. 146), which was done without the consent of the tourism industry (Wight, 2009), resulting in many experts and managers responsible for the management of death- or suffering-related sites not being impressed (Baldwin & Sharpley, 2009; Kravanja, 2018, p. 114; Magee & Gilmore, 2015). Many other scholars have expressed further criticism of the name. Jamal and Lelo (2010) argue that ‘darkness’ is nothing more than a socially constructed term with an un-convincing background and contextualisation, with Bowman and Pezzullo (2010, p. 191) being disturbed by ‘a complicated matter of perspective and privilege,’ as well. The adjective ‘dark’ implicitly exposes a contrast and, as such, attaches a negative connotation to the term (Seaton, 2009, p. 525) as well as to the visitors of such types of sites (Bowman & Pezzullo, 2010); dark tourism is perceived as ⁴ As well as other above-mentioned variations like war-related, post-war, warfare and battlefield tourism.

⁵ Seaton (2009) claims that dark tourism as traditional travel is based on the history of European culture which includes the influence of Christianity, Antiquarianism, and Romanticism; see also Kang et al. (2012). Moreover, Anglo-Western centrism is a general characteristic of tourism studies, despite the evident ongoing rise of Asian tourism (Winter, 2009).

30

2.2 The Concept of Dark Tourism: Definitions, Recognisability and Critique deviant, troubling and immoral (Seaton & Lennon, 2004). Another problematic issue is the clumsy linking with other concepts, e.g. pilgrimage (Korstanje & George, 2015);

• Light (2017, p. 280) found that dark tourism as a research area does not enjoy general acceptance or a ‘monopoly’ in the death-tourism connection research, which means that a substantial body of research eschews this concept. Dark tourism is thus just one possible framework for understanding the death-tourism connection.

Many scholars find it especially problematic to clearly distinguish it from heritage tourism in order to offer an independent explanatory framework. One of the most determined is Ashworth and colleagues

– see Ashworth and Isaac (2015) and Ashworth and Hartmann (2005a) – who have a negative disposition towards dark tourism and use other frameworks in their works, e.g. ‘dissonant heritage,’

‘atrocity tourism,’ or ‘atrocity heritage;’ similarly, Logan and Reeves (2009) use the term ‘difficult heritage;’

• the use of the postmodernist framework is questionable. Some authors find problematic the attitude to anxiety and the uncertainty about the contemporary world and modernity which remains unexplored (Bowman & Pezzullo, 2010) and is not linked exclusively to the present day (Casbeard & Booth, 2012). This also extends to the postmodern neglecting of psychological issues related to the interest in visiting sites associated with death and suffering (Dunkley et al., 2007). Therefore, blindly following Lennon and Foley (2000) in treating dark tourism in the postmodern context is not something axiomatic. Light (2017, p. 279) claims that this is, to a certain degree, a reflection of postmodernism, which is also limited in understanding the visitors of sites related to death and suffering or in managing such places.

Finally, we would like to highlight ‘phoenix tourism,’ which is not a tourism niche, but refers to a process of rebuilding, remaking and reconciliation of the post-conflict areas where dark tourism forms a significant part of that process (Causevic & Lynch, 2011). In this sense, many areas in Croatia are more suitable for these development processes than in Istria, where the last serious military conflicts occurred during wwii. However, social reconciliation especially, as will be described in the following chapters, is still a topic of interest in multicultural Istria after the end of the very dynamic and conflicting 20th century.

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Dark Tourism Theory and Discourse

2.2 Dark Tourism Typology

Heterogeneity, which is reflected in the definition of the research area, also appears in its typology, although scholars are not so propulsive and creative here. The consensus between scholars is that dark tourism typology depends on the visitors’ motivations and sites (Fonseca et al., 2016, p. 1). Fonseca et al. (2016), based on the literature review, develop the following typology:

• war tourism, including battlefield tourism: visiting historically important post-conflict sites/areas (military museums, fortifications, castles, memorial landscapes etc.) for the purpose of sightseeing and historical education;

• disaster tourism: visits to places where natural or other disasters have recently occurred, in order to see the devastating consequences (informative and educational role);

• prison tourism: visiting prisons with a dark past for the purpose of education or entertainment – including ghost hunters;

• cemetery tourism: visiting cemeteries to see statues or other decora-tions on the graves of known/famous or unknown people or at other facilities (educational purposes);⁶

• ghost tourism: commercialisation of ghosts, either for spiritual, educational, historical or entertainment purposes;

• holocaust tourism: visiting places where the most inhumane historical events took place, especially mass killings and torture (commemorative and educational purposes).⁷

Kužnik (2015, pp. 331–332), and Kužnik and Veble (2017, pp. 147–148) form the following typology based on representative examples from all around the world:

• grave tourism: visiting famous cemeteries, graves of famous individuals, or grand mausoleums of some real cult personality;

• war or battlefield tourism: visiting post-war places/sites;

• holocaust tourism: visiting memorial sites, i.e. concentration camps, memorial museums, former ghettos and similar places; ⁶ Many practical examples and descriptions can be found on the website of asce (Association of Significant Cemeteries in Europe).

⁷ Interestingly, the educational aspect of the memory was, on the other hand, highlighted by Ćurković Nimac and Valković (2018).

32

2.2 Dark Tourism Typology

• genocide tourism: visiting places of genocide, e.g. in Rwanda, Cambodia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and suchlike;

• prison tourism: visiting former jails and prisons;

• communism tourism in the current and former communist countries;

• Cold War and Iron Curtain tourism: visiting traces and remains of the Berlin Wall;

• disaster area tourism: visiting places of natural disaster;

• nuclear tourism: visiting sites of civil nuclear disaster;

• murderers and murderous places tourism, i.e. Jack the Ripper in London, Lee Harvey Oswald in Dallas;

• slum tourism in developing and underdeveloped countries;

• terrorist tourism: visiting areas like Ground Zero in New York City, the Boston Marathon route;

• paranormal tourism: visiting crop circles, ufo sightings, haunted houses;

• witches tourism, e.g. visiting the city of Salem in Massachusetts;

• accident tourism, e.g. visiting places such as the Paris tunnel Pont de l’Alma;

• icky medical tourism, e.g. visiting Josephinum, the medical museum with anatomical wax models in Vienna;

• dark amusement tourism: visiting amusement parks, e.g. the Dungeons exhibitions in London, the Dracula theme park.

Some of these types of dark tourism have a dubious connection with dark tourism, as they do not show a clear link to death and suffering (or definitions presented in sub-chapter 2.1 ‘The Concept of Dark Tourism: Definitions, Recognisability and Critique’), e.g. paranormal tourism, or icky medical tourism. In addition, some types are highly interconnected and their separate presentation is questionable, e.g. witches tourism and dark amusement tourism, communism tourism and Cold War and Iron Curtain tourism.

In this context we can agree with Ashworth and Isaac (2015) and Jamal and Lelo (2010) that some ‘typologies largely miss the point since sites or places are not intrinsically (or objectively) dark.’ In this respect, a much more consistent typology is that of Kendle (2008), although the author did not approach it in a ‘scholarly way:’

• grief tourism, which includes visiting dark tourism sites related 33

Dark Tourism Theory and Discourse

to war (concentration camps, battlefields, cemeteries) or places of tragic events and crimes;

• disaster tourism: visits to places of natural disasters with devastating consequences;

• poverty tourism, which includes tours to slum areas and poverty-stricken towns;

• suicide tourism, which involves ‘travellers’ going to a particular destination with the intention of committing suicide or those who travel to the states where euthanasia is legal;

• doomsday tourism: visit because of environmental problems and to global warming-endangered places.

It is necessary to emphasise the latter, as it does not only cover areas where there were already casualties. Thus, these are areas of fear of death and destruction. They also include areas where animal and plant species, not just human beings, are endangered. Visiting these areas for empathy and education puts this form of tourism and tourists at an even higher civilisational level, especially if this should lead to changes (and it is not about gloating over the misfortune of others). In this context, Seaton (1996) was more traditional in developing the following five categories of dark activities related to travelling to:

• sites of public executions;⁸

• sites of individual or mass deaths: areas of former battlefields, death camps and sites of genocide, places where celebrities died, sites of publicised murders, the homes of infamous murderers;

• memorials or internment sites;

• sites/areas with the purpose of viewing evidence of death or symbolic representations of it, e.g. ‘morbid museums;’

• places or events of re-enactments or simulation of death, e.g. re-enactment of famous battles.

Kennell et al. (2018, p. 948), on the other hand, focused only on so-called dark events, which are not exclusively related to the dark tourism context and are usually marked by social dissonances/deviances (e.g. the violent behaviour of participants, intolerance). They adopted Frost and Laing’s (2013, pp. 36–42) typology and listed:

⁸ After the report of Amnesty International (2022), public executions in 2021 were carried out only in Yemen.

34

2.2 Dark Tourism Typology

• dark exhibitions;

• dark re-enactments, e.g. annual re-enactment of battles;

• national days of mourning or remembrance;

• memorial services, opening of memorials, concerts, performances;

• significant anniversaries, e.g. centenaries;

• parades, marches, processions;

• festivals.

At the end of this sub-chapter, Stone’s (2006) ‘seven dark suppliers’ as a basis for the discussion of this typology of dark tourism should be mentioned as well. According to the author, there are the following suppliers:

• dark fun factories: commercial entertainment based on real or unreal/fictional death, e.g. the Dracula Park;

• dark exhibitions that provide death-related attractions for educational, commemorative and reflective purposes;

• dark dungeons sites/attractions related to justice and criminal matters where one can ‘feel the fear,’ e.g. former prisons open today for education and entertainment;

• dark resting places focused on the cemetery or grave markers, which circle around commemoration and history;

• dark shrines, which are perhaps the most non-purposeful for tourist visits because of their closeness to (real) death, where emphasis remains on respect and remembrance of the recently deceased. There is not much tourism infrastructure, yet such events/sites are very attractive for the media;

• dark conflict sites associated with war and battlefields, which reflect strong political ideologies in the background. History-centric by nature and with significant educational and commemorative focus, these sites are attractive for tourism business;

• dark camps of genocides, as the darkest edge of dark tourism, that reflect the sites of suffering resulting from atrocity, catastrophe and genocide performed in the spirit of some violent ideology.

Stone’s (2006) typology relates to the spectrum of dark tourism supply which is the most influential typology linked to dark tourism (see also Light, 2017, p. 281). In this model (Figure 2.2), the author identified the main impacts and reflections of positions of death and suffering at both sides of a continuum (the ‘darkest’ and the ‘lightest’ form of dark tourism); each extreme side of the spectrum is additionally marked by 35





Dark Tourism Theory and Discourse

Higher political influence and ideology

Lower political influence and ideology

‘Sites of death and suffering’

‘Sites associated with death and suffering’

Darkest

Darker

Dark

Light

Lighter

Lightest

Education orientation

Entertainment orientation

History centric (cons./comm.)

Heritage centric

Perceived authentic product interpret.

Perceived inauthentic product interpret.

Location authenticity

Non-location authenticity

Shorter time scale to the event

Longer time scale to the event

Supply (non purposefulness)

Supply (purposefulness)

Lower tourism infrastructure

Higher tourism infrastructure

Figure 2.2

Stone’s Dark Tourism Spectrum (adapted from Stone, 2006, p. 151) various binaries. Although this typology importantly clarifies the nature of dark tourism supply, there have been stimulating reactions and debates of scholars in the field of heritage tourism (Light, 2017, p. 281), e.g. Yoshida et al. (2016) problematised its Western focus, which cannot be applied in Asia. In addition, many other scholars criticised dark tourism typologies in general: the subjectivity and missing description of methodologies (Robinson & Dale, 2011), epistemological questions, the questionable approach and objectivity (Ashworth & Isaac, 2015; Jamal & Lelo, 2010), and a very individual perception (Walby & Piché, 2011). At the academic level, these discussions can be linked and equated with dilemmas, doubts and issues that we have seen in defining the research area. All of this is a clear reflection of the underdevelopment of the new research area, which provides researchers with many research challenges in the future.

2.3 Dark Tourism and the Death System

In modern society, death is not a purely biological or medical issue, but also a social/sociological one. It can be investigated within the theoretical stream called ‘structure-functionalism’ (Doka, n.d.; Kastenbaum, 2007), which clearly shows that death is not only a matter of an individual, but of a wider social system. Although the dead body and death itself were 36

2.3 Dark Tourism and the Death System marginalised and ignored by Western academia and society over the last few centuries,⁹ they are becoming more visible/present in contemporary society, through different practices and in a greater range of contexts, which include culture, media, and tourism (Mionel, 2019; Stone & Sharpley, 2008; Young & Light, 2016, p. 61);¹⁰ ‘death is the one heritage that everyone shares and it has been an element of tourism longer than any other form of heritage’ (Seaton, 1996, p. 234). Death-related sites provide visitors with an opportunity to contemplate and reflect upon their own death through the mortality of others in a ‘context that does not involve terror or dread, but which instead allows understanding and acceptance’

(Young & Light, 2016, p. 69).¹¹ Indeed (Harrison, 2003, p. ix),

[. . .] our basic human institutions – religion, matrimony, and burial, if one goes along with Giambattista Vico, but also law, language, literature, and whatever else relies on the transmission of legacy – are authored, always and from the very start, by those who came before.

This legacy is present in many aspects of people’s lives: from semantics to memorialisation and artwork (Harrison, 2003). In this context, the commodification of death for tourist consumption has become an important element for tourism providers who follow the contemporary trend (Stone, 2013), Naef and Ploner (2016), Belhassen et al. (2014), and Naef (2013) use the term ‘touristification.’

Despite the fact that the death system defined by Kastenbaum in 1977

as ‘the interpersonal, sociocultural, and symbolic network through which an individual’s relationship to mortality is mediated by his or her society’ has not received widespread attention among social scientists (Doka, n.d.), it is a meaningful reminder of the complex placement of death in a social context. Kastenbaum’s (2007) death system in a society has five components, which are supported by illustrative examples in Table 2.1.

Although often overlooked, the death system has many applicative characteristics/functions, which could be accepted at least in academia, i.e.

making sense of death, warning of and predicting life threatening events or death, caring for the dying, disposing of the dead, preventing death, achieving social consolidation after death and setting rules about killing (Kastenbaum, 2007). If we take into account the stated definitions and ⁹ Marginalisation of death (sociology of death) is a general characteristic of Western sociology (Mellor, 1992).

¹⁰ More can be found in Harrison (2003).

¹¹ A mixture of philosophical perspectives can be found in Kirn (1986).

37





Dark Tourism Theory and Discourse

Table 2.1

Components of the Death System

Component

Examples

Individuals

Everyone; participants in funerals; professionals that often face death, e.g. doctors, rescuers, investigators, soldiers.

Places

Funeral homes; graveyards; hospitals; memorial parks and open-air museums (former battlefields).

Times

Anniversaries; memorial events; individual and collective rituals (planned or spontaneous).

Objects

Memorials; salvaged items related to death, e.g. weapons, uniforms.

Symbols/

Some religious symbols; special phrases for expressing sorrow and languages

compassion (directly or indirectly).

Notes

Adapted from Kastenbaum (2007).

other characteristics, including typologies, listed in this chapter, then it can be reasonably concluded that the death system is highly compatible with dark tourism.

Jere Jakulin (2017) identified and described elements of the basic tourism system and interactions/relationships among them – see Figure 2.3. The complex non-linear tourism system is an open system and can thus be considered and understood only in the context of its environment (Baggio, 2008; Gharajedaghi, 2006; Jere Jakulin, 2017). Hence, Cilliers (in Jere Jakulin, 2017, p. 210, and Baggio 2008, p. 7), among others, identified the following symptoms of complexity and adaptability:

• ‘complex systems are usually open and their state is far from an equi-librium,’ and

• ‘complex systems have a history, the “future” behaviour depends on the past one.’

In this context, we can conclude that a complex tourism system is, because of its flexibility and openness, compatible with the death system, which can form a complex and uniform dark tourism system. Additional arguments include linkage to past events and a (historical) transformation in definite space. Such a unified system should consist of at least the elements from Table 2.1 and Figure 2.3. Its exact structure and interactions/relationships among elements go beyond this study.

Special emphasis in future research of the exact structure and internal relations within the dark tourism system should be placed on tourist motivations in relation to death. Young and Light (2016, p. 69) made a brief review of dark tourism-related papers and actually found that, despite a growing body of research into the motives of tourists, there is lit-38

2.3 Dark Tourism and the Death System Supporting

institutions

+

+

+

Tourist

Intermediaries

Environment

flows

+

–

+

+

+

Tourism

Mass

+

market

tourism

+

+

–

Tourism

Quality of

+

+

infrastructure

tourism area

+

Service

+

quality

Figure 2.3

Causal Loop Diagram of Interdependent Tourism System Elements (the sign (+) indicates a positive relation to the cause, while the sign (–) means the complete opposite; adapted from Jere Jakulin, 2017, p. 212) tle evidence of an interest in death. Scholars, according to their focus, found that visitors have other motives, i.e. learning and understanding, or searching for connection and empathy, although all are indirectly related to death – see also Biran et al. (2011). Does that mean that death itself will be merely in the background of the dark tourism system? The simple answer is yes (Šuligoj & De Luca, 2019). In his past surveys, Light (2017, p. 295) found that local residents are overlooked as a visitor group, even though death may have a very different meaning to them compared to the one tourists attach to it. Moreover, the people whose stories are represented at dark tourism sites/events have been largely neglected.¹²

A considerably different (or special in some way) example of the death system, is the dance of the death ( danse macabre). It is in fact (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2008):¹³

[a] medieval allegorical concept of the all-conquering and equaliz-ing power of death [. . .]. Strictly speaking, it is a literary or pictorial representation of a procession or dance of both living and dead fig-

¹² More can be found also in Lemelin et al. (2013).

¹³ More can be found in Lenković (2018) and Vignjević (2006; 2015).

39

Dark Tourism Theory and Discourse

ures, the living arranged in order of their rank, from pope and em-peror to child, clerk, and hermit, and the dead leading them to the grave.

Such artistic presentation of death, the transience of human life ( me-mento mori) regardless of social status, as well as a critique of the contemporary society (secular and clerical classes) is known in several European countries, but we point out only two Istrian examples: the Holy Trinity Church ( Cerkev sv. Trojice), a southern Romanesque style historical building in Hrastovlje (City Municipality of Koper), and the Church of St. Mary on Škriljine ( Crkva sv. Marije na Škriljinah) close to the village of Beram (Town of Pazin). Their (historical) context and significance from the art history perspective is well described in Lenković (2018) and Vignjević (2006, 2015). The presentation of frescos in the church in Hrastovlje in the famous travel guide series Lonely Planet ( Church of the Holy Trinity, n.d.) clearly shows their significance for tourism; the other church is obviously less recognisable and less interesting in this context. However, Lonely Planet highlights in particular the frescos’ outstanding artistic value, while dark (or memorial) tourism is not identified in its description; the relevant connection with today’s stratified society (and social systems) marked by many social problems, e.g. inequality, poverty, corruption, conflicts and the like, is also overlooked. Nevertheless, its dark tourism and memorial relevance arises also from the eight-metre high wall (with two bastion-shaped towers in the corners), which encloses the entire building and gives the church a defensive character in addition to the religious one – it was built as a defensive measure against the Turks, who attacked and looted Habsburg lands in the 15th and 16th centuries.

Also interesting, but quite unknown, is the Church of Saint Blaise ( Crkva Svetog Blaža) in Vodnjan, where a rich reliquary is placed. Fifty-seven different relics, archaeological and liturgical objects including books, manuscripts, oil paintings on canvas, and polychromatic plastic arts (Istria culture, n.d.b; Porečka i Pulska biskupija, 2015b) could be an exceptional basis for the ‘transformation’ of the church into a sanctuary and pilgrimage destination. Thus, all the above-mentioned extraordi-nary sacral heritage and individual elements of the death system would be more closely connected and included in the tourism system of the trans-border region of Istria.¹⁴

¹⁴ This can also mean the ‘touristification’ of heritage.

40





2.4 Warfare Tourism

2.4 Warfare Tourism

As we can see in sub-chapter 2.2, ‘Dark Tourism Typology,’ warfare, war or battlefield tourism is only one sub-type of the dark tourism family.

Many scholars, e.g. Stone (2012), Ryan (2007), Henderson (2000), and Smith (1998) claim that warfare sites probably account for the largest single category of tourist attractions dispersed all around the world.

Šuligoj (2017b, p. 441) highlighted some of the most prominent examples which have attracted the academic public: Gallipoli, World War One’s Western Front battlefield, Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Auschwitz-Birkenau and other holocaust sites, Vietnam War sites, Civil War sites in the United States, Balkan Conflict sites and Cambodia War sites. Some globally recognisable events are missing, e.g. the Korean war, the conflict in Rwanda, and 9/11 in New York, whereas many are completely forgotten. Although wars and human violence are as old as humankind, a considerably increasing number of visitors to warfare sites began no earlier than in 1816, after the battle of Waterloo and the inglorious fall of Napoleon (Seaton, 1999; Smith, 1998).¹⁵ A much more intensive development of warfare tourism was initiated one hundred years later, after the end of w w i (Winter, 2009a; 2009b; Winter, 2011). If we take into consideration the above-mentioned examples, then we see that w w i- and w w i i-related sites in Europe and Asia, which heavily reflect the catastrophic consequences on humankind in general, are very attractive to the academic, professional and general public; many others have regional or local effects, although no less cruel and bloody.¹⁶ As a relevant example, which confirms these claims, we expose statistics on visits to the most recognisable and representative Nazi concentration camp in Poland; Figure 2.4 shows a distinct growth trend of the visits since 2001.

The first question is why such sites should be used for tourism purposes and researched as such? Ryan (2007, p. 2) claims that ‘references to silences, and to discourse, and the nature of that discourse, and the relationship between agreement, disagreement, presence, and absence’

are central research issues in the war-tourism relationship. According to Stone (2012) and Winter (2011), for example, all authentic sites have a distinct conservational, educational and commemorative meaning, which, according to Miles (2002), Robb (2009, p. 56) and Kidron (2013, p. 178), should foster empathy between the visitor and the victim, as well as ten-

¹⁵ The Battle of Waterloo was fought on 18 June 1815.

¹⁶ More can be found in Šuligoj (2016; 2017b).

41

Dark Tourism Theory and Discourse

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Figure 2.4

Total Number of Visitors to the Former Auschwitz i and Auschwitz i i-Birkenau Concentration Camps (2001–2019, in thousand; adapted from Bartyzel & Sawicki, 2020, p. 25)

sions between history or historical reality on one side and memory or imaginary construction on the other (Chronis, 2012, p. 1798). Moreover, many warfare sites interesting for tourist visits are very demanding and sensitive to (tourist) interpretation. The main reason lies in the possibilities/opportunities to write (make) history, historical revision or political descriptions of people’s lives, suffering and deaths (Ashworth & Hartmann, 2005b; Goulding & Domic, 2009; Henderson, 2000; Wight & Lennon, 2007). In addition, those sites may be used as a tool for the propaganda of the achievements of the regime, e.g. the communist regime (Caraba, 2011; Ivanov, 2009), or to create a greater sense of nationalism and social bonding, e.g. in Croatia (Goulding & Domic, 2009, p. 99; Rivera, 2008); a higher influence of politics and ideology on the darkest examples is shown in ‘Stone’s dark tourism spectrum’ (Figure 2.2).

From this description we can conclude that, besides the rational, humane and compassionate meaning and purposes of warfare sites (and warfare tourism), many deviant social phenomena accompany this specific type of tourism. These phenomena should not be relevant reasons for warfare tourism development. If the first are oriented towards the prevention/avoidance of conflicts, and thus the preservation of peace and har-42

2.4 Warfare Tourism

mony, we cannot claim this for the latter. There is one more (negative) phenomenon which can accompany dark tourism sites. In the Australian example, McKay (2013), McKenna and Ward (2007), and Reynolds and Lake (2010) problematise the excessive sentimentalisation of w w i (especially the battlefield of Gallipoli) and understand this as systemic and unrelenting militarisation of the history and culture, although the memorial days/events associated with w w i and w w i i are proclaimed as days of national importance. According to all these assertions, special emphasis should be put on the issue of how heritage is ‘presented in an honest, ethical and inclusive manner that minimises dissonance’ (Carr, 2010; Carr & Colls, 2016); the complexity of the dissonant perspective of heritage was advocated also by Tunbridge and Ashworth (1996), Dann and Seaton (2001), Ashworth and Hartmann (2005a), Ashworth and Isaac (2015), Hrobat Virloget (2017), and Kravanja (2018).

Many scholars, like Isaac and Çakmak (2014, 2016), Chang (2014), Podoshen (2013), Winter (2011), Bigley et al. (2010), Rittichainuwat (2008), and Preece and Price (2005) focused on motivations and reasons for visits to dark tourism sites, where many included also warfare sites.¹⁷ Interesting are the findings of Dunkley et al. (2011), who explored the motives for visits to w w i battlefields, and noted that the main reasons for the visits were the places themselves, a specialist interest in the war or battlefields pilgrimage/remembrance.¹⁸ Introducing pilgrimage as a phenomenon into warfare tourism is quite common,¹⁹ which means that a relatively new phenomenon (research area) and a much older and well-established religious and cultural phenomenon of pilgrimage are linked this way (Collins-Kreiner, 2016, p. 1). Stone (2012) marks visitors of dark tourism sites as pilgrims and their visits as pilgrimages. Kavrečič (2017) and Dato (2014), for example, named post-wwi politically supported visits to the graves and mass tombs of fallen soldiers in fascist Italy as sacro pellegrinaggio (sacred pilgrimage).²⁰ Collins-Kreiner (2016, p. 2) claims that ‘both dark tourism and pilgrimage emerge from the same milieu ¹⁷ If we ignore the general reasons, such as empathy, remembrance, knowledge and the like, those which are more specific often depend on the target group; see also Collins-Kreiner (2016).

¹⁸ See also Tarlow (2005), Seaton and Lennon (2004).

¹⁹ Analysis of key issues and themes in dark tourism research for the period from 1996 to 2016 clearly shows that pilgrimage is one of the frequently used terms (Light, 2017, p. 277).

²⁰ Their findings are also relevant for Istria, which was annexed to Italy after the end of w w i.

43





Dark Tourism Theory and Discourse

to include the sites of dramatic historic events that bear extra meaning.’

However, scholars like Hyde and Harman (2011), Winter (2011) or Poria et al. (2003) have some difficulty differentiating among religious and secular pilgrims,²¹ dark tourists, heritage tourists or some other types of tourist seeking the mythical and magical; according to Korstanje and George (2015), the interests of pilgrims and dark-seekers are substantially different, which means that these two phenomena cannot be linked.²² This also means that the term/phenomenon of ‘secular pilgrimage’ is not generally useful in examining dark tourism and, however, is mostly linked with former battlefields and sites associated with slavery (Light, 2017, p. 286).

2.5 Chapter Conclusion

As already mentioned in this study, war-related tourism is, despite a very conflicting past, an unresearched topic in South-Eastern Europe – especially in the former Yugoslav area (Šuligoj, 2017b, p. 447). However, in their collection of academic papers, Gosar et al. (2015) as well as Kravanja (2018), illustrated various aspects of the development of battlefield tourism in the Soča/Isonzo valley in Slovenia, while Šuligoj (2017a) identifies some advantages and disadvantages of dark tourism sites in Slovenia; in additional papers (2015d, 2016, 2017b), he presented the Croatian homeland war, focusing on the perspective of young residents of Croatia. In addition, Rivera (2008) focused on the Croatian way of presenting the state to the international public via tourism after the war in the 1990s; Goulding and Domic (2009) consider the consequences of representing a mono-cultural heritage in a multi-ethnic society in Croatia; Wise (2011), and Wise and Mulec (2014) investigate how newspaper articles and official tourism websites sources construct the (re)created meanings and images of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia; and Naef and Ploner (2016) and Naef (2013) presented contested memories and a dissonant heritage in tourism in the post-war former Yugoslav area. Kesar and Tomas (2014) analysed three representative examples of dark tourism sites (Vukovar, Jasenovac and Goli otok) and found that, in terms of the number of visitors, revenue and impacts on society, they are far behind ²¹ The terms religious and secular pilgrimage are well described by Korstanje and George (2015), Digance (2006), Poria et al. (2003) or Lupfer et al. (1992). In-depth description of these terms goes beyond the scope of this study.

²² Črpić and Jukić (1998) and Zrinšćak et al. (2000, pp. 239–241) investigated religious alternatives in relation to Christianity; however, the above-mentioned practices are not included in their analysis.

44

2.5 Chapter Conclusion

the world-leading sites, but have great potential for future development.

Similarly, Slivková and Bucher (2017) highlight the importance and the potential of special-interest tourism for the development in two post-conflict target destinations within Croatia and Slovakia. This is relevant from two points of view: (a) dark or warfare tourism should be presented firmly in the context of special-interest tourism and (b) Croatia is treated as a post-war area (state).²³

As we can see in the previous paragraph, the topic of warfare tourism in the former Yugoslav area is a point of interest for scholars from different parts of the world; notwithstanding Šuligoj’s statement at the beginning of this sub-chapter, it can be concluded that this topic is not completely unexplored. Investigating concrete examples with their specific cultural background and tragic story is a common approach in dark tourism research – generalisation due to specificity is therefore not always reasonable (except exclusively within the case). This way, scholars produce a kind of ‘academic mosaic’ within a unified dark topic. Within this work, it is always necessary to see other perspectives and examples that may assist in the investigation and thus in addressing some gaps in the existing literature.

Based on definitions, typologies, limitations and other topics discussed in this chapter, and the objectives and purpose of this study, the following conclusions and directions were developed:

• in accordance with theoretical assumptions, it is necessary to investigate the attitude to or understanding of warfare tourism, past experiences and its development in Istria;

• incidence of some deviant phenomena associated with warfare tourism, e.g. militarisation, politicisation, will be further explored.

Namely, they are usually connected with a systematic preservation of memory or amnesia ( damnatio memoriae);

• members of local communities as the overlooked visitor group in past surveys will be systematically involved in the research;

• although the ‘death system’ itself will not be a focus, its elements need to be taken into account for further research, i.e. places, time, and objects. Links to the past cannot be overlooked, nor can the reactions in the present time;

²³ Because this is not the purpose of the study, a comprehensive analysis of this segment in the post-Yugoslav area has not been made.

45

Dark Tourism Theory and Discourse

• critiques will not be additionally elaborated, as the geographical and time limitations are known and defined in advance (this part of the wider context is clear), and despite Istrian multiculturalism, some of the important characteristics are unique, e.g. religion. The general naming of the research area that is already used in the academic community will be used;

• within the complex approach, all selected disciplines/areas will be treated equally. Moreover, dark tourism will play a linking role in addressing the gap identified and described in the following chapters.

46





Memorialisation Theory and Discourse 3

Memory-related questions were, as noted by Aristotle and Cicero, already known in ancient Athens and Rome (Jerše, 2017, pp. 247–248), and they are still one of the central challenges for humans and society nowadays, when historical perception has changed as a consequence of the influence of the media (Nora, 1989, p. 7). However, the memory discourse is a product of the 20th century (Jerše, 2017, p. 248), a century which was, according to Kolko (1994), marked by wars, violence, and similar cruel events, and can thus easily be described as the Century of War. It should be pointed out, however, that not only the quantity of these conflicting events, but also their intensity and negative consequences of an extent that had never been seen before, affected people in all populated continents. Wieviorka (2005, p. 89) explains that the victims represent a sense of remembering.

3.1 Memory Concept

Conflict and violence, both directly and symbolically, play a key role in the ‘communitarianism’ construction, in the formation of discourses about the past, their reproduction, dissemination and acceptance, but always in strong relation to historical power relations (Ćurković Nimac & Valković, 2018; Gur-Ze’ev & Pappé, 2003). Thus, we can understand the many cemeteries, monuments and other memorial sites placed in a certain area, which were set up to commemorate war and/or violent regimes, and reflect the need to honour all victims (Biran et al., 2011),¹ the nation’s identity and history (Misztal, 2003, p. 158; Nanda, 2004), or the values and goals of the nation (Hogan, 2011). The nation can be understood as a major mnemonic community, whose continuity is based on the vision of the suitable past and a believable future, which justify a sense of lasting continuity between generations (Misztal, 2003, p. 17). Consequently, memory and memory discourse are not only a matter of events (commemorations), but a part of everyday life which co-creates a common identity of a certain community (Ćurković Nimac, 2015; Jerše, 2017, p. 250); the sense ¹ These examples form the ‘tangible cultural memory’ (Benčić, 2016, p. 6). More can be found in Ricoeur (2012).

47

Memorialisation Theory and Discourse of belonging and identification with the space, local history and collective memory are strongly linked to the cultural heritage of a certain area (Urošević, 2013, p. 85; van Dijck, 2010, pp. 266–270). Collective memory is therefore the subject of interdisciplinary discussions where the sociological perspective is not insignificant (Benčić, 2016, pp. 2–3, 5; Hoskins, 2001, p. 333). Hence, memory and practices of commemoration are subjects of constant change, which is only a consequence of evolution and development of society (Jerše, 2017, p. 257; Olick, 2007; Širok, 2012, p. 139, 147). A new ‘culture of commemoration’ is constantly developing through commemorations, which link old traditions with new practices and challenge the distinction between ‘history, memory and the practices of commemoration’ (Sather-Wagstaff, 2011, p. 193; Wolff, 2006). Commemoration, as a process of institutionalisation of memory, establishes and fixes in the public sphere the ‘correct’ representations of events deemed significant by and for a given group (Jedlowski, 2002, p. 99). In this manner, the past becomes accessible through the categories and schemes of its own culture, through which people perceive and interpret it – also in a distorted form (Burke, 1997, pp. 45–47).

Jerše (2017, p. 256) summarised that the ‘sites of memory’ syntagma is a metaphor which illustrates the spatial, material, narrative and non-narrative points on which the national memory is based;² they are material and immaterial symbols important for the memory. Sociologist Zerubavel (2005) describes this as ‘a socio-mental topography of the past’

– socially constructed structures that are similar to the maps with which the human mind builds the image of the past. These reconstructions of the past help us understand how collective forms of memory work.

Hence, the acquisition of collective memories and, therefore, the identification with its collective past, is part of the process of acquiring social identity; the adjustment of members to this past is the main effort of assimilation. The community/society determines what is worth remembering and how this memory will be preserved. In addition, society maintains and supports collective memory, while individual memory can be understood only if individuals interpret it within the group they belong to (Halbwachs, 1992); within the collective memory and through appropriated thinking, individuals maintain contacts with the group (Misztal, 2003, pp. 53–54). ³ This means that memory, as a term, is not completely ² More can be found in Nora (1984; 1989).

³ Kansteiner (2002, pp. 181–182) problematised the redundant terminological diversity of 48

3.1 Memory Concept

homogeneous/uniform (Benčić, 2016, pp. 5–6; Hoskins, 2001, p. 335).⁴

Thus, significantly different memories and attitudes to the past must be highlighted here (Hirsch, 2008; Stone, 2012):

• first-generation memory of the people that personally experienced the trauma either first hand or through the media at the time;

• second generation memories are those of their direct descendants and their generation, and are transferred to influence their understanding of the world;

• third-generation memory (as well as all successive generations) is represented only through historical narratives.

Similarly, Halbwachs (1992) identified:

• autobiographical memory, which is related to events people experienced themselves;⁵

• historical memory, which is contained in historical records;

• history, as the past to which there is no direct connection; and

• collective memory, being an active past which forms our contemporary identity.

Milic (2016, p. 27) exposed and graphically displayed many other ‘types of memory,’ of which many are pointed out in this research as well, e.g.

collective, individual, prosthetic and the like; the same applies to many authors referred to therein. She also presents memory-identity, memory-media, memory-history and some other relations relevant for this research. Regardless of all these perspectives, and according to the purposes and objectives of this research, ‘mediated’ and ‘transcultural’ memories will be additionally highlighted.

For Erll (2011; 2014, p. 178), transcultural memory means the transition from the ‘stable and allegedly “pure” national/cultural memory towards the movements, connections, and mixing of memories’ within the globalisation processes. Indeed, the author explains this as the movement of ‘(a) mnemonic archives across spatial, temporal, social, linguistic and medial borders as well as (b) the mixing of memories in contexts of high cultural complexity’ (no version of the past ever belongs to just one community memory studies, which includes collective memory, social memory, collective remembrance, popular history making, national memory, public memory, vernacular memory, and counter-memory; see also Ćurković Nimac and Valković (2018, p. 440).

⁴ The Rashomon effect should be (also) considered; see Roth and Mehta (2002).

⁵ See also van Dijck (2010).

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Memorialisation Theory and Discourse or place – the holocaust is a representative example).⁶ Scholarly speaking, bringing together remembrance, globalisation, governance, and transnationalism is a possible way of overcoming the often nation-centric nature of memory studies (Sierp & Wüstenberg, 2015; Wüstenberg, 2019) and thus many social problems, e.g. the disagreements in the Balkans. In this context, the actors in charge of memorial sites should strategically engage all mechanisms of commercialisation and professionalisation (both also extremely important from the dark tourism point of view) in order to

‘translate’ local memories to be understood globally (Wüstenberg, 2019); this is also fully consistent with the Resolution on the Importance of European Remembrance for the Future of Europe (European Parliament, 2019), which is a political and legal document. It would be especially reasonable to implement such approaches to enhance the understanding of memories in multicultural environments at all levels as well.

Transcultural memory can be linked to the ‘mediation of memory,’

which refers to the perception of the media in terms of memory and to the perception of memory in terms of the media; it is a process of creation and also of re-creation. ‘Mediated memory’ has a strong individual character and is a crucial ‘site’ for negotiating the relationship between self (autobiographical reflections/perceptions of self, of family, and of larger circles beyond the private sphere) and culture at large (individuals are also active collectors of mediated culture). Exchanging self-recorded items with friends or family members and all the way to complete strangers is an important way of creating collectivity (van Dijck, 2010, pp. 272–274). Kitch (2008, pp. 312–313), on the other hand, claims that the news/media cover extreme events (wars, disasters, assassinations, political revolutions), which are discussed within the mediated memory context – this is a different/wider view than van Dijk’s. The author highlighted journalism as the venue in which people imagine themselves to be connected, involved or part of the group who celebrates, mourns or protests. It is a memory-media connection. The same understanding of the term is perceived by Hoskins (2001, pp. 336–337), who points to media manipulations. However, only this specific (media) perspective is relevant for this research.

3.2 Memory and History

This study is not particularly focused on differences between history and memory, nor on the complex connections between them. This is the sub-

⁶ More can be found in Radstone (2011), and Sierp and Wüstenberg (2015).

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3.2 Memory and History

ject of debates among historians and sociologists. History is generally accepted as a science,⁷ and thus a serious, intellectual, secular and objective subject, based on proven facts. Memory, on the other hand, is the reflection of a particular group and its past, it is flexible, passable, often romanticised, but inherently connected with history (Jerše, 2012; 2017; Kansteiner, 2002; Nora, 1984; 1989, pp. 8–9; Schwedler, 2010; Wolff, 2006, p. 117).⁸ Nora (1989, p. 8) claims that memory and history now appear to be in fundamental opposition. In addition, true memories are remembered only by living individuals,⁹ which is crucial for the preservation of historic continuity or its strategic transformation – cultural transformation of commemorative practice during the transfer between generations (Nora, 1989, p. 8; Wolff, 2006, p. 110). This is comparable with Halbwachs’ autobiographical memory and Hirsch’s first-generation memory which are transmitted to the following generation. According to Garagozov (2016, p. 28), this approach to collective memory can be described as

‘a widely shared knowledge of past social events that are collectively constructed through communicative social interactions, which can have a significant impact on our behaviour, feelings, and thoughts.’ This knowledge, if we want to call it that, is often a traumatic experience of the first generation which is transmitted to the second in such a deep manner that it seems to constitute memories in their own right and can be described as a ‘transgenerational transmission of trauma’ (Hirsch, 2008, p.

103; Nora, 1989, pp. 18–19; Wolff, 2006, p. 110). Miklavcic (2008) highlighted (negative) phenomena related to collective memory in the Upper Adriatic border area, where young generations that were not directly involved in the past conflicts displayed deviant behaviour as a result of a successful transmission of past traumas.¹⁰ This process results in the development of stronger empathic ties to the surviving generation (Jacobs, 2014) and, therefore, remembrance changes into memorialisation and eventually into history (Hirsch, 2012).

One of the first authors who used the collective memory concept in the 1920s was cultural historian Aby Warburg, although the French sociologist Maurice Halbwachs was the first to have used the concept systematically. His fundamental contribution was the establishment of the ⁷ The same applies to sociology.

⁸ In this context, Ramšak (2003) and Rožac-Darovec (2006) are critical to oral history.

However, historians have very discordant views in regard to these approaches.

⁹ The Rashomon effect should be considered – see Roth and Mehta (2002).

¹⁰ See also Verginella (2009b).

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Memorialisation Theory and Discourse connection between a social group and the collective memory limited in space and time (Benčić, 2016, p. 5; Confino, 1997, p. 1388, 1392; Kansteiner, 2002, p. 185; Širok, 2012, p. 139) – this term can thus be treated as a meta-concept in social sciences (Benčić, 2016, p. 2). Benčić (2016, pp. 3–4) claims that the collective memory discourse relies on multiculturalism, conflicts/wars (the strongest elements of memory) and other events of the 20th century (this is compatible with Erll’s (2011; 2014) transcultural memory). As a complete contrast, a nation’s collective forgetting, as identified by Haebich (2011, p. 1033), also exists; the terms social or collective amnesia are also in use. The evaluation of memories inevitably takes place in tandem with amnesia, which is the other side of the same process. Amnesia is an essential component of the building of memories of a community; it is most important to forget those events that could impede the construction of a shared image of the past (Širok, 2012, p. 138). Memory can be imagined as a box from which individuals can select ‘what to remember, what to forget, and what, eventually, to forgive’ (Miklavcic, 2008, p. 443). Societies are strengthened because of their painful past, where particular groups may still be experiencing some negative/unpleasant consequences. The need to remain silent on the one hand, and the need to tell the associated stories on the other hand, constantly coexist and are permanently influenced by different big shots in the society who wish to forget or to impose their particular memory (Hrobat Virloget, 2017; McAuley, 2013; Vinitzky-Seroussi & Teeger, 2010). In his work on memory and amnesia, and the relationship between them, Ricoeur (2012) highlights identities that are established on the act of violence (based on ‘wounded memories’) or on the cult of victory and the cult of mourning – see also Širok (2009; 2012) and Kushinski (2013). Memory-related topics are actually socially sensitive.

Individuals or groups/communities/nations are sometimes ready to die for their interpretation of the past, which means that a wider memory conflict is always possible (Confino, 1997, pp. 1399–1400); interestingly, memory might produce violence, violence might become an object of memory, and memorial practices based on past violence might also per-petuate new violence (Ćurković Nimac, 2015, p. 36).¹¹ As an example, we can mention many politically agreed controversial and degrading consequences of w w i, which remained in the collective memory and then led to w w i i. Another example is the unforgettable inter-ethnic and regime-

¹¹ See also Šuligoj and Kennell (2022).

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3.3 Linking Memory with Culture and Politics based struggles that took place during and immediately after w w i i (certain disagreements emerged even earlier) on the Balkan Peninsula, which then re-emerged with the conflict in the 1990s.

3.3 Linking Memory with Culture and Politics

‘For historians, the concept of culture has become sort of a compass that governs questions of interpretation, explanation, and method’ (Confino, 1997, p. 1386). The subjects explored are the memories of people with their own personal experience as well as cultural knowledge shared by successive generations, which includes books, films, museums, cemeteries, commemorations and suchlike (Confino, 1997, p. 1386; Jerše, 2017, p.

249; Misztal, 2003, p. 6; Nora, 1989, p. 12). Nora (1989, pp. 18–19) highlighted three senses of the memory: material (e.g. archival material), symbolic (e.g. minute of silence), and functional (e.g. testaments, veterans reunion).

The past provides a symbolic framework for individuals and groups, by which they conceptualise their existence, which is important for emigrants, especially when they are dealing with bad memories (D’Alessio, 2012a). In this context, contemporary obsession with remembrance and testimony of the past is reasonable (Wieviorka, 1999) and sets the memory as one of the main modern pillars of the identity discourse. Collective memory (collected memory)¹² is a composite of more individual memories, which usually means a glance into a layer of the community, typically towards those who operate with means of cultural production or whose opinions are highly appreciated (Olick, 2007, p. 23; Širok, 2012, p. 139). Confino (1997, p. 1399) deals with the multiplicity of memory as something useful from the methodological (the question of recording) and content (avoiding artificial distinctions) aspect, as well as in thinking about the place and society as a whole. On the other hand, the less memory is practised collectively, the more it happens on the individual level (Nora, 1989, p. 16). In any case, collective identities must be understood as fictions in which memory/commemorative practice is linked to the historical past and the fiction of contemporary identity (Nora, 1989, p. 24; Širok, 2012, p. 147; Wolff, 2006, p. 116). Manipulation and a selective perception of the past are very common (Ćurković Nimac, 2015, pp. 35–

¹² Terms collected memory and collective memory can not be equated. The collected memories are less interconnected, they can even be different or opposing. According to Benčić (2016, p. 3), some other memory-related terms are also in use.

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Memorialisation Theory and Discourse 38; Širok, 2012, p. 142, 147).¹³ The (collective) memory is manufactured, manipulated and, predominantly, mediated (Hoskins, 2001, p. 334). Many find the contention that the past is not constructed as facts but as a myth, which serves the interest of particular communities,¹⁴ to be problematic as well.

The term ‘memory’ can be useful in the description of the connection of the relationship between the cultural, social, and political aspect, and between representation and social experience (Confino, 1997, p. 1387–1388); Ćurković Nimac (2015) and Ćurković Nimac and Valković (2018) also highlighted the ethical aspect of memory. Anthropologist Ballinger (2002), for example, wanted to investigate the link between history, commemoration, preservation and mythologisation of the past in Istria and the Trieste area, while historians Širok (2009; 2012), Dato (2014). and Kavrečič (2017), similarly, explored the same slightly to the north – in the Gorizia/Goriška region. The Italian totalitarian ideology with perpetual mobilisation (constant forced ‘education’ of the masses by the regimes) and ‘fascistisation’ ( fascistizzazione) thus created collective harmony (in many respects only illusory).¹⁵ The state and the ruling party were extremely connected, existing and completely new public rituals were politicised, meaning fascistised (Dato, 2014; Gentile, 1996, pp. 25–28, 88; Kavrečič, 2017; Orlović, 2014a, p. 118); the custom of damnatio memoriae was used systematically. Post-w w i i reactions in the border region were thus only a logical consequence of pre-war cultural violence against the Slavic population; completely new memorial practices were introduced. The collective memory of one community, was/is constructed in opposition to the memories of other(s) (Hrobat Virloget, 2015, p. 536); damnatio memoriae was/is used frequently by both sides, Slavic and Italian. Radical changes in the political system additionally influenced memorial practices. Different people (people of different ages, ethnic groups, beliefs, etc.) remember life in the Upper Adriatic and this is not only a question of the past but also of the contemporary moment.

Generally speaking, post-w w i i memory is constructed around the ¹³ More can be found in Ricoeur (2012).

¹⁴ More can be found in Nora (1989), Olick and Robbins (1998) and Ćurković Nimac (2015).

¹⁵ Totalitarian regimes of the 20th century, which knew the future and made up the past, were rejecting historical sociology (Smith, 2011, p. 11). These regimes have the same attitude to (collective) memory as well (Ćurković Nimac, 2015, p. 38).

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3.3 Linking Memory with Culture and Politics holocaust, which is very characteristic of the (post)communist states.¹⁶

In the (non-communist) Italian example it assumes specific forms and aims to shape the legacy of conflicts in the Upper Adriatic with the focus on the foibe – exodus sequence. In this discourse, Italians see themselves only as an innocent victim (Altin & Badurina, 2017, p. 324; Hrobat Virloget & Čebron Lipovec, 2017, p. 49; Orlić, 2012, p. 14; 2015, p. 477); they feel as victims of the communists or Tito’s terror. Mercy automatically assigns victims to their dominant culture. Generally (non-religious), this is also a typical view of the holocaust/shoah, which is, however, difficult to generalise and link with the Italians as victims (Accati, 2009, pp. 188–189).

What does this mean in the case of Istrian Italians? Based on the Christian paradigm, persecutions and executions of Italians are often understood as a ‘group Christ’s passion and crucifixion.’ The victims of this said origin thus become ‘victims par excellence’ (such as the sacrifice of Jesus Christ in Christianity). This symbolical reliance on the biblical story of Jesus Christ, who was falsely accused and then crucified (murdered), is certainly highly questionable in the case of Istria, which previously experienced the brutality of Italian fascism.¹⁷ In any case, generalisations and manipulations should be avoided. Civilisational norms, such as the right to burial, the grave and memory, should be preserved.

Under these circumstances, more effort is needed to overcome the time of memory as a sort of mourning in order to achieve ‘only memory,’ the right degree of amnesia and reconciliation with others and with ourselves (Ricoeur, 2012). However, it is necessary to be aware that, in addition to the ‘different national histories’¹⁸ and systematic damnatio memoriae, a balanced integration of memory, amnesia, silence¹⁹ and reconciliation is also extremely difficult due to different past and present ideological (political) views and socio-political systems. Political establishments in the wider region have a great role in enforcing policies that include tolerance, integration, inclusion, co-operation, coexistence, etc. In this context, the aspect of (political) power should be emphasised in relation to memory

– see Benčić (2016, pp. 11–12).

¹⁶ More can be found in Jambrešić Kirin (2004).

¹⁷ Se also Accati (2009).

¹⁸ Different academic interpretations of the past exist in the Upper Adriatic – see Franzinetti (2014) or Verginella (2009a; 2009b; 2010).

¹⁹ More can be found in Vinitzky-Seroussi and Teeger (2010), Hrobat Virgolet (2017) or Hrobat Virgolet and Čebron Lipovec (2017).

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Memorialisation Theory and Discourse Politics of memory are a reflection of political development and are often a revitalised ideology and thus related to political conflicts; memory in this case is a concept of (political) culture (Confino, 1997, p. 1393; Jerše, 2017, p. 249; Mustapić & Balabanić, 2018). The dominant narrative, as defined by Misztal (2003, p. 160) and Mustapić and Balabanić (2018), is a memory of the political elites with whom they shape the desired image of the past (as presented in the preceding paragraphs). This is in line with Ahonen’s (2012, p. 23) ‘public memory,’ which is described by the author as a politically canonised story of the past, an official history, emphasising the non-academic nature of these presentations. Commemorative speeches delivered by politicians, although stimulating the increase of the ‘emotional dimension of arousal, unpleasantness, sadness, anger, fear and disgust,’ also increase ‘attention, motivation and reasoning about the implications of the commemoration for the national cultural model, which is one of the most important functions of commemorative rituals’

(Pavlaković & Perak, 2017, p. 301). Hence, frequent appearances in the media can generate a culturally distributed collective memory (Pavlaković

& Perak, 2017). In connection with politics, we often mention historical revisionism, mythologisation²⁰ and/or politicisation, as well as reconciliation, which are ordinary ‘companions’ of commemorative practices (see Miklavcic, 2008), where the ‘content’ of the myth is more important than the accuracy of historical facts (Schopflin & Hosking, 1997, p. 19). Similarly, Confino (1997, p. 1402) also warns of the danger of reducing culture to politics and ideology, when it should be the exact opposite: from the political (with political significance) to the social and experiential aspect, and then to memory (collective memory). The history of memory is useful in defining how the past is represented, the mentality of the people in the past, commingled beliefs, practices and symbolic representations that form people’s perceptions of the past (p. 1389). Negative deviations, about which Confino writes above, are not difficult to find: politicisation (or even political abuse) of memory is nowadays a common occurrence in the post-socialist states. Mustapić and Balabanić (2018) note that the 2015 parliamentary campaign in Croatia has changed into a ‘site of mem-

²⁰ On the other hand, we can take into consideration Armstrong’s (1991) understanding of myth not as false consciousness, but rather as a unifying factor, lowering the strong consciousness of the group members about their common destiny: together with symbols, communication and many other cultural and symbolic components are decisive for shaping the common identity.

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3.4 Chapter Conclusion

ory’ with the focus on recent history-related issues; the media were then a necessary medium for the transmission of these messages to the people.

Thus, the media (journalism) also re- and co-constructs memory with regard to discrete events (and everyday life) as well as across time and place; furthermore, they link them to memory studies and historiography (Edy, 1999; Kitch, 2002; 2008). In this context the media stories/reports are ‘presented as historical truth, but they are actually narrative visions, pictures that are prescriptive as well as descriptive, mythology as much as reporting’ (Kitch, 2002, p. 61).

3.4 Chapter Conclusion

Memory and memory-related issues have apparently been employing humankind in general for a long time. It is matter of belonging, of identity, of everyday life, of history and heritage and transmission among generations. Memory practices link old traditions to new practices and challenges. People frequently become nostalgic when thinking about the past, especially when memories are pleasant. Although the concepts of memory and nostalgia may be similar, they should not be equated or swapped.²¹ Not to be neglected is the fact that in the post-Yugoslav area and context, the term Yugo-nostalgia is often used and even abused.²²

However, addressing issues related to memory is very relevant and meaningful in the former Yugoslav area, including the Istrian peninsula, which will be further elaborated below. The turbulent history with frequent (military) conflicts preserves the state in which the first-, second- and third-generation memory or the autobiographical, historical, or collective memory and history – to repeat the typologies listed in the subchapter 3.1 ‘Memory Concept’ – are permanently actual. Victories, de-feats, victims and heroes are subject to memory/remembrance as well as to silence and amnesia. The latter cannot be automatically equated with collective amnesia, since damnatio memoriae is basically understood as a series of formal measures. However, for the purposes of this study, the explanations in the introductory chapter will be used.

Based on the definitions, typologies and other topics discussed in this ²¹ More about nostalgia can be found in Boym (2001; 2007), Starobinski (2009), and Smeekes (2015). The term is only mentioned here since its more detailed elaboration would not be consistent with the purpose and objectives of the research.

²² More about Yugo-nostalgia can be found in Volčič (2007), Velikonja (2008) and Šuligoj (2018).

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Memorialisation Theory and Discourse chapter, and on the objectives and purpose of this study, the following conclusions and directions were developed:

• Collective memory is as important as social amnesia and ‘living in silence.’ All of them together enable life in contemporary mixed societies; cooperation and coexistence are crucial for peace and prosperity. How important were they and are still for Istria?

• Manipulation, selective perception, mythologisation and politicisation of the past are often perceived in memorial studies. In such circumstances, the memory of one community was/is constructed in opposition to the memories of another (or of others). Can a multicultural community thus maintain tolerant relationships, cooperation and coexistence?

• Regimes/ideologies significantly influence memorial practices, where damnatio memoriae is not a rare measure. How were/are frequent changes of regimes/ideology reflected in memorial practices in Istria, the region that was/is also a prominent tourist destination of the Adriatic?

• Media reports are important as a source for researchers or as a medium for the transmission of information. To what extent do the Istrian media report on memory (memorial practices)?

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Media Perspective on Dark Tourism

4

and Memory

The questions of the cultural and individual memory have become interesting issues in the fields of study of visual culture, cultural studies and media studies. This means that concepts of memory (e.g. personal memories) do not necessarily come to the people (audience) from their individual experience but from their mediated experience based on photographs, documentaries and popular culture (Sturken, 2008, p. 75), as well as from the media. Moreover, there is a close relationship between the media and processes of remembrance (Zierold, 2008, p. 399). In this context, the intention of the media/journalism is to explain contemporary events in the public sphere: memory and the related past offer them a key source through which they understand and explain topical events.

This even creates a ‘memory superabundance’ within which people identify themselves with other people’s emotions and memories (Širok, 2009, p. 29).

The media are often accused of the (alleged) disappearance (Zierold, 2008, p. 399) or ‘rewriting’ of memory (and history) – see the example of Štok and Česnik (2012). The historical perception of society has changed as a consequence of the influence of the media (Nora, 1989, p. 7). On the other hand, as memory serves as a prism through which to consider media/journalism, memory-related journalistic work itself has become an interesting research topic (Zelizer, 2008a, pp. 382–383). Accordingly, Edy (1999) suggests caution, because despite the great importance of journalistic reporting for historiography and media studies,¹ it is not always possible to rely only on these resources due to the simple and dramatic narratives of news reporting. Thus, the crucial issues of the contemporary ‘media environment’ (internet) are credibility, its operationalisation and measurement (Metzger et al., 2003). The ‘media environment’ is understood as a fragmented, changing, globalised environment with de-institutionalised mass communication, where the media, however, often seek to reach the masses (not to target narrow niches) (Napoli, 2010).

From the perspective of tourism studies, some questions about media and memory relations were identified as early as in the 1980s. Hence, ¹ They are not exclusively used only within these sciences.

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Media Perspective on Dark Tourism and Memory w w i i and the holocaust were among the top memory-related topics of the 1980s and 1990s (Sturken, 2008, p. 73) and, as indicated below, they are still the most relevant dark tourism topic. This means that tourism attractions and media are also interconnected, where presentation in the media is the last of the five steps of creation of a tourist attraction (MacCannell in Seaton, 1999).² In this context, dark tourism sites and the visiting of these sites have been attributed a special status in the media: the status of a myth or a meta-myth, a genre of travel motivation and attraction, and a social pathology, which creates moral panic (Seaton & Lennon, 2004, p. 63). Moreover, different groups of victims contest with each other due to memory politics and related international/national recognition.

They influence public opinion and intensify pressure through the media and/or academic attention (Schaller, 2011). However, researching dark tourism from the media perspective is less common than researching it in other contexts, e.g. tourism management, heritage tourism or experience/behaviour of tourists (Light, 2017, p. 293).

Memory studies as an interdisciplinary research area should be in an uncomplicated and mutual relationship with the study of visual culture and new media (Sturken, 2008, p. 77). Contemporary technologies shape people’s memories of past and present life, and simultaneously shape the media and memory as cultural concepts (van Dijck, 2010, p. 272). In accordance with contemporary trends related to the pluralisation of processes of remembrance in societies and the media (modern media systems), such studies should include theoretical as well as empirical research (Zierold, 2008, pp. 405–406). Landsberg (2003, p. 150) claims that, even though ‘the kinds of commodities disseminated by the mass media are different in form from more traditional commodities, they require a similar kind of analysis.’

4.1 Dark Tourism from the Media Perspective

In spite of the marginalisation/negligence of the dead body and death itself by Western academia and society over the last few centuries (see sub-chapter ‘2.3 Dark Tourism and the Death System’), they are, in fact, traditionally very interesting to humans – see Dunkley et al. (2007), Stone and Sharpley (2008), and Šuligoj (2016). This is also reflected within popular culture and media output (Durkin, 2003; Walter et al., 1995). Mionel ² These steps are: naming, sight sacralisation, framing and elevation, enshrinement, mechanical and social reproduction.

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4.1 Dark Tourism from the Media Perspective (2019, p. 423) similarly claims that dark tourism is, in addition to its interest for academia, also an attractive topic for the media, i.e. newspaper articles, promotional magazines and t v programmes, which is, according to Walter (2009), an interesting example of the media hype related to the fascination with death and dying. On the other hand, it is the already hyped media attention that triggers a desire to visit a death-related site, rather than the fascination with death (Morales Cano & Mysyk, 2004, p. 892). However, the media create and maintain a dark perception of dark sites dedicated to ‘consumption’ (Merrin, 1999), and thereby feed the ‘imaginary community’ of dark tourists (Anderson, 1995); they are actually being conceptualised as a major influencer (Mckercher & Chan, 2005; Trauer, 2006). Hence, there is a direct link between the media and dark tourism, which means that the media transfer a sudden or violent death to the mass of readers, viewers and listeners (Walter, 2009, p. 44)

– thus informing people all around the world through global communication channels (and technology) (Lennon & Foley, 2000). Figuratively speaking, death was essentially brought into people’s living rooms by the media (Lennon & Foley, 2000; Schofield, 1996).³ By reporting tragic events they (perhaps) ‘emotionally invigilate’ people to react in a particular manner (Walter et al., 1995), which means that the moral dimensions of death-related tourism are never far from media and academic discourses (Stone, 2009). The ethical dimensions of investigating traumatic history and the related dark tourism has caused (social) anxiety and subsequent moral quandaries (Lennon, 2005). Seaton and Lennon (2004) claim that the media narrative on death-related tourism generally results in a moral panic – particularly, the tabloid media construct a metanarrative of moral panic around the death-tourism connection.

Stone (2009) is an additional scholar who explores the emerging narrative of moral panic. According to him, there is a mass of media commen-tary marked with superficiality and selectiveness, and based on hunches.

According to Friedrich and Johnston (2013), the media which abuse the label of dark tourism have actually caused confusion and damage to dark tourism (misunderstanding among stakeholders on the conceptual foundations of dark tourism).

With the help of the media, people become well informed and sim-

³ In the era of mass media, for example, sites (‘attractions’) are accessible via video and virtual reality displays, which means that sites from around the world can be easily connected in a simulated environment in the home environment (Uriely, 2005, p. 203) 61

Media Perspective on Dark Tourism and Memory ply wish to seek to affirm the validity of tragedies and victims, which reached them through the media (Schofield, 1996). The media thus becomes a contemporary ‘mediating institution,’ which links death with the individual and collective consciousness (Walter, 2009). This way the media begins a process of ‘mortality contemplation’ and thus the development of attitudes towards past tragic events and victims. Especially for the spectacle-driven media, violence and death are attractive topics for uncritical ‘reporting.’ However, in this context, the recognition of dark shrines, which are the consequence of recent traumatic conflicts, crucially depends on the media agenda and awareness of high-ranking politicians.

As an example, holocaust (or genocide) tourism,⁴ as a key word of reference for the dark tourism concept, has continuously been reported by the media (Stone, 2007). Interestingly, the mass media exploits the interest in the holocaust, which was (co)created on the whole by themselves (Von Schwabe, 2005) – there is always (a potential) interdependency between the media and (holocaust) dark tourism sites. In addition, the attitude of politicians on this issue is manifested on anniversaries when state delegations gather at celebrations – see, e.g., the Memorial and museum Auschwitz-Birkenau (2020) – which is always reported by all relevant media. More recent and geographically closer to Istria is the example of the Balkan Conflict in 1990s, when people all around the world were shocked by media reports on the systematic and widespread violence and rape camps (Allen, 1996; Shanks & Schull, 2000); the whole tragic period (1992–1995) was well covered by the international media (Šimko, 2006).

The Sarajevo post-war city tours, which are primarily based on the siege of Sarajevo, also generated follow-up media interest – see, for example, Hawton (2004) or Farhad (2018). In this context, Wise (2011), and Wise and Mulec (2014) investigate how newspaper articles and official tourism website sources construct the (re)created meanings and images of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia. An additional, globally recognisable example is the genocide in Rwanda, where contemporary tours are of media interests as well – see, for example, Khaleeli (2010).

Mass media advertising is also affecting dark tourism sites (Sharpley, 2009). It should be noted that dark tourism sites were/are usually not purposefully created as tourist attractions – they were/are places of memory, sorrow, pride, even heroism. They gained recognisability/popularity thanks to the marketing and promotional activity of profit-oriented ⁴ As well as the holocaust itself.

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4.2 Memory from the Media Perspective tourism organisations, as well as the media (Seaton, 1996). Thus, Mionel (2019, p. 428) and Seaton (1999) similarly claim that suppliers’ marketing campaigns (including mass-media) follow consumer preferences and, in fact, create dark tourism, which is, however, subject to changes due to political and cultural influences. Thus, the tourist’s image of the sites presented in the media can create motivational dynamics of tourism demand (Burns & Holden, 1995; Foley & Lennon, 1996, p. 198, 199). The aspect of destination image should also be pointed out, especially because the ra-tionale here is different than with other forms of tourism, where everyone avoids a negative destination image. In general, positive media images create a desire to experience the reality at a specific destination, but the peculiarity of dark tourism is that the more negative the image is (the extent of conflict, damage, casualties), the more attractive the destination becomes for ‘dark tourists’ (Foley & Lennon, 1996, p. 198).⁵ Dark tourism site managers and product developers should be aware of the likelihood that prior knowledge from the media and the inverted logic of the image are a vital component of the visit.

4.2 Memory from the Media Perspective

As already mentioned in this research, events related to death – in spite of the general marginalisation/negligence of the dead body and death itself

– usually offer a good news story. Journalists/the media search for stories related to memory, especially when people need help with recovering from past traumatic events, i.e. in the case of the news of war, crime, terror, and natural disaster (Zelizer, 2008a, p. 383).⁶ This way the mass media generate empathy through the production and dissemination of memory, which represents an imaginary temporal bridge that connects or separates people from the traumatic past. Thus, individuals can have an intimate relationship with the memories of past events which they did not personally experience (Landsberg, 2003, p. 148); the author – see also Sturken (2008, p. 75) – marked such circulation of memories in mass culture as a ‘prosthetic memory’ (‘the corrupted mirror of the authentic memory’). It is in some way worrying how mass/popular culture and mass media can co-opt memories and reconfigure histories into entertainment (Sturken, 2008, p. 75); Zelizer (2008a, p. 381) – in accordance ⁵ This applies in particular to the situation immediately after the conflict.

⁶ According to Wertsch (2002), story or narrative within this study is perceived as a tool for transfer/dissemination of certain images of the historical events.

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Media Perspective on Dark Tourism and Memory with some authors – claims that rewriting, revisiting old events, commemorative or anniversary journalism, and even investigations of seemingly historical events and happenings are regular practices in the news-making process. On the other hand, if the story tries to be neutral or simplistic, it will not get people’s attention (Winter, 2006, p. 220). Consequently, national stories use binary symbols (and images) (Winter, 2006, pp. 220–221) to show a contrast and a distinction between good and bad.

This approach is prone to the simplified perception of the past in order to promote concrete present-day views. The above-mentioned binarity exhibits two major patterns in stories about wars – glorification (of heroes) and victimisation – usually used to ‘avoid historical responsibilities and muffle the discussion of the more problematic parts of national history’

(Lehti et al., 2008, pp. 411–412). Similarly, Wertsch (2002, p. 95) also identified these binary interpretations of the past marked by ‘heroes’ (self) and ‘enemies’ (other side, aliens), which is not compatible with neutrality; broadcasted events use aesthetic and dramatic methods intended to guarantee the audience’s attention (Ebbrecht, 2007, p. 225). In addition, Wertsch (2002, p. 95) also claims that stories cannot necessarily be objective, neutral and truthful. All these characteristics can be ascribed to the

‘prosthetic memory’ as well. According to Landsberg (2003, p. 149), this is not authentic or natural, but rather derived from an engagement with mediated representations, i.e. seeing a film, visiting a museum, watching a television show, using a c d-ro m. Furthermore, the author (2003, p.

158) mentioned cyberspace/the Internet, where prosthetic memory is co-created and can be also misused. However, prosthetic memory is not the focus of this study.

The natural role of the media is to prevent people from being robbed of their memories⁷ – past events are thus not so much subject to social or historical amnesia (Lury, 2004, p. 184), unless it is intentional ( damnatio memoriae).⁸ In addition, the media determines which special occasions for remembrance and elaborations deserve to be addressed/presented. It is also important to consider which media have a chance of being socially accepted when reporting on memory/remembrance: ‘which media from the wide spectrum of available technologies are used for socially relevant occasions for remembrance, which forms of elaborations of remem-

⁷ Especially collective memory.

⁸ It is difficult to preserve the memory of historical events that were not also promoted by the media; media can even silence and erase past events (Širok, 2009, p. 31).

64

4.2 Memory from the Media Perspective brance they allow, which are realized, how they are received and used, etc.’

(Zierold, 2008, p. 404). Influential individuals or groups, creating emotional links with their own identity, can thus promote their version of the past. This is especially sensitive from the point of view of peaceful relations between the majority and minority (Ehala, 2014, pp. 98–99). The media are actively involved in such social processes.

The legitimate questions are who has the power to control the media and how politics manipulate public memory; the topics are transmitted from the media to political and public debates (Hoskins, 2001; Širok, 2009, pp. 31, 52). Authorities try to control/guide media at the time of conflicts/wars (Katz & Liebes, 2007, pp. 162–163), which apparently continues in the post-conflict period – see also Benčić (2016) for a memory aspect.

In such circumstances, individual/personal memories are connected with the memories suggested in the master narrative (Melchior & Visser, 2011, p. 35), which is linked to the national/state identity transferred between generations, individuals and different groups in society (Gruzina, 2011, p.

404). Nevertheless, some groups are excluded from the common memory (master narrative) due to some social or political reasons (Ahonen, 2001, p. 190). Such social heterogeneity with an alternative or counter-narrative to the existing master narrative (Burke, 2010, p. 108) triggers the tension between groups/communities and impedes mutual communication (Ehala, 2014, p. 100). In such an ‘infected environment’ the media can contribute to overcoming or escalating conflicts, which indicates their often overlooked importance. Marx Knoetze and Dhoest (2016, p.

267) claim that public broadcasting, as the state’s platform for communication in the case of conflicts, usually represents some one-sided bi-ased views (different ethnic or social minorities are ignored; see also Ehala, 2014, pp. 98–99). Such attitudes can be ascribed to other media as well.

Anniversaries are of special importance and interest. Memories, according to Ehala (2014, p. 98), can thus exist in forms of narratives/stories and are exercised through commemoration events. With their ritual performance, such events become a kind of substitution of the historical experience. They attract public as well as media attention, which offers a chance to fulfil the demand for news (Ebbrecht, 2007, p. 223). This is in line with Dayan and Katz (1992), and Katz and Liebes (2007), who defined the so-called media events, which are ‘public ceremonies, deemed historic, and broadcast live on television;’ broadcasts of anniversary events (ceremonies), using a set of available channels, reach a numerous domes-65

Media Perspective on Dark Tourism and Memory tic and international audience. Television, for example, has thus became one of the most important memory agents, and the co-creator of social memory, which applies to new technologies as well (channels/networks have become dense and spread) (Assmann, 2011, p. 202; Ebbrecht, 2007, pp. 221–222); it has also become an important archive of historical images that create a collective image of historical events, a stereotyped symbol of past events and collectively shared version of history (Ebbrecht, 2007, p.

222; Hoskins, 2001, p. 341) and a manipulator of memory (Hoskins, 2001, p. 336). Van Dijck (2010, p. 271) attributes this to the media in general, while Kitsch (2008) attributes it to journalism. ‘Anniversary journalism,’

including the related broadcasts, consists of canonised historical narrative templates, rituals, and myths, which impact the ‘mnemonic synchro-nisation of particular communities;’ such journalism connects common national and cultural feelings (Harro-Loit & Kõresaar, 2010, pp. 324–325, 337). In this context, commemorations, in addition to historical analogies and historical contexts, are the main elements used by journalists to connect the present times with the past (Edy, 1999). In connection with this, the journalistic projects should have some kind of engagement with the past (Zelizer, 2008a, p. 384). In other words, the media, as an important operator of the transmission process, co-create a collective memory (Ebbrecht, 2007, p. 222; Pavlaković & Perak, 2017, p. 301); they can be marked as a memory agent between past (tragic) events, present day event organisers and audiences/people with their own preferences. Similarly, Zelizer (2008b) claims that this renders journalism a key memory agent. However, both journalists themselves and scholars find this difficult to accept. Let us take a look at Zelizer’s (2008a) views or arguments on this topic:

• regarding the journalists’ perceptions of their work, it should be pointed out that they appear to be a stakeholder ill-suited to offer an independent tracking/explaining of past events. On the other hand, they can provide a first draft of the past (historical events), while the final ‘judgments’ must be explained by historians (p. 379);

• a frequent orientation towards the simplification, recounting without context, minimisation of subtle differences and the twilight zones of a phenomenon all limit the media coverage associated with the past. In accordance with the constant reverence for truth and reality, singular characteristics of memory work should always be considered: ‘its processual nature, unpredictability, partiality, us-66

4.2 Memory from the Media Perspective ability, simultaneous particularity and universality, and materiality’

(p. 382);⁹

• dealing with the past helps journalists understand the present. This way, journalists create connections, inferences, news pegs, analogies, and short-hand explanations, and act as yardsticks for gaug-ing an event’s magnitude and impact (p. 380). Journalists (media), therefore, have an important role in making and keeping memory alive, although they act as amateur historians and sleuths of the past.

Consequently, collective memory offers a better framework through which to consider journalism compared to history (p. 381). Journalism (media) functions as one of society’s main institutions of recording and remembering in present times, which means that its understanding, how and why it remembers as well as the ways that it does, are important social issues (p. 386).

In addition, Zierold (2008, p. 403) differentiates between two groups of media dimensions:

• the material dimension consists of semiotic instruments of communication (e.g. language, images, or sounds), media technologies (e.g.

print, radio, television, or internet), and media offers for remembrance (e.g. thematic newspaper articles, t v shows, and thematic internet sites);

• the social dimension consists of at least the production and distribution of a media offer as well as the reception and use of the media offer. The reception and use of media offers, especially, are not socially homogenous.

There are many interesting examples indicating media-memory relationships, including the multidimensionality of this relationship. Thus, a n z ac Day,¹⁰ as a consequence of vast investments of governments, institutions, corporations, commercial entities, media and community groups in online presentations (content), offers an integration of the physical and the Internet experiences (Sear, 2017, pp. 70–76). Similarly, the American September 11 is also remembered due to the frequent occurrence of the date in the media and stories written about it, which are then linked to the emotions of traumatic events experienced by the peo-

⁹ See also Kitch (2002, p. 61) and Edy (1999).

¹⁰ On April 25, Australians and New Zealanders annually commemorate their victims of w w i as well as of other conflicts and peacekeeping operations.

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Media Perspective on Dark Tourism and Memory ple themselves (Širok, 2009, p. 37; Stone, 2009). Pavlaković (2016) highlighted how collective memories (particularly of w w i i and the post-war period) were abused (manipulated by the media) and oriented through increasing disagreements between Croats and Serbs in the late 1980s and 1990s; in this context, the Jasenovac concentration camp was completely politicised. Širok (2009; 2012), furthermore, points out how interesting people still find w w i i, as well as the fascist and post-war violence on today’s Italian-Slovenian border area. A concrete example from the Upper Adriatic is the commemorations of the Italian Il Giorno del ricordo, which is mentioned in this study several times. It is discussed in the Istrian newspapers every year in February as well. In 2020, the Croatian Glas Istre tried to explain the (post-)w w i i situation mainly based on a black-and-white principle, where no special empathy or reverence were expressed towards the victims (Angeleski, 2020). A completely different example was that of the La Voce del Popolo, where the Italian victims and other victims of post-war revolutionary violence were very sensitively displayed in six articles. However, the time of fascism, which had previously seen violent confrontations with Slavs and anti-fascists in Istria, was almost completely neglected.

Many authors who discussed different perspectives of the media’s creation of social reality were pointed out already in sub-chapter 1.1 ‘Background and Rationale for the Study,’ i.e. Gamson et al. (1992, p. 385), Čr-pić and Mataušić (1998, p. 673), Edy (1999), Kitch (2002; 2008), Nišić and Plavšić (2014, p. 74), Pavlaković and Perak (2017, p. 301), and Mustapić and Balabanić (2018, p. 439). Their claims are also relevant for the media-memory relation, just as the claims of Simone-Charteris et al. (2018) are relevant for the dark tourism-media relations. In conclusion, Katz and Liebes (2007, p. 163) emphasised some extremely relevant factors related to the establishments’ and media’s control over the public events: ‘integrative versus disruptive character of each type of event, and the factor of preplanning versus surprise, lurks the question of control, of who is in charge.’

4.3 Chapter Conclusion

The ‘media environment’ as described by Napoli (2010), despite its obvious weaknesses, offers a relevant perspective for the investigation of memory and the related dark tourism; see also Le et al. (2021). The specific, media-created social reality – as an output of processes performed within the ‘media environment’ – evidently reflects the actual social re-68

4.3 Chapter Conclusion

ality, although some of these reflections can be customised to a special audience, policy, culture, etc. Many authors, e.g. Anderson (1995), Merrin (1999), Mckercher and Chan (2005), Trauer (2006), Walter (2009, p.

44), Lennon and Foley (2000), and Sharpley (2009), highlighted different perspectives of the media and dark tourism connections. On the other hand, many authors discussed memory-media relations in a similar manner, e.g. Landsberg (2003), Lehti et al. (2008), Wertsch (2002), Edy (1999), Ehala (2014), Ebbrecht (2007), Assmann (2011), Harro-Loit and Kõresaar (2010), and Pavlaković and Perak (2017), where the media co-create a collective memory (Ebbrecht, 2007, p. 222; Pavlaković & Perak, 2017, p.

301). This shows how relevant it is to investigate such topics and relations in both cases. The Upper Adriatic examples mentioned in previous subchapters also explain their topicality. This is even more important, because the residents of Croatia, for example, regard the media as the main source of information, especially television and newspapers, but, paradoxically, have low confidence in them.¹¹ In this situation, the media is not perceived as a mirror of society. Nevertheless, people emphasise their power in creating a media social reality (Nikodem & Valković, 2011, pp.

810–812). Baloban et al. (2019, pp. 32–34) pointed out the same findings at the national level, where the data for Istria and Primorje-Gorski Kotar County do not deviate at all.

Based on the media-related perspectives and other topics discussed in this chapter, and on the objectives and purpose of this study, the following conclusions and directions were developed:

• as the journalism (media) function is one of society’s main institutions of recording and remembering past and present time, ‘anniversary journalism’ will be considered in this study. Anniversaries (history-centric memorial practices), with their ritual performance, attract public and media attention. The related prosthetic memory, which is the media technology-dependent unexperienced memory (only reproduced/replicated), will be intentionally ignored;

• only the material dimension of the ‘media environment’ will be considered: (a) media technologies (internet) and (b) the media offer for remembrance (thematic newspaper articles). Television, with its significant impact on new memory – see Hoskins (2001, pp. 334–341) –, will not be considered;

¹¹ See also Čuvalo (2010).

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Media Perspective on Dark Tourism and Memory

• according to Širok (2009, p. 31), certain events that are irrelevant to the collective memory and that do not fit into broader historical contexts, are not initially integrated into the media nor in historical narratives. Such events are also not commercially interesting in terms of tourism – see Light (2017, pp. 278–279) and sub-chapter 2.2

‘Dark Tourism Typology’ – so they will be intentionally ignored;

• manipulations and politicisation are pointed out similarly as in subchapter 3.4 ‘Chapter Conclusion.’ How can this coexist in a multicultural society, where the above-mentioned binarity is even more complicated than in a homogeneous society?

Questionable media objectivity, neutrality, truthfulness (Wertsch, 2002, p. 95) and credibility (Metzger et al., 2003) call for carefulness in the investigation and interpretation of results. Results represent a media-constructed reality. In spite of that, the growing importance and impact of the media on modern humanity should not be ignored (especially when online content is considered).

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Trans-Border Region of Istria

5

From the physical geography point of view, the Istrian peninsula is a territory extending south of the imaginary line linking Muggia (in the Gulf of Trieste in Italy) to Preluka (the bay between Opatija and Rijeka in Croatia); the triangular- or heart-shaped peninsula is the largest peninsula in the Adriatic. This is the area of contrasts, where the coastal part is Mediterranean, while the hinterland/inland is continental. Istria is a land of bays, coves, cliffs (on the northern part), and small islands; Istria has a karst terrain with deposits of flysch and ground water, caves and abysses as well as rivers such as Mirna, Dragonja and Raša; the Istrian soil is red, ‘white’ or grey, and allows the cultivation of vegetables and fruits. As early as 1851, Rieger (1977) traced the entire western coast of Istria with great precision (view from a steamboat), displaying all its natural and settlement characteristics; Yriarte (1883) described the natural and cultural-geographic characteristics of the peninsula three decades later.¹ This aspect is more relevant for our topic and therefore, it will be further analysed.

Generally, Istria was known throughout history as a poor (underdeveloped) region (Knez, 2010; Marsetič, 2014; Stradner, 1903; Vinci, 2012) and dangerous (in terms of physical security) for its residents and travellers (Kavrečič, 2015). With the constant spreading of infectious diseases before w w i (Marsetič, 2014; Radošević, 2015; Škrobonja, 2010; Železnik, 2010; 2013), as well as in the era of the Kingdom of Italy (Radošević, 2012; 2015; Škrobonja, 2010; Vinci, 2012), Istria was not given a very promising image. These difficult living conditions strongly affected the demographic picture of the region, constantly influenced by all kinds of migrations.²

On the other hand, in the second half of the 19th century, the regional and central authorities strongly supported the development of tourism in the Upper Adriatic, intended primarily for the wealthy classes (Baskar, 2010; Kavrečič, 2014; 2015; Šuligoj, 2015b), which sounds paradoxical.

The strategic importance of Pula as well as some other cities with their economic activities, including tourism, undoubtedly contributed to the construction of a transport infrastructure, which: ¹ More about Istria from the geographic perspective can be found in Blažević (1984).

² More about migrations in Istria can be found in Žerjavić (1993), Klemenčić et al. (1993), Ballinger (2002), Nejašmić (2014) or Šarić (2015).

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Trans-Border Region of Istria

• linked the Istrian south with Trieste and Wien by rail (Baskar, 2010, p. 11; Kavrečič, 2007; 2014, p. 52; Šuligoj, 2015a, p. 31). Some towns from Trieste to Poreč were linked by the narrow-gauge railway Parenzana (Roselli, 2002; Šuligoj & Medarić, 2015);

• connected Istrian coastal cities by the sea with Trieste and other port cities in the Adriatic and the Mediterranean (Čučić, 2006; Lamut, 2013; Šuligoj & Medarić, 2015; Yriarte, 1883);

• enabled, at the time of the Italian authority, the establishment of air links among cities of the Upper Adriatic and with Zadar, Ancona, Pavia, Torino, and Genova. Flights were carried out by S.I.S.A ( Societa Italiana Servizi Aeronautici) and the airplanes of Karl Kupelwieser (Gombač & Brezovec, 2007; Lamarche, 1929; Šuligoj & Medarić, 2015, p. 57–59).

These findings show that travelling in the south-north direction and then towards central Europe and the Mediterranean is therefore a historically important route for Istrians (Figure 5.1). Political and natural physical barriers have contributed to poor transport links to the central parts of Slovenia and Croatia – see also Raos (2014, p. 36). It is necessary to highlight that connections of the northern part of the peninsula with the continent (the direction Koper–Ljubljana) have greatly improved since

1991.³

5.1 Region of Istria: A Political Geography Perspective The Upper Adriatic is the northernmost region of the Mediterranean Sea,⁴ which was, according to Žerjavić (1993, p. 632) and Ashbrook (2006, pp. 3–4),⁵ a geostrategic concern for the empires and nation-states in the neighbourhood:⁶ the Habsburg Monarchy until 1918, Italy (officially from 1920 to 1943),⁷ the Second Yugoslavia⁸ until 1991, and then its legal succes-

³ More about transport links in the trans-border region of Istria can be found in Koncept prostornog razvoja Istre (Zavod za prostorno uređenje Istarske županije, 2016).

⁴ Also called the Northern Adriatic region.

⁵ More can be found in Marcks et al. (2016), Violante (2009), or Reverdito (2009).

⁶ The changing geopolitical situation within the Europe of the 20th century is described in Janicki (2009).

⁷ Their imperialistic preferences/desires have gone beyond this period and have been directed to the domination of the entire Adriatic.

⁸ The successor state to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (The First Yugoslavia), existed under various names, including the Democratic Federation of Yugoslavia (1943–1945), the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia (1946–1963) and the Socialist Federal Republic of 72



5.1 Region of Istria: A Political Geography Perspective Figure 5.1

Transport Connections

in Istria in 1938 ( Portorose,

Thermen-Strandbäder, n.d.)

sors. However, the problem of cataloguing this space, geographically and historically, which does not have exact borders and no longer has political and administrative unity, is very clear. Space that is divided into several geographic parts, i.e. Trieste, Gorizia, the Slovenian and Croatian part of Istria, and Kvarner, had different denominations – always dependent on the authority (D’Alessio, 2006, p. 18; 2012b, p. 56; Marcks et al., 2016, pp.

12–13). Additional confusion was caused by Slovenians who, after w w i i, began calling their own part of the peninsula Obala (Coast) or Južna Primorska (South Primorska region)⁹ as a substitute for the historical name, Istria; the people remained Istrians (Baskar, 2002; Kerma & Plesec, 2001).

Yugoslavia (1963–1991/1992), which broke up with democratic changes, Slovenian and Croatian declarations of independence, and the subsequent ‘Yugoslav wars’ (1991–2001).

⁹ Terms like Koprsko primorje, Slovensko primorje, and Primorje, as well as Šavrinija, could be the successors of the Austrian Littoral ( Avstrijsko primorje, Österreichisches Küstenland). Baskar (2002) is particularly critical of Slovenian geographers, who used a series of denominations, not always with clear backgrounds.

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Trans-Border Region of Istria

Crossing administrative, cultural and linguistic borders and shifting from one identification to another, demands a lot of flexibility in being able to live with them as well as to use them (D’Alessio, 2006, p. 18; 2012b, p. 56).

This is essential for the regional prosperity, ‘competitiveness and position[ing] themselves in the growing Europe’ (Marcks et al., 2016). Consequently, according to Bufon’s (2008b, p. 47) description, Istria could be classified into a Central-European trans-border group of regions as a special trans-border spatial system, well described by the above-mentioned indications.

The Istrian peninsula is an area of contrasts not only from the physical geographic aspects, but from the cultural aspect as well. D’Alessio

(2006)¹⁰ found the first significant divergences in Istrian society in the middle of the 1840s and during the 1870s, when a local political contest was initiated; the political and ideological contest was undertaken by the Italian Risorgimento and the Croatian Narodni Preporod (National Rebirth in both cases). Collaboration with Istrian Slovenes in this fight was demonstrated by the common political party called The Croatian-Slovenian People’s Party ( Hrvatsko-slovenska narodna stranka), or by the n g o called The Society of Sts. Cyril and Methodius for Istria ( Družba sv. Ćirila i Metoda za Istru; Ciril-Metodova družba za Istro) – see also D’Alessio (2006, p. 34), Klaić (2014, 2015), Žerjav and Beltram (2017, pp.

68–69) and Šetić (2008). Many other organisations important for the cultural, economic and political functioning of the Slavic population in Istria are identified by Žerjav and Beltram (2017). However, Klaić (2014) identified some differences between Slovenian and Croatian views, which were marginalised due to the common struggle against Italian irredentism.

The Italian part (especially politicians and intellectuals) expressed the need to preserve and strengthen the role of the Latin and Roman legacies and diminish the Slavic cultural traces in the region’s past, which made interethnic relations more difficult.¹¹ After wwi and the annexation of Istria to Italy, especially after Mussolini seized power in 1922, this turned into state repression in order to facilitate assimilation and denationali-sation of Croats and Slovenes. Numbers show that these measures were not completely successful¹² – see Scotti (2008), D’Alessio (2006) and Mat-

¹⁰ See also Ashbrook (2006); Klaić (2014; 2015).

¹¹ Šetić (2008, p. 106), according to Bertoša, identified economic, political, cultural and mental dimensions of the crack among the Istrian nations.

¹² For example: a number of surviving Slavs, a number of Italian and non-Italian cultural 74

5.1 Region of Istria: A Political Geography Perspective tossi and Krasna (1998) – but they have left deep and ineradicable traces in Istrian society. After an extremely dynamic history, including all the conflicts of the 20th century, Istria remains deeply subjected to Central European, Roman and Balkan influences (Cocco, 2010; Raos, 2014, p. 36; Urošević, 2012, pp. 95–96; Iveković Martinis & Sujoldžić, 2021).

From the geographical aspect, Istria is on the periphery of the countries which it belongs to today (including their predecessors). On the other hand, when it comes to the Slovenian part of Istria, Pelc (2009, p. 121) claims that the area between Trieste and Koper is a typical non-peripheral region (located between two centres, Trieste with an important historical role, and Koper), while the area toward the Croatian border is also not understood as marginalised, although, according to some trends, it will/could be faced with marginalisation in the future. The peripherality of Croatian Istria is a political rather than economic and cultural issue (Banovac et al., 2014, p. 463). Nevertheless, municipalities in Slovenian Istria are among the above-averagely developed municipalities in Slovenia, which does not apply to border municipalities in Croatia in relation to other Croatian municipalities (Pipan, 2007, pp. 226–227). On the other hand, indicators of economic development of the North-Eastern Adriatic region are higher than the national average of their respective state (Marcks et al., 2016, pp. 13–16).

The often-changed state borders in the region in the 19th and 20th centuries¹³ were semantically constructed as a cultural dividing line between Latins and Slavs or Italo-fascists and Slav Communists, or the Democratic West and the Communist East, which was the cause and consequence of transnational conflicts (Bufon, 2008a; Kosmač, 2017, p. 2; Miklavcic, 2008, p. 442; Purini, 2012; Thomassen, 2006, pp. 156–157). Good past interethnic relations between Slovenians and Croatians definitely had a positive influence on (border) historiography, while the Slav-Italian relations had a completely different impact (Strčić, 2011, p. 17). The recent history of the Slovenian-Croatian border is labelled with politicisation, including all the negative meanings of this phenomenon (Rožac-Darovec, 2015; Strčić, 2011, p. 27). The same applies to the Slovenian-Italian border, where national borders were present and mostly ideologically and politically marked (Pelikan, 2012, p. 282; Verginella, 2009b; 2010). One nation or educational institutions, n g o s, etc. All of them are actually the ‘survival seeds’ of the post-w w i i multicultural Istrian society.

¹³ More can be found in Bufon (2008b; 2008c).

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Trans-Border Region of Istria

in the region – Italians – felt and behaved as a culturally superior nation for centuries, which triggered discomfort and resistance among the Slavs (Ashbrook, 2006; Orlić, 2012; Pirjevec, 2015; Rožac-Darovec, 2010; Rusinow, 1963a; Strčić, 2011; Verginella, 2009b; 2010; Yriarte, 1883).¹⁴ After wwii, the reversal of a sense of superiority occurred in the Yugoslav territory (Hrobat Virloget, 2015). Istria was, consequently, known as a region of conflicts, intolerance and lack of understanding (Ashbrook, 2006, p.

28; Orlić, 2012, p. 13; Šetić, 2008, p. 105).¹⁵ Cooperation and conflicts were, and still are, influenced by public opinion, which is linked in different ways to the interpretation of past events and memory (D’Alessio, 2012a).

The ‘Istrian-style memory’ depends on relations between Slavs and Italians, especially in the 20th century, and reflects the ways in which national memory has preserved and exploited. The territorial contestations between nations, though formally (legally) resolved, remain unresolved and unforgettable in the community memory (Wolff, 2006, p. 95). If we ignore the extreme right-wing movements and their nationalist views,¹⁶

we can, as an example, mention the movement Free Territory ( Territorio Libero, Svobodno Ozemlje),¹⁷ which problematises the abolition of the Free Territory of Trieste and the related agreements between Italy and Yugoslavia (Territorio Libero – Svobodno Ozemlje – Free Territory of Trieste, 2013). Interesting and simultaneously worrying, the present state borders therefore remain an open issue for some social groups and individuals.

Tunjić (2004, pp. 395–396) metaphorically describes the above-mentioned solutions (ideas) as ‘Intermediate Europe,’ which marks the formation of the region in the geopolitical interest area and the interweaving of the territorial borders of the wider functional territorial systems, usually in line with geopolitical relations/agreements among great powers. Accordingly, Pelc (2009, pp. 115–116) and Miklavcic (2008, pp. 442–

443) described an interesting transformation of the former Italo-Yugoslav border from one of the most conflicting¹⁸ to one of the most open bor-

¹⁴ This term had/has, primarily in fascist circles, a negative, even offensive meaning (Orlić, 2012, p. 16).

¹⁵ Rožac Darovec (2010, p. 224) claims that this applies to the whole Upper Adriatic.

¹⁶ More can be found in Pontiggia (2009), D’Alessio (2012a; 2012b) and many others.

¹⁷ The movement is an open, plural, internationally and democratically oriented group of people of the Upper Adriatic.

¹⁸ More can be found in D’Alessio (2012a) and Pirjevec (2015).

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5.1 Region of Istria: A Political Geography Perspective ders between countries with a different socio-political system. The first formal steps in regulating border issues after 1947 were made in 1955 and then in 1962 with Udine agreements, which gave residents of the Yugoslav (Koper, Izola, Piran, Buje, Umag and Novigrad were included in Istria) and Italian border municipalities special rights in cross-border mobility (Rolandi, 2015, p. 562; Šuligoj & Medarić, 2015, pp. 69–89; Šušmelj, 2005, pp. 311–314); the independent Slovenia and Croatia became the legal successors of this agreement on the ‘Yugoslav side.’

In December 2007, after Slovenia’s accession to the Schengen Area, the former Italo-Yugoslav border became merely some kind of administrative border within the e u. Completely opposite is the story of the border between Slovenia and Croatia, which was, until June 1991, only an administrative border, whereas after the proclamation of the independence of both countries, it became a (problematic) state border and wa, since December 2007, the external border of the Schengen Area. Thus, according to Rožac Darovec (2015, p. 494) and Zajc (2015, p. 507), the historical alliance of two Slavic nations was confronted with a dispute which was also based on the historical mythologisation of the border issue (pp. 501–

502). In 2023, Croatia became a member of the Schengen area, yet this did not formally resolve the border issue. However, Istria reflects good interethnic relationships between Slovenians and Croats, which are not better in any other border area and are completely different from the relationship between the political elites of both countries (Bufon, 2009b, pp.

466–467; Dukovski, 2011a, pp. 56–58; Reverdito, 2009; Rožac-Darovec, 2015; Zajc, 2015). Good relations are also highlighted by Bufon (2008d, pp. 178–185, 2009a, pp. 64, 76, 77; 2009b), who established that Slovenians along the border, for example, know the language of Croats and Italians very well. Hence, he identified the cross-border migration of residents in all directions, familial and interpersonal relations, and positive perception of the border, which must have a protective role and should not restrict cross-border social and economic exchange. In addition, Berdavs and Kerma’s (2009) research shows that the Italian-Slovenian border is more integrated in terms of functional factors (e.g. employment), while the Croatian-Slovenian one is more integrated in terms of social factors (e.g. personal ties). Interestingly, the border issue in Istria is one of the traditional political topics of the regional history.¹⁹ Additional elements con-

¹⁹ Generally speaking, historical borders existing for a long time become some kind of traces which often have a noticeable impact on the present territories/countries and their form 77





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stantly faced in the border areas like Istria, according to Bufon (2007, pp.

220–233), are inferiority and superiority, ethnocentrism and exclusion of difference, assimilation and acculturation. The latter was also perceived in the Slovenian-Italian border area in Istria by Zadel and Sedmak (2015, pp. 164–165) and Zadel (2016).²⁰ All the aforementioned elements have been affecting the demographic structure of society, which is certainly different from the rest of Slovenia and Croatia.

5.2 Istrian Identity

Today’s strong identification with the region, which is greater than in other parts of Slovenia and Croatia, is thus the result of the complex history, the geographical position on the Upper Adriatic at the junction of the Latin and Slavic world with open borders, the proximity to developed and democratic Western Europe, the remoteness from the Balkan hotspots and the relatively good economic standard. Consequently, the area is labelled with Istrian multi-ethnicity, multi-culturality, diversity and hybridity (Ashbrook, 2006; Baskar, 1999; Bufon, 2008a; Hrobat Virloget, 2015; Knez, 2010; Medica, 1998; Orlić, 2009; Raos, 2014; Rumiz, 1994; Šantić, 2000; Šuligoj, 2015a; Urošević, 2012; Žerjavić, 1993, p.

633),²¹ and with multilingualism and mixed practices, which identify people within their multilingual/multi-ethnic/multi-cultural setting (Skelin Horvat & Muhvić-Dimanovski, 2012; Urošević, 2012). Istria is thus more about identification rather than identity as a set of choices, which were made in the bi-ethnic/multi-ethnic communities, accompanied by constant processes of assimilation, linguistic socialisation and nationalisation²² (D’Alessio, 2006, pp. 18–19, 23). This process of fusion of identities and languages was already strongly evident in the past. Austrian national statistician von Czoernig (1857) – see also Stradner (1903, p. 22) – who did not forget about the Slovenian population in Istria, described the population of the region in the following manner:

There one can meet not only Croatised Serbs and Serbised Croats, but also Croatised Vlachs, and Italianised Croats, Croatised Italians, of ethnic and cultural differences, distribution of infrastructure and the level of economic development (Heffner & Solga, 2009, p. 138).

²⁰ See also Verginella (2009b).

²¹ See also in Nejašmić (2014, p. 412), Žerjavić (1993, p. 633), and Klemenčić et al. (1993, p.

613).

²² This does not refer to the action of a government taking control of a business or property.

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the one and the other immemorialised of their mother tongue, and in the end, a hybrid population of Italian clothing, Slavic costumes and Serbo-Italian language.

Von Czoernig (1857) did not identify a similar intertwining and intersecting of the different nationalities in other parts of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. In those circumstances, when conducting censuses of the population in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in some areas of today’s Slovenian-Croatian border, they found a completely different national structure of the residents each time (also diametrically opposite) (Darovec, 2011; Dukovski, 2011a, pp. 47–48; Žerjavić, 1993; Žitko, 2017, p.

40). These oscillations were described by Klemenčić et al. (1993, p. 622) as methodological anomalies of the census combined with unequal (previous) presentations of figures and political impacts. Darovec (2011, p. 141), in reference to Hobsbawn, claims that national affiliation is developed under the influence of the Centre’s policy.²³

A clear national identification of Istrian residents formally occurred just after 1991. ‘Istrianity’ as an autochthonous regional identity, which is not an ethnically homogenous concept, was identified (Ashbrook, 2005; Bufon, 2008c, p. 104; Cocco, 2009; 2010; Kerma & Plesec, 2001; Klemenčić et al., 1993; Medica, 1998, p. 32, 2011, p. 253; Šuran, 1993; Zadel, 2016, p. 355; Zadel & Sedmak, 2015).²⁴ Šuran (1993, p. 769) understands it as ‘the “weaker” identity or pluri-identity, which appears and is reaf-firmed in reality as the ethically stronger one,’ while Medica (1998; 2011, pp. 254–255) describes it as a heterogeneously interpreted phenomenon, which is still not sufficiently defined in the regionalist political sense. On the other hand, for the residents of Istria, ‘Istrianity’ is only a natural issue of existence and a sense of belonging to this area.²⁵ Unification of identity would be difficult and problematic since in the 20th century, the continual migration of nations had a strong influence on the ethnic/cultural structure of the region. It is an interesting question how, in such complex circumstances, a common identity can be developed at all.

‘Istrianity’ as a phenomenon was empirically (officially) confirmed in the population census, e.g. in 1991 (the last Yugoslav census) (Klemenčić et al., 1993, pp. 607–608). The results of the population census in 2011

²³ Much later, after wwii, people did change due to opportunistic reasons (Šarić, 2015).

²⁴ Medica (1998) has identified some of the main researchers of ‘Istrianity’ since the 18th century.

²⁵ More can be found in Medica (1998; 2011).

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(2013) still show, in the most explicit (numerical) way, the national heterogeneity of Istrian society – the most heterogeneous one found in Croa-

tia.²⁶ Interestingly, 25,491 Croatian residents expressed their Istrian nationality, which is, in addition to the Serbian and Bosniak one, by far the most frequent one in Croatia (Državni zavod za statistiku Republike Hrvatske, 2013, p. 13; Raos, 2014, p. 37); only here do Croats represent less than 75 of the total population of the County (Raos, 2014, p. 36). This multi-ethnicity and plurality is formally defined also in the Statute of the Istrian County (Raos, 2014, p. 38; Statut Istarske županije, 2009), which should not be ignored.

At the micro-regional level, Istria literally illustrates today’s e u motto,

‘United in diversity’ (Bufon, 2008b, p. 55; Medica, 1998), which is also evident in its historical capital Trieste as a cosmopolitan city with an idealised cultural diversity and ‘Europeanness’ on one side, and nationalism and competing memories of victimhood on the other (Miklavcic, 2008; Zhurzhenko, 2011). This rooted diversity/heterogeneity and complexity in Istria influenced social life, which is evident from (Medica, 2011, p.

261):

• the space where economic, cultural, and political elites have never been consistent;

• the biggest differences appeared within families;

• family relations (kinship connections) were very usefully used in the past migrations;

• continuous migration, interweaving, acculturation, assimilation, and integration are the characteristics of Istria;

• all individuals in social groups are connected into the network of the social memory;

• traditional life resists borders and divisions;

• the division of the region between the three countries.

Interestingly, there is no problem of interpersonal communication in everyday life in Istria,²⁷ since there is even a special regional lingua franca known as the Istro-Venetian dialect (Medica, 2011, pp. 252–253). The importance of preserving the language, especially in the Italian national ²⁶ Raos (2014) presents many other specifics.

²⁷ An interesting initiative is that, beside the Croatian and Italian languages as official languages, Bosnian as an optional additional language should be introduced into the primary and secondary schools of Pula as well (Petrović, 2018a).

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5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview community, but not only there, is also reflected in the thematic festival called Festival dell’Istroveneto in Buje. Italy and Croatia are also aware of its importance and financially support its implementation (Agenzia internationale stampa estero, 2018; Grad Buje – Città di Buie, 2018). This is also a sign that, regardless of all past unpleasant and conflicting situations, today many organisations of Italian emigrants ( esuli), the Italians who remained in Istria after w w i i ( rimasti), the Croatians and the Slovenians would like to foster intercultural dialogue and themes, which connect and do not divide the people of Istria (D’Alessio, 2012b, p. 66), even though some extremist and revanchist organisations resist it. Hrobat Virloget (2015, pp. 547–548) and Hrobat Virloget and Čebron Lipovec (2017, p. 66), however, find that communities still live separately (in the same space) and conflicts still arise at the moment when various memories meet each other. Nobody acknowledges either the concept of a victim on the ‘other side’ or the concept of an executioner on their ‘own side.’

Hence, the research of Urošević (2012) identifies a certain degree of intolerance and stereotypes about other cultural and minority communities, religious and cultural divisions, and the negative consequences of the last war in Croatia; an example is the graffiti with intolerant messages, which provoked the residents and the mayor of Pula in May 2018 (Ban, 2018).

This, however, points to the other side of the often-idealised Istrian society.

5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview When speaking of certain nations’ historiography, we can expect heterogenic interpretations of particular events, especially in relation to interpretations from the perspective of other nations (Hrstić, 2016, pp. 58–59).

This is also evident in the border area of the Upper Adriatic (Cogoy, 2009, p. 11; Pelikan, 2012; Verginella, 2010). According to Todorova, Verginella (2010, p. 212) claims that historians, especially those of the border areas, should avoid ethnocentric prejudices and thoughtful barriers and provide plurality – comparative historiography – which is not characteristic of the Upper Adriatic. Why do not either of the sides seriously/objectively investigate and interpret the pain, death, horror or sadness of the other side? Why are the victims of each side victims par excellence? The following chapters and sub-chapters will highlight the main events and milestones of the history of the 20th century, where some dissonant views and interpretations will be exposed. Therefore, we want to join those scholars who attempt to explain the society and history of the Upper Adriatic in a 81

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multidimensional way, e.g. D’Alessio (2012a), Verginella (2009a; 2009b), Scotti (2008), and Kacin-Wohinz (2001), not marked by reductionism or one-sidedness.

dy na m i c h i stor y of t h e 2 0 t h c e n t u r y: a qu e st i on of i n t e r pr etat i on

Unlike Slovenian historiography, the Croatian one is not so rich in w w irelated publications. For political and other reasons, w w i began to be of interest there in 1990, if we ignore publications from the period of the Independent State of Croatia ( Nezavisna Država Hrvatska), e.g. Pavičić (1943) and Bačić (1945); some authors even publish in Slovenia, where the attitude to this war was, and still is, obviously different (Herman Kaurić, 2015a; 2015b). In addition to these findings, Hrstić (2016, p. 59) ‘determines four main periods in the Croatian historiography of w w i, which correspond to the changes of the socio-political frameworks.’ This means that each dominant ideology affected the selection of topics for research (historiography was subjected to some kind of self-censorship), which indicates systematic damnatio memoriae. The hundredth anniversary of w w i and the related events certainly bring a change in relation to this war, which was, during the last two decades, in the shadow of w w i i or the Homeland War (Herman Kaurić, 2015b; Hrstić, 2016).²⁸

Public commemorations of w w i victims are not something new and have been a long-standing tradition starting immediately after the war –

see Kavrečič (2017) or Klabjan (2010). In the case of (contemporary) everyday narratives of Slovenians, Croats and Italians, w w i itself does not provoke the controversies and conflict so characteristic for anti-fascism and Tito’s army-related topics, including commemorations (Ballinger, 2002; Klabjan, 2010, pp. 401–402; Pavlaković & Perak, 2017). In the case of the so-called The Vichy syndrome, Confino (1997, pp. 1393–1394) describes (critically) a political memory based on the Vichy Republic and its impact on post-w w i i France – especially its use for political purposes.²⁹

This case describes the development of society after the conflict or change of regime, which can be seen today in the post-socialist East-European countries, including those of the former Yugoslavia.³⁰ Since the 1990s, ²⁸ Further research will show whether the change was (only) a casual enthusiasm on a significant anniversary.

²⁹ More about collective memory and history in France can be found in Nora (1984; 1989).

³⁰ Topics related to wwii and the post-war communist ideology are still present there.

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5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview the living memory related to the traumas of w w i i is even more distinctive here than in Eastern Europe.³¹ Generally, East-European historians must deal with the relation among living (individual) memories and the collective (cultural) memories that create and preserve the (non)national heritage and beliefs; they must continuously link historical facts and contemporary complex attitudes (Wolff, 2006, p. 115), where the principles of damnatio memoriae should not be neglected.

At the beginning of the 1990s and the disintegration of socialist Yugoslavia, similarly as in Eastern Europe, the monopoly over the interpretation of the past crumbled along with the political system, which created new explanations about w w i i and the post-war period and, consequently, new memorial and commemorative practices were implemented in Croatia (Pavlaković & Perak, 2017). Something similar, but to a much lesser extent, happened in Slovenia as well. Istria has not been excluded from these changes, although there do not seem to be radically different interpretations of Istrian history among Croatian scholars of the past and the present, in the cultural, social, political and economic sense. However, historians of younger generations, like Dukovski and D’Alessio, interpret regional history in the light of regional coexistence and cooperation (Ashbrook, 2006),³² which is in line with the modern approaches and concepts in examining the contact areas in Europe (Pelikan, 2012, p. 282; Verginella, 2010, p. 2012). In addition, scholars pointed out some research assumptions of the national-political historical paradigm, like

‘defining key controversial topics in which “national historiography” is included in each national discourse and where the interpretations are the most ideological and consequently controversial’ (Pelikan, 2012, p. 283; see also Verginella, 2010). This is extremely relevant for the case of the Upper Adriatic (including Istria) and the interpretation of the historical facts of this space.

t h e de v e l op m e n t of i st r ia i n t h e sha d ow of p u l a After the ruin of the La Serenissima in 1797, and finally with the Congress of Vienna in 1815, Istria was annexed to the Habsburg Monarchy. After ³¹ Katunarić (2010, p. 10) identified memory based on wwii (the Independent state of Croatia) and its impact on the 1990s conflicts in Croatia.

³² Works of American anthropologist Pamela Ballinger (2002; 2006) illuminate the postw w i i period in this cross-border area of the Upper Adriatic, predominantly from the perspective of the Italian people (one-sided). The same applies to Hrobat Virloget (2021).

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that, Vienna designated Pula as its primary military port, thereby transforming the settlement from an inconsequential and unpromising fishing village into one of Europe’s more renowned naval bases; no following authorities succeeded in upgrading these development policies (Marsetič, 2013, pp. 483–484; Perović, 2006, pp. 72–73, 78). Nevertheless, there was some uncertainty about the most convenient place for the headquarters of the Austrian military navy,³³ with Pula being proclaimed as the main military port ( Zentralkriegshafen) in 1853, and the first stone of the Arsenal ( K. u. K. See-Arsenal) being placed on 9 December 1856. A ceremonial event was organised in Pula, which was attended by the Emperor and his wife (Benussi, 1923, p. 84; Marcotti, 1899, p. 156; Marsetič, 2013, p. 485; Notizie storiche di Pola, 1876; Perović, 2006, pp. 85–88; Rastelli, 2010, pp. 212–

217; Urošević, 2003).³⁴ The Emperor also participated in the foundation stone laying ceremony for the Church of Our Lady of the Sea ( Mornarička crkva, Marinekirche, Chiesa della Marina) in 1891, which confirms the importance of the navy for the city also at the religious level. Consequently, Pula transformed into the biggest city of the peninsula, which until then was the city of Rovinj (Stradner, 1903, p. 131).

In addition to the fleet base, there were also air (seaplane)³⁵ and submarine centres (Milaković & Pocedić, 2015; Perović, 2006, p. 97). Accordingly, the Arsenal of Pula was also responsible for the construction of naval aviation (Mandić, 2006, pp. 195–201; Milaković & Pocedić, 2015).

The development of the airplane(s) was also interesting for journalists and the general public.³⁶ Military authorities significantly supported the development of the airport infrastructure ( K. u. K. See-Flug Arsenal) –

the biggest military aviation centre in the East Adriatic – as well as military aviation personnel trainings ( K.u.K. Schulflugstation Cosada).³⁷ In addition, a special military engineering service ( K. u. K. Genie Direction ³³ Candidate cities were Muggia/Trieste, Piran, Pula, Šibenik and Kotor, although Gobbo (2017) mentions only Trieste and Pula.

³⁴ There is a considerable mismatch about the time of the establishment of Pula as the centre of the navy and the beginning of works. Since this is not the key issue for this study, we only summarised and used the date most often stated in the acquired references.

³⁵ More about this can be found in Mandić (2009).

³⁶ Journalist Ambrosich was, according to the Croatian newspaper Naša sloga (Mandić, 2006, p. 196; ‘Pogled po Primorju: Puljsko-rovinjski kotar’, 1910, p. 1), due to his excessive curiosity and enthusiastic reporting, accused of spying and then imprisoned.

³⁷ More about this can be found in Mandić (2006), Marsetič (2013), or Milaković and Pocedić (2015).

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5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview zu Pola/K. u. K. Genie und Befestigungsbau direction zu Pola) was responsible for the construction of numerous facilities of vital maritime significance, such as shores, gates and a breakwater as well as the construction of a defence system, composed of fortifications and coastal batteries (Marsetič, 2013; Perović, 2006, p. 120). All these development activities led to a strong militarisation as well as the systematic urban planning and economic progress of Pula and the entire southern Istrian peninsula (Marsetič, 2013).

The liberal orientation of the Austro-Hungarian administration and society was reflected in legal prostitution that was carried out in broth-els ( bludilišta), inns and cafes as well as in the hotels Bologna, Milano, All’Istria, Trieste, Centrale and Riviera; licensed prostitutes as well as illegal ones, who came from Istria and other counties, were affectionately called nocturnal butterflies ( farfalline notturne) (Dukovski, 2006, pp. 23–

24; Mohorović, 2017).³⁸ In addition to the rest of the entertainment, Pula was also extremely advanced (or decadent, hedonistic, epicurean, profli-gate) in the field of cinema, including an abundant supply of films with erotic and pornographic content (Kalčić, 2016); a wide range of serious cultural content was also available to the public, which greatly affected the quality of life in the city.³⁹ These facts are interesting also because of their exceptionality, and it should be stated that the situation in Pula differed from the rest of the region by the presence of the army. The rural parts of the peninsula did not enjoy all this cultural and economic abundance and people there lived in poverty – see Knez (2010), Marsetič (2014) and Stradner (1903).

As mentioned before, Pula had good sea, air, rail and road links with other Istrian towns and Trieste (Perović, 2006, p. 145; Šuligoj & Medarić, 2015; Yriarte, 1883, pp. 118–120), which, after 1848/49, became the political and cultural centre for Istrian Croats and Slovenians (Žitko, 2011, p. 30); the city was particularly important for those from the North of the peninsula.⁴⁰ Cities in the northern part of the peninsula (Muggia, Isola, Piran) developed the processing industry (fish processing), ship-

³⁸ Trieste, which was among the most ‘famous’ cities for prostitution in the monarchy, was relatively close and the way of regulating this field was transferred from there to Pula –

more can be found in Dukovski (2016), Mohorović (2017) and Wingfield (2017).

³⁹ More can be found in Gortan-Carlin (2012).

⁴⁰ Consequently, both were estranged from ideas generated in the continental centres of both Slavic nations, in Zagreb and Ljubljana (Žitko, 2011, p. 30).

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building and transport,⁴¹ which also employed the largest share of the population – many people were also employed in Trieste; traditionally, salting and fishing, as well as agriculture in the hinterland, were also important (Žitko, 2017, pp. 53–55). From 1902 until 1935, Trieste and the North of Istria were linked by a narrow-gauge railway Parenzana (Roselli, 2002; Šuligoj & Medarić, 2015); the railway symbolically connected the various communities (nations) of the region. In the second half of the 19th century, tourism also began to play an increasingly important social and economic role. Upper Adriatic costal centres like Grado, Portorož and Opatija became among the most popular destinations of the mainly continental Austro-Hungarian Monarchy (Kavrečič, 2009; 2015; Šuligoj, 2015c; Šuligoj & Kavrečič, 2018). The beginning of the armed conflict with the Kingdom of Italy in 1915 halted the prosperity of the region.

w w i a n d pe r i od of t h e k i n g d o m of i ta ly The ghost of the war slid along the coast of western Istria before the beginning of the military conflict on the Soča/Isonzo front ( Soška fronta, Sočanska bojišnica). On 12 August 1914, a civil steamboat Baron Gautsch sank between Pula and Rovinj after entering the minefield of the Austro-Hungarian Navy, which was intended to defend the military port and the Imperial Navy against possible hostile attacks from the sea (Spirito, 2002).

From 1915, Pula was bombed 41 times by the Italian military aviation, during which the Maritime Museum in the Arsenal was also damaged (Mandić, 2006, pp. 210–212). The men of Istria were called up, while the rest of the population of Istria, especially in 1917, suffered from hunger, which, combined with diseases and dangerous living conditions, led to emigration (Herman Kaurić, 2015b, p. 14) – the first major migration wave in the 20th century caused by an armed conflict.⁴² When it seemed that in the late 1918 the period of peace finally came, two Italian commandos attacked the s m s Viribus Unitis ship, the pride of the Austro-Hungarian Navy, which had already been taken over by the new State of Serbs of Croats and Slovenes.⁴³ The ship was sunk at the Port of Pula on the night between 31 October and 1 November together with the crew and admiral Janko Vuković-Podkapelski (Marsetič, 2013, pp. 515–517; Perović, 2006, pp. 175, 177–178; Šetić, 2011b, p. 164). Thus, on a symbolic level, the war in ⁴¹ More can be found in Šuligoj and Medarić (2015) and Kavrečič (2007).

⁴² In this case it was just an evacuation to the other parts of the Empire.

⁴³ This provisional state carried out the authority for six days (Perović, 2006, p. 185).

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5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview Istria began and ended with the sinking of a ship. The Italian imperialist aspirations formally (at least temporarily) ended with the solution of the eastern border issue. According to the Treaty of Rapallo signed on 12

November 1920 in Rapallo (Italy), almost all the territory of the former Austrian Littoral, Zadar ( Zara) and some islands were annexed to Italy (Lipušček, 2012; Šuligoj, 2015a).⁴⁴

After the entry of the Italian army into Pula on 5 November 1918, the golden age of the Arsenal ended (Marsetič, 2013, p. 494). In 1923, the Arsenal was officially renamed Base navale di Pola and most of the activities were simply abolished (Regio Decreto 1426: L’Arsenale Militare Marittimo di Pola viene denominato Base Navale di Pola 1923, 1923; Marsetič, 2006a; 2006b). Pula’s economy radically changed and transformed: the naval base was reduced, the Arsenal was partly converted into a private shipyard, Cantiere Navale Scoglio Olivi, and some modest private and state industries, shipyards and workshops were opened. This partial demilitarisation had not particularly positively influenced the economic development of the city which, however, remained one of the major military ports of the Kingdom. Just before w w i i, it was strengthened significantly with submarine capacity. Consequently, all changes between the two world wars caused a great socio-economic crisis in the city and the region (Marsetič, 2006a; 2006b; Mrach, 1927; Notizie storiche di Pola, 1876, p. 13), which, together with the state fascist terror, led to an increased emigration of the Slavic population and the Italian anti-fascists (Dukovski, 1998; 2010; Hrobat Virloget & Čebron Lipovec, 2017, p. 47; Šetić, 2011b; Violante, 2009, p. 98; Žerjavić, 1993) – the second major migration wave in the 20th century marked by violence and damnatio memoriae. Systematic refinement was upgraded by the stimulated immigration of the loyal Italians from the Apennine Peninsula, which influenced the change in the national structure of the population in the Istrian province ( Provincia dell’Istria).⁴⁵

Public use of Slavic languages and cultural activities in the non-Italian language were prohibited. Slavic names and surnames as well as toponyms were Italianised; the regional, provincial and local authority was in Italian hands. Loyal members of the National Fascist Party ( Partito ⁴⁴ The annexation to Italy was completely in line with the Treaty of London (1915), a secret pact between the Triple Entente and the Kingdom of Italy. With the Treaty of Rome, the City of Rijeka was annexed to the Kingdom of Italy in 1924.

⁴⁵ See also Altin & Badurina (2017), Ballinger (2002), or Scotti (2008).

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Nazionale Fascista) acquired the most responsible functions (Burigo, 2005, p. 311; Cogoy, 2009; Dukovski, 1998; 2011a; Kacin-Wohinz, 1990; Miklavcic, 2008; Orlović, 2014a; 2014b; Scotti, 2008, pp. 26–27; Žerjavić, 1993). High-ranking fascist politician Giuseppe Cobol (1927, p. 805)⁴⁶

published in Gerachia, a fascist political magazine, that Slavic lawyers, who were dangerous to the state, should be removed from public life, as well as Slavic teachers from schools and Slavic priests from parishes.

The anti-Slavic atmosphere was thus observed even in the Seminary of Koper, and bishops were aware of it (Veraja, 2013, pp. 16–18). Moreover, fascists persecuted the clergy because of their work in the Slavic language, while immigrant loyal Italian priests were even financially remunerated for their ‘patriotic work’ (Grah, 2013, pp. 198–201, 207). Accordingly, radical changes occurred also in Catholic Church structures, where those of Italian origin and beliefs took positions, e.g. Antonio Santin, the new Archbishop of Koper and Trieste in 1938 (Scotti, 2008, p. 28; Škofija Koper,

n.d.),⁴⁷ and Rafaele Mario Radossi in 1941 in Poreč and Pula.

During the state violence in Istria, fascists began to implement fierce liquidations, including foibe massacres,⁴⁸ which are otherwise better known in a completely different context (Pirjevec et al., 2012; Pizzi, 1998; Scotti, 2008, pp. 34–38). The introduction of the foibe into the primary reading book (Pirjevec et al., 2012, p. 55; Scotti, 2008, p. 34) is a symp-

⁴⁶ He changed his name (or pseudonym) many times: he is also known as Giulio Italico or Cobolli Gigli.

⁴⁷ Some authors are rather critical of his attitude towards the Slavs, e.g. Pelikan (2000, p.

200), Gombač (2001); Trogrlić (2012) and Scotti (2008) also treat him as controversial, while Veraja (2013) is more benevolent to his ‘character and work’ (but still not without critical remarks).

⁴⁸ The Italian word infoibare means throwing into the abyss. In Italy and in the Upper Adriatic in general, the term foiba lost its geographical/geological meaning and illustrates a historical, tragic evocative resonance, which immediately recalls the memory of the dramatic events that occurred in the then Venezia Giulia between autumn 1943 and spring 1945 (this obviously does not entirely correspond to historical facts). A significant problem is the symbolic meaning of the term/buzzword, which in Italy (generally speaking) covers people who fell in combat or were shot, drowned or (simply) disappeared in the two waves of Slavic violence that occurred in w w i i and its aftermath (Burigo, 2005, p.

310). This, however, corresponds to the term of war and/or postwar fatalities. The Slovenian and Croatian interpretation in this context is much more straightforward and includes only those whose bodies (or their remains) were found in the abysses. This terminological heterogeneity (inconsistency or even manipulation) in meaning is problematic for the academic consideration, not to even mention political relations – see Burigo (2005, p. 316).

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5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview tomatic sign of the authorities at the time. In addition, Cobol (1919, p.

200) – see also in Scotti (2008, p. 34) and Pirjevec et al. (2012, p. 55)

– writes interesting doggerels in promotional/propaganda material (a travel guide) about Istria:

There is the Arena in Pula,

there is the foiba in Pazin:

they are thrown into that abyss

all those who are cheeky.

Who by their fantasies

will cross our path,

tell him clearly and loudly:

move away, move away.

These systematic state measures in the damnatio memoriae context were aimed at erasing the identity of the Slavic people. Thus, Slavic rebels as well as native local Italians of different political ideologies were persecuted by the fascists due to common work in an anti-fascist coalition movement (Ashbrook, 2006; Dukovski, 1998; Rusinow, 1963a; Scotti, 2008; Violante, 2009);⁴⁹ wartime Italo-Slavonic cooperation was a clear sign of the characteristic Istrian convivenza (Medica, 1998, p. 33). Consequently, a strong and organised anti-fascist resistance was formed, e.g.

the Slovenian-Croatian organisation t i g r( Trst, Istra, Gorica, Rijeka) as well as Italian organisations Italia libera and Giustizia e Libertà – all of which were illegal (Dukovski, 1998, 2009; Hančič & Podbersič, 2008, p.

41; Kacin-Wohinz, 1990). However, on the symbolic level, the arson of the Hotel Balkan, also known as the National Hall ( Narodni dom), in Trieste and the arson of the National Hall in Pula (both in the summer of 1920) were the culmination of the hostile attitude of the fascists toward Slavic people in the Upper Adriatic in the early 1920s (Dukovski, 2011a, p. 50; Hančič & Podbersič, 2008, p. 40; Kacin-Wohinz, 1990; Scotti, 2008, pp.

21–22; Radošević, 2021). During his visit to Pula on 20 September 1920

in the Ciscutti Theatre ( Teatro Ciscutti), Mussolini presented his attitude towards the eastern border and the non-Italian population (Redazione Contropiano, 2014; Pirjevec, 2015, p. 381; Scotti, 2008, p. 12): What is the story of Fascism? It is brilliant! We have burned the Avanti! in Milan, we destroyed it in Rome. We shot our opponents ⁴⁹ Socialists, communists, liberals, Christian-socialists, and the workers’ movement were originally included.

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in electoral struggles. We set fire to the Croatian house in Trieste, we set it on fire in Pula [. . .] In the face of a race like the Slavic, which is inferior and barbarous, one must not pursue the carrot, but the stick policy. The Italian borders should run across the Brenner Pass, Mt. Snežnik and the Dinaric Alps. The Dinarics, yes, those of the forgotten Dalmatia! [. . .] Our imperialism wants to reach the right boundaries marked by God and nature, and wants to expand into the Mediterranean. Enough with the poems. Enough with the evan-gelical rubbish.

The brutality of the fascist regime was also reflected in the innocent child victims killed or wounded on 12 March 1921 in Strunjan near Piran (Brate, 2007; Hrobat Virloget & Čebron Lipovec, 2017, p. 50). In the context of the then hostile ideology, it could be argued that Istria was on the path of Slavic deculturation and Italianisation ( damnatio memoriae), which means an unrelenting transformation of ‘barbaric Slavs’ into a culturally more developed society.

w w i i , l i b e r at i on a n d t h e c ol d wa r i n i st ria The resistance of Slovenians led to the first victims among the anti-fascists in Marezige in May 1921, who were the first casualties in Venezia Giulia (Kosmač, 2016, p. 803). Radošević (2021), on the other hand, pointed out that the first recorded armed conflict with fatalities was in fact the Battle of Vodnjan in January 1920.⁵⁰ The strike and resistance of the Labin miners led by Italian leftist/trade unionists (unofficially known as the Albona Republic, Labinska republika) and peasant national revolt in Šegotići ( Proštinska buna) (Krmac & Pletikosić, 2001) in the spring of 1921, should not be overlooked in this context as well. Resistance was escalating and transforming into a serious armed conflict with the fascist army on the entire Istrian peninsula. After the armistice of Italy in September 1943,⁵¹ Istria became part of a German Province under the name of Opera-tionszone Adriatisches Küstenland (The Operational Zone of the Adriatic Littoral).⁵² At that time – 13 and 26 September 1943 – Istrian representa-

⁵⁰ This was a conflict between Istrian leftists and the carabineers, the army and the fascists.

⁵¹ The term ‘capitulation’ is used uniformly in Slovenia and Croatia.

⁵² It was formed out of areas that previously belonged to fascist Italia: present-day Eastern Italy, Western and Central Slovenia, and North-West of Croatia. The capital of the zone was the city of Trieste. More can be found in Ferenc (1966) and Scotti (2008, pp. 82–90).

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5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview

Figure 5.2

The Historic Building in Pazin Where the Proclamation Took Place (photographed in 2020)

tives, led by the only politically active political party (communists),⁵³ proclaimed in Pazin (Figure 5.2) the unification with the homeland, which remained the political basis for all following strategic political decisions (Drndić, 1991; Šetić, 2008, p. 111) and later the annexation to Yugoslavia.

In addition, the regional Slavic clergy undoubtedly supported decisions of Istrian anti-fascists and thus (often) ignored official positions of Italian bishops of Pula/Poreč and Trieste (Ćurković Nimac et al., 2014; Pelikan, 2000; Trogrlić, 2008, p. 124; 2012).⁵⁴ The then secret anti-fascist actions of the Slavic clergy in Venezia Giulia (including Istria) are a unique phenomenon according to European criterion (Hančič & Podbersič, 2008, p. 41).

After the armistice of fascist Italy in 1943, complete chaos and an-archy reigned in Istria in September and October – Burigo (2005, p.

⁵³ See also Altin and Badurina (2017, p. 320).

⁵⁴ This fact was and still is frequently overlooked, forgotten or simply ignored by the state or local authorities. The anti-fascist operations of the Slavic clergy and their involvement in resolving the border issue, however, did not prevent the post-war Catholic Church marginalisation – see Veraja (2013), Ćurković Nimac et al. (2014) and Trogrlić (2008; 2012).

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314) described this vividly as a tumultuous peasant uprising (against the nazi-fascist regime).⁵⁵ After the liberation of Pazin (between 11 and 12

September), it became the centre of organisational, political and military administration in the Croatian part of Istria. The then anti-fascists persecuted the members of the failed fascist regime and other ‘enemies’

(especially class enemies, including the clergy, and not only Italians); many left to retreat back to Italy or join the Nazi forces or the liberation struggle in Istria. The arrests were followed by a brief interrogation, (extra-judicial/military) proceedings usually led by a Communist party delegate, confiscation and liquidation (often thrown in the foibe or mine shafts); procedures were not prescribed/standardised. Personal disagreements/disputes from the past were also resolved this way. Many times the procedures were carried out without any control (Burigo, 2005; Cogoy, 2009, p. 14; Pirjevec et al., 2012; Scotti, 2008, pp. 74–79, 147) and mostly in the case of the fascists, ‘convicts’ were taken directly to the execution site (Scotti, 2008, p. 148). On the basis of some Italian historians’ claims, Ashbrook (2006, p. 13) states that the executions in 1943 were spontaneous.⁵⁶

This violence aroused fear among residents, which consequently diminished confidence in the liberation struggle;⁵⁷ the leadership was aware of this. A lack of Croatian patriotism was also detected (Scotti, 2008).⁵⁸ Pure Croatian patriotism was manifested primarily by the so-called narodnjaci (exponents of traditional Croatian patriotism or nationalism)⁵⁹ in central Istria with a clear anti-Italian (Burigo, 2005, p. 313; Oblak Moscarda, 2016, p. 133),⁶⁰ and later also with an anti-partisan/anti-communist, orientation (Oblak Moscarda, 2016, pp. 51, 139–140; Veraja, 2013, p. 214); for some of ⁵⁵ It may sound offensive, but it is necessary to take into account that the quite underdeveloped rural area was populated by a majority Slavic rural population, which was less or uneducated, without organisational and military knowledge/skills. Educated people (in-voluntarily) emigrated earlier due to the fascist repression (Scotti, 2008); the exception were Catholic priests.

⁵⁶ Executions in 1945 (mainly outside of Istria) were more deliberate and organised by Tito’s army (Ashbrook, 2006).

⁵⁷ To avoid generalisations about collective guilt, Scotti (2008, pp. 204–209) cites names of some ‘partisans’ who carried out atrocities – calling them ‘criminals of the five-pointed star.’

⁵⁸ However, generalisation due to regional specificity is not completely appropriate.

⁵⁹ As a national movement, they have been fighting for national (Croatian) ideas since the 1830s, and this was/is often overlooked (especially during the socialist revolution).

⁶⁰ Operations of the communists were, in addition to the liberation struggle, more ideologically oriented and marked by cooperation with the Italian communists.

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5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview them, this was fatal.⁶¹ Those ultra-narodnjaci who sought to cooperate with the Nazis, as well as the Ustasha and Domobrani, were particularly problematic for the communists (Oblak Moscarda, 2016, p. 51). The evident internal division of Istrian society, where the struggle for liberation was developing together with the socialist revolution, in fact led to bellum omnium contra omnes.

The next phase was a large-scale offensive of German forces in the autumn of 1943 ( Operation Istrien);⁶² the nazi-fascist violence then lasted until the spring of 1945. Together with the vengeful fascist collaborators, they performed an actual massacre on the residents of Istria; the abovementioned executions were alleviated (not completely interrupted),⁶³ although the abysses ( foibe), for the purpose of execution, were also used by the nazi-fascists this time (Pirjevec et al., 2012; Scotti, 2008, pp. 82–96, 150; Verginella, 2009a, pp. 54–55, 61). During the German occupation, the allied military aircraft bombed the city of Pula; by the conclusion of w w i i, the city had been subjected to 23 bombings, resulting in the most extensive recorded damage to the city in the 20th century.⁶⁴ Human tragedy was marked also by the deportation of more than 20,000

Istrians to the nazi-fascist concentration camps, from which more than 5,000 never returned ( Istarsko povijesno društvo – Società Storica Istriana, 2018c; Jokić & Čudov, 1986, p. 417); 5,000 Istrian Partisan fighters did not survive w w i i (Jokić & Čudov, 1986, p. 417). Interestingly, armed forces, which contributed mostly to the establishment and economic development of Pula in its history, caused the imminent destruction of the city as well (Marsetič, 2006b, pp. 229–231; Spazzali, 2010)⁶⁵ – then for the second time in the same century.

Pula was the last liberated area on the Istrian peninsula on 8 May, with Koper being liberated on 30 April, and Cape Savudrija on 7 May

1945.⁶⁶ Paradoxically, the (Italian) battalion ‘Pino Budicin’ was to liberate ⁶¹ They even participated in the liberation struggle with the communists, but later, especially in 1946–1947, broke up and became their opponents (Oblak Moscarda, 2016, pp. 51, 139–140); more can be found in Oblak Moscarda (2016).

⁶² This bloody Rommel’s offensive in the autumn of 1943 particularly affected anti-fascists and Istrian society in general.

⁶³ More can be found in Oblak Moscarda (2016, pp. 56–60).

⁶⁴ More can be found in Marsetič (2004) and Dukovski (2001).

⁶⁵ Systematic dehumanisation was implemented as well.

⁶⁶ The liberation of Istria was a military action of the anti-nazi/fascist resistance movement led by the Yugoslav Partisans (see Dukovski, 2001; 2011b; Scotti and Giuricin, 1979).

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Pula; moreover, local Italian anti-fascists were, as partisans, equally included in the liberation of other Istrian cities, which clearly shows that not all Italians were oriented against the Slavs or supported fascism.⁶⁷

Slavic and Italian anti-fascists (often members of the Italian and Croatian Communist Party) were, however, not always concordant; relations were occasionally tense and some Italians were even executed ( foibe) because of their pro-Italian views, e.g. Giacomo Macillis and Lelio Zus-tovich, a trade unionist and a communist from Labin (Scotti, 2008, pp.

129, 140–146, 198).⁶⁸ As already mentioned, the violence of the foreign enemy, the liberation struggle, cross-national disagreements, the socialist revolution and similar disagreements thus caused complete confusion and death throughout Istria – see also Verginella (2009a).

The arrival of the Allied forces into Pula in June 1945 led to the division of the population into those who argued for the annexation to Italy (interpreted as a place of democracy and better life) or to Yugoslavia (interpreted as a place of communism/socialism and poverty), a division which was present also in other parts of the region. This resulted in the society facing violence,⁶⁹ which was further deepened by the poverty/famine and major accidents among the residents. On 12 January 1946, an explosives depot blew up in Valelunga, followed by other explosions. After those in Vargarola ( Vergarolla) in August 1946, pro-Italian forces launched a campaign to blame the ‘followers of Tito’ for a terrorist act and encouraged the Italian population towards emigration/exodus (Altin & Badurina, 2017; Dukovski, 2010; Kosmač, 2017).⁷⁰ A symbolic dimension of the exodus was the exhumation and transfer of irredentist and hero Nazario Sauro’s remains to Italy (see Kosmač, 2017, pp. 10–11); Figure 5.3 shows his former grave in the naval cemetery in Pula. In this post-war period, Istrian coastal towns represented strong centres of the Italian irreden-

⁶⁷ More can be found in Scotti and Giuricin (1979) and in Scotti (2008).

⁶⁸ Anti-fascists of Italian nationality were divided into those who fought for the liberation from nazi-fascism and those who fought together with the Slavs for joining Yugoslavia (Cogoy, 2009, p. 15).

⁶⁹ See also Ashbrook (2006) and Dukovski (2011b).

⁷⁰ According to Purini (2010, pp. 223–224), ethnic cleansing is the usual understanding of the exodus in Italy; the pro-Italian propaganda also calls it ‘national genocide’ or the ‘Julian holocaust;’ see also Cogoy (2009, pp. 16–17). In addition to the term foibe – see the previous sub-chapter – this is another terminological inconsistency or even manipulation, which causes social and political disagreements, and complicates investigations in the social sciences and humanities.

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5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview tism/centres of Italian identity (Kosmač, 2017; Sluga, 1999, p. 179). Executions of Italians (fascists and their followers, capitalists and possessors) by Tito’s army (Altin & Badurina, 2017; D’Alessio, 2012a; Radošević, 2010),⁷¹

caused additional disturbance. In addition to two Catholic priests who were executed by the new Yugoslav forces – Francesco Bonifacio (1946) and Miroslav Bulešić (1947) (Oblak Moscarda, 2016, pp. 162–163; Porečka i Pulska biskupija, 2018a; Trogrlić, 2008, p. 133) – many anti-communists and more democratically-oriented communists were also tortured and imprisoned (Oblak Moscarda, 2016). In the post-war period, as well as in subsequent years, the foibe issue became the subject of extensive Italian uncritical and one-sided (manipulative) political propaganda (Accati, 2009, pp. 185–187; Pirjevec et al., 2012; Scotti, 2008; Verginella, 2009a).⁷²

Hence, the unfriendly attitude toward believers and Catholic clerics was also evident, and the church was more and more marginalised (Grah, 2009, pp. 11–24; Trogrlić, 2014; Veraja, 2013, pp. 34–42).

Major disagreements in Istria between Italy and Yugoslavia in determining the state border were evident, and intelligence services and propaganda played an especially important role (Kosmač, 2017). With the Paris Peace Treaties signed in 1947, Italy had to cede the entire eastern Adriatic and most of Istria to Yugoslavia. The rest of the Istrian province (north of the River Mirna), as well as the province of Trieste, became a special sovereign State – the Free Territory of Trieste – under a provisional regime of the Government (Bufon, 2008c; 2009b; Dukovski, 2010; Kosmač, 2017; Rogoznica, 2011; Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of Amer-

⁷¹ D’Alessio (2012a) claims that this topic is abused and inflated. The number of civilian victims in the Upper Adriatic was lower than in other areas where Tito’s army operated.

The problem of heterogeneity of empirical data in relation to the number of emigrants is also highlighted by Hrobat Virloget (2015) and Šarić (2015).

⁷² Until the 1990s, the principle of silence prevailed in ‘Yugoslav Istria,’ but it was not completely different in Italy either, at least officially. In fact, serious discussions began after the democratisation and collapse of the Second Yugoslavia. The Italian political propaganda, political discussions, and litigations, as well as artistic creation (especially since the 1990s) is marked as a ‘culture of foibe’ by Pirjevec et al. (2012, pp. 234–241). The final report of the Slovene-Italian Historical and Cultural Commission – see Kacin-Wohinz (2001) – which linked the issue of the foibe to irredentism, fascism, war, nationalisms and communism, did not help stabilise the situation. However, less mythologisation is observed on the Slovenian and Croatian sides. Nevertheless, the already mentioned terminological differences related to fatalities as a reason for different interpretations – see Burigo (2005, p. 316) – should not be neglected.

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Figure 5.3

The Former Grave

of Nazario Sauro

ica, France, Australia, etc.: Treaty of Peace with Italy, 1950; Tunjić, 2004; Violante, 2009).⁷³ The border issue with Italy was resolved no earlier than in 1954 and finally confirmed with the Treaty of Osimo in 1975, p. Northern Istria, South of Muggia, was officially annexed to the then Yugoslavia ( Italy and Yugoslavia: Treaty on the Delimitation of the Frontier for the Part Not Indicated as Such in the Peace Treaty of 10 February 1947 (with Annexes, Exchanges of Letters and Final Act, 1987; Tunjić, 2004).

Istria in the Second Yugoslavia was divided between the two (socialist) republics, Slovenia and Croatia. By the end of the war and after all related tragic events, Istria began a new period of traumatic political, economic and demographic changes, where, however, the consequences of w w i i had to be overcame first. The new (totalitarian) political regime (social-

⁷³ See also Marsetič (2006a; 2006b) and Rogoznica (2005; 2011).

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5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview

ism),⁷⁴ the exodus of the Italians⁷⁵ – the third major migration wave in the 20th century caused by conflict – and the immigration of Slavic people from other Yugoslav republics,⁷⁶ significantly influenced the social and economic development – see also Purini (2012), Hrobat Virloget (2015), Šarić (2015) and Oblak Moscarda (2016).

In the wider context, the President of the Second Yugoslavia (Josip Broz Tito) was completely aware of the strategic position of Istria on the ‘sensitive’ western border of the federation, particularly in the early years of the Cold War (Ashbrook, 2006, p. 5). Interestingly, Rusinow (1963a), D’Alessio (2012a) and Pirjevec (2015) understood the defining of the Italian-Yugoslav border and the Trieste question as some kind of first battle of the Cold War, while Altin and Badurina (2017, p. 318) understand it as a local extension of w w i i. Thus, the constant militarisation of the Istrian peninsula during the Yugoslav period can be seen as a logical consequence of this situation. In accordance with the then applicable Yugoslav rules, including those at republic level, e.g. the Croatian national defence law of 1991 (Zakon o općenarodnoj obrani (pročišćeni tekst) 1990) and the Slovenian law on general people’s defence and social self-protection of 1982 (Zakon o splošni ljudski obrambi in družbeni samozaščiti 1982), Territorial Defence warehouses and other facilities were established in each municipality. They may have also been located in the Yugoslav people’s army’s military complexes, in police buildings and some working organisations (h f, 2015). In any case, the main Istrian military complexes of the Yugoslav people’s army (y pa) were based in Pula (also the centre of the Military-Maritime Sector) and Pazin. In total, more than 150 military facilities were located in Istria in 1991 (Majušević, 2012, p. 446). A particular peculiarity of Istria was the Brijuni Islands with Tito’s summer residence and, consequently, an increased presence of the police and intelligence services in this part of the peninsula.

⁷⁴ The study uses the term ‘totalitarian regime’ uniformly for all such regimes of the 20th century, although this may not always be entirely appropriate from the political science perspective. More about totalitarianism and authoritarianism in the Second Yugoslavia can be found in Flere (2012) and Vladisavljević (2008).

⁷⁵ Including political emigrants of Slavic origins – see Bufon (2009b, p. 460), Pipan (2007, pp. 226–227, 237), Purini (2012, p. 425) and Šarić (2015). Italians were members and followers of the fascist party and capitalists. According to Orlić (2012, pp. 20–21), in the Istrian example, nationality was not the main cause of migration.

⁷⁶ See also Žerjavić (1993), Klemenčić et al. (1993), Nejašmić (2014), Medica (2011, p. 250), Violante (2009) and Bufon (2008c).

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The economic situation improved considerably after the resolution of the first border disputes between Italy and the Second Yugoslavia in the first half of 1950s, although this was not quickly reflected in the payment of Istrian workers (Šarić, 2015, pp. 203–204). The post-war reconstruction of the infrastructure began immediately after the end of the war in 1945 (Šuligoj, 2015a, p. 31); the nationalisation of private property significantly marked the socio-economic development.⁷⁷ Besides the traditional industries such as shipbuilding (the Uljanik Shipyard in Pula and the Izola Shipyard), the coal mining industry (in Labin, Raša, Pot-pićan and Sečovlje),⁷⁸ fishing and the fishing industry in Rovinj and Izola, production of cement (in Koromačno, Pula and Umag), ports in Koper and Pula, agriculture (livestock breeding, viticulture, olive growing, fruit growing, vegetable production) and some other industrial activities, as well as tourism as a traditional service activity of the Istrian coast, were gaining in importance (Akilić, 2012; Blažević, 1984; Klemenčić et al., 1993, pp. 612; Šuligoj, 2015a, pp. 31–34; Žerjavić, 1993, p. 644).⁷⁹ The main Istrian tourist centres such as Portorož, Umag, Novigrad, Poreč, Rovinj, Pula with the Brijuni islands,⁸⁰ and Opatija (only geographically in Istria) achieved, especially during the summer months, an enviable number of tourist arrivals. Not to be ignored in the context of militarisation is the large y pa holiday complex ‘13. maj’ ( Vojno odmaralište ‘13. maj’) in Fažana near Pula, which was, in addition to the members of the Yugoslav Armed Forces, also available to domestic and foreign tourists.

With its multiplicative effects (although without democracy and en-trepreneurial freedom in the time of socialism), tourism had greatly helped the economic progress of the region, which is the most developed in Slovenia and Croatia, and comprises the main tourist destinations in both countries to this day – see Žerjavić (1993, p. 645), Pipan (2007, pp. 226–227), Akilić (2012), Šuligoj and Medarić (2015), and Zavod za prostorno uređenje Istarske županije (2016); many of the main tourist attractions are listed in the introductory chapter.

Economic progress, the raising of the standard of living of the popu-

⁷⁷ Veraja (2013, pp. 228–230) problematised the post-war nationalisation of church property in Istria.

⁷⁸ Strongly supported by the fascist regime until 1943.

⁷⁹ More can be found in Blažević (1987) and Šuligoj and Medarić (2015).

⁸⁰ More about the Brijuni islands, their history and their urban and architectural genesis can be found in Dumbović Bilušić et al. (2015).

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5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview lation and the protection of the rights of minorities helped the gradual development of tolerance and coexistence among the peoples and cultures of Istria. The region became less dependent on the governments in Ljubljana and Zagreb, which promoted the desire for greater autonomy⁸¹

– this was and still is less meaningful in the homeland-war-affected counties dependent on constant state financial interventions. However, Istria faced an imbalanced development of major coastal towns and the rural interior of the peninsula, which resulted in the economic stagnation and depopulation of central Istria.

The end of the Cold War and the democratisation of the two most developed Yugoslav republics in the late 1980s and early 1990s caused extensive political changes, which were especially evident after the declaration of independence of Slovenia and Croatia in June 1991. Election results in 1990 in both countries showed the victory of the new right-wing parties, while, on the other hand, the parties of the left-wing political bloc celebrated in Istria (Klemenčić, 1991, p. 103; Pesek, 2007, pp.

141, 153–159). Some political mistakes of the central political authorities (parties) led to the enforcement of strong regional parties,⁸² which were and still are more receptive to multiculturalism, specific economic development and cross-border integration in the Upper Adriatic. This was/is otherwise consistent with the liberal-social-democratic ideological orientation of the residents of Istria (Šantić, 2000).⁸³

a f t e r t h e sl ov e n ia n a n d c roat ia n de c l a rat i on of i nde pe nde nc e

In the years following 1991, the political and cultural elite of Croatia and Slovenia commenced the marginalisation and isolation of Istria as a ⁸¹ The so-called ‘balkanisation,’ as defined by Bugajski (Cocco, 2010, p. 22), means ‘the de-generation of mutual trust between a majority and minority group, which would eventually turn calls for cultural protection and local self-government into secession movements,’ and does not as much reflect interregional relations today as it does the attitude towards Ljubljana and Zagreb; see also Banovac et al. (2014).

⁸² In Croatia, Istarski demokratski sabor – Dieta democratica Istriana (ids-ddi), or Koper je naš and Izola je naša in Slovenia. Relations (including political mistakes of the central political authorities) to the central political parties are identified in Cocco (2010) and Banovac et al. (2014).

⁸³ More can be found on the official website of the Istrian County (Istarska županija, n.d.), Baloban et al. (2019, p. 44); see also the election results of Državna volilna komisija (Državna volilna komisija, 2018).

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potentially rebellious and unreliable region.⁸⁴ Consequently, some local people reacted with ideas of reunification with Italy (especially members of the Italian minority) or, at best, to declare independence and obtain a status that would make it a ‘Luxembourg of the Adriatic’ (Cocco, 2009, p. 158; 2010, p. 15). Italian politicians naturally had appetites to change the borders and extend once again to the Eastern Adriatic (Janjentović, 2017, pp. 18–22). Interestingly, Serbian influential figures, e.g. Dobrica Ćosić and Vladislav Jovanović, in the storm of political changes and in line with Serbian plans, also allowed the possibility of a re-annexation of Istria to Italy, as a consequence of the dissolution of the federation (Janjentović, 2017, pp. 18–19; Šetić, 2011a, p. 420). At the time of major changes in Europe (the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and Yugoslavia), a delegation of Italian neo-fascists visited Belgrade to agree on a division of territories. This also means that the then resuscitated stories of the foibe and the Italian exodus were upgraded with ideas of reopening the border issue

– especially among the esuli n g o s and Italian (extreme) right-wingers (Pirjevec et al., 2012, pp. 212, 216). In any case, Istrian regionalists wanted a stronger and Western Europe-oriented region with a high standard of living, a borderland with the hybrid identity of Croatian, Slovenian, and Italian elements (multicultural identity) (Ashbrook, 2005, pp. 482–483, 2006, pp. 5–6; Ballinger, 2002; Banovac et al., 2014; Baskar, 1999; Cocco, 2010; Janjentović, 2017, pp. 11–12; Medica, 1998; Raos, 2014; Šantić, 2000; Wolff, 2006, p. 111).

Although observed, these movements of the 1990s remained in the shadow of the conflict in other parts of the Second Yugoslavia. One of the first steps of the y pa was the disarmament of the Slovenian and Croatian Territorial Defence Forces, which began with the Decision of the Yugoslav Presidency as early as in 1989 (Marijan, 2008, pp. 76–77). The Croatian homeland war in Istria was not as intense as, for example, in eastern Slavonia, in the area of Karlovac and some parts of Dalmatia. Ma-jušević (2012, pp. 445–446) pointed out some facts related to the Istrian police and its conflict-related activities, i.e. the confiscation of weapons of Istrian hunters, support to desert y pa, contacts with the y pa command in Pula, preparation for the mining of the Pula–Pazin road to prevent arrivals of tanks from Pazin, the prevention of fuel transportation from Slovenia to the Pula Barracks and the formation of special police units.

Croatian Istria was ‘liberated’ by the end of 1991 without a direct ⁸⁴ This linguistically mixed area has always had a sense of inferiority in relation to the more continental and nationally more homogeneous areas (Purini, 2012, p. 424).

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5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview military clash, although some military incidents and, consequently, social protests were detected in 1990 and later; the y pa also established some roadblocks, e.g. at today’s border crossings Sečovlje-Plovanija and Dragonja-Kaštel. More than 150 military facilities were taken over by the Croatian army (military facilities were demined and protected), mostly in Pula, from which 6,000 to 8,000 soldiers of all ranks and related people were relocated (Majušević, 2012, p. 446).⁸⁵

After that, a fully equipped 119th brigade was sent to the Lika battlefield;⁸⁶ later it was transferred to the Dalmatian hinterland and Slavonia.

More than 6,500 residents of Istria participated in the brigade’s operations; they had 7 fatalities. The city of Pula honoured its activity by giving its name to a city street (Gregorović, n.d.). Similarly, on the northern side of the Croatian part of Istria (areas of Buzet, Labin, Pazin, Poreč, Buje, and Umag), the 154th brigade was formed in 1991, in which 5,800 people were involved and (only) one soldier died. Military operations were performed mainly on the territory outside of Northern Istria, as there the y pa was not so militarily active in Istria (Ratni put 154. brigade h v, n.d.; Dukovski, 2011b, pp. 384–385). In addition to the special police unit ( ba k Istra), which operated in the battlefields of Croatia, Home Guard units ( Domobranske postrojbe) were formed to operate in Istrian towns, in which mainly older military serviceman were involved (Majušević, 2012, pp. 446–447).⁸⁷

The Slovenian independence war, on the other hand, did not reach the scale of the Croatian one, but there were three brief military confrontations of the Slovenian police and Territorial defence forces with the y pa: in the Istrian hamlet of Moretini, at the Bivje intersection, and at the international border-crossing of Škofije. Confrontations resulted in five wounded and three dead y pa soldiers (Filipčič, 2011, pp. 22–23).

During the conflict in the 1990s, the regional political initiative on the international protection of Istria was presented (Janjentović, 2017, p. 11).

Besides the alleviation of the extremely negative impact on the Istrian economy, i.e. tourism (Akilić, 2012; Šuligoj & Medarić, 2015, pp. 76–77), that initiative would make sense from another aspect as well. In the Croatian part of the region, more than 26,000 refugees⁸⁸ were accommodated ⁸⁵ Orlić (2019) reported on 12,000 soldiers in Pula in Glas Istre.

⁸⁶ The air base in Pula was also part of this brigade.

⁸⁷ More about some other military units in Pula can be found in Dukovski (2011b, p. 385).

⁸⁸ In some media reports at the time, e.g. in the Glas Istre newspaper, 14 January 1992, we can find even higher figures.

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in cooperation with humanitarian organisations and the accommodation sector (Grad Pula, 2016), which would cause a humanitarian crisis in the case of military operations. Humanitarian work, together with the 96

response to the general mobilisation (the highest in Croatia) (Grad Pula, 2016) and the participation in military activities/operations within and outside Istria, presents the main contributions of the Istrian people to the success of the Homeland war. Members of the Italian minority also played an important role in the conflict (this time with the y pa) in Istria, e.g. the President of the Municipal Assembly of Pula, Luciano Delbianco, was one of the main regional political organisers of resistance and therefore in constant contact with the Croatian president and ministers.⁸⁹

Interestingly, in addition to the failed assassination attempt against Delbianco, 1991 was also marked by the cancellation of the 38th Pula Film Festival (Orlić, 2019).

Although to a lesser extent, the arrival and accommodation of refugees from conflict areas was also characteristic for the Slovenian Istria. Consequently, elementary schools for a few hundred refugee children from Bosnia and Herzegovina who came slightly after the ones from Croatia, were founded. Governments agreed on the education of children, and thus two elementary schools with the teaching language of the children’s state of origin operated, one in Koper and one in Piran; the school in Piran was among the most propulsive in Slovenia (Šmid & Štrumbl, 2004).

The last y pa soldier officially left Koper on 25 October 1991 (Ministrstvo za notranje zadeve, Policija, n.d.), ⁹⁰ while they remained present in Pula until 16 December 1991 (Grad Pula, 2016). Since then, Istria has been a cross-border region without a hostile army, although not a completely demilitarised area. Thus, Slovenia, which did not experience a significant action of the Independence war at sea, formed a Costal Guard in Ankaran in the 1990s, later transformed to the 430th Naval Division ( 430.

mornariški divizion), the only permanent military unit in the Slovenian part of Istria.⁹¹ Due to the longer coastline, the Croatian Navy had and still has a greater significance, role and scope for the state. The 2nd Division of the Croatian Coast Guard is located in the port of Vargarola ⁸⁹ Delbianco was one of the main political figures of Istria in the 1990s, while in the first decade of the 2000s he was more engaged in the academic field.

⁹⁰ In the Slovenian case, the departure of ypa troops from Koper also meant the definitive end of military ties with the Second Yugoslavia.

⁹¹ See also the 430th Naval Division (Ministry of Defence, n.d.).

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5.3 Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview in Pula.⁹² Hence, coastal surveillance stations in Istria, which have been established since May 1992, are now located in cape Savudrija and in Pula/Brijuni (Siriščević, 2017).⁹³ In addition, the military polygon on cape Kamenjak is located on the far southern part of the Istrian peninsula and includes a part of the land, sea and air space in the wide area of the significant landscape (Ministarstvo obrane Republike Hrvatske, 2016a). Regular joint exercises of the Croatian and Slovenian armies, as partners and members of the nat o Pact, have been held here (Ministarstvo obrane Republike Hrvatske, 2016b). However, it is possible to understand as a small and symbolic contribution to the (partial) demilitarisation of the region, the transfer of the widely recognisable y pa holiday complex ‘13.

maj’ to the civil (tourist) sphere and its renaming to Pineta camp (Odluka o davanju na raspolaganje i upravljanje vojnog odmarališta ‘13. Maj’

– Fažana Javnom poduzeću ‘Brijuni,’ 1992; Odluka o davanju konačne suglasnosti na Prijedlog Ugovora o provedbi razvojnog programa ‘Brijuni Rivijera’ na lokacijama Pineta, Hidrobaza i Otok Sv. Katarina – Monumenti, 2011), as well as a significant reduction in the number of military facilities and the number of soldiers in the trans-border region. Thus, Istria can be oriented towards tourism, which ordinarily cannot cohabit with the army.

Demilitarisation is also one of the main programme points of the i d s-d d i, the main regional political party in Istria (Istarski demokratski sabor, n.d.); every step of the government towards militarisation agitates Istrian politics – see Grakalić (2018) or Zrinić-Terlević (2018). However, Croatian Army barracks opened in Pula in November 2019. Regional and local politicians (including those from i d s-d d i) also attended the ceremony. Interestingly, they were the ones who emphasised that the development and prosperity in the past (especially in Pula) was primarily based on the army (Istarska županija, 2019; Ministarstvo obrane Republike Hrvatske, 2019). Notwithstanding, Pula still does not have a defined image of a former military and port city, and possibilities offered by this legacy have not been sufficiently exploited (Urošević, 2013, p. 93);⁹⁴ finan-

⁹² One of their main tasks is the protection of cultural assets at sea, on the seabed and underwater, including archaeological sites in the underwater space (Siriščević, 2017).

⁹³ Located in the complex of the circular fortress Tegetthof, which is the building of the Austro-Hungarian fortification architecture and today the highest-level cultural monument (Siriščević, 2017).

⁹⁴ More can be found in Iveković Martinis & Sujoldžić (2021).

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cial reasons for this attitude cannot be neglected. In any case, tourism can offer many development opportunities for this heritage, which is at least partially exploited in nearby Vodnjan and Bale (i.e. military fortifications).

5.4 Chapter Conclusion

As an Upper Adriatic region, Istria has had a dynamic 20th century: this includes three military conflicts and the Cold War, the ‘dungeon of nations’ and three totalitarian regimes, a revolutionary takeover of power and an almost constant open border issue (even today), which made this area one of the (South) European hotspots; Istria, where the Italians behaved as a culturally superior nation for centuries, acquired the image of an area of conflicts, intolerance and lack of understanding (Ashbrook, 2006, p. 28; Orlić, 2012, p. 13; Šetić, 2008, p. 105). Regardless of the complex socio-political situation, the area simultaneously developed economically, and is more developed today compared to the neighbouring regions in Slovenia and Croatia. The Istrian Peninsula is also an internationally recognisable tourist destination and the most touristically developed part of both countries. Hence, ‘Istria is both a brand for autonomy and a brand for the Croatian tourism’ (Banovac et al., 2014, p. 463).

However, there is still untapped potential, like the exploitation of military heritage, which reflects the past identity and development of Istria (Pula) – see Urošević (2013). If we take into consideration the claims of McKay (2013), McKenna and Ward (2007), and Reynolds and Lake (2010)

– see sub-chapter 2.4 ‘Warfare Tourism’ – the orientation toward military heritage can be understood as a continuation of sentimentalisation of armed forces and militarisation. Therefore, as we can see from the previous sub-chapters, the Istrians somehow dissociate themselves from their military history – also for economic reasons.

In these circumstances, a special ‘Istrian-style memory’ was developed.

Memory that depends on the relations between Istrian Slavs and Italians, who still live separately, and where conflicts still arise at the moment when various memories meet – see Hrobat Virloget (2015, pp. 547–548), and Hrobat Virloget and Čebron Lipovec (2017, p. 66). It can be linked to

‘Istrianity,’ which is not a homogenous phenomenon. As a result, it can be claimed that ‘Istrian-style memory’ is not homogeneous, either. It is merely a reflection of the Istrian social reality marked by pluri-identity, multiculturalism and dynamic history; a ‘memory system’ composed of 104

5.4 Chapter Conclusion

a plurality of memories, a natural Istrian issue of coexistence in a definite geographic area (see Figure 1.1). ‘Istrian-style memory’ is in fact a regional version of Erll’s (2011; 2014, p. 178) transcultural memory, which is in general affected by ‘different social classes, generations, ethnicities, religious communities, and subcultures.’ However, the complete unification/uniforming of identity as well as memories would be a utopian expectation, since the traumatic 20th century (if we focus only this century) impacted significantly on the multicultural Istrian society.⁹⁵ In addition, the findings of Urošević (2012) and the claims of Ban (2018) on contemporary problems with intolerance and stereotypes among communities (not only between Croats/Slovenes and Italians), religious and cultural division, and the negative consequences of the last war in Croatia, show some cracks in Istrian society. However, a comprehensive analysis and comparison of these issues with other areas in Slovenia and Croatia was not made, as this would not be in line with the purpose and objectives of this study.

‘Istrian-style memory’ is inseparably linked to the past conflict situations. During the second half of the 20th century and to a limited extent even further, Slavic and Italian historians and scholars of other branches fought over the interpretation of w w i i and its consequences, and thus created two completely separate ‘truths’ – see Pelikan (2012) and Verginella (2010); experts and scholars of younger generations show more perceptiveness, knowledge and understanding of the specificity and complexity of the whole Upper Adriatic – see Ashbrook (2006). Italo-Slavonic cooperation during fascism and nazism is, however, a clear sign of possible Istrian convivenza in the most difficult times, although it often remains in the shadow of the turbulent discussions. Similarly, the relations between the Catholic church on one side, and fascists and communists on the other, were also different in comparison to the other European countries that experienced the extreme (totalitarian) regimes of the 20th century – see Trogrlić (2008; 2012), Hančič and Podberšič (2008, p. 41).

It seems that some, by exposing extreme controversial cases, would like to forget or deny all good examples of possible cooperation. All this can also be understood as a cause and a consequence of the ideologies and related regimes of the 20th century in the Upper Adriatic, which carefully selected, politicised and mythologised both events and heroes of the past; ⁹⁵ More about about the links between memory, community and nation can be found in Benčić (2016).

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many of them were the subject of premeditated damnatio memoriae, although mostly unsuccessful.

The collapse of the Second Yugoslavia and the military conflict in the 1990, although a lot less bloody than in some other parts of the former federation, also influenced Istrian society, including ‘Istrian-style memory’ (regional transcultural memory). War created the need for new memorials and dark commemorative events, which joined the existing memorial practices. Nevertheless, after all the conflicts of the 20th century, which are the basis for numerous monuments and dark commemorative events, a complex retrospective and analysis of past and present memorial practices in Istria was not observed in available references. This also applies to dark tourism studies, which completely ignored Istria as a post-conflict area.

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Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria 6

Two world wars, as well as the period of fascism and the conflict in the 1990s, left traces in South-Eastern Europe (the former Yugoslavia). Today, these traces are the subject of commemorations, public debate and visits. Herman Kaurić (2015b, p. 20) claims that one hundred years after the end of w w i, some of the fallen soldiers’ descendants are still looking for information on their (great) grandfathers, e.g. in the area of the battlefield of Soča/Isonzo and in the East (Eastern Front).¹ This is only partly in line with the claim of Lennon and Foley (2000), who state that the darkness of the dark site fades away with time. Kosovo Polje, with the Battle of Kosovo in 1389, as an (additional) interesting case from the wider region does not confirm this claim either, and has remained deeply in the collective memory of the Serbs for centuries (Causevic & Lynch, 2011, p. 782).

Szul (2009) similarly explains that military operations changed borders as well as people’s lives, and significantly defines the contemporary Baltic region. When analysing w w i i and its implications in Europe, it should be noted that the final outcome of the war was determined by the winning powers, their military strengths and political interests, with political factors determining other elements, e.g. the economy, language, and migrations. This was evident during the Cold War as well as after the democratic changes which started in the late 1980s (Szul, 2009). Consequently, researching the different impacts of the conflicts of the 20th century on the Istrian multicultural society is also relevant.

6.1 Armed Forces and the Beginning of Tourism

Development in Istria

Travelling in the Upper Adriatic was already known before so-called modern tourism, and many voyages were related to military trips (Kavrečič, 2014; 2015). In addition, the armed forces were also strongly connected with the development of the main Istrian tourist centres, such as Opatija, Portorož and also Sv. Stjepan ( Sv. Štefan) (Blažević, 1984, pp. 50–

52; 1987, p. 33; Kavrečič, 2014, p. 79, 2015, p. 86). Since 1888, a sanatorium for military personnel ( Kurhaus für Offiziere; Officierskurhaus), managed by the White Cross Society ( Weissen Kreuz), was located in Opatija ¹ A number of Slovenians and Croatians fought there in Austro-Hungarian uniforms.

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Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria (Fischinger et al., 2007; Kavrečič, 2014, p. 101; 2015, p. 109; Muzur, 1996; Niel, 1991, p. 41).² The White Cross Society was founded in 1882 in order to provide health care to wounded and sick military officers. In addition to the sanatorium in Opatija, it had additional ones in Portorož, Mali Lošinj and Crikvenica (Blažević, 1987, pp. 57–58; Brezovec, 2015, p. 114; Kranjčević, 2016), and in some other continental sites of the monarchy

– see Fischinger et al. (2008), Kranjčević (2016, pp. 78–82), or Ball der K.K Gesellschaft vom Weissen Kreuze im Wiener Konzerthaus (1914). The latter notes that sanatoriums were promoted in printed travel guides and magazines from the turn of the 19th century onwards.

In his travelogue (1883), Charles Yriarte³ highlighted the Roman heritage of Pula – especially the warfare/military importance of the amphitheatre (Arena). In addition, the author extensively described the Arsenal, its location and importance for the city (pp. 128–132); he states that a three-hour visit, accompanied by two military officers, offers to the layperson a great opportunity to get an impression of the strength and organisation of this enclosed military area. Despite its attractiveness, the Arsenal administration was not in favour of issuing entrance permits, which resulted in only a small number of visitors. Similarly, Marcotti (1899, pp.

138, 149–160)⁴ did not forget to mention the impressive Roman heritage in his guide (e.g. the Amphitheatre, the Twin Gates ( Porta Gemina), the Gate of Hercules ( Porta Erculea)),⁵ which coexisted with the military infrastructure there. The author further describes, for example, the day of remembrance of the Ascension of 1177, when a great naval battle and victory of the Venetian navy took place at Cape Savudria ( Punta di Salvore or Rt Savudrija), and the fortifications of Tegethoff on the Brijuni Islands, as well as the fortifications around the city of Pula and other military attractions and historical facts of Pula; he states that a list of military objects is also available to visitors, although the Arsenal undoubtedly remains its main part.⁶ A visit to the Arsenal was possible only with the permission of the Command ( Comando). A number of conquered flags and interesting ² Financed by The Austrian Southern Railway ( Österreichische Südbahn) and later donated to the Austrian White Cross ( Weissen Kreuz).

³ French writer, draughtsman, traveller and reporter.

⁴ The author emphasizes the Italian essence of the Istrian towns and inhabitants.

⁵ Described as early as in 1823 by the travel writer Agapito.

⁶ The area was strictly insulated with floor-to-wall and floating barriers in the water (Rutar, 1896, p. 106; Yriarte, 1883, p. 129); Rutar (1896, pp. 105–107) described many other details related to the Arsenal.

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6.1 Armed Forces and the Beginning of Tourism Development in Istria exhibits of the Field Marshal Radetzky, Archduke Maximilian and Admiral Tegethoff were exhibited in the Maritime Museum (Benussi, 1923, p.

245, Urošević, 2003).⁷ Baedeker’s (1900, p. 218) travel guide describes this as follows:

[. . .] Near this are several buildings connected with the dock-yard (School, Barracks, Hospital, Prison). To the W., on the quay, is the imperial Naval Arsenal (Pl. C, 5, 6). A museum in the Artillery Office contains interesting ship-models, trophies, weapons, etc. (foreigners admitted to the arsenal and museum only by permission of the war-office). – The wharves and docks are on the Olive Island, between the naval and the commercial harbour.

Rabl’s (1907) travel guide also gives similar instructions. In this specific context, Figure 6.1 from Rabl’s travel guide does not show the usual view of the amphitheatre (Arena), but a statue of admiral Wilhelm von Tegetthoff, which in 1877 was placed on (Monte) Borgo Zaro next to the military port and arsenals in Pula (see also Marcotti, 1899, p. 158). Rutar (1896, pp. 105–107) approached this more systematically (scholarly) and described the part of the Arsenal that was intended for visitors – especially the Maritime Museum.⁸ In his monograph, he devoted a lot of space to military history and even to the then (military) situation. Hence, journalists and reporters were also interested in visiting the museum. In 1910, for example, the Command issued a permit to a journalist, which allowed him to visit the Arsenal: the Maritime Museum, workshops and a warship by choice of the Command (Mandić, 2006, p. 196; ‘Pogled po Primorju: Puljsko-rovinjski kotar’, 1910, p. 1). Hence, Yriarte (1883, p. 120) described Pula as the city of beer and wine, where foreign visitors were rare. According to the author, the highest level of the food offer in Pula, and Istria as a whole, was available at the Officer’s Club ( Casinò Marina; Marine Casino), where entrance to civilians was allowed only by invitation of two military officers. In addition to the exceptional food service, newspapers in the Italian, English, French, and German language were available to the guests there. Having a library, room for meetings and other equipment, this place was also dedicated to academic research (Gobbo, 2017).

Pula is described as having an antique museum, a beautiful theatre, ⁷ All important for the Austro-Hungarian military navy as the major maritime power of the Eastern Adriatic as well as for Pula as the main military Port (Gobbo, 2017).

⁸ It was located in the artillery section ( Artilleriedirektion) (Iskra, n.d.; Marsetič, 2013, p.

493), but was later transferred next to the administration offices (Urošević, 2003).

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Figure 6.1

A Statue of Admiral von Tegetthoff with the View of the Harbour and the City (Rabl, 1907, p. 239)

public amusement halls, public walkways with tree plantations, and an abundant fountain that distributes water throughout the city. It has shops and stores supplied with all kinds of goods, hotels, traditional restaurants ( trattoria), bars, pastries, and cafes ( Notizie storiche di Pola, 1876, pp. 17–

18). In addition, as the headquarters of the military navy (the Admiralty), Pula also had a water-related (leisure) offer which was attractive to the local residents as well. However, the military bath was relatively far from the city and expensive, which means that it was not accessible to all the inhabitants of the city (Kavrečič, 2014, p. 97; 2015, p. 105). It is necessary to take into account that the main purpose of these types of baths was not similar to civil (tourism) ones, but was aimed at acquiring and consolidating the swimming ability of the military personnel (Blažević, 1987, p.

58; Kranjčević, 2016, p. 77).⁹ It is quite clear that the city of Pula was not only the centre of the Austro-Hungarian military navy, but also a tourist destination where the military infrastructure was systematically included in tourist products.

In the period when organised tourism development began (in the mid-19th century), Istrian cities were significantly marked by the presence of armed forces. Militarisation of the main administrative and tourism centres in the region was obviously strongly linked with the establishment of these centres in a tourism-related sense. The presence of armed forces was therefore a guarantee of supply quality for the tourists from higher social classes, which is evident in the case of Opatija and Portorož, which ⁹ Pula also has the Naval Swimming School on St. Peter Island (Perović, 2006, pp. 79, 133).

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6.2 Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism in the post-wwi Period gained the official status of health resorts ( Kurorte).¹⁰ Especially interesting were the Brijuni Islands (which also gained the official status of a health resort), which were turned by the Vienna industrialist Paul Kupelwieser from a wild and malaria-infected area into a tourist resort for a wealthy clientele¹¹ (Baskar, 2010; Dumbović Bilušić et al., 2015; Nacijonalni park Brijuni, n.d.; Perović, 2006, p. 165) who cohabited with the army.

Photographs from the Austro-Hungarian period show that military personnel wore military clothing during their holidays/health treatments in tourist destinations in Istria, which affected the atmosphere of the destinations.¹²

In the end, it is necessary to point out that the Brijuni Islands retained a prestigious image of a top destination even in the time of Fascist Italy.

After w w i i, Yugoslav socialist authorities took the Brijuni Islands with their heavily damaged infrastructure, and renovated them in the style of the new ideology. The resort on the law-protected islands (natural and cultural heritage) was not publicly accessible (until the late 1980s), but was intended to be used by the political establishment (communist party), particularly by President Tito and his domestic and international guests (Jokić & Čudov, 1986, pp. 73–74). Being a place of prestige and Tito’s power, it also paradoxically hosted the signing of one of the most important documents in the disintegration of the Second Yugoslavia – the Brioni Agreement – on 7 July 1991, which has remained in the collective memory of the Slovenians and the Croats. After 1991, the independent Croatia maintained the protection of the heritage and re-invented cultural and other programmes aimed at tourists (Dumbović Bilušić et al., 2015, pp. 362–363).

6.2 Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism in the post-w w i Period w w i severely interrupted the development of Pula and Istria, with tourism also suffering great losses. On the other hand, the war also brought some opportunities. Thus, during wwi, the Maritime Museum collection ¹⁰ The main reasons for the gain were, in fact, natural assets, the infrastructure and health services – see Kavrečič (2015) and Šuligoj and Medarić (2015).

¹¹ Between the two world wars, Karl Kupelwieser set up a golf course, new sports grounds (tennis, polo, etc.), an outdoor dance floor with a pavilion and a casino. Due to financial problems (the Great Depression), in 1936 the state took over the resort. During the bombing in w w i i, the resort was heavily damaged (Dumbović Bilušić et al., 2015, p. 361).

¹² The larger collection is owned by private collectors in the Municipality of Piran (Slovenia).

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Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria was additionally complemented by exhibits linked to the war in the Upper Adriatic (Urošević, 2003), which made the museum even more relevant and attractive.

After the Second Battle of the Piave River (in Northern Italy), fought between 15 and 23 June 1918, the Italian army came to Istria, which was

– in the cities populated mostly by Italians – accepted with pleasure and celebration (Benussi, 1923; Perović, 2006, p. 185).¹³ On the other hand, a kind of indifference, depression and resignation prevailed among the Slovenians and the Croats, especially those from the rural and ethnically mixed areas of Pula, Poreč and Koper (Klabjan, 2010, p. 410). Officially, the Kingdom of Italy had already begun to implement its authority before 1920, when Istria and most of the rest of the Austrian Littoral was formally annexed to the Kingdom. On 3 February 1919, the King of Italy came to Pula for the first time and visiting the Arsenal was also on his schedule.

With particular interest, the king visited the Maritime Museum, where he admired the Venetian flag waving in the battle of Lepanto and the nu-mismatic collection; ship warehouses and naval warehouses were shown to him as well, and he was deeply astonished by the huge amount of material accumulated there (Marsetič, 2006a). However, the demilitarisation of the city also caused the closing down of the Arsenal (not entirely), including the Maritime museum established in 1870/71. This symbolically meant an interruption of the maritime continuity and identity of the city, as well as the erasing of traces of power of the Austro-Hungarian Navy.

Considering that the museum as an institution preserved and presented past traditions and memories, then the elements of damnatio memoriae are clearly recognisable here. The exhibits were either stolen or formally transferred to other museums, most of them to Austrian ones (Vienna) –

some of them as early as in 1913, when the huge Adriatic Exhibition in Vienna ( Österreichische Adria-Ausstellung 1913) took place – and after w w i to some Italian museums (Gobbo, 2017; Urošević, 2003).¹⁴

In a situation where an ethnic borderline separating the winners from the losers was unclear, in the post-war years, the new authorities began to construct imposing monuments and memorial parks to anti-Austro-

¹³ These events were certainly not of a tourist nature.

¹⁴ Urošević’s findings are based on an interview with the manager of the Historical and Maritime Museum of Istria (Pula). According to Gobbo (2017), the Museo Tecnico Navale della Spezia in La Spezia, the Museo Nazionale della Scienza e della Tecnologia in Milano and a museum in Padova are now in possession of the exhibits from Pula.

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6.2 Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism in the post-wwi Period Hungarian heroes and victims of wwi. Hence, memorial ceremonies and commemorations also served as an act of affirmation of the Italian national identity, patriotism, regime and the consolidation of power in the new annexed regions like Istria – see Klabjan (2010), Todero (2010) and Kavrečič (2017). Moreover, Todero (2010, p. 385) claims that the purpose of these practices was the justification of the numerousness of victims and sacrifices in the eyes of the public. In this context, on the occasion of the anniversary of the sinking of Austro-Hungarian battleship Szent Istvan, the Day of the Sea ( Festa del Mare) used to be celebrated in Pula following a ministerial order, organised for the first time on 11 June 1920. The greatest attraction was always the parade of many allegorical boats where, for example in 1938, 20,000 people/spectators participated (Marsetič, 2006a; 2006b, p. 217). The Italian authorities also decided that the main celebrations/commemorations dedicated to the Unknown Soldier ( Milite ig-noto) were to be held throughout Italy on 4 November 1921.¹⁵ Celebrations/commemorations were thus organised in Muggia, Koper, Izola, Piran, Pazin, Pula, and Rovinj, where Italian flags hung from the windows of many houses. The event in Rovinj was attended by children of the Sale-sian Communities, pupils of all schools, a brass band, civil and military authorities, the fire brigade, war veterans’ organisations, the local section of the Fascio di Combattimento (fascist organisation), representatives of people politically persecuted by the Austro-Hungarian regime, and many other organisations with wreaths and flags; the procession was about half a kilometre long and at the starting point, the authorities had set a ceremonial altar with military signs and torches. In Koper, the event was attended by delegates from an important international conference being held at that time in Portorož.¹⁶ Visitors gathered in the main town square and visited the cemetery. At the Tartini square in Piran, the occasion was attended by more than three thousand visitors; in the events in Izola and Muggia, they threw wreaths into the sea in memory of fallen marines.

There are insufficient archival documents for a definitive evaluation of events in the hinterland, populated mainly by Slavic inhabitants (Klabjan, 2010, pp. 413–414).

In 1935, a glorious monument to the native Italian irredentist and ¹⁵ See also in Todero (2010) and Kavrečič (2017).

¹⁶ The ‘Portorose conference’ took place between 29 October and 23 November 1921, between the successors of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and Italy, to regulate economic, railway and postal issues. More can be found in Marsico (1979).

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Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria patriot Nazario Sauro was dedicated in Koper, where King Vittorio Emanuele i i i and some high-level representatives of the Kingdom were present as well (Istarsko povijesno društvo – Società Storica Istriana, n.d.). The plan was first disclosed in the main fascist political magazine Gerachia back in 1927 – see Giuriati (1927, p. 793) – and formalised by law in 1922 (Concernente la creazione a spese dello Stato, di un monumento a Cesare Ballisti in Trento, e di un monumento a Nazario Sauro in Capodistria, 1922; Salata, 1922, p. 78);¹⁷ the monument and its surroundings were places of social gatherings and political manifestations intended to preserve the collective memory and the consolidating/spreading of fascist ideology – see Figure 6.2 (F. A., 1941, p. 1). The main speakers (and supporters) of fascism wore characteristic fascist black uniforms – black shirts ( Camicia Nera).¹⁸ The uniforms and many other facts described in this sub-chapter clearly confirm the militarisation of the society (Altin & Badurina, 2017, pp. 325–326).

During the Second Italo-Abyssinian War (October 1935–May 1936), mass rallies, events and occasions contributed to the homogenisation of the people in the Kingdom of Italy (Berezin, 1997; Orlović, 2014a; 2014b). Events such as the ‘General Assembly of the Forces of the Regime’

( Adunata generale delle forze del Regime) at the announcement of the start of the war on 2 October, the ‘Day of Faith’ ( Giornata della fede) on 18 December, and memorial ceremonies of a mostly religious nature on 18 February and 14 April occurred in order to commemorate/glorify the fallen soldiers in the colonial campaign. Numerous celebrations of important victories were constantly organised (from February to May 1936), including the day of occupation of the capital city of Ethiopia (from May 5 to May 10)¹⁹ (Orlović, 2014a, pp. 119–120).

For all events, appropriate media campaigns and promotions were organised in order to achieve maximum participation throughout Istria. Based on the report of the local (daily) newspaper Corriere Istriano, Orlović (2014a, pp. 124–126) states there were 25,000 fascists plus thousands of other participants at the ‘General Assembly of the Forces of the Regime’ in Pula, whereas, based on the report of the Prefect, she states ¹⁷ There were also many others which were glorified in the time of fascism in the region, e.g. Fabio Filzi, Damiano Chiesa (Todero, 2010, p. 390).

¹⁸ Term originally used to refer to the loyal members of the Fascist organization founded in Italy ( Fasci di combattimento): ex-soldiers, ultranationalist, militarists, etc.

¹⁹ May was consequently called ‘Radiant African May’ ( Maggio radioso africano).

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6.2 Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism in the post-wwi Period Figure 6.2

Monument of Nazario

Sauro in the Fascist

Magazine Credere

e Vincere (F. A., 1941, p. 1)

that there were a total of 125,000 participants in Istria.²⁰ All events in Pula were carried out (also) in the Arena amphitheatre, the symbol of the city’s Roman and Latin culture. In addition, the author (p. 131) states that during the days of triumph in May, precisely, on 6 May, ‘students of the Alessan-dro Manzoni school organised a visit to the Marine Cemetery, where flowers were laid on the tombs of local fascist heroes and those from w w i,’ which was of a strong memorial nature;²¹ a number of school excursions were organised to the former Karst battlefield (Todero, 2010) and mountain battlefields (‘Turismo Scolastico Capodistriano’, 1922), which was not only an Italian peculiarity in post-war Europe – for some other ²⁰ Despite this, Slavic newspapers, e.g. Istra, reported on the involuntary participation of the Slavic people and also on the diversionist actions of Slavic activists (Orlović, 2014a).

²¹ Since this was a visit within the local community, this action cannot be considered in the context of dark tourism.

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Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria examples see Mosse (2002) and Winter (2009b). Hence, numerous initiatives were undertaken for commemorations, blessings of graves, anniversaries, and masses, e.g. in Pula, Vrsar, Rovinj ( Ricordo duraturo della re-denzione [Long-lasting memory of Redemption]) and elsewhere (Todero, 2010, pp. 390–391).

Regardless of the indisputable historical facts of the Italian military achievements, everything was in line with Mussolini’s triumphant words:

‘Now is no time for history; it is a time for myths’ (Klavora, 2011, p. 87).

On the basis of these examples, we can agree with the findings of Todero (2010) and Kavrečič (2017) on the complete Italian monopolisation of the memory of the conflict; memories and traditions of Croats and Slovenians, mostly former Austro-Hungarian soldiers, were simply prohibited ( damnatio memoriae). From the point of view of dark tourism, all memorial and other events in Istria should be interpreted with caution. Previous research mostly shows the memorial aspect, whereas the tourist aspect is not exposed.

However, there is serious doubt that these events attracted international visitors or visitors from distant places of the Kingdom. If we understand them correctly, these events were not intended to promote travel (to Istria), as they were organised throughout the Kingdom on the same days. On the other hand, all wwi-related excursions were of a strong dark tourism nature. The former Soča/Isonzo battlefield, as one of the central areas of dark tourism in Venezia Giulia, was not too far away. With the closure of the Maritime Museum in Pula, Istria remained completely in the shadow of the Soča Valley with all its memorial structures, the supras-tructure and the related sad stories.²²

Despite the cruel fascism, it should be noted that Pula at that time was also an Upper Adriatic cruise destination. On 25 July 1935, for example, a large group of British and American tourists disembarked from the English steamer City of London at the pier Fiume (Marsetič, 2006a). In addition, Pula used to have its communal swimming centre ( Bagno polese)²³

which was opened in 1886 (Marsetič, 2006a, p. 7; 2006b, pp. 218–219) and a centre for cultural and recreational activities for employees and workers in their leisure time ( Dopolavoro), which opened in 1923 (Duraković, ²² Many large military shrines, charnel houses, memorial areas, monuments and museums, and changed toponyms were introduced by the beginning of w w i i, which strongly stimulated the development of dark tourism there (Kavrečič, 2017).

²³ The centre was closed in 1937 due to hygienic reasons (Marsetič, 2006b, p. 219).

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6.2 Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism in the post-wwi Period Figure 6.3

A Building of the Seaside

Colony in Portorož

(private archive of Tomi

Brezovec)

2003; Marsetič, 2006a, p. 7; 2006b, p. 218).²⁴ Figure 6.3 shows a building of the seaside colony in Portorož intended for recreation, rest and ideological education of young people.²⁵ As we can see, between the two world wars, tourism in Istria did not entirely die down, but was stagnating due to the complex socio-political situation, infectious diseases and the global economic crisis. The Italian State and the Italian Government Tourist Board ( Agenzia nazionale del turismo – ENIT) implemented many initiatives in order to increase the number of tourists and thus im-

²⁴ Duraković (2003) more explicitly described the period of fascism in Pula in a cultural sense. It is necessary to emphasise the role of Dopolovoro and other regime organisations in the promotion of the fascist ideology.

²⁵ It belonged to an Italian insurance company Riunione Adriatica di Sicurtà (ras) from Trieste.

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Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria prove tourism business in the region, but all activities had only limited success.²⁶ The beginning of wwii would bring a new difficult period for Istrian tourism.

6.3 w w i i-Related Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism After w w i i, the memory of w w i was completely suppressed due to different positions of individual nations during the war²⁷ and due to the constitutive role of w w i i for the Second Yugoslavia, including the creation of brotherhood and unity of nations (Luthar, 2000, pp. 97–98). Consequently, the Second Yugoslavia systematically introduced new monuments/memorials and commemorative practices consistent with the regime and the prevailing mentality. For example, the memorial to the victims killed or wounded in Strunjan was erected in the aftermath of war, when the border issue with Italy had not even been resolved (Figure

6.4). Such memorial heritage of the national liberation struggle was in the service of the state, which effected the collective memory. Anti-Slavic fascist repression in Istria (including Nazi-terror), created post-wwii rituals of commemorations and celebrations that pacified Yugoslav public opinion (D’Alessio, 2012a). The main celebrations and commemorations were on federal or republic public holidays, e.g. 4 July – Fighter’s Day, 29 November – Republic Day, 27 April – Day of the Liberation Front, 27 July – Day of the Uprising of the People of Croatia. There were also lower-level historical days, e.g. 9 September – The Day of the Uprising in Istria and the Slovenian Coast, which significantly marked the lives of people in the Second Yugoslavia, including Istria.

In the early post-w w i i period, symbols and monuments of fascism were quickly removed, although, according to Rusinow (1963b), some commemorative plaques in honour of some Italian irredentists remained.

The author detected that the idea for the reconstruction of the monument to Nazario Sauro in Koper, dismantled by the Nazis in 1944, also appeared;²⁸ the tomb of his parents at the Koper cemetery, with a large stone cross and a memorial plaque with an Italian patriotic inscription from 1923, was not damaged and is still there today. However, all post-w w i i generations attended ceremonies and commemorations and adored the ²⁶ More can be find in Šuligoj and Medarić (2015) and Kavrečič (2020).

²⁷ The Serbs were among the winners, while Slovenians and Croats were among the losers, which means that memory cannot be unified.

²⁸ This idea was not realised.

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6.3 wwii-Related Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism Figure 6.4

Strunjan Memorial

to Child Victims Killed

or Wounded by Fascists

in 1921

cult of President Tito until his death in 1980.²⁹ Balažič (2009, pp. 160–

161, 166–168) treats them as relicts of socialism which form the socialist landscape. The author distinguishes four types of relics, such as relics of industry, human settlement, agriculture, and ideology, with only the last one being relevant for this research. Besides physical relicts, like monuments, memorials, memorial plaques and tombstones, there are many indirect relicts still placed in Istria, e.g. naming of streets, squares, schools and other public institutions after the anti-fascists, heroes and events related to w w i i (see Figures 6.5 and 6.6), which today symbolise gratitude, remembrance, heroism, suffering and triumph, as well as the socialist (communist) ideology and system (depending on the point of view).

The Historical and Maritime Museum of Istria, founded in Pula in 1955

²⁹ More can be found in Pavlaković & Perak (2017).

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Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria

Figure 6.5

Preserved ‘Socialist Toponyms’ in Istrian Towns and Cities as the Museum of the Revolution,³⁰ however, changed its name ( Povijesni i pomorski muzej Istre – Museo storico e navale dell’ Istria, n.d.; Mandić, 2009) after the democratisation of Croatia.

Remaining from the socialist times, there are exactly 100 protected examples of immovable memorial heritage of local or national impor-

³⁰ A confusion in the naming was observed in the available resources: Museum of the Revolution or Museum of the National Liberation Struggle of Istria.

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6.3 wwii-Related Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism Figure 6.6

Preserved ‘Socialist

Toponyms’ in Istrian

Towns and Cities

tance located in the four municipalities of Slovenian Istria ³¹, while there are no registered examples from Istria in the Croatian register³² However, about 22,000 monumental features were created in the Second Yugoslavia³³ and, according to Ðurić (2015, p. 6), four of the most represen-

³¹ Registar nepremične kulturne dediščine Ministarstva za kulturo Republike Slovenije: http://rkd.situla.org/.

³² Registar kulturnih dobara Ministarstva kulture Republike Hrvatske: http://www.min-kulture.hr/default.aspx?id=6212.

³³ Ðurić (2015, p. 6) claims that features were/are placed in ‘places that witnessed the painful 121

Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria tatives ones were constructed in the Croatian part of Istria – see Figure

6.7. Figure 6.8 shows one of those ‘top-monuments’ in Rovinj, made of stone in 1956, which also represents an interesting work of art; two busts of two local anti-fascists of Italian nationality, Pino Budicin and Matteo Benussi – Cio,³⁴ which are visible in the lower right corner of the figure, form the entire memorial. The monument is well preserved and maintained and included in the local social life as well as in tourist services

– see the tourist brochure of Rovinj (Budicin, n.d.).³⁵ This location also hosts commemorations, e.g. on the national Anti-Fascist Resistance Day every June (Grad Rovinj-Rovigno, 2018). Some other memorials can also be found in this highly recognisable location. Figure 6.9 shows a scene of worrying disrespect of some unaware tourists towards the local memorial heritage. Local authorities and professional stakeholders should consider these negative consequences of ‘touristification’ of memory.

In general, w w i i-related monuments are mostly well preserved and maintained both in Slovenian and Croatian Istria, and dark commemorative events are held on anniversaries at many of them. It can thus be concluded that w w i i-related monuments and their background ‘dark stories’ are an important part of the collective memory of this multi-ethnic region.

The values of anti-fascism are still deeply rooted in Istrian society, which helps preserve the collective memory and thus all the memorials. This is also reflected in the membership of anti-fascist organisations where, according to the President of the Association in Buzet, more than 50 of (approximately) 15,000 members in Croatia come from the Istrian and Primorje-Gorski Kotar Counties (Čalić Šverko, 2018a). On the other hand, some kind of amnesia of w w i i-related heritage in contemporary Croatia was perceived by the media, e.g. ‘Index’ (h i na, 2014) or

‘Al Jazeera Balkans’ (Skok, 2017), where the latter wrote that the monuments of the Second Yugoslavia in Istria, Gorski Kotar and Zagorje were better maintained in comparison to other areas/counties in Croatia. With the exception of this area, some kind of memorial discontinuity has been past, such as concentration camps, deportation, battles, massacres, mass killings and graves or, on the other hand, places of importance for the revolutionary struggle and independence;’ see also the website Spomenik Database (n.d.).

³⁴ Both of them were proclaimed national heroes of Yugoslavia. They remain the symbol of Italian anti-fascism in Istria as well as representative examples of the Istrian convivenza.

³⁵ Thanks also to its central position in the city.

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6.3 wwii-Related Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism Figure 6.7

Map of Important w w i i-Related Memorial Sites in the Second Yugoslavia (Ðurić, n.d., p. 104)

identified in Croatia since the 1990s where an extreme right-wing ideology has been revitalised (Pavlaković & Perak, 2017);³⁶ Lebhaft (2013; 2016) describes this also in the damnatio memoriae context. However, this is not completely in line with the claims of Misztal (2003, p. 17) or Wolff (2006, p. 115) about intergenerational transfers of memory practices, or the claims of Halbwachs (1992) and Confino (1997), stating that heritage and traditions unify people. This shift in attitude to the memory of w w i i and socialism is more of a consequence of the developing post-socialist democracy, heterogeneity, perhaps even stratification of society and awakened post-w w i i frustrations. The practices of the above-mentioned areas (Istria, Gorski Kotar and Zagorje) are closer to the Slovenian ones, where w w i i-related heritage is much more preserved and in many ³⁶ More about wwii-related heritage and the changed attitude towards it in the post-Yugoslav states can be found in Ðurić (2015), Putnik (2016) and Arnaud (2016).

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Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria

Figure 6.8

Monument to Anti-Fascist Fighters (Partisans) in Rovinj cases included in the traditional dark commemorative events.³⁷ Let us highlight some of the most interesting examples in Istria today, which attracted even the local media:

• the commemoration on the anniversary of the establishment of the first Istrian Partisan Unit ( Prva istarska partizanska četa) in September is one of the traditional dark commemorative events in Veli Mlun near Buzet which attracts the general public and representatives of anti-fascist associations, as well as the local and regional political establishment (Čalić Šverko, 2018a);

• the Victory in Europe Day in May is celebrated in many Istrian cities, e.g. Buzet, Pazin and Pula, where flower- and wreath-laying ceremonies at relevant w w i i-related monuments are held. Representatives of the associations of the Homeland War also participate at the events (M. R. et al., 2017). In Pula, which celebrates its public holiday on 5 May as the day of liberation in w w i i, a series of events are organised from 24 April to 10 May. People also celebrate the Day of Victory in Europe and the Day of Europe (Grad Pula, 2018a). Two ³⁷ More can be found in Šuligoj (2017a).

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6.3 wwii-Related Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism Figure 6.9

Tourists at the Memorial

to the Victim of

Nazi-Fascist Terror on the

Rovinj Waterfront

additional Istrian cities, Poreč and Umag, celebrate their municipal public holiday as a remembrance of the liberation in w w i i;

• Višnjan and the Memorial Area of Tičanj near Štuti (see also the map in Figure 6.7) host a traditional September commemoration of local character (Rimanić, 2017);

• the anniversary of the proclamation of the ‘Istrian people’ ( Istarski narode) of the district National Liberation Committee of Istria, which announced the unification of Istria with the Croatian moth-erland on 13 September 1943 in Pazin. In addition, On 25 and 26

September, a session of the Istrian People’s Representatives was held in Pazin, where the decision on the unification with Croatia was confirmed.³⁸ The celebration of 25 September as the Day of the Istrian County clearly shows the signification of these historic moments to the Istrian people. On this occasion, a solemn session of the Pazin Assembly with high-level political representatives and representatives of anti-fascist associations is held in addition to the flower- and ³⁸ More about that in Drndić (1991), who personally participated in these historic events.

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Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria wreath-laying ceremony – see Dagostin (2017) and Radović (2016).

A similar event is also organised by the Istria County;

• residents of Istrian Municipalities in Slovenia also remember events related to w w i i and anti-fascism on their municipal public holidays.³⁹ On 15 October, the formation of the first ‘Naval Detachment Koper’ in 1944 is remembered in Piran (A. S., 2017), the citizens of Izola remember the mass departure of the locals to the partisan units in 1944 on 11 July (Občina Izola – Isola, n.d.), while Koper remembers the rebellion in Marezige from 15 May 1921, which was one of the first anti-fascist rebellions in Europe (Mestna občina Koper, n.d.). Besides the memorial one, these events are also of a cultural and sports nature; they are also interesting because they attract –

apart from local politicians and anti-fascists – all generations of the population. Hence, 15 September marks the ‘Day of Restoration of the Primorska Region to the Motherland’ when Slovenians, and especially the residents of its Western part including Slovenian Istria, remember the entry into force of the Treaty of Peace with Italy and the definition of the western border in 1947.⁴⁰ On this occasion, an official state ceremony in one of the municipalities in this part of Slovenia is held each year;

• there are two commemorations that attract people from the whole region and beyond (Croatia, Slovenia, and Italy): the commemoration in Plovanija on 22 June – the Anti-Fascist Struggle Day (L. J., 2018) (Figure 6.10) – and in Kućibreg in the beginning of October (Jelavić, 2017), both at the Slovenian-Croatian border. What mark these events are participants from three different states, multiculturalism, anti-fascism (including symbols of the national liberation struggle and the image of Josip Broz Tito), and collective memory embracing many regionalist topics. An important informal element of these events is the socialising of participants. In this context, the ³⁹ The only exception is the Municipality of Ankaran, which has not yet defined its municipal public holiday.

⁴⁰ This public holiday is defined by the Public Holidays and Work-Free Days in the Republic of Slovenia Act (Zakon o spremembah in dopolnitvah Zakona o praznikih in dela prostih dnevih v Republiki Sloveniji (z pd pd-a), 2005). However, in the case of Istria, the Act does not rely on the relevant facts, since the Slovenian part of Istria was formally assigned to the Second Yugoslavia after solving the Trieste issue in October 1954. The introduction of the holiday and the related politicisation can be seen as a response to the introduction of the Il Giorno del ricordo in Italy – see Verginella (2009a, p. 39).

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6.3 wwii-Related Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism Figure 6.10

Solemn Laying of Flowers

at the Monument

in Plovanija

Figure 6.11

Participants Socialising after the Commemoration at the Monument in Plovanija

case of Plovanija looks like a kind of food and drink party at the monument, which is quite specific (Figure 6.11);

• there are two traditional religious events which attract people (also pilgrimages): anniversaries of the execution of the blessed Miroslav Bulešić (Pavlović, 2017) and blessed Francesco Bonifacio (Barnaba, 2016). According to Pavlović (2017), more than 1,000 believers were 127

Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria present in Svetvinčenat in central Istria at the 70th anniversary of Bulešić’s execution on 24 August. These religious events do not attract the media, since promotion and reporting are primarily carried out by religious organisations, e.g. the Roman Catholic Diocese of Poreč and Pula (http://www.biskupija-porecko-pulska.hr). From a promotional point of view, the exhibition of Francesco Bonifacio in the Church of St. Servul in Buje in September 2018 (Porečka i Pulska biskupija, 2018) was a bit different because the event was, in addition to the diocese’s website, published in advertising space in the wider local environment.⁴¹

These are some of the most recognisable dark commemorative events in Istria. There are also many others, which are of a distinct local, regional, academic, or other nature. Thus a round table was organised in May 2018

on 5,000 Istrians who did not return from the Nazi concentration camps, entitled Kadi su finili? Dove sono finiti? (Where did they end up?) (Istarsko povijesno društvo – Società Storica Istriana, 2018c). In addition, as an always desirable and topical theme in Istria, the Sloboda narodu!

Antifašizam u Istri – Libertà al popolo! L’antifascismo in Istria (Freedom to the People! Anti-Fascism in Istria) exhibition was open to the public from September 2015 to September 2018 in the Historical and Maritime Museum of Istria (Pula) (Povijesni i pomorski muzej Istre – Museo storico e navale dell’ Istria, n.d.); the opening ceremony of the travelling exhibition Ana Frank – History for the Present was held in January 2018

(Petrović, 2018b) in memory and reminder of the consequences of the holocaust. An additional interesting example is the flower- and wreath-laying ceremony at the monument to the Vargarola victims next to the Pula Cathedral.⁴² Local and regional political groups, representatives of the Italian Consulate, of the anti-fascist organisations, of the Italian community as well as representatives of Istrian emigrants ( esuli) and the descendants of the victims participated in August 2018 (Grad Pula, 2018d), which, in the spirit of today’s coexistence and cooperation, sets the com-

⁴¹ As usual in this part of Europe, stories of post-war killings and other related events are subject to different views and ratings: anti-fascist organisations try to explain the reasons why this happened and to justify it (Ravnić, 2013), while the other side condemns the bestial execution of the priest and lists its arguments (Horvatič, 2017). The disunity of Croatian society on these issues is also evident in all reactions related to the work and final report of Croatia’s Council for dealing with the consequences of undemocratic regimes (2018). Consequently, this heritage can be treated as dissonant heritage.

⁴² More can be found in sub-chapter ‘wwii, Liberation and the Cold War in Istria’ (p. 90).

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6.3 wwii-Related Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism memoration over the past (ideological) conflicts. The holy mass was also a part of the commemoration, which is not customary in w w i i-related dark commemorative events in Istria.⁴³

Residents of Istria are benevolent towards the heritage of anti-fascism and w w i i, which is reflected by the aforementioned municipal holidays and other dark commemorative events. The most extreme example might be Tito’s Days in Fažana ( Titovi dani u Fažani) near Pula, organised at the beginning of May each year by the Association of Josip Broz Tito Fažana and the Municipality of Fažana.⁴⁴ The purpose of the event is to preserve the memory of Josip Broz Tito’s achievements and personality, antifascism and anti-fascists, and the critique of the state power (especially when the right-wing parties are in power) (Turistička zajednica Općine Fažana, 2018; Palibrk, 2018). The participants of the dark commemorative event come from the entire cross-border region, and from Zagreb, Rijeka and Međimurje (Palibrk, 2018), which means that this event has, besides the cultural and memorial one, also a tourist dimension. If we put, like some scholars, e.g. Varadinova Mileva (2018), or Ivanov (2009), the heritage of communism in the dark tourism context, then Tito’s Days in Fažana can simply be understood as a ‘dark event.’ From the ideological point of view, a completely diametrically opposed example is that of the Civic Museum of Istrian, Fiuman and Dalmatian Civilization established in 2015 in Trieste (Trieste Musei, n.d.) – see also Altin and Badurina (2017, p. 318). Following the institutionalisation of the ‘National Memorial Day of the Exiles and Foibe’ ( Il Giorno del ricordo) (Altin & Badurina, 2017, p.

318; Orlić, 2012; 2015; Istituzione del ‘Giorno del ricordo’ in memoria delle vittime delle foibe, dell’esodo giuliano-dalmata, delle vicende del confine orientale e concessione di un riconoscimento ai congiunti degli infoibati, 2004), Italian schools have organised study tours to memorial places in the Friuli-Venezia Giulia region, where the traditional places of memories of w w i i and irredentism are located (D’Alessio, 2012b, p. 62).⁴⁵ A similar ⁴³ During the post-wwii period, ‘church processions were replaced by state commemorations’ (Luthar, 2000, p. 98); see also Pavlaković (2016).

⁴⁴ The Brijuni Islands and Josip Broz Tito, as the statesman and president of Yugoslavia, are also mentioned in the main tourist brochure of Fažana (Načinović, n.d.).

⁴⁵ The date coincides with the date of signature of the Paris Peace Agreement (1947), which presents a provocative message of disagreement with the diplomatic solution of post-war borders in the Upper Adriatic (Altin & Badurina, 2017, p. 324). Hence, only Italian victims are officially commemorated on the occasion of Remembrance Day, while the Slavic and other victims of the fascistic terror are not (D’Alessio, 2012a).

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Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria practice was identified also in Istria, although this triggers many polemics in the society/media – see for example Černjul (2009). La voce del popolo (‘Virginia Raggi in visita a Trieste e in Istria’, 2018) reported that Virginia Raggi, the Mayoress of Rome, visited with a group of students and their professors some (dark) memorial sites in Friuli Venezia Giulia region and Istria as part of the ‘Memory – the Drama of the Italian Eastern Border between Foibe and Exodus’ project ( Memoria – Il dramma del confine orientale italiano tra foibe e esodo). In addition, as part of the ‘journey of remembrance and reconciliation’ to Istria, Istrian, Fiuman and Dalmatian migrants from Italy, representatives of the Italian minority in Slovenia, some municipal councillors and the vicar of the Koper Diocese, performed a brief commemoration at the monument from Figure 6.12. The journey also included visits of selected monuments to victims of the fascist violence (sta, 2012). Hence, in October 2018, on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of the beatification of Francesco Bonifacio, a pilgrimage of believers from the Roman Catholic Diocese of Trieste to Istria – Grožnjan, Krasica and Strunjan – was organised (Diocesi di Trieste, 2018); the area where Bl. Bonifacio was born, lived, worked as a priest and was mysteriously liquidated. All these journeys have all the characteristics of contemporary dark tourism activities. However, similar, if not the same, but non-polemic activities are carried out by Istrian anti-fascists in cooperation with local elementary and secondary schools, i.e. pupils of the Buzet schools traditionally visit Pazin and some of the villages burned in w w i i, as well as the birthplace of Josip Broz Tito, Franjo Tuđman, the Memorial of the revolt of peasants and Matija Gubec. This way they are familiarised with some historical figures, events and sites important for the Croatian people (Čalić Šverko, 2018c).

Some dissonant dark sites, such as the foibe, are very characteristic for Istria,⁴⁶ although the records are not uniform due to the influence of various extremist political movements, and the covering of different periods, e.g. the map of the extremist Lega Nazionale (Lega Nazionale, n.d.) is not coherent with the map used by Garibaldi (2022).⁴⁷ On the other hand, the official register and map of concealed mass graves in Slovenia, managed by the Military Cemeteries Administration within the Ministry of ⁴⁶ They can be found also in some other parts of Western Slovenia.

⁴⁷ In the absence of official data on the field approach and record keeping method, there are reasonable doubts about the credibility of records and maps, although no one denies their existence today.

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6.3 wwii-Related Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism Figure 6.12

The Monument

to the Victims

of Post-War Killings

at the Koper Cemetery

Labour, Family, Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities, shows that there are such sites in the City Municipality of Koper (Služba za vojna grobišča, Ministrstvo za delo, družino in socialne zadeve, 2009).⁴⁸ Accordingly, a monument was constructed at the Koper cemetery (see Figure

6.12),⁴⁹ where commemorations and other visits are occasionally organised. However, the foibe and the exodus are elements of the divided memory,⁵⁰ which foster ideological and political confrontations in the Upper Adriatic (Cattunar, 2012; D’Alessio, 2012a; 2012b; Klabjan, 2010, p. 401; Miklavcic, 2008; Orlić, 2012). This means that a massive expansion of such dark commemorative events and dark tourism in Istria is not yet socially acceptable.⁵¹ This way they are also resisting the Italian as well as ⁴⁸ More about the sites of post-war mass killings and excavations of causalities in Slovenia can be found in Ferenc (2012).

⁴⁹ The monument was constructed in accordance with the Concealed War Graves and Burial of Victims Act (Zakon o prikritih vojnih grobiščih in pokopu žrtev (z p vg p ž), 2015) and the War Grave Sites Act (Zakon o vojnih grobiščih (z vg), 2003; Zakon o spremembah in dopolnitvah Zakona o vojnih grobiščih (z vg-a), 2009; Zakon o spremembi Zakona o vojnih grobiščih (z vg-b); 2017).

⁵⁰ The term ‘dissonant heritage’ can also be used.

⁵¹ Italian post-war emigrants with different collective memory and memorials located mainly in eastern Italy – see Pontiggia (2009), Violante (2009) or D’Alessio (2012; 2012a)

– thus systematically preserve and transfer memory between generations. Many contem-131





Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria

Figure 6.13

Zipline over the Cave

in Pazin

the European distortion of memory, where societies move from winners’

history to victims’ history principles (Judt, 2006; Orlić, 2012p, pp. 14–15).

In the post-Yugoslav area, this can be understood as a belated response to the long-lasting (forced) silence, repressed memories and denial of the victims of post-war violence. However, the damnation ( damnatio memoriae) of dissonant heritage of the Upper Adriatic is not subject to complete amnesia, indifference or prohibition, but only to verbal social conflicts, which (occasionally) arise in public. One such dissonant place is Pazin cave ( Pazinska jama, Foiba di Pisino), which is a protected natural area, a place of zipline (Figure 6.13) and guided speleo adventures (tourism significance), but among some Italian nationalists and (right-wing) patriots also a symbolic point of painful memories.⁵²

6.4 Other Contemporary Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism It would be wrong today to rely only on the heritage of w w i i and neglect the military/warfare heritage of other periods of the 20th century.

porary Trieste institutions, i.e. the Regional Institute for Istrian, Fiuman and Dalmatian Culture (Istituto Regionale per la Cultura Istriana, Fiumana e Dalmata), the Civic Museum of Istrian, Fiuman and Dalmatian civilisation (Trieste Musei, n.d.), Warehouse No.

18 of the Old Port of Trieste ( Magazzino 18 del Porto Vecchio di Trieste), where many items of Italian migrants are still stored today, assist in these processes.

⁵² The material evidence of the tragic events related to the conflict has not been found at this site.

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6.4 Other Contemporary Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism In this sense, the memory of w w i was/is not only a matter of (the Kingdom of) Italy, as written in one of the previous sub-chapters, but also nations/states (which gained independence from the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy) and communities in today’s Istria. The naval cemetery ( K.u.k.

Marinefriedhof; see Figure 6.15) in Pula, one of the biggest European military cemeteries, where over 100,000 people are buried – not only members of the Austro-Hungarian army, but also Italian, German soldiers, and local partisan fighters, can be interesting for international visitors; ⁵³

the victims of the sunken ships – Baron Gautsch, Szent Istvan and Viribus Unitis – are also buried here.⁵⁴ The cemetery is included in the list of monuments under the protection of The Hague Convention. Wreaths, flowers and candles by the individual monuments or graves indicate that casual minor commemorations are held here during the year; the most important are at the end of October and the beginning of November.

Under the hill in the city centre, there is an underground tunnel network known as the Zerostrasse (Figure 6.14). Underground tunnels were (partly) constructed just before w w i to provide a shelter for people in case of air attacks and then expanded under the Italian administration.

Today they present an interesting military/warfare heritage attraction for tourists as well as a shelter for the entire population of Pula (Istria Culture, n.d.a; Milaković & Pocedić, 2015). The central location helps with greater visibility and turnout of this dark tourism site.

Rabl’s (1907) travel guide mentions 28 fortifications that protected Pula,⁵⁵ which, according to the author, more or less spoiled the view. After more than 100 years, the situation in the city is still similar. The City of Pula is dealing with the problem of rehabilitation/renovation, and presentation and management of this specific historical (military) heritage.

Meanwhile, this precious military heritage is deteriorating and is not fully exploited for tourism purposes – except for some examples like the Fort Musil or the Zerostrasse underground tunnels (Figure 6.14). In fact, investments only in these two examples of Pula’s heritage are included in the Master Plan of Tourism of the Istria County 2015–2025 (Horwath h t l, n.d.). The opposite example are the Brijuni Islands, which were already recommended by Rabl (1907, p. 240) (because of Fort Tegetthoff on Veli Brijun), yet today are mainly visited because of the heritage of the ⁵³ More can be found in Monte Giro d.o.o. Pula (n.d.).

⁵⁴ Underwater locations of the first two are popular diving points today.

⁵⁵ More about fortifications and their construction can be found in Benussi (1923) and Perović (2006).

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Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria

Figure 6.14

Map of Zerostrasse (Istria Culture, n.d.a)

former Yugoslav president Tito. Other heritage related to the suffering of the Istrian people, i.e. the exodus of Slavic people after w w i or Italians after w w i i, both also having a cultural dimension (Purini, 2012, p.

420), is not valorised from the tourism point of view, despite its presence in collective memory (as mentioned before, occasional visits and events are organised). The same applies to military heritage arising from the military administration during the Free Territory of Trieste (1947–1954).

This heterogeneity and related issues are also discussed in the context of tourism by Iveković Martinis and Sujoldžić (2021).

Milestone anniversaries offer an interesting opportunity to enrich the supply of tourism products. On the 100th anniversary of w w i in 2014, thirty cultural, artistic, academic and educational programmes were offered to visitors as part of the Puna je Pula project (Pula is full of).⁵⁶ One of the first was the exhibition of the Austro-Hungarian steamer Baron Gautsch which sank between Pula and Rovinj just before the beginning of the war in 1914 (Grad Pula, 2014). The w w i in the Adriatic ( Prvi svjetski rat na Jadranu; Figure 6.16) touring exhibition was opened in Brtonigla on the North of the County, as an alternative to the thematic exhibition at Gallerion in Novigrad. The specialty of Novigrad’s exhibition was in its dispersion, meaning that in addition to Gallerion, parts of the exhibition ⁵⁶ More about the programme can be found on the website of Grad Pula (n.d.).

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6.4 Other Contemporary Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism Figure 6.15

K.u.k Marinefriedhof

in Pula

were set up in the Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary of Mount Carmel and in the building of the Italian community (Grad Novigrad-Cittanova, 2014; Turistička zajednica Istre, n.d.). In addition, the Posljednji car u Istri

– L’ultimo imperatore in Istria (The Last Emperor in Istria) exhibition was opened in Gračišće in April 2018 in memory of the visit of the last Austro-Hungarian Emperor Karl i (Istarsko povijesno društvo – Società Storica Istriana, 2018a); a similar exhibition as well as academic event ( 5.

Motovunski kolokvij) took place in Motovun in November 2018 (Istarsko 135



Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria

Figure 6.16

Brochure for the

Exhibition The w w i in

the Adriatic (Gobbo et al.,

2014)

povijesno društvo – Società Storica Istriana, 2018b; Rimanić, 2018b).⁵⁷

The centennial of w w i’s armistice was marked in Pula by a commemoration at the naval cemetery, wreath laying ceremony, museum exhibition, memorial art installation and a mass, as well as thematic international conference (M. V. I., 2018). Although some of the aforementioned studies have shown that w w i is not an interesting topic in Croatia (see Herman Kaurić, 2015a; 2015b; Hrstić, 2016, p. 59), including Istria, the milestone anniversaries show that this military conflict is still alive in some groups in Istria, and thus presented to visitors interested in the dark past.

As already described in previous chapters, the military conflict in the 1990s was less intense and bloody in Istria in comparison to other Balkan battlefields (geographically speaking). Consequently, there are fewer monuments and memorial parks, as well as dark commemorative events organised in the trans-border region today. Croatian war veterans from Istria, who were not and are not prosecuted for their role and acts in the war at all, organise commemorations on national public holidays or on rare other special occasions: National Day in June, Victory and Homeland Thanksgiving Day and Day of Croatian Defenders in August, and Independence Day in October. On these occasions, flower- and ⁵⁷ The event was promoted also by the Roman Catholic Diocese of Poreč and Pula (Porečka i Pulska biskupija, 2018b).

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6.4 Other Contemporary Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism wreath-laying ceremonies at Homeland War-related monuments in Istrian cities are carried out; the biggest (civil) veterans parade in Croatia is also organised each August in Pula (h i na, 2018). In this context, a special feature in Croatian cities are ceremonies at the crosses in cemeteries, which is not practiced in the Slovenian part of Istria. There are fewer examples of dark commemorative events. One of them was the opening of a memorial at Bivje near Koper on 29 June 2016 as a remembrance of the police clash with the y pa (Benevol, 2016). Veterans of the Slovenian war of independence often attend dark commemorative events of w w i i veterans and vice versa. Slovenians in general attribute great importance to the Sovereignty Day on 25 October, which commemorates the with-drawal of the last y pa soldier from the territory of Slovenia; the residents of Pula/Istrian County remember a similar historic event on 16 December (Grad Pula, 2016). Although in Slovenia this happened in Koper, the state celebration does not take place right in the city every year.

In 2007 a memorial called ‘the Arch of Independence’ was unveiled in Koper. Interestingly, it was pointed out at the event that the monument is dedicated to all anti-fascists and fighters for freedom and independence (Združenje sever, n.d.). This is another clear sign that the connection between the values of w w i i/anti-fascism and of the War of Independence in Slovenia⁵⁸ is more evident than in Croatia. On the other hand, the em-pathetic attitude toward places of crime in the areas of the former federation is more explicit in the Croatian part of Istria. In Umag (Grad Umag, 2018) and in Pula (Grad Pula, 2018b), for example, they symbolically remembered the victims of Vukovar and Škabrnja in November 2017; the Roman Catholic Diocese of Poreč and Pula was also involved in the programme of the commemoration (Porečka i Pulska biskupija, 2015a), which is not a common practice in Slovenia at all. Moreover, the people of Istria express a certain degree of empathy towards the victims of Srebrenica as well, e.g. in Buzet (Čalić Šverko, 2018b) or in Pula (Grad Pula, 2017). Preservation of memory and compassion are therefore important elements of Istrian memorial practices, including cases of tragic (military) events and victims outside the region. Such memory practices, however, are not characteristic of the Slovenian part of Istria.

Before the conclusion, it is necessary to highlight some examples of Istrian tourism that do not completely support the idea of demilitarisa-

⁵⁸ More examples can be found on the web page of the Association of Slovenian officers (http://www.zsc.si/location/koper/).

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Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria tion.⁵⁹ The Port of Koper often hosts foreign military ships, which attract curious visitors and media. The media reported on the visit of Italian navy sailing ship Palinuro in July 2017, which was open to the public (Krivec, 2017), on the British military ship Enterprise in August 2017 and the great interest of domestic and foreign visitors (sta, 2017), and on the u s aircraft carrier u s s Harry S. Truman in 2003, when panoramic boat tours were organised (‘u s s Harry S. Truman (c v n 75) v Koprskem zalivu’, 2003). Similarly, media reported on the American war movie Kelly’s Heroes filmed in Vižinada (1970) and the related international memorial event which occurred there after 48 years (Rimanić, 2018a), on a similar international historical-music manifestation related to w w i i in Medulin (Softić, 2018), and on the re-construction of the Allied landing operation in Istria (a rm pi t) at the end of w w i i and the related international memorial weekend event in Šišan (Strahinja, 2019). These events do not have a distinct memorial dimension, although the presence of Italian and Anglo-American armed forces in the Upper Adriatic remained in the memory of the Istrians. Additional interesting examples are the gladiatorial combats at the Pula Arena named Spectacula Antiqua, which also includes scenes of cruel fighting and violence. The revival of antique spectacles is welcome from a tourism and heritage point of view, although it seems like no one is questioning the appropriateness of these performances for children (especially if expert interpretations are insufficient or even absent).⁶⁰ Very informative, but also controversial, can be tourist visits to the once-guarded ypa complex Šišan near Pula, including the secret underground parts of the hill Monte Madonna (Strahinja, 2018). As part of the tourist services of the extreme south of the peninsula, there is also an option for transport by a y pa truck from Premantura to Rt Kamenjak – see Figure 6.17.

All the above-mentioned examples are, besides the many possibilities for underwater visits to sunken military ships, representative examples of dark tourism as well as dissonant heritage. These examples of supply are adapted to the modern tourist and thus comply with the principles of thematic tourism, while at the same time coming into conflict with ⁵⁹ If we take into consideration the claims of the abovementioned McKay (2013), McKenna and Ward (2007), and Reynolds and Lake (2010) on memorial days/heritage and militarisation of the history and culture.

⁶⁰ Overcommercialisation and spectacularisation of violence and death can often be a negative consequence of dark tourism – see Simone-Charteris et al. (2018).

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6.5 Discussion and Chapter Conclusion

Figure 6.17

Military Truck for

Transport of Tourists

the ideas of demilitarisation, non-violence and the like. These findings support Urošević’s (2013, p. 93) claims that Pula still does not have a defined image of a former military and port city, or possibilities offered by this heritage. One of the basic problems is thus the lack of consistency with the basic developmental orientations of the economy and society of Istria.

6.5 Discussion and Chapter Conclusion

Totalitarian, as well as democratic authorities, significantly influenced the memorial practice of the 20th century in Istria. The Austro-Hungarian administration, which mostly contributed to the military character of the city of Pula, constructed statues to expose the heroism of its armed forces.

Moreover, a clear memorial purpose can be ascribed to the Maritime Museum for its exhibitions dedicated to the greatest successes of the monarchy’s navy. All this heritage, as well as Slavic cultural tradition, were subject to complete damnatio memoriae in the post-w w i fascist Italy. Italian patriotism and heroism were massively celebrated and commemorated in annexed areas – see Klabjan (2010), Todero (2010) and Kavrečič (2017); many events were of a religious nature. The anti-fascist and anti-capitalist non-democratic Yugoslav authority used similar principles, although it was not completely hostile towards the Italian presence in Istria. However, 139

Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria the victims of the foibe and the socialist revolution⁶¹ were systematically denied in this period – a new example of damnatio memoriae. Istrian veterans of w w i i and the conflict in the 1990s try to preserve the memory without social division (e.g. some events are organised jointly), but this does not work perfectly, because w w i i-related heritage is nowadays perceived as a dissonant heritage in the post-Yugoslav states.⁶² Nonetheless, memorial practices in Istria are significantly different from those in the rest of Croatia; the difference in the Slovenian case is not so obvious. It should also not be overlooked that a non-selective consideration of the Resolution on the Importance of European Remembrance for the Future of Europe (European Parliament, 2019) is of paramount importance.

After both world wars and after all totalitarian regimes, events, heroes and victims of the conflict in the 1990s are commemorated in Istria (as part of democratic Slovenia and Croatia). The Croatian part understandably (according to identified examples of memorial practices) shows more compassion also to the victims of the other scaffolds in the wider region. The religious (Catholic) component of dark commemorative events is especially present in the Croatian part, which is in line with the claims of Seaton (2009) or Kang et al. (2012) on the influence of history and European culture, including Christianity, on dark tourism.⁶³ Events on the Slovenian side are, generally speaking, more secular.

If we take into account the claims in sub-chapter 3.1 ‘Memory Concept’

(Halbwachs, 1992; Hirsch, 2008; Stone, 2012) historical facts and the time distance of the conflicts of the 20th century enable a mixture of memories and an attitude to the past in contemporary Istria. However, due to the time distance, ‘first-generation memory’ or ‘autobiographical memory’

linked to w w i and the first years of Italian fascism is not present in Istria anymore. With the passing away of anti-fascists and w w i i-war veterans,

‘first-generation memory’ or ‘autobiographical memory’ linked to w w i i and the first years of the Second Yugoslavia is slowly, but inevitably, disappearing as well. On the other hand, ‘second generation memory,’ ‘third-generation memory’ or ‘historical memory,’ ‘history’ and ‘collective memory’ related to w w i and w w i i are fully present in contemporary Istrian society. A completely different example is that of the war in the 1990s.

The carriers of memory, former soldiers and other participants are still ⁶¹ The term was used by one of the communist/socialist leaders Edvard Kardelj (1980).

⁶² More can be found in Kisić (2016), and Šešić Dragićević and Mijatović Rogač (2014).

⁶³ In fact, above-mentioned authors identified these influences in a wider cultural context.

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6.5 Discussion and Chapter Conclusion alive (‘first-generation memory’ or ‘autobiographical memory’). In this special context, ‘third-generation memory’ or ‘history’ do not make any sense. The Independence or Homeland War, which especially marks today’s Croatian society, is well introduced into the Istrian collective memory. However, the frequency and programmes of dark commemorative events are, for rational reasons, not at the same level as in the rest of Croatia, where the consequences of the war are still visible.

Past and present events and monuments identified in this chapter can be typified according to the typification presented in sub-chapter 2.2

‘Dark Tourism Typology.’ In accordance with the typology of Fonseca et al. (2016), the above-mentioned events and monuments are classified into the group of ‘war tourism including battlefield tourism,’ which can include most of the examples listed in previous sub-chapters. Visiting sites of post-war extra-judicial executions can be (very conditionally and one-sidedly) classified as ‘holocaust tourism,’ although, in fact, the scale and inhumanity do not reach the level of the Nazi concentration camps, where the largest part of the holocaust occurred. Purini (2010, pp. 223–

224) claims that post-w w i i events in the region are treated by the pro-Italian propaganda as a ‘national genocide’ or ‘Julian holocaust.’ A similar classification can be made according to the typification by Kužnik (2015, pp. 331–332), and Kužnik and Veble (2017, pp. 147–148). What is also interesting is their ‘communism tourism,’ where all tourist visits linked to w w i i-related heritage in the post-socialist/communist Istria could be included, e.g. the heritage of the national liberation struggle (e.g. commemorations at the monuments in Rovinj, Plovanija or Kućibreg) and the socialist revolution (e.g. visiting events related to the post-w w i i execution of priests).

In addition to Kendle (2008), who implemented ‘grief tourism,’ which includes visiting sites related to war, Seaton (1996) similarly developed activities related to travelling to sites of individual or mass deaths or memorials or internment sites. The types that are very relevant for this research are Stone’s (2006) ‘seven dark suppliers,’ also including ‘dark exhibition,’

and ‘dark conflict sites’ associated with war, strong political ideology and historical centrism. Exhibitions related to the 100th anniversary of w w i or to the work of the Catholic priest Bonifacio executed in the aftermath of w w i i are interesting examples of dark exhibitions. ‘Dark conflict sites’

can include many w w i i-related memorial monuments/plaques, which are constructed on the spot of the military conflict, e.g. in Kućibreg or in Plovanija. Stone (2006) also defines the ‘dark camps of genocides,’ which 141

Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria can conditionally be used in the case of the foibe and the forced post-wwii exodus (as highlighted before in relation to the typification by Fonseca et al., 2016). Public opinion on this matter is strongly divided in the multicultural Upper Adriatic, which also refers to today’s Istrian dissonant heritage that was subject to damnatio memoriae in the period of the Second Yugoslavia – the crimes were systematically pushed into silence, but not forgotten. Completely different, positive and benevolent, is the attitude toward the memory of the Independence War (Homeland War in Croatia), which is specific from several aspects:

• the absence of major military clashes in Istria in the 1990s, which means that the Istrians fought mainly on other battlefields and the Istrian infrastructure remained un-devastated;

• participants from Istria fought on the same side regardless of their nationality or belief;

• short time distance (participants are still alive);

• Istrians were not and are not involved in legal proceedings due to their role and acts in the war.

Generally speaking, historical events of the 20th century were and still are well present in the collective memory of the Istrian people, although they are sometimes marked by ‘collective silence,’ but not by amnesia.⁶⁴

Hence, the cohabitation of different cultures and belief systems influence memorial practices organised by different communities or social groups in Istria. In this context, Istrian memorial practices are different from the practices in the rest of Croatia. In fact, based on the available sources, the tourist component of visits and events is not particularly evident at all, which means that they may also have other purposes and thus may be intended for the local population. In this context, it is correct to rely on the ‘seven dark suppliers’ of Stone (2006), both in terms of terminology and in professional terms. Moreover, it was not specifically observed which part of the population is active in this regard. This is particularly relevant from the perspective of the intergenerational memory transfer –

see sub-chapter 3.2 ‘Memory and History.’

A clear orientation toward war-related tourism in the Istrian context, as defined in sub-chapter 2.4 ‘Warfare Tourism,’ was described within ⁶⁴ Coexistence of these phenomena in general is well described by Vinitzky-Seroussi and Teeger (2010); see also Hrobat Virloget (2021). w w i-related dark commemorative events in Istria are evidently performed only on milestone anniversaries, which, nevertheless, shows that they have not completely sunk into oblivion.

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6.5 Discussion and Chapter Conclusion this chapter, where special emphasis was put on Stone’s ‘sites of death and suffering’ (see Figure 2.2). In addition, Istrian memorial and dark tourism practices include components of the ‘death system’ (see Table

2.1). As can be concluded based on some media reports, official publications of municipalities or religious organisations, the events are intended for the general public, including war veterans and their relatives. Objects, places and times are history-centric and thus based on real times and places of conflicts, where commemorations are mostly organised today. In addition, symbols of relevant ideologies were/are present at events as well, e.g. fasces in the post-w w i period, the (red) star and the image of Josip Broz Tito in the post-w w i i period or the contemporary Slovenian/Croatian coat of arms, or the Catholic cross at religious events. The terminology/language is, or was, also adapted to these circumstances, e.g. Mussolini’s words in Pula in 1920 – see Pirjevec (2015, p. 381) – are completely unacceptable from today’s perspective (extreme hate speech).

Dark commemorative events are evidently subject to political influences and constant change, and thus always interesting for academic investigation.

According to all conclusions listed in this sub-chapter, it is necessary to obtain answers to the following research questions related to the contemporary memorial practices in Istria:

rq 1 Who are the actual visitors of dark commemorative events? In the context of intergenerational memory transfer, the main indicators here are the age (generation) and number of visitors (massiveness).

r q 2 To what extent is the (warfare) tourist essence present at dark commemorative events? Relevant indicators of the (warfare) tourist aspect for this study are: internationality, local visitors, memory of the victims as the key reason for the visit, tourism infrastructure.

r q 3 To what extent are ideological/political elements present at dark commemorative events? Can the characteristic Istrian convivenza also be seen at dark commemorative events? Relevant indicators of ideological/political elements for this study are: highlighting ideological topics, regionalism, convivenza and symbols.

In the available references, these aspects were not yet investigated with a serious scholarly approach.

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Methodology: An Introduction

7

The main purpose of this chapter is to define major methodological orientations starting with research philosophies and approaches. Since this study is not of a methodological nature – the objectives are not aimed at the development of new research methods or techniques – the description of the general research framework follows the principles of theoretical simplicity (Baker, 2016) or theoretical parsimony (Aarts, 2007).

7.1 Research Philosophies and Approaches

Through a theoretical analysis of memory and dark tourism as well as the historical background of contemporary Istrian society, this study creates original conceptual frameworks as the basis for subsequent empirical examinations, which together ensure a partly inductive and partly deduc-tive research orientation, is in line with the claims of Kiser and Hechter (1998, p. 794). The focus on a specific historical period (20th century), geographical place (Istrian peninsula) and local culture (Istrian multiculturalism) clearly demonstrates the presence of elements of historicism, especially ‘Hegelian historicism’ (human society and activities are defined by their history) and ‘new historicism’ (cultural and social contextualisation).¹

In terms of interpretation in tourism research, ontological reflections are of particular significance, because tourism, in its essence, constitutes interactions between individuals and places (Hollinshead, 2004). Consequently, in order to understand the manifestations of this complexity related to memory and dark tourism (sites), this study adopted a construc-tionist epistemology and ontology. In addition, the interpretation of the meaning of results also depends on the researcher’s/reader’s own personal perceptions and understandings, which means that post-structuralist and subjectivist characteristics of this study cannot be (completely) ignored; post-structuralism is suggested by Kansteiner (2002, p. 188) for memory-oriented research.

In contrast to the qualitative one, the quantitative approach with its questionnaire surveys is frequently viewed as an objectivist, methodological and rational approach in social sciences, where knowledge is factual and objective; the reasoning is based on a set of quantified facts and ¹ More can be found in Iggers (1995).

145

Methodology: An Introduction

practices known as positivism – see Balarabe Kure (2012, pp. 4–6) and Babones (2016). From this aspect, positivism is marked with internal and external validity, reliability, and objectivity, and, according to Kiser and Hechter (1998, p. 790), it is not in line with causality.

These orientations are encountered in the quantitative section of the study, which is oriented toward theoretical and empirical analyses and the interpretation of both memory practices and dark tourism (sites) in a specific Istrian context. From the point of view of axiology, this part should be less sensitive to the influences of the researchers’ philosophical views.

In this context, Roediger and Wertsch (2008) claim that rigorous quantitative and qualitative methods are applicable to collective memory studies. In addition to traditional historiographical and other post-structural approaches, historian Kansteiner (2002) thus suggests the employment of methods of communication and media studies in particular, with which Bosch (2016, pp. 5–6) also agrees.² Moreover, according to many cited authors, Bosch (2016) provides a wide range of methods for memory studies, i.e. studying primary historical and archival sources, oral histories, case studies, interviews and surveys. In this respect, dark tourism studies do not significantly differ from (collective) memory studies. Light (2017, p. 292) made a review of the research methods adopted over the 1996–2016 period, and found that the most common research approach involves qualitative methods, including authors’ observations, and to a lesser extent quantitative (positivist) ones with questionnaire surveys with large samples; mixed quantitative and qualitative methods were also used by dark tourism scholars, although not very often. The author also established the growing importance of a range of web sources, including attraction websites, discussion forums, and travel blogs, as well as the occasional use of written sources, including fiction, travel writing, guidebooks, and visitor comment books, all of which can provide an interesting insight into the motivations and experiences of visitors. Web sources can thus also be interesting for the investigation of memorial and dark tourism practices in Istria.

Based on this compilation, we can determine that memory and dark tourism studies are methodologically compatible research fields, which ² An interesting example of such a mixed approach related to Jasenovac is the research of Pavlaković and Perak (2017); media, politics and memory in Croatia are also analysed by Mustapić and Balabanić (2018) in an interesting manner.

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7.2 Research Design and Methods

can be combined in order to reach new insights. A number of methodological approaches are available to the scholars of social sciences, where, according to the purpose and objectives of each research, various web sources can be used as well.

7.2 Research Design and Methods

Research design is a plan or a programme of actions (blueprint) that illustrates correlations within a research: the researcher, research philosophies, research strategies, techniques and methods from the data collection phase to empirical analysis. This study implements an adjusted research design that employed a range of compatible and complementary research approaches through a progressive and sequential way; Figure 7.1

schematically illustrates the methods/techniques and their interconnec-tion. Let us first emphasise those in the qualitative part: case study with covert participant observation.

A case study is ordinarily described as a qualitative inquiry focused more on processes, context, and discovery rather than on outcomes, specific variables, and confirmation, in order to gain an in-depth understanding of a definite situation/circumstances (Bryman, 2012, pp. 66–72; Harrison et al., 2017; Merriam, 2009);³ it is an integrative multi-method research strategy (Harrison et al., 2017; Merriam, 2009).With its usefulness in the study of different complex social issues, i.e. phenomena, events, situations, organisations, programmes of individuals or groups (Harrison et al., 2017; Kohlbacher, 2006; Merriam, 2009; Yin, 2013), it offers a necessary (methodological) framework/strategy for this research.

Accordingly, based on predetermined criteria, a set of sample cases of Istrian history-centric dark commemorative events is selected (typical case sampling; purposeful sampling),⁴ which means that a multiple-case study approach is in fact implemented. The following substantive criteria were previously developed on the basis of the literature review in the previous chapters:

• dark commemorative events differ depending on the type of event; ³ A case study has no fixed ontological, epistemological or methodological positions (Harrison et al., 2017).

⁴ Not extreme or unusual, but a broader category of cases to examine key social processes and provide a suitable context for certain research questions to be answered (Bryman, 2012, p. 70). Commemorations of 1 November are not included since they are part of a public holiday when we generally remember all the dead.

147

Methodology: An Introduction

• dark commemorative events are recognisable in a regional or even international environment (significance for tourists/visitors);

• dark commemorative events must relate to different conflicts of the 20th century with human casualties (history-centrism);

• different ‘background beliefs’ of dark commemorative events (or of the visitors) must be clearly identifiable;

• dark commemorative events must have different ‘ethnic backgrounds’

(ethnic origin of past victims and current visitors).

Covert participant observation is then used for data collection, which is methodologically compatible with the claims of Harrison et al. (2017) and Kohlbacher (2006). It is an ethnographic method used in the natural setting with the purpose of an in-depth insight into a specific place (social environment) and its everyday life (Hay, 2010; Kawulich, 2005).

Through community involvement, recurrent contact with people and relatively unstructured social interactions, this method thus enables a particularly effective way of exploring the peculiarities of the definite local environment (Hay, 2010); the researcher as a careful observer and a good listener, within a limited time, observes the interactions and behaviours, listens to the participants (speeches, conversations, including those with the researcher) and asks questions (Kawulich, 2005). This study deliberately adopts the covert role of participant observation, in which the researcher’s identity, the aim and purposes of the research as well as the fact that people are being observed, are concealed. This may cause many ethical concerns. Researchers must therefore consider strict ethical limitations in the implementation of this method (Lugosi, 2008; Spicker, 2011).

When this method is used in the public sphere, without focusing on the selected individuals, then generally there are no ethical concerns (Spicker, 2011).⁵ This is a crucial methodological assumption for our covert participant observations (hereafter observation) of public dark commemorative events, considering that a narrative analysis is employed for the analysis and interpretation within the qualitative context.

In order to reach the aim and purpose of the research, many complementary research methods and techniques are employed in the quantitative part of this study – see Figure 9.5. First, a content analysis is useful in social sciences, where its growing ‘popularity’ is evidenced in a num-

⁵ More can be found in Bryman (2012, pp. 138–140), The Research Ethics Guidebook ( Covert or Deceptive Research, n.d.) and the Code of Ethics of the American Sociological Association (2018).

148

7.2 Research Design and Methods

ber of top quality academic publications (Neuendorf, 2017, pp. xv, 4; Riffe et al., 2005, pp. 5, 18). Content analysis makes it possible to analyse secondary material and then create a (statistically tested) meaning. Consequently, for the purpose of this study, we refer to a quantitative content analysis, which is ‘the systematic and replicable examination of symbols of communication, which have been assigned numeric values according to valid measurement rules and the analysis of relationships involving those values using statistical methods, to describe the communication, draw inferences about its meaning, or infer from the communication to its context, both of production and consumption’ (Riffe et al., 2005, p. 25), or ‘analysis of documents and texts that seeks to quantify content in terms of predetermined categories and in a systematic and replicable manner’

(Bryman, 2012, p. 290). According to these definitions, and on the basis of the literature review in the previous chapters and findings of the qualitative analysis, substantive criteria (codes) are developed for media reports’

analysis (see sub-chapter 9.1 ‘Methodological Explanations’).

Secondly, the principal statistical method used for this study was the TwoStep Cluster Analysis, which is, as the inferential statistical analysis method, ‘an exploratory tool designed to reveal natural groupings (or clusters) within a dataset that would otherwise not be apparent. The algorithm employed by this procedure has several desirable features that differentiate it from traditional clustering techniques:’ handling of categorical and continuous variables, automatic selection of the number of clusters and scalability (i b m Knowledge Center, n.d.). In addition to cluster analyses, the study also implements descriptive analysis, which enables the description of the basic features of the amounts of data in a simpler way, i.e. frequency tables and cross-tabulation, and different variants of the χ 2 test; some of these calculations are made as auxiliary calculations to check (categorical) variables and results as well. All statistical methods are employed using sp s s version 24.

Thirdly, geovisualisation (geographic visualisation), as an additionally used approach, includes visualisation techniques which enable visual representations of georeferenced data to make spatial contexts and problems, as well as the integration of local, regional, and global information, visible (National Research Council, 1997, p. 63); ‘it is the integration of multiple modes of representation – visual, textual and numerical’ (Elwood, 2010, p. 403). Blažević’s (1984, p. 64) map of Istrian historical places and events was created on specific conceptual assumptions that no longer correspond to the present time. Vojnović (2020) later identified and mapped 149

Methodology: An Introduction

Ethical limitations

Covert participation observation

Quantitative content

analysis

Case i v

slt

(w w i i)

su

ve

re

Case i i i

Descriptive analysis

(post-war

arratin

search

auxiliary calculations

revolution)

re

&

alization

n

of

o

isu

Case i i

ti

TwoStep cluster

eov

(post-war

reta

G

tation

w

analysis

o

revolution)

re

remarks

fl

terp

erp

rk

In

ing

Int

d

Wo

Case i

u

(1990s)

ncloC

Media monitoring

Case selection process

(selection process)

Method. apparatus development

Method. apparatus development

(qualitative methodology)

(quantitative methodology)

Historical background

Theoretical background

Workflow

Figure 7.1

Research Design

important historical sites and linked them into thematic routes. Since the geographical dispersion of Istrian history-centric dark commemorative events is still unknown, an additional mapping is needed. We follow the methodological assumption that ‘scientific visualisation in general constitutes a shift away from strict quantitative analysis,’ but is, however, used to ‘increase reliance on qualitative sensory perception,’ which makes geovisualisation important not only for geography (National Research Council, 1997, p. 65), but also for social sciences, e.g. the introduction of dynamic choropleth maps and cartograms. It enables the exploring of patterns both spatially and over time (Elwood, 2010; Healy & Moody, 2014, p. 122; Zinovyev, 2010).

As already discussed in this chapter, the integrative nature of a mixed-method approach utilised in this cross-sectional research served to highlight different viewpoints of the Istrian social reality in relation to dark commemorative events. The multiple data collected and analysed using 150

7.2 Research Design and Methods

different strategies, approaches, methods and techniques has much more significance compared to the data treated in the context of the traditional dichotomy and disconnectedness between qualitative and quantitative research (Yin, 2013). Methodologically speaking, according to the findings of Light (2017, p. 292), such a mixed approach is an absolute novelty in dark tourism as well as in memory studies. Accordingly, a bigger picture of the research problem can be developed, which increases the academic relevance of this research. Additional methodological explanations can be found at the beginning of the following two chapters.

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Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism 8

Context: The Qualitative Analysis

After brief additional methodological explanations, selected cases of dark commemorative events in Istria are presented/analysed as a result of previous fieldwork. The main findings are then compiled and linked to relevant theories, concepts and past research, as is usual for Bonnell’s (1980, pp. 157, 161, 164–165) ‘illustrative’ approach – see also Figure 7.1.

8.1 Additional Methodological Explanations

A large number of potential cases, which represent the dark commemorative events (as research units) were considered; they are analysed in the quantitative part. Due to reasons of potential overlap between the selected cases, as well as economic reasons, the list of case sites was filtered.

In order to provide a contrasting but in some way interrelated set of representative cases of dark commemorative events (multiple-case study), case events were selected according to the criteria presented in sub-chapter 7.3

‘Research Design and Methods.’ Thus, the guideline of Kiser and Hechter (1998, p. 807) and Bryman (2012, pp. 278–279) that the cases for the analysis should be selected and defined on the basis of theoretical criteria was fully taken into account. We also followed Getz’s (2008, p. 404), Frost and Laing’s (2013, pp. 36–42), and Kennell et al.’s (2018, pp. 947–949) descriptions of dark commemorative events as one kind of cultural celebrations related to the traumatic heritage/past as well as to the typology of the related events. With such a selection process, the typical cases listed in Table 8.1 were chosen. Two of them correspond to Seaton’s (1996) ‘sites of individual or mass death’ (i i, i v); according to Stone’s (2006) ‘seven dark suppliers,’ (i) and (i v) constitute examples of ‘dark conflict sites,’ (i i) is most closely related to a ‘dark resting place’ and (i i i) is an example of a ‘dark exhibition.’¹ Table 8.1 shows also other details related to field research: location, date and time spent undertaking research activities.

The public was informed about these events via posters or promotional notifications (see Figure 8.1) and/or on websites, which further ¹ If neglecting the already mentioned claims of Purini (2010, pp. 223–224) on widespread Italian perceptions of the post-w w i i period in the Upper Adriatic.

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Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis Table 8.1

Events of the Multiple-Case Study

Case

Type

Location

Date

Time

 Homeland Thanks-

n d

City of Pula, city cen-

 August

.–.

giving Day and Day of

tre



Croatian Defenders

 The anniversary of mar- m s

Parish church of

 August

.–.

tyrdom of Bl. Miroslav

Lanišće, the main



.–.

Bulešić

square of Svetvinčenat

 Memorial exhibition of

d e

Parish Church of St.

 September .–.

Bl. Francesco Bonifacio (i t)

Servulus, town of Buje 

 The anniversary of the

m s

Kućibreg memorial

 November .–.

Battle of Kućibreg

park, Town of Buje



Notes

Events are deliberately sorted by contemporary dates of dark commemorative events. m s – memorial service; n d – national day of mourning or remembrance; d e –

dark exhibition, after Frost and Laing (2013) and Kennell et al. (2018). (i t) – in the Italian language.

proves their social significance. However, as described in sub-chapter 6.4

‘Other Contemporary Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism,’ promotional practices in general are very divergent.

We strictly followed our previous decision that the observer/researcher

– during their fieldwork – must behave as an ordinary visitor, which makes observations unstructured and naturalistic. It was not possible to employ structured observation due to the heterogeneity and uniqueness of each event, e.g. historical background, different programmes, duration, different locations/facilities and similar, and because the researcher had absolutely no influence over the situation(s) being observed. For a better understanding and on-site flexibility, all observations were based on systematic preliminary preparations.

Hence, the selected type of observation that relied on strict ethical principles and the complex research topic, included the following range of activities (see also Table 8.1):²

• visitors’ observation of sites where public events occur;

• observation of speakers and honorary guest speakers at public events;

• observation of visitor interactions at public events;

• making notes of the ‘research experience,’ including its formal in-

² Interestingly, similar activities were carried out also by many journalists who worked at public events.

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8.1 Additional Methodological Explanations

Figure 8.1

Posters for Selected Dark

Commemorative Events (Porečka i Pulska

biskupija, 2018a; Istarska županja, Grad

Buje & Udruge antifašista Bujštine, 2017)

terpretations: (a) scratch notes including abbreviations, keywords, short phrases, etc. ,³ as well as (b) full field notes that include comprehensive final annotations of the field work;

• taking a range of photographs of each selected event as additional material, based on which to make notes, as well as to use for subsequent analysis.

Narrative analysis that follows data collection relies on a relatively small data set related to the four chosen cases. Consequently, the coding and narrative flow of field notes was manually undertaken. In order to gain an understanding of the overall meaning of dark commemo-

³ It was used especially when it was considered inappropriate to be seen taking full written notes, e.g. at a religious event in the church.

155





Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis rative events, the analysis commenced with an accurate review of field notes. In this context, notes were not only re-read from the first page, but sub-themes were identified, assembled and formed. All activities and methodological approaches have been implemented in order to obtain answers to the research questions (rq) defined in sub-chapter 6.5 ‘Discussion and Chapter Conclusion.’

8.2 Case Study Event 1: Homeland Thanksgiving Day and Day of Croatian Defenders

In the selection process it was assumed that this public dark commemorative event is recognisable on at least the regional level (significance for tourism) as it is dedicated to the Istrian defenders in the Homeland War. Moreover, it is one of the main festive national days when dark commemorative events also take place in Pula – the administrative centre and tourist destination – in the peak of the summer season. According to the official information of the City of Pula (Grad Pula, 2018c; Istarska županija, 2018), this event with a parade of defenders from the Istrian County was introduced in 2013.

bac kg rou nd of t h e ev e nt

Homeland Thanksgiving Day is a public holiday in Croatia that is celebrated annually on 5 August, commemorating the day when the Croatian Army took the City of Knin in 1995 as part of Operation Storm ( Oluja).

With this historic event, the so called Republic of Serbian Krajina was defeated, which in practice meant territorial reintegration with the moth-erland. Much later, the title ‘Day of Croatian Defenders’ was assigned to the name.⁴ This way, both the current members of the Armed Forces and the veterans are honoured.

The defenders, heroes and victims from Istria are remembered on this day as well. As already described, Istrian people did not fight in Istria, because there were no major military conflicts and no major war damage there. With such dark commemorative events, the Istrian people express respect towards the historical events and also some kind of connection with other parts of Croatia where they fought. Surprisingly, as shown in Figure 8.1, this event was not promoted in public advertising spaces; the ⁴ See the Act Amending the holidays, memorial days and non-working days (Zakon o izmjenama i dopunama Zakona o blagdanima, spomendanima i neradnim danima u Republici Hrvatskoj, 2008).

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8.2 Case Study Event 1

Table 8.2

Event Schedule

Beginning Event

Observation

:

Holy Mass at the Cathedral

Yes

:

Wreath laying ceremony at the Central Cross and giving No

honour to Croatian defenders in the Homeland War

:

Wreath laying ceremony at Franz Joseph i park and giving Yes

honour to Croatian defenders in the Homeland War

:

Parade of Croatian Veterans of the Istrian County

Yes

:

A brief programme at the House of Croatian Defenders Yes

:

Opening of the exhibition ‘Krvatska’

Yes

Notes

Author’s elaboration based on Grad Pula (2018c).

message was available to the public on the webpages of the City of Pula and the Istrian County (Istarska županija, 2018).

de s c r i p t i on of t h e da r k c o m m e mor at i v e ev e n t Pula was the main venue for the national holiday in the Istrian County.

The memorial day was composed of six different events, which in fact constitute one commemorative whole – see Table 8.2. Events where the observation was carried out are indicated in the column to the far right.

The Holy Mass at the Pula Cathedral (Cathedral of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary), which begun at 8 am, was the first event on 5 August 2018 (Table 8.2). A police car and van were parked in front of the cathedral, which indicated a special occasion. However, the interior of the cathedral, which was not full of believers, was not specially decorated; only ordinary Catholic symbols were naturally present. Homeland war veterans (defenders) in azure T-shirts as well as eleven uniformed police officers also participated, while high representatives of the Municipality or County did not attend. As with every Eucharistic celebration, the Holy Mass had a more or less fixed structure; the war veterans did the mass readings. The sermon offered more interesting content for investigation. The police chaplain talked about Croatian defenders, although he did not advocate excessive engagement with the past, but with the present and the future. Here he highlighted present successes, especially of Croatian footballers, which made his sermon very topical. These successes were then linked with Catholic values. Topics such as past totalitarian regimes, anti-fascism, Istrian convivenza, regionalism and the present political situation in the region or in the state, death- or suffering-related tourism or pilgrimage were ignored. Hence, the sermon as well as the whole ritual 157

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis were, despite the summer heat, performed in a very relaxed, occasionally even humorous, atmosphere. The Holy Mass was concluded at 9 am, the believers – most were middle-aged⁵ or older – left the cathedral peacefully, talked to each other, but mostly rushed towards the next point.

The following event was the wreath laying ceremony in the Franz Joseph i park ( Park Franje Josipa I). It started with a 15-minute delay (Table 8.2). People were gradually forming a semicircle alongside the monument to the fallen defenders from the Istrian County, starting with flag bearers, e.g. the flag of the State and County, the City of Pula, the defenders’ associations; the monument area was quite busy, which means that there were a few hundred participants. The Pula brass band, uniformed police officers (those who were at the church earlier), representatives of the Croatian armed forces and firefighters from Pula, journalists, photographers and cameramen (they were not seen previously at the church at all), defenders in their azure T-shirts, local, regional and national politicians and ‘ordinary’ visitors were present. In terms of age, the middle- to late middle-age group was the dominant one. Three formal delegations laid wreaths and candles in the colour of the Croatian flag at the memorial: the delegations of the Croatian Parliament, of the Istrian County and of Croatian defenders. An interesting detail was that only the members of the last delegation crossed themselves.

The ceremony, which was carefully monitored by journalists, photographers and cameramen, continued with the national anthem and anthem of the Istrian County, which only strengthened its regional character. This was followed by a minute of silence accompanied by the sound of the trumpet (mourning song). The police chaplain – the one who offered the morning Holy Mass – prayed for the defenders and blessed the flowers, the monument and the flags. The absence of a sound system made it really difficult to hear his speech and prayer well. This way, however, the ceremony obtained a religious (Catholic) component. As no other speaker was expected, the gradual formation of the row for the parade started. In the meantime, the attending politicians gave statements for the media. As is typical for modern times, many other participants constantly took photos with their cameras or smart phones.

The memorial parade of defenders from the Istrian County, including war-disabled members, started from the Franz Joseph i park through Kolodvorska Street, next to Valerijin Park, Istrian Street (next to the ⁵ The middle-age category includes people from 45 to 65 years of age.

158

8.2 Case Study Event 1

Roman Amphitheatre), continuing down to Giardini Street and Laginja Street to the House of Croatian defenders. The police regulated traffic and ensured the smooth running of the parade. At the helm of the parade was a long Croatian flag carried by the defenders from the Istrian County, followed by flag bearers, then the Pula brass band, which played the entire time of the parade, high political representatives of the State, the Istrian County and municipalities, and, finally, other Croatian defenders (see Figure 8.2). There were some random (foreign and domestic) tourists watching and taking photos, wondering what was going on. The parade did not attract local residents either, as there were only a few locals on the left and right sides of the streets; some of them came from nearby bars, others were watching the parade from there. Clapping was heard, many took photographs with their smart phones. Figure 8.2 shows the entry of the parade participants into the yard of the House of Croatian defenders, where the brief ceremony took place – from 10.30 to 10.55 (Table 8.2).

Standing on the stage in the yard, the speaker welcomed all participants, especially the members of the associations of defenders. A singer then sang the national anthem and the anthem of the Istrian County.

The speaker continued with her patriotic speech, where she mentioned the victims of Vukovar, Škabrnja and other sites, and linked them with the Greater-Serbian aggression and the Chetniks. This was followed by a minute of silence. In his short speech, the President of the Coordination of Associations associated with the Homeland War of the Istrian County thanked the City of Pula, the County and volunteers for their work and/or support, not forgetting to mention the success of Croatian footballers at the World Cup. The Mayor of Pula expressed his congratulations on the holiday and reminded the attendees that Croatia won the war, which means today people should be thankful and extremely proud of the defenders; because of them people can live and work in a free state. The last honorary speaker was the President of the Istrian County who thanked all participants and those who once again helped to show the image of community, unity, freedom and joy. These features of Istria are especially important for children and, therefore, for the future. National pride, respect and memory were highlighted. The ceremony then turned into a celebration with Croatian music, and free food and beverages. Due to the summer heat, people mostly stayed in the shade of the trees and parasols in the yard. Some men already showed visible signs of alcohol intoxica-tion. Lunch for politicians and other v i p guests was served in the House of Croatian defenders. There were no tourists present.

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Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis Figure 8.2

Defenders Parade through the Streets of Pula

At 11.05, the opening ceremony of the exhibition called ‘Krvatska’ (Table 8.2) began in the main hallway of the ground floor of the House of the Croatian Defenders; posters with some war scenes from 1990s and examples of damaged cultural heritage were presented. The head of the exhibition and former defender explained that the exhibition had travelled to different countries and embassies in order to present the consequences of the aggression in Croatia in the 1990s. In this way the new independent state wanted to show the catastrophic consequences of the war for Croatian cultural heritage. He also said that the exhibition had already visited Pula in 1993. The President of the Istrian County was the only politician who gave a brief speech. He highlighted Croatia and its rich heritage, the importance of peace and preservation of the memory of the defenders. He officially opened the exhibition. The police chaplain

– the one who offered the morning Holy Mass and blessed the flowers, the monument and the flags in the park – blessed the exhibition. The ceremony, which attracted no more than 20 people, was very brief and was completed within 15 minutes. After the end of the ceremony, the participants – mostly middle-aged – did not stay in the hallway much longer.

Speakers at all public events did not mention past totalitarian regimes, anti-fascism, the Istrian convivenza, regionalism and the present political situation in the region or in the state, death- or suffering-related tourism or pilgrimage. However, regionalism was indirectly presented through 160





8.3 Case Study Event 2: The Anniversary of the Martyrdom of Bl. Miroslav Bulešić

the singing of the anthem of the Istrian County and with flags. The focus of the history-centric dark commemorative event was thus exclusively on the Homeland War, while other Istrian specifics highlighted in subchapter 5.2 ‘Istrian Identity,’ as well as any connection to tourism, were simply ignored. The same applies to educational aspects, e.g. pupils and students were not present. In accordance with the above description, the event did not even have a direct significance for tourists (certainly not from the international perspective), although the defenders came from the entire County and it took place in one of the most recognisable Adriatic tourist destinations during peak season.

8.3 Case Study Event 2: The Anniversary of the Martyrdom of Bl. Miroslav Bulešić

We assumed that this public dark commemorative event is known in at least the regional environment (significance for tourism) as it is dedicated to the native Istrian (Croatian) blessed priest. The dark commemorative event of 24 August 2018 consisted of two parts at different locations (see also Table 8.1 and Figure 8.1):

• the Solemn Requiem Mass at the Parish Church of Lanišće lasted from 10.00 to 11.00; an additional tour of the surroundings and the parson’s house ended at 12 p.m.;

• the concelebrated Mass on the square next to the Parish Church in Svetvinčenat lasted from 18.00 to 19.15.⁶

bac kg rou nd of t h e ev e nt : b ri e f ly on t h e l i f e a n d wor k of b l . bu l e š i 

The history-centric dark commemorative event was based on the martyrdom of Bl. Bulešić on 24 August 1947 in Lanišće. On that day – a festive day of the sacrament of Holy Confirmation in Buzet and the neighbouring parishes – a young Roman Catholic Croatian priest, born in May 1920, was violently killed by a local communist. Bulešić studied in Gorizia ( Gorica) and Koper and finally at the Gregorian University in Rome, which clearly demonstrates his intellectual capacities. He knew how to engage people and be critical toward the new post-w w i i totalitarian regime in Istria (Porečka i Pulska biskupija, 2014), which replaced fascism and nazism. As a Croatian priest he was also engaged as the secretary at the ⁶ These hours only refer to the duration of each event. Since observations were performed before and after the event, the entire research process lasted longer – see Table 8.1.

161

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis College of St. Paul’s Clerics for Istria ( Zbor svećenika sv. Pavla za Istru),⁷

although he later resigned following the pressure of the Italian bishop of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Poreč and Pula (Trogrlić, 2008, pp. 125–

126; Veraja, 2013, pp. 43–45). He was also appointed vice-principal and teacher at the Diocesan Seminary in Pazin and, before that, parish priest in Baderna and Kanfanar. On the day of the murder, he was accompany-ing Msgr. Jakob Ukmar, a delegate of the Holy See, and local priest Stjepan Cek to the celebration of the sacrament of Holy Confirmation in Lanišće (the first post-w w i i Holy Confirmation in this part of Istria). The celebration was terminated by Bulešić’s homicide and a rough physical attack on Ukmar, while Cek remained unhurt. This was followed by the burial of Bulešić in Lanišće, after which there were two post-mortem relocations of his remains, whereas the related commemorations presented an issue for the then authorities; his grave is today in the Church of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary ( Crkva Navještenja Blažene Djevice Marije) in Svetvinčenat (Figure 8.2). On 28 September 2013, the ceremony of Bulešić’s beatification took place in Pula’s Roman Amphitheatre.⁸ His late beatification was a consequence of the fact that during the period of the Second Yugoslavia it was not possible to investigate the life and death of Bl. Bulešić (Veraja, 2013, p. 10). A similar situation has already been mentioned, for example, in connection to other post-w w i i killings.

s ol e m n r e qu i e m m as s at t h e pa r i sh c hu r c h of l a ni š  e

Lanišće is a village and municipality in the Ćićarija area (northern part of Istrian county) and a memorial area of the martyrdom of Miroslav Bulešić. This is written in red on the wall of the renovated small chapel at the entrance to the village. The village is nucleated around a central church on the slope of the hill, which is disadvantageous when there is a large number of visitors (including pilgrims); the village is not prepared for mass visits (arrival of a large number of cars or buses), e.g. there are no signs, no public toilets, no souvenir shop, no info point, no special announcements, posters, etc. as in other public places (tourist destina-

⁷ Among the more visible members was also the priest Božo Milanović – more can be found in Ćurković Nimac et al. (2014) and Veraja (2013, pp. 43–45).

⁸ More can be found on the webpage of the Archdiocese of Zagreb (2013), the Roman Catholic Diocese of Poreč and Pula (Porečka i Pulska biskupija, 2018a), Trogrlić (2008), Veraja (2013) and Bogdan (2014).

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Figure 8.3

Tomb of Bl. Miroslav Bulešić

tions). However, at the time of our visit, there were no parking issues, as there was enough space for parking around the church and the Municipal Hall. There were a few vehicles with registration plates from Koper and Rijeka, whereas others were from the Istrian County. This was the first indication that visitors came mainly from the home village. There was no crowd, and the village centre was clean and tidy. Three flags were hung in front of the parish church – the flags of Croatia, the Vatican and the Municipality – flowers were laid at the bust of Bl. Bulešić and his image hung on the bell tower. All this indicated that 24 August 2018 was not just an ordinary summer Friday. The visitors arrived peacefully, some of them had brief social encounters in front of the church and soon after entered the church where the Solemn Requiem Mass was held at 10 o’clock.

The Solemn Requiem Mass, led by the local parish priest accompanied by two additional priests and altar boys, was a religious event (liturgical ritual) without any other additions (Figure 8.4). As with every Eucharistic celebration, it had a more or less fixed structure;⁹ only the parts especially related to Bl. Bulešić will be further described and analysed. One of ⁹ Limited variations depend on each special occasion.

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Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis Figure 8.4

Solemn Requiem Mass at the Parish Church of Lanišće these is certainly the sermon. The priest put special focus on forgiveness (who and to whom), repentance and prayer. Here he relies on Bulešić’s thoughts – ‘My revenge is forgiveness.’ He says that Bl. Bulešić forgave his killer, which makes sense also from the aspect of forgiveness and repentance in this day and age. These historic events and people can be an example for us today. While constantly connecting and jumping from the past to the present and the future, the priest never addressed the post-war totalitarian regime, anti-fascism, the Istrian convivenza, regionalism or the present political situation in the region or in the state, neither death-nor suffering-related tourism or pilgrimage; no verbal condemnation was detected. Memory was not at the forefront either, although the whole sermon was strongly linked to this context. The same applies to the educational aspect as there were only a few young people present.

The image of Bl. Bulešič, which was placed on the priest’s left side, was supported by a large relic in the front of the altar and the floral arrangements – the church was not richly decorated. Moreover, there was no church choir; songs were sung by priests and believers. There were many attendants and the seats were almost all taken (see Figure 8.4), and some people even stood at the entrance. The vast majority were members of the late middle-aged or older generation which can be attributed to work obligations and vacation time. Among the believers present, it was not possible to identify those who were not locals. For everyone, a particularly impressive moment was the placing of the relic of Bl. Bulešić 164

8.3 Case Study Event 2

into the altar of the parish church. The symbolic and religious significance of this moment surpasses the purpose and objectives of this study.

The priest’s closing reflections should be highlighted as well. He thanked everyone for their participation, especially the people from the Municipality of Lanišće who also attended. As the priest was being transferred to a different parish, the event was concluded with his farewell speech.

At the end of the religious ritual, the believers briefly socialised in the shade by the entrance to the church, whereas many went home immediately. A cameraman who was also present at the ritual recorded some interviews at the bust next to the church. The atmosphere was calm and tranquil. An unplanned and unannounced gathering of people took place as well. A number of individuals gathered around a local man and listened to the story of the tragic events of 24 August 1947. He was working on the reconstruction of the tragic event. Outside the church, he first explained the widespread social circumstances of that time in this part of Istria and the events immediately before and during the solemn religious event. People listened, stopped and moved in the exact direction in which the then actors were moving. Secondly, he presented some facts in the parson’s house where the homicide took place (see Figure 8.5). Four to eight non-local visitors – some were coming, others were leaving – participated in the guided tour, which included the visit of a simple casual exhibition of the work and life of Bl. Bulešić as well.

The man’s interpretations were correct, even though he only once (to put it simply) condemned the anti-fascists for the murder. Visitors showed a lot of interest, commented on the events at that time, asked about the beatification process and sincerely talked about their prayers and requests to Bl. Bulešić. This led to a discussion on life several years after the murder – the trial, the life of the killer, etc. – the non-recognisability of Lanišće among potential visitors (pilgrims) in Croatia and the plans for the development of the parson’s house.

The religious event, as well as the following ‘coincidental’ guided tours, show that this tragic historical event is still present in the collective memory of the local community. The locals present their perception in public in a fairly neutral way: they do not show emotions, they do not condemn or blame, and do not respond in a hostile or similar way. They try to be honest, even if they express some things the wrong way, i.e. the equation between anti-fascists and communists, or when approaching the organisation of activities (tour guiding) in a completely amateur way. In addition to these professional weaknesses, their non-tourist orientation is 165



Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis Figure 8.5

The Scene of the Homicide of Bl. Bulešić

evident practically in all areas. Their anthropogenic tourism resources remain at a purely basic level, although they could offer, besides the religious one, also an authentic ‘dark experience.’ Consequently, this event can be characterised only as a religious dark commemorative event with a strong local character.

c on c e l e b r at e d m as s i n s v et v i n  e nat Svetvinčenat is a village and municipality in the south-central part of the Istrian County, about 30 km north of Pula. It is also a parish where Miroslav Bulešić was actually born, where his rite of ordination of a priest was performed and where he is buried today (in the parish church). His tall bronze statue is deliberately located at the entrance to the village. On the day of the Concelebrated Mass it was not especially tidy and decorated, e.g. the immediate surroundings were weedy, there were no fresh flowers, and old candles were not removed. Nevertheless, it was clear from the advertising boards and signs that his story coexists with the story of a Venetian Morosini-Grimani castle, which, in fact, dominates the village. Moreover, the village has many other attractions and an associated tourism infrastructure, which attract tourists.¹⁰ However, there seemed ¹⁰ More can be found on the webpage of the Tourist Board of Svetvinčenat (http://tz

-svetvincenat.hr/?lang=en).

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to be no posters related to the Concelebrated Mass in the village (except for the narthex of the parish church), which gives an impression that this religious event had no tourist dimension. Nevertheless, judging by the number of parked cars, the event was not attended only by the locals; there were also several buses and organised groups. The first group of pilgrims came at approximately 16.40, later followed by some hikers in sports apparel.¹¹ A black man was seen, and some foreign languages were also heard; however, we cannot treat this event as a recognisable international religious event only based on these facts.

Visitors came peacefully to the square ( Placa) next to the Parish Church of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary and the castle, where the stage and chairs in front of it were placed. People briefly socialised before the Mass and journalists carried out their work conspicuously (the same cameraman as in Lanišće was also there). There were many people on the square, although it was not completely full. Members of all generations were present, with predominantly late middle-aged or senior attendants; there were no political representatives attending the event.¹² Because of the greater number of people, the atmosphere was more lively than in Lanišće. People searched for shade in the hot summer sun, but the organisers invited them to move closer to the stage where the altar was standing. They dutifully responded to the invitation. The Concelebrated Mass begun at 18.00 with a solemn procession that started in the parish church, passing the believers and continuing to the stage. The procession was escorted by the singing of the church choir from Stari Pazin and the believers. The Mass led by the bishop from the Catholic Diocese of Gospić-Senj (see Figures 8.1 and 8.6) was a solemn religious event without any other additions. Consequently, our research approach was the same as at the Mass in Lanišće: only the sermon and the specifics will be pointed out/analysed.

The sermon started by connecting the blood of Jesus Christ, who has been feeding, nourishing and filling up the Catholic Church through centuries, with what happened in Croatia and Istria with the blood of Bl.

Bulešić. The bishop also highlighted the environment that hates and persecutes Jesus’s disciples. He pointed out that hatred, including hatred of the church, does not make anyone happy, and that only love can help us ¹¹ The webpage of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Poreč and Pula (Krizman, n.d.) states that the pilgrims came on foot from Pula, Fažana, Vrsar and some other Istrian places. In total, there were about 1,000 visitors/believers.

¹² This does not exclude the possibility that they were there among the believers.

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Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis Figure 8.6

Concelebrated Mass at the Placa in Svetvinčenat

overcome evil and hatred. This happened also to Bl. Bulešić, who passed away saying the words ‘My revenge is forgiveness.’ His example shows that the length of a life is not as important as its content and quality. Great are those who know how to serve and make sacrifices for others, and Bulešić can serve as an example for all of us. Accordingly, Bulešič and the saints were not defined only as a historical category. Otherwise, the bishop did not even mention the post-war totalitarian regime, anti-fascism, the Istrian convivenza, regionalism and the present political situation in the region or in the state, nor did he talk about death- or suffering-related tourism or pilgrimage.¹³ Technically speaking, the bishop’s sermon was marked with constant linking of the past with the present and the future, although memory was not at the forefront.

At the end of the Mass celebration, the local parish priest thanked all those present and invited them to enter the church where they could approach the altar and worship the relics: the cassock worn at the time of the homicide, the cushion soaked with his blood and the fragment of wall plaster from the parson’s house in Lanišće. This was followed by the ceremonial departure (procession) of bishops and priests from the stage to the parish church. The bishop who led the Concelebrated Mass carried a relic (blood) of Bl. Bulešić, making this part of the religious event even more solemn. The believers followed the procession in order to see the relics. The events were accompanied by the ringing of church bells. At ¹³ If we ignore the bishop’s thoughts on ‘pilgrimage to the sky.’

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8.4 Case Study Event 3: Memorial Exhibition of Bl. Francesco Bonifacio the end, believers socialised at the square, where the clergy joined them briefly as well. The atmosphere was calm and relaxed. In the building on the opposite part of the square, a casual banquet was held for the clergy and other v i p guests.

This solemn religious event also shows that this tragic historical event with an obvious Catholic connotation is still present in the Istrian collective memory. Similarly to the Holy Mass in Lanišće, this religious ritual followed the predicted form, content and religious symbols typical for such kind of occasion; any reflection of the past or current political circumstances and ‘Istrianity’ as well as the educational aspect were excluded – Istria was, however, mentioned in the sermon a couple of times.

On the other hand, the Catholic ritual provokes an important perspective, which is neglected in memorial and especially dark tourism studies.

Jesus’s words from the last supper, ‘Do this in remembrance of me,’ which represent an Eucharistic or ecclesiological-ethical remembrance,¹⁴ open a completely new perspective of the dark commemorative events related to dark tourism.¹⁵

The tourist dimension was more present here than in Lanišće. From a tourism aspect, Svetvinčenat is a recognisable location with heterogeneous tourism services, where, however, the religious part is not integrated well, e.g. the website of the local tourist board presents sacral heritage as well, but religious events are not particularly supported with promotional activities. The same applies for the dark tourism perspective, although the tragic story of Bl. Bulešić offers great potential, e.g. his current and previous grave is in the village, and the relics related to his death are in the parish church. This means that these anthropogenic tourism resources remain unexploited. However, the above-described religious event attracted visitors from the wider area and not just local people. In terms of (dark) tourism, this can be perceived as a whole-day or half-day trip.

8.4 Case Study Event 3: Memorial Exhibition

of Bl. Francesco Bonifacio

In the selection process, it was assumed that this northern-Istrian dark commemorative event in Buje (Buie) is recognisable in the Upper Adri-

¹⁴ More can be found in Vosloo (2017).

¹⁵ Such a religious perspective or background is completely overlooked in dark tourism studies

169

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis atic area: Croatia – Slovenia – Italy (significance for tourism). It was dedicated namely to the native Italian Istrian blessed priest who was mysteriously liquidated in the aftermath of w w i i, when the Communist Party was taking power. This event should therefore especially attract the members of the Italian minority in Istria and Istrian migrants of Italian origins from the Autonomous Region of Friuli Venezia Giulia. Trieste is only approximately 40 km away – the members of the Italian community in Slovenia and Croatia are even closer (cross-border travel). Both, esuli and rimasti, could thus be the right target groups, which gave the event a tourism connotation as well.

The presence of the proactive autochthon Italian community evidently co-creates the social and economic life of the town and the entire Municipality. This fact also significantly impacted the selection of this event for further analysis, which means that this public dark commemorative event is primarily addressed in terms of its ethnic background (ethnic origin of participants).

bac kg rou nd of t h e ev e nt : b ri e f ly on t h e l i f e a n d wor k of b l . b on i fac i o

Francesco Bonifacio was born to poor Italian parents on 7 September 1912

in Piran. After graduating from high school in Koper, he studied at the central theological seminary in Gorizia. In the end of December 1936 he was ordained to the priesthood in the Trieste Cathedral ( Basilica catte-drale di San Giusto Martire). As a priest, he first worked for a short time in Piran, then in Novigrad, and after that, he took under his wing the believers in the area between Buje and Grožnjan. Besides his pastoral commitment, he was especially known for his work and socialising with the young and ordinary people, e.g. local fishermen, farmers, the elderly, the sick and the poor. During wwii, and especially during the German occupation between 1943 and 1945, he often offered shelter to the local people from confronting armies and thus also risked his own life. Immediately after the war, the new totalitarian power assumed authority. They did not like his pastoral as well as social engagement in the local environment.

The Department for People’s Protection (o z na) arrested him on the way from Gožnjan to Krasica, after which he was liquidated in mysterious circumstances.¹⁶ When he was killed, most probably on 11 September 1946, ¹⁶ In 1946 many priests of different nationality were arrested in Istria including Francesco Bonifacio, who was then also liquidated (Oblak Moscarda, 2016, p. 162). More about the 170

8.4 Case Study Event 3

he was only 34 years old. His remains have not been found and there are several theories about them: cremation, throwing into the abyss ( foiba), or secret burial (Galimberti, n.d.; Župa Sv. Servula Buje, 2018).

In accordance with the decision of Pope Benedict xv i, the beatification ceremony was celebrated on 4 October 2008 in Trieste Cathedral.

The liturgical memorial of Bl. Bonifacio is celebrated every year on 11

September, the day of his martyrdom (Galimberti, n.d.).

m e mor ia l e x h i b i t i on ope n i n g c e r e mony September 2018 was, as in many previous years, a festive month for Buje as this was the 113th celebration of the Grape Days festival ( Dani grožđa Buje/Festa dell’uva). Consequently, posters for this event were posted on all advertising spaces in town. Advertisements for two cultural events, which took place a week earlier, were also posted on the same places. One of them was the memorial exhibition dedicated to Bl. Francesco Bonifacio named On Behalf of God, in Service of the People ( In nome di Dio, al servizio del popolo); the poster on Figure 8.7 was hung at the entrance to the thematic exhibition in the Parish Church of St. Servulus, a hill town.

Figure 8.1 shows an additional poster posted in or near local churches (and on the Diocese’s website).

Special signs as well as a large town map (on Josip Broz Tito Square) are available to the visitors who want to visit the church; there is also a tourist info point in the area. This gives a tourist feel to the town, although from the aspect of tourism, Buje cannot (yet) be compared with the nearby coastal towns, such as Piran, Umag or Novigrad. Parking can pose a problem in this ancient and nucleated town, which constitutes its weak point.

On the other hand, five sacral buildings, and the historic townscape including the fortification system, are only some of the attractions of this multicultural town.

The opening ceremony was held on 7 September 2018 in the Parish Church. A total of 35 people were present at the 6 p.m. ceremony in the above-mentioned church; among them predominantly seniors. The primary language of the event was Italian. After the introductory words of the local parish priest, there was a short prayer. After that, he turned to the visitors and spoke about Bl. Bonifacio. He emphasised that by sacrificing his life, Francesco Bonifacio testified to the power of baptism, which is political situation and events immediately after w w i i in Istria can be found in Oblak Moscarda (2016).

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Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis Figure 8.7

Poster at the Entrance to

the Thematic Exhibition

the basis of Christian identity. In this part he recalled that 663 priests and 31 nuns were killed during wwii and its aftermath in Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina; communists were mentioned in this context. Then he returned to the present times and spoke about Europe’s return to Christian roots, which are the basis of European civilisation, which is, however, increasingly marked by secularisation. He concluded that the exhibition wants to help us in living our faith. Because of all that, the speech sounded like a sermon. The local priest then blessed the memorial exhibition.

The then Deputy Mayoress of Buje from the Italian community briefly addressed the visitors as well (Figure 8.8). Speaking in Italian, she expressed her satisfaction with the fact that the inhabitants of Buje had the opportunity to see the exhibition, emphasising that ‘Bl. Francesco Bonifacio is one of those who greatly contributed to the development of the historical circumstances that set the foundation of the present in these areas that we live in today.’ In the continuation of the opening ceremony, the president of the Society ‘Friends of Bl. Francesco Bonifacio’ ( Gruppo

‘Amici di don Francesco Bonifacio’), the initiator and author of the exhibi-172



8.4 Case Study Event 3

Figure 8.8

Parish Priest and Deputy Mayoress from the Italian Community at the Opening Ceremony

tion, explorer Mario Ravalico from Trieste, explained that the exhibition, on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of beatification, was intended to give visitors the opportunity to familiarise themselves with the character of the young priest. He pointed out that before Buje, this exhibition was held in Piran and Trieste, where it was attended by many interested visitors. In addition, he briefly described his research work on this topic and then described the structure of the memorial exhibition – it was divided into six chronological parts:

1. The Bonifacio family;

2. The invitation, and going to the seminar;

3. The pastoral work of Bl. Bonifacio;

4. The death. In this section, the explanation of three hypotheses about the place where the body was mysteriously buried was presented.

The only known fact is the place of his arrest. Mr. Ravalico, however, emphasised that according to the latest findings, the most probable hypothesis is that his body was buried in a secret and unmarked grave in the Cemetery of St. Vid¹⁷ in Grožnjan – this cemetery was later abandoned;

¹⁷ His remains were not found in the excavations of the abysses in this part of Istria. The 173

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis 5. The beatification ceremony in Trieste Cathedral in 2008; 6. Photographs of various occasions related to Bl. Bonifacio.

In addition to photographic records, copies of various documents and suchlike, the exhibition was also marked by a glass showcase with Bonifacio’s personal items, e.g. breviary, headgear and metal cilice, which all have a religious symbolic meaning. Panels with photographs and copies of documents were placed on the left and right side of the nave, while the showcase was placed at the end of the nave in front of the altar. The interesting initiative for arranging the memorial route of Francesco Bonifacio (Trieste–Piran–Krasica–Novigrad) was also exhibited.¹⁸

After the conclusion of the ceremony at approximately 6.30 pm, all the main protagonists were interviewed by the journalist present. Visitors looked at the displayed exhibits together and quietly discussed them; the parish priest and Mr. Ravalico stayed with them. At around 7 pm, they all went to the square, where a table with simple snacks and beverages was set next to the church. Food and beverages were available to the visitors free of charge.

Regardless of the fact that the memorial exhibition took place in the sacral building and that the Catholic parish priest was present, it is difficult to interpret it as a typical religious event. In any case, its Italian character was much more evident, although the characteristic convivenza was not mentioned at all. In addition, regionalism, the present political situation in the region or in the state did not prove to be relevant for this dark commemorative event; the above-mentioned memorial route can be linked with tourism – religious tourism (pilgrimage). Communism was mentioned, although not in the Istrian context. The memory of the work and personality of Francesco Bonifacio and especially of his mysterious death were at the forefront of the event. The potential dark tourism experience was also reinforced with an exhibit related to the suffering of the man, i.e. the metal cilice. Despite its expected high relevance for the people of this part of the multicultural cross-border Istria and beyond, the dark commemorative event had in fact a nearly negligible significance from the (collective) memorial or tourism aspect. The tragic history-centric story enriched with its religious, ideological and multi-hypothesis that he was thrown dead or still alive into the abyss ( foiba), was therefore not confirmed.

¹⁸ A former railroad track Parenzana represents an important comparative example. This complements Vojnović’s (2020) research.

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8.5 Case Study Event 4: The Anniversary of the Battle of Kućibreg cultural dimensions apparently did not attract visitors. The third repeti-tion edition of the exhibition in the regional environment (Piran – Trieste

– Buje) and other activities mentioned in the previous chapters, e.g. the pilgrimage of believers from the Roman Catholic Diocese of Trieste to Istria, had no positive effect on the arrival of visitors.

Other visitors of the memorial exhibition, which closed on 16 September 2018, were not an object of systematic observation. The opening ceremony as well as the whole exhibition also had great educational potential, but we do not know if it was exploited.

8.5 Case Study Event 4: The Anniversary of the Battle of Kućibreg As in case study event 3, we assumed that the selected north-Istrian event is recognisable in the Upper Adriatic area. It is dedicated namely to the victims of the clash of the Italian-Croatian-Slovenian Partisan forces with the Nazis in 1944. Thus, this event should have especially attracted w w i i veterans (anti-fascists), their descendants, sympathisers and supporters in the Upper Adriatic.

Today, Kućibreg in Croatia and Hrvoji in Slovenia are disadvantaged depopulated neighbouring border villages on both sides of the state border (with less than 1,000 metres between them). The historical event in w w i i is probably not the only contemporary (anthropogenic) attraction with a significance for tourism but the full attention of this research was deliberately put exclusively on this example. Collective memory related to w w i i in fact strongly connects both villages.

bac kg rou nd of t h e ev e nt : t h e bat t l e of ku  i b re g After the armistice of Italy in 1943, when Istria was annexed to Nazi Ger-many, its army began exercising terrible violence in Northern Istria: military actions were directed towards the Partisan units, as well as towards the civilian population. In the autumn of 1944, there were the following Partisan units: the Croatian Second Brigade of the 43rd division, the Italian Battalion Alma Vivoda, and the Commands of Buje and Koper (Ivančič, n.d.). According to the reports, the Italian battalion was quite passive and faced desertion by its combatants; in general, the social situation was quite chaotic (Vlahov, 1986, p. 70). In November – especially 4 and 25 – the strong Nazi military forces performed an offensive against the Partisan units. About 120 Partisans of the Croatian, Slovenian and Italian nationality fell in the battle (the exact number is not well known); many were captured and then transported to the camp Risiera di San 175

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis Sabba (Rižarna) in Trieste or other concentration camps. The Italian Battalion was completely broken in the battle (G. M., 2007; Ivančič, n.d.; Vlahov, 1986, p. 93).

In 1959, the monument in Kućibreg and the vault in Hrvoji, symbols of the heroic fight for freedom and the common struggle of all three au-tochthone Istrian nations, were constructed (G. M., 2007; Ivančič, n.d.).

It is worth mentioning the meaningful trilingual inscription on the monument, which also has a clear regional connotation: To the farewell and lasting memory of the brave combatants of Slovene, Croatian and Italian nationality, loyal sons of Istria, inseparable comrades in the battle and in death, who as brothers, shoulder to shoulder, gave their life for their goals, that we can live better in freedom.

In these specific (memorial) circumstances, the common traditional dark commemorative event, heavily anchored in the collective memory, is held each year at the vault of fallen Partisans at the cemetery in Hrvoji, after which the main part takes place at the monument in Kućibreg.

t h e da r k c o m m e mor at i v e ev e n t de s c r i p t i on: 7 3 r d a n n i v e r s a ry of t h e bat t l e

The 73rd anniversary of the Battle of Kućibreg was held on 5 November 2017, beginning with a brief flower-laying ceremony at the mass grave in Hrvoji (this part was not observed for logistical reasons). Political representatives of all Istrian municipalities in Slovenia and the Northern Istrian County (so called Bujština) as well as of the Istrian County, representatives of w w i i veterans’ organisations, their sympathisers and supporters, the media, and many other visitors from all over Istria and the neighbouring regions in Slovenia, Croatia and Italy participated at the following main event at the monument in Kućibreg. According to vehicle registration plates and inscriptions on buses parked on the parking lot (on the meadow; Figure 8.9) that was prepared and managed especially for this occasion, many came also from other parts of Slovenia and Croatia. All these additionally gave the event a (dark) tourism feel. Stands with local food and agricultural delicacies only reinforced this feeling. Many flags from the three neighbouring Upper Adriatic Countries or regions as well as those of w w i i veteran organisations from those countries gave a ceremonial/formal touch to the event. The Partisan choral music accompaniment was intended for the attending visitors. Despite consider-176



8.5 Case Study Event 4

Figure 8.9

Improvised Bus Parking and Stands with the Local Food and Beverage Offer Next to the Monument

ably windy and cloudy weather without rain, the event attracted a lot of participants – it is estimated that there were many more visitors than in the previous years – who completely filled up the event area. There were representatives of all generations, with the late middle-age and older-age groups heavily dominating. Many individuals wore the so-called Titovka

– a green side cap characteristic of the Yugoslav Partisans – or its Slovenian version called the Triglavka.

The brass band from Buje accompanied the arrival of flag-bearers at 10.45 (with a 15-minute delay); visitors stood up respectfully. The presenter addressed the participants with ladies and gentlemen and comrades in three languages: Croatian, Italian and Slovenian. The greeting of the still living combatants of Kućibreg triggered spontaneous applause. After the national anthem of Croatia and anthem of the Istrian County, which only strengthened the regional character of the ceremony, a minute of silence was observed to mark respect for the victims of fascism, nazism, and the fight for independence in the 1990s. The presenter then highlighted some facts from the past and present, i.e. the construction of the monument in 1959, values of anti-fascism, coexistence ( convivenza), tolerance and similar values. Visitors were then welcomed and hospitably addressed in three languages by the host Mayor of Buje, who was the first honorary speaker. He recapped the main points of his speech in the Italian and Slovenian language as well. In his speech, he highlighted the importance of a common fight, comradeship, the preservation of the memory of 177

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis victims, coexistence, tolerance and friendships between different nations and cultures; contemporary or past borders were not mentioned at all.

Anti-fascism in Istria offered him a constant framework for his speech.

The following honorary speakers – the Mayors of Muggia in Italy and Ankaran in Slovenia – predictably stayed within this framework. Both of them spoke in their native languages. Choral singing of the joint choirs from Umag and Novigrad followed with songs Himna slobodi (‘The Anthem of Freedom’) in Croatian and Fratellanzza (‘Brotherhood’) in the Italian language.

The central phase of the event – the wreath laying ceremony at the monument – was particularly commemorative and showed a great degree of respect and compassion. Delegations of Croatian, Italian and Slovenian municipalities of the Upper Adriatic, delegations of veterans’/anti-fascist organisations in the region and the Istrian County solemnly laid wreaths, flowers and candles at the monument, accompanied by the sound of trumpets (see Figure 8.10). Flag-bearers approached the monument before that. The symbols of anti-fascism and w w i i strongly marked the commemorative atmosphere. As is typical for this day and age, this phase was massively recorded and photographed, not only by the many professional journalists, cameramen and photographers, but also by many regular visitors with their cameras and smart phones.

The solemn atmosphere continued with the recognition of the long-time organiser of the commemorations in Kućibreg, supporter of antifascism and former mayor of Buje, Mr. Edi Andreašić. On behalf of the Union of the Associations for the Values of the National Liberation Movement of Slovenia, the President of the Association of anti-fascists, fighters for the values of the National Liberation War and Veterans of Koper presented him with the Golden Plate award. In a brief speech, he also remembered that the Kućibreg fighters were initially Istrians and then Croats, Slovenes and Italians.

Children of elementary schools from Oprtalj and Ankaran participated in the cultural programme; Slovenian theatre actor Brane Grubar recited the poem of Slovenian poet Srečko Kosovel. Another honorary speaker was the President of the Istrian County who relied on similar Istrian specifics as the speakers, especially the mayors, before him; his speech was in the Croatian language. A point of special interest was his reflection on the governmental rejection of the proposal prepared in Istria for the legal ban of the Ustasha symbols and salutation. He also emphasised that there should be many commemorations such as the ones in Kućibreg 178



8.5 Case Study Event 4

Figure 8.10

Wreath-Laying Ceremony at the Kućibreg Monument

in order to transfer the values of anti-fascism to younger generations and to prevent the resurrection of fascism. Visitors accepted his words with approval.

The cultural programme at the end of the event included three other partisan songs performed by the choir from Lopar (Slovenia). The event ended with the unofficial anthem of the Slovenian Primorska region –

Vstajenje Primorske (Rising of Primorska); all visitors rose without an invitation to do so and many participants also sang along. The event ended after an hour and a half. The visitors left very slowly – they socialised, stopped at the stands and greeted each other. Professional journalists, cameramen and photographers, who carefully observed the whole event, made the final recordings and interviews. As a consequence of all these gradual happenings, there was no chaos on the improvised parking lot; the police and stewards effectively directed the vehicles.

The above description clearly shows that this history-centric public dark commemorative event was especially rich with symbols (past and present): state, regional and anti-fascism symbols. The event was also apparently regionally oriented, since the ideas (and symbols) of regionalism were present; the critique of the state policy can be understood in 179





Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis the anti-fascist as well as in the regionalist context. Communism was not even mentioned, which means that that red star, the image of Tito, the Titovka/Triglavka, partisan songs and some flags can be understood as symbols, particularly in an anti-fascist context; religion was completely excluded from the event scenario. Nevertheless, the event had a strong commemorative connotation, with a great degree of respect and grateful-ness expressed to the victims; the educational aspect was not neglected at this event. Moreover, the programme also supported the traditional Istrian trans-border collaboration and convivenza, tolerance and friendships between different nations and cultures. Consequently, the (dark) tourism connotation of the event was also clearly visible.

8.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria

Based on the observed cases of dark commemorative events in Istria, an illustrative comparison is made in this final sub-chapter. A temporal analogy, or path-dependent sequences, where the past is linked and/or ex-trapolated from the present, are simultaneously incorporated as an additional characteristic of approach for the historical sociology. If we rely on Aminzade’s (1992) concepts of time that have been used in recent historical social sciences, then duration, the amount of time elapsed over the given event or sequence of events, pace, trajectory and cycles, are not overlooked in this research. Following these directions, we avoided the danger of the ahistoricity of the whole chapter or study. In addition, components of the death system (see Table 2.1) are also reasonably used.

In connection to the three research questions posed in sub-chapter 6.5 ‘Discussion and Chapter Conclusion,’ the answers/findings are systematically outlined here in a comparable and contextualised manner. In relation to the first question (rq 1), we established that the dominating group of visitors at all locations were the middle- and late middle-aged to elderly attendees. If deliberately ignoring the dark commemorative event in Kućibreg, where the children of some North-Istrian elementary schools actually participated in the cultural programme, all other organisers almost completely ignored this target group and youth in general; this was particularly evident at all observed events in Pula, Lanišće and Buje. Consequently, the intergenerational transfers of memory practices as identified by Misztal (2003, p. 17) or Wolff (2006, p. 115) are endangered. Some kind of memorial discontinuity has been identified in post-socialist Croatia by Pavlaković and Perak (2017), Lebhaft (2013; 2016) 180

8.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria and Iveković Martinis and Sujoldžić (2021) in relation to w w i i-related heritage. However, results show that w w i i-related dark commemorative events in Istria are less endangered than others. This further confirms the claims of Pavlaković and Perak (2017) that the attitude to w w i i is different in Istria. Nevertheless, it should be further examined how to combine professional, personal and family obligations/duties and habits (e.g.

holidays, vacations) as well as knowledge and awareness, by participating at history-centric dark commemorative events. This necessary step is needed in order to determine whether Istrian history-centric memorial practices are moving towards collective amnesia, which is, in general, described by Haebich (2011) and Ricoeur (2012) (see sub-chapter 3.2 ‘Memory and History’). Moreover, if this phenomenon is a spontaneous and natural (this time not forced or penal) damnatio memoriae of contemporary Istrian society, then this also requires additional interdisciplinary research. These investigations would be additionally reasonable since Istria has already encountered unadvised/prohibited memory practices ( damnatio memoriae) in the past, e.g. Slavic-oriented in the time of fascism, religious, including those related to the deaths of Bl. Bulešić and Bl. Bonifacio, or those related to Italian emigrants in the period of the Second Yugoslavia.

When mentioning the age or generation of visitors, there is one more thing worth pointing out. Senior visitors at w w i i-related events as well as events related to the post-w w i i socialist revolution personally experienced or observed the violence, which means that their memory is first-generation memory – as described by Hirsch (2008) – or autobiographical memory as defined by Halbwachs (1992).¹⁹ The same applies to middle-aged or late middle-aged visitors of the Homeland War-related dark commemorative events (Homeland Thanksgiving Day and Day of Croatian Defenders). They evidently constitute the main active target group of visitors for all observed dark commemorative events. Hence, even though the ‘carriers’ of the second and the third generation memory were still present (to a limited extent) in Kućibreg and Svetvinčenat, the third generation was almost entirely missing in Pula, Lanišće and Buje. The practices and consequences of the intergenerational transfer are therefore different. It can be concluded that collective memory – con-

¹⁹ Interestingly, traumatic experiences then impact the attitude of dark tourism development, where seniors with those experiences can react in a very unsupportive way (Simone-Charteris et al., 2018).

181

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis structed on the traumatic and complex past – and thus the present Istrian identity (‘Istrianity’) are in crisis if the main criterion taken into account is only the transfer of historical facts and memories related to the past violent events to the younger generations. However, dark commemorative events are only one possible mode of transfer; in the quantitative part of the study, electronic media reports (media-constructed reality; mediated memory)²⁰ are presented as an alternative way. ‘People rely on the media for information and access to local, national, and world events’ (Carter, 2013, p. 1), which is why the media are important for the transfer. However, the transfer is hindered when confidence in the media is at a low level.²¹

The number of visitors or the massiveness of the visit is our additional indicator related to rq 1. The relevance of this indicator is demonstrated by the massive visits to many dark commemorative events in the 20th century, which enables comparisons in time. Thus, for example, post-w w i Italian patriotism and heroism were massively celebrated and commemorated in Istria (Giuriati, 1927, p. 793; Gemmiti, 1935; Marsetič, 2006a; 2006b, p. 217; Klabjan, 2010; Todero, 2010; Kavrečič, 2017), which, due to the change of regime, completely changed after w w i i (D’Alessio, 2012a; Hrobat Virloget, 2015, p. 536). However, the patterns remained similar/the same. In this context, some kind of continuity can be ascribed to the Kućibreg dark commemorative event, which was rooted in the Second Yugoslavia (or in the national liberation struggle), survived all political changes in the 1990s and has kept its importance and consequently its mass visit. The 73rd anniversary exhibits a trajectorial, history-centric, and cyclic perspective of the event. On the other hand, dark commemorative events in Pula and Svetvinčenat, two additional contemporary events with a higher number of visitors, and their history-centric and complex trajectory, as well as ideological orientation,²² are not comparable with those in Kućibreg. One of the main reasons is tradition – they were implemented no earlier than in the independent Croatia. However, their historical background, including the grave and commemoration of the martyrdom of Bl. Bulešić – problematic for the totalitarian authority –

²⁰ More about media-constructed reality can be found in Carter (2013) and Nišić and Plavšić (2014).

²¹ More can be found in Črpić and Mataušić (1998), Čuvalo (2010) and Baloban et al. (2019).

²² Ideological orientation is not crucial, since, for example, the Istrian anti-fascist can also be Catholic.

182

8.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria and the exceptional importance of the Homeland War for the people in Croatia in general, also attract more visitors, which is a prerequisite for highlighting them from the tourist perspective. However, with respect to all the analysed examples, it can be concluded that only the historical background itself does not have a decisive influence on the number and age structure of visitors.

Some basis for a substantive answer to rq2 can be found in the answers to rq1, as the visitors of contemporary events were discussed there. Thus, the memorial exhibition of Bl. Francesco Bonifacio in Buje (as an example of ‘dark exhibitions’ defined by Stone, 2006) and the Solemn Requiem Mass in Lanišće (as ‘sites of individual or mass deaths,’ the special dark tourism example defined by Seaton, 1996) – despite previous expectations – resulted in being marginal or irrelevant in terms of tourism. Their programme related to remembrance, and a different ideological and cultural background was evidently not interesting enough. In addition, the local community has a partly or completely inadequate tourism infrastructure, e.g. Lanišće, Kućibreg, if we do not consider additional factors that we did not investigate, and are probably part of the problem, i.e. lack of motivation, financial resources and knowledge of tourism. The lack of tourism infrastructure is otherwise characteristic of ‘dark shrines,’ which arise in the aftermath of conflict (Stone, 2006, pp. 155–156). Hence, for religious events (or the religious component of the events), the people’s perception of faith/religion should also be illuminated. Research results of Baloban et al. (2019, pp. 11, 34, 99) show that Istrian people attribute significantly less importance to religion and church than people in other Croatian regions.²³ Thus, these factors further prove their marginalisation/irrelevance from the aspect of tourism, although the event in Kućibreg, which was organised in similar circumstances, has a large number of visitors, which means that the (negative) effect of the above-mentioned factors cannot be generalised. However, in such circumstances, the preservation of memory in the local environment were/are the main purpose of the events.

In August 2018, the religious dark commemorative event in Svetvinče-nat²⁴ – the town with tourist infrastructure – attracted local and many other visitors/believers, including pilgrims. As mentioned in sub-chapter

‘Concelebrated Mass in Svetvinčenat’ (p. 166), this event cannot yet be ²³ The data cover the Croatian part of the Upper Adriatic.

²⁴ In the dark tourism context it can be classified the same way as the event in Lanišće.

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Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis considered as an international one only because of the small number of foreigners present. A similar situation was observed in Pula in the same month, when the entire Istrian County was full of tourists. It is worth mentioning that the County of Istria recorded over one million arrivals and 7.8 million overnight stays in August 2018 – the largest number of tourist arrivals and overnight stays in Croatia. In addition to Dubrovnik, foreign tourists spent most nights in Rovinj, Poreč, Medulin and Umag (Državni zavod za statistiku Republike Hrvatske, 2018), all internationally recognisable tourist destinations in the Istrian County. Such mass visits of foreigners were not observed at Svetvinčenat’s or Pula’s dark commemorative events.

Dark commemorative events in Pula and Svetvinčenat were not included in the tourism offer of the destinations, although they should be in order to achieve synergistic effects among different local products/suppliers.²⁵ Because the events were not properly promoted in order to inform and attract as many visitors as possible,²⁶ the insignificant number of foreign visitors is completely understandable. What were the past practices in Istria? As described in sub-chapter 6.2 ‘Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism in the Post-w w i Period,’ fascist Italy politicised (fascistised) public rituals (Dato, 2014; Gentile, 1996, pp. 25–28, 88; Kavrečič, 2017; Orlović, 2014a, p. 118) as well as monopolised the memory of w w i (Kavrečič, 2017; Todero, 2010). Consequently, reasonable doubt was expressed in the international relevance of these pompous dark commemorative events in Istria; the attractiveness for visitors from distant places of the Kingdom was also problematised. Similar practices were then found in the Second Yugoslavia in the creation of a supra-national identity of Yugoslavism with the slogan of ‘Brotherhood and Unity’ (Ðurić, 2015, pp. 82, 94). As a product, the monuments and dark commemorative events were linked to the liberation struggle and the totalitarian regime, available to domestic tourists/visitors and thus commercialised in a way (Šuligoj, 2017a). This can be additionally confirmed by the publication of an extensive thematic travel guide in the Serbian language called Jugoslavija – spomenici revolucije: turistički vodič (Yugoslavia – Monuments to the Revolution: Guide Book) by Gojko Jokić ²⁵ For general explanations see Soteriades and Avgeli (2007, pp. 336–340) and Vodeb (2014, pp. 60–62).

²⁶ See Lončarić (2015, p. 238) for the promotional perspective. Economically speaking, the turnout contributes to the growth of local economies (Felsenstein & Fleischer, 2003).

184

8.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria and Dimitrije Čudov (1986), where Istria is also included. These examples from the 20th century show that the internationalisation of dark commemorative events and monuments has no tradition in Istria at all.

In general, Kennell et al. (2018, p. 948) would conclude that such events

‘are often highly significant occasions for local communities and might not be understood by tourists.’ Moreover, the example of young residents of Croatia illuminated by Šuligoj (2016) shows that visits to dark commemorative events in the dark tourism context are not necessarily always understood as a tourist activity alone; their perceptions were more related to the elements of collective memory as described before in sub-chapters 3.1 ‘Context and Definitions’ and 3.2 ‘Memory and History.’ Interestingly, the level of development of tourism infrastructure in the case of Svetvinčenat and especially in Pula, which is among the most touristically developed and recognisable tourist destinations in Croatia or in the Eastern Adriatic, appears as a not entirely relevant circumstance for the internationalisation of dark commemorative events. Moreover, it is difficult to place the memorial event in Pula into the dark tourism context – as per the types defined by Seaton (1996) or Stone (2006) – since it basically relies on sites and warfare events of the 1990s outside of Pula and Istria, but is nevertheless crucial for contemporary Croatia. According to Kennell et al. (2018) and Šuligoj and Kennell (2022), however, it can be treated as a dark commemorative event.

The above-mentioned example of the anniversary of the Battle of Kućibreg – the ‘dark conflict site’ as defined in general by Stone (2006) is completely different as it attracts the international public of the Upper Adriatic; this was the most internationally marked of all cases involved.

Paradoxically, considering this event as distinctively international would be, on the other hand, exaggerated. This is not in fact an event intended for foreign visitors/tourists, but an event that arises from the local and regional (multi-cultural Upper Adriatic) collective memory, and its purpose is to preserve this memory and transfer it to younger generations.

Positioning it into a natural environment without a special (tourism) infrastructure could be a restrictive circumstance – infrastructure is one of the main elements of the tourism system (see Figure 2.3). Locals (organisers) neutralise this weakness with a great deal of improvisation, which shows the many years of experience (tradition) of the organisers.

With the last indicator within rq2, we tried to identify and understand the main reason for the visits, which is completely in line with Light’s (2017, pp. 279, 285–286) claims on the postmodern obsession with the un-185

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis derstanding of the motivation and experiences of visitors.²⁷ On the other hand, Podoshen (2013) argued that motivations of visitors are not necessarily always directly related to simulation, interaction and their integration with death and suffering. However, the ‘memory of the victims as the key reason for the visit’ indicator turned out to be the least questionable at all the events involved: the memory of the martyrdom of Bl. Bulešić or Bl. Bonifacio, of fallen Croatian, Slovenian and Italian anti-fascists (Partisans) and defenders in the Homeland war in Croatia is what motivated visitors.²⁸

In addition to many historical facts mentioned there, many irrational or emotional moments happen at all events, which is in line with the claims of Lennon and Foley (2000) and Ashworth (2008, p. 234) on emotions, which must go beyond memories at such events. Moreover, this is also completely in line with the claims of Pavlaković and Perak (2017, p. 301) on emotional dimensions, which also increase ‘attention, motivation and reasoning about the implications of the commemoration for the national cultural model, which is one of the most important functions of commemorative rituals.’ According to Chronis (2012, p. 1798), events should foster empathy between the visitor and the victim(s) and this was evident at the chosen events. Proving these findings are the many phrases of gratitude and respect, songs and performances, visitors that were singing songs with performers, and applause.

Similarly to the Australian example highlighted by McKay (2013), McKenna and Ward (2007), and Reynolds and Lake (2010), sentimentalisation of military conflicts and martyrdom was also observed. Honorary corps or other uniformed military and police representatives and salvos were not part of the programme – uniformed military and police representatives were present only in Pula, where, however, they participated only as visitors. Consequently, it is difficult to understand these events as militarisation of the history and culture or encouragement of some kind of militaristic ideas. This cannot be claimed for all Istrian dark commemorative events in the 20th century, where Istrian society was constantly ²⁷ Even Best’s (2007, p. 38) and Seaton’s (1996, p. 240) definitions of thanatourism are based on the motivations.

²⁸ If we use Light’s (2017, p. 286) findings, not only memory/remembrance should be included in the research, but a whole series of other related aspects, e.g. desire or opportunity for education, sense of moral duty, connecting with one’s personal or family heritage.

However, in this case a more complex and in-depth quantitative approach should be used, which in fact goes beyond the scope of this study.

186

8.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria heavily militarised, which was described in more detail in the previous chapters. During the period of Fascist Italy, for example, even the main speakers at the events and the most loyal members of the Fascist Party (as visitors) wore the characteristic black uniforms, which means that the carabineers and police officers were not the only uniformed people there – see Altin and Badurina (2017, pp. 325–326). This way we only partially answered rq 3 where we were also looking for ideological topics, regionalism, convivenza and symbols.

Additional negative social deviations, such as historical revisionism, mythologisation and politicisation usually coexist with commemorative practices (Miklavcic, 2008). Myths are often above accurate historical facts (Schopflin & Hosking, 1997, p. 19), which can reduce culture to politics and ideology. Post-conflict situations in Istria from the fascist time (Dato, 2014; Gentile, 1996, pp. 25–28, 88; Kavrečič, 2017; Orlović, 2014a, p.

118) still face such deviations in today’s post-socialist society (Mustapić & Balabanić, 2018). It would be interesting to explore and compare the degree of mythologisation of these events in a more systematic way since many irrational actions and reactions that can be linked to mythologisation were observed in the analysed cases. Myths can be – according to Armstrong (1991) – understood as a unifying factor, which is, together with symbols, communication and many other cultural and symbolic components, decisive for shaping the common identity.

Convivenza as a characteristic feature of the common Istrian identity

– described in sub-chapter 5.2 ‘Istrian Identity’ – was assumed to be reflected every time and everywhere, but this was only partially confirmed.

Only at the memorial in Kućibreg were common history, coexistence, collaboration and tolerance as a basis of convivenza especially highlighted in the speeches and cultural programme. At all other events they were not mentioned at all. The same conclusion can be made in relation to regionalism. Local and regional political representatives of liberal-social-democratic ideological orientation highlighted past and present life, antifascism in Istria, and criticised the political decisions and orientation of the Croatian government. Many of those representatives also spoke in Pula, but there such critiques or links to past life in Istria were not heard.

There, politicians were focused on the Homeland War, its victims and contemporary Croatia and Istria, although not in the rationalistic context. Both in Kućibreg and in Pula, the regional anthem Krasna zemljo, Istro mila was sung, while in Kućibreg the anthem Vstajenje Primorske, the unofficial anthem of Western Slovenia, was sung at the end as well.

187

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis These regional anthems, as well as the County’s flag, however, gave the event a regional character at the symbolic level; all these facts in ‘Croatian Istria’ derived from the Statute of the Istrian County (Statut Istarske županije, 2009). At the symbolic level, all dark commemorative events were extremely rich. If we continue with the event in Kućibreg, then we must point out that – in addition to the national symbols of the three countries, Croatia, Slovenia and Italy – there were many symbols of antifascism, which are, especially outside of Istria, usually understood very differently and cause dissonance in society (dissonant heritage), i.e. the red star and the image of Josip Broz Tito.²⁹ The Istrians’ attitude to these symbols on the political and also broader social level is, generally speaking, positive or neutral, since they are also used at other w w i i-related dark commemorative events.³⁰ At the event in Kućibreg, (Yugoslav) communism, with which these symbols could be linked, was never publicly mentioned – this context of symbols is thus recognised as less relevant in the present example.³¹ It can be concluded that the polysemy of these symbols (anti-fascism and the liberation of Istria on the one hand and communist violence on the other) evidently does not create major problems in contemporary Istrian society, where anti-fascist values prevail

– see also sub-chapter 6.3 ‘w w i i-Related Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism.’

Other observed dark commemorative events were less controversial in terms of the symbols publicly presented there, although events differed significantly when taking into consideration this criterion. Religious events were predictably marked by classic Catholic symbols, including solemn religious rituals, which were carried out according to the usual procedure; the state, municipal and county’s flag as well as the flag of Vatican City were also observed in Lanišće and Svetvinčenat. The open-

²⁹ The purpose was only to identify and not problematise these symbols, so we simply want to remind the readers of the recommendations adopted by the ‘Council for Dealing with the Consequences of Undemocratic Regimes and Tumultuous Reactions in Croatian Society’ – more can be found in the Postulates and Recommendations on Specific Normative Regulation of Symbols, Emblems and other Insignia of Totalitarian Regimes and Movements (The Council for Dealing with the Consequences of Undemocratic Regimes 2018).

³⁰ This argument is based on the previous author’s research, e.g. Šuligoj (2017a).

³¹ Anti-fascism is included in the Statute of the Istrian County (Statut Istarske županije, 2009) and Constitution of the Republic of Croatia (Ustav Republike Hrvatske, 2010). The State Constitution relies also on anti-communism, and expresses the symbolic and formal meaning of these values. The Slovenian Constitution does not contain similar provisions (Ustava Republike Slovenije, 1991).

188

8.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria ing ceremony of the memorial exhibition was not a usual religious event, but was – because of the space (the parish church) and some exhibits

– also significantly marked by Catholic symbols. At the dark commemorative event in Pula, the Croatian state flag and the flags of the County were flown in addition to many flags of the Istrian defender’s associations, which highlighted the importance of remembering victims and heroes, and of patriotism. There were no symbols of Croatian military units from the 1990s that could disturb and cause dissonance in Istrian society. The speakers at these events did not mention any of the other symbols or ideological topics.

The Catholic ritual in the observed dark commemorative events naturally also included the phrase ‘Do this in remembrance of me,’ which means that we detected a theological aspect of dark commemorative events. Klein (2000, p. 130) and Barton (2007, p. 322) claim that this aspect is rarely highlighted in secular academic contexts; Barton then describes the link between memory and theology in a way not compatible with the purpose of this research. This perspective in dark tourism studies has not been observed, although dark tourism is often associated with pilgrimage, which is a phenomenon derived from religious tradition – see Korstanje and George (2015) and Collins-Kreiner (2016). In addition, the common, theological, memorial and tourism perspective of past violent events in the post-socialist countries is also still a relevant research topic.

The summary of findings are presented in Table 8.3. According to the criteria used, the heterogeneity of events placed in the urban and rural (settlement and non-settlement) area is evident. All have in common local visitors, memory as the key reason for visiting and the absence of ideological topics. This also reflects heterogenic public memorial practices in Istria and also the heterogeneity of ‘Istrianity’ as an autochthonous regional identity described, for example, by Medica (1998; 2011), Cocco (2009; 2010), Ashbrook (2005), and different perceptions and understanding of the past, which were described by Hrobat Virloget (2015; 2017). The historical aspect thus proves to be a crucial component for understanding contemporary dark commemorative events, which means that its investigation within historical sociology is justified.

Due to the included description of the historical background (trajectory), visitors (including those with autobiographical memory) and transfer of memories, past ideologies and their symbols (see Table 8.3), this study is also reasonably placed within the frames of this branch of sociology.

By mixing two concepts, memory and dark tourism, we find that only 189





Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis Table 8.3

Summary of Multiple-Case Study Findings

t

e

čena

reg

la

išćn

je

ćib

Indicator

Pu

La

Svetvin

Bu

Ku

Visitors of different ages (generation)

–

–

+

–

+

Mass visit

+

–

+

–

+

Internationality

–

–

–

–

+

Local visitors

+

+

+

+

+

Memory as the key reason for the visit

+

+

+

+

+

Tourism infrastructure

+

–

+

+

+*

Ideological topics

–

–

–

–

–

Regionalism

+*

–

–

–

+

Notes

+ observed, – not observed, * only to a limited extent. The dark commemorative events in Lanišće and Svetvinčenat are treated as one event in two locations in the previous chapters.

the dark commemorative event in Kućibreg can be deemed a classic example of a dark event with a traumatic historical background and the evident international tourism component, although with weak/improvised tourism infrastructure. The religious event in Svetvinčenat can be understood as part of both, dark and religious tourism, an event with an evident memorial component as well as regional and limited national reach.

The rest exhibit only a limited local importance for certain social groups and their collective memory. Events have different traditions (cycles): religious ones were marked by silence and damnatio memoriae in the past (during the Yugoslav period), while those in Pula related to the Homeland War represent new memorial practices in Istria. The Istrian event related to w w i i and anti-fascism has the longest tradition and actually connects people of different nationalities who share values of anti-fascism (symbolically, in the spirit of the famous French slogan Liberté, égalité, fraternité).

Its cycle started in the Second Yugoslavia and was later modified, and has maintained its relevance in the time of democratic Croatia.

From a tourist point of view, the observed differentiation is quite welcomed, as it enables diversity and meets the needs and traditions of different target groups; because (all) foreigners cannot understand the background and circumstances of each dark commemorative event, it is not necessary to put each Istrian dark commemorative event into the dark tourism context. Hence, insufficient tourism infrastructure and an un-190

8.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria professional approach to the organisation are their detected weak points.

Generally speaking, an interdependent tourism system (if the system from Figure 2.3 is sensibly applied) with such errors cannot work appropriately. Moreover, together with individuals (defenders, w w i i veterans), places (Kućibreg memorial park, parson’s house in Lanišće, Bulešić’s tomb in the parish church in Svetvinčenat), times (all history-centric dark commemorative events), objects (memorials in Lanišće, Kućibreg or Pula) and symbols/languages (phrases of gratitude and respect, phrases at religious rituals, symbols of anti-fascism, state or County symbols) –

all components of the death system (see Table 2.1) – these create a special Istrian dark-tourist system, which does not operate perfectly, either.

Nevertheless, the main perspectives of Nora’s memory (1989, pp. 18–19) –

material, symbolic, and functional – were taken into account, which also makes this study relevant.

191





Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism 9

Context: The Quantitative Analysis

This chapter initially presents some additional methodological explanations, followed by a quantitative analysis of regional electronic media (newspaper) reports, and concludes with a discussion/comparison of findings with some theories, concepts and past research as well as results of the qualitative analysis (see also Figures 6.5, 6.6, and 6.8). Bonnell’s (1980, pp. 157, 161, 164–165) ‘analytical’ approach, that might provide explanatory generalisations, is primarily used within this chapter, although some elements of the ‘illustrative’ approach can be seen in the final subchapter.

9.1 Additional Methodological Explanations

The main purpose of the empirical analysis is to establish a representation of topics related to the Istrian history (of conflicts) of the 20th century, contemporary public memorial practices and dark tourism in leading regional electronic mass media (newspapers), based on which similarities and differences of public dark commemorative events can be found and, consequently, clusters of events can be created; this way, the transfer of memory via the media and the media-created social reality can also be identified. In addition, the contemporary distribution of memorial practices (dark commemorative events) within the peninsula, which had not been investigated before, is also an important purpose of this study. However, only those events which constitute a contemporary collective memory were relevant in this case, while those subject to social amnesia and silence were not, as they are obviously not the subject of public and, consequently, media discourse.¹ This means that we are dealing with public dark commemorative events as they are described in the electronic media. Geographically speaking, the study is focused on actual Croatian and Slovenian parts of the Istrian peninsula, while the Italian part, which accounts for approximately 0.36 of its territory (Geografija.hr, 2004), was intentionally excluded; sociologically speaking, all three main/autochthonous Istrian nations and their media were included.

¹ This does not mean that they do not exist.

193

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Quantitative Analysis Research purposes and objectives from the introductory chapter (1.2 ‘Research Purpose and Objectives’) served as the main orientation for the work.

According to Riffe et al. (2005, pp. 43–45) and Bryman (2012, p. 291), quantitative content analysis is most efficient when dealing with explicit hypotheses or research questions. Three precise research questions were created on the basis of the two objectives:

rq 4 Which type of dark commemorative events related to the conflicts of the 20th century have the highest regional coverage by the Istrian regional media?

According to the findings presented in the previous chapters, the two world wars, the period of fascism, the socialist revolution and the Italian emigration (exodus) and, to a lesser extent, the bloody disintegration of the former federation in 1990, affected Istrian society. It has not been yet explained which contemporary events that present a reflection of past conflicts are the most interesting for the regional media.

rq 5 How many different clusters of contemporary history-centric dark commemorative events in Istria can be created based on media reporting?

The regional media ‘controls’ the phenomena (dark commemorative events) that are presented to the people. By reporting on events, the stories, knowledge and values from the events are transferred to the readers of all generations, including youth. The ancillary question is, what do the media report about events and what kind of media construction of events (social/memorial reality) is characteristic for Istria in the dark tourism and memorial context? Dark commemorative events as described in the electronic media are the focal point of the study. This has not been investigated yet.

rq 6 What is the actual geographical dispersion of contemporary history-centric dark commemorative events all over the Istrian peninsula?

Not all conflicts affected Istria with the same intensity. w w i primarily affected the southern coastal area, fascism and w w i i influenced the coastal and central part, while no major military clashes took place during the Croatian Homeland War; there were military clashes during the war of independence in the Slovenian part.

Blažević (1984, p. 64) mapped some examples of memorial heritage 194





9.1 Additional Methodological Explanations

Table 9.1

Some Characteristics of Selected News Media

Item

Glas Istre

Primorske novice

La voce del popolo

Language

Croatian

Slovenian

Italian

Publisher

Glas Istre

Primorske novice, ča-

e d i t Rijeka novinsko –

novine d.o.o.

sopisno založniška družba izdavačka ustanova/e d i t d.o.o./Azienda giornal-Fiume ente giornalistico –

istico – editoriale, s.r.l.,

editoriale

Capodistria.

Legal entity

Limited liabil-

Limited liability company Foundation

ity company

Legal seat

Pula

Koper

Rijeka

First







published

Orientation

Regional

Regional

Minority (Italian)

Importance

Principal

Principal

Principal

Printed

Yes

Yes

Yes

version

Online

Yes

Yes

Yes

version

Market share > 

n.d.

> 



relevant for purposes of tourism; however, his map is already outdated today, and covers the topic that is the subject of this study only to a limited extent.

At the beginning, a limited set of leading regional newspapers (general, mass media) were selected through the expert knowledge of the author and some relevant data (see Table 9.1 and Figure 9.1): Glas Istre in Croatian, Primorske novice in Slovenian and La voce del popolo in Italian. They are more familiar with the local mentality and historical moments than others, which means that dark commemorative events are relevant events for their reporting. All selected newspapers are available in printed and electronic versions, which was an additional selection criterion. Glas Istre and La voce del popolo together account for 60 of internet search interest of the most recognisable newspapers in the Istrian County (including those from the national level; see Figure 9.1). The extremely low proportion of search interest in La voce del popolo was not expected, but it is necessary to take into account that we are dealing with a national minority newspaper. A similar analysis cannot be made for the Slovenian part of Istria, since Slovenia is not formally divided into regions. Never-195

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Quantitative Analysis Glas Istre

 

Jutarnji list

 

Večernji list

 

Figure 9.1

Internet Search Interest in the Selected Electronic Media in the Istrian County (2014–2019; the value of La voce del popolo is <1; based on data from Google)

theless, Google data show that Primorske novice is the most sought-after newspaper in the Western and South-Western parts of the state.

If ‘classes of interest in the mass media’ identified by Splichal (2000, p.

6) are taken into account, then the selection of newspapers can be further described as follows (see also Table 9.1):

• media owners: the main owners are from the region (Upper Adriatic) or abroad (e u), companies as owners dominate, the ownership stakes of other media companies have been observed as well, e.g.

Dnevnik is a co-owner of Primorske novice;

• advertisers: the national advertising shares (the only available data) of newspapers are quite low;

• different civil society organisations: it is particularly evident that the Italian newspaper, owned by the Italian community, is especially focused on ‘Italian issues.’² It is impossible to recognise other groups/organisations (e.g. veterans, minorities, religious organisations) linked to newspapers, although those from the region, generally speaking, should be very interested to be presented in the media;

• the general public (interest in the public role of the media): in general, the liberal-social-democratic ideological orientation of the residents of the trans-border region of Istria is evident³ and the editorial policies of newspapers should not ignore it. On the other hand, Glas Istre, as a company, for example, supports publications of books, such as Scotti’s (2008) Krik iz fojbe (Shriek from the Abyss), where the topic is not treated one-dimensionally.

Within the following step, a selection of newspaper reports was made on the basis of the following criteria:

² For example, it is evident that the newspaper regularly publishes topics related to esuli and rimasti.

³ More can be found in Šantić (2000); see also the election results of Državna volilna komisija (2018), Baloban et al. (2019, p. 44) and Istarska županija (n.d.).

196

9.1 Additional Methodological Explanations

• free web press articles (reports) available to all interested readers, especially to the youth – the ‘net generation’ (Junco & Mastrodicasa, 2007; Nikodem et al., 2014) – which are, as presented within the previous chapter, not frequent visitors to dark commemorative events.

For the youth (teens), who displaced the consumption of legacy media, online information has become some kind of norm (Twenge et al., 2019), which means that the transfer of memories, values and stories can be effectively made by electronic media – see also Čuvalo (2010);

• press articles (reports) are particularly focused on public history-centric dark commemorative events, not including commemorations of 1 November or academic events.

The research/coding unit was a press article (report) as an independent entity of an online version of the newspapers; reports were searched for and collected on a daily basis. All available reports from 1 February 2016

to 30 November 2018 were included in the analyses. This approach minimised the possibility that any reported history-centric dark commemorative events would be overlooked. It is probable, however, that we did not capture all reports due to changes on the website, but their number cannot be defined.

The quantitative content analysis allows the inclusion of both substantive (content) and form (formal) features of texts and related visual images, but only substantive and visual (photographs) features were rated within this research. Each report was coded according to 42 predetermined codes, each signifying a certain dark commemorative event. Codes were based on findings in the following sub-chapters: 2.5 ‘Chapter Conclusion,’ 3.4 ‘Chapter Conclusion,’ 4.3 ‘Chapter Conclusion,’ 5.4 ‘Chapter Conclusion,’ 6.5 ‘Discussion and Chapter Conclusion’ and 8.6 ‘Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria.’ These indicators/codes represent categorical variables with no multiple responses allowed. To unify the coding process as much as possible, it was done entirely by one researcher. Following the suggestions of Bryman (2012, p. 304), a piloting phase was initially implemented in order to be able to enhance the quality of coding, which means reducing/eliminating the uncertainty about which category to employ when considering a certain dimension, or helping identify evidence that one category tends to sub-sume an extremely large percentage of items.

The process consisted of reading the text first and then carefully exam-197

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Quantitative Analysis ining the photos, if available, which is completely in line with the options listed by Bryman (2012, p. 290). Content analysis is a data-driven process, which means that researchers ‘want to code the text in terms of certain subjects and themes, which is called a categorisation of the phenomenon or phenomena of interest’ (p. 297). It is assumed that the process of categorisation (coding) is relatively objective. As mentioned above, the inclusion of one researcher only made the assessment of intra-rater reliability possible. In this case, Mackey & Gass (2005, p. 129) and Riffe et al. (2005, p. 145) suggest a two-step approach:

1. the researcher/coder first codes all the data of the body of the content, and

2. after a certain interval, they need to re-code the data or (only) part of it.

According to these suggestions, the scores of the same researcher, but at different points of time, can have the same effect as the standard inter-rater reliability check procedure. Consequently, a two-week break was introduced between the ‘original’ and re-coding. The 20 content samples (15.9 of the body of content) for reliability testing were then randomly selected.⁴ In comparison with the initial coding, recoding of the content of selected reports showed merely negligible deviations – two variables or about 0.2 of codes differed – therefore, we did not continue with the re-coding process and accepted the high level of intra-rater reliability.⁵

Moreover, the above-mentioned two-step approach also shows, although in a simplified manner, the test-retest reliability of a construct.

The variable type (codes) prevented the mathematical calculation of internal reliability, as is customary in sociology and other social sciences in the processing of scale variables.

The guidelines of Riffe et al. (2005, pp. 169–170) were followed for validity testing as well. According to the authors, ‘content analysis can be a very strong research technique in terms of external validity or generalisability.’ The analysis included all available reports on public dark ⁴ On the basis of past research, Riffe et al. (2005, p. 146) suggested a sample of 5 to 25 of the body of the content.

⁵ We assumed that at least 90 of codes must be equal, which is understood as ideal (Mackey & Gass, 2005, p. 244); Stemler (2001, p. 2) notes 95 of agreement. However, we (orientationally) used perceived assumption in the literature, which is characteristic for the inter-rater reliability, since the scale for the intra-rater reliability was not observed.

198

9.2 Additional Methodological Explanations commemorative events, which means that all recognisable/representative events were analysed; the inclusion of the entire population and the manner of data collection indicate high external validity/generalisability. External validity can also be evaluated through the academic relevance of the topic, which is systematically described in the previous chapters from a multi- and inter-disciplinary perspective. These descriptions demonstrate that both the history and the present of Istria as a problematic region are interesting for academic investigation and thus this research upgrades the previous academic findings. Hence, the construct validity derives predominantly from the mixing of the memory and dark tourism theory (although some other aspects were included as well), reinforced by historical facts and contemporary Istrian memorial practices that reflect the regional reality (categorical variables were developed on these bases). Internal or criterion validity (also statistical validity) was tested with the nonparametric χ 2 Test of Independence to determine whether there is an association between categorical variables – see the following sub-chapter.

The TwoStep cluster analysis with the log-likelihood measure in the s p s s system was employed in order to handle categorical variables (codes).⁶ The TwoStep cluster analysis can operate with mixed type attributes, although such analyses can be problematic – different combina-tions of the variables can impact the results, which is especially evident when continuous variables are included; the sample size has nearly no effect (Bacher et al., 2004, p. 13).

In addition, testing both nominal and binary variables produced practically the same results (Rezankova et al., 2006, pp. 611–612). Consequently, in order to minimise the procedural impact on the number of clusters, we decided to use only nominal and (symmetric and asymmet-ric) binary variables. Both Akaike’s Information Criterion (aic) as well as Bayes Information Criterion (b i c) were implemented for the automatic clustering algorithm, which determines the number of clusters – we followed the practice of Kayri (2007) and recommendations of Sarstedt and Mooi (2014, pp. 299, 304). The degree of stability was tested this way as well.

⁶ It can be used to handle categorical and continuous variables: nominal, ordinal and dichotomous (Rezankova et al., 2006; Rezankova, 2009, p. 220; Kayri, 2007; Sarstedt & Mooi, 2014; Bacher et al., 2004). More can be found on the i b m Knowledge Center (i b m Knowledge Center, n.d.).

199





Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Quantitative Analysis Table 9.2

Characteristics of Included Reports

Characteristic

Group

f



q  Newspaper

Glas Istre





La voce del popolo





Primorske novice





q  Previously published

Yes





No





q  Report type

Short message





A shortened version of the printed report





Full text





q  No. of photos

No photos





One photo





More than one photo





q  What kind of photos?

Only old/historical





Only new photos





Both new and historical





9.2 Raw Data for Statistical Analysis

Exactly 126 reports from 34 consecutive months were included in the analysis, which is at the lower limit of acceptability. A total of 65 were published in the main regional newspaper ( Glas Istre) in the Croatian language, while Slovenian and Italian newspapers account for more than 10

each. The vast majority of reports covering this subject and the place of the event were not previously published (80); this variable was needed because we collected reports for almost three years and some events were repeated, which would be problematic in connection to rq 4 and rq 6. In addition, online reports were mostly full text reports with a single photo taken at the event by a journalist or their photographer. These basic (formal) characteristics are also presented in Table 9.2.

In contrast to rq 4 and rq 6, which do not require more complex statistical analysis and preliminary row data verification, rq 5 requires more complex statistical processing of row data. We first have to check the association between categorical variables. For TwoStep cluster analysis it is assumed, in addition to multinomial distributions for categorical variables, also that the variables are independent of each other. Thus, the nonparametric χ 2 Test of Independence was employed first – the test was conducted at p = 0.05. Some deviations were identified that call for corrective actions with no significant negative effect on the quality of the 200





9.4 Istrian Dark Commemorative Events and Conflicts of the 20th Century variables: variables with f = 0 were removed, some related options were sensibly merged. The final selection is shown in Figure 9.4.

9.3 Istrian Dark Commemorative Events and Conflicts of the 20th Century

Exactly 88.9 of analysed regional electronic media reports at least mentioned historical facts highlighted at the events (event’s background), which means that reports and events themselves (journalists usually refer to speakers or other information obtained at the event) are history-centric. Nearly 66 of events occur at memorials or internment sites and 28.6 at sites of individual or mass deaths. On the other hand, the mythologisation of historical facts was observed in 19.8 of reports.

Hence, 102 unrepeated electronic media reports were identified (see Table

9.2). This also means as many different regional public dark commemorative events, of which memorial services prevail with 75.2 – see Table 9.3.

In relation to the conflicts of the 20th century, 52.5 of events are related to w w i i. From the Crosstab, a special type of table for demonstrating the relationship between two categorical variables, it can be concluded that dark commemorative services related to w w i i are the most frequent dark commemorative events in Istria. Dark commemorative events related to the conflict of the 1990s are much less frequent and thus less often subjects of electronic media reporting. Interestingly, almost 9 represent w w i-related events, which are definitely associated with the anniversary of the war. All these are answers to rq 4.

9.4 Clusters of Dark Commemorative Events

On the basis of expectations arising from rq 5, the TwoStep cluster analysis was employed. Both possibilities, a i c and b i c, were implemented first (default settings were used) for the automatic clustering algorithm.

aic, chosen as the automatic clustering algorithm, creates seven different clusters with 4 ≤ f ≤ 13.The identified low f of some clusters was not satisfactory, which means that the proposed solution cannot be accepted.

The clustering procedure was repeated where automatic clustering was limited to a maximum of five clusters.⁷ This resulted in four clusters (Figure 9.4), with f ≥ 10 and the quality of the model being preserved as ‘fair.’

This means that the new solution can be accepted (see Figure 9.2).

⁷ Interestingly, the determination of max. four clusters offers the same solution, while other options associated with fewer clusters offer poor cluster quality.

201





Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Quantitative Analysis Table 9.3

Istrian Dark Commemorative Events in Connection with the Conflicts of the 20th Century

(Q) Type of the event

(Q) Related conflict of the th century

Sum

a

b

c

d

e

f

Dark exhibition

()















()















National day of mourning

()















or remembrance

()















Memorial service

()















()















Significant anniversary

()















()















Parade, march, procession

()















()















Sum

()















()















Notes

(1) count, (2) percentage of total. a – w w i, b – fascist terror, c – w w i i, d –

socialist revolution and Italian exodus, e – independence war in the 1990s, f – other.

.

)ic .

(aes .

lu

Va .

.

.

Selected

Automatically determined

.































Number of clusters

Figure 9.2

Automatic Clustering (a i c) and Number of Clusters Figure 9.3 considers the relative importance of each code (predictor) in estimating the created model, where

= 1.0; codes in Figure 9.4 are also classified according to relative importance. Militarisation-related predictors proved to be the most important ones. The ratio of sizes is 2.50 (3.00) which is quite adequate.

After the completion of the cluster analysis and the Crosstab process in sp s s, the individual clusters can be described in more detail. The description of clusters in the following four paragraphs relies on features of media-constructed dark commemorative events. The graphic illustration in Figure 9.4 is based on the calculated mode.

202

9.4 Clusters of Dark Commemorative Events Militarisation: uniformed

Young visitors

Militar.: uniformed and armed

Militar.: veteran military unif.

Conflict

Symbols of: anti-fascism

Autobiographical memory

Symbols of: fascism

Foreign politicians

Foreign visitors

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Figure 9.3

Predictor Importance

c lu st e r 1 : si m pl e da rk c o m m e morat i v e ev e n t s Dark commemorative events related to the liberation struggle (w w i i) account for 48.5 of all events in electronic media reports; 12 of them are placed in Cluster 1 (see Table 9.4), the smallest cluster. Homogeneity is problematic, but w w i i together with fascist terror prevails in any case. The said events rely on historical facts ( Mo = 9) and mainly occur in towns ( Mo = 7) at memorials or internment sites ( Mo = 7). Memorial services dominate as the event type ( Mo = 7) and speeches are the most frequent forms of cultural programmes ( Mo = 6). Flower ceremonies, as an important component of the programme, are typical for this cluster ( Mo = 6). Among politicians, only local politicians participate at such events ( Mo = 7). Mixed generations of visitors are the most characteristic for Cluster 1 ( Mo = 6), while foreign visitors and politicians are not present in the analysed events. Interestingly, militarisation (uniformed, uniformed and armed visitors, visitors in veterans’ uniforms), mythologisation, mass visit as well as young visitors are clearly not characterising for such events. Naturally, symbols of fascism are also predictably not present.

c lu st e r 2 : w w i i - r e l at e d da r k c o m m e mor at i v e e v e n t s of r u r a l a r e as

Dark commemorative events of Cluster 2 account for 43.8 of all w w i irelated events in electronic media reports. They rely on historical facts ( Mo = 17) and mainly occur in villages ( Mo = 12) at sites of individual or mass death ( Mo = 9) – only Cluster 2 events have these characteristics. Moreover, memorial services dominate as the event type ( Mo = 18; most of all) and a varied cultural programme is also characteristic only 203

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Quantitative Analysis of members of this cluster. Flower ceremonies, as an important component of the programme, are highly significant for this cluster ( Mo = 16).

Among politicians, only local politicians participate at such events ( Mo =

13; most of all). Mixed generations of visitors are characteristic of Cluster 2 ( Mo = 15), and foreign politicians are not present in the analysed events. Young visitors are characteristic only of members of this cluster –

Mo = 12. Mass visits are clearly not characterising of these events. Naturally, symbols of fascism are also predictably not present, while symbols of anti-fascism are typical only for these events (or media reports on these events).

c lu st e r 3 : m i x e d da rk c o m m e morat i v e ev e n t s The ‘Mixed memorial events’ cluster with f = 25 is the largest cluster of all, where the media relies on historical facts in the most significant way when reporting on such events ( Mo = 23). These events occur mostly in towns ( Mo = 10). Exactly 56 of cluster members are wwii-related; except for fascism- and independence-related events, this cluster contains events related to all other conflicts of the 20th century (the most inhomogeneous cluster), where those related to the post-w w i i socialist revolution and the Italian exodus, as the second largest group, account for 20 of all cluster members. Memorial services ( Mo = 17) as event types, memorials or internment sites ( Mo = 13) as categories of sites where events occur, flower ceremonies ( Mo = 17) at the event, and the presence of mixed generations of visitors ( Mo = 22; the most pronounced among all clusters) are important characteristics of these events. Other features are not generally typical for it.

c lu st e r 4 : i n de pe n de n c e wa r - r e l at e d da r k c o m m e mor at i v e ev e n t s

Events related to the military conflict in 1990s and the independence war are the third largest group/cluster ( f = 13); among historical facts mentioned at events ( Mo = 11), the independence war of the 1990s is the dominating one ( Mo = 12). The National Day of Mourning and Remembrance with Mo = 7 is the main event type, although Mo = 6 shows that memorial services are also common. All events (cluster members) occur at memorials or internment sites, which are located in Istrian towns ( Mo = 6).

Most likely to participate are local politicians (46.15 of cluster members); foreign visitors ( Mo = 7) as well as foreign politicians ( Mo = 8) are not present in the analysed events, which means that only domes-204



9.4 Clusters of Dark Commemorative Events

Figure 9.4

Cluster

Comparison

Continued on

the next page

tic mixed visitors with Mo = 13 visit these events. Uniformed representatives of repressive bodies as a sign of militarisation are present at 84.61

of events (cluster members). Participants of past conflicts are present at the event ( Mo = 13). This is important for the autobiographical memory transfer (this is characteristic of this cluster only). Flower ceremonies are important components of all included events ( Mo = 13), and the event programme is simpler in this case – only including a speech ( Mo = 5).

There is no information on religious rituals at events, while religious symbols were observed only at these events ( Mo = 7).

The TwoStep cluster analysis result was employed to create four different clusters of dark commemorative events found in electronic media 205



Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Quantitative Analysis Figure 9.4

Continued from

the previous page

reports. This empirical analysis also gave us an answer to rq 5. Furthermore, the analysis revealed which codes are less important or irrelevant as they were not detected in electronic media reports: q 1 1 b Historical facts: mythologisation;

q 2 1 c Politicisation: political propaganda;

q 2 3 c Symbols of: contemporary state;

q 2 3 e Symbols of: veterans’ organisations;

q 2 3 g Symbols of: other;

q 2 4 b Multiculturalism: the convivenza (is highlighted); q 2 4 c Multiculturalism: representatives of minorities.

206





9.5 Geographical Dispersion

These contents are not the subject of a transfer from dark commemorative event to electronic media report readers.

9.5 Geographical Dispersion of History-Centric

Dark Commemorative Events

Before starting the Crosstabs procedure, all the repeated media reports were excluded. This selection resulted in a list of 102 different public events in Istria – also see Table 9.2. The Crosstabs procedure was then used to create contingency tables, which describe the interaction between (q 8) ‘Place name’ and (q 10) ‘Conflict.’ Within this study, the results of the Crosstabs procedure constitute a strong enough base for the following geographic visualisation. Relevant examples of events (locations) prepared for mapping are shown in Figure 9.6. All event locations were mapped to the map of the trans-border region of Istria using Google Maps (geovisualisation).

As described in sub-chapter 5.3 ‘Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview,’ all conflicts did not affect Istria in the same way and with the same intensity. If w w i primarily affected the southern coastal area, fascism and w w i i affected both the coastal and central part, while no major military clashes occurred during the Croatian Homeland War; on the other hand, there were military clashes during the war of independence in the Slovenian part. However, the contemporary dispersion of history-centric dark commemorative events visible in Figure 9.4 does not completely follow these historical facts. Some w w i-related events occurred practically all over the peninsula, although only the area of Pula experienced attacks and casualties. In a similar way, this applies to wwii-related events, which are scattered throughout Istria, representing the largest share of all history-centric dark commemorative events. One of their special features is the commemorative educational tour of primary and secondary school pupils from Buzet to Pazin, Kresini, Šaini and Bokordići (it should not be considered entirely from a tourist perspective).⁸ A similar example of an Italian pupils tour accompanied by teachers and the Mayoress of Rome, linked to the post-w w i i socialist revolution and the Italian exodus, was also observed. The entire tour exceeded the geographical framework of this study, and in addition, because of the lack of information in the electronic media reports, it was not possible to accurately ⁸ Only locations and not the path between them were exposed in the media report; therefore, the points are simply connected on the map (Figure 9.4).

207



Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Quantitative Analysis Figure 9.5

History-Centric Dark

Commemorative Events

in Istria (Google, n.d.; see

Figure 9.6 for legend)

reconstruct its course – it is marked as an event in Pula, which was one of their target destinations. Another important finding is the difference between the two historical sites and regional centres – Koper in Slovenia and Pula in Croatia. The occurrence of dark commemorative events related to the conflicts of the 20th century in Pula is much higher and more varied than in Koper. One dark commemorative event took place at sea, between the Brijuni Islands and Rovinj, because it is connected with the sinking of the Baron Gautsch civil steamboat in 1914. Eight locations with 16 different dark commemorative events related to the conflict in the 1990s reflect a relatively peaceful situation in the wake of the collapse of the Second Yugoslavia in Istria. ‘Other’ events represent examples of dark commemorative events which are not directly linked to w w i, fascism, w w i i, the socialist revolution and the exodus, and the independence war in the 1990s in Istria, e.g. other events commemorating the victims of the socialist totalitarian regime, or those in memory of the Italian patriots and the victims of Srebrenica.

Table 9.4, as a kind of summary or synthesis of Figure 9.6, shows that w w i i-related dark commemorative events mainly occurred in villages 208





9.5 Geographical Dispersion

WWI FASCIST

TERROR

WWII

Symbol f Location Symbol f Location Symbol f Location 1 Brtonigla



1 Fažana 1

Barbići



1 Buje



1 Strunjan 1

Bartići



1 Gračišće



1 Vinež 1

Bokordići



1 Ližnjan



1 Vodnjan 1

Brgudac



1 Motovun



1 Podberam 4

Buzet



2 Pula





1 Bužinija



1 Rovinj





1 Gajana



1 Vrsar





1 Kaštelir





1

Koper

SOCIALIST REVOLUTION

INDEPENDENCE WAR

1 Kresini

AND ITALIAN EXODUS

IN THE 1990S

1 Kućibreg

Symbol f Location Symbol f Location 1 Labin



2 Buje



1 Koper 1

Lopar



1 Krasica



4 Labin 5

Pazin



1 Piran



1 Loborika 1

Poreč



6 Pula



1 Nova Vas

2 Portorož



1 Umag



1 Poreč 12

Pula





6 Pula 1

Režanci

OTHER



1 Rovinj 2

Rovinj

Symbol f Location



1 Bivje 1

Savudrija



1 Buzet





1 Škofije



1 Kringa





1 Učka



1 Pazin





1 Umag



3 Pula





1 Veli Mlun



1 Tinjan





1 Višnjan





1

Vižinada





1

Zabrežani





1

Boršt





1

Brutija





1

Mala

Gajana

Figure



9.6





1

Rušnjak





1

Križnjak

History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events





1

Stanzia

Bembo

in Istria (Google n.d.)

(rural areas), while other events occurred mainly in cities and towns.

Moreover, w w i i-related events dominate in all types of areas; the events related to the conflict of the 1990s that were the second largest group of events in Istria were also present in all types of areas. The socialist revolution and Italian exodus-related dark events occurred only in settlement areas, which is surprising considering that the general public of the Upper Adriatic (not only in Istria) is most agitated by the foibe located in non-settlement areas.

All previously identified locations were mapped using a visualisation technique. This allows a transparent overview of the dispersion and diver-sification of various history-centric dark commemorative events and thus 209





Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Quantitative Analysis Table 9.4

Type of Area in Relation to Dark Commemorative Events Related to the Conflicts of the 20th Century

d

r

s

.an

u

ce

d

s

rev

en

e

terro

d

exo

en

th

in

er

scist

cialist

ep

r

alian

d

tal

wwi

Fa

wwii

So

It

In

wa

Oth

To

City (regional center)















Town















Village















Non-settlement area















Total















media-constructed memorial practices (media-constructed social reality) on the Istrian peninsula. We found that dark commemorative events which could be of interest to tourists are not only located on the coast and in highly recognised tourist centres, but also in central Istria and outside major cities and other populated areas. In general, this also confirms that the past development of Istrian tourist areas is not related to conflict events in the 20th century and the associated memorial heritage. Using geovisualisation, we came to an answer to rq 6.

9.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria

The fact that just a little less than 90 of analysed regional electronic media reports at least mentioned the historical facts highlighted at the events, demonstrates and confirms that the media-constructed social reality related to memorial practices heavily relies on the Istrian past⁹ – see also Figures 7.1 and 8.1 as well as Table 9.3. w w i i and the related antifascism significantly dominate as the historical background of the event, while w w i does not constitute an important reason for the organisation of dark commemorative events in Istria.

Herman Kaurić (2015a; 2015b) and Hrstić (2016) claim that w w i was and still is a less interesting research topic in Croatia, which was confirmed in practice (in media reporting on rituals and memorial practices) within this research as well. If we use Halbwach’s (1992) termi-

⁹ The historical component of dark tourism sites is also associated with Stone’s (2006) dark tourism spectrum.

210

9.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria nology, the case of w w i can be classified as historical memory, while according to Hirsch (2008), this is third-generation memory. The hundredth anniversary of w w i (2014–2018) and the related events certainly brought a change, but apparently not a significant one in comparison with w w i i. Pula, as the main military port of Austria-Hungary and the target of bombing during w w i, as well as other sites linked to this war in Istria, remain victims of a now unsystematic (and perhaps even unconscious) damnatio memoriae. This is completely in line with the claims of Uroše-vić (2013, p. 93) on Pula’s undefined image of a former military and port city, and the possibilities offered by this legacy.

On the other hand, w w i i-related events dominate in the first three out of four created groups (clusters) of dark commemorative events. According to this criterion, more than 80 of events are marked by w w i i, which clearly demonstrates its importance for contemporary Istrian society, including regional electronic media, which provide transfer of knowledge and values. This can be understood as Halbwach’s (1992) collective memory. We can say that today dark commemorative events are only a reflection of the Istrian dark past, especially the period of fascist terror and following w w i i, which significantly affected Slavic culture and social life. They also had an impact on the formation of the characteristic regional identity – see sub-chapters 5.2 ‘Istrian Identity’ and 5.3 ‘Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview.’ In the context of the most developed tourism region and within the dark tourism context, they can be further typologised as ‘war tourism,’ including battlefield tourism (Fonseca et al., 2016; Kužnik, 2015; Kužnik and Veble, 2017) or ‘grief tourism’

(Kendle, 2008), whereas their related sites are classified as ‘dark conflict sites associated with war and battlefields’ (Stone, 2006).

Post-w w i i-related memorial services within the mixed Cluster 3 are related to the socialist revolution end emigration (exodus) of Italians as well as Slavs who did not support the then new Tito’s regime – see subchapter ‘w w i i, Liberation and the Cold War in Istria’ (p. 90). These events should be in line with the claims of D’Alessio (2012b, p. 66) on fostering intercultural dialogue among esuli and rimasti, the Croatians and Slovenians, which was very difficult in the past, especially before 1991.

We found that multiculturalism codes turned out to be irrelevant and that foreign visitors (in this case from the Upper Adriatic) do not participate at events (or they were just not observed by journalists), which does not demonstrate intercultural dialogue. The foibe, the Italian exodus and post-w w i i violence are elements of the divided memory and 211

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Quantitative Analysis dissonant heritage, which foster ideological and political confrontations in the Upper Adriatic (Cattunar, 2012; D’Alessio, 2012a; 2012b; Klabjan, 2010, p. 401; Miklavcic, 2008; Orlić, 2012) – especially when extreme right positions are expressed. They also reflect the post-w w i i socialist revolution, characterised by torture, imprisonment and executions of clerics – see Grah (2009), Veraja (2013) and Trogrlić (2008; 2012; 2014) – as well as other anti-communists and more democratically-oriented communists (Oblak Moscarda, 2016). In the dark tourism context, they can be typologised as ‘war tourism’ (Fonseca et al., 2016; Kužnik, 2015; Kužnik

& Veble, 2017), ‘grief tourism’ (Kendle, 2008), or ‘communism tourism’

(Kužnik, 2015; Kužnik & Veble, 2017), while classifying them as ‘holocaust tourism’ – as mentioned in the previous chapters – seems exaggerated.

Cluster 3, as the most extensive cluster, contains dark commemorative events with different historical backgrounds, and is therefore the most

‘colourful.’

‘Independence war-related dark commemorative events’ (Cluster 4) are related to the last military conflict in Europe in the 20th century, which, however, did not significantly affect Istria – see sub-chapter ‘After the Slovenian and Croatian Declaration of Independence.’ Their importance for the independent Croatia and Slovenia and the short time distance from the conflict are evident from the participation of uniformed representatives of repressive bodies and war veterans. Moreover, autobiographical memory, which is related to past events people experienced themselves (Halbwachs, 1992) or similar first-generation memory (Hirsch, 2008) are characteristic only of members of this cluster. Subchapter 6.4 ‘Other Contemporary Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism’

accurately describes the circumstances and facts which each single dark commemorative event relies on. Today, events such as National Day, Victory and Homeland Thanksgiving Day and Day of Croatian Defenders, and Independence Day are organised in Istria as well. Similarly, some traditional dark commemorative events can be seen in Slovenia, too. These events, e.g. the Day of Restoration of the Primorska Region to the Motherland or Sovereignty Day do not take place at the same place each year.

In the dark tourism context, they can be typologised in a similar way as w w i/w w i i-related dark commemorative events.

Four clusters quantitatively correspond to the four case study events identified in Table 8.1 and then described in the following sub-chapters.

In this selection, special attention – with a qualitative analysis of two different events from the time immediately after wwii – was devoted to this 212

9.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria period of Istrian history (still often excluded from the public discourse and marked by social silence), while the quantitative analysis shows that w w i i-related events account for a much larger proportion of all dark commemorative events. However, both the qualitative as well as the quantitative part proved the following historical backgrounds to be more significant for Istrian society: w w i i, the socialist revolution and the Italian exodus (namely to a lesser extent), and the war for independence in the 1990s. Case studies from the qualitative part can thus be linked to the clusters created in the quantitative part. The two approaches thus confirmed the complementarity predicted in sub-chapter 7.1 ‘Research Philosophies and Approaches.’ In addition, the comparison of the final results of both approaches is interesting as well.

A higher visitor homogeneity was found within the qualitative analysis. The importance of the political aspect in both cases proved to be less obvious (and less interesting for media reporting). Convivenza and the oft-quoted ideas of multi-culturality/multi-ethnicity, coexistence and plurality – see sub-chapter 5.2 ‘Istrian Identity’– in connection with dark commemorative events, are not transferred to readers through regional electronic media – in general, this results from the qualitative and quantitative analyses. The media obviously also do not pay special attention to the symbols; observation in situ points to a completely different social reality. Quite problematic in both analyses is the tourist aspect in contrast to the transfer of knowledge, memory and values of the past conflict to the readers, especially to youth (the net generation). Although Istria is the most developed tourism region in Croatia and Slovenia, electronic media do not frequently report on the number of visitors: in 54.8 of reports, visitors were not even mentioned (q 14), in 56.3 of reports, foreign visitors were not mentioned (q 18), and in 59.1 of reports, the presence of youth was not mentioned (q 15). If we look at it from a broader perspective, they do not frequently report on either foreign politicians at events (q 20; in 60.3) or on multilingualism at events (q 24a) – in 94.3.

This means that the tourism-related perspective of reporting on dark commemorative events is rather neglected. Based on electronic media reports (media-constructed social reality), Istrian dark commemorative events consequently cannot be treated as international tourism events.

Does this mean that they cannot be discussed in the dark tourism context, either? Domestic visitors of different ages were present, although it is not possible to know whether they were locals or from other places.

Formally, domestic visitors cannot always and unconditionally be un-213

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Quantitative Analysis derstood as tourists.¹⁰ This issue also corresponds to the claims of Kennell et al. (2018) that the so-called dark events are not exclusively related to dark tourism. Moreover, they are not necessarily understood by tourists. This is supported also by Šuligoj’s (2016, p. 265) statement that ‘terms like memorable tourism or tourism of memory or even heritage tourism would probably be more appropriate, although the term

“tourism” is perhaps the most problematic.’ González Vázquez’s (2018) dark tourism-memorial tourism relationship should also be considered.

However, memory-related tourism is a rather marginal topic in the online environment (see Figure 2.1), which cannot be categorically ignored.

Four clusters were created in relation to rq 5. Differences in model quality based on a limited number of the analysed media reports show that the model is not optimally stable and of quality (‘fair’). This, however, is not a reason to automatically doubt the existence of different clusters. This is particularly relevant because the entire population’s data were analysed. It can therefore be concluded that the differences among the included events (according to media reports) were identified and, on this basis, can be classified into four specific clusters. The characteristics of the identified clusters are symptomatic (indicative) for history-centric dark commemorative events in Istria.

There is one more thing that should be highlighted. Codes related to politicisation: (q 21a) ‘Nationalist ideas,’ (q 21b) ‘Regionalist ideas,’

(q 21d) ‘Ideological issues,’ (q 22a) ‘Militarisation: in plain-clothes,’ (q 23f)

‘Symbols of: national minority(s),’ (q 24) ‘Multiculturalism: the multi-language event’ were removed, and an additional nine were corrected –

see sub-chapter 9.2 ‘Raw Data for Statistical Analysis.’ From the methodological point of view, this can be understood as some kind of reductionist approach, although this was not systematically planned due to the main idea that dark commemorative events are complex phenomena/systems, the characteristic of which should be empirically clarified. In terms of content, many scholars, i.e. Ashworth and Hartmann (2005b), Goulding and Domic (2009), Henderson (2000), and Wight and Lennon (2007) point to a sensitive interpretation (to tourists) and the subjection to the historical revision or political description of people’s lives, suffering and ¹⁰ Especially when the general definition of tourism is strictly followed – see Commission of the European Communities, Eurostat, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, World Tourism Organization, & United Nations Statistics Division (2001, p. 1).

214

9.6 Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria deaths, which cannot be found in electronic media reports on public dark commemorative events in Istria. Many other ‘politically-coloured codes,’

which were included in the TwoStep cluster analysis, were also less relevant or irrelevant (see Figure 9.4), e.g. (q 21c) ‘Politicisation: political propaganda,’ (q 23c) ‘Symbols of: contemporary state,’ (q 23e) ‘Symbols of: veterans’ organisations,’ (q 23g) ‘Symbols of: other’ (of e u, of other organisations). Consequently, these topics were evidently not transferred to the readers. In addition, militarisation as a special dark tourism issue highlighted by McKay (2013), McKenna and Ward (2007), and Reynolds and Lake (2010) was not a particularly highlighted topic in Istrian electronic media, which means that this deviation cannot be systematically transferred to the readers, either. Methodologically speaking, however, militarisation-related codes were the most important predictors for the creation of clusters – see Figure 9.3.

Pilgrimage, which is linked to dark tourism in sub-chapter 2.4 ‘Warfare Tourism,’ was not included in the quantitative analysis. Nevertheless, ex-posure of religious rituals (q 26) and symbols (q 23) was checked. As can be seen in Figures 9.4 and 9.3, they also turned out to be completely irrelevant for the description of the events and, therefore, these topics were not transferred to the readers. Religious symbols are one of the possible components of the death system (Table 2.1), including the dance of death, and are less interesting for electronic media reporting in the Istrian case.

On the other hand, this also proves that religious aspects are not generally addressed by journalists and scholars when examining dark tourism and memory (memorial events).

Within this chapter, we found that regional electronic media, available also to the ‘net generation,’ most frequently report on memorial services related to w w i i (rq 4). Media reports on dark commemorative events (which reflect the media-created social reality – memorial practices) are not homogenous, which means that four different clusters of dark commemorative events were created (rq 5), where w w i i-related events are the dominating ones and some previously predicted characteristics (codes) turn out to be less important or irrelevant. In addition, the dispersion of history-centric dark commemorative events in the transborder region of Istria was identified (rq 6) using the geovisualisation technique, which is also used in sociology. We found that events were dispersed all over the peninsula and that in this respect, Pula and Koper as regional centres are very different. In addition, events mostly occurred in settled areas, whereas only w w i i-related events within Cluster 2 took 215

Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Quantitative Analysis place mainly in the rural areas. However, some important places or sites are missing as they were not detected in media in the data collection phase, e.g. Šegotići, Šaini. Since these locations are historically significant, they could be inserted into Figures 9.5 and 9.6.

216





Concluding Remarks

10

Here we have a pattern of tomorrow’s complex European identity that awaits us and we have no real answers to it. We already have a multi-layered independence here, a post-identity, if you like. Ljubljana and Zagreb, take a close look at how it is also possible to protect differently a sacred national interest.

Milan Rakovac, Istrian writer, 2015

This study proposes that dark tourism is part of a wider and probably more commercial perspective of death, which permeates many aspects of people’s lives.¹ Residents of Istria as well as people in general live the death of others (ancestors) by consuming their fate, tragedy and legacy at memorial and dark tourism sites; the contemporary world is inherently created by death and its consequences (Harrison, 2003). Both memory and dark tourism are just two interconnected ways with which the living mediate with those who have traumatically/violently passed away. This way, they only reflect acts of reverence, respect, gratitude and pride.

The research does not rely on one singular theory or concept, but is a multi-disciplinary study based on a variety of sources. It attempts to draw upon the in-depth discourses explored by many Slovenian, Croatian, Italian and other scholars from different academic branches. We were looking for a relatively rarely investigated/discussed nexus between (dark) tourism, memory and historiography, where we could not ignore the inherent links between Istria and the armed forces. More specifically, the purposes of the research were to:

• provide an understanding of what memory and dark tourism mean in a specific regional environment (trans-border region of Istria); and

• establish a representation of topics related to the Istrian history (of conflicts) of the 20th century, contemporary public memorial practices and dark tourism in leading regional electronic mass media, based on which the specific media-created social reality can be identified.

¹ In this case, thanatourism would probably be a more accurate term, but death (and the death system/dance of death) itself was not the main focus of the study.

217

Concluding Remarks

Dark tourism studies focus on the relationships between the contemporary generations of visitors and the dead at sites of traumatic/violent death where dark commemorative events occur today. Consequently, according to research purposes (see sub-chapter 1.2 ‘Research Purpose and Objectives’), memory and dark tourism are initially clarified as concepts and research areas, after which history-centric dark commemorative events in Istria are identified, classified, clustered, described and located/mapped. On the basis of three basic platforms – dark tourism, memory and the traumatic Istrian 20th century history – four objectives (see sub-chapter 1.2 ‘Research Purpose and Objectives’) and three research questions for the qualitative analyses (rq 1–rq 3) and three for the quantitative one (rq 4–rq 6) were consequently developed. Ten indicators – theoretically as well as historically grounded – served as robust directions for the fieldwork within qualitative investigation. Table 8.3 summarises the main findings and shows that contemporary history-centric dark commemorative events do not completely follow past memorial practices on the peninsula. Ideological topics thus cannot be directly attributed to Istrian events. However, interpreting the related symbols is highly sensitive due to the delicate nature of this social topic within post-socialist/post-Yugoslav society. It should be considered that the Istrian anti-fascist movement as a winning force was nationally, and to some extent also ideologically, heterogeneous – see sub-chapter ‘w w i i, Liberation and the Cold War in Istria’ (p. 90). Various hostile forces that anti-fascists had fought against should also be taken into account (for academic research purposes). Consequently, anti-fascist symbols used in that period can still be perceived today and discussed multidimensionally, although in practice this mainly means a dichotomy between ‘ours’ or

‘others.’ Nevertheless, these different possibilities are not discussed within this study because the polysemy of such symbols goes beyond the purposes of this research. In general, however, symbols are a characteristic feature of the analysed events. Regionalism and convivenza as additional rq 3-related indicators, do not mark the analysed dark commemorative events, which does not apply only to w w i i-related events. Events are visited mostly by locals who are familiar with the past traumatic events; absence or deficiencies in the tourist infrastructure are clearly less disturbing to them. Within rq 2, the events’ internationalisation was also exposed as a relevant tourism indicator. The absence of internationalisation as well as the limited ‘attractiveness’ for different target groups (generations of visitors) and the massiveness (rq 1) seriously limit the 218

Concluding Remarks

ability to understand these events in a tourism context. They also limit the transfer of past traumatic stories and values between generations –

especially to youth (educational meaning). In sub-chapter 7.6 ‘Results and Discussion,’ all these (qualitative) findings are discussed and contextualised.

It was initially found in the quantitative analysis that w w i i-related memorial services are the dominating ones among different event types of contemporary Istrian memorial practices. If we connect them with the memorial events related to the victims of Italian fascist terror, then this dominance is even more evident. Dark commemorative events related to the conflict of the 1990s are less frequent; other history-centric ones are even rarer. These findings reflect the media-constructed social reality related to memorial practices (mediated memory). They were analysed in order to obtain answers to r q 4, r q 5 and r q 6. In addition, using a quantitative content analysis and clustering, four different clusters were created: ‘Simple dark commemorative events,’ ‘w w i i-related dark commemorative events of rural areas,’ ‘Mixed dark commemorative events’

and ‘Independence War-related dark commemorative events.’ w w i i and the liberation struggle offer an important background of at least the first three clusters, which clearly shows the effects and the far-reaching reper-cussions of this armed conflict on the Istrian people. This also shows how the traumatic past is reflected in contemporary Istrian society, where selective approaches to memorial practices were nevertheless perceived. As an example, we can mention some Slavic Istrian priests, patriots, who can be linked to anti-fascism, but have been overlooked in the past due to their beliefs, which were not coherent with the totalitarian regime of the Second Yugoslavia. Today, however, we can no longer fully perceive them as part of the damnatio memoriae context because the religious dark commemorative events, like those in Lanišće and especially Svetvinčenat, are well-attended. However, based on content analysis, this finding cannot be automatically ascribed to Istrian electronic media. In sub-chapter 9.6

‘Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria,’

all these (quantitative) findings are discussed and contextualised.

A slightly different case is that of Istrian anti-fascists of Italian nationality, who significantly contributed to the liberation of Istria and lived under the political pressure of the new Yugoslav regime. However, they were not completely marginalised or forgotten; some warriors were even proclaimed national heroes – see sub-chapters ‘w w i i, Liberation and the Cold War in Istria’ (p. 90) and 6.3 ‘w w i i-Related Memorial Practices and 219

Concluding Remarks

Dark Tourism.’ Contemporary dark commemorative events are very balanced in this respect; in past traumatic events as well as in some contemporary dark commemorative events,² convivenza remains an important element of Istrian social reality.

Dark commemorative events related to the conflict in the 1990s also represent a media-constructed social reality in Istria (mediated memory). The recency of the events, the still-living war veterans (defenders) with autobiographical memory, militarisation³ and religious symbols are the main specifics of this cluster. Contemporary memorial practices in the trans-border region of Istria are consequences of the military aggression on independent Slovenia and Croatia. Very limited military clashes in the region, which cannot be directly compared to those in some other Croatian counties or those in wwii, impact today’s dark commemorative events. In the case of Croatian Istria, they are not so frequent, emotional and massive, and they significantly rely (also) on traumatic events elsewhere in Croatia where Istrian residents fought. However, regionalism in general, or ‘Istrianity’ ( convivenza), are not highlighted at these events.

Results of qualitative (see Table 8.3) and quantitative analyses (see a list of less important or irrelevant codes presented in sub-chapter 9.4 ‘Clusters of Dark Commemorative Events’) support this claim. Hence, ignoring w w i-related events in the qualitative analysis has also proven to be correct. A drastic decline in the number of events and the related media reports after the 100th anniversary actually show the rather marginal significance of this conflict in Istrian society.

Figures 7.1 and 8.1, as a reflection of the media-constructed social reality, show that history-centric dark commemorative events are well dispersed across the Istrian peninsula (rq 6). This is an additional circumstance for a 365-day tourist destination development. Moreover, the development of tourism in the hinterland of major coastal locations can ² This claim is based on the analysis of the event in Kučibreg as well as some others visited/researched by the author in recent years, although not systematically analysed in this research.

³ The activation of uniformed units, e.g. the Honour Guard Battalion ( Počasno-zaštitna bojna) and the Guard of Honour of the Slovenian Armed Forces ( Častna enota Republike Slovenije) or other units, give formal national importance (state and military honour) to the memorial events and their historical background. Within this study, however, we followed the claims of McKay (2013), McKenna and Ward (2007), and Reynolds and Lake (2010), who understand the presence of armed forces at events as systemic and unrelenting militarisation of history and culture.

220

Concluding Remarks

thus become simpler. However, answers to previous research questions show that this did not happen in Istria. The memorial context absolutely dominates in comparison to tourism.

The development of dark tourism offers many new opportunities to Istrian society and economy, as well as some serious issues (or even haz-ards). First, Istria is the most developed trans-border Croatian and Slovenian region in terms of tourism, with a developed tourism infrastructure in already recognisable tourist centres. The constant introduction of interesting attractions/special sites that would also attract tourists outside of the high season (365-day tourist destination) is a global trend that needs to be followed. The identified Istrian dark tourism (and/or memorial) sites have that potential and their (additional) favourable attribute is their location, in many cases outside recognisable tourist centres – see Figures 7.1 and 8.1 – where the infrastructure is, however, less developed (strategic weakness). History-centric memorial/dark events can be interesting for developers of tourism services. The development process should address infrastructure issues, knowledge (about event and memorial site management, entrepreneurship, information and communication technology), and fundraising (e.g. e u, national, regional or other funds) in order to motivate local people to join, and thus to realise their ideas (potential). MacCannell in Seaton (1999) listed five steps of creation of a tourism attraction, which should be followed by developers in Istria as well: naming, sight sacralisation, framing and elevation, enshrinement, and mechanical and social reproduction.

From the marketing perspective and according to the results of this research, the target markets for (history-centric) memorial/dark events should primarily be Slovenia, Croatia (domestic visitors, including younger generations), or visitors from the multicultural Upper Adriatic basin.

The favourable fact is that each nation in Istria does not only have its own memorial/dark events, but there are also events that are common (transcultural memory preservation). Authentic multiculturalism (e.g.

common grounds, multilingual events, performers from different Upper Adriatic countries) as a characteristic feature of these events, should be interesting for visitors as well. However, many Istrian memorial/dark events held by Italians, especially those related to the esuli, are more or less one-dimensional: they expose the Italian identity and victims, are mono-lingual, etc. Regardless of that characteristic, there is a lot of tourism potential in these events as well.

As mentioned in this research, not only many Istrian Italians, but also 221

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other (political) dissidents/opponents/persecuted people of different past regimes, as well as economic migrants, are displaced throughout Europe and other continents. These people, including their descendants, may return to their birthplaces or the birthplaces of their ancestors, which can be considered as ‘roots tourism. ’⁴ Attending dark memorial events can significantly enrich their visit/stay in Istria. The development of visit programmes should thus be systematic, taking into account the national and ideological peculiarities as well as the legal restrictions, e.g. the use of some symbols. However, such history-centric events should be strictly reverenced, dignified and focused on transcultural memory preservation, future, coexistence and cooperation, and peace, and not on the promotion of political parties or ideas, institutions and extreme ideologies.

These memorial/dark events thus represent some kind of a cross-section between dark and roots tourism, which requires some caution (not to cross the boundaries of social acceptability). If we focus only on the Upper Adriatic, we can quickly find the reason behind it. In addition to the memorial event in Basovizza/Bazovica mentioned in the introductory chapter, it is worth mentioning the Italian neo-fascists’ provocation with the hanging of the flag of the Kingdom of Italy in Rijeka in September 2019; some of them were taken in for police interrogation or barred from entering the state – see, for example, Večernji list (‘Talijanski neofašisti pokušali invaziju, policija privela 16-oricu: s dva aviona uspjeli sletjeti na Krk,’ 2019) or Jutarnji list (Žabec & Benčić, 2019). Indeed, the monument to the extremist and poet Gabriele D’Annunzio, who occupied Rijeka in 1919, was solemnly revealed in Trieste in September 2019 (K. Št., 2019).

The bigoted manifestations of Italian extremists in February 2018 in Italy ( Il Giorno del ricordo) (a ns a, 2018) were also illustrative. In fact, it could be concluded that all this is a continuation of the events of the 1990s, which also included heated political debates, media campaigns and trials, which together mystified the foibe issue and the Italian victims, and politicised the tragic w w i i and post-w w i i events (Pirjevec et al., 2012, pp. 214–234). Incorrect media reporting (e.g. inflated numbers of victims in the announcements of the Italian state agency a ns a) (2018, 2019) as well as politicisation (e.g. the already mentioned words of Antonio Tajani or the words of Massimiliano Fedriga, the president of the Friuli-Venezia Giulia autonomous region)⁵ have been polluting the social atmosphere in ⁴ More can be found in Koderman (2012).

⁵ In relation to the ‘350,000 Italians who left Istria,’ he said that the Region ‘will raise its 222

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the Upper Adriatic. This is certainly a significant obstacle to the development of dark tourism in the trans-border region of Istria. Of course, the events mentioned above go beyond the past and the present of Istria, and can also be seen in the light of international (political) relations based on international agreements.

A less risky form of tourism, which is much friendlier to the local environment and more effective, is ‘educational tourism,’ especially in the case of young people. Study tours (Vojnović, 2020), field research, lec-tures, peer meetings, learning about Istrian multiculturalism (then and now) and coexistence, etc., can be appropriate (multi-day) activities for participants from Italy, other parts of Croatia and Slovenia, or other interested visitors of different ages. The science-based multidimensional interpretation of the past would certainly contribute to a better understanding of the complex Istrian past and present (‘Istrian-style memory’

or regional transcultural memory). On the other hand, this is also in line with the 365-day tourism principle, which is favourable for providers of accommodation, food and other tourism services.

The main findings are presented and discussed in the previous paragraphs and chapters. Correspondingly, the (academic) value of this study is that the relevant heterogeneous history-centric dark commemorative events, as an (electronic) media-constructed social reality of Istrian memory practices (mediated memory), were identified for the first time.

Moreover, contemporary history-centric dark commemorative events were clustered based on theoretically and historically grounded characteristics, and then described and mapped, which presents an original perspective in terms of approach and content. Therefore, we are now familiar with the past and present Istrian memorial practices (and their peculiarities). In addition, we also know that despite the traumatic 20th century, which offers an ideal base for the development of dark tourism, Istrian dark commemorative events have clearly not been developing in this direction and remain, with some exceptions, traditional local or regional events intended for the people of Istria. Consequently, these visitors cannot be treated as homo viator, homo turisticus or homo con-sumans. History-centric dark commemorative events, which are known beyond the boundaries of Istria, attract visitors from the rest of the Up-voice more and more to guarantee the truth about what happened on the eastern border.

We have done it and we will continue to do it in a polite, civil way, so that what happened will not be denied’ (a n s a, 2019).

223

Concluding Remarks

per Adriatic and/or other parts of Slovenia and Croatia, which shows the international recognition and importance of (dark) tourism only in a limited administrative sense. Results of the qualitative analysis confirm this assertion, which raises new questions about the point of investigation of memory in the dark tourism context. In addition, thanks to this mixed approach, we also know and understand how these events actually occur in a local environment, as well as their specifics, weaknesses and the like. In this study, the real social reality is thus linked and upgraded with the media-constructed social reality of Istrian memory practices (‘Istrian-style memory’ or regional transcultural memory). Therefore, these are new perspectives of dark commemorative events in Istria as well as in the wider area. Within the framework of historical sociology, this gap was filled and, simultaneously, all the set objectives achieved

– see sub-chapter 1.2 ‘Research Purpose and Objectives.’ The particular value of this study is that the topics/concepts that are almost taboo in the post-Yugoslav states are discussed in a multidimensional and integrated manner.

This study also has certain limitations, weaknesses and other features that need to be highlighted and explained:

• the quantitative analysis is made on the basis of media reports, which usually do not include all important facts (e.g. state symbols are not always mentioned or visible in the photos, although there is a high probability that they were displayed at events); visitors (their structure and number) and low-level politicians are clearly less important for the journalists, but constitute important elements of dark commemorative events;

• websites of some Istrian municipalities, e.g. Rovinj, 25 June 2018, and Labin, 3 August 2018, show that some other dark commemorative events also exist; the events in Lanišće and Svetvinčenat analysed in the qualitative part, were not observed in the regional electronic media, either. This means that the quantitative analysis does not include the full range of history-centric dark commemorative events in Istria, but reflects the media-constructed social reality (mediated memory), where events are selected according to the editorial policy of three main regional media;

• despite the fact that we browsed the media websites several times a day, there was a possibility that the reports that were posted on the site for a shorter period of time could be overlooked. However, we 224

Concluding Remarks

estimate that there is no significantly large discrepancy between the real and the analysed number of events;

• there is no universal typologisation of dark sites/events – see subchapter 2.2 ‘Dark Tourism Typology.’ The selected typology of Kennell et al. (2018, p. 948) and Frost and Laing (2013, pp. 36–42) showed its weaknesses, because it allowed the simultaneous classification of concrete events into several types, e.g. different events of the w w i centenary can be treated as ‘Significant anniversaries,’ ‘Dark exhibitions’ or ‘Memorial services, opening of memorials, concerts, performances.’ The typologisation depends on the researcher’s decision.

Hence, Seaton’s (1996) typology of dark tourism sites has proven to be insufficient, as dark/memory events can also take place for various reasons in places/spaces that do not have any special memorial meaning, e.g. sport halls or cultural centres. However, only warfare tourism as the type of dark tourism related to military conflicts is included in the research. Accordingly, 35 of the 126 analysed events from media reports remained non-typologised for this reason or as a result of missing/insufficient data;

• methodologically speaking, dealing with categorical variables limits statistical analyses, wherein the only correct approach is always to follow the objectives and the hypothesis/research questions. In addition, the number of analysed research units can impact the results, although it should be noted that this analysis does not rely solely on the sample, but on the population;

• the researcher’s objective understanding of mythologisation and politicisation turned out to be problematic, especially when media reports were substantively modest. The editorial policy and writing style, worldview and cultural background of the journalists as well as the researcher severely impede the work and objective decision of the researcher. According to ethnologist Hrobat Virloget (2015, p. 535), the researcher’s neutral approach is practically impossible in the study of memorial practices in the Upper Adriatic. In fact, this is also congruent with constructionism and some thoughts described in sub-chapter 7.1 ‘Research Philosophies and Approaches;’

• memory can be investigated from some other perspectives, e.g. the philosophical, ethnological, anthropological, theological, psychological, and artistic one, which applies to the study of death as well; the biological or medical perspectives are also relevant in this re-225

Concluding Remarks

spect. Moreover, many additional research methods and techniques can be also useful in the advancement of knowledge in the social dimensions of memory, e.g. focus group, in-depth interview, textual or visual analysis. However, all these perspectives and research approaches go beyond the purposes and objectives of this study. The same applies to dark tourism studies.

• different armed forces and military heritage were often pointed out in this research, although they constitute a slightly wider perspective of dark tourism and memory since they are not always or automatically associated with trauma. It is necessary to take into account that armed forces in Istria represent both the bright and the dark side of history, and it is therefore appropriate to include them in the research;

• the term ‘dark commemorative events’ is not universally accepted and may involve tautology, necessitating further research, especially when such events are associated with dark leisure and deviant behavior.

History and memory divide politicians (states) and other people, and can simultaneously connect them. Those processes, arising from a different national and/or ideological background, can be found in the narrower regional area (the trans-border region of Istria) or beyond. However, the search for antagonisms at all costs was not the purpose of this research. Generally, this would be inconsistent with ‘Istrianity’ as a specific/distinctive regional characteristic. Nevertheless, this offers opportunities for further research, including a more systematic investigation of the past and present differences in memorial practices. Comparisons among ethnically mixed Croatian counties would also be interesting and useful in this respect. The same applies to all other post-Yugoslav or post-socialist states. All these future researches should not necessarily focus solely on the dissonant heritage, damnation of memory ( damnatio memoriae) and the related dark tourism, but also on the creation of memory ( creatio memoriae), as described by Omissi (2016). On the other hand, the ‘touristification’ of memory as a negative social phenomenon is also relevant for the exploration of Istria where tourism is well-developed. It should be further examined how to combine professional, personal and family obligations/duties and habits (e.g. holidays, vacations) as well as knowledge and awareness, by participating at history-centric dark commemorative events (priorities). Hence, dark tourism typologisation de-226

Concluding Remarks

fects have already been exposed, which means that in order to develop a generally useful typology, a systematic interdisciplinary re-definition is needed. Additional research possibilities arise also from the various perspectives listed at the end of the previous paragraph. An interdisciplinary and mixed method approach unquestionably offers more complex/complete results, thus also more credible and useful ones compared to the single-dimensional perspective. Researching within the rising historical sociology, the development of which has been similar to dark tourism and memory studies in recent decades, is absolutely reasonable.

In the end, it can be concluded that the process of facing the past is a complex, gradualist and intergenerational one. Facing the traumatic past means swallowing our own bitter pill, confronting our own sin and the sin of others. A responsible confrontation of desirable and unwanted heritage or the bright and the dark past in a way that does not increase the pain to the ‘others,’ should be an important guideline. Tourism, with public events and media, can help, although on the other hand, this can lead to the ‘touristification’ of memory. At dark commemorative events as well as in the media, it is necessary to highlight peace and collaboration and look towards the common future. In addition, a respectful dialogue is a way to overcome old grudges, even those of previous generations. Politicisation and excessive mythologisation certainly do not help. ‘We need to affirm the importance of not awarding memory too much authority, too much authenticity, too much power’ (Sturken, 2008, p. 77). This applies to the Upper Adriatic and perhaps even more to the Balkan Peninsula, where memorial practices are often consistent with the title Battle of Memories, a Chinese science fiction crime thriller film from 2017 (directed by Leste Chen). Such ‘collective or social hyperthymesia’ as a constant, irrepress-ible stream of memories linked to social deviations, such as militarisation, mythologisation, politicisation, manipulation, and nationalism, ‘pollutes’

the societies of the Balkan Peninsula.

227





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Reviews

The book Dark Shades of Istria: Memorial Practices and Their Dark Tourism Implications contains ten main chapters and 38 subchapters.

The spatial framework of this study is the transborder region of Istria, formally divided between the states of Slovenia, Croatia and Italy, but informally connected and united inside their own social, cultural, historical, economic and political developmental peculiarities. The focus of this research is the Slovenian and Croatian part of Istria, which is a highly developed tourism region based on its favourable geographical position, rich natural and cultural attractions, and large network of accommodation facilities. The main historical framework of this study comprises the events of recent Istrian history, which are linked to the segment of dark tourism. The purposes of the research are to provide an understanding of what memory and dark tourism mean in a specific regional environment of Slovenian and Croatian Istria and to establish a representation of topics related to the Istrian history of conflicts of the 20th century, contemporary public memorial practices and dark tourism in leading regional electronic mass media, based on which the specific media-created social reality can be identified.

Four research objectives have been proposed in this study. The first objective is to compile a conceptual framework of memory studies and dark tourism with the facts of the traumatic 20th century of Istria and its public memorial practices. The second objective is to define different groups (clusters) and characteristics of various Istrian contemporary history-centric memorial practices and related dark tourism based on the relevant media reports on dark commemorative events. The third objective is identification and mapping of contemporary types and locations where public history-centric dark commemorative events take place and where, potentially, the transfer of memories occurs. The fourth objective is to describe, compare, contrast and thus fully understand a range of different dark commemorative event types with different historical backgrounds, which reflect the traumatic Istrian past and offer special experiences to the visitors. In this, primarily interdisciplinary, scientific study, qualitative and quantitative scientific methods and techniques were used to obtain results and realize research aims and objectives. The main findings of this study are multiplied contemporary connections and socio-277

Reviews

cultural processes acting on tragic historical events, places, persons and cultural heritage from the 20th century as a part of dark tourism supply in the multicultural and transborder region of Istria. The unique scientific achievement, significance and originality of this research are the case studies which contribute to the relaxation between dissonant and memorial heritage and places inside the dark tourism spectrum.

The book Dark Shades of Istria: Memorial Practices and their Dark Tourism Implications represents a very significant novelty in the fields of the social and humanistic sciences as a bridge between ethnology, anthro-pology, economics, history, sociology, human geography and the other tourism studies. Additionally, this valuable study gives an original theoretical and methodological framework for the scientific study of the regional aspects of dark tourism. Finally, respecting the contribution to the national (Slovenian) and international recognition of dark tourism topics, the main significance of this book is presentation of the tragic (dark) historical events and places as the new locations of connections and understanding among people.

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Nikola Vojnović

The book Dark Shades of Istria: Memorial Practices and Their Dark Tourism Implications is a scientific monograph and an original work in the English language. The book contains ten main chapters and 38 subchapters, 6 graphs, 6 tables and 37 figures. The content of the work corresponds to the title of the work. Through the elaboration of the content of the book, new insights into dark tourism are elaborated. The purpose of the work is manifested in the contribution to the understanding of memory and dark tourism in the specific regional environment of Slovenia and Croatia and in establishing a representation of topics related to the Istrian history of conflicts of the 20th century, contemporary memorial practices and dark tourism in leading regional electronic news media. The objectives of the book are: (1) establishment of a conceptual framework of memory studies and dark tourism in leading regional electronic mass media, (2) defining different clusters and characteristics of various Istrian contemporary history-centric memorial practices and related dark tourism, (3) identification and mapping of public history-centric dark commemorative events, and (4) identification of different dark commemorative event types with different historical backgrounds.

278

Reviews

The public significance in publishing the book is its exceptional importance for the academic community and the general public. The book represents an important contribution to the existing insufficient scientific and professional literature that researches dark tourism in ethnically mixed areas. The book provides an overview of left and right political events (e.g. Catholic Masses and anti-fascist commemorations) that are visited by both tourists and locals. This is an important contribution to the lack of literature that considers both the left and right perspective.

This is the first work in the national framework that analyses in detail cross-border dark tourism in the most recognisable tourist region of Croatia and Slovenia, despite open border issues in Istria. The book is of international importance because it gives a successful overview of cross-border cooperation, although it is a region that had many problems in the past. The book points out how tourism can contribute to coexistence in an area where problems still exist. The topic is thus relevant for some other regions with a difficult past, e.g. Alsace, Northern Ireland, Kosovo.

The book Dark Shades of Istria: Memorial Practices and Their Dark Tourism Implications fills a gap in the existing literature and makes a scientific and social contribution in the field of dark tourism research. The book entirely satisfies all the characteristics of the content and methodological elements for the classification of works in the category of scientific monograph.

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Zrinka Zadel

279

Series

ISSN 2820-6509

University of Primorska Press

hippocampus.si





Document Outline


Dark Shades of Istria

Contents

List of Figures

List of Tables

1 Introduction Background and Rationale for the Study

Research Purpose and Objectives

Interdisciplinary Aspects of the Study





2 Dark Tourism Theory and Discourse The Concept of Dark Tourism: Definitions, Recognisability and Critique

Dark Tourism Typology

Dark Tourism and the Death System

Warfare Tourism

Chapter Conclusion





3 Memorialisation Theory and Discourse Memory Concept

Memory and History

Linking Memory with Culture and Politics

Chapter Conclusion





4 Media Perspective on Dark Tourism and Memory Dark Tourism from the Media Perspective

Memory from the Media Perspective

Chapter Conclusion





5 Trans-Border Region of Istria Region of Istria: A Political Geography Perspective

Istrian Identity

Region of Istria: A Brief Historical Overview

Chapter Conclusion





6 Memories and Dark Tourism in Istria Armed Forces and the Beginning of Tourism Development in Istria

Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism in the post-WWI Period

WWII-Related Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism

Other Contemporary Memorial Practices and Dark Tourism

Discussion and Chapter Conclusion





7 Methodology: An Introduction Research Philosophies and Approaches

Research Design and Methods





8 Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Qualitative Analysis Additional Methodological Explanations

Case Study Event 1: Homeland Thanksgiving Day and Day of Croatian Defenders

Case Study Event 2: The Anniversary of the Martyrdom of Bl. Miroslav Bulešic

Case Study Event 3: Memorial Exhibition of Bl. Francesco Bonifacio

Case Study Event 4: The Anniversary of the Battle of Kucibreg

Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria





9 Istrian Memories in the Dark Tourism Context: The Quantitative Analysis Additional Methodological Explanations

Raw Data for Statistical Analysis

Istrian Dark Commemorative Events and Conflicts of the 20th Century

Clusters of Dark Commemorative Events

Geographical Dispersion of History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events

Discussion on History-Centric Dark Commemorative Events in Istria





10 Concluding Remarks

References

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