E   S   S   A Y
*      • ON
COLONIZATION.
P A R T I.
A N
ESSAY
O N
COLONIZATION,
PARTICULARLY APPLIED TO THE
WESTERN COAST of AFRICA,
with some free thoughts on
CULTIVATION and CO MMERCE;
ALSO
brief descriptions
OF THE COLONIES ALREADY FORMED, OR ATTEMPTED, IN AFRICA,
including those of
SIERRA LEONA and BULAMA.
BY
c.  b. wadstrom.
IN  TWO PARTS. IlluJlraUd with a Nautical Map (from Lat.     30' to Lat. 140 N.J and other Plates.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR,
DAR TON AND HARVEY,  C R AC EC HU RC H - S T R E £ T. i col, No. 58, Pall-Mall; W. Fa den, Corner of St. Martin's Lane, Strand; J. Stockdale,No. 191, Piccadilly; J.Edwards, No. 78, Pali-Mall; E. & J.Eoerton, No. 32, Charing-Crofs; J. Debrett, No. 179, Piccadilly; J. Johnson, No. 72, St. Paul's Church-yard; and C. Dilly, No. 22, Poultry.
mdccxciv.
T O
THE    RIGHT HONOURABLE
PAUL LE MESURIER, M. P.
LORD MAYOR OF THE CITY OF LONDON, in testimony of i iis laudable and exemplary zeal,
IN PROMOTING THE
CIVILIZATION   o i. AFRICA,
the following pages are most respectfully inscribed,
by his lordship's
OBEDIENT AND VERY HUMBLE SERVANT,
C B. WADSTROM.
CONTENTS
o f  t h e
FIRST PART.
INTRODUCTION, Chap. I.    Obfrutlions to Colonization, particularly in
Africa, - Page t
Chap. II.    Character and Difpoftion of the Africans, 9
Chap. III.   Civilization in General,          - 18
Chap. IV.   Climate, Soil, and Water, 24
Chap. V.    Produce,        -         -         -         - 31.
Chap. VI.   The means of preferving health,          - 42 Chap. VII. General refections on Colonies, and the means
of promoting them,          -         - 57
Commerce, 65 Chap. VIII. Hints on the effentials of a Colonial Government, 92 Chap. IX.   Specific propofitions applied to the cafe of a
new Colony, - - - 107 Chap. X.    Colonies in Africa formed on the Principles of
Commerce by the Portuguefe,        - 121
Spaniards,         - 144
French,      -      - 154
Dutch,      -       - 178
Aufrians,          - 187
Swedes,      -      - 194 JV<?w P/an for Exploring Africa,  by the
African Affociation of London, 195
*** A more particular Table of Contents, or an Index, will be inferted in the Second Part,
ahD
A Hp
n3
INTRODUCTION.
THE author of the following pages having, in the earlier part of his life, travelled through mod parts of Europe, and obfcrved various modes of civilized fociety, was deiirous of contemplating human nature in fimpler Hates ; and, from what he had heard and read, he concluded, that Africa prefented the molt ample held for fuch obfervations. Accordingly, in the year 1787, he communicated his defign to his fovereign, the late intelligent and enterprifmg King of Sweden, who not only granted him leave of abfence from the office he had the honour to hold under him j but was alfo gracioufly pleafed to favour with his royal countenance and fupport, himfelf and his fellow-travellers, Dr. A. Sparr-man, known to the public by his voyages to the Cape of Good Hope, and round the world with the celebrated Cook, and Captain Arrhenius, of the Swedifh artillery, a very able and experienced mineralogifl.
They travelled by land from Stockholm to Paris, with his majefly's particular recommendation to the court of France, where their views were very cordially promoted. A palfage was granted to them in a French {hip from Havre de Grace to Africa, and they carried orders to all the
B French
French governors and agents on the coaft, to give them every kind of afli fiance, which accordingly they received
wherever they thought proper to land.-Thus the
author's opportunities of obfervation were uncommonly favourable, and he flatters himfelf he did not let them efcape altogether unimproved.
The chief objects of his enquiry and obfervation in Africa were the character of the natives, and the evils they fuller from the flave-Lrade, the produce of the country, and above all, how far it feemed capable of improvement and of colonization.
The author, on returning to Europe, in 1788, called on fome friends he had left in England eleven years before, Dr. Sparrman, who went fir Ft to Paris, fhort.ly afterwards joined him in London; Captain Arrhenius going directly to Sweden. It foon tranfpiring that they had jufl returned from Africa, they were fummoned before the Britifh Privy Council, in whofe interefting report their opinions on the fubject of this work ftand recorded in thefe words : " The queftion being put to Mr. Wadftrom and to Dr. Sparrman, whether they thought that by any and what encouragement the natives of that country might be induced to cultivate the above articles" (viz. cotton, indigo, the fugar cane, &c.) " fo as to make them objecls of commerce? —Mr. Wadllrom gave it as his opinion, that the only encouragement would be by fettling a colony of Europeans there, and though they would proceed by very flow degrees, yet they would gradually reconcile the princes and natives of the country to it; and he added, that he fhould himfelf be glad to be one of the firfl to engage in fuch an undertaking."—" Dr. Sparrman thinks alfo this might be accom-pliflied by planting colonies among them, and paying them
for
For their labour.    They have at prefent fome fort of in-du dry, which by example might be increafed.   They would riot at once be brought to regular and diurnal labour but by little and little they might be reconciled to it*."
In 1789, he publilhed a fmall tract, now out of print, compiled from his journals, and intitled " Obfervations on the Slave-trade in a Voyage to the Coad of Guinea." That trade was then under parliamentary inveftigation in England; and the author was flattered that his little piece might contribute to it's abolition. At prefent the colonization of Alrica fliares the attention of the friends of the fame caufe. With renewed alacrity, therefore, he again fleps forward, agreeable to his promifc in the above-mentioned tract, in hopes of promoting that grand defign, by proving that the colonization of Africa is not only practicable, but, in a commercial view, highly prudent and advifeable.
The reader has no doubt, by this time, discovered that the perfon who now addrefles him is a zealous friend to the Africans. But it is pre fumed that his zeal is not in confident with fober truth; and that friendfliip to the Africans is not incompatible with friendfliip to the Europeans, and to all mankind. The author has ever thought that the mod likely way to promote the civilization of mankind, would be to lead their activity into the cultivation of their country, as the bed exercife for their affections, and to diflufe among them a fpirit of liberal commerce, to exercife their under-flanding. Thus, cultivation and commerce cdablifhed upon right principles, rendering the mind active, would early difpofe it for the reception of pure moral indruction: commodities in this cafe could not fail to become the
* Privy Council's Report, Part I. Art. " Produce."
B 2 vehicles
vehicles of ideas and inventions; the beft fyflcms of morality or religion would of confequence foon prevail; and the human fpecies thereby would be ultimately improved and exalted.
Thinking thus, the author, particularly hnce he trod the fertile foil of Africa, and furveyed her rude, but valuable, natural (lores, has often been grieved and aftonifhed that fuch a country fliould have been fo long overlooked by the induftrious nations in Europe. Of this and fome other curious circumflances relative to Africa, he will endeavour, in the enfuing tract, to trace the caufes. Here he will only alk, in the words of the celebrated Profcffor Zimmerman of Brunfwick, " Why have not other mercantile nations long ago opened their eyes, and looked into the benefits that would arife from a better knowledge of Africa? It may be anfwered, that, befides the prejudice that fo flrongly governs the world in general, we mufl not altogether reproach them. One of the finefl and moft increafing Dutch colonies is that at the Cape of Good Hope. France has flourifhing colonics in the Ifles of France and Bourbon. Portugal has feveral important cllablifhments, and Denmark has lately given us a proof of what fhe intends to do. The day, I hope, is not far diflant when Africa will enrich Europe with the moft lucrative commerce." Indulging the fame pleaf-ing hope, the author moll chearfully joins his efforts with thofe of the benevolent and enlightened Britons, who are now endeavouring to form colonies in Africa—happy if his perfonal obfervations, fupportcd and illuftrated by the bed authorities, fhould contribute to remove prejudices, and to prevent dangerous millakes in thofe who may hereafter enter upon fuch undertakings in that quarter of the world.
A N
A n
ESSAY
O N
COLONIZATION, &c.
C  II  A  P. L
obstructions to colonization, particularly in africa.
h the maritime nations of Europe firft at- Plans of the
VV i        r i     •      •      i     t   t        1        ftrft Europe-
v ™    tempted to found colonies in the Indies, they :m rolonifta had prodigious difficulties to encounter.   Few of the ad- 111 d,Hclkd-venturers fecm to have been aware of the ferious nature of fuch undertakings, and of the ncccflity of proceeding on regular and well digefled plans.    Many of them appear to have embarked with expectations of the fpcedy acquisition of wealth; but without well knowing where they were to land, and to reap this golden harveft.    Even the beil informed of them were unapprised of the inconveniences which they were to guard again ft, and unacquainted with the difeafes of hot climates, and the means of prevention and cure; cfpecially with that invaluable medicine, the Peruvian bark.   Many of the lower clafs of fettlers were men of debauched habits, and unaccuftomed to the labour ©f clearing land j and all of them but indifferently provided
with
c H*A P. with the accommodations and diet neceflary to fupport them T- _._> under their exertions. Such, except in the cafe of Penn-fylvania and one or two others, appears to be a pretty good general fketch of the characters and conduct, of the lirll European colonies. We cannot here be more particular but, if the intelligent reader will call to mind the various difaders and didrefics which the original fettlers of moll of the modern European colonics fullered, he will not wonder that fome of them failed, but that almofl any of them fuc-ceeded. The liberal fpirit of enterprize, howTevcr, which then animated the merchants of fome nations, and the governments of others, in many cafes, repaired firft mifcarriages, overcame every obflacle, and at length founded colonies, fome of which now emulate powerful nations. Africa hi- 2. While fuch fplendid eflablifhments have been formed gle&ed!m Afia an<^ America, " it is melancholy to obferve that" Africa, a country much more acceflible to European commerce than either Alia or America, and, (t which has near io5ooo miles of fea-coaft, and noble, large, deep rivers, iTiould yet have no navigation; dreams penetrating into the the very centre of the country, but of no benefit to it. In lhort, Africa, though a full quarter of the globe, dored with an inexhaullible treafure, and capable, under proper improvements, of producing fo many things delightful as well as convenient, feerns utterly neglected by thofe who are civilized themfelves It may not be amifs briefly to date what appear to me to have been among the caufes of the neglect which the refpectable author here notices. Caufa of 3- *^ne grand incitement to European enterprize, in the this neglea. fifteenth century, fecms to have been the difcovery of a
* Poftlethwayts Di&ionary, Article " Africa."
padage
paffage by fea to the Eafl Indies, which fhould lay open c h a p.
to all nations the commerce of that country, then monopo- t_ _/______,
lized by the Venetians. In 1492, Columbus, in quell of a wefterly paffage to the Eafl Indies, was unexpectedly interrupted in his courfe by the iflands of America. In 1497, Vafquez de Gama purfued and accomplifhed the fame object, by doubling the Cape of Good Hope.
4. Both thefe events appear to have operated greatly to TheSlaye-thc difadvantage of Africa. The coafl of that continent, ua e' after having ferved as a clue to conduct, navigators to the Eaft Indies, was itfelf comparatively neglected; not on account of any natural inferiority in it's foil, climate, or pro-clu6tions; butbecaufe the Africans, not having advanced fo far in the arts as the Eafl Indian?, nor having then difcover-ed fuch quantities of the precious metals as the Americans, could not immediately fupply the European demand for thofe deferable productions, which the commerce of the Eafl afforded. Thus Alia and America became the principal theatres of the ambition and avidity of the Europeans; and happy had it been for Africa if they had fo continued. But it is diilrefllng to recollect the rapid progrefs of European iniquity among the fimple and untutored nations inhabiting the other quarters of the world. Their operations in America were deplorably injurious to Africa. It was foon found that the aborigines of the former could not endure the toils impofed on them by their new mailers. " The natives of Hifpaniola alone were reduced, in fifteen years, from at leail one million to about 60,000*.0 Hentv arofe the apparent or pretended necelhty (for there never can be any real neceffity to commit villainy) of re for ting to
* Robcrtfon's Hiflory of Amciica.
Africa
Africa for a fupply of labourers, in form of ilavcs. Here commenced the Slave-trade, that fcourge of the human race, which has kept down a great part of the Africans in a ftate of anarchy and blood, and which, while it's nefarious exift-encc is tolerated, will prove the grand obllacle to their improvement and civilization. Early in the fixteenth century, this traffic had affumed an appearance of fyflem; for we find that, in 1517, the Emperor Charles V. granted a patent to certain flave-merchants for the annual fupply of 4000 negroes to the iflands of Hifpaniola, Cuba, Jamaica and Porto Rico. It has fince been cherifhcd with as much care, as if the very exiftence of legitimate commerce depended on it, and as if, in principle and practice, it perfectly accorded with the feelings and fentiments of it's patrons. The Weft       r    Without undervaluing the Weft Indian fugar colo-
Jndies derive     . ° .
thcii import- ines, we may venture to obferve, that their importance, nay, Africa^01 according to the planters thcmfelves, their very exiftence, depends on Africa. That continent fupplies them with flaves, whom they call by the foft name of " Negro labourers," and who alone confer a value on their property. Some affirm, with much probability, that they alfo owe to Africa the very object of their labours. Certain it is, that the fugar-cane grows fpontaneoufly in Africa; but whether it be a native of the Weft Indies, is a controverted point. Be this as it may, it was furely fome what prepofter-ous to drag the Africans to the Weft Indies, there to drudge amidft whips and chains, in cultivating a commodity which, had they been prudently and humanely dealt with, they might have been induced to raife, as an article of commerce, upon their own foil, and that much nearer to the European markets than the neareft of the Weft Indian
iflands.
iflands*. But the very vicinity of Africa, which fhould c uiA p-have recommended it to the Europeans, may have operated __< to it's difadvantagc; for mankind generally fet the greateft value on things diflant and difhcult to be obtained. Dif-tance,like a fog, confutes objects, and lends them a magnitude that docs not belong to them; and thus fafcinates and mif-lcads men of warm imaginations, often to their injury, fomctimes to their ruin.
6. But the flave-trade, as carried on in Africa, not only Oppof.tionof impedes the progrefs of the natives in the arts of induflry :lnd ptanteri. and peace ; but alfo now prevents the European merchants concerned in it, or in the fugar colonies, from countenancing the colonization of that continent, from an ill founded apprchenfion, that fuch new eflablifhments may interfere with thofe in the Weft Indies. It is indeed well known, that the Sierra Leona Company experienced very great op-pofition from the felfifh and ungenerous African traders, and Weft Indian merchants and planters. In juflice, however, to feveral of the more liberal individuals of thofe bodies, we muft obferve, that, difregarding vulgar prejudices, they faw no caufe of alarm from fuch eftablifliments. They probably confidered, that felf-interefl is always, in the end, beft promoted by liberality; and that as all the cotton pro-
* Voyages fiom England to the nearefl: of the Weft Indian iflands arc performed, on ah average, in about thirty days; to the rnofl diflant, in about fix weeks--A voyage to Sierra Leona occupies about twenty days ; but Mr. Falconbridge once arrived there from England in feventeen davs. Voyages home boih/rom Africa and the Weft Indies, are longer than thofe to them, from the oppofition of the trade winds; and homeward bound fhips from Jamaica, St. Domingo, Cuba, and the Bahamas are farther interrupted by the gulph flrcam.—In 1782, a French frigate arrived at Senegal from Breft in thirteen days, and returned in fifteen.--The Chevalier de EouIHcrs tuld me that he arrived at Senegal from Havre in twenty days, and that <he veiled returned to Havre in the fame time.
C duced
H a P. I.
^_-¥—mJ
Objections a-gainft colo-ni/.ing a (rica ar.fvvered.
duced in the Britilh iflands is quite inadequate to the demand of the Britifh manufacturers, fo the confumption of fugar being rapidly increafing, in Europe and America, and capable of indefinite extenfion, the time may not be very diflant when all the fugar that can be produced on the Weft Indian plantations already fettled, may be equally inadequate to the fupply of the European and American markets. I fay on the Weft Indian plantations already fettled; for it is the opinion of perfons well acquainted with Welt Indian affairs, that thofe plantations cannot, on the prefent fyffem, be profitably extended.
7. Befides the foregoing obftructions to the colonization of Africa, feveral well meaning people have flated fome objections which ought to be anfwered.—Firft, Qi They fear that the colonization of Africa would introduce, among the fimple and innocent natives of that continent, the corrupted manners of the Europeans."—I anfwer, that the flave-trade has already introduced, into thofe parts of Africa where it prevails, the manners of the moft corrupted of the Europeans ; but that a colony of fober, hone ft and induftrious people from Europe, who will of courfe fix their refidence where there is little or no flave-trade, and who will fupport themfelves by agriculture, and not by commerce, need not excite any alarm whatever on this head. " But the Europeans, it may be faid, corrupted the aborigines of North America, though neither party dealt in flaves." This is unfortunately true ; but it is equally true that this corruption was the work of European traders, andnot of 'Euxo^^nfarmcrs, The genius of commerce unfortunately prevailed, more than it ought to have done, in the htft eftablifhmcnt of the European colonies, in the new world. Of the confequences of this unhappy afcendancy of  commerce over agriculture, many
mclan-
melancholy inftances might be given, were this a proper place.   Suffice it to obfcrve, what will fcarcely be denied, that the object, of the European traders in America (as traders) was not to civilize the natives; but, like the white (lave dealers in Africa, to turn their rude propcnfities for European liquors, gunpowder and baubles, to their own immediate profit, without looking forward to the advantages, to legitimate commerce, which, fooner or later, would have re halted from their civilization.   Nor have governments fecmcd to be fufliciently fenfible of thofe advantages; for while they flrictly regulated the commerce of their fubjccls with civilized nations, they left them to pufh their trade with the uncivilized in any direction, and by any means, their own  blind avarice   fuggefted.     Hence followed " deeds unjuft—even to the full fwing of their lull." In the Portuguefe colonics, indeed, of Grand Para and Maran-hao, a Directorio was eflablifhcd in 1758, for regulating the dealings of the whites with the native Indians, who arc there defci ibed as " uncivilized and ignorant," and " univerfally addicted to debauch in liquors, furnifhed them by the whites."   It does not appear what effect thefe regulations have had in eradicating the evil habits which had been pre-vioully foilercd in the Indians by the Portuguefe pedlars. But they have, in fome degree, civilized the native Africans in their fettlcments on the coafl; and the progrefs of the Jefuits in Paraguay clearly proves that uncivilized nations may be improved, inflead of being debauched, as hath too often happened, by an intercourfe with the Europeans.
8. Secondly. It is objected, that " Colonics in Africa would prove the means of perpetuating, and not of deflroy-ing the flave-trade." This objection would no doubt have fome force, if commerce, and not cultivation, were to be
C 2 the
the primary object: of fuch eftablifhments ; or even if cultivation were to be carried on by human labour only, unaf-filted by the labour of cattle. But commerce and human labour are both very capable of limitation and regulation ; and in this work I hope to prove that it is very practicable fo to limit and regulate them in Africa, as to check the hurtful predominancy of the one, and to prevent the oppref-live tendency of the other.
9. Another objection is " That the defence of colonies in Africa would, like that of moft of the American colonies, be burdenfome to the European governments, which fhould favour their eftablilhment." To this it may be anfwered, that, if according to the plan I mean to propofe, the colonifts cultivate, from the beginning, an amicable coalition with the natives, they will, like the above-mentioned eftablifhment of the Jefuits in Paraguay, foon acquire fuch a degree of ftrcngth as to fecure them from all wanton aggreffion.
10. It feems unneceffary to fay more in this place, to fatif-fy objectors who, upon the whole, wifh to promote the civilization of Africa, if they clearly fawhow it could be effected: for one great end of this work is, to remove their conscientious fcruples; moll of which, however, appear to me to deferve attention, more on account of their motives, than of their ftrength.
C II A P.
C   H   A  F, II.
character and disposition of the africans.
11. /^IVIL and religious government is allowed to be the Gowo-
principal caufe which affects (and even forms) the form Mtfomal characters of nations. Climate, diet, occupation, and avari- charJtkr-ety of other lefs confiderable caufes contribute their fhare to the general effect. It is not, however, by abflract reafon-ings alone, on the feparate or combined influence of thofe caufes that the character of a nation can be afcertained; but actual obfervations on their genius and conduct mud alfo be attended to. Such obfervations cannot be too numerous; nor can general conclufions be too cautiouily drawn from them.
12. That this important moral balance may be flruck Mifwpitfent-with perfect impartiality, the obferver ought to difmifs charafter of every prejudice, and to leave his mind open to a full and thc Atnc:ms-fair imprefhon of all the circumflances.    Every well difpofed man will allow the neccfTity of fuch procedure, who knows how grofsly the very people of whom we are treating, have been mifreprefented by thofe who firfl made . merchandize of their perfons, and then endeavoured, by calumny, to juflify their own conduct towards them. The accounts of African governors and other Have merchants, have been but too implicity followed by authors of no fmall note, who never were in Africa, and who did not fufpect that the writers they quoted were interefled in miflcading
them.
them. Hence it is to be feared, that many well meaning perfons have been led to believe that the Africans are fo infcnfible as not to feel their ill treatment, or fo wicked as not to deferve better; and have therefore, without farther examination, left them to what they think a merited fate.
13. The author, aware of the difficulty of this part of his fubject, has all along laboured to obferve as minutely and extenfively, and to judge as impartially, as. he could. But, after all his diligence, he is only able to offer fome fhort and imperfect, (ketches. Imperfect, however, as they are, he is confeious they are faithfully copied from the original. Civilized m-     1 ,i, He believes every man, who has made it his bufinefs
tions govern* _ _   .     .     .      , .....
ed by reafon, to compare the conduct or civilized and uncivilized nations,
dtpSbom! WI11 admit that the former are governed by reafon, and the latter by their will and affections, or what are commonly called their paffions—or at leaf! that, upon the whole, reafon influences mankind in proportion as they are civilized.
15, This obfervation may be applied very appofitely to the Africans. Their underftandings have not been nearly fo much cultivated as thofe of the Europeans ; but their paffions, both defenfive and fecial, are much flrongcr. No people are more fenfible of difrefpect, contempt, or injury, or more prompt and violent in refenting them. They are alfo apt to retain a fenfe of injury, till they obtain fatisfac-tion, or gratify revenge. In this they refemble other imperfectly civilized tribes, and even the more refined Europeans, in whom that benevolent religion, which teaches forgivenefs of enemies, has not yet produced it's full effect. For was not fatisfaction to offended honour; that is, was not a certain mode of revenge a diflinguifhing part of the fyflem of chivalry ? And do not our modern duelifls, the polite fuccenors of the ancient knights. Hill cherifh a principle
pTe which they will not allow to be called revenge; but for c HnA p» which fbber people cannot find a better name ? Revenge u—> caufes wars in Africa: and are there no fymptoms of its producing wars in Europe? But African wars arc never protracted, with cold-blooded perfevcrance, to the length of the fiege of Troy, nor is peace ever negociated with a view to future wars. The Africans have no particular tortures in referve for their prifoners, like the North American Indians ; nor do they ever devour them, like the natives of New Zealand.
16. But if they be charged with hatred to their enemies, kindnefs to their friends ought, in candour, to be ftated to their credit; and their hofpitality to unprotected ftrangers is liberal, difinterefted, and free from oftentation; as I my-felf and many others have experienced. Their kindnefs, and refpcctful attention to white perfons, with whofe characters they are fatisfied, arifes to a degree of partiality which, all things cunfidcred, is perfectly furprifing. Perfons of this defcription may, and often do, refide among them in perfect fecurity, receiving the bed poffible proofs of their good will, namely the molt prelling felicitations to fettle among them. This partiality to well difpofed Europeans extends alfe to their drefs, manners, and commodities ; in Ihort, to every thing that is European—a difpofition which might long ago have been improved to the belt purpofes.
17. On thofe parts of the coaft and country, where the flave-trade prevails, the inhabitants are fhy and referved, as well they may! and on all occafions go armed, left they fhould be way-laid and carried off.
18. In maternal, filial, and fraternal affection, I fcruple not to pronounce them fupeiior to any Europeans I ever was
among;
among; but, as they practice polygamy, their paternal and conjugal affections may be fuppofed lefs ardent.
10. As many of them have not fufficient employment, either for their heads or their hands, they arc apt to relieve hftlelmcfs by intoxication, when they can procure the means. So very fuccefsful, indeed, have the European ilavc-dcalcrs been, in exciting in them a third for fpirits, that it is now become one of the principal pillars of their trade; for the chiefs, intoxicated by the liquor with which they are purpofely bribed by the whites, often make bargains and give orders fatal to their fubjects, and which, when fober, they would gladly retract. A defire for fpirituous liquors, however, is the failing of all uncivilized people. In particular, it has greatly thinned fome American tribes, and almolt annihilated other?.
20. Their notions and practices reflecting property are not more inaccurate or irregular than thofe of other men in the fame ftage of focicty; as is evident from the general conduct of fuch of them as are unconnected with this dc-ftructive commerce. But thofe who are, may be expected to be tainted with it's concomitant vices. As the whites practice every fraud upon them, in the quantity and quality of the goods delivered, and in trepanning their perfons, the blacks cannot carry on this trade, on equal terms, without reforting to fimilar practices. As to the injuftice, cruelty and rapine which, at the mitigation of the whites, they practice on one another, they are not more difgraceful than the well known trades of crimps, and kidnappers, and prefs-gangs, carried on, without foreign mitigation, in feveral European countries, and even protected, or connived at, by their governments.   At the worft, thefe practices are not fo
difgrace-
diigraccful to uncivilized men as to their civilized, Europe- c ?-
an infligators.   Menzel gives a horrid detail of the opera- <-,-1
tions of the Zeelverkoopers, (foul-mongers) of Holland, whofe infamous trade it is to trepan men for their Ealt Indian fettlements. By fuch means, the author affirms, that the population of the peftiferous city of Batavia is kept from total exftinclion*.
21. Of the infamous arts of the Europeans, and the con- inftancein Icqucnt intoxication and violence or one or the Alncan 0fan African chiefs, I have had ocular proof.   In order to promote the chlcf' flave-trade, the French governors at Goree fend yearly prefents to the black kings, who return a gift of flaves. In 1787, I attended an embaffy of this kind to the King of Barbefin at Joal, on the coalt between Goree and Gambia. That chief having been unwilling to pillage, was kept con-flantly intoxicated, by the French and mulattoes, till they prevailed on him toillue the dreadful mandate.   When fo-ber, he expreffed extreme reluctance to harrafs his people. He complained that the traders of Goree, after making him trifling prefents, came upon him with long accounts, and endlefs pretenfions j that the governor liflened too readily to their tales, thought too little of the fufferings of the negroes, and mull have been impofed upon, when he allowed his name to be ufedon fuch occafions—An allegation which moft; probably was true; for the Chevalier de Boufllers then governor, I really believe, was ignorant of thefe knav-ifh proceedings;. but, like many other great men, was the dupe of his courtiers.   I heard the king more than once hold this language, had it interpreted on the fpot, and infert-
* Bcfchieibung von Cape c!c Bonne Efperance, (Defcription of the Cape of Good Hope] Vol. i. p. 35«, 357, 369-
D ed
° HuA P' ec* ** *n my Journa*: anc^ yet ne ^oon a^ter ordered the pil-\_^L^j lage to be executed.
22. On this occahon it happened that only one captive was taken. This was a handfome young negrefs, who, not-withflanding her tears, was forthwith carried on board a fhip then lying off Joal. As fhe belonged, however, to one of thofe families who, by the laws of the country, are exempted from flavery, this action fhocked the people fo much that a commotion enfued. The king having, by this time, come to his fenfes, and feeing the danger, entreated the pur-chafer to return the girl. The Frenchman, though fur-rounded by a great multitude of* negroes, and though our party, including Dr. Sparrman, Captain Arrhcnius, and my-felf, confined but of five white men, was fo madly obfti-nate as to refufe his requcH. I fay madly, for in all the conjunctures of my life, I never was fo alarmed for the fafe-ty of it. After much entreaty, however, he reflored the young woman to her difconfolate relations, the king pro-inifing him two flaves in exchange, whom he expected to feize on a future expedition. Proofs of the The oppofers of the colonization of Africa would
theAfruans. have it believed, that the natives are incurably ftupid and indolent: but I have in my poffeiTion the merns of proving the contrary; for, on a queftion put to me in a committee of the Britifh Houfe of Commons, I offered to produce fpe-cimens of their manufactures in iron, gold, fillagree workr leather, cotton, matting and bafket-work, fome of which equal any articles of the kind fabricated in Europe, and evince that, with proper encouragement, they would make excellent workmen. All men are idle till incited to induf-try, by their natural or artificial wants. Their foil eafily fupplies their natural ncccflitics, and the whites have never
tried
tried to excite in them any innocent artificial wants; nor in- c h a p. deed any other wants than thofe of brandy, baubles, trade-      -/- _? guns, powder and ball, to intoxicate or amufe their chiefs, and to afford them the means of laying wafle their coun* try.
24. Even the leaft improved tribes make their own fifth* ing tackle, canoes and implements of agriculture. I forgot to mention fait and foap, and dying among the manufactures of thofe I vifited, and who are by no means exempted from the evils of the flave-trade. If, even while that traffic dif-turbs their peace, and endangers their perfons, they have made fuch a progrefs, what may we not expect if that grievous obftacle were removed, and their ingenuity dire tied into a proper channel ?
25. The flave-trade difturbs their agriculture ftill more than their manufactures ; for men will not be fond of planting who have not a moral certainty of reaping. Yet, even without enjoying that certainty, they raife grain, fruits, and roots, not only fufficient for their own confumption, but even to fupply the demands of the European fhipping, often to a confiderable extent. In fome iflands and parts of the coaft, where there is no flave-trade, they have made great progrefs in agriculture. At the ifland of Fernando Po, in particular, they have fuch quantities of provifions, as to fpare a fuffioiency for all the fhipping at Calabar, Del Rey, and Camerones. In fome places, they bring their produce to the coaft on their heads, and return home loaded with European goods. Others go in armed bodies even a month's journey inland, with articles for trade. In fome places, they wood and water the fhips, and hire themfelves to the Europeans to work for low wages, both in boats and on ihore.  In fhort, their induftry is in general proportioned
D 2 to
c h^a v. to their comparative civilization, to their own wants, to the v, -v—-/ demand for their labour, to their defire for European goods,
and above all, to their total or partial exemption from the
flave-trade *.
26. Refined nations form fyftems, and rife to generals: unpolifhed tribes dwell on detail, and trifle in particulars. The Africans are unacquainted with the dexterity and dif-patch arifing from the divifion of labour, and with the numerous advantages of combined exertions fyftematically conducted. Except in works which, without united efforts, cannot be performed at all, they do every thing in a folita-ry, defultory manner. Each individual or family, like the peafants in fome parts of Europe, fpins, weaves, fews, hunts, fifhes, and makes bafkets, fifhing-tackle and implements of agriculture ; fo that, coniidering the number of trades they exercife, their imperfect, tools, and their flill more imperfect knowledge of machinery, the neatnefs of fome of their works is really furprifing.
27. Of their labour in concert, I fhall give one example, of which I have been a f pcctator. The trees on the coaft I vi-iited, being generally bent in their growth by the fea-brceze, and wanting folidity, are unfit for canoes. A tree of the proper dimenfions is therefore chofen, perhaps fourteen or fifteen miles up the country, which being cut into the requi-ilte length, but not hollowed, left it mould be rent by accident, or by the heat of the fun, the people of the neareft village draw it to the next, and thus fucceffively from village to village, till it reach the coaft, where it is formed into a ca-
* See the evidence of Sir George Young, Captain Dalrymple, Captain Wilfon, Captain Hall, Mr. Ellifon, &c, in Minutes of Evidence before thcHoufc of Commons,
noe.
noe.   For this fevere labour the villagers look for no other c HnA p-
reward than a feaft and merry-making, which they enjoy in v--,—
the true ftyle of rural fimplicity.
28. The fame happy mixture of united labour and feftivi-ty takes place at building their houfes; alfo in cultivating, planting or fowing their fields, belonging to the fame village, and in reaping the crop, which is confiderecl as the common property of the inhabitants. Such a practice in Europe would generate endlefs difputes; but among this iimple people, is the be ft bond of good neighbourhood. Such indeed is f.lie amiable fimplicity of manners which reigns in the villages remote from the nave-trade, that European vifitors are ready to imagine themfelves carried into a new world, governed by the purett maxims of patriarchal innocence.
29. But though few of them unite their ftrength, except on thefe, and a few fimilar, occafions, and moll of them turn their hands to different occupations, we are not thence to conclude unfavourably of their intellects, any more than of the intellects of thofe European peafants, (in Sweden, Norway, Scotland, Sec.) whofe practices are fimilar. On the contrary, Lord Kaimes has obferved, I think with much truth, that fuch peafants arc generally more intelligent than artificers, to whom the divifion of labour, in manufacturing countries, has afligned onetjvmpU operation. A peafant, who makes and repairs his ploughs, harrows, and harnefs, his houfehold furniture, and even his cloaths,has anampler fcope for his underftanding, and really becomes a more intelligent being than he who fpends his whole life in forging horfc-Ihoes, making nails, or burnifhing buttons. Such a being, confined for life to a few fimple motions, may be laid, in fome degree, to lofe the ufe of all his powers, but that of
the
c ^TA p- the mufcles which perform thofe motions.   His intellect;
■
\__; lies dormant, for it's ufe is fuperfeded by a mere animal habit. He becomes, in fhort, a kind of live machine, in the hands of fome monied man, to contribute to the pride and luxury of drones, who poffefs no other talent than that of turning to their own account the activity of their poor brethren of mankind*.
30. I am unwilling to refine too much; but as the fitua-tion of the Africans approaches much nearer to that of intelligent peafants than that of ftupid mechanics, I am inclined to think that their intellects may have been improved by being fo variouily exercifed; for the natural way of improving the human intellect, is to afford it an ample field of action; and the fure way to cramp and contract it, is to keep it inceffantly plodding in one dull purfuit. Certain it is, that though, on the whole, pafTion is more predominant in the African character than reafon; yet their intellects are fo far from being of an inferior order, that one finds it difficult to account for their acutenefs, which fo far tranfeends their apparent means of improvement.
C   H   A   P. III.
civilization in general.
t
gi. "\TO one will deny that the ?m//and the undei-/landing are the leading faculties of the human mind. The will is actuated by love for, or affections to, fome objects in
* Sec Lord Kaimcs's Sketches of the UiHory of Man.
pre*
Will and understanding, the leading faculties of the mind.
preference to others, and thofe affections being pofTeifedby c l>-
man in common with other animals, he would become a i-,-»
deflrucliive being, if in fociety he had not an opportunity of giving a focial bias to his under/landing, which is capable of infinite elevation. But when this latter faculty is matured, it then acquires a right of governing and directing the affections and the will in the way molt conformable to focial order.
Q2. The cftablifhment of this dominion of the under/land- Education 2?7/l over the will, as influenced by the affections, is the effect tion defined of what wc call education or civilization—Education with ia™onstelx-C~ refpect to every man in particular, and civilization with re- v1*™^. fpect to mankind in general.
33. Societies may be divided into the civilized and the uncivilized; and the duties of the former to the latter are fimilar to thofe of parents to children; for uncivilized nations, like children, are governed by their affections, their underllanding being uncultivated.
34. If we feel within ourfelves a principle which teaches us to feck our own happinefs in that of our offspring; af-cending from particulars to generals, we fhall alfo find, that civilized nations ought, for their own advantage, fin-cerely to promote the happinefs of the uncivilized.
35. As the tutelage of children is a ftate of fubjection; fo it would feem that civilized nations have perhaps fome right to exercife a fimilar dominion over the uncivilized, provided that this dominion b^ confidercd and exercifed as a mild paternal yoke; provided alfo that it be ltri6tly limited to acts conducive to their happinefs, and that it ceafe when they arrive at maturity. Thefe provifos, it is hoped, will prevent my meaning from being mi hinder flood: for, by this paternal dominion, I am far from intending any fpe-
cies
iii.
H tA P. cies of arbitrary power, which cannot be too cautioufly guarded againft, in any form, efpecially in a diflant colony. The experience of all ages tells us, that the governors of remote provinces have ever been with difficulty rellrained within the limits prefcribed to them by the laws. Africans        gf5. The active and intellectual principles of the Africans proved by in- have never been completely unfolded, except perhaps in nocent luxu- tjie car-e Qf tnc Foolahs, the natives of Fernando Po, a great part of the Mandingoes, and one or two other tribes. The Europeans have addreffed themfelves chiefly to the evil affections of their princes, and have fucceeded to admiration in exciting among them a defire for gunpowder and brandy.   The defire which fome African nations have for more ufeful European goods has been accidental, rather than intentional, on the part of the whites.   Yet this defire con-fpires with the reafon of the thing, to point out the method of forming them to the habits of civilized life.    In order to improve  their intellects, we mult endeavour to fet their active powers in motion.   New objects muft be pre-fented to them, which will excite new defires, and call forth thofe faculties which have hitherto, in a great mcafure, lain dormant, merely for want of exercife.   Thus, to promote their improvement, by itimulating them to indultry, it will be ncceffary to introduce among them a certain degree of what I beg leave to call luxury', by which I do not mean clfeminacy, but that relilh for the comforts of civilized life which excites men to action, without enervating them. In other words, by luxury, I underltand all innocent enjoyments beyond the necelfaries of mere animal life, intercfting      gy. The behaviour of the King of Barbelin, on an occa-of^frican   hon apparently trivial, may ferve to exemplify this doctrine, chiefs,       an(j to f]iew tjiat this beneficial kind of luxury might be introduced
troduced with lefs difficulty than one would at firit. fight c liA h
expect.   I gave his majefhy a pair of common enamelled  v___VJ.__>
Birmingham fleeve-buttons, with which, though ignorant of their ufe, he was infinitely delighted. On my fhewing him for what purpofe they were intended, he appeared much mortified that his fliirt had no button-holes ; but ob-ferving that that of a mulatto from Goree was furnifhed with them, he infilled on exchanging fhirts with him, in our pre-fence; a demand with which the man was forced to comply. Tranfported with his new ornaments, the king held up his hands to difplay them to the people. His courtiers foon furrounded my hut, entreating me to furnifh them alfo with buttons, which I did with pleafure, reflecting that this fondnefs of the natives for European baubles might one day come to be made fubfervient to the nobleft pur-
pof(;s.-Another inftance of innocent luxury in point.
The Eafl: India fhip, that conveyed out a judge to Bengal, touched at the coafr. of Madagafcar. The king of that dif-tricl, being invited on board, became enamoured with the judge's wig, and nothing but the gift in fee fimple, of that venerable ornament, could fatisfy the cupidity of his dufky-coloured majefly. The poor judge, who had but one wig in florc, and was refolved not to difgrace the feat of juflice in a night cap, refufed to part with the wig. What expedient could be thought of in this dilemma ?—The king was promifed the wig the next day.—An ingenious failor, in the mean time, wove and frizzled up a handful of oakum in the beft imitation. The hempen ornament was carried afhore the next morning with due folemnity, and his majefty's pate covered, to the glory and delight of himfelf and all his fub-jecis,- who attended the ceremony. This anecdote was reft lated
C Hm P ^atec^ to an intimate friend of mine by the furgeon of the
i-      ../ fhip who was prefent at the inauguration.
38. The conduct of the king (formerly grand marabou*) of Almammy, while I was in Africa, appeared to me more interefling; as it feemed to evince the manly and fagacious character of the negroes, when enlightened, even by an African education. His underllanding having been more cultivated in his youth than that of the other black princes, he foon rendered himfelf entirely independent on the whites. He not only prohibited the flave-trade throughout his dominions; but, in the year 1787, would not fuffer the French to march their flaves from Gailam, through his country, fo that they were obliged to change their route. He redeemed his own fubjc&s, when feized by the Moors, and encouraged them to raife cattle, to cultivate the land, and to praclife all kinds of induftry. As grand marabou, he ab-ilaincd from flrong liquor, which, however, is not an uni-verfal rule among that order; for fome who travel with the whites are not very fcrupulous in this refpect. His fub-ject.s, imitating his example, were more fober than their neighbours.
mewing that     3^. This inflance feems to prove to what a degree of ci-Sndwthem   vilization thefe people might be brought, if this noble enter-t0rftg»nd"o- prize fhould be purfued with prudence and patience; for pen their     it       undoubtedly require a great deal of both.   But fome degree of luxury (in my retrained fenfe) appears to me to be abfolutely neceffary to the fuccefs of any plan of this kind.   Indeed, I cannot comprehend how the human underllanding can be led on, from it's firft imperfect dawn-
* The marabous «rc the chief priefls among the negroes, and are the only people / have ftai who can read and write Arabic,
ings,
ings, to that (late of improvement which is neceilary to the c    A p-
formation of civilized fociety, without a relilh for the com- \-—>
forts of life. Mere animal inftinct impels uncivilized tribes to procure mere neceffaries : wilhes for innocent gratifications would flimulate them to cultivation, which would fur-nilh equivalents for the objects of their new defires. And when they are once brought to beitir themfclves, and reconciled to regular, but moderate, labour, the improvement of their underltaudings will follow of courfe. For a people who have acquired habits of application, and whole induf-try, having fecurcd them from want, affords them leifure for thought, will not be long without a defire for moral and intellectual improvement: or, at leaf!, many individuals will feel, and haflen to gratify, this defire, and will gradually impart a degree of knowledge and refinement to the whole community.
40. To accomplifh this magnificent defign, in Africa, let Agricultural us form agricultural colonies on its Coaft, which prefent a commended, variety of lituations, where we fhall be little, or not at all, diflurbed in our operations. Let us kindly mix with the inhabitants, and alii It them in cultivating their fertile foi), with the view of inviting them to participate with us in it's inexhauftible ftores, and in the concomitant bleflings of improving reafon and progrcffive civilization. Let us give them a manly and generous education, which will make them feel the nobility of their origin, and fhew them of what great things they are capable—an education which will teach them no longer to fuffer themfelves to be dragged, or to confpire to drag others, from their fimple, but improvcable and beloved focieties—which will teach them to avenge themfelves on the blind and fordid men who pur-chafe them, only by becoming more ufeful to them as free-
E 2 men,
c HP. merij than ever they have been, or can be, as naves. Thus, v-L-j on the wreck of tyranny, let us build altars to humanity, and prove to the negroes that the Europeans, become jufl from found policy, and generous from a fenfe of their true interefts, are at lafl difpofed to make fome atonement for the irreparable mifchiefs their .perverted fyftem of commerce has occafioned in Africa.
41. On principles nearly approaching to thefe, a colony has already been formed at Sierra Leona, and another attempted at the ifland of Bulama, of both which fome account will be given in the following pages.
C   II   A   P. IV.
climate, soil, and water. CLIMATE.
42. r I ^HE climate of Africa, like that of other countries, X varies with the nature of the foil, in it's drynefs or moifture, it's elevation or deprefhon, the comparative ftate of improvement, the height of thermometer, and other cir-cumflances, perhaps, not yet fufliciently mvefligated. The latitude of a place is by no means a certain criterion of it's climate, as feems to be commonly fuppofed *. Even in the midfl of the torrid zone, we meet with all pollible gradations of heat and cold, almolt the only circumflances which enter into the common idea of climate.   The lofty fummits
* See an excellent difcourfc on this fubjeft, delivered in the Royal Academy of Sciences at Stockholm, by b. Ferncr, counfellor of the king's chancery.
of the Andes, in South America, though under the equator, c HjyA p*
and the high lands of Camarones, on the coaft of Africa, v—,-'
though within between three and four degrees of it, are covered with everlafting fhow.
43. In the temperate zones, the year is divided into win- Wet and dry ter and fummer 5 for fpring and autumn may be confider-
ed as tranfitions from each of thefe extremes to it's oppofite. But, in moft parts of the torrid zone, nature has diftinguifhed the feafons into the wet and the dry. The former is, in Guinea, the feafon of fickncfs; but during the greater part of the latter, that country is, upon the whole, as healthful as any other whatever.
44. From what I have feen, and been able to colleci, the rainy feafons follow the paffige of the fun to either tropic, fo as generally to prevail in thofe places where the fun is vertical. Eaft of Cape Palmas, however, they feldom fet in before June, when the fun returns from the northern tropic; but to the weft ward of that rape, and up the whole country, thofe feafons generally commence within the month of May, and continue for three or four months. In the beginning of this feafon, the earth being foftened with ruin, the negroes till and plant their grounds j and, after the return of dry weather, they gather in their crops; occupations which thev feldom abandon, even though allured by the moft advantageous commerce.
45- To give the reader fome idea of the quantity of rain, o^aiStRy-W which deluges Africa during the wet feafon, 1 need only mn' mention that, at Senegal, one hundred and fifteen inches in depth of rain were found to fall in four months; a quantity which exceeds that which falls in moft parts of Britain during four years*.   Even during the dry feafon, the dews are
* Sec Lind on the Di Rates of hot Climates, p. 43.
fo
° TivA ? coP*ous as to Prcferve young and ripening vegetables l.—<L^j from being fcorchcd by the heat. It may indeed be questioned, whether the rain which falls in fome countries, equal the dews which difl.il on moft parts of the fertile fliorcs of Africa. But the magnitude and number of the rivers, which rife and fall, in the wet and dry feafons, are evident proofs that that continent is abundantly watered. In fhort, the notion of the ancients, that the torrid zone was not habitable for want of moillure, is perfectly inapplicable to moft parts of the weftcrn tropical coaft of Africa. Thcrmome- 46. The range of the thermometer is but in confiderable rometer. in the tropical regions; and, what is ft ill more remarkable, the barometer remains almoft ftationary during thole fur-prifing tranfitions from dry to wet, and the contrary. In Europe, the mercury rifes and falls about three inches; in the torrid zone, feldom half an inch. It is even laid to be but little affected by the moft violent hurricane *. But M. Weft, in a defcription of St. Croix, publifhed at Copenhagen laft year, fays that in a hurricane, or violent florin, which happened there in 1791, the mercury in his barometer role very considerably f.
SOIL.
From Cape 47- The f°u a^ along the coaft is very unequal. From Bianco down cape Blanco down to the River Gambia, it is in general
lo the River       Jr ' o
Gambia. very fandy; but the fand contains a very large admixture of broken fhells, and is covered, in many places, with a rich black mould. Even the moft barren and unpromifing tracts of this part of the country, except juft on the fea fhore, are covered with bullies and grafs of a great growth; and
* Lind ibid.
+ Bidrag til Befkrivclfe over St. Croix, &c.
where
where the black mould is found, the vegetation is luxuriant CHI P. to a degree unknown in the moft fertile parts of Europe, and t_ ^1 the trees are of vait dimenfions.
48. 1 have obferved that the mountains from Cape Verd Bafaltc* to Gambia, arc generally compofed more or lcfs of regular bafaltes, exhibiting evident remains of volcanoes, the eruptions of which add greatly to the fertility of the foil around them. Hence the lower parts of the mountains and high grounds at Cape Emanuel, Goree, Cape Rouge, and other places lower down, are in general very fertile.
49. M. Adanfon, a celebrated naturalifl, who was fent to Adanfon'a Africa in 1753, at the requefl of the French Academy of JhefoU0' Sciences, obferves that the foil from Cape Blanco to the i°rwn to RI°
1 JNunez.
Gambia, though by no means bad upon the whole, is not to be compared in fertility with that of the country from that river to Rio Nunez, which is equalled by few foils, and excelled by none, on the face of the globe*. His obfervations apply, not only to the coaft, but to very extenfive tra6ts of of the inland countries, as the reader will perceive by confuting my map, in which I have traced his lines of Separation between the more and lefs fertile tracts; and which are as accurate as the nature of the thing will permit. The evidence given before the Privy Council abundantly confirms the obfervations of M. Adanfon, my fellow travellers and myfelf, and proves that the large extent of land, juft mentioned, wants nothing but fkilful culture to render it more than commonly productive of every tropical article.
50. The coaft and the banks of the rivers are in many r;ce
Grounds.
* When at Paris in 1787, i had daily opportunities of converting with that re-fpeftablc old philofophcr, and obtained from him many interefting communications, which were extremely ufeful to me on my arrival in Atiica.
places
chap, places interfpcrfed with marines and favannahs, which, in t_ lXi _* their prefent (late, are unfit for any other crop than that of
rice, which forms a considerable part of the food of the natives. But their fertility in this article does not compenfate for their infalubrity; and unfortunately the Europeans have fixed all, or moft of, their habitations near them. Yet in almofl every part of the coafl, far more healthful fituations might eafily have been found; efpecially on the dry and elevated banks of the Rio Grande. But, flrange as it may appear, health is, with thofe men, an object of lefs confide r-ation, in the choice of a refidence, than trade, for which the fituations of their factories are generally well adapted.
W AT E R.
Compara- 51. Rain-water, I believe, is allowed to be the lighten, and ofdilfercnt fimplcfl of all waters. Next in order, is fpring water, waters. which varies in purity with the nature of the foil through which it percolates. That which iffues from among rocks, gravel, or chalk is generally accounted the beft. Similar to this, is the water of draw-wells, the quality of which depends much on the ftrata at or near the bottom, and it generally improves by expofure to the open air. But of all waters, that which flagnates in ponds, ditches, and moraffes, is the molt unwholefome.
52. The waters at the mouths of the large African rivers, which glide flowly through a level country, being mixed with thofe of the fea and of the marfhes which it overflows, are impregnated with fait, and rendered turbid by various impurities; yet fome of them require but little preparation to make them fit for common ufe, and the natives often ufe them without any preparation whatever. Dr. Lind had famples of thofe of the rivers Senegal, Gambia, and Sierra
Leona
worm.
Leona fent him fcaled up in bottles. Although he found c ha. K them all putrid, efpecially that from the Senegal, he could l—v—-* not difcover any animalcules in them, with a good micro-fcope, nor any uncommon contents, by chemical analylis. All of them, after being expofed fome time to the open air, became perfectly fweet and good. Hence he concludes that the moll effectual way of destroying the ova of animalcules, and of the Guinea worm * (if it be generated, as fome Guinea fuppofe, in water) is hrfl to let the water putrify, and then to pafs it through a feries of veffels placed under each other, having fmall holes in their bottoms; fo that it may fall from one into another in drops, like a gentle fhower—a procefs which, he allures us, will render it quite pure and w hole fo met.
* As the Guinea worm is attended with great trouble and pain, though feldom with fatal confequences, unlets when much neglected or mifmamigcd, i {hall add Dr. Lind's description of it—" The lets dangerous difeafes," fays he, •»* which attack Europeans in Guinea, are the dry belly-ach and the Guinea worm. This is a white round, (lender worm, often fome yards long, lodged in the interlaces of the fnuf-cles, commonly in the legs, feet, or hands. When it attempts to efcapc through the fkin, it occafions a fwelling, refcmbling a boil, attended with great pain, until it's little black head appears in a fmall watery bladder, on the head of the boil. When this bladder breaks, the head of the worm is to be fecurcd, by tying it to a fmall roll of linen, fpread with plaifter, and part of the worm is, once or twice a day, to be gently drawn forth with care not to break it, and wrapped round this roll, until it be brought away entire; then the ulcer generally heals foon: but if part of the worm breaks off, the part remaining in the flclh can be ejefled only, by painful and tedious fuppurations in different places. Dr. Rouppe obferves that the difeafe of the Guinea worm is infe&ious. It may at leaft be prudent in Europeans, not to lie in the fame apartments, and to avoid too free a communication with fuch negroes as are afflicted with them. The dry belly-ach and Guinea worm may be obferved at any feafon of the year, and feldom prove mortal." Effay, p. 52.—" The dry belly-ach is the fame difeafe here as in the Wetf Indies; but the Guinea worm fcems peculiar to Africa, and a, few parts of Afia." ld* p- W-
t Ef.ay on the Difeafes of hot Climates p. 60.
F 53. Even
C XivA ?* 53' ^jVen ver^ ^ou^ water may De rendered potable, by \___v~    letting it drain through a wine pipe, or deep tub, half fill-
cool sntl
purify water. e^ w^tn pure fand, with a number of fmall holes near the bottom, covered on the infide with hair-cloth, or other porous fubllance, to prevent the fand from being carried through by the water.—Thefe methods may be pradifed, when a large quantity of clear water is wanted; but an ordinary family is vi.ry plentifully fupplied by a drip-fione, which is one of the moft elegant methods of obtaining pure water.   If the flone tranfmit the water too freely, it may be rendered lefs porous, by a mixture of water and lime; if too flowly, it's bottom fhould be thinned, by rubbing it down with another gritty Hone.   The fand-tub or drip-flone, fhould be placed in the fliade, where there is a free current of air; and the water fhould drop from the height of two or three feet into an unglazed earthen jar, not hard burnt, but fo porous as to allow the water to tranfude pretty freely; and thus the water will be kept conflantly cool,, by the evaporation from the furface of the jar.    It may be brought to table in fmall pitchers, of the fame porous texture.   The reader will obferve, that this mode of keeping water cool depends on the fame principle with that of refrigerating liquors, by covering the bottles with wet linen cloths, and placing them in a flream of air.   All the above methods of purifying and cooling water are praclifed in hot countries.    But all of them, except that of cooling the water, are unnecellary in many parts of Africa, for all the high grounds that I have feen there contain fprings of the pureft water.
54. The following fimple difcovery, for rendering putrid water fit to drink, has been lately made by a Mr. Lowitz. Six ounces of charcoal powder, thrown into five gallons of
putrid
putrid river water, and agitated, is fufficient to purify and c HyA P. render it wholefome and drinkable. But the procefs is ■_ -/- * rendered flill more efficacious, if to one drachm of charcoal be added two drops of flrong vitriolic acid, which is fufficient to make four ounces of perfectly foul water fweet and clear, on being drained through a linen jelly-bag, containing charcoal powder *.
CHAP. V,
PRODUCE.
55.        S the flave-fhips never return directly to Europe, slave ttLt 1 JL but proceed  to the Well Indies with  their fewWe
■    i -i 1 n produce,
wretched cargoes, it has never been the intereft ol their owners to bring home much of the produce of Africa.
56. Thofe called wood-vellels, might be fuppofed to deal Captains of only in produce. But this has by no means been the cafe. d7a°m'iwcs Befides their frequenting thofe parts of the coaft, where the flave-trade is brifkefl, moll of their commanders traffic in flaves on the coaft; that is, buy flaves whom they fell again to the flave-captains. Yet, they have all along brought home fome gums and gold, bees wax and ivory in confix derable quantities, a great variety of valuable and beautiful woods, for the ufe of the dyers and cabinet-makers; and of late, fome palm-oil for the purpofes of the fheep-farmers and wool-combers.
* Sec the Appendix to the Monthly Review enlarged, Vol. 12. p. 606.
F 2 57. But
C HVA P* 57- ^ut * Relieve the principal caufe why a trade in Afrl-
v___; can produce has never been encouraged, has been the irre-
wdUndian hfliblc influence of the Eafl and Well Indian interefts.
imcreftsop- TJiofe monopolies, unreafonably thought their commerce
pofe the im- r y r    r .
poitation of would be affected by the introduction of African commodi-ducc." 1 m" tics into the markets of Europe,   Thus much is certain, that Mr. Norris, one of the Liverpool delegates for ftipporting the Have-trade, and therefore not to be fufpecled of partiality to Africa, Hated, in his examination before the Privy Council, that he u once law a quantity of African pepper of the quality of that brought from the Ea(l Indies.   It was jo good, that the Eafl India, company objected to it's importation*."   We have before mentioned the formidable oppo-tition made the Well Indians to the eilablifhment of the colony at Sierra Leona. Produce mts    58. By fuch means, has the field of commerce been hi? w^df^dn- therto narrowed or fhut up in Africa: and inflances. fre-vcyar.ee.     qucntly occur of valuable commodities rotting on the coaft, for want of a fale, or of the means of conveyance, to a foreign market.   I myfelf faw one hundred bullocks hides publicly fold at Goree for about five fhillings and three pence llerling; and on another occafion, four bullocks fur about fifteen ilnllings and nine pence llerling.   I could mention feveral other finking inflances of the fame kind.
59. Little as Africa is yet known, I can, from my own knowledge, affert feveral articles to be indigenous in that continent, which have hitherto been brought to our markets from the Eafl and Well Indies, at an expenfe far exceeding the price at which they might be cultivated in, and
* Privy Council's Report, Part. I. Article " Produce" Mr. Norris and his two colleagues enumerated many other valuable productions.
eon-
veyed from, Africa. What a drange inverfion of natural order, to exile from their native foil, both men and plants; the one to languilh as flaves, and the other as exotics; the one to perilh prematurely, and the other to fail every third or fourth year*!
ANIMAL $,
60. The cattle, in that part of the country of which we Cattle, treat, are fmaller than the generality of European cattle, and not fo fat as thofe of England and Holland; but their meat is juicy and palatable, and they give milk in abundance. Their inferior fizc appeared to me to be the effect, of the carelefs and unlkilful management of the negroes. They mull be railed on the coaft, as foreign cattle do not thrive there. Even thofe from the Cape de Verd Iflands, being accuflomed to an uncommonly dry climate, do not well
bear a tranfition to the continent.-The horfes are of a i-iorfcs.
middling fize, ftrong, hardy, and fpirited. They are ufed in great numbers, for riding and carrying burdens, in the country between the Senegal and Gambia, and alfo on fome parts lower down the coaft; but there they are not numerous,
and in fome places there are none.-Camels, fo admir- Camels.
ably adapted, by the Creator, toatfift the labours of man in hot climates, are not fo generally ufed by the negroes, as
could be wifhed.-1 have not feen many affes; but Affes.
there is an excellent breed at the Cape de Verd Iflands, from whence great numbers of them, and alfo of mules and horned cattle, are exported to the Weft Indies, for the ufe of the fugar plantations.--The whole coaft is abundant- Hogs> fhecp,
* On the extreme uncertainty of the Weft Indian crops, fee Bcfkrivclfe over St. Croix at H. Weft—and the Report of the Britilh Privy Council fra/ftm.
c HA p. ly (locked with hogs, fheep, goats and all kinds of poultry,
which  propagate   with   aflonifhing  rapidity.-The
Game woods afford flicker to an endlefs variety of game. The moll valuable is a fpecies of deer, a very beautiful animal, nil). Of the prodigious fhoals, and numerous fpecies of excellent fifh, I could have formed no idea, without having feen them. Whales. Spermaceti whales, in particular, abound fo much, that, in palling between Goree and the continent, diflant about five miles, I have often been furrounded by them, and have beenunder no fmall apprehenfions of their ovcrfetting my canoe. Lower down on the coaft, the Portuguefe carry on a confidcrable fifhery of thofe whales; and I have been informed that the. Engl ifh have lately paid fome attention to the
Ambergris, fame object.—That valuable article, ambergris, is found in fuch quantities on the coalt, that I have more than once feen the negroes pay their canoes with it. Till lately, the learned were not certain to which of the three natural kingdoms this fubflance was to be referred ; but they feem now pretty generally agreed, that it is the excrement of the fper-
Ivory, bees maceti whale.—Tortoife-fhell may be had in any quantity: and bees wax, oilrich feathers, elephant's teeth, and the flill more valuable teeth of the hippopotamus, or river horfe, found in particular abundance near Cape Mefurado, already form very confiderable articles of exportation. I do not know that we import ivory from any other part of the world than Africa.
VEGETABLES.
Vegetiblei      g1# The grafs is thick, and grows to a great height. The and runs.    natjvcs are 0ften obliged to burn it, when dry, to prevent the wild bealts from harbouring near their habitations; butitfoon fprings up again, and affords very luxuriant pafluragc—
Millet
Millet, rice, maize, potatoes, yams, and a great variety of c HVA p-other excellent roots and vegetables, are cultivated on the i—^—» coafl: with little trouble, and often in a profufion perfectly aHonifhing to an European. There is alfo an abundance of the moll wholefome and delicious fruits; articles not lefs prized by the natives, than thofe juft mentioned. Such indeed is the plenty which prevails on that divifion of the country, of which we are fpeaking, that all the European mips are victualled, without the fmallcll inconvenience to the inhabitants; and if the demand were incrcafed, doubt-lefs the production would keep pace with it.
62. It ought to be obfervcd, that two fpecies of rice are Rice* or two produced on that part of the coafl, and I believe much far- f})Ctlcs' ther down; one which, like that of Carolina, grows in fwamps, and another which loves the dry foil of hills and Hoping grounds.   The hulk of this laft isreddilh; but the
grain is beautifully white. Though not quite fo productive as the common kind, it bears a much higher price, and is every way preferable, as an article of food, not only to the other fpecies, but to every kind of grain I know*.
63. The fugar-cane grows fpontaneoully in many places, WM r . with a luxuriance which promifes great advantages to thofe who may hereafter undertake it's cultivation. At prefent the natives, ignorant of it's value, make no other ufe ol it, than by occaiionally regaling themfelves with it's juice, of which they partake in common with the hogs, cattle and elephants, which are all extremely fond of it.
64. Several fpecies of cotton arc alfo the fpontancous produce of this excellent foil. One of them is naturally of a nan-
* See Dr. Srwathmc.n's Letters to Mr. Knowles, in the Appendix, alfo the evidence oi Captain HaJJ, in Minutes of Lvidencc, 1700, page 323,
cane.
keen.
36
c
H A P. v.
I_,--1
Wild cotton of feveral fpecies.
keen colour, and another parts with the feeds fo freely, that it may be fpun almoft without any preparation.   The natives manufacture it into durable, though narrow, cloth of various degrees of fincnefs.   I have in my polfelllon one fpecimen of it, of fo fine a quality, and fo good a fabric, that fome excellent judges, to whom I ihewed it at Manchelter, declared that it would not difgrace their belt workmen. Some cotton, which I gathered in it's wildelt ftate at Dac-kard, was fent by order of the Right Hon. the Privy Council of Great Britain, to Mr. Hilton of Manchefler, whofe report concerning it is in thefe words—" The famplc of cotton, from Senegal, is very good and line, as your lordlhips will fee by the fpecimen inelofed, which is fpun after the rate of one hundred and forty hanks, (each hank 840 yards) twill cotton yarn to the pound,and it is thought fuperior in quality to any of the Brazil cotton, and nearly equal to the Eafl India*."   It is worthy of remark th.itrcaterti paribus, the cotton of large iflands is preferable to that of fmall iHands, and that the cotton raifed on continents is better than that produced on illands. wildlndigo.     65. Indigo of different kinds alfo grows wild, and in fuch quantities, as to be a very trouble fome weed, in the rice and millet fields.   Englilh dyers, who have tried the African indigo, affirm that it is fuperior to any imported from Carolina, or the Well Indian iflands, and equal to that of Guatimalaf.
* Privy Council's Report, Part I. Article " Produce." Sec alfo Chap. X. Article " Bourbon."
+ The fir ft considerable exportation of cotton and indigo, from Africa, as far as I have been able to learn, was made by a Frenchman of Goree, while I was there, in 1787.
66. Gums
66. Gums are alio very valuable articles, and are not, as c h a p. fome imagine, produced in the neighbourhood of Senegal , , only; for they are found on moft parts of the coaft, though Gums-the negroes have not yet got into the practice of collect.ing
them. Gum Senega, gum Sandarach, gum Copal and fome other kinds, are commonly brought from the coaft. But doubtlefs thefe are not the only fpecies which might be found there: for my companion, Dr. Sparrman, extracted a large quantity of fap from a fmall but very juicy tree, which abounds on the coaft, and having expofed it to the fun for a few hours, had the fatisfaction to find it converted into an elaftic gum, equal in all refpects to gum Ca-touch, or what is commonly known by the name of Indian rubber.
67. It would be tedious, as well as difficult, to enumerate woods, &c. the African plants and woods proper for the purpofes of cabinet-work, dying, and fhip-building.   Some of their valuable qualities are already known to European artifts; but
with others even ourbotanills are unacquainted. I brought with me famples of fourteen curious kinds of wood: and might have collected many more, had this kind of refearch been my fole object. The Darnel of Cayor's army is dreff-ed in an uniform of cotton cloth, manufactured by his own fubjects, and dyed yellow with a certain vegetable. And I have now in my poffeffion a kind of bean, ufed by the negroes in dying, great quantities of which are annually carried on camels from Senegal to Morocco.—The negroes make very good ropes of the fibres of a large fpecies of aloe*;
* The aloe here meant is commonly called filk-grafs, the fibrous part of which may be applied to all, or almoft all, the purpofes of hemp and flax. Of the fibres of hlk grafs, or thofe of the cabbage tree leaf, or both, even lace has been made in Barbadoes.
G and
chap, and of feveral kinds of grafs, roots and leaves, they weave y* . mats and bafkets with peculiar elegance. Spices. 68. Among the commodities produced in the part of Africa, which is the fubject of this work, I ought to mention ginger, nutmegs, and a great variety of peppers, particularly long pepper, Malaguetta pepper, or grains of paradifc, many fpecies of red peppers, and black pepper, as before mentioned, of the fame quality with the Eall Indian. (See Chap. X. Art. Bourbon.)
69. I have only noticed fome of the moll obvioufly ufe-ful vegetable productions of that part of the country, of which I am giving a fkctch. But my learned fellow traveller, Dr. Sparrman, made a large collection of plants, for the cabinet of natural hiitory of the Royal Academy at Stockholm; and which contained a great part of the materia medica, drugs for various purpofes of manufacture, and many plants which had never before been feen in Europe f.
MINERALS
* A certain learned traveller, whofe name I do not now think myfelf at liberty to mention, told me that he had feen the coffee plant on the coafl of Guinea, which had been brought from the inland country by the negroes.—Concerning the propriety of cultivating fpices, coffee, and tea, on the fame coafl, fee Pofllethwayt's Comnier. Dictionary, Article " Guinea," where the author tells us that the tea plarrt had been tried, and thrived to admiration at Cape Coaft Caflle.—The ufe of coffee has been known in Europe fince the middle of the laft century; but was not generally planted in the Well Indies, till after the year 1727.—It was carried by the IJutch from Mocha to Batavia in 1670. Some years afterwards, a tree was fent over to Amflerdam; lrom which in 1718 feeds were tranfmitted to Surinam; and it is remarkable that the fame tree was growing in the Hortus Medicus, in 1774, when it was fhewn to mc by ProfefTor Buhrmannus, during my flay at Amflerdam. The cultivation of coffee, however, proceeded but flowly in the Weft Indies, till the French entered upon if, and brought it to great perfection in Martinico, from whence it has been introduced into moft of the other Weft Indian Iflands. See Ellis's Hiftory of Coffee, printed 1774.—From thefe fafts we may eafily conclude with what advantage coffee might be cultivated in Africa.—Mr. Ernfl,. a Danifh
gentle-
product'. 39
chap. v.
MINERALS    AND    METALS. ,_ _y_
70. If we except fome trifling and unfuccefsful attempts Minerals of the Chevalier de la Brue, in the beginning of the prefent Veiled for. century, the Europeans have never made any particular fearch for metals or minerals in Africa. Of late, indeed, the directors of the Sierra Leona company, fent out my countryman Mr. A. Nordenlkjold, a very fkilful mineralogifl on this bufinefs: but forry I am to fay, he fell a victim to his fpirited exertions in the wet feafon, before he was able to accomplifh the obje6t of his million. His death is lamented by many of the learned throughout Europe, as a public lofs,.and with great reafon; for I may venture to fay, that never were greater ability, induftry, and zeal in the caule of fcience and of mankind, united in one perfon. It is to be hoped, however, that the company will not be difcour-aged by this unfortunate event; but will purfue the fearch with the attention it deferves. It is well known that very Gold, confiderable quantities of gold are found near the furface, and in the channels of torrents, in the inland parts; although the negroes cannot be faid to be ikilful in collecting it. About the year 1728, the gold brought annually into Europe from Africa was valued, by the Englifh writers, at £271,732 fterling. According to the cotemporary Dutch accounts, Africa furnifhed Europe with gold to the value of ^230,000 yearly*. The near agreement of thefe ellimates feems to prove that neither of them were very remote from the truth. " Guineas were firlt coined in King Charles II.'s
gentleman, who has often vifited the gold coaft, told me that he had feen a very-large fpecies oi nutmeg, brought from the interior parts by the negroes, fome of whom wear firings of it by way of ornament.
* Atlas Maritimus et Commercial, piinted 1728, folio 271.
G 2 reign
reign. They went for twenty (hillings, and had their name from the gold whereof they were made, being brought from that part of Africa called Guinea, which the elephant on them likewife denotes*." " From 120,000 to 350,000 ounces of gold were formerly imported from the gold coaft of Africa annually; and in one year 400,000 guineas were coined from what was brought from thence f."
71. Thefe facts will doubtlefs be interefling to many readers ; but, for my own part, I confefs that I am more partial to the ufeful, than to what are called the precious, metals. Gold and filver, as hitherto ufed, or rather abufed, have occalioned infinite mifchiefs to fociety. Effodiuntur opes, irritamenta malorum. Thefe words of an ancient poet (Ovid) are but too applicable to modern times. But iron, and the other humbler metals, are fo indifpenfibly neceffa-ry to man, without their afhflance every thinking perfon mufl fee'that civilized fociety could never have exifted, and will be difpofed to look upon them as peculiar gifts of Providence ; efpecially as the difcovcry of iron, the mof! ufeful of all metals, is fo very remote from any experiments that we can fuppofe uncivilized tribes capable of making. Hence it gives me much fatisfaction to be able to flate, from the beff. authority, that the inhabitants of the mountains of
* Poillcthwayt's Commercial Dictionary, printed 1763, Article " Coin."
+ Treatife upon the Trade from Great Britain to Africa, by an African merchant,printed 1772, App. p.2.—Itis worthy of remark thatBra/il, while in the hands of the Dutch, as it was for a whole century,produced no gold; becaufe they did not fearch for it. The Portuguefe, afterwards getting pofTeflion of that country, opened the gold mines, which are now faid to be the richeft in the world. May not the. fate of the African mines be fimilar?—For an interefling memoir, relative to the difcovery of gold np the river Gambia, fee the Appendix.
Bambouc
Bambouc and Gallam, about 700 miles up the Senegal, c HyA p-poffefs this valuable fecret, or at leaft poffefs plenty of ex- v_—^—t cellent malleable iron*. The Chevalier de la Brue, de-fcribes it as fo malleable, that the natives of thofe parts, work it into pots with hammers, and fays they do not value European iron, unlefs it be already formed into fome ufeful inftrument f. Whether the natives extract: this iron from it's ore, or whether they find it in a malleable flate, M. de la Brue does not fay, and I will not prefume to fpeak pofitively on a point fo much difputed among the learned. ProfefTor Pallas, in particular, affirms that he found malleable iron in Siberia; and a certain eminent naturalift, lately flattered himfelf, that he had made the fame difcovery in Africa. I confefs, however, with all due refpect for fuch authorities, that I am inclined to think iron, from it's great corruptibility, is of all metals, the leafl to be looked for, in any other than a mineralized flate; unlefs placed by nature in fuch a particular, and hitherto unknown, vehi-cidum, as has entirely excluded the air from it. Doctor Pallas, indeed, very fairly tranfmitted fpecimens of this malleable iron to feveral chymifts throughout Europe ; but molt of them were of opinion, that it had undergone the
* During my flay at Goree, I often converfed with a negro captive, called Tumanififi, who came from Fouta Jallo (as he pronounced it) a confiderable dif-tance above Gallam, and who was very much regarded and trufted by his matter, M. Auguftus Newton of Goree, with whom he had lived ten years. This negro told me, that he had been often down in the mines in his country, which, he faid, were very deep, and had alfo many galleries, or horizontal paflages. Thefe he described as very long, and, in fome places, very high and wide, with openings from above, to give air and light. He added, that thofe mines were wrought by women, who, when they went down into them, always carried victuals along with them.
t Nouvelle Relation de l'Afrique Occidentale par Labat, Tome 4. p. 57.
a£tion
9 ^;iA p- action of fire, and that the matrix, to which it was united, v_—r-—i was nothing more than the fcoria of the metal. However this be, it is certain that the natives of the inland countries, jufl mentioned, dig up and manufacture iron; for I was af-fured of the fad by feveral refpectable officers at Goree.
CHAP. VI.
the means of preserving health.
72. T TAVING given fome account of the climate, foil, * * and produce of the part of the coaft laid down in the map, it feems natural to make a few obfervations on the comparative falubrity of different places and fituations; and to offer to Europeans, who propofe to refide in that region, fome advice reflecting the preservation of health, in a country fo very different from that to which they have been accuftomed. This appears to me to be a matter of fuch ferious importance, that I mean afterwards to propofe the fuperintendance of it, as a feparate department in the direction of every new colony.
73. " Men," fays Dr. Lind, " who exchange their native, plants firm-   for a diflant, climate, maybe confidered as affected in a tybdnjj     manner fomewhat analogous to plants removed into a fo-ranfplanted. reign foil; where the utmolt care and attention are required to keep them in health, and to inure them to their new fituation j fince, thus tranfplanted, fome change mull happen in the conltitutions of both*."
* Eflay on the Difeafes of hot Climates, Introduction, p. 2.
74. During
74. During my flay in Africa, I have often obferved with c p-
aftonifhment, how little the Europeans, both individuals l-—;-->
and public bodies, appear to regard the prefervation of health. They could not a£l more abfurdly, if they aimed at ruining their conflitutions, in order to bring upon the climate a degree of reprobation which, with all it's faults, it
really does not deferve. I cannot better exprefs my own fentiments and obfervations on this head, than in the words of the able and intelligent phyfician jufl quoted.
75. " It is not uncommon," fays he, " in many trading Africa,if factories, to meet with a few Europeans pent up in a fmall wo'uid be as fpot of low, damp ground, fo entirely furrounded with ^ealj[^ft fa-thick woods, that they can fcarcely have the benefit of walk- labrtowWeft ing a few hundred yards, and where there is not fo much lands.
as an avenue cut through any part of the woods for the ad-million of wholefome and refrcfhing breezes.   The Europeans have alfo unfortunately fixed fome of their principal fettlements on low, inland, unventilated fpots, on the foul banks, or near the fwampy and oozy mouths of rivers, or on fait marines,formed by the overflowing of the ocean, where, in many places, the putrid liih, fcattered on the fhore by the negroes, emit fuch noifome effluvia, as prove very injurious to health.   Notwithllanding what has been faid, I think it will hardly admit of doubt, that if any tracl of land in Guinea was as well improved as the ifland of Barbadoes, and as perfectly freed from trees, underwood, marines, &c. the air would be rendered equally healthful there, as in that pleafant Weft Indian Illand*."
76. As an inflance, in fupport of this pofition, the doctor indance in mentions the Portuguefe town of St. Salvadore, which, " not- dore^aIva'
* IifT'ay on the Difeafes, &c. p. 50.
with-
c li^A P. withltanding it lies 150 miles up die river Congo, or Zaire, l^-v^ and within fix degrees of the equator; yet, from it's being lituated on a hill, and the neighbouring country being cleared of the natural woods and thickets, it's inhabitants breathe a temperate and pure air, and are in a great mea-fure, exempted from all the plagues of an unhealthy climate*."
Trade pre-      77. Thus we fee, that the Europeans have their own con-
ferred to
health. duct, more than the climate, to blame for their unhealthi-nefs in Africa. If the intelligent reader afk, why their factories and forts have been fo abfurdly placed? I can only anfwer, that the fpeedy acquifition of gain feems hitherto to have been the jole object of the European viiitors of Africa, who, intending only a temporary refidence, have not been very nice as to their accommodation. To trade (as before hinted) every confideration of health and utility has been foolilhly faerificed: and, provided they could place advantageoufly their factories, for carrying it on, and their forts for protecting it, the falubrity of the fitua-tion was regarded as a matter of fmall moment, and fome-times not regarded at all. So univerfally has trade been preferred to health, that I believe it would be difficult to name a fingle fort or factory on the coalt, in the fettlement of which, the convenience of trade was not the ruling confideration. In eltablilliing fo many fettlements it could not but happen, that fome fituations, proper for trade, would alfo be not unfavourable to health ; but that this was at belt only a fecondary object, is evident from the little pains which have been taken to cut down the woods, drain the marines,
* Id. p. 51.—I have often heard St. Salvadore mentioned as the molt healthful fpot on the globe, except the Ifland of Ceylon.
and
and cultivate the land, in the vicinity of the forts and facto- c a £ p-ries on the coaft. But why do I mention the cultivation of u. ; land, as if I did not know it to be fo perfectly contrary to the views and habits of the European factors, that even the prefervation of their own lives cannot incite them to ufe fuch obvious, pleafant and certain means of improving the climate ?
78. When, to the effluvia of marfhes, woods, and the Caufesof
' ' v . , , . mortality 01
llimy beds of rivers, we add bad lodgings, bad cloathing, foWicrs and nnwholefome, and fcanty food, naflinefs, both perfonal and eamcn' dorneltic, intoxication with very bad fpirits, expofure to damps, rains, and dews, and other fimilar caufes of difeafe, we can no longer wonder at the mortality of foldiers in gar-rifon, and other whites, on fhore.   As to feamen, the wonder is not that fo many die, but that any furvive, the operation of the caufes of mortality which are infeparable from the flave-trade.   For, befides the evils they fuller in common with foldiers, Sec. on fhore, but generally in a much greater degree, they are often, in collecting flaves by " boating," expofed to the weather up the rivers, for days and nights together, as well as toexcefhve fatigues in wooding and watering.   And, as if thefe hardfhips were not fuf-ficient to deftroy their conltitutions, very many of the poor men are barbaroufly treated by the flave-captains, who, to account for the enormous mortality which enfues, falfely attribute to the climate a malignity which more properly belongs to their own difpofitions. I am the more confident Ships of war, in aliening thefe facts, as they have been proved, before ^VomXt the Britifh legiflature, by the moft rcfpectable evidence. niortalit>'-Two other important facts are alfo eftablifhed by the fame evidence, namely, that the wood-vclfels which trade, chiefly for produce, to the fame parts of the coait, do not lofe
H nearly
nearly fo many men as the flave-fhips ; and that fnips of war make their voyages to that pretendedly fatal fhore, with as little mortality as to the Weft Indian Iflands, and with far lefs than takes place in the Eaft Indies *.
79. It is not pretended, however, that the climate of Africa is perfectly congenial to the conftitutions of all European ftrangers. There, as in other hot countries, new-comers muft, in general, expect: what is called a fcafoning. All I would be underltood to attempt, is to vindicate the climate of Africa fom any peculiar malignity, never before experienced in other tropical regions, in the like unimproved itate.
80. It is the general opinion, that the climates of Senegal and Whidah are the worft on the whole we Item coaft of Africa. The neighbourhood of the mouth of the River Gambia, however, lately much frequented, has been found to be equally unfavourable to health. But the country becomes more falubrious as we advance up that river. From Elephant's Ifland to Yanimaroo, the climate is tolerable, and above this- lalt place, it may be pronounced healthful. The climates of Sierra Leona, Cape Verd, Cape Mount, and above all Cape Mefurado, are comparatively falubrious. The Ifles de Los, the Iflands of Bananas, Cape Verd, Goree, and Bulama, one of the BiiTao Iflands, may be faid to enjoy a climate inferior to few or none within the tropics. I was affured by a French phyfician of Senegal, that the mortality at the Ifland of Goree does not exceed that of
* Sec the Privy Council's Report, and Minutes of Evidence before a feleft Committee of the Houfe of Commons, particularly the Evidences of the Reverend Mr. Clarkfon and the Reverend Mr. Newton; alfo thofe of the feven following captains in the navy, viz. Sir George Young, and Captains Hall, Smith, Thomp. fon, Scott, Hills and Wilfon.
Paris.
Paris.—In general, it may be obferved, that in Africa, as every where elfe, low and marfhy tracts are unfavourable to health; that elevated, dry and ventilated fituations are to be felected as places of relidence; and that, ceteris paribus, iflands are always to be preferred to continents. To this I may add, that, in moft parts of Africa, the interior country is more healthful than the coaft, as I have been allured by many perfons, whites as well as blacks, who have refided in, or viiited the inland parts, particularly by M. Biorn, governor general of the Danifh fettlements, in Africa*. I can account for this fact, no otherwife than from the land continually riling as you recede from the coaft.
81. Having mentioned the climates of Sierra Leona and Bulama, it is but juftice to flate, that the mortality of the firft coloniits which took place at the former, and the mif-fortunes which happened at the latter, were not owing to the climate, but to very different caufes, as will hereafter appear.
82. I now beg leave to offer a few hints to fuch of my Hints re readers, as may hereafter have occafion to frequent, or to health!2 refide in, the tropical parts of Africa. Being the fruits of the happy experience of my fellow travellers, myfelf, and many others, I need make no apology for recommending them as excellent prefervatives of health; efpecially as I know that they are generally approved by the faculty. But, as it would be highly prefumptuous in one who has not regularly ftudied the healing art, to trefpafs too far on the province of it's profeffors, I confine my remarks entirely to the prefervation of health. When difeafe is unhappily formed, the patient cannot too fpeedily have re-
* See alfo Dr. Ifert's Letters to his father, printed at Copenhagen, in 1788.
H 2 courfe
C H\iA P" cour^e to medical alii (lance. Even medical gentlemen t_______> themfelves cannot be too cautious, when at the commencement of their practice, within the tropics, they are called upon to prefcnbe for difeafes with which nothing fhort of a£tual experience can be fuppofed to make them acquainted. I need not inform them of the merit of Dr. Lind's work on this fubject. He has indeed, with lingular ability, pointed out the caufes of the difeafes of hot climates, and the means of preventing and curing them. But in this, as in molt other arts, there is yet great room for improvement. It is to be lamented that but few men of exteniive medical knowledge have vifited the coaft of Africa, or at lealt have relided there long enough to become acquainted with the proper treatment of difeafes in that climate*. Much however may now be expected from the genius and diligence of Dr. Winterbottom, the prefent able and fuccefsful phyfi-cian at Sierra Leona, the choice of whom does infinite credit to the difcernment of the directors.
. ... . HOUSES.
83. On arriving in Africa, the firit, as being the molt important thing fettlers ought to think of, is the erection of houfes, capable of affording a healthful and fecure refuge from the ardour of the meridian heat, the fudden change to coolnefs in the evening, the damps and dews of the night, and the heavy and penetrating rains of the wet feafon; from all which it is abfolutely necelTary for new-comers to be effectually protected. Their cieva-     84. The entire conftruction of houfes immediately on ar-
tion from the
ground, &c.
* See Plan of a Settlement to be made near Sierra Leona, &c. by Dr. Smeath-man, p. 11,
riving,
r
riving, confumes much time and labour, at a juncture when c r|rA p<
both are peculiarly precious; as the unexpected commence- \__r—/
ment of the rainy feafon, before proper fhelter is provided, molt probably will prove fatal to the fettlers, and ruin the whole undertaking. I would therefore earneltly recommend the framing of wooden houfes here in Europe, ready to be put up on landing, and calculated to afford a temporary, but fecure fhelter, till a proper fituation can be fixed on for a colonial town*. No oak fhould be ufed in fuch houfes, as the bug-a-bugs, or wood-ants, deltroy it fooner than any other timbcrf. The flruciure of the dwellings of the negroes about Cape Mcfurado, which, although on a dry foil, are raifed fix or eight feet above the ground, firll fuggefted to me the propriety of houfes in Africa being confiderably elevated; and reflection on the delicacy of un-feafoned Europeans, convinced me of the ncccflity of adopting this mode of building.
85. The bare infpe£tion of figure A, plate I. will fuflici- Temporary cntly explain the Itructure of fuch a temporary houfe, as I ncnt hoofcs. would recommend.   A tree of a proper lize and form being chofen, which, in moft places, it will not be difficult to do, it fhould be fo topped and cut as to form a central fpin-
* The worthy Mr. G. Sharp, has latclygiven the public a plan for a colonial town, of which, in man)- rcfpe&s, I very much approve. Another has alfo been pro-pofed by Mr. Long, in his Hiflory of Jamaica. To both thofe plans, however, I have feveral important objections ; for I nave confi-dered the matter very attentively : but am forry I have neither time nor room to date my ideas on it, at ptt'Jl'iU.
+ Except the bug-a-bngs, I do not know more troublefome intruders into a houfc, than mufketoes. But Mr. Sefstrom, in Sweden, has lately difcovered, that * very fmall quantity of camphor, ftrewed on a fire-coal, immediately dcilroy* 'very infeft within the reach of it's effluvia, and no doubt would prove fatal to the niufketoes. Sec the afts of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Stockholm, for the year 1787.
die,
die, leaving at leall two fupporting moulders, perpendicularly above each other; fo that the houfe may, whennecef-fary, be moved round to fuit the afpect of the different feafons. The afcent fhould be by a flair, to be drawn up at night.
86. When the fcite of the intended town is fixed on, another kind of elevated houfes ought to be erected, of a more permanent ftructure, and regular fituation, according to the elevation and fe6tion B, plate I. The ingenuity and utility of this ftructure does great credit to the inventor, Mr. Andrew Johanfen, a Swede, and certainly merit the attention of thofe who are fo laudably engaged in the colonization of Africa, upon rational and humane principles. One or two of thofe gentlemen, whofe perfons and opinions I particularly refpect, having objected to the expenfe of the buildings here recommended, I might anfwer them with the old proverb—" Better pay the cook than the doctor." But the anfwer which, 1 am fure, will come molt home to their feelings and their underltanding, is the plain matter of fact, that the mortality, both at Sierra Leona and Bulama, was, in a great meafure, owing to the want of good houfes.
87. Europeans, until well feafoned to the climate, mould beware of indulging in heavy animal food and fpirituous liquors. They fhould eat moderately, efpecially in the middle of the day, making their belt meals in the morning and evening, after the example of the natives. French claret and lemonade, temperately ufed, proved to me to be the belt liquors; and not to me only, for it is worthy of remark that, fince this kind of wine was fubftituted for brandy, which, before thefe laft eight years, was ferved out to the
French
French troops on the coalt, they have been incomparably c " A p-
healthier. It is of the utmoit importance always to keep <-,-*
the body open, which may generally be effected, by ufing a light diet, and to have recourfe to the bark, on the firfl fymptom of illnefs.
88. To thefe hints on habitation and diet, it may not be Sleep, drefn improper to add a few words onJleep, drefs, and employment. ment, ^ —While on the coaft, I made it an invariable rule to go to bed betimes, and to rife early, in which, as in feveral other inltances, I prudently and profitably imitated the natives. I would recommend riling about five o'clock in the morning, and taking gentle exercife, either in manual employment or walking, one or both of which I never omitted. But hard labour, efpecially in the heat of the day, ought to be carefully avoided by unfeafoned Europeans.   The drejs fhould confill of a calico fhirt, a fhort, white vvaillcoat,«and \ trowfers, with a piece of thin flannel on die ftomach, and fWes with thick foles.   It is of great importance, not only to keep the head free from the fumes of liquor, but alfo to defend it from the beams of the fun.   In this view, the form and colour of the hat are of no fmall moment.   It ought to be white, deep crowned, and broad brimmed.   To thefe, properties, I added a contrivance which, though apparently trivial, I found to be fo ufeful and comfortable, that I cannot but recommend it to every one who vilits hot climates. Near the top of the crown, I cut three little fquare holes, like valves, opening upwards, which allowed the perforation to evaporate, and admitted a gentle flream of cool air to circulate above my head, which only filled half the crown.   See figure 1. plate I.   Thus I was protected from the fcorching fun-beams, which, to fome people, prove a very ferious inconvenience.   I have, however, heard but of
few
c ^ A p- few perfons being fun-flruck in Africa, and thefe owed it to t__~^—' their own imprudence*. But I am informed this mif-fortunc, called by the French coup de foleil, is not uncommon in the Southern States of America. In the afternoon, I experienced the benefit of putting on a flannel fhirt; for, after the pores have been opened by the heat of the day, the body ought to be carefully guarded againit the damps and dews of the evening and night.
89. After what has been faid, I need not dwell on the ne-ceftity of unfeafoned Europeans avoiding expofure to the rains in the wet feafon, and keeping the feet dry and warm at all times. When a perfon unluckily gets wet, he fhould change his cloaths immediately; or, if that cannot be done, keep up the perfpiration by continued exercife. Rubbing the body with rum or other fpirits, is a good precaution, after getting wet.
Cold bath re- g0m The cold bath is an excellent prefcrvative of health, particularly in hot climates, the relaxing effects of whiclj.it tends greatly to counteract. It removes the fordes from the fkin, leaves the pores open and free, and braces and invigorates the whole conftitution. It is not, however, to be plunged into by all perfons indifcriminately. Thofe who are plethoric or feverifh, or whofe lungs arc difeafed, ought to abltain from it. Yet it is feldomer improper in hot than in cold climates ; and in Africa, I have known many benefited, but not one hurt by it. But let thofe who feel any in-difpofition take advice before they ufe it, which I the rather admonilh them to do, as this is almoft the only inftance in which I have ventured to ftep out of the precincts of com-
* M. Adanfon was fun-flruck, by cxpofing himfelf without his hat in the extreme heat of the day, and in the hotted feafon of the year, at Senegal.
mon
mon obfervation into thofe of the faculty.—The bed time c ^ A v-
of the day for cold bathing is the morning.   All the pur- v__p*—i
pofes of it are anfwered by a fmgle immerfion. The body ought to be immediately dried, and exercife ufed, for which it is an excellent preparative.
Qi. The lalt fpecific direction which I fhall offer is, to The fpirits
1   f, r to be kept
keep up the fpirits, and to ufe every temperate mean to ba- up. nifh anxiety and melancholy. For this purpofe, I can recommend nothing better than keeping the mind conftantly occupied with fome purfuit, either of bufincfs or recreation. Where bulinefs cannot be purfued as a recreation, I have no fcruple to mention innocent games, even to a young colony. Playing at cards, draughts, chefs, and above all billiards, for fuch trifling Hakes as would agreeably engage the attention, might fill up a leifure hour with very good effects'on the health. Thofe who have a talte for reading, writing letters, keeping diaries, natural hiitory, gardening, drawing, or mufic, poffefs ample refources againlt that lilt-lefs ennui which preys on the fpirits of the idle and the taflelefs. For want of a rclilh for fuch elegant, innocent, and improving fludies, officers of the army, when cantoned in places where there were no public amufements, have fometimcs been betrayed into deep gaming, drinking and other pernicious excelfes. It requires but a flight knowledge of human nature to fee, that the mind, as well as the fluids, mull be kept in conltant circulation, and that every method fhould be ufed to keep up a gentle flow of fpirits. This direction, experience has taught me to believe, to be of the lalt importance to health, particularly in hot climates.
92. So important docs it appear to me, that I will venture The mind to fay, with due deference to the faculty, that the mental ^1^°^" phcenomena have not yet received that medical attention to ptyfcians.
I which
c ha p. which they are entitled.   If I be not much miftaken, there
\__has been a little blameable neglect in this particular. I
have not lived in the world without obfervation;  and I know liberal phylicians will excufe me for venturing to hint, that the practice of fome of their body appears to be formed upon a theory which individuals have avowed, and which, therefore, we may conclude others fecretly entertain, namely, that all the faculties of man owe their origin to caufes merely material.   Thefe gentlemen feem to proceed, as if their patients were compofed entirely of mechanical powers and chemical properties, combined, in fome unaccountable way, with a certain mylterious, but material, principle, called life.   Their language, at lealt feems to indicate, that they confider lick men as little or nothing more than modifications of matter and motion—a fort of chymico-mechanical automata.   They clear the prima vice, empty the bowels, brace up the nerves, &c. relax the contracted fibres, expel wind, corretl acidities, and bring about digefions, and derivations, and revulfons of various kinds of matter.   I am far from faying that thefe terms are improper; although I fear I may have ufed them improperly. I only mean to remark, that terms taken from matter and it's properties abound much more in the medical nomenclature, than fuch as relate to mind and it's operations. For aught I know, this may be necelfary and unavoidable; yet I cannot help fufpecling that the more frequent ufe of fuch terms betrays a degree of indifference to the mind, as combined with, and influencing the body, in the human fyflem. If we except the general terms fi paffions of the mind," " depreffing paffions," and a few others, phyficians feldom ufe words that imply man to be a being, compofed of a body, reafon and affections, diverfified and modified, and acting
ing on one another, in a variety of ways. Hence molt, of c ^A p-their prefcriptions relate almoft exclulively to the body.      <__v-l_;
93. There is indeed an old book, formerly of fome authority in Europe, which prefcribes many admirable medicines for a " wounded fpirit." But our prefent race of phylicians feem to difregard this antiquated volume, as quite foreign to modern practice.
94. Be this as it may, I believe it will be allowed that, in fome difeafes, the fymptoms of the mind are as much to be attended to, as thofe of the body. I farther believe, that the exhibition of a deep tragedy, a humorous comedy, a concert of mufic, according to the mood of the patient, or any fpe&acle which would engage the attention and intereft the paftions, without agitating them too much, would be of ufe in more cafes than are generally imagined.
95. It has been obferved that boys, girls, women, and old Children, men, Hand a tranfition from a cold to a hot climate, better SS^Sfon*" than men in the prime of life.   Thefe laft, it is true, are £nd m/n a"
* ,      • r, bove forty
more expofed to the caufes of difeafe than girls, women, ftandthecii-and old men; but, I believe, upon the whole, not more than matc c ' boys. May not one reafon of this be, that men of mature age are more thoughtful than women by nature, than boys and girls, who have not yet arrived at the feafon for anxious reflection, and than old men who have palled beyond it ? Yet I am not fure that the anfwer to this query would be in the affirmative. For it feems to be certain that perfons of a (lender habit are generally more healthy in hot climates than thofe who are inclined to corpulency; though it is commonly thought, that the minds of the latter are more placid and tranquil than thofe of the former. It is alfo obferved, that men above forty ftand the climate of Africa better than thofe who have not reached that age.
I 2 96. I
96. I mould tremble for the incurfion I have made into the domains of the faculty, did I not believe that liberal phyficians will pardon a few good natured remarks, made with a view to awaken their attention to the influence of mind in very many difeafes, where a proper attention to the powerful caufes, lodged in it, might have the moll beneficial confequences.
97. To fuch phyficians, I would refpecHully fubmit the foregoing hints, which being chiefly preventive, do not, like curative prefcriptions, require any great knowledge of medicine. I mult confefs, however, that obfervation and experience have rendered me not a little confident of the utility of thefe hints, in guarding againft the effects of a fudden change of climate. By obferving them, the confti-tution can fcarcely fail to accomodate itfelf to it's new fitu-ation. And this happy confequence will be experienced fooner or later, according to the original flrength or weak-nefs of the ftrangcr's frame; the more or lefs manly education he may have received, or the early habits he may have formed. For the effects of the climate mult of courfe be different on different conltitutions. The foregoing rules are general, and the application of them muft be left to the good fenfe and prudence of individuals. For my own part, although I arrived on the coaft, in the moft unhealthful feafon of the year, I cfcaped all the difeafes of the country. This I afcribe entirely to a cautious obfervance of the preventives above recited. During a mortality, which raged at Senegal, while I was there, fix out of eleven failors, belong-ing to the velfcl in which I returned to Europe, were carried off in a month; but not a fingle gentleman or officer on fhore was fo much as attacked, owing no doubt, to the temperance and regularity, which their fiiuatwns enabled
them
them to obferve.   Thus, having both feen and experienced, c ha p the good effedts of the foregoing rules, I may hope to be in- ■„ -.— dulged in recommending them fo warmly to others.
CHAP. VII.
GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON COLONIES, AND THE MEANS OF PROMOTING THEM.
98. 'i HPHE idea of glory," fays the Abbe Raynal, " is in- Definition of
A   feparable from that of great difficulty overcome, fcjjj]* great utility refulting from fuccefs, and a proportionate in-creafe of the happinefs of mankind, or of one's country."
Glory effentially belongs to God on high. Upon earth it is the portion of virtue, not of genius; of a virtue ufeful, great, beneficent, mining, heroic. It is the lot of a monarch who, during the perils of a boifterous reign, labours, and fuccefsfully labours, to promote the felicity of his fub-jc&s. It is the lot of a fubje6t who facrifices his life for the good of the community. It belongs to a nation which nobly refolves to die free, rather than to live in flavery. It is the reward, not of a Caefar or a Pompey, but of a Regulus or a Cato.   It is the jufl recompenfe of a Henry IV."
99. !* Thanks to the fpirit of humanity which now begins to infpire all fenfible men ; conquerors, both ancient and modern, are finking to the level of the molt deteftable of mankind*. And I have not a doubt that pofterity, which will pronounce an impartial fentence on our difcoveries in the New World, will doom our barbarous navigators to a
* " Heroes are ail the fame, it is agreed,
From Macedonia's madman to the Swede;—
The whole flrange purpofe of their lives to find,
Or make, an enemy—of all mankind.'— Pope.
lower
chap, lower flate of abafcment than even conquerors themfelves. -v-',„^ Did the love of mankind, or did fordid avarice, actuate them?   And can enterprizes, even though good in themfelves, be thought defervingof praife, if the motives of them be vicious*."
Colonial po- ioo. But were navigators alone blameable in this refpect? ticm Eu~ And can we candidly affirm that the governments of the SaedT" colonizing nations of Europe have ferioufly laboured, as they ought, to give to the felfifhnefs of their fubjects, a direction favourable to the real interefls of mankind? I fear not. That enlarged policy which, imitating the fource of all perfection, endeavours to extract: good out of evil, order out of confufion, feems to have had too little influence on the conduct of thofe flatefmen, who took a part in projecting the modern colonies of Europe.—We will fend our fu-perfluous people to South America, faid the court of Spain, to explore it's trcafures, and, by their means, we will poffefs ourfelves exclufivcly of the finews of war, and the medium of commerce, and thus render Spain the arbitrefs of Europe.—The court of Portugal held fimilar language.— We, faid the Dutch, will get polleffion of the fpices of the Eafl, and not a clove or a nutmeg fhall the Europeans receive, except through our hands.—The Britifh, with more good fenfe, but perhaps not with lefs felfifhnefs, refolved to form colonies in North America, to ferve as confumers of their manufactures, and providers of raw materials and naval ftores, which, from their bulk, might employ a numerous body of mariners, and give to Britain the empire of the ocean.—France, feeing the acceffion of wealth and power, which Britain feemed to derive from her colonies, but
* Hift. Phil. & Pol. T. VI. p. 285.
which
which fhe principally did derive from her liberty and con- c ft A p-fequent induftry, at home, was not flow in following the Heps —j of her rival.   The Swedes, the Danes, the Pruflians, and the Auftrians, have alfo had their colonizing fchemes; but not to the fame extent with the nations already mentioned.
101. All thofe fchemes were formed upon a fimilar principle. Contracted views of commercial and financial advantage, narrowed their foundations, and fuffered them not to fpread beyond the limits of a partial and local policy. For, as far as I can learn, the founders of the modern European colonies fcarcely ever entertained a thought of enlarging the fphere of human felicity, and extending the bleffings of civilization and religion to diflant nations. On the contrary, it is melancholy to trace the progrefs of the modern European colonization, marked, as it is, with injuflice, rapine and murder, in various fhapes.
102. And what advantages have the refpective mother Confequen-countries derived from their plundering fchemes?   Why, ^rrow poli-the Spaniards and the Portuguefe gained gold, and they cy-gained pride; but they loft their home-confumers by ex-ceflive emigrations; and their remaining people loll their induflry, and their enterprizing fpirit, which before had
made them fo refpectable in Europe. The Dutch gained the Spice Iflands, on which indeed they formed fettlements, or factories, rather than colonies *.   But in the Weft Indies
* I think it right to diflinguifh colonies from fettlements or factories. A colony fignifics a number of families, formed into a regular community, who have fixed themfelves on an unoccupied fpot, with a view to cultivate the foil, and rear poftc-rity. The words colony and fettlernent have fometimes the fame meaning; but as the hitter is very often ufed for the word factory, I with to reftrict it to this lalt fig-nification.—Faftories (or fettlements) having only commercial, temporary ends in Vlew, remove as foon as thofe ends are anfwered, leaving wholly out of fight eve. ry kind of cultivation and improvement, either of the people or the land.
they
C vu P* t^ie^ ^ormec^ rc'u c°l°mes> which may perhaps have contri-■ _ T-' _* buted to fill the bags of the Amflerdam Bank. With money, however, they multiplied drones in their indullrious hive, acquired a talle for high living, increafed their taxes, banilhed feveral of their manufactures, and have brought upon themfelves evident fymptoms of national decay. The French and the Britilh gained an increafed marine which each employed in watching the motions of the other, in taking and retaking Welt Indian colonies and Eafl Indian fettlements, and in dcfolating fome of the finelt countries in the world with famine, fire, and fword. We cannot enter into particulars. Suffice it to fay, that thefe two great nations have, by their quarrels about colonies, well nigh ruined one another. The French politicians fucceeded in fe-parating the Britilh colonies from their Mother Country; but, in this enterprize, they ruined their finances. All Europe knows the reft. All Europe has feen the French government fubverted; and has heard of the national debt of Great Britain. May Heaven avert from this highly favoured nation, any ruinous cataflrophe!
103. Colonies, as hitherto eftablitned and fupported, have colt commercial nations nearly as great a facrifice of people as the molt deflructive wars. For it mult be owned, that co-lonilts have been too often regarded by the monopolizing companies, or private merchants, who have generally directed them, in the light in which foldiers and failors are confidered by flatefmen; that is, merely as the inflruments of their fchemes. It therefore becomes a matter of ferious confideration, when, where and how to form new ones, which, in their commencement, fliall not be fo deflructive to the human race. While the principals are aiming at the acquifition of wealth, they ought not, as unfortunately has
hitherto
hitherto been too much the cafe, to treat with indifference c " A p-
and neglect thofe whom Providence has placed in the _> humbler, but not lefs ufeful, ftation of executers of their plans.
loi. Though it be ufual to compare nations and their Comparifon
* ° 1 . . of nations
colonies to parents and their children; yet, as things now and theirco-iland, I apprehend the analogy is very far from being juft. ^ltess;ndpa" In every family, the procreation and education of children children, are innate principles, and the evident intention of the Creator.    Where is the fenlible parent who does not ftrive to give his children an education as good, at lealt, as he himfelf has received, and to elevate them into a fituation in life equal, or even fuperior, to that which he himfelf fills. Acting thus, has he any other end than their good; any other purpofe to ferve than that of eftablilhing them in fociety, and enabling them, in due time, to become the provident and beneficent fathers of future families ?
105. From fuch obligations, it would be a contradiction to infer, that children, arrived at maturity, ought, from a principle of falfe gratitude, infeparably to abide by their parents throughout life.   No! Nature herfelf then emancipates them from parental authority, and jultifies their claim to a feparate refidence, even though oppofed by their parents.   Without this procedure, fociety could not exill, and the human race would foon become extinct.—In a • word, children are fruit hanging on the tree : men are ripe fruit, qualified to produce, in their turn, new groups to grace the foreft.
106. The gratitude and filial attachment which children preferve for their parents is, or ought to be, proportioned to
K the
G HA p. the care they have taken in their education, and to the tie « which has been mutually formed by both, during the flate of pupilage.
fhouiTpro- 107- Societies at large ought to act precifely on the fame wi* terrim- principle, in forming colonies, which are no other than their furpliwpo. own children, or the fuperfluity of their population. It is p q. indeed a duty incumbent on the government of every free, induflrious, and profperous nation, to look out betimes for unoccupied territory, againit the period when their population and manufactures (hall exceed the proportion which they ought to have to the land they already occupy, when fully improved. That proportion certainly has a limit, and commencing emigration will fhew when that limit is exceeded. Without providing new fpace for furplus population, and feck ing new markets for manufactures, the progrefs of both mult ceafe ; or elfe the people will emigrate to countries unconnected with the flate. Hence found policy fecms to dictate, that governments fhould, with the care of provident fathers, prepare proper receptacles for the excels of their population—a principle which few or no mother countries feem to have fufficiently obferved*.
108. When a large fociety thus gives birth to a fmall one, can it act on a nobler principle than that of regarding, in the fn ft place, the intereft of mankind at large, or univerfal fociety, and fubordinately, the advantage of it's own colony, or the fociety defcended from it in particular? Standing thus between both, will not the happinefs of both centre in itfelf ? Does not the father of a family rejoice in, and partake of, the felicity both of the community and of his children ?
* See Reafons for eflablifhing the Colony of Georgia, p. 3<
109. But
log. But is there any colony exifling, founded on thefe c " A p-truly humane and enlarged principles?   On the contrary, u -~ .* does not the education, or treatment, which the prefent Eu- difcordbc-ropean colonies have received, and do ft ill receive, from their t*ree° n»-
* l l'ni ii ir tions and
imprudent and interefted parents,generally prove the fource their coio-of hatred between focieties that ought to be united by the mcs* the moft indiffoluble ties ? Whence comes it, that parties and feels have been fir ft driven to difcontent, then to emigration, and laftly, to feparation from the larger focieties to which they belonged; but from perverted fyftems of policy, the abufe of power, civil and ccclefiaftical, and the provoking attempt to keep mature defcendants perpetually in leading firings, like infants? Was it thus that the ancient Greeks treated their colonies? And ought not the moderns, in prudence, to have imitated the liberal fyllem of thofe famed ancients, who confidered their colonies as friends and allies, not as dependent focieties or conquered provinces?
no. " The mother Greek city, fays Dr. Smith, though fhe confidered the colony as a child, at all times entitled to great favour and aftifiance, and owing, in return, much gratitude and refpect, yet confidered it as an emancipated child, over whom fhe 'pretended to claim no direct authority or jurisdiction. The colony fettled it's own form of government, enacted it's own laws, and made peace and war with it's neighbours, as an independent flate. The progrefs of many of the ancient Greek colonies feems accordingly to have been very rapid. In a century or two, feveral of them appear to have rivalled, and even furpaffed, their mother cities. Syracufe and Agrigentum, in Sicily; Tarentum and Locri, in Italy; Ephefus and Miletus, in LefTer Afia, appear,
K 2 by
C vu ? ^ a^ accounts> to ^ave keen at leaft equal to any of the L.——» cities of ancient Greece."
111. H But the policy of modern Europe has very little to boaft of, either in the original formation, or, fo far as concerns their internal government, in the fubfequcnt prof-perity of the colonies of America. Folly and injuflice feem to have been the principles which prefided over the firlt project of eftablifhing thofe colonies; the folly of hunting after mines, and the injuflice of coveting a country, whole natives, far from having ever injured the people of Europe, had received the firft adventurers with every mark of kindnefs and hofpitality."
112. Every modern mother-country, has fecured to her-felf, in one fhape or another, a monopoly of her colony trade.—" This monopoly, like all the other mean and malignant expedients of the mercantile fyftem, deprefTes the indultry of all other countries; but chiefly that of the colonies, without in the leaft increafing, but on the contrary diminifhing, that of the country in whofe favour it is efta-blifhed.—Some nations have even gone fo far as to give up the whole commerce of their colonies to an exclufive company, of whom the colonies were obliged to buy all fuch European goods as they wanted, and to whom they were obliged to fell the whole of their own fttrplus produce. It was the intereft of the company, therefore, not only to fell the former as dear, and to buy the latter as cheap, as pofil-ble; but to buy no more of the latter, even at this low price, than they could difpofe of at a very high price in Europe. It was their intereft, not only to degrade, in all cafes, the value of the produce of the colony, but, in many cafes, to keep down the natural increafe of it's quantity. Of all the expedients that can well be contrived to flunt the natural
furalgrowth of anew colony, that of an exclufive company is c ^ A P. undoubtedly the moft effectual" " For example, the Dutch v—^L—r Eafl India company, by different arts of opprefhon, have reduced the population of feveral of the Molucca I Hands, formerly pretty well inhabited, nearly to the number fuffi-cient to fupply with provifions their own inlignificant garri-fons, and fuch of their fhips as occafionally come there for fpicesV
COMMERCE.
113. There are two fpecies of commerce different from, and even oppofite to, if not deflructive of, one another. Some explanation of both forms an effential part of my plan.
114. ill. Commifjion-commcrce, into which, in remote ages, Commiflion mankind were naturally led by their real wants.   An in- commercc terchange of ufeful commodities was the only object of merchants in early times.   A natural and neceffary barter, by
* Wealth of Nations, edit. 5. Vol. II. p. 344, 360, 375, 397, 434.—At p. 476", the intelligent author mentions the operations of the Dutch Ealt India company, in the Spice Iflands, to enhance the price, by burning all the fpices, beyond a certain quantity, giving premiums for the collection of the blolfbms of the clove and nutmeg trees, &c. He alto glances at certain pra6\ices of the Englifli Eafl Inrlia company's former fervants; particularly their ordering the peafants to plough up rice, and fow poppies, and the contrary, juft as their intereft, in the fale of opium or rice, happened to direct.—Sir W. Temple, in his obfervations on Holland, fays that " a Dutchman, who had been at the Spice lllands, told him, that he law atone titne three heaps of nutmegs burnt, each of which was more than an ordinary church would hold."—But we need not go fo far abroad, for inflances of fuch proceedings ; for, in the year 1774, I was prefent at the burning of a large quantity of ot fakable fpices, at the India lkufe in Amflerdam, for the avowed purpole of keeping up the price.
their
H A VII.
fliould be encouraged in a new co lony.
their means, diffufed the produce of every part of the then known world over the whole; and their profits might be regarded more as the wages of neceffary labour, than as the gains of injurious monopoly.   Gold and filver were not excluded from this commerce; but they were left to find their way into the general circulation, by their weight and ftandard.   Their relative worth was not, like that of coin, fixed by artificial laws; but, like the worth of every other commodity, was regulated by the natural demand. And paper credit had, in that early period, no exillence. This natural and unreflraincd flate of commerce accorded perfectly with the primitive fimplicity of thofe ages: and it certainly tended to promote a diffufion of the comforts of life commenfurate to the wants of mankind, whom it united by the bond of mutual interefls.
115. A mixture of fenfible and virtuous Europeans with . fimple, untutored Africans, may be expected, by the reciprocal action and re-action of their habits and manners, to produce a focial character nearly approaching the ancient fimplicity. It were therefore to be wTifhed, that the beneficial fpecies of commerce, juft mentioned, could be fo fixed in every new African colony, as for ever to exclude that perverted fyltem which I fhall call fpeculation-commerce, on which it feems necefTary to dwell fomewhat more particularly *.
116.
* In order to give the reader fome idea of the extent to which a trade in the productions of Africa may be carried, it may not be amifs to mention a few facts which fliow that a communication between very diflant parts of that continent, is already open. And it will fcarcely be denied, that this might be made the channel of conveying regular fupplies of European goods into thofe central regions which have hitherto feldom received any, except when the precarious fucsefs of the predatory expeditions of their chiefs happened to enable them to make returns in
flaves;
116. 2d. Speculation-commerce produces effects very dif- c *ja ferent from commiffion-commercc.   It does not tend fo di-
flaves; but who, were that traffic abolifliecl, would not fall to find equivalents in
the productions of the country.--The Chevalier des Marchais, who vifited Qui-
nca in 1725, 1726, and 1727, by order of the French government, fays that " Malays came on horfes 90 days journey to trade at Antra, bringing cotton cloths and muflins, and receiving flaves, ivory and gold duft."—Captain Frafer fays, there is a trade in flaves, carried on acrofs the continent by merchants, who come for them from the eflern parts of Africa to Angola on the weft, and other witnefl'es affirm
the fame thing(See Min. of Evid.J--Lieut. Matthews tells us, that many black
priefts travel acrofs from the Nile, and from Morocco to Abyflinia, that he faw feveral of them in the Mandingo country, and that by means of them, and the travelling black merchants, the defeat of the Spaniards before Gibraltar was known 40 days after, at Riopongos (Voyage to Sierra Leona, p. 70.) This report nuift have travelled at the rate of at leafl 40 miles a day, which proves that the roads are not very bad.—The negro captive I mentioned in the note to § 71, told me that he had travelled much; and, in particular that he had made feven journies from Fouta Jallo, considerably above Gallam, to Whidah, to buy fire arms for his king, who having been embroiled with the princes lower down the Senegal, could not as ufu-al, get them from the coaft, by that river. From his account Fouta Jallo, lies between the Niger and the Whidab, 10 days journey from the former " towards the fun-fetting," as he exprefled it, and 15 from the latter, " towards the fun-rifing, but confiderably below it." But the circumftance ot his converfation which moil furprifed me was, that in many parts of the interior, he palfed the rivers on bridges. —For an account of the " trade in the interior parts of Africa," fee that title in the Privy Council's Report, where it appears that that continent is traverfed in many directions by caravans trading in European goods, ivory, gold-dufl, ebony, flaves, fennah, mannah, caflia, dates, gums, ike,—See alfo the interefling pubhea-110ns of the African aflbciation.
It may be faid, that, feeing the weftern coafl of Africa, is reforled to for flaves hy the eallcrn nations of that continent, and even by the Eafl Indians, that the abolition of that traffic does not depend on the Europeans. I anfwer that the ftave market on the weflern coaft docs entirely depend on the Fluropcans; and that this is thegreate/l market, would appear from the dealers coming fo far to frequent it; for they would not travel acrofs the continent, if they could conveniently buy flaves nearer home. If, therefore, the Europeans abolifh the flave-trade, it is plain that {hc emporium for it would be removed from the weftern coaft, and would no longer diiturb legitimate commerce there.
redly
Speculation-commerce.
Speculators unconnected with the community.
rcctly to fupply the wants of a community, as to gratify the avidity of individual merchants, whom governments fuffer to take advantage of thofe wants. Nay, as if this were not enough, moll governments have been prevailed on to make formal grants, of monopolies and exclufive privileges to bodies of merchants. Such grants are deflructive of competition, the very foul of commerce, put the con-fumers compleatly in the power of forellallers, and nourifh the overbearing wealth and ambition of individuals, at the cxpenfe of the community.—The merchant who collects the products of diitant countries in fuch quantities as have been previoufly ordered by his correfpondents and cuHomers, may be compared to a ftream which gently irrigates and relrefhes the fields. The monopolizing fpeculator in thofe products not unaptly refembles a refervoir which confines the waters till the fields are parched, and at lalt diitributes them unfeafonably and partially, overflowing fome places, and miferably Hinting others.
117. Speculators in exchanges and money-jobbers may, perhaps, love to be compared to conductors which convey the commercial fluid through the world. I fhall not object, to the comparifon, if they will permit me to mention, that the Jews have alfo been likened to thofe conductors, by an eminent orator*. Like the Ifraelites too, thofe gentlemen are unconnected with any community; and, like Jew pedlars, can, at any time, put their calh and bills in their pockets, and flit, with the celerity of their own paper, from one end of the world to the other. For, I would afk any man who knows the world, what hold any community can have of perfons who, without property in lands, houfes, or commodities, fit in their counting-houfes, watching the courfe
* Mr. Burke.
Of
of exchange, or the chance of a job *?   I do not mean a mi- c    A p* niflerial job; although fome have ihrewdly fufpected that ^-j the gains of fuch men have been formerly fwelled by this kind of bufinefs,—a circumftance which perhaps the il-luflrious Chatham had in his eye when, in the honefl fervor of his patriotic foul, he uttered the following language.
118. " There is," faid he, a fet of men in London Lord Chat who are known to live in riot and luxury, upon the plun- on"?t&m, der of the ignorant, the innocent and the helplefs ; upon that part of the community which Hands in molt need of, and bell defcrvcs, the protection of the legillaturet. To me, my lords, whether they be miferable jobbers of Change-alley, or the lofty Afiatic plunderers of Leadenhall-ilreet, they are all equally deteftable. I care but little whether a man walks on foot, or is drawn by four or fix horfes ; if his luxury be fupported by the plunder of his country, I dc-fpife and abhor him. My lords, while 1 had the honour of ferving his majefly, I never ventured to look at the treafury but from a diflance. It is a bufinefs I am unfit for, and to which I never could have fubmitted. The little I know of it has not ferved to raife my opinion of what is vulgarly called the monied-interell; I mean that blood-fucker, that muck-worm, which pretends to ferve this or that admini-
* " The capitals," fays Dr. Smith, " employed in the agriculture and in the retail trade of any fociety muft always refide within that fociety. The capital ol a "wholefale merchant, on the contrary" (and a fortiori that of a money-jobber) ** feems to have no fixed refidence any where, but may wander about from place to place" (juft like it's owner) " according as it can either buy cheap or fell dear." Wealth of Nations, Vol. II. p. 54.
+ Dr. Aibuthnot obferves, that " money-fcriveners are like your wire-drawing J*iills; if they get hold of a man's finger, they will pull in his whole body at laft.1'
L ftration
c j* p- flration, but which may be purchafcd, on the fame terms, <__i by any adminiilration."
"Lfoi's.       J19' " Thefe are thc mcn»" %s Dl- Johnfon, "who..
without virtue, labour or hazard, are growing rich as their country is impoverilhed. They rejoice when obflinacy or ambition adds another year to flaughter and devaltation; and laugh from their defks at bravery and fcience, while they are adding figure to figure, and cipher to cipher, hoping for a new contract for a new armament, and computing the profits of a fiege or a tempeit."
120. It is to be hoped, however, that the nation, to which this noble orator and this fublime moralilt were fuch Aiming ornaments, will never experience thc evil confequences with which the influence of the monied intereft, if it continue to  predominate over every other, may one day threaten their liberties. Their open-    12i. To fpeak the truth, it appears to me, that a fpecies enflave      of flavery, or dependence, very much like it, has gradually mankind,    cieptj Wltn fpeculation-commerce and manufactures, into all countries where they prevail.   Of tins flavery or dependence, or whatever elfc it may be called, there are various degrees, from what we are pleafed to llylc a gentle flate of fervice in our families, down to the molt abufive and boldly avowed flavery in our fugar colonies.    I cannot give a fhorter inltance, than the Hate of celibacy in which our numerous menial fervants are obliged to live, on pain of loling their places; as few will employ a married fer-vant.   Thus the one fex is feduced into proflitution, and the other has no other refource than in the annihilation of a natural and necellary paflion, or in whoredom and debauchery for life.   This is but one, out of a thoufand inflances, which might be given of thc invcrfion of focial order
der which now, more or lefs, prevails in all commercial na- c " A p-
tions, and which ought to be particularly guarded againfl, <-\->
in eftablilhing a new colony.
122. I have thought much on thefe evils; and, on the and why.—
i    i     r-    t .«- . i -it r    Money indc-
whole, find myfelf inclined to attribute them to a caufe pendent of which fcems never to have been much, if at all, attended to commoditiei-by others. I have great reafon, however, to fufpett, that the degradation of a great portion of every mercantile community, arifes from thc prevailing lufl of accumulating money* independent of commodities, of the value of which it is become the mere arbitrary Jign, in Head of being, as formerly, circulated and transferred as a commodity itfelf. In this unnatural innovation, I think I fee the fource of many of the grievous evils which now aflli6t commercial nations. Hac fonte derivata clades! Money, in early times, was wifely adopted as the medium of commerce, which gave it it's chief value as a commodity. But it has been evidently diverted from it's natural ufe, which was admirably calculated to promote the free interchange of other commodities, the increafe of knowledge and virtue, and the wealth and profperity of nations. This lamentable pcrvcrfion appears to have been owing to the Italian invention of bills of exchange, the operations of grafping monopolies, the arbitrary interference of governments, in attempting to eflabliih between gold, filver, and copper, and between thefe metals and other commodities, an unnatural relative value; and, above all, to the modern fyflem of public credit and finance. To thefe we mull add, the enormous augmentation and wide circulation of paper, moltly of ideal value, re-
* By money I mean any tiling coined, upon which an arbitrary value has been fixed, entirely unconne&ed with any commodity, in like manner as it's fabricators, the fpeculating merchants, are unconnetfed with anv community.
L 2 fulting
chap, fulting from all the other caufes.   Thus money has com-.     ..' * pleatly fupplantcd commodities, and become itfelf the chief fubject of commercial fpeculation, to the exclulion of ufeful productions.   The acquifition of it is the fole purfuit of all men of bufinefs; particularly of individual merchants and monopolizing companies, feparate from the general good, to which the production and interchange of ufeful commodities always directly conduces.   In this unnatural chaos of mo-ney-fpeculation, where all the concerns of fociety, and all the abilities of individuals, as well as the produce of their indultry, are eltimated, not by ounces and penny-weights of gold and lilver, but by imaginary denominations of pounds, livres, rix-dollars, &c. I fay, in this forced and artificial (late of things, could it be furprifing that men fhould find their labours fpeculated upon, or monopolized, their time engroll'ed, their focial and dome flic comforts abridged, their perfons degraded, their minds darkened, and their children brought up, as machines, to fpin cotton and grind fciffars ?—And all for what ?—but to enable a few monopolilts to accumulate money. Commercial      123. That colonies formed on the modern mercantile Sndtoilave- fyftcm, in which money has ufurped the place of commo-ry, agrkui-   Cities, mult necelfarily be fupported by the degradation of
tural to h- r   1 •
beny, a great part ol the community, appears to me the unavoidable refult of their faulty, commercial conftitution. On the other hand, liberty mufl be the happy lot of colonies efla-blifhed on the bafis of agriculture ; for natural produ6lions are not nearly fo liable, as money is, to be perverted to purpofes incompatible with the benefit of a community at large. Degradation, or a fpecies of flavery, is undoubtedly one of the baneful effects of the abufed power and influence of money. But liberty flows from the production of ufeful corn-modi-
modi ties, which leads the labourer or productor to true loy- c H* p. alty, making it his intereft to ftrengthen the power of the ^_ t-' > laws, and to fecure the peace and good order of the community, without which his bulky and unwieldy property cannot be fecure,
124. I hope my peculiar thoughts on commerce will have the good fortune to be well received by many difinte-rcfted perfons, who will excufe my dwelling on it at as great length as the narrow limits of my work will permit. I Hatter myfelf too, that the good-natured reader will interpret fome warm expreffions, which have efcaped me, not as dictated by a rancorous fpirit, or any difregard to the refpect-able part of the public, but by an honeft zeal for guarding all new communities from the baneful effects of monopoly and fpeculation*.
125. The preceding reflections will appear the more im- Neceffityof portant, if we confider that, unlefs we avoid the errors of foxing c«-former colonifts, not to mention later attempts, our under- lomcs' taking certainly will mifcarry, leaving us overwhelmed with fhame, felf reproach, and an irretrievable lofs of lives, time, labour, and expenfe.   Let us therefore beware of proceeding on felfifh and avaritious principles; but having made choice of one of the belt fituations hitherto known, let us profit by the experience of others; and, guarding againll their millakes and mifconduct, let us act on plans worthy of men of good hearts and clear underftandings;  let us lilten, in fine, to the counfel of experienced and difintereil -
* See the queries at the end of this chapter.
ed
ec} perfons, and weigh matters of fo great importance, with becoming ferioufhefs and attention.
126. The refult of fuch deliberations, we are warranted to hope, would be the formation and adoption of a feries of regulations founded on fubflantial juftice and virtuous liberty. If our wealth and enjoyments here in Europe fhould difincline us from perfonally executing fo noble an cnicrprizc, we may contribute effentially towards it, and probably increafe our own fortunes, by giving encouragement to a body of men, poor perhaps in point of property, but rich in activity, probity, fortitude, and other mental re-fources. Let thefe give what fecurity they can for the property advanced, and, if they arc, as they certainly ought to be, men of the character defcribed, their principles will be a fufficient fecurity.
127. It is an important, though an obvious, remark, that the zeal, even of the bell colonilts, cannot reafonably be expected to exceed that of the principals in the undertaking. If we rilk a little property, we fhould remember that they rifle their lives; or, probably think, (though perhaps without fufficient reafon) that they are rilking them. Without countenancing their groundlefs fears, we ought to open to them profpects, in fome degree, proportioned to the ideas of perfonal hazard, which molt men attach to fuch undertakings. The belt way to convince them that thofe profpects are not delulive, will be to furnifh them liberally, in the firft inftance, with every accommodation conducive to their health and comfort. And what fort of profpects will it be necelfary to hold out ? Shall we tempt them with alluring promifes of riches and fpiendour ? No: men whofe imaginations love to riot in fuch dreams would be a curfe to an infant colony: but, to perfons of the proper defcrip-
tion,
tion, we need only make an honefl and fincere offer of our c ** A P. chectual affiflance in obtaining, by their own induflry, a competency for themfelves and their families.
128. The choice of people for an infant colony is a mat- Choke of terof the utmoft importance, and the niceft delicacy; for 000 the greatelt care and caution will be necelTary to afccrtain
the real characters of thofe who offer themfelves as members of an infant community. On this depends it's peace and it's ultimate fuccefs. Men of refllefs, unileady difpofi-tions, or who indulge in gaming or liquor, or with various women; or who entertain ambitious and felfilh views; or who are apt to dream of eafy days and carelefs nights, and aerial callles and cities like El Dorado*. In fhort, all men of diffipated habits of whatever kind, and whofe views and purfuits are not perfectly agreeable to focial order, are to be rejected, as improper inmates for a new colony.
129. A few perfons, of known and approved fobriety, honefly and indullry, ought to be chofen and well provided with houfes, food, cloathi ng, medicines and, in a word, every ncceffary, and even every comfort, iuitablc to their new and untried fituation. Should the expenfe of liberally fitting out fuch a felect number of fettlers prove even double to that of a crowd of people indifcriminately picked up, the plan would neverdielefs be found a faving one in the end ; and it would moreover dimini'fh the mortality, and, in all probability, infurc ultimate fuccefs.
130. As an additional argument for the prudent choice of Nativcchieft fettlers, I may mention the footing of good neighbourhood |^e/onal1"
* The golden city in South America, dreamed of by Sir Walter Raleigh, and
which, above a century after that great man's death, a Jefuit, of the name of Gurnila, exprefled a Urong defire to vitit.   iiut.it lias never yet been difcovcred!
and
C vn ? an<* friendship, which it will be abfolutely necelTaty lor
■___them to maintain with the chiefs of the country. Thofe
chiefs are far from being without difcernmcnt, and the dif-covery of any thing like a felfifh fpirit would awaken their jealoufy, and as effectually alienate them from the interelts of the colony as the moft flagrant outrage. Since it will be of the higheft importance to conciliate and preferve, by folid and lalting benefits, the good will of the chief of the fpot where the colony is intended to be fixed, I would recommend it to the colonifls to place themfelves, as far as prudence will permit, under his protection; and to conform themfelves, as much as they can, confillently with the great end of the ellablilhment, to the innocent cuftoms of the natives. When the colonial town comes to be built, and the lands divided, a houfe mould firfl be built, and a garden laid out, for the chief himfelf; and the garden fhould be kept in order till his own people have learnt the method of performing that delightful talk. This would be the eafiefl and mofl effectual way, at once to reconcile him and his domeflics to the habits of civilized life, and to fatisfy him that no kind of injuflice, or ufurpation was intended. Thus, not only his own intereft would induce him to protect a colony which had increafed his enjoyments, but gratitude would infpire him with cordial fentiments of regard for his new friends, whom he would foon be brought to confider as his children. All jealoufy on the part of the chief being thus removed, his fubjects, taught by his example and that of his domeflics, would foon begin to adopt the manners of the Europeans, to imitate their induftry, and to emulate them in every kind of improvement.
131. I know not what fome of my readers may think, but 9 H^A P. to me, it appears a ferious violation of natural law to force, \_   t ^ or even to allure, men and women to drudge in any kind ^ faSStut of hard labour that can be performed by cattle.   I'or, to ed for cattIr-what purpofe hath the Creator endowed certain animals
with Itrength, patience and docility, and made them obedient to the will of man, unlefs they are to afTift him in his labours, and to partake of the harveft? To partake, I fay, of the harveft, and to be treated with a conlideration proportioned to their fervices, and to their various degrees of feeling, which generally correfpond with their different portions of intellect. We are ever to remember, that, of all the external gifts of God, the molt valuable is the fervice of labouring animals, over which he hath not granted us an ab-folute, but an evidently limited, dominion, for the exercife of which we are accountable to him*. If fo ; it follows, a fortiori, that he hath not given men abfolute dominion over one another. " Man over men he made not lord ; fuch title to himfelf refervingi." Having then, ftrictly fpeaking, no abfolute dominion over brutes, and ftill lefs over one another, we never can have a right, either by force or fraud, to make our fellow creatures perform the talks oflabouring cattle, talks for which God and nature have not fitted them, and which in certain diforderly hordes acrofs the Atlantic, have deftroyed more human lives than ever did war, pefti-lence or famine, in any other country.
132. Without entering into the minutiae of cultivation, I Theufeof fhall only endeavour to point out the neceflity of introduc- £commSlj-
ed.
* Sec Cr. Primatt's EfTay on the Duty of Mercy and the Sin of Cruelty to Brute Animals——alfo the Adventurer, No. 37.
t Milton.
M ing
ing the labour of cattle and the ufe of the plough, if poflible, at the very commencement of a new colony. It is not only the quickelt and cheaper! mode of cultivation; but is preferable in every other refpect, to the flow and flavilh method of forcing men and women to dig up the ground with hand-hoes, and to carry out the dung in bafkets, as generally praCtifed in the fugar iflands, and in fome parts of the American continent. This praclice is evidently incompatible with the health and comfort of free labourers in a hot climate, and indeed in any climate; for I believe the hand-hoeing of all the land which is now ploughed throughout Europe, would be found intolerably oppreffive to the peafantry, even in thefe temperate or cold climates.
133. In converfing with many of the Well Indians, a little attention will difcover that one grand, though tacit, reafon for their preferring hand-hoeing to the plough is, That it has hitherto been their cujlom* This happens to be jufl fuch a reafon as men wedded to ancient prejudices, conflantly give for continuing their errors; and of all men, the cultivators of the earth, from their fcattered fituation, are obferved to adhere the moft obftinately to their ancient practices. Montefquieu remarks that the Turks flill employ no other machinery, in their mines, than the arms of their flaves 5 while they daily fee their neighbours, the Hungarians, who have no flaves, abridge their own labour, and fave much expenfe, by the ufe of machinery. For, fo infatuating is the pra6tice of flavery, that the mailers cannot fee that the labour of flaves which, to vulgar eyes, appears the cheaper!, is in truth incomparably the deareft of all labour*.
* This has been fatisfaclorily proved by Dr. Franklin in his Thoughts on thc peopling of Countries, by Montefquieu in the Spirit of Laws, and by Dr. Smith in Wealth of Nations, Vol. I. p. 122, and Vol. III. p. 38, edit. 5.
134. But
134. But the Weft Indians make two objections to the plough which are worthy of more ferious anfwers. —" In the old fmall iflands, many eflates are too contracted to afford pafturage, and their cattle and horfes have hitherto been fed with grafs and wreeds which the flaves are forced to " pick" when they fhould be taking reft. This fcanty mode of feeding, gives the cattle barely ftrength to crawl to the fhipping places with the produce ; but wrould never fultain them under the labour of ploughing."—I acknowledge the force of this objection, as far as it goes; but it affects only the old, fmall iflands, and only the fmaller eflates in thofe iflands, and even in thefe it might be, in molt cafes, as in fome it already is, removed by the culture of Guinea grafs, Guinea corn and other provender. This objection, however, applies not to Jamaica, and thc Ceded illands, nor even to the larger eitates on the old fmall illands.—Another objection is, that " fome eitates, or rather fome fields (for it is fcarcc-ly true of any whole fugar eftate) are too fteep or too rocky to admit of the plough."—But this cannot be urged againft ploughing land that is not too fteep and too rocky, and fuch is far the greater part of the cane-land in the fugar colonies. For few fugar works, comparatively, were fixed on lands obftructed with rocks and precipices, and the rafli builders of molt works that were erected on fuch fpots, have been obliged to give up the culture of fugar for that of cotton, coffee, &c. and, in fome cafes, have abandoned their works altogether.—On the whole then, it will be found that thc objections againft the plough apply to but a fmall portion of the Weft Indian colonics collectivly taken; and it will be the fault of the undertakers of new colonies in Africa, if in a country containing fuch immenfe variety of furface, they make choice of a fituation where they cannot have the ad-
M 2 vantage
C vn P* vantacTe °^ tne laDOur or cattle, in drawing ploughs and i_ -T-     other implements of agriculture.
135. If it be alked, Why the firfl colonifts of the Well Indian iflands, did not ufe the plough, as they had been ac-cullomed to do, in their refpeclive mother-countries ? I anfwer, that they had, at hrll, neither pallurage nor cattle, and that, even if they had been provided with both, the roots of the trees wrcre fo very tough and hard, in fome of the illands, that no plough could have gone among them. What ' little flrength they had, they were obliged to employ, not in grubbing up roots, but in planting among them for an immediate fubfiilence. No inllrument was fo well adapted lor this purpofe as the hoe, and the hoe having been once ufed, the introduction of flavery, which foon after took place, did the reft. For when flavery begins, improvement ends; and fociety, if a collection of mailers and flaves de-ferve that refpeclable name, finks into a torpid flate of flag-nation is congenial to flavery, which cramps the powers of invention, and, by deftroying emulation and reward, ar-relts the progrefs of every ufeful art*. Has been 136. Yet fome individual Weft Indians, nobly burfting ufcdfntj* ^e k°nc*s hnpofed on them by vulgar prejudice and the Weit indies, practice of flavery, have happily precluded all fpeculative arguments in favour of the plough, by the fuccefsful ufe of it. It has been found, in Jamaica, that " one plough turned up as much ground in a day, and in a much better manner, than one hundred negroes could perform with their hoes, in the fame time;" and that " the canes planted on the ploughed land turned out near three hogfheads of fugar
* See Smith's Wealth of Nations, Vol. III. p. 37.
per
per acre, which was one ho^fhead per acre more than it had c 11 A p-
vii
been ufed to yield from the common method of culture*." -v—'
137. But, if the plough has been ufed, in fome cafes, fo why not a-advantageoufly, in the Well Indies, it will no doubt be afk-
ed, why it is not there ufed univerfally? This is a very fair queflion, and the volumes juft quoted furnifh a very fa-tisfa6tory anfwer to it. * In fome places, where ploughs have been tried and laid by again, experience, judgement and practical knowledge, were not always afiifting in the operationsf." " I am convinced," fays Lieut. General Matthew,Governor of Grenada, "that experiments have not had fufficient or fair trial, from the want of proper implements, fuitable to the different foils and fituations, and from the want of intelligent labourers. This matter has been given up on flight inveftigation J."
138. To account for the " flight inveftigation" of fo important a matter, will require a few words of explanation. —The proprietors of the Weft Indian iflands, like thofe of moft other countries, are either independent, or involved in debt. The latter, though chiefly refident on their plantations, are unable to afford the expenfe neceflary for the fir ft introduction of all improvements; and their creditors,
* Long's Hillory of Jamaica, Vol. I. p. 449 where thc ufe of the plough is recommended by irrtfiftible reafoning, and by facts frill more irrefiflible.—See alio Edwards's Hillory of Jamaica, Vol. II. p. 213. Mr. £. likewife writes from his own. experience.—See farther, the Evidence of Sir George Young, thc two Mr. Woodwards, Mr. Fit/maurice, &c, in the Minutes of Evidence on the flave trade before the Houfe of Commons—alfo various pieces ot evidence in the anfwers to the ^ad, 46th, and 47th, queries in the Privv Council's Report and the fupplemcnt.
+ Anfwer by a planter of 1068 acres in Barhadoes, in the fupplement to the Privy Council's Report, p. 32.
X Privy Council's Report Part. III. Article " Grenada and St. Chriftophers," anfwer to query 42d.
being
C vif P* being chiefly Englifli merchants, whonever were in the Weft
i__^-l^r Indies, are unwilling " to fpeculate," as they fay, " in new
projects," of the practicability of which they are not competent judges. The independent planters, on the other hand, chiefly refide in England, committing their affairs in the Iflands to the care of agents (there called " attornies") who being very often Guinea factors (or connected with fuch) furnifh the eflates with imported flaves. The ufe of thc plough would diminim the labour of flaves, prolong their lives, and, of courfe, leifen the demand for more. Add to this, that, by a law of Jamaica, " thefe agents or at-tornies" mull be paid fix per cent, on the value of the produce, which is another reafon for their not wilhing to dimi-nifh the labour of flaves; although, if they were not inter-efled in thc flave-trade, this commiffion would no doubt induce them to increafe the produce by the plough. Thefe " attornies" appoint the overfeers who refide on the plantations, and who generally lay out their falaries on new negroes, whom they nurfe in their mailer's kitchens, and let out moll profitably to " hole" cane-land for " weak handed" eitates, at from £3 to £5 flerling the acre. It cannot therefore be expected that overfeers, any more than their patrons, the attornies, will favour the plough, or any other mode of abridging the labour of flaves. In fact, the habits, the prejudices and, above all, the interefls both of attornies and overfeers are combined againfl the ufe of the plough. And fo powerfully do thefe motives operate, that, a very re-Remark able fpectable Jamaica planter ftated in evidence before his tofXfif Majefty's Privy Council, that though, by means of the plough, without an additional flave, and without injuring the cattle which drew it, he nearly doubled his crop of fugar; yet, after he left the ifland, in 1785, he could not prevail
vail on his overfeer to continue the ufe of it*.   But vulgar c ^A
prejudice, the ejprit du corps, and even the intercils of par- <-,-1
ticular claffes of men, though difficult to be overcome, are not invincible: and, from what has already been done in the Weft Indies, particularly in Jamaica, Barbadoes, and Grenada, we have reafon to expect, that a more rational and humane mode of culture, will at lalt take place of the wafleful and oppreffive one, which hath hitherto unfortunately prevailed.
iqq. In the Eaft Indies, the fugar-cane is raifed by free- In Eaft
•iiit« 1 11 » w      Indies canes
men, with the plough, in very great abundance. Mr. raifedvrithit, William Fitzmaurice, who fpent feventeen years in Jamai- byfreemcn-ca, ten of them as a fugar-planter, and who lately went over to Bengal to fettle a fugar eltate, approves of their mode of tillage by the plough; though he difapproves of their method of manufacturing the fugart. But, near Batavia, the culture of the cane, with thc plough, held by free people, and the manufacture, by a fimple and natural divilion of labour, has been brought to the highefl perfection by the Dutch and Chinefe. Mr. Botham, who defcribes it, and who has managed fugar eflates in the Welt Indies, as well as in the Eaft, gives a decided preference to the Batavian practice. At Bencoolen, he fuperintended a fugar eltate, during the late war, on the fame plan, and with fimilar fuccefs J.   And, in Cochin China, we are allured by M. Le
* See die evidence of John Afhlcy, Efq. formerly of Jamaica, now of Cook-ham, in thc Privy Council's Report. This whole pernicious fyflem fs explained at length by Mr. Long, in Vol. I. p. 189, 391, and Vol. II. p. 40,5, 406 and other pa ts of his Hillory of Jamaica. See alio thc evidence of Mr. Coor, Mr. Clappefon, Mr. Fitzmauricc, and Lieut. Davidfon, in Minutes of Evidence before the Houfe of Commons.
+ See his printed letter to the Eaft India Directors. % See Mr. B's evidence before the Privy Council, and the Houfe of Commons.
Poivre,
Poivrc, fugar is raifed, for a great part of the Empire of China, by free labourers aflifted by the plough*.
140. I have dwelt the more particularly on this head, as I deem it of the utmoll importance to every new colony in the tropical regions of Africa. I refer chiefly to the Britifh fugar illands, becaufe the evidence, taken by the Britilh Privy Council and Houfe of Commons, furnilhes a body of information far more extenhve than any that I have feen reflecting the colonies of any other European Hate. And I have confined ray obfervations entirely to the fugar cane; becaufe, if it can be proved that the very laborious culture of that ilrong, fuccuient plant can be, and actually is, carried on by means of the plough, it's utility in all, or almoil all, other kinds of tropical cultivation will fcarcely be denied. Knowing, as I do by experience, that men cannot fafe-ly undergo the fame labour in hot as in cold or temperate climates, I cannot but be folicitous that the labour of cattle fhould be introduced, as early as poffible, into every new colony that may be formed in Africa. Without it, I am truly forry to predict, what every man, acquainted with thc circumltances, mult forefee, that the colonifts, though free and protected from lawlefs violence, will foon fink into a flate of degrading drudgery which will ruin their conflitu-tions, and, in truth, render them, in one material particular, as wretched as Weft Indian flaves.
141. On the contrary, let the founders of a new colony early provide fuch regulations, as will proportionably divide the labour between cattle, men, women, and young perfons, and all the lamentable confequences of it's unequal diltribution will be prevented.   " For it has been comput-
* Obfervations fur lcs Arts en Afie, &c. p. 100.
ed, by political arithmeticians, that if every man and woman would work for four hours each day on fome thing ufeful, that labour would produce fufficient to procure all the neceffaries and comforts of life: want and mifery would be banifhed out of the world, and the reft of the twenty four hours might be dedicated to leifure, pleafure, inftruction or contemplation*."
3_ U E R I E S.
142. To unfold the myfterious and complicated evils of monopoly and fpcculation, would require volumes, and I have room only for a few paragraphs. But fo interefling is the fubjecr., that, in addition to what I have ventured to infert above 116, et jcq.) I cannot help fubmitting to deep and liberal thinkers, and to fuch only, the following queries.—They are neceffarily brief, and therefore, fome of them may appear ambiguous or obfcure. But brevity obliges readers to think, and I fhall rejoice, if thefe queries give rife to a train of clofe thinking, in anyone of thofe intelligent and candid minds, for whofe confideration alone, (I repeat it) they, as well as the correfponding part of this chapter, are intended.
N. B. By money, or coin, in the following queries, I beg leave to underfland every thing that bears a Ramp of credit; confequenily including not onlyfpecie, but every kind of paper-credit.
I. In all communities, are there not two things, which have the moft intimate connection with one another, viz.
money and commodities?
II. Are not commodities ejfential to the exiftence of every community, and is not money merely accidental: or in other
* Dr. Franklin's Euays, p. 138.
n
words,
° vif P* wor^s' *s ^ not Pra^icable for a community to carry on s___,—/ it's bufinefs without money, but not without conimodities?
III. Ought not money therefore always to reprefent commodities, and the whole circulation of money to be in dependence on the production of commodities; but not on the contrary ?
IV. But do not commodities, at this day, reprefent money ; and does not their production depend on the circulation of money? And is not money then a produ£tion independent of the production of commodities?
V. May not this inverfion arife from monev having obtained an independent origin and circulation, uncontroled by the production of neceffary and ufeful commodities?
VI. Are not commodities become the means for getting rich in money ? But ought not money to be the means for getting rich in commodities?
VII. Is not the accumulation of money the chief end, at prefent, in every occupation, and commodities only the means?
VIII. Cannot a community, as well as an individual, as things now (land, circulate a greater or fmaller flock of money independent of any production of commodities ?
IX. Can a producer of commodities, at this time, extend his circulation in any degree equal to a monicd man?
X. Is not money fooner turned than commodities, which can only be turned when worn out or co?fumed?
XI. Does not the quick return of money give the monied man an undue advantage over the producer of commodities which cannot be turned fo quickly ?
XII. Are not knowing people, at this day, fooner induced to enter into money concerns, than into the produ&ion of commodities?
XIII.
XIII. Granting the affirmative of the foregoing queries c *JUA p-to be true, will it not follow, that money is, at this day, fcpa- \um*+— rated from, and has become independent on, commodities?
XIV. Are not all Banks, whether public or private, to be confidered nsflorehottfcs of money?
XV. But fhould not ilorehoufes, filled with neceffary and ufeful commodities, be confidered as the effential and intrin-fic banks?
XVI. Are not thofe perfons independent or free, in fhort rich, who polfefs florehoufcs of money, whether in caih, bank-notes or bills, and is not their independence in proportion to the quantity of money their Ilorehoufes contain?
XVII. Are not thofe dependent or poor, who, although in poffeflion of florehoufes filled with neceffary and ufeful commodities, yet cannot command money when required, without lofs on the difpofal of their goods; and are not thole perfons dependent and poor, in proportion as their flock of goods exceeds their flock of money?
XVIII. Did not the nature of money alter, after the efla-blifhment of the firfl public bank at Genoa, and after the introduction of bills of exchange and other paper-money?
XIX. Is there any other difference between money in bills of exchange, and in coined gold, fiver, copper or paper, than that, to the former is granted a limited credit, paying intercfl or difcount, and to the latter, an unlimited credit which pays no intereft or difcount ?
XX. Is not coin, in form of guineas, louis d'ors, ducats, rix-dollars, fhillings, guilders, lluivers, pence, grofchen, Sec. whether flamped on. metals, paper, leather (or wood,) acknowledged and received as money, or credit \ and is not this
N 2 coin
c H A p. Coin different from, and independent of, any fort of commo-u_  t-' f dities, even of the materials it is ttamped upon, when confidered as ufeful fubjecis of manufacture?
XXI. Is not money independent of commodities, in con-fequence of it's coinage being under a monopoly, while the production of commodities kfree?
XXII. Are not monopolilts, and efpecially coiners or producers of money, compleatly independent of fociety; and arc not producers of commodities flrictly dependent on fociety ?
XXIII. Does not the independence of thc producers of money on thc producers of commodities and on fociety, naturally lead to an oppofition of interefs j and does not fuch oppoiition lead to jealoufy and contention, where there fhould be, and, but for this unnatural ftate of things, would be, harmony and mutual dependence?
XXIV. Is not a tradefman a greater merchant than a horfe-dealer—an importer or exporter a greater merchant than a tradefman—a negociator (of bills) a greater merchant than an importer or exporter—a banker a greater merchant than a negociator-—and, in fhort, is not the producer or coiner of money the firil merchant in every flate, in as much as, in all his tranfaclions, commodities are totally out of the queflion ; for nothing circulates with him but money which he coins, ad libitum ?
XXV. Does not the facility of coming at money or credit, fupport and propagate corruption and luxury, and occafion ruinous bankruptcies?
XXVI. Is not the real want of any commodity, in a community, the only natural bafis of the intrinfc value of that commodity ?
XXVII. Ought money to reprefent commodities arbitra- c ha p. rip, or ought it to reprefent them naturally, by the intrin- \___;
j£c value of the material on which it is ftamped, arifmg from the natural demand for that material, when wrought into ufeful articles and utenfils?
XXVIII. Ought not the natural bajis of money to be the flaple production of every community, and not gold, filver,
copper, &c. in the form of coin, which form creates an artificial demand for thofe metals, over and above the natural demand ?
XXIX. Have not the producers of money and the producers of credit thefame inter efs; or, in fact, are they not the fame people? And is not every one a fabricator of money, in
proportion to the credit he is able to obtain ?
XXX. Has not the true nature of money been perverted or overturned by, and much confufion enfued from, an artificial credit ?
XXXI. Is there any mean to check the above confufion,
but by checking credit?
XXXII. Is there no other alternative, than that commerce mult cither be overcharged with imaginary paper, or fubject-ed, every eight or ten years, to the calamity arifmg from a general deflruttion of that paper, involving in ruin many ho-nelt and refpe&able individuals? May not thefe evils be lelfened, or avoided, by checking credit in general ?
XXXIII. Ca n credit be checked, as long as coinage is altogether, and the production of money in a great mcafure, under monopoly?
XXXIV. Did not the nature of money in it's primitive ftate approach more to bartering ? And did not the people ol remote antiquity weigh their money ?
C Vlf P'    XXXV. Would not the monopoly of coinage, and of the 1^,-1production of reprefentative money, be taken away by letting every metal circulate according to its weight and intrin* fic flandard ?
XXXVI. Is not natural credit grounded on the atlivc abilities, freedom and integrity of men.
XXXVII. Is not artificial credit grounded on imaginary ■properly; does it not give rife to fraud and fwindling\ and is it not iupported by arr efts for debt ?
XXXVIII. If arrefls for debt, were abolilhed, and all metals were allowed to circulate according to their weight and intrinhc flandard, whether as money or as commodities, would not artificial credit be checked, and order in ozconomi* cat mailers, be reitored?—(See § igy Note.)
XXXIX. Is it not probable that the prefent inverted fyf-tern in ceconomical matters, in all the dates of civil fociety, originates from this caufe, namely, the independence of money on the production of commodities?
XL. Is not he confidered as a rich man, at this time, who fubfiils upon the intereft of his money, independent of any abilities and commodities?
XLI. Are not they in reality, or comparatively, poor and dependent, who pollers talents and abilities, and even flocks of goods, but yet cannot command money, when it is demanded of them in form of taxes,rents, intereft, Sec.
XLII. Is there not in general a greater trouble and rifk in fubfijling upon thc produce of land or commodities, than upon money fafely placed at intereft ?
XLIII. Is not a man, who lives without labour, whether on his own income, or by begging, an ufclefs drone in fociety :
ty; and does not he become over folicitous about his own c JL£ p-intereft, and proportionally indifferent to the real interefts *—v—~j of the community?—fSec § 151.)
XLIV. Does not intereft, after a certain time, create a. new imaginary Jlock of money ox credit-paper j and does not fecurity for money or credit lent (acceptances) alfo circulate as a new created Jlock of money, only with the difference of the intereft or difcount? And does not all fuch accumulation of imaginary money caufe a great clifproportion to, and difconnection wi h, commodities?
XLV. Does not the eafy acquifition of money by intereft, Sec. and the arbitrary difpofal thereof uncontroled by the community, caufe every individual to feek more after money than commodities ?
XLVI. Does not the feeking merely for money, give rife to fpeculalion, independent of zvants ?
XLVIL Does not fpeculation-commerce arifc from artificial credit ?
XLVIII. Does not fpeculation and commiftion trade differ, in as much as the former has money for it's end, and thc latter commodities for thc fupply of wants ?
XLIX. Should not thc raw productions of thc three natural kingdoms be chiefly favoured, afterwards manufa'lures, and laflly commerce? Does not the reverfe, however, now prevail in all civilized focieties?
II. May not fuch a reform of the nature of money as will rnake it the means, and commodities the end, be neceffary, previous to all other reforms in old cftablilhed focieties?
LI. May not the evils, above hinted at, be cffcRually excluded from a new colony, by excluding imprijonment for debt, which will check fpeculation-commerce—and by allowing gold,
fiver,.
c viii Mver^ &c- t° circulatefrceb> h their weight and flandard— —r-—' and will not the ejlablifiment of thefe fmple regulations render commerce fubfervient to manufactures, and both fidfervient to agriculture—and, in fine, will not the grand ohjeEt of the whole community be the production of ufeful and neceffary commodities, and ultimately lead to freedom, peace, and happiness.
CHAP. VIII.
hints on the essentials of a colonial government. ED V C A T I O .v.
rtsimrort-   j^g. HHHE happinefs and (lability of every fociety, en-
tirely depends on the virtuous qualities of the individuals who compofe it; and, if there be no influx of flrangers, the continuation or increafe of the fociety will depend on the riling generations, who are fuccellively to become members of it.   The mind receives it's moll permanent impreflions and habits during the period of nonage. The education of youth, therefore, is a matter of the highefl importance to every fociety.   So very important is it, that, in my opinion, it ought to form a diftincl department of the adminiiTration of a new colony. Schools and      144. For the inftru&ion of fuch children, either of the fl^rse.nUCC"   colonifls, or of the natives, as may {hew marks of genius and inclination for literature, it will be neceffary to eflablifh fchools.   But, from what I have obferved, it appears to me, that paternal care during childhood, and ftrictly regulated
appentice-
apprenticefhips afterwards, would be found the moll eli- c " A p-
gible mode of education for thofe who wilh to purfue the |-(-1
ordinary bufinefs of the colony; and who might receive :fufficient inftru&ion, from their parents and mailers, in reading, writing, arithmetic and the principles of religion, .as well as in the manual arts which they might choofe to learn.
145. And, in order to accelerate the civilization of the Colonifti natives, every colonill fhould undertake the education, both
ftrucl natives.
with refpe£t to body and mind, of two negro children, to be received as apprentices, on certain conditions to be fixed by law. Thefe apprentices ought, at dated times, to be examined before the fuperintendants of education, who. fhould be empowered to fix the time of their coming of age, after which they are to be entitled to all rights of members of the community, and to be accountable to the fame, for their conduct. By fuch means, a fmall number of colonids might, within a few years, furnifh the community with a valuable acceffion of negro members, in Unacted in chriflian-ity, trained to regular habits and diurnal labour, and who would foon fpread a tade for fuch acquirements, and pursuits, among their countrymen.
146. It were alfo to be wifhed, that a fchool for the na- Schools and tives of Africa were erected in fome fertile part of Eu- m^Sould rope, where the cultivation of raw materials is more pur- {JJI^JSJJJ fued than manufactures and commerce.   To fuch fchool.
negro children might be fent to be trained up, till a certain age for an active, focial life, and returned to the colony, when their elementary inftruction may have prepared them for fuch apprenticefhips, as have been juft mentioned. Along with the theory of religion, they fhould be taught the practice of it, in order to form them for union with
O their
chap, their Creator, and harmony with fociety.—All their exerts ' cifes, bodily and mental, fhould be directed to focial and religious ufes. Thus their undcrftandings would be gradually opened; practice would follow theory, and action fpring from inftruction. In Ihort, it appears to me, that the children fhould be taught, not only the general principles, but the atl.ua I practice, of cultivating land, making bricks, building houfes, and of the moll common and neceffary trades, fuch as thofe of taylors, blackfmiths, &c*. Such a courfe would tend much more to form their minds for ufeful, focial purpofes, and for fpreading civilization in their own country, than the molt refined literary accomplilh-ments. Not that I would with book-learning to be excluded from this plan; but, unlefs the pupil manifeit. uncommon talents, and an earned defire for purfuing fcience or literature, I would certainly confine him to reading, writing and common arithmetic.
147. The defire of the Africans to have their children
African Tt /
children ai-   educated in Europe, appears from their voluntarily fending Europe for   them over for that purpofe.   There are generally from fifty to feventy of thefe children at fchool in Liverpool, befides thofe who come to London and Briilol, V to learn fenfe and
* In the commercial academy of Hamburgh, which I have vifued, and which is now conducted by the veiy able ProfeflTors Bum and Ebeling, the moft eflential mechanical arts are taught, both in theory and practice; and tliat academy, mutatis mutandis, offers an excellent model for fuch a one as I recommend.—Forflcr laments thatQ'Mai, a native of O'Talieiiee, though he fpent near two years among thefaJJiionabU circUs in London, was not taught the ufe even of the moll eflential mechanical implements. Being unable, therefore, to be ufeful to his countrymen, it was fit that he fhould be iurnifhed with the means of amufing them; and he accordingly carried out a portable organ, an electrical machine, a coat of mail and a fuil ot armour!—His countryman, Aotourou, whom M. de Bougainville brought to France, died there, after receiving an education equally iufignificant!— Forfter's Voyage, Preface.
get
education.
get a good head," as they exprefs it. After receiving a c p< common fchool education, they return to Africa, where t_._^_,i they endeavour to drefs and live in the European manner; and they value themfelves much, and are refpecled by their countrymen, on account of their European education*. Many African children were formerly fent to France for the fame purpofe.
RELIGION.
148. At a time, when fuch differences of opinion prevail among all ranks of people, in civilized nations, in confe-quence of their unfettled notions concerning God ; it might be efleemed prefumptuous in me to offer any opinion of my own on this momentous fubjeft.
149. I ihall therefore content myfelf with mentioning African id* what I have been able, with my utmoft affiduity, to collect ofGod*
of the opinion of the Africans on this fubjecl. They believe limply that there exifls one God, the Creator and Pre-ferver of all things; and, in order to fix their ideas, they think on God, in fome form or other; for, to believe in any thing without form, they feem to think is to believe in nothing. Yet, although fome of them appear to confider the fun as the emblem of God, for they turn their faces towards it when praying, they feem all to believe, that God mull be a man, or in human form; as they cannot think of any more perfect or refpectable form to compare him with. How eafy would it be to bring a people already predifpof-ed, by their natural difpofitions and principles, to receive chriflianity, the bafis of which is a confidence in one God,
* Privy Council's Report, part \. detached pieces of evidence N. 4.—I received a (imilar account, by letter, from the late Mr, R. Norris of Liverpool.
and
CHAP. VIII.
Toleration recommended.
Employ -ment prevents vice.
and that this God is manifested in the perfon of Jefus Chrilt?
150. All that I can venture to offer on this head, to the conlideration of the founders and directors of any new colony, is diligently to look out for the mod: active, focial and virtuous perfons, as the firft colonilts; taking care to promote early and regular marriages as the very foundation of all focial order. For experience thews, that the irregularities, which neceffarily refult from a celibacy, are the primary caufes of molt of thofe diforders which too frequently convulfe civil focieties.—The reft mould be left to the Providence of the Lord, who is the only fearcher of hearts; allowing, with a generous toleration, the colonilts to fettle this very delicate matter among themfelves, free from all external reitraint or imposition from any one quarter whatfo-ever.
EMPLOYMENTS.
151. It is a trite obfervation, that " people who have nothing to do, will do mifchief." To prevent idlenefs, therefore, is to prevent vice, which may be much more eafily excluded from an infant fociety, than eradicated from an old one, where it has already taken root and borne it's pestiferous fruits. For this grand purpofe, I can think of no means likely to be fo effectual as the formation of a diftinct department, in the government or direction, which fhall have for it's object, the fludy of the characters and inclinations of the youth, with a view to their inftruction in occupations neceffary in the colony. It fhould alfo be the bufi-nefs of the fame board, to provide employment for grown perfons, male and female, the frequent want of which, in mofl countries in Europe, gives rife to many, or moft, of thofe vices and crimes which infeit fociety. Thus the object
ject for this department in the government fhould be em- c ha p. ployment for men, for women and for children, »_   t-* »
CONTRACTS  AND LAWS.
152. All focial harmony depends on a ftrict and faithful obfervance of contracts, which form the true bafis of all laws.
153. The contract between married partners, is the firfl Marriage and moft important, in the order of nature.   Marriage is the primary feminary of the individuals, or component parts,
of fociety, of which the contract is the elementary bond; and it ought to be held facred accordingly. Conjugal fidelity, which is ever accompanied with a parental care of children, is much more intimately connected with focial felicity, than many perfons in this depraved age appear to believe. Yet it feems to be fufficiently evident, that the man who violates conjugal and family contracts, will not ea-fily be brought to perforin focial contracts. If he difre-gard the ftrong and natural obligations of hufband and father, the weaker and more artificial bonds of fociety will fcarcely be able to reltrain him within the limits prefcribed by it's laws.
154. Thc next fpecies of contracts is that which takes Social con-place between individuals not naturally related, as between trafts" mailer and fervant, mailer and apprentice, employer and employed, buyer and feller, Sec.
155. In order to promote the tranquillity and increafeof Civil con-a new colony, the relation between the fociety at large and traas' it's governors (that is the directors, chofen by the colonilts
and fubferibers) ought, in every particular, to be fixed and defined by exprefs contract. Nothing ought to be left to the implied confent of the governed, or to the mere will, or
dif-
p- difcretionary power of the governors; for it is eafy to fee, _v—Lj that a loofc and indeterminate relation would foon give rife to mutual uneafinefs and jealoufy.   To dwell on this important fubject, at the prefent juncture, may be a matter of fome delicacy.   But as our objc61 is nothing lefs than the felicity of, perhaps, whole communities, i venture to fub-mit to the consideration of perfons, difpofed to think deeply on this point, a hint which may be found calculated to prelerve in anew colony, that equilibrium between governors and people which feems now to be declining in fome civilized communities, and in others to be entirely dellroy-ed—The hint is this: to lay into the fcale of the governors 'oiit^rai      (viz. the court of directors) the rights of' propojing and executing; and into the fcale of the people, the rights of deliberating upon and determining, every matter propofed. Proportions might alfo originate with individuals; but, come from whom foe ver they may, they fhould be fully and publicly canvaffed, before they are fubmitted, by the directors, or colonial governors, to the fubfcribers and colonilts.   Propofitions, however, fhould always come before a general meeting, through the organ of the directors who will be belt able to place them in a true light, to judge of their general tendency, and of their application to local circumltances, of which the government alone has the means of being extenfively informed.   The governors (or directors) neverthelefs, fhould not have the right of concealing any propofitions from the fubfcribers and colonilts, or their proxies, to whom the right of ultimately rejecting or approving them ought to belong. Laws found-     156. All order among men in fociety depends entirely traciLCOn"   upon laws wifely formed, and duly executed, and legifla-tion, as we have juft feen, is primarily founded on contracts.
s
tracts. Without laws fo framed and executed, no compre- c *i a r. lienfive delign can be promoted or accomplilhed; nor can the ,—; community exert that united flrcngth which it's fubfiflence and fecurity indifpenfably require. Nothing therefore can be more important than due focial fubordination, which depends elfentially on the form and organization of it's internal order, and the prompt, impartial and exemplary execution of the laws. Without this, a fociety (if it would de-ferve the name) would be nothing but a chaos of difcordant elements, and deltructive palhons. But in the fame proportion as vices are prevented or reflrained, and evil habits corrected or eradicated, by wholefome laws, the civilization and improvement of the people are promoted, and the de-fignof the focial union fecured.
157. All laws may be reduced to the following claffes, Laws-viz. judicial,political and (economical:
158. (1.) Judicial. A community without laws of juflice, Judicial, may be compared to the body of a man without a head; that
is, to fomething fo monltroully and unnaturally defective, that it's exiftence would imply a contradiction. Accordingly no nation, which is more or lefs civilized, is deflitute of diftinct ideas concerning good and evil; however thofe ideas may be limited and diverfified. Nor does there exiit any fuch nation which does not endeavour to encourage the free courfe of moral and focial good, and to prevent or eradicate the oppolite evils ; and this in a greater or lefs conformity to the laws of the decalogue, which is the molt ancient and univcrfal code.
159. (2.) Political, or laws of police. Every community is Political, compofed of individuals in greater or fmaller numbers, and diltributed into different claffes or orders, all of which nmfl, each in his proper fphere, co-operate with the reft, in
order
c M a p. order to give flrength, confiltency and regularity to the 4_VII1' _i whole. For a community without political laws, is like a head without a body, or like fome heterogeneous being, that polTelfes neither form nor order. (Economi- 160. (3.) (Economical. Thefe refemble a man's cloaths, for, like them, they may not only be changed, to adapt them to new circumflances; but a fociety without them is like a naked man, expofed to every inclemency of the weather.-1 need therefore fcarcely to add, that a department for the execution of contracts and laws fhould be eftablifhed in the government or direction.
EXTERNAL' WORSHIP.
External 16*1. If chriftianity is to be promoted and encouraged, in woiflnp. a new colony, it feems indifpenfably neceffary that the order which characterizes this divine religion fhould be obferved, in it's outward forms or rites. This order may be reduced to the three following primary articles of external worfhip, under which all the more minute parts may be comprifed.
I. Baptifni, or the firft ceremony of introduction into a chriflian community, ordained by the great Inftitutor of chriftianity himfelf.
II. Confirmation, a ceremony performed when a perfon comes of age, and is thenceforth to be anfwerable, for his own conduct and actions, to the community.
III. The holy fupper, an ordinance of the greateft importance, on the right and fincere ufe of which depends entirely the union of every individual with his Creator.
HEALTH.
CHAP. VIII.
HEAL T If. i_   v--/
162. If what has been remarked on the fubject of health Health, (in Chap. VI.) has had due weight with the reader, he will fee the necefhty of inllituting a dillincl department, in the government or direction, to fuperintend it.   This department will have under their infpection,
I. The practice of medicine, in curing internal difeafes ; and, as this is connected with the mental, as well as the corporeal, powers of man, it includes alfo phyfiology and the kindred fciences.
II. Thc practice offurgery, for the external, or the merely mechanical derangements of the human fyftem. It may include midwifery and it's filter arts.
III. The practice of pharmacy, for the preparation of drugs and medicines.
CULTIVATION.
16;]. In addition to what has been remarked on cultiva- Cultivation tion    131 et feq.) it does not feem neceffary to add more teriX.ma" than that there ought to be in the direction, a department for promoting, in a fyHematic, ceconomical and fcientific manner, the production of raw materials,
I. Of the animal kingdom,
II. Of the vegetable kingdom,
III. Of the mineral kingdom.
MANUFACTURES.
164. It is needlefs to exhauft time in mowing that, in colonial every conceivable mode of civilized life, the manufactures ^"to'be fubfervient to food, cloathing, lodging and domeltic accom- encouraged, modation, are abfolutely neceffary.—Thofe articles mult cither be procured from abroad, or fabricated at home.
P The
c Utt^ p' The former mode of fupply encourages external commerce, \_ -t- t the latter internal induftry. Commerce fhould rife out of, or follow, internal induftry; but fhould never be fuffered to precede it, as it would do, if reforted to for articles which a country has hands enough to fabricate.—Befides, external commerce tends to injure, and internal induftry, properly regulated, to promote morality and civilization. In every African colony, therefore, all the hands that can be fpared from cultivation, fhould be employed in the arts neceffary to prepare apparel, buildings, furniture, tools and fuch articles of food as require fome artificial procefs. The natives, whom I always fuppofe mixed with the colonifts, will thus not only be excited to ufe articles manufactured in the European manner, but will be taught to fabricate them with their own hands ; and, having the paths of honeft induftry opened to them, will no longer depend, as too many of them have hitherto done, on a pernicious traffic, for a precarious fupply of foreign goods, baubles and trafh. In fhort, next to agriculture, their tafte for, and employment in, ufeful manufactures will be the moft effectual means of promoting their civilization. (See § 36, 37.) It feems neceffary, therefore, that there fhould be a department, in the government or direction, to fuperintend and infpect the manufactures, to deliberate on the introduction of new ones, and to encourage, by rewards, or otherwife, thofe which they may deem it expedient to eftablifh.
COMMERCE.
Commerce. lo~^ This article, like feveral of the preceding, has been pretty largely treated of in Chap. VII. (fee § 113, et feq.) whence may be feen the neceflity of inflituting a diftinct department in the direction to promote,
I. The
\
I. The internal, or colonial, trade. c h ^ p.
II. The exportation commerce, l__r~—'
III. The importation commerce ;
to promote them, I mean, in fuch a manner, that furplus produce may be taken ofT by exportation, without interfering with the neceilary and ample fupply of the colony. By promoting, however, I do not mean any thing like an exclusive furrender of thc colonial commerce into the hands of the directors; but only that they fhould watch over, or, as the name of their office imports, direct, the general courfe of commerce to the general good, leaving to individuals the full, free and open exercife of all legal, commercial pur-fuits.
DEFENCE.
166. On thc internal polity and external defence of a internal po-new colony, I have bellowed much thought; and, on the fence.by whole, the ancient Englifh fyflem of frankpledge appears frankPl«ige-to me to be the belt calculated to fecure both thefe objects*.
167. In this, as in many other particulars, I fo entirely agree with the Right Hon. Paul le Mefurier, the prefent worthy and fpirited Lord Mayor of London, that I hope he will pardon me for taking the liberty to infert an extract from a few hafly, but judicious remarks, with which he was pleafed to honour me.—" The common law and polity of England," fays his lordfhip, " being founded on the fyflem offrankpledge, will naturally form the bafis of the internal
# This fyftem is explained at large in " An account of thc conilitutional En-gHfh polity of congregational courts," &c. by the excellent Granville Sharp, Efq. who has applied it to the cafe of a new colony, in his Short fketch of temporary ^gulations for Sierra Leona."
P 2 govern-
government of the colony.—It may be divided into diftricTts, each to contain, as near as can be, 50,000 acres, or 100 grand lots, and be fubdivided into tythings of 5000 acres, or 10 grand lots each.   Every diftrict to have one head conftable, and every tything, one petty conftable, or tything man, who fhould have power to call the tything together, on every emergency.—The head conllable to be captain of the militia in his diftrict, and to nominate fuch of the tything men under him, as he fhould chufe for officers.—Every proprietor, or proprietors, of 500 acres to furnifh one man for the militia, whereby there would, in every diitricl;, be 100 militia; and the civil police there would coniilt of one head, and ten petty, conftables.—The tything man to be elected annually in each tything; but the head conllable to be named annually by the prelident and council, to be pof-feffed at leaft of 500 acres, and to be refponfible, to the prelident and council, for the fafety and peace of the diftri6t; as the tything men would be refponfible to him, for that of their refpective tythings.—In parts of the colony diltant from the feat of government, it may be proper for the pre-fident and council to name a chief, who might have the power of a jultice of peace, and be alfo at the head of the militia of the feveral diflrict.s under his inflection; and where his command was extenfive, he fhould be afhlted by proper perfons to collect, the taxes, if any, fuperintend the public works, and fee that the orders of government were duly executed, &c.   The chief and his alhltants to have fome falary ; but the head conftable, tything men, &c. to ferve without falary."
168. " Wherever there fhall be towns eftablifhed, that contain 500 or more males, above the age of fifteen, every fuch town to be confidered as a diftrict in itfelf, wherein
every
every ten families lliall confiitute a tything, and fhall an- C ha p.
nually chufe a tything man who (hall act. as conllable ; and, i__v—■/
from among the tything men fo chofen, the prefident and council fhall annually nominate a mayor and three aldermen, who fhall prefide over the town, and take charge of the police for the year.—Each family, in every town, fhall alfo be obliged to find a man for the militia; and they fhall be enrolled and exercifed under fuch perfons, from among their own townfmen, as the prefident and council fhall annually appoint, who, as well as the mayor and aldermen, fhall le rve without falary, fee or reward."
169. To thefe valuable hints from his lordfhip, I have only to add, that the defence of the colony ought to be committed to a diflincTt department of the government or direction, in order to protect the colony from hoflile attacks by land, hyfea or by ?ioxious animals.
finances.
170. Many may think that in a colony or community, where the public good is the interefl of every individual, a public treafury would not be a material confideration. But when the neceffity of the three following inflitutions is confidered, it will foon be found, not only that the railing of colonial finances will come to be unavoidable, but alfo that a board of the direction mult be eflablifhed for applying them to thefe neceffary ufes, viz.
I. Public charities, fuch as public inflitutions for orphan children, for all ufeful perfons after the age of fixty, or when they become incapable of labour; for hofpitals, Sec.
II. Public works ufeful, ornamental and recreative, fuch as public buildings, highways, bridges, harbours, gardens, &c\
III.
III. Pi
tion, Sec.
c H A ?.     III. Public defence, fuch as fortifications, arms, ammunh
VIII.
rangements,
\_ ■ III   H      I|J    ~       ■     I. 1^
■
POLITICAL ARRANGEMENTS.
Political ar- 171. Comprizing alfo foreign affairs. This is placed the laft of all public functions, becaufe it is the link by which every individual within a colony, and every colony with it's mother country, neighbours, and other countries, are con-nected together in relations whofe bafis is, or ought to be, mutual friendfhip and alfiftance. The order which connects individuals in fociety is called police and polity; and that which connects nations and colonies, politics. Both are equally neceffary, and require fpecihe departments in thc direction; thc two former, namely police and polity, are referred to the 4th department in the 1 ft clafs, § 179; the fuctions of the lalt, ox politics, may be referred to the three following objects.
I. The political balance, between the colonilts, or fubfcribers, and the direction, or the government, both in the colony, and in Europe.
II. The political balance, between the colonial eftablifh-ment, and other mercantile companies, or colonies, in Europe, or elfewhere.
III. The political balance, between the colonial efta-blifhment, and the neighbouring African nations, which require a different mode of intercourfe and treatment, as being uncivilized.
• CHAP.
CHAP. IX.
CHAP. IX.
SPECIFIC PROPOSITIONS APPLIED TO THE CASE OF A NEW COLONY. -LL-Si quid novifti re&ius iilis,
Candidus imperti; fi non, his utcre mccum.       HoR. DE ART. POET.
172. TN the feventh chapter, I have made fuch obferva-X tions as appeared to me ufeful and expedient, for the firft eftablilhment of a new colony in Africa; and in the eighth, I have delivered my opinion refpecting fome of the permanent regulations. Still fome of my readers may perhaps expect, a more fpecific and practical plan than what I have yet propofed; for molt men are much allifted in comprehending and deciding upon a fubject, by having it reduced to fomething like a fyflem. It hath been well obferved, by Dr. Watts, that method and fyflem, though lately too much neglected, are neverthelefs excellent auxiliaries to the mind, in forming an adequate idea of any fubject that comprifes many mutually dependent parts. And, if there be any fubject in which fyflem is peculiarly neceffary, the fcicnce of government is certainly that fubjecl. To gratify (therefore the lovers of order) I infert, with a few neceffary alterations, the following Propofitions, which I had the honour to lay before the fubfcribers to the Bulama Aifocia-tton, for their conlideration, at a meeting held on the 29th of April 1794.
proposition 1. 173. That thofe who may be difpofed to fubfcribe to *uch an undertaking, form themfelves into a company
FOR
FOR CULTIVATING AND RAISING
tropical productions
on the weftern coaft of Africa, between thc 6th and the 14th degrees of north latitude*.
174. That fuch company felect from among themfelves a court of directors to manage the whole concern; to fell land; to engage colonifls; to receive money or commodities; to pay money, and difpofe of commodities; to appoint their own officers and agents, both in Europe and in the colony; to fend out veffels, to trade wherever it may be found beneficial for the whole concern, Sec. and to lay a proper and fitisfactory account of their proceedings, before a general meeting of the fubfcribers, every year.
175. The directors of this court ought to confifl of two claffes.—The firjl clafs fhould have the care of the cultivation of the people, or the introdu6tion of morals and civiliz-
# My reafons for feleciing this part of the coaft, for the fubjeft of my hook and map are—lft, That it is much nearer to Europe than any equally productive portion of the coaft.—adly, That owing to the trade-wind and currents, as well as the fmaller dillance, voyages to and from this part, can be performed fooner than to parts lower down, and incomparably fooner than to any ifland in the Weft Indies (fee § 6, note)—3<Ily, That the harbours are better on this part, than any known harbours on the Weftern coaft of Africa.—4thly, That this part of thc coait is more fertile than any part convenient for European navigation, and particularly than the tract of coaft immediately to the northward of it.—^tlily, That thc inhabitants appear, upon the whole, to be more difpofed to peace and induftry, than on any other portion of the coaft.—6thly, That very little of this portion of the coaft is occupied, or claimed, by European powers.—7thly, That this part is lefs infefted by thc flave-trade, than any other portion of the coaft, where that traffic is at all carried on.—8thly, That, on account of navigable rivers and thc good difpofition of the the inland people, thc interior countries are more eafily acccfliblc, from this part of the coaft than almoft any other.
CHAP. IX.
l_-j-->
ation,
at ion, together with every thing that regards moral order c P.
and regulations.—The fecond clafs fhould have the care of l-_»
the cultivation of the foil of the colony, or the raifing of productions, it's management, and the difpofal thereof.
176. If fix directors were eflablilhed for each clafs, the bufinefs being more fyftematically divided, would be more eafily managed. Each director fhould be placed at thc head of his particular department, and become anfwerable to the whole court of directors, as the whole court of directors fhould be refponfible to the fubfcribers and the colonifls at every general meeting.
177. By this mode of arranging the bufinefs, it will become neceffary to have a general meeting, of the whole court, only once a quarter. Each clafs might meet once a month, and every director, as the head of his particular department, might manage the bufinefs in fuch a manner as may befl fuit his convenience.
178. It feems to be the indifpenfable duty of every director, not to reject any petitions, or propofitions, that may be prefented to him, but to lay the fame before the meeting of his clafs, with his own opinion thereon: and all fuch petitions or propofitions, prefented before that clafs to which they belong, fhould be included in a report to the next quarterly meeting of a general court of dire£tors, who are to decide upon the fame, and which court fhould direct that all fuch papers fhould be properly digefted and entered in the general reports, which every year mould be laid before the fubfcribers.
Q
DIVISION
no
C H A P. IX.
I-,—/
179. DIVISION OF BUSINESS THE FIRST CL AS S,
which regards the cultivation, civilization and order of the people, and their prefervation in the colony and it's dependencies. This Clafs may be divided into the two following divifions, and each of thefe into three departments.
FIRST DIVISION.
1. For promoting regular marriages in the colony, as the foundation of all focial order and true religion. This head depart, includes three kinds of duties.
Promotive with refpect J to morals.
2.
Executive with refpett < to order.
[I. The adjuftment cf difFcrences between married partners. 2. The promoting and encouraging the marriage of young men.
s the
3. The promoting and encouraging the marriage of young women.
2. For promoting education and infruElion, which is
fecond object of importance, and without which no civilization can take place. This department includes alfo three duties, viz.
{1. The preparatory or family cducat. of children under 10 years. ~) See $ 2. The education of boys, feparately, above ten years of age. \ 144, 3. The education of girls, feparately, above ten years of age.       J &f*q.
3. For promoting ufeful occupations or employments in the
colony. This is of eflential confequence, next to the two before mentioned, in order that the colony may flourilh. The objects for this depart, are,
f 1. Children. "1
< 2. Men. >   See §151.
(_ 3. Women. J
SECOND DIVISION.
The executive department of the laws, viz.
The laws of juftice. T See §
J Sec ^1 1 c 2
The laws of police, and polity, (fee § 166.)   \ r The CEconomical laws. J
The executive department for the performance of the
healing art, as comprehending
{1. The Medical. 1 2. The Surgical. > See § 162.
3. The Pharmaceutical. J
The executive department for the performance of external worfhip, particularly in the three eflential ordinances, viz.
{1. Baptifm. 1 2. Confirmation 7 See §161,
3. The holy fupper. J
AMONG THE DIRECTORS.
Ill
THE SECOND CLASS,
which regards the cultivation of the foil and the preferva-tion of the colony. This Clafs, like that on the oppofite fide, may be divided into the two following divifions, and each of thefe into three departments.
FIRST DIVISION.
l. For promoting the production of raw materials in the colony from the three natural kingdoms, viz.
{i. Animal, -* 2. Vegetable,    l   See § 163. 1. Mineral. J
**otiVe t?h ref^ J
4n.
2. For promoting the internal trade and manufactures of the colony, or the formation and the employment of the before mentioned raw productions for, the immediate ufe of the colony, reducible to
{1. Food, -j 2. Cloathing,       I See § 164. 3. Building. J
For promoting the commerce of the whole colony, viz,
■  Their interior or colonial trade,
The trade of exportation, The trade of importation.
]
See § 165.
SECOND DIVISION.
The executive department for the defence of the colony when attacked
ft
By land, By fea,
}
See§ 166, fcf
ftq.
2.
*******
to* < 10 Peace.
JL 3. By ferocious animals.   J      * '
The executive department of colonialfinances for defraying the expences of
ti. Public charities "J 2. Public works > See § 170.
3, Public defence J
The executive department for all thofe political affairs, whereby the colony mull maintain its connection
ti. With us government or direction, ") 2. With other companies or colonies, V See § 171.
j. With it's neighbouring African nations. J
CHAP. PROPOSITION II.
,_ lXm.. , 180. That the fubfcribers do agree to fell, or in the moil advantageous manner, todifpofe of, all the land which they have purchafed, or may purchafe in Africa, upon fuch conditions, and to fuch perfons, as the court of dire6lors fhall approve of, as moral, good and ufeful colonifls, and who fhall chufe to go out to fettle, and to cultivate their purchafed land within a certain limited time*.
181.
* This is nothing more than what took place in the iflands of Grenada, Dominica, St. Vincent and Tobago ceded to Great Britain, in 1763. In thofe Elands 174,000 acres of land were fold by commifTioners, authorized by the government, for/"6ao,ooo ftcrling, or: 11 : 3 per acre, being thirty times the price which the lands at Bulama have coft the fubfcribers: yet thc purchafers in the ceded illands were bound, under a heavy penalty, to clear and cultivate, at leafl one acre in twenty, every year, till one half of the land they held was brought into cultivation. (See thc evidence of Mr. Campbell and Mr. Greig in Minutes of Evidence before the Houfe of Commons in 1790, p. 166 and 221.)—Cultivation proceeded {lowly in Antigua, till the colonial legiflature of that ifland laid a tax of five (hillings per acre, on all manurable lands that fhould not forthwith be opened and cultivated. Thc effect was that every man exerted himfell to the utmoif, or fold fuch land as he could not cultivate; and thus, in a fhort time, all the manurable lands in the ifland were bearing canes, cotton or other produce. (See Long's Ilif-tory of Jamaica, Vol. I. p. 409.)—In (hort, bad roads, fcarcity of provifions, thc ob-ftruclion of population, and the detriment of health, and inability or difficulty of defence, are the certain confequences of fullering purchafed lands to lie uncultivated in a colony, efpecially an infant colony. For an account of the evils Jamaica has laboured under, from this caufe, fee Long, vol. I. p. 283, 405 et feq. 598.—See alfo Douglas's H if lory of New England, Pofllethwayt's Com. Di&ionary, Art. " Colonies'* and " Paraguay."—Reafons for eftablifhing the colony of Georgia, p. 15, 29, and Smith's Wealth of Nations, Vol. II, p. 370.
I know not whether I ought to mention that the ifland of Barbadoes, Antigua and fome others, though they have beenrendered incomparably healthier bybeingclearcd, yet, having few or no trees to attract the clouds, have not fuch plentiful and regular rains as formerly, and fuffer much inconvenience from the want of timber. Certain portions of the ceded iflands have, therefore, been referved in wood. Whether this conduct will be imitated or not in Africa, is not for me to determine.   If it
were,
181. That the firft fubfcribers may have it in their op- c *|XA p-tion, however, to go themfelves to the colony, and to fettle u—» as colonilts, and then to be fubject to the fame conditions
and terms as the other fettlers ; namely, to oblige themfelves to cultivate their purchafed land within a certain limited time, at the expiration of which the land remaining uncultivated, whether belonging to fettlers, or to fubfcribers who are not fettlers, fhall be forfeited and difpofed of by the court of directors*.
PROPOSITION III.
182. That a colonilt, his heirs, or executors may have equal rights, in every refpect, with a £60 fubfcriber, as foon as he has brought into a cultivated ftate, within any fpace of time, not exceeding three years, thirty-fix acres of land ; and that of a £60 fubfcriber, who fhall go out to the colony, and like the colonilts, cultivate his land, fhall enjoy the benefit of a double fubfcription, or that of two fubfcribers rights, in proportion to every thirty fix acres of ground cultivated by him.
PROPOSITION IV.
183. That in confequence of the third proportion, there ought to be a court of directors in the colony, fimilar to
were, I would not hefitate, to pronounce that thc woods fhould be facrificed to health ; especially as all kinds of provifions and the fmaller produce frill thrive very well in the drier iflands.—But they are not fo proper for fugar-canes.
* To refide in one part of the world, and to cultivate land in another, will never promote a colonial intereft, as fuch cultivation mutt evidently be by agents or mangers, who will not have an intereft in the profpcrity of the colony, like fettled c°lonifls, or thofe who fuperintend their own bufinefs on the fpot; and the former cau-\ it is more than probable, would, fooner or later, end in tyranny and flave-flog-Ulng, to the total diflolution of all colonial order and focial virtue.
that
° ?XA P t^ia^ 'n ^uroPe' tne two courts having a combined intereft i_. _J with each other. That thefe two courts, or divifions of the company, thus acting in perfect harmony or union, one in Europe, and the other in the colony, fhould be fo arranged, that the former may have the general adminiftration of every thing that regards the deliberation upon, and regulation of, the general affairs; and that the latter may have the fuperintendance or direction of fuch local adminiftration of the affairs as may regard the active, practical or executive province in the colony. That only half the directors, both in Europe, and in the colony, mould go out at every new election, in order that the court may always be provided with perfons properly acquainted with the affairs of the colony.
PROPOSITION V.
184. That after the hrft election Off directors, or after two years, none fhould be ele£ted but thofe who have at leafl once vifited the colony, in order that the directors may be properly qualified, by their knowledge of the local fituation and practical flate of the colony, to manage the direction in Europe *.
PROPOSITION VI.
185. Ail kinds of oaths to be abolifhed, from the very be-
* Thofe who object to the (hare the colonifts will, on this plan, have in the direction, will do well to confider, that the prefent Britifh colonies in the Weft. Indies lay their own taxes, and make their own internal laws, which can be rcverfed by no authority inferior to that of the King in Council, and that only when they are repugnant to the laws and conftitution of Great Britain.—The late Britifh colonics in North America enjoyed the fame privileges.—Abfentees from the Britifh fugar iflands have no vote in the colonial legiflatures, and thofe from Jamaica are additionally obliged, by a law of that ifland, to pay their u attornies," or factors, fix per cent, of the value of the produce of their eflates, which operates as a heavy tax on them for deferting their civil and military duties in the Ifland. See Long's idiftory of Jamaica, Vol. I, p. 387, &c.
ginning
IX.
—I
ginning of the colony, as they do not feem to be neceffary, c   YA p when matters are arranged and managed in fuch an equilibrium, that there are checks upon every action and proceeding, both of the court of directors, and of the inhabitants of the colony *.
proposition VII.
186. That commerce may be free, as well that of the company, carried on by the court of directors, as that of the colonilts ; fo that, on either fide, there may be an equal right of trade. Any perfon who fhould be found to deal in flaves, to be expelled immediately from the colony.
proposition VIII.
187. That new fubfcriptions to the Bulama undertaking may be opened upon the fame plan as the former, viz. at £60 per 500 acres, in order to avoid unequal fhares, and that another expedition may be undertaken, as foon as the advanced ftate of their fubfcriptions, and of the neceffary preliminaries, confpire with the feafon to render the fame advifeable.
* I have been credibly informed, that there are, in London and Weftminfter above 30,000 lawyers, attornies, and pettifoggers. And I have been led, by my enquiries, to full conviction, that a great proportion of them is maintained in confe-quence of abufed oaths. But this is not all: moft people mufl have heard of the pra&ice of Jew-bail and the trade of affidavit-men ; and the farce of cuflom-houfe °aths is not lefs ridiculous than it is mocking. Mr. Locke and other great men, here and elfewhere, have lamented the multiplicity of oaths required by the laws of moft nations j but hitherto, it would feem, too much in vain. Sure I am, that, among honeftmen, they are unneceffary ; and that rogues regard them as an empty form. ^Vhy then introduce into an infant community, a practice which long experience has proved to be unneceffary or futile ?—But, if oaths are to be adminiflered, none but men of known integrity fhould be allowed to make that facred appeal.
188. It
188. It mould be propofed that fuch perfons as are willing to fubfcribe, may do it either in commodities or money, at their option; for I have met with many perfons who would gladly have fubfcnbed in goods; but who could not fpare the money from their bufinefs. Subfcriptions fhould therefore be opened in fuch commodities as are likely to be hereafter the produce of the new colony; fuch as fugar, cotton, coffee, indigo, tobacco, rice Sec. and the court of directors immediately to take charge of the fale of thefe articles, at the moll advantageous price for the company- And in order that thofe who fubferibe in commodities may not obtain more favourable conditions than others, the price of the commodities may be fixed at a par between the buying and felling price, to which ten per cent, fhould be added, as a compenfation for the rifk and trouble of the court in the difpofal of them; the company to receive all the benefit, or fuflain all the lofs, that may arife from the fale of them. Suppofe that 24001b. of mufcovado fugar is purchafed at 5d. a pound, and fold at yd.—then tjd. a pound would be the average price, and would make out exactly £60. which is the price of a fhare of 500 acres; but as it would be an additional trouble to the court to convert thefe 24001b. of mufcovado fugar into ready money, there fhould be added 10 per cent, confequently to pay a fhare of 500 acres of land, according to £Yjo per (hare, with fugar inilcad of money, it would be firlt — 24001b.
and 10 per cent, additional — 2401b.
26401b.
of fugar to be paid into the company's ftorehoufe for a fhare of 500 acres;—- the fame plan to be followed, with rc-fpect to all other goods.
PRO-
CHAP. IX.
PROPOSITION  IX. L' r y
189. That every afTociation for forming colonies in Africa, ought to acl connectedly and in harmony with the Sierra Leona company, and every fimilar eflablifhmcnt j fo combining their interefts, that every refolution, taken in the general court of directors of any one company, fhould be generoufly communicated to the others-, and, when a general election is held, and new refolutions taken into confederation, that two of the Directors of every fuch company mould be invited to be prefent.
PROPOSITION x.
190. That no other currency be introduced, from the commencement of the colony, but that recommended in the judicious plan of that friend of mankind, Granville Sharp, Efq. founded on labour*, which will tend to create and encourage an activity for railing ufeful productions, better than any other method. This plan, it is evident, may be adapted, or made applicable, to all the pecuniary tranfactions that can take place in the large It community.—If gold and fil ver fhould be ever introduced, they fhould never appear in the form of any coin; but fhould circulate according to their weight and intriniic flandard.—See § 142. Query LI.
PROPOSITION XI.
%Qh In order compleatly to fecure focial virtue and order in the colony, the ancient and venerable Englifh fyflem
See " Skcich of temporary regulations for Sierra Leona," where the worthy »uthor recommends day-labour; but I prefer piece-work which in all, or in moft, cafes, may be as cafily accommodated to the intended purpofe as day-labour.
R
of
c *T A p> of frankpledge fhould alfo be introduced: but with fome al ---> teration to adapt it to the prefent flate of things *.
PROPOSITION XII.
192. The company ought to keep a compleat flore-houfe in the colony, containing a proper alfortment of articles fuited to that part of the coall: and, in order to give fpirit and fupport to every active and ufeful colonilt, there fhould be a dij/counting account in articles kept for the general ufe of the colony, that thofe colonilts who have abilities, but no means, may obtain fuch articles, to a certain limited extent, under the direction of the company.
PROPOSITION XIII.
193. When inprocefsof time, taxes come to be raifed in the colony, partly for the maintenance of public order, (fee § 170,) and partly for raifing fuch revenue to the fubfcribers as may afford them a liberal, but fpecific, indemnification for rifking and lying out of their property, it is pro-pofed that the following ground for taxing may be obferved, by which the overbearing influence of commerce, to thc prejudice of more ufeful and neceffary occupations in the colony, may be prevented, viz.
104. That the inhabitants of the colony may be divided into three diltinct claffes: the firlt,producers, or cultivators of raw materials, fuch as fugar, coffee, cotton, indigo, fpices, cattle, corn or any other kind of productions in their firlt ftate.   The fecond, the trade/men or manufacturers in the co-
* Society is alfo indebted to Mr. Sharp for illuftrating and recommending the adoption of that excellent fyflem. Sec his Trcatife on Congregational Courts. —Alfo S 167.
lony,
lony, who form the before-mentioned raw materials or c productions by means of induftry into fome fhape for ufe; and the third or lall, the clafs of merchants in the colony, who are chiefly occupied in traffic and negociation, both within and without the colony. It is of very great importance, that every inhabitant, from the beginning, may clafs himfelf yearly under either of thefe three, and that the im-polls may be laid by the colonial legiflature, in fuch proportion, that the fir ft clafs be taxed the loweft, and the laft the highelt, and that the right of voting, in all cafes, fhall be confined to the lirft clafs only*.
proposition xiv.
195. That no colonift be allowed to poffefs more than a certain portion of land, fay acresf.
proposition xv.
196. That, in order to prevent certain obvious irregularities, as much as poflible, every colonift that remains unmarried after the age of years, fhall pay a tax to the community of per cent, on his property, and all married people fhall be encouraged in that flate by an exemption from certain taxes.
proposition xvl
197. That no colonift be arrefted or imprifoned for debt,
* See the Plan of a free Community on the Coafl of Africa, entirely independent °F all European laws and Government, 4to. 1789, p. 23.
t *' Experience has fhown the inconvenience of private perfons poflefTing too 'ai"ge quantities of land in our colonies, by which means the greatefl part of it muft lle uncultivated; and the inhabitants are thrown at fuch a diflance that they can neuher affifl nor defend one another." Reafons for eflablifhing the Colony of Georgia, p, 29.—See the Note to Prop, II.
R 2 at.
° *IXA P' at ^C m^ance °^ anotner; but that it may be the creditor's l  T-   ' own fault, if he part with his property on trull*.
PROPOSITION XVII.
198. That every ufeful mechanical invention, efpecially fuch as are calculated to abridge and facilitate human labour, in clearing and cultivating the foil, be particularly encouraged.—See § 132 et feq.
* Every individual belongs to the community, and not to any other individual. He cannot therefore be fold for money, far lefs tor credit; becaufe credit is often given by intidious men, or debts bought up by them, in order to inveigle and confine their competitors; and competition is thc very life of an induftrious community. The number of perfons who are loft to fociety, to their families and themfelves, by imprifonment for debt, is very great. Sixty years ago, it was calculated that four thoufand were annually eaft into prifon for debt in England, and that one third of their debts were never thereby recovered.—(See Reafons for cftablifhing the Colony of Georgia, printed in 1733. page 18.) If the number of fuch victims has increafed, as it is natural to believe it has, with the trade of the kingdom during that period, few thinking men will be difpofed to rejoice at an extenfiou of commerce which has brought fuch an evil in it's train. I am, indeed, credibly informed that, in the beginning of the prefent year (1794) no fewer than 27,000 perfons were confined for debt in the gaols of England and Scotland. What a number to be thus fhut up from the eyes, and, I fear, too often excluded from thc hearts, of their fellow fub-jeefs!—But it is to be hoped that the promoters of colonization in Africa, will effectually prevent this afflicting evil from entering into any of their cftablifhments, always remembering that one of their primary objects is, the abolition of thejtave* trade!— See § 142, Query LI.
CHAP.
COLONIES IN AFRICA, ON, &C. 121
C H A P.
CHAR X.
COLONIES FORMED IN AFRICA, ON THE PRINCIPLES OF COMMERCE,
by the Portuguefe, Spaniards, French, Dutch and Auflrians,
199. A TOST men yield a readier aflent to fads, mowing 1VJL what has already been done, than to arguments, proving what it is practicable to do. For the information then of perfons who may be inclined to fubfcribe, or to embark as colonills, in any new undertaking of this kind, it may not be improper to introduce into this work, a fhort hillory of thofe modern European colonies which have already been eftablifhed, or attempted, in Africa, on the principles of commerce, and of thofe which are now forming on the principles of humanity *. But it feems unneceffary to defcribe the temporary fettlements or fattories.
THE PORTUGUESE
200. The Portuguefe explored the coafl of Africa, before
* The intcrefts of commerce and humanity were at full fo fuccefsfully reconciled by the Dutch, at the Cape of Good Hope, that the fketch hereafter given of the firft eftablilhmcnt of their colony in that part of Africa, deferves particular attention. Upon the whole, it appears to me to afford a very good model for forming colonies m general.
T The following fhort account of the Portuguefe colonies in Africa, I have compiled from the Atlas Maritimus et Commercial, London printed 172S.-Mortimer's and Pofllethwayt's Commercial Dictionaries, both printed in London, 1766. —Tableau General de Commerce, Londres, 1787.—The Report of the Britilh Pri-vy Council, London 1789.—And thv volumes already publifhed of the Encyclopaedia Br'uannica, 3d. edition now printing at Edinburgh.—It may be obferved, howler, that the prefent flate of Portuguefe Africa is different from what it was at the period which furnifhed the materials for thefe works.
any
C ha p. any other modern European nation; but from an ungenerous t__^L_^ referve on the part of their government, or from fome other firTcfpiored cau^e unknown to me, they have been fo fparing in their the African   communications, that I cannot pretend to defcribe their colonies with that certainty and precifion which I wifh*. Among other caufes of confufion, unfettled orthography is not thc leafl.   For example in the kingdom of Congo, we meet with Congo, Kakongo, Cango, Coango, names in the application of which geographers do not feem to be agreed. Thus much, however, is certain, that the Portuguefe poflef • fions in Africa are far more important than thofe of any other European nation ; and that in the hands of an aclive people, they could not fail to become the fources of immenfe power and opulence.
201. Portuguefe Africa, as it may not improperly be called, extends on the well from about 5 dcg. of north lat. to 10, fome fay 15 dcg. fouth. Here, inftead of being cooped up within the narrow limits of trading factories, as they are on other parts of the weftern coafl, they are fettled in colonies, under a regular government, and have built feveral large and well fortified towns. The foil, which is rich and well watered, they have, in feveral places, taught the natives to cultivate; for this kind of inftruction forms no confiderable part of the policy of the Portuguefe clergy, who have taken
* I have the fatisfa&ion of informing the reader, that fince the above was written, the following (ketch has had the advantage of being reviewed, and corrected in a few places, by Colonel Bolts, a gentleman whofe knowledge of the eaflcrn parts of Africa is allowed by thofe who have the honour of his acquaintance, to be very ex-tenfive. Having fpent many years in the eaflern parts of the world, he publifhed in 1772, 11 Confiderations on India affairs," in three vols. 4to; and, I believe, he lias it now in contemplation to lay alfo before the public the refult of his perfonal » and acquired knowledge of the Eafl of Africa, not only of the coafl, but of the inlaiid
country.
fo
fo much pains io convert the natives, that it is thought they c H^A k
have been the means of making many of them better chrift- <--^—>
*ans than themfelves. Thus much at lcail appears, that the rebgion thefe fathers have taught the natives has contributed to foften their manners, if not to mend their morals, (Sec y 3^, et Jcq. and § 146). As a proof of this, we are allured, that in many parts of this country, they are cloathed in the European faihion, to which they are fo habituated that, even were the Portuguefe to leave the country, they would not foon abandon it.
202. Awerri, though in the kingdom of Benin, is fubjecl; Awttt'u to the government of thc Portuguefe, who have here a caf-
tle and a garrifon; alfo a church and a monastery. It is worthy of remark, that though the river of Benin is very fatal to the Englifh and Dutch fcamen who frequent it, yet the Portuguefe, who dwell farther within the country, do not experience any peculiar infalubrity of climate. This is one uillance, among many, which might be adduced, to make it probable, that the interior of almoft all of the weftern parts of Africa is more healthful than the coaft. (See § 76, and 80.)
203. Angola was firlt difcovered by the Portuguefe in Angola. 1484. They afterwards conquered feveral of it's provinces,
and rendered the native king tributary for the reft, as his fuc-cefTors have fince continued. Their acquifitions may extend 240 leagues along the coalt, and, in fome places, 100 within ^e land. The capital is St. Paul de Loanda, which has a g°od harbour. It is the feat of the government, and, every three years, receives a new governor from Portugal. The country has been cleared, drained and cultivated in fo many Peaces, as to improve it's climate very conliderably. Some years ago, a number of people from Bifcay were fent out to work the excellent iron mines in Angola; but they mif-
carried,
c h^a p. carried, for want of proper fupport.   Thc Portuguefe in
v._'^L../ Angola, are faid to be able, at any time, to bring into the
field 3000 well armed men, of their own nation. Their power is chiefly fituated in the interior parts ; for the trade of thc coalt of Angola, &c. has always been open; and thither the French, Englilh and Dutch fend yearly a con-fiderable number of Ihips for Haves, &c. Congo.     201 Tn 1484, Congo was difcovered by Diego Cam, who, in behalf of his lovereign, King John of Portugal, formed an alliance, with the King of Congo, which has continued to the pre lent day, with fome interruptions, on the part of the Portuguefe.   Their chief town, St. Salvadore, is fituated 150 miles up the river Congo, or Zaire, upon an eminence, in a country well cultivated and moft uncommonly falubrious. (See § 76.)   It is a very cxtenfive place, but not proportion-ably populous, as thc houfes are intermixed with fpacious gardens, which, doubtlefs, is one caufe of it's falubrity. Yet it's inhabitants mufl be very numerous, as it is faid to have twelve churches and feven chapels, befides the cathedral.
LoangoanJ 205. Of thefe countries I do not find any thing particular, BengotU. except that Benguela is very unhealthful. They are under the power or influence of the Portuguefe: and, I believe, are generally included in deferiptions of Congo and Angola.—In the interior parts of thefe lall countries, it appears that the Portuguefe have many prefidios, or garrifons, who, with the afTiflanceof the natives, have cleared and cultivated the land in their refpective vicinities, raifing maize, calavances, yams, bananas and other provifions and fruits.
206. Many of the Portuguefe at Loando, Colombo, St. Salvadore and other places in this part of Africa are exceedingly rich.   It is common for a Portuguefe to poffefs 50, 100 and
200
200 flaves, and fome of the more opulent are the mailers c HXA p-
even of 3000.   A religious fociety, at Loando are the pro- <—-v-»
prietors of no fewer than 12,000 flaves, who being blacksmiths, joiners, turners, Hone-cutters, &c. earn, by their work, from 4 to 500 rees per day, for the fociety.—How far this fort of revenue is compatible with the intention of fuch an inititution, it is not my prefent bufinefs to enquire.
207. In Congo, chriftianity was preached foon after the arrival of the Portuguefe; and miffionaries are flill well received there. Encouragements have been offered at different times, particularly in the beginning of the prefent reign, to the religious in the convents of Portugal, to labour in the converfion of the natives of Congo, Angola, and their other African pofTeffions. Many miifionaries have accordingly undertaken this pious work, at different times. Their fuccefs appears to have been confiderable, and, had they been fleadily fupported, there is reafon to believe it would have been compleat. Many Portuguefe bifhops refide in this part of Africa, and numbers of the natives have been regularly ordained priefts.
208. To the farther credit of that nation, it ought to be Portuguefe noted, that they carry on the flave-trade from the countries flaveuadc* juil mentioned, with as much humanity as it is poffible to
unite with fuch a traffic. Great numbers of flaves who come from the remote inland countries, are fhipped from Congo, Angola, &c. None, however, who belong to thefe lafl countries, are fent as flaves to the Brazils, except black convicls ; and even thefe, before they are put on board, are catechifed and receive baptifm, a rite which has been found to confole their minds under their unhappy circumflances. ^he Portuguefe flave-fhips are never over crowded, and the failors are chiefly blacks, called Negros Ladinos, who
S fpeak
CHAP. X.
Portuguefe colonies on the Eaft of Africa.
St. Martin, Vaado.
Sofala.
fpeak their language, and whofe bufinefs it is to comfort and attend the poor people on the voyage. The confe-quences are, that they have little or no occafion for fetters, fo conftantly ufed in the other European flave-fhips, and that they perform their voyages from Angola, Sec. to Brazil with very little mortality.
209. So vafl are the territories pofTefTed by, or tributary to, the Portuguefe on the eaft of Africa, that they may, or might have been faid to be matters of a great part of that whole coaft. They are never interrupted there by any other European nation, except occafionally by fhips in dif-trefs, on their return from India; for, in going out, they fleer quite another courfe*.
210. The Portuguefe poffefTions on the Eaft of Africa begin about 250 fouth latitude, according to Poltlethwayt. Here they trade for ivory and gold, and they abound fo much with cattle, that they yearly furnilh numbers to the Dutch at the Cape of Good Hope. St. Martin and Puado are two iflands in the River Cumana, where the Portuguefe and the natives plant provifions for the fhipping, and whence they have fome trade with the inland negroes.
211. The kingdom of Sofala extends about 30 leagues along the coaft, and about 80 up the country. It is, or was governed by a Mahometan prince, tributary to the King of
* The Portuguefe, however, do not appear entirety to- exclude other nations from a participation in fome parts of the trade of the eaftern parts of Africa. For, when I was at Havre de Grace in 1787, fome flavemerchants in that city were fending a few fhips to Mofambique for flaves. They told me, that, although, in the long, cold and flonny voyage round thc Cape of Good Hope, many more of the flaves died, than even in the pafTage from the coaft of Guinea to the Weft Indies; vet. that their cheapnefs at Mofambique fully compenfated for their increafed mortality.—So cooly do merchants talk of facrificing the lives of mankind, at the ihriuc oi the " Mammon of unrighteoufnefs!!"
Portugal.
Portugal. The fands of the river of Sofala have a very con- c IT rA p< fiderable admixture of gold-dull.   The inhabitants of the ^ j town and kingdom of Sofala are a mixture of Mahometan Arabs, idolatrous caffrcs and bad Portuguefe chriftians.
212. From the mines of Sofala, more than 2,000,000 of Grea^quan-merigals of gold are faid to be yearly extracied, the value of m ° S°ldf which, M. Savary computes, at 28,000,000 livres Tournois,
or £1,166,666 flerling. Thefe riches are divided between the Portuguefe, the Arabians of Ziden and Mecca, and the native traders of Quiloa, Monbafe and Melinda. Thefe laft come in fmall barks, called zambucks, bringing dyed and white cottons, filks, ambergris and fuccinum, or yellow and red amber. The Arabians exchange goods from the Eaft Indies and the Red fea, to the amount of £"140,000 llerling per annum, for ivory and gold. The merchants of Sofala alfo exchange European and Aliatic goods for the gold of the inland country of Monomotapa, which comes down in fuch quantities, that the Portuguefe call the Prince of Monomotapa, the golden emperor.
213. On the weft of Sofala, is the kingdom of Mongas, Mongas. chiefly remarkable for the quantity of gold it yields, particularly at Maffapa, Maninas, and the mountain of Ophir, Mount whence, it is believed, Solomon's treafures were brought*. phir* At Maffapa, the Portuguefe are fettled, under the authority
of the Governor of Mozambique,
214. This emporium, is on an ifland in latitude 150 fouth Mazam-(DAnville.)   It is extremely populous, one half of the in- biquc* habitants being Portuguefe and the reft negroes. The ifland abounds with cattle, poultry, fruits and provisions of
* Some, however, are of opinion that Solomon brought his gold from Sumatra, *m the north end of which there is like wife a mountain which to this day is called Ophir.—See Bolts on Indian Affairs, Vol. I. p. 6.
S 2 all
C *XA ? a^ kinds ; ^° tnat' *n tn*s reSpecl:, it is a very proper place u of refrefhment for the Portuguefe Ealt Indian fhips, efpeci-
ally as the harbour is very good; but the air is reckoned none of the belt. At Mozambique are numbers of monks, fome of whom are frequently fent, by the governor, to the oppofite continent; not fo much, it is Itrongly fufpe&ed, on Spiritual errands, as to difpofe the natives to give his excellency good bargains of their gold, ivory and ebony.
215. When the European goods arrive at Mozambique from Portugal, they are taxed by the king's factor, who fends them to Chilimani, at the mouth of the Senna, whence they go very far up the river, to a Portuguefe town, whither the Africans come, fome times from the dillance of two or three months travel, to buy, or take on credit, the European goods, for a llipulated quantity of gold, and which they faithfully bring or fend. This barter yields cent per cent, and indeed, may well be called the Chili and Peru of the Portuguefe ; gold being fo common, that, at a month's journey from the coail, houfehold utenfils and ornaments are frequently made of it. Of the trade of Mozambique, we may form fome idea from the governor's duties which annually amount to between 60 and £'70,000 fterling 5 cxclufive of the pay of the troops and garrifons, and of a confiderable tribute annually remitted to the crown of Portugal.
Zanguebar. 2i6\ Lamo, Pata and Ampafa, on this coalf, are, or were, governed by chiefs dependent on the Portuguefe.
Mdinda. 21/. This large country, was for many years, governed by a prince tributary to the fame nation. But the circum-flances are now reverfed; for the Portuguefe are obliged to purchafe by annual prefents, per million to trade, and to explore the country for gold—a revolution probably caufed
partly
partly by the declenfion of thc Portuguefe power, and part- c H^A **• ly by the advancement of the natives in the arts of com- i_ -w— j merce and policy, which made them fenfible both of their own interefts, and of their own flrength. The capital, like-wife called Melinda, was wholly built by the Portuguefe, in the latitude of 50 fouth (D'Anville) with a very good harbour, and a ftrong citadel. It is a large city, faid to contain ,30,000 Portuguefe, exclufive of natives, and 17 chrillian churches, befides religious houfes. From their ware-houfes, in Melinda, they fupply the country with European goods to a vaft difiance inland, whence they procure ivory, in fuch quantities as to load fhips, with that commodity alone. Adjoining to Melinda, are five other kingdoms all tributary to the fame nation ; fo that, in this part of Africa alone, the Portuguefe, in the zenith of their power, might have been faid to hold the fovereignty of a country as large as Spain and Portugal together.
218. The natives, however, carry on fome trade with their own vefiels, in which they frequent the Red fea, and the ports of Arabia. They are alfo feen in thc Indian leas, efpecially at Cambaya, a maritime town in the territories of the Great Mogul. The Indians and Arabians, on the other hand, fometimes brings them goods to Melinda. Yet the Portuguefe ultimately tranfacl all the trade of Melinda, which is but little inferior to that of Mozambique. Gold from Sofala, ivory, copper, quickfilver, all forts of filks and cottons from Europe and the Eaft Indies, fpices, rice and other grain are the chief articles brought to Melinda.
219. The inhabitants of Brava confumegreat quantities of Brava. European manufactures; for they drefs in the Portuguefe manner, like the people of Quiloa, and many other parts of
this coall,
c HA P.     220. From Brava to Cape Guardafui, extends the coaft of Ajan, and from thence to Rafbel, at the entrance of the Red
Add.
fea, the country is called Adel. Thefe vaft territories Ajan and abound in cattle, corn and fruits; and Ajan affords the Portuguefe feveral whole cargoes of ivory yearly. The inhabitants are, or were, partly tributary to the Portuguefe and partly fubject to Moorifh and Arabian princes*.
Madeira +. 22i. The ifland of Madeira, is about 55 Englifh miles long, and 10 broad, and was fir ft difcovered, A. D. 1419, by Joao Gonzales Zarco. It is divided into two capitanias, Funchal and Maxico (read Malhico) each containing two judicatures. Funchal (in latitude 32° 33' north), befides the city of that name, contains 7 towns, and 26 pariihes ; and Maxico 3 towns and 17 pariihes.
222. Madeira confifts of one large mountain, whofe branches rife every where from the fea towards the centre, where there is an excavation, from which, and from the greater part of the Hones being lava, it appears that a volcano has formerly exifted here.
223. Many rivulets defcend, from the fummit, in deep chafms, or glens. Their beds are in fome places, covered with flones, brought down by the winter torrents of rain and melted fnow. The water is conducted by wears into the vineyards, where fome have it conflantly, and others once, twice or thrice a week. The heats rendering irrigation abfolutely neceffary, the planters of new vineyards are obliged to pay dear for water to thofe who have a conftant
* After all, I find it is believed, that the natives have difpoifeffed the Portuguefe of moft of their territorial acquifitions on the continent of the Eafl of Africa. + Abridged from Forfler's Voyage round the World, Vol. I. p. 13. et/<;j.
fupply.
fupply.—Wherever a level can be formed on die hills, the chap. natives plant eddoes {arum efculmtum, Linn.) inclofed by . a dyke, to confine the moifture.   The hogs eat the leaves, Made1ra-and the nadves, the roots.—The fweet potato (convolvulus batatas, Linn.) is planted for the fame purpofe, and is a principal article of diet; together with chefnuts which grow inextenfive woods, on grounds too high for vines. Wheat and barley are fown, where the vines are decaying from age, or are newly planted.   But, as the crops do not afford above three month's provilions, corn is imported from America, in exchange for wine.   The want of manure and induftry are partly the caufes of this defect.; but, even were the cultivation perfect, it is believed, the ifland could not afford corn fufficient for the inhabitants.
224. Where the foil, expofure and fupply of water admit, vines are cultivated. They are fupported on a latticework of bamboos, about feven feet high, from which the grapes depend, and ripen in the fhade ; and hence the Madeira wines are believed to derive their excellent flavour and body. The beft, called Madeira Malmfey, is made from a vine imported from Candia, by order of Don Henry, Infante of Portugal. Only a fmall quantity of this rich, fweet wine is made; and it is fold on the fpot, for£40and^42 flerling the pipe. The next fort is a dry wine, fuch as is exported to London, at/^o and/31 flerling per pipe. Inferior kinds, for the Eaft and Weft Indies and North America, fell at 20, 25 or £go flerling. About 30,000 pipes, from 110 to 3 20 gallons, are made, upon a mean, every year. About 13,000 pipes of the better forts are exported, and the reft made into brandy and vinegar, or confumcd at home. The vineyards are inclofed with walls, and hedges of prickly pear, pomegranates, myrtles, brambles and wild
rofc*.
Mad ei a a.
c h^a p. rofes.   The gardens produce all the European fruits, with,
S_^_t now and then, fome tropical ones, as bananas, goavas and
pine-apples.
225. All the domeflic animals of Europe are found at Madeira. The mutton and beef are fmall, but well tailed. The horfes, though not large, are fure footed; and climb with agility, the difficult paths of the ifland. There are no wheel-carriages of any kind ; but in thc town, they convey heavy goods on Hedges drawn by oxen.—The only wild quadruped here is the grey rabbet.—Many wild birds, common in Europe, are found in Madeira; but very few hens, or other tame birds, owing perhaps to the fcarcity of corn. —There are no fnakes whatever in this ifland; but thc vineyards and gardens, and even the houfes, fwarm with lizards.—The mores are not without fifh; but, as they are not in fufficient plenty, for the Lent feafon, " herrings" fays Dr. Eorfler, ft are brought from Gothenburg, in EvgUjh bottoms, and cod from North America*.—On this head, I
cannot
Xll^.. . ■ , ■■        "■ '    4< •' v-ViNi. 0~)i»1 .) tjlUQ CJTi x     .VI-^QU JJUjB
* My author may be right in ft at ing that herrings arc brought from Gothenburg to Madeira, in Englilh bottoms; but I have the bed reafoti3 to believe that the greater part are fent there in Swedifh bottoms. It is true, payments at Madeira are not made in money; but in produce, viz. wine, a great part of which thc Englifh very conveniently difpofe of in their colonies, an advantage which I fhould think is more than balanced by the lower rate of Swedifh freight, and the numerous advarv tagcs of the free port of Gothenburg; and they are obliged, at any rate, to go to the fouthward for fait; they pack the herrings full as hard, and fit for hot climates, in Sweden, as any where elfe; and, upon the whole, the Swedes can certainly fend herrings, not to mention other articles, to Madeira, at [eaft as good and cheap as the Englifh,—I do not mean, however, to fay, that the exportation commerce of Sweden is in a ftate unfufceptlble of better regulations. There is in that country a board, called commerce collegium, confifting of a prefident and eighteen members; and whole bufinefs it is, or ought to be, to watch over the commercial interefU of Sweden. I am fenfible that this board contains &ftw mc*ol real worth, and who have the
good
cannot omit an obfervation of my learned author. i( Afri- c HXA p*
ca," fays he, p. 27, " which we vifited during this voyage, \--v—1
in a few weeks, fupplied us with a great variety of quadru-  Madem*. peds, reptiles and infe&s, whillt all the other lands where we touched, afforded no new difcoveries in thofe clafTes."
226. The common people of Madeira are tawny, with dark eyes and black curling hair, which, in fome individuals, begins to crifp, owing, perhaps to intermarriage with negroes.—The inhabitants of the towns are more ill-favoured than the country people.—The gentry are a fort of petite noblejfe, whofe genealogical pride makes them unfociable and ignorant, and caufes a ridiculous affe&ation of gravity.
227. The country people are very fober and frugal; their diet being generally bread and onions, or other roots, with little animal food. Their drink is water, or a fermented in-fulion of the refufe rind of the grape ; for the wine, which their own hands prepare, they feldom, if ever, talle.—Their chief occupation is railing vines; but as this requires not much attendance, for a great part of the year, they naturally incline to idlenefs. Indeed, warmth of climate, where great provifion againfl inclemency of weather is unneceffary, and where hunger is eafily fatisfied, will probably produce indolence, where the legiflature does not counteract it by encouraging induflry. But, it feems, the Portuguefe lcgiflators are not thus difpofed; for, though they have lately ordered olive-trees to be planted here, on fpots too dry and barren for vines, they have given the labourers no temporary alTifiance, and have offered no premiums, to overcome their reluctance to innovation, and to labour.
good of their country very much at heart; but, whether, upon the whole, it an-iwers the end of it's original inilitution, I beg leave to fave myfelf the mortification of enquiring.
T Add
c HXA p- Add to this, that the landed property is in the hands of a u_ \i -> few ancient families ; the vineyards are held only by an an-Madeira. nuaj tenure . ancj farmer reaps but four tenths of the produce; four tenths being paid in kind to the landlord, one tenth to the king, and one to the clergy." Such fmall profits, joined to the thought of making improvements for others, preclude all alterations for the better, under the prefent fyflem. But, oppreffed as they are, they are chearful and contented. Their labours are commonly alleviated with fongs; and, in the evenings, they dance to the drowfy guittar.
228. The governor is at the head of all the civil and military departments of Madeira, Porto Santo, the Salvages and the Ilhas Defertas, which laft contain only the temporary huts of fifhermen.—The law department is under the corre-gidor, commonly fent from Portugal, and holding his place during the king's pleafure.   To him appeals lie from the inferior courts, each of which has a fenate, and a preliding judge chofen by them. 1 - The merchants elecr. their own judge, or providof, who collects the king's revenue, amounting annually to about/'i 20,006 flerling, arifmg (1) from one tenth of all the produce of the ifland; (2) from 11 per cent, on all exports; and (3) from io'per cent, on all imports, provifions excepted.   Far the greater part of the revenue is applied to the fupport of the civilvand'military eftablifh-ments, and of public buildings. Military.        229. The ifland has but one regular'company of 100 men; but the militia confiils of 3000, Vho.are annually embodied for one month, under the Se'rg^ante -Mor. Neither privates nor officers receive any pay;, and yet thc places of the latter are much fought after, on account of the rank.
230. The fecular priefts arc about 1200, many of them c H^A p-
employed as private tutors; for, fince the expulfion of the \__,—j
Jefuits, there have been no regular public fchools here, MaD£1RA-
except one, where a prieft educates 10 ftudents, at the Priefts. king's expenfe *.   Thofe who intend to go into orders are obliged to Itudy at the univerfity of Coimbra, in Portugal.
There is a dean and chapter at Madeira, headed by a bilhop, whofe income, which confiderably exceeds the governor's, confifls of 110 pipes of wine, and 960 Englifh bulhels of wheat, amounting, at a mean, 10^3000 flerling.
231. In 1768, the inhabitants of the 43 pariihes of Madei- Population, ra, amounted to 63,913, of whom 31,341 were males, and deathi 32,572 females.   But, in that year, the deaths were exactly
5243, and the births 2198. It is highly probable that fome epidemical diflemper prevailed in that year, as fuch a mortality would foon depopulate the ifland: a fuppofition which is llrengthcned by the excellence of the climatef. climate. In fummer, the heat is very moderate on the higher parts of the ifland, whither the better fort of people then retire : in winter, the fnow lies there for feveral days, while, in the lower parts, it never continues above a day or two.
232. In 1449, Antonio Nolli, a Genoefe in the fervice of CAPEVrno Don Henry, Infante of Portugal, difcovered fome of the IsLANDSt-Cape Verd Iflands; and in 1460, another voyage was under-
* There appears to be a prieft in Madeira for every 53 inhabitants; exclufivc of about 70 friars and 300 nuns.
+ My author's fuppofition is farther fl lengthened, by Dr. Heberden's obfervation, that the inhabitants of Madeira double their own numbers, by the births, in 84 years, under all their oppreffions; for nothing fhort of Wejl Indian opprrjjion can prevent mankind, when once fairly fettled in a tolerable climate, from keeping up, or increafing, their numbers by births—See Price on Annuities, p. 204.
% Abridged from Forfler's Voyage round the Word, Vol. I. p. 33 tt Jeq%
T 2 taken
°       P ta^ccn to fettle them, when the reft were difcovered. Santi-J-—i ago, (as Colonel Bolts writes it) is the largeft of them, and
CIslands.0 about 17 leagues in length. The capital, of the fame name, lies in the interior, and is the fee of the bifhop of all thefe iflands. This ille contains 11 pariihes, the moll populous of which has about 4000 houfes.
233. The Cape Verd Illands are generally mountainous; but their lower hills are often covered with verdure, and have a gentle declivity, with extenfive vales between them. They are ill fupplied with water; but Santiago has one tolerable river. The hills are covered with Hones, which arc a fpecies of lava. The foil, which is fertile enough in the vallies, is a kind of rubbifh of cinders and ochreous afhes : hence it is probable that all thefe illands have contained volcanoes; efpecially as Fogo Hill conliils of a burning mountain.
Opprcffed       234. Porto Praya Hands on a fteep rock, and contains on-bjmonopoy. |y a few cottages.   It's fortifications are old walls towards the fea, and low fences of loofe ftones, towards the land. A tolerable building, at a little diflance, belongs to a company at Lifbon, who monopolize the trade to all thefe illands, and keep an agent here.   " The company" fays Forfler "per* fe&Jy tyrannizes over the inhabitants, and fells them wretched merchandize, at exorbitant prices."—It is believed, however, that thofe poor people have lately been delivered from this caufe of their wretchednefs, by the abolition of that mod odious and oppreflive monopoly.   May Heaven prcferve every colony in Africa, ejpecially thofe profefjedly undertaken on humane principles, from the cruel clutches of fuch unfeeling companies! inhabitants,     235, The natives of Santiago are middle fixed, and almoft black, with frizzled hair, and thick lips, like thc uglier! negroes.
groes. But, whether thc change has been wrought in thefe c h a p. defcendants of the firft Portuguefe coloniffs, by the climate acting on their complexion, for nine generations (300 years) %rj]J'*Jf or by intermarriage with negroes, Dr. Forfter does not decide. He flates, however, the opinion of Canon Pauw, the Abbe Demanet, and the Count de Buffon, that " thc colours of the human fpecies depend principally on the climate *." At prefent, there are no whites in thefe iflands, except 12 or 15 at Santiago. Even the governors and the prieits in the other illands are blacks. The better fort wear ragged European cloaths: the reft feem well pleafed with the partial covering of a fhirt, a veil, a pair of breeches, or a hatf. Defpotic governors, bigotted priefts and the indolence of Caufei of the court of Lilbon, will always keep thofe people more J^f* - " wretched than any community of negroes in Africa. They are rather inclined to floth; and their fituation confirms this habit. Beggary alone can protect them from the gripe of tyrants, to incrcafe whofe treafures, would be the only effect of their toil. Add to this, that the dry foil is parched up, when the annual rains fail, and famine inevitably fuc-ceeds. From thefe powerful caufes, it is reafonable to fup-pofc, that the  inhabitants are deterred, from marriage
* Sec De Pauw Rech. phi), fur les Americ. T. I. p. 186.—Demanet Nouv. liift. -de l'Afr. Fran. T. 11. p. 224.—Buffon Hill. Nat. i2mo. T. VI. p. boo.—It" I might venture to offer an opinion on a fubject fo much controverted among the learned, I would give it as the rcfult of my obfervations in Africa, that a black, or a very-dark, complexion would be the conlequence of whites living within the tropics, after the manner of the natives. But the whites, except perhaps at thc Cape Verd Illands, have hitherto lived in tropical countries, cloathed-and lodged, as in temperate climates; and therefore the complexions of them and their defcendams have, in general, undergone but Jittle alteration, efpecially in individuals not much expofed tp the fun.
+ 1 have been credibly informed, that Rag-fair in London fupplies the Cape Verd Iflands with great quantities of old cloaths.
which
c h a p. which would only bring mifery, and perhaps the horrors of ^Jj^j flavery, on their offspring*.
^"irfttt* 23^- After what has been faid, the flate of agriculture in thefe illands cannot be expected to be very flourilhing.
Agriculture: The valley near Porta Pray a fort, however, feems to have fome moillure, and is planted, here and there, with cocoa-nut-palms, fugar-canes, bananas, cotton, goaves and pa-paws. But the greatelt part of it is over-run with brulh-wood; and another is left for palture.—But we may perhaps conclude, that the Cape Verd Illands, in the hands of an active nation, might be cultivated to great advantage. The cochineal plant, fome fpices, and coffee, would thrive particularly well in this hot, parched climate. Thefe would fupply the natives not only with the necelfaries, but the luxuries of life, under the influence of a free and equal government, like that of Great Britain.
Exports and    237. Such is the fubitance of our learned voyager's ac-
nianufac-
* In 1773 and 1774, (as Mr. Forfler was told at the Cape of Good Hope, in 177,5) a famine deflroyed multitudes of people, in the Cape Verd Iflands. In the midfl of this diftrefs, feveral of the natives fold themfelves for flaves to a Dutch captain, who happened to arrive, and who fold them at the C. of G. Hope. But the government there having been informed of it, ordered the captain to redeem them, at his own expenfe, to carry them back to their own country, and to bring a certificate from the Portuguefe governor, importing the execution of thefe orders.
From the dates given by Forfler, I infer that fome of thc members of the government to whom this praife worthy afiion was to be afcrihed, were Baron Joachim von Plettenbcrg, the Governor; M Hemmy, the fecond governor; M. von Prehn, the major; and M. Berg, the fecretary, gentlemen whom Forfter, on another occafion, (V. I. p. 74) mentions as valuable members of fociety, ornaments to their country and friends to mankind; and he gives thc fame character of M. Chriftophel Brand, commander of the pofl at Falfe Bay, and of M. Kerlle and M. de Wit, who appear to be private gentlemen.—While I was at Goree, in 1787, a ve.iel arrived from the Cape Verd Iflands, which brought accounts that they had been without rain for three years.—The W. Indian Ifland of Antigua once had no rain for 7 years.— Privy Council's Report.
count
count of the Cape Verd Illands, which being ill watered, c H^A ?«
and their rains uncertain, cannot be ranked among the molt l___>
fertile parts of Africa. But it is not improbable that he vi- ^*"J**U fited them during a drought; for Mortimer (in his Commercial Dictionary, Art. Cape de Verd Ifles) does not reprefent them as very miferable habitations. He tells us that, though mere deferts when the Portuguefe firlt fettled on them, they now produce feveral commodities for trade, as raw and dreffed hides, oil extracted from tortoifes, honey, wax, fait, Turkey wheat, (Indian corn or maize) oranges, lemons, Sec. and fupply veifels with tame and wild fowls. Cattle are in fuch plenty, that feveral fhips are employed in carrying them to Brazil, whither they alfo convey quantities of fifh, caught and falted near Cape Verd.—He might have added, that thefe illands fupply the Welt Indian fugar colonies with great numbers of cattle, alles and mules (See § 60) and that, at Santiago, the inhabitants manufacture cloths of cotton and of filk. They arc very beautiful articles, and are commonly called in England, " Saint Jago cloths," a name, however, often applied to " Guinea cloths," or thofe fabricated by the negroes on the continent of Africa.
• 238. Colonel Bolts who was at thc Cape Verd Iflands, in 1781, has obligingly communicated to me the following additional and very interefling particulars.
239. In September and October, fhips have often been Harbour*, driven on fhore in Porto Praya road.   In the dangerous feafon, therefore, it is belt to anchor out in 18 fathoms water ; fo that, in cafe of a gale, thc lhip may be fure of clearing the eailern point, called Mulher Branca, or the weftern,
called
140 c
h A X.
C a p .- V e r d
Inlands.
Curious rtoncs.
People en-Aaved by the Duque d'A-vciro.
called Tumrofa. Sam Vincent, one of the Ilhas Defertas, has the be ft harbour in all thefe iflands; and it is capable of containing the moft numerous fleet of large fhips, fafe all the year round. Sam Vincent has the advantage of excellent air and plenty of good water, but it is uninhabited.
240. The ifland of S. Antam (improperly called S. Antonio) formerly belonged to the Duque Infeliz (de Aveiro.) It was rented by that family to an Enghlh gentleman, whofc agent, one Stephen Spencer, picked up fome ftoncs, warned do.vn from the peak of the ifland, and fent them to England. The lapidaries gave it as their opinion, that the mountain whence they came certainly contained curious, if not precious, ilones. All the Illands contain iron ore, often on the furface.
241. The Duque dAveiro had partly peopled S. Antam with his own flaves; and, in time, he acquired, or ufurped, a kind of property in the perfons of the other inhabitants. The poor, ignorant creatures having fubmitted to his gradual and artful encroachments on their liberties, their children actually came to confider themfelves as the flaves of this ufurper and his fucceffors. And fo compleatly were they fubjugated at laft, that the Englilh agent exported and fold a great number of them. On the fall of the Averio family, however, S. Antam reverted to the crown: and, not above fix months ago (1781) the governor received an order from the court of Lifbon to liberate thefe oppreffed people, who are computed to be about 1000.—The famine which afflicled thefe iflands a few years ago (fee § 235, note) appeared firft in S. Antam, and was very feverely felt in that ifland, 1000 of it's inhabitants having perifhed by it. In Santiago, 15,000 perfons, or about one half of the inhabitants, loft their lives, in the fame diftreiling period.
242. During the adminiftration of the Marquis de Pom- c JI^A v-
bal, about 10,000 of thc inhabitants of the Cape Verd v__-J—^t
Iflands were fent to build the prefent fortifications at BilTao, JJ.D where moft of them died.
243. There are at Santiago fourteen Emgenhos, or fugar- Sugar-mills, mills, worked by oxen; but only two of them are reckoned
good. They make very ftrong fpirits there; but, from a defect of induftry and ingenuity, and doubtlefs of encouragement and capital, neither their fugar nor fpirits are fuf-ficiently cheap for exportation.
244. The late governor, Joaquim Salene Saldanha Lo- Whale-fifc-bo, had a fcheme for fitting out vefTels at the Cape Verd maniac-611*' Iflands, for the whale fifhery on the Southern coaft of Afri- tures;
ca; and another for extracting from the Sementc da purga* an oil which is excellent for burning, and is free from any bad fmell.—The gathering of Orzella, or Orchella, on the coaft of thefe illands, cofts not 800 reas per quintal. The medium price of that quantity, at Porto Praya, is 3000 reas, and at Lifbon 19,200 reast.— In thefe illands, they might raife great quantities of very good cotton, and alfo of indigo which grows wild every where. But the inhabitants do not cultivate more of either, than what is neceffary for the cloths they manufacture, for their trade to the continent of Africa. Colonel Bolts has famples of the following kinds, the firft of which is in the greater! demand on the continent, and the reft in the order of the numbers. The prices are thofe at which they may be refpe<5tively bought per piece, at Porto Praya.— 1. Pano de agulha, all cotton, about 2500 reas.—2. Pano quadrado, all cotton, about 2000
* Ricinus—Pignon d'Inde.   It is believed to be the fame plant from which thc Pallor oil is extracted in the Weft Indies.
t 4800 reas are equivalent lo a moidore, cr about 27 (hillings flerling.
U reas.
c H.A p. reaSt—g. Pano da ley, all cotton, about 1000 reas.—4. Pa-i_ _ 1 no de fio de laa, cotton and worlted, 4 to 5000 reas.—5. Pano de retros, cotton and filk, 6 to 12,000 reas.—6. Pano de veftir, 3000 reas. _
245. The ifland of St. Thomas (called by the negroes on the coaft Poncas) was difcovered by the Portuguefe, in 1465, firft fettled by them in 1467, and here they have raifed a colony which is, or was, very flourifliing. It's fitua-tion (under the line, and in about 270 of longitude Eaft from Ferro) appeared to the Dutch fo commodious for the trade of the neighbouring coalts, that they took it in 1610, and again 1641; but it was both times retaken by the Portuguefe, who foon repaired the almoft incalculable damage their enemies did on abandoning it.
246. The chief products are fugar and ginger*. Of
* I do not know that the products of any one of the countries, which I have found it neceffary to fketch, have ever been explored and diftincily enumerated. That they have not, would appear from the new difcoveries always made, even in the molt frequented parts of Africa, when naturalifls happen to vifit them. Oi this we have an inflance, rn the following extract from the evidence of a. 1*. How, Efq. who was in Africa, iu 178,5 and 1786, in the Grampus fhip of war, employed as a botanift, by the Britifh government.—" The witnefs has feen cinnamon trees at St. Thomas, at the fea fide, about 20 feet high ; and, from what he heard, they grew inland to a higher fize. From the bark brought down, he concludes there mult be a great quantity inland. The cinnamon and caflia trees are of different genera; the one belonging to the Laurus, the other the Caflia; but their genera are nut jjuitc efla-blilhed. The leaf of the laurus is oblong, nerved, thin ing, fimple. Of thc caflia, the leaves are bipennato, not unlike the mimofa or fenfitive plant. The witnefs is not pofitive that it is the fame cinnamon which grows in India; but the bark, leaves and whole ftructure of the tree are the fame as thofe brought from thence to Kew gardens. He has never been at Ceylon; but has feen the tree, both at Bombay and Cambay, in private gardens, brought as prefents from Ceylon. The African caflia is not unlike that which has been feen in the Eaft Indies."—See Minutes oi" Evidence before the Houfe of Commons, 1790^, 226,
brown
Cinnamon.
brown fugar, the common crop is from 6 to yco charges, of c HXA p-which near 100,000 roves, each 32 Portuguefe pounds, are ^— annually fent to Portugal.   The other products and manu- M£T factures of St. Thomas, are different kinds of cotton fluffs, proper for the Portuguefe trade on the coafl, fruits, particularly that called cola, a nut, in taftc like a chefnut, which is advantageoufly bartered in Angola and Congo, whence it is fent to a great diltance inland.   Indian corn, millet, calfa-da, figs, bananas and other tropical produce, grow here in plenty.   The fheep and goats are excellent; but the beef is fmaller, and not near fo fat, as in Europe.
247. The Portuguefe carry to St. Thomas, linens, cam- import, blets, ferges, brandy, wine, olives, olive-oil, capers, fine flour, butter, cheefe, fait, hatchets, bills, copper-kettles and plates, fugar-moulds, pitch, tar and cordage.
248. Of the three firft, thc Portuguefe make fo little ufe j,nNcr's as fcarcely to claim an exclufive property in them. Ships of Fernando all nations occafionally touch at them for wood and water, ^o^Ind"" and to catch turtles.   But at Annabona, the Portuguefe Annabona trade in cotton, which they gather there in confiderable quantities.   They alfo raife hogs, goats, poultry, and fruits.
249. Except Afcenfion, which is covered with fand and EK £ible for rocks, all thefe iflands offer to Portugal an excellent op- coonies' portunity of imitating the liberal and humane example of colonization in Africa, which has lately diftinguifhed Great Britain and Denmark.
General re-
250. The Portuguefe had the advantage of trading to, and JjjJpJJJ °B cftablifhing themfelves in, Africa, earlier than any other guefefctdt-
. mcnts in
U 2 modern Africa.
c h^a p. modern European nation; and that too at a time when i_,~t1„_; they were a£tuated by a fpirit of enterprize which perhaps has never been exceeded in any people.    Their power has, indeed, undergone a great, but gradual, declenlion, efpecially on the continent of the Eail of Africa.   Yet fuch remains of it are Hill vifible that a refpectable modern writer fcruples not to fay, that they ftill poffefs more valuable territory in Africa, and have brought more of the natives to live in the European manner, than all Chriftendom befides.   Hence he concludes, that other nations, and the BiniOipro- Britilh in particular, who can furnifh Africa with manu-ca might ex- failures of their own, might make at leajb as great advances £uefeP0rtU*  in the inland trade of that continent, as the Portuguefe, under the difadvantage of purchaling molt of the goods they carry to it, from other nations.   " But this," he ob-ferves, " depends on quite other measures than what have ever yet been taken!'
SPANISH.
Canary 251. The Canary Iflands, as well as thofe of Madeira and Cape Verd, were known to the ancients. But their accounts of them are indiftinct. and confufed; for they appear to have confounded many iflands together, under the general name of the fortunate iflands. The Canaries were firlt known to the Europeans, in the middle ages, between the years 1326 and 1334, by means of a French fhip driven among them by llrefs of weather. In 1403, they were granted by Henry III. King of Caflile, to John de Betan-cour, a Frenchman.—The fubfequent conquell of them by
* This (ketch is an abridgement from Glad's Hillory of the Canary Iflands, London 1764.
the
the Spaniards, as well as their civil hillory fince, are foreign c H^A p-to our purpofe. t_~J—>
252. Of the Canary Iflands, which are feven in number, Canarus* Tenerife is the moll confiderable.   It is about 36 leagues Tmerifi. in circumference.   The latitude of it's centre is 280 30' N. longitude 160 25' W. from London.
253. From the varieties of it's foil, climate and expofure, Produaiom. all the valuable vegetable productions, of temperate and tropical countries, thrive in it.—It's animals are camels, horfes, affes, mules, cows, llieep, goats, hogs, rabbets, fowls,
geefe, ducks, Sec.—The ifland rifes on all fides towards the Pike, in it's centre, like a hanging garden, till within a plke-league of the clouds, which are not above mid-way up the Pike. But there arc no houfes any where above three leagues from the fea. The firft league from the fhore produces vines, the next corn, the third woods of chefnut trees, Sec. interfperfed with fome corn. Beyond thefe woods, are the clouds which, in fine weather, come down in the evening, and reft on the woods till morning, when they retire about a league. Where the clouds reft in the day, there are many pine-trees, beyond which grows no grafs or vegetable, except a fhrub called retama. The Pike itfelf is, properly fpeaking, a volcanic mountain, of a conical form, fituated on the fummit of a very high Ifland. It is vifible in approaching it 40 leagues, and in departing from it 50*.
254. Sainta Cruz, the chief town of Tenerife, may be Towns, reckoned the capital of all thefe Illands; for, though the C0UttSj epifcopal fee and the fupreme courts of judicature are at Palmas, in Gran Canaria, the Governor General of all the
* The height of the Pike above the fen, according to Dr. Heberden, is 15,306 tec t; according to M. Borda, 1^346 feet.
Canaries,
c ha p. Canaries, refides at Santa Cruz, which is the centre of the trade
i-*1_/ of thefe Iflands with Europe and America, and contains about
Canar.es. ^000 inhabitants. Befides Santa Cruz, there are in Tenerife feveral other conliderable towns and villages; for that fmall part of the country which is inhabited at all, is extremely Population,  populous, the ifland being computed to contain no lefs than
nianutae- ng 0oo fouls. In the large village of Ico, there is a filk ma-runs, wine,   sr - - ^ op ■>
iugar. nufacturc, efpecially of flockings, which are fent to the Spanifh Welt Indies.—From the whole Ifland, 15,000 pipes of wine and brandy are annually exported.—The Count of Gomera has about 1000 negro Haves employed in Tenerife, in making fugar; which, however, he does not find a profitable bufinefs. There are very few other negro flaves in Tenerife, and flill fewer in the reft of the iflands. Gr«» c.ana- %55- This illand is about fourteen leagues in length and ua' nine in breath; and, for the excellence of it's air, water and
productions, well deferves the name of the fortunate ifland. But this mull be underflood with an exception, for the S. E. wind, which is hot and flifling, and comes fraught with Locufts.     clouds of locufls that deflroy every thing green.   This calamity, however, happens but feldom, and does not lalt long; for the earth foon recovers it's verdure. Gran Canaria is well watered, and almoft any thing planted in it will Pmportionof thrive.   Though it be fo mountainous, that not above one arable land.   feventh of it's furface is fit for cultivation, it contains more arable land than Tenerife, Palma, Gomera or Ferro. wine      256. Much fugar was formerly made in Gran Canaria; but fugar-canes have been abandoned for vines, which are found to be more profitable.   The Canary wine is good ; but not equal to that of Tenerife.   The prohibition of exporting provifions from this ifland, and fixing a price on them, is a great check to it's induftry, and tends to produce
fcarcity,
CHAP.
X.
I--,-9
L'ANASIfS,
Population,
fcarcity, the very evil thefe reftriclions are intended to prevent. Palmas, the capital of Canaria, is a well built town, containing about 6000 inhabitants. The population of the illand is ellimated at 40,000, an uncommonly great proportion of whom live to extreme old age.
257. Palma is about 8 leagues in length, and 6 in breadth. It is very mountainous, and, except the Pike, placed, as it were, on the top of Tenerife, there is higher land in Palma than in that Ifland.   It's produce is much the fame with
that of the other iflands; but it yields much more fugar Produce, than any one of them. Palma abounds fo much with fruits, that the inhabitants, not being able to confume them, and having alfo plenty of fugar, preferve great quantities as fweetmeats which they export.—When corn is fcarce, they make bread of the roots of a fpecies of fern, which, Mr. Fern bread. Glas fays, is not much inferior to wheat bread.—Among the mountains of Palma are pines fit for marts; but the difficult conveyance of them to the fhore, renders them too dear, though the labour itfelf be cheap.—Thc ifland contains about 30,000 inhabitants.
258. Lancerota is 5 leagues long and 3 broad. The latitude of it's centre 290 8' N.-Fuerteventura is 27 leagues in length, and 5 in breadth. The air of both thefe illamls is excellent, as is proved by the longevity of their inhabitants. Both of them are almoft deftitute of trees, owing to the violence of the N. 8c N. E. winds. And, what is a more ferious want, neither of them have almoft any other than rain-water, which is preferved in tanks, or citterns, as in the Weft Indian ifland of Antigua. But they have plentiful rains, and excellent herbage, efpecially in the fpring and fu mraer; but it is fome times feorched by the autumnal heats, when the cattle, which had before been fat, lofe their
flefh.
Lnneerota aft J Fuerte-vcJilu-ra.
t
Canaries.
Produce,
Orchella.
flefh. Thefe iflands produce wheat, barley and Indian corn, not only fullicient for their own inhabitants, but to afford a very great fupply to Tenerife and Palma. The foil is light, and is ploughed by a camel and twoafles, which form no defpicable team; for the affes are uncommonly large, and formerly ran wild, in fuch numbers in Fucrtc-ventura, and became fo troublefomc, that the inhabitants were obliged, at one time, to deftroy 1500 of them.—On the fhores of both iflands, abundance of Orchella grows among the rocks*.   This weed is well known to dyers, for
giving
* Orchella—Lichen Roccella (Linn. Sp. plant, ed. 2. p. 1622, No. 71.) Midler fays that the dye of Orchella, is prepared by the urine of men and loda, and that women's urine deftroys it's effect; alfo that the colour is not durable in the air or the
fun.   (Linn. Nat. Syft. nach Houttuynifchcn wcrk Vol. XIII. Part 2. p. 528.)_
M. Hellot fays, that 20,500 quintals of it are annually exported from the Canaries. (L'Art de la Teinture des Laines, Paris 1750.)—It was fold as high as 700 guineas per ton, during the American war, but is now about £170 per ton.—Dr. Goflelin has lately discovered it in the Ifland of Guernfey. (Dickfon's Fafcic. 3. Plant. Cryptogam. Britann. 1793.)—Another fpecies, the Lichen Tartareus (Linn. Sp. plant, ed. 2. p. 1608. No. 14.) has been long ufed in Sweden, and in Scotland, for dying red, in a domeflic way, (See Linn. & Kalm's Weflgotha Refor) where the procefs is defcribed ; alfo Sowerbys Engl. Bot. p. 156. where he fays, that the L-ich. Tart, is prepared with vol. alk. and allum, and communicates a purple colour to wool, but not to vegetables.—J. P. Weftritig, M. D. has made experiments for dying different colours, with a variety of Swedifh Lichens. The ability and induftry of this learned gentleman promife many valuable difcoveries. See his Memoirs in the Acls of the Roy. Acad, of Sc. at Stockholm for 1791, p. 113, 293, where he fays, that from 8 to 900 Skd. or about 128 tons of Lich. Tart, has been yearly exported from Sweden fince the year 1770 ; but this appears too much for the firft jo years. It's price has varied from 15 to ^30 per Ton, and is now/^.
In 1785, an eminent merchant of Gothenburg, having fmoothed his way, by means of his mercantile influence, obtained an cxclufivc privilege for exporting this article. How far fuch privileges are confiftent with the public good, fee \ 116 ct fcq. Qu. XXV § 142, and § 165.—But praife to Heaven, a liberal and patriotic government has fince taken place in Sweden.   The injlruments of cor-
I uptw 11
s
giving a colour, thought by fome to be the Gertulian purple of the ancients.—It is remarable that till within the lalt fixty years, Lancerota produced no vines: but a volcano Canaries-which then broke out, covering a confiderablc extent of ground with dufl and pumice Hones, lb improved it that it has ever fmce yielded grapes of which a wholefome wine is made. But it is inferior both in quantity and quality to the wine of Fuerteventura.
250. The two illands export to the reft of the Cana- Exports, ries, wheat, barley, Indian corn, cattle, cheefe, fowls, goat-fkins, Orchella, fait and falt-fifh.   Their wheat fells for one Wheat better fifth more than any European wheat.   Formerly they ex- rean.Eu° ported camels to Jamaica, but that trade was prohibited.— Thc largeit town in thefe illands contains not above 200 houfes; and the population exceeds not 10,000 in Fuerteventura, and 8000 in Lancerota.
260. A fmall mountainous ifland, not above 17 leagues in Oomem circumference. It is bleffed with excellent air and water , corn fufficient for it's inhabitants, with every other neceffary, and many of the luxuries, of life, in fuch plenty that, if the colonilts were encouraged to manufacture their own wool and filk, they might live almoft independent on the might be ai-relt of mankind. For their ifland alfo furndhes every ma- p^lclmdc0> terial for building, except iron, the only article they would find it neceffary to import. In addition to the animals common to the other iflands, Gomera has plenty of deer, and produces more mules than any of them. But it is alfo the only one in which there are any fnakes, which are, how-
ivption are removed, and the prefent adminiibation foetus ferioully intent on thc encouragement of agriculture, and the real and Lfling interells of the nation.—I acknowledge that as things now Hand in Europe, mono, o ies may, in certain cafe , be Unavoidable. In all cafes, however, tbev fhou'd be retained in the hands of the government, who have, or ought to have, the fame iuterefts with the nation.
X ever,
the rert of the world.
CHAP. X.
L--,--J
Canaries.
Hierro or Ferro.
General obfervations, on thc Canaries.
Climate.
Soil.
Population.
Humane policy of Spain,
ever, quite harmlefs.—In Gomera are reckoned 7000 inha-tants.
261. Ferro is about 15 leagues in circumference. It abounds with flowers, from which incredible numbers of bees extract great quantities of honey. But the wine is fo poor, that the inhabitants are obliged to make brandy of the moft of it. Water is extremely fcarce; but inltinct has taught the fheep and goats, as well as the hogs, to dig up fern-roots to quench their thirfl. The inhabitants are fup-pofed not to exceed 1000.—Geographers very often reckon the longitude from the meridian of Ferro.
262. The principal differences in the climates of thefe iflands, arife from their different elevations above the fea. For eight months in the year, the fummits of them all, except Lancerota and Fuerteventura, are covered with fnow. Yet, in their vallies and fhores, the cold is feldom fo great as to render fires neceffary.—A very great proportion of the furfaccs of all the Canaries is covered with lava, calcined Hones, and black duff or alhes, formerly emitted by volcanoes, the remains of which are flill very vifible in all the iflands, and fome of them, among which is the Pike of Tenerife, arc not yet extinguifhed.
263. The prefent inhabitants of thefe iflands, who amount to near 200,000, are defcended from a mixture of the Spa-nilh conquerors and the aborigines, on whom the government of that period conferred equal privileges. In confe-quence of this wife and humane policy, the Spaniards eafi-ly incorporated with the natives; fo that their pofterity have long formed but one people*.   Hence more good
foldiers
* " How the Spaniards," (fays Mr. Glas, p. 344.) " came foon after, in Amc-tira to act. in a quite con nary manner, is hard to conceive. Yet the Dutch, French
foldiers and failors may be raifed in the Canaries, than in c H A p-
.......
any other Spanilh colonies, containing thrice their num- i-,->
1 Ca n a r Its,
bers.
264. The prefent inhabitants of the Canaries are ftronff Character of and well made, but more fwarthy than the natives of Spain, ans. The common people wear coarfe woollen cloths, of their own manufacture, except on holidays, when they appear in coarfe EngliIh broad cloth. The gentry, though few of them are rich, are rather proud, but polite and hofpitable. Some of them are tolerably well educated and informed. The Canarians are blind to the impofitions of their priefts BIm;Jed by
r 1 pnelb and
and lawyers; but they are extremely averfe to war, becaufe lawyers, but they plainly fee, it ruins their commerce. In the war which av e to war. ended in 1763, they flrenuoufly endeavoured to procure a
and Englifh, far from following the good example of the Spaniards, in the Canaries, have creeled, in the fugar illands in thc Well Indies, the moft abfurd and barbarous governments that ever cxiiled in any part of the globe, and which are by many degrees worfe than the Spanifh governments in America." (" There are but few negro or other flaves in the Canaries; but, if a mailer treat one of them with injuflice or cruelty, the flave may oblige him to fell him immediately. The fame law, if I am not miflakcn, takes place in the Spanifh Well Indies," p. ogg, Mr. Glas, was not miflaken; for this and feveral other excellent and efficient regulations refpccling Haves have fince been proved to obtain, in the Spanifh Weft Indies. See thc Report of the Britifh Privy Council, part VI. article '* Spain.") " What improvement or obedience," continues our author, " can be expefcled in a country where all the labouring people are flaves, and have no other principle to excite them to obedience and induflry but the fear of punifhraent? which, after all, has never yet brought their labour to any degree of equality with that of free indigent people, who have the fole difpofal of the fruits of their labour."—I fhould rejoice in being able to repel Mr. Glas's charge of cruelty againfl the fugar planters. But I have the belt reafons to believe, it is but too well founded. I mufl add, however, that the humanity of the French to their flaves (notwithftanding their boafled code noir) does lot muchexceed that of the Englifh, and that the Dutch are flill more brutally cruel 1 han either. The Spaniatds, Portuguefe and Danes are undoubtedly the belt mailers Of flaves.
X 2 neu-
c H a p. neutrality for their iflands.—The intercourfe between the «_. -v-     fexes, before marriage, is much rellrained.   Hence their Canapes. jove *s romantac, and their matches are difintereflcd. Yet Marriages,   they form more unhappy ones than in countries where the parties are better acquainted, previous to their union.— Their ideas of religion are fo narrow, that it is extremely Religion.     uncomfortable for any but catholics to live among them, except in Tenerife, where there are indeed a few protellant merchants: but the trade with protellant countries is chiefly carried on by Irilh merchants of the catholic communion.   The biihop rcfides in Gran Canaria, and has an an-inquifition.   nual income of about £6000 flerling. In each illand is an office of the inquifition who, till very lately, exercifed their power, and fometimes very much abufed it, independently on the civil magiftrates. Difeafes.        265. The moll prevalent difeafes are the fpotted fever, the palfy, and the flatos, a windy diforder, affecting thc flomach, bowels and head.   There are alfo a few lepers. All the Canarians are very much fubject to the itch: " The caufe of which," fays Mr. Glas, p. 204, " I know not. But it is certain, that people who dwell in countries remarkable for the purity of the air, are more fubject to the itch than thofe who live in places where the air is moiit and damp."
Commerce. 266. The Canary Iflands import from Great Britain, woollens of various kinds, hats, hard-ware, pilchards, herrings, wheat, when fcarce, Sec.—From Ireland, beef, pork, butter, candles and herrings.—From North America, boards, Haves, beef, pork, hams, rice and wheat, in times of fcarcity.—From Bifcay, bar-iron.—From Holland and Hamburgh, linen of all forts, cordage, gun-powder, flax, &c.—From Malta, cotton manufactures; but from every
other
other place, cottons are fubject to a duty amounting to a c H^A p*
prohibition.    The  Maltefe are  excepted, becaufe they i_—--/
maintain a perpetual war with the Turks and Moors.—The Canak" u exports have been already mentioned.—The manufactures Manofac-of thefe iflands are taffctics, knit (ilk hofe, filk garters, quilts and bed covers.—In Gran Canaria and Tenerife, they make coarfe linens and gauze of Dutch flax. White blankets and coarfe cloths are fabricated in Gran Canaria, from the wool of that Ifland. A very coarle cloth is alfo made, from native wool, in the other iflands. In order to encourage the filk manufacture in thc Canaries, the exportation of their own raw filk is prohibited.
267. The king's revenue conliils of (1) The royal third of Revenue, the church tithes.—(2) The monopoly of tobacco and fnuff.
—(3) Annual acknowledgement of the nobility for their titles.—(4) A duty of feven per cent, on imports and exports.—(5) Duty on thc Welt Indian commerce of the Canaries.—The annual revenue of all the Iflands, after paying the expences of collection and of the internal government, brings into thc treafury of Madrid about £ 50,000 flerling.
268. It may be remarked that this fum exceeds the clear revenue which ever came into the treafury of Great Britain, from all her American and Weft Indian colonies, in the infinite ratio of fomclhing to ?wthing. For I do not know that Great Britain ever received any revenue from either of them, except the \~ per cent, duty on fugar, and fome other enumerated articles, granted by Barbadoes and the Leeward Iflands to King Charles II. a tax which now very much opprelfes thofe poor, old colonics, while thc Ceded Illands and the opulent colony of Jamaica, pay no fuch tax. I need not. tell the intelligent reader, that all the Britilh taxes on fugar, &c. like thofe on wine, tea and other foreign
c OA p. reign articles, are ultimately paid by the Britilh confumers;
<_1J._i not to mention the monopoly-price, often exorbitant, which
Canaries. ^efl inc]ian produce colls them. For it is well known that fugar, Sec. is generally much dearer in Great Britain than in France, or any other country in Europe, even in thofe that have no fugar colonies. And all this, exclufivc of the enormous and endlefs expenfe of defending her colonies, by which Great Britain has incurred a very great part of her national debt.—Lord Sheffield, indeed, in his Obfervations, affirms, that thc expenfe of defending the fugar illands, by fea alone, during the American war, coil Great Britain more than the fee fimple of thofe Iflands is worth. The only advantage which fhe ever derived, from her expenfe of blood and trea-fure, was the comparatively infignilicant monopoly of the trade of her colonies. But the only effect of monopolies, even when reciprocal and apparently equal, is to enrich fpeculating individuals, at the expenfe of the nations and colonies which fland in this unnatural and impolitic connection. Of the truth of this obfervation, the Canary illands, as well as thofe of Madeira and Cape Verd, appear to afford examples, which ought to be viewed as beacons to warn the undertakers of new colonies in Africa, of the dangers to be dreaded from what a great author calls, " the mean and malignant expedients of the mercantile fyflem."— Read Smith's Wealth of Nations, B. IV. C. VII.
F R E N C II*
Isle dk 269. The Ifle de Bourbon, called originally Mafcarenha, BouRtoN.   after -t>s portUguefe difcoverer, lies about 120 leagues to the
* From Geographie naturellc, &c. de M. Robert, 1777. Tableau dc Commerce, 1787, and Walter's Ncufle Erdkundc, &c. New Account of Afia, Africa, &c, 1785.
call
eaft of Madagafcar, in the 21ft and 22d degrees of South c HXA p-
latitude.   In circumference, it meafures about 40 leagues. 1-;—~>
M, de Flacourt, Governor of Fort Dauphin and the other bourbow. French fettlements in Madagascar, took pofTeflion of this ifland, for his king, in 1654, and gave it the name of Bourbon. But his nation made no confiderable fettlement upon it till 1672. The Ifle de Bourbon and the adjacent Ifle de France have fince been fortified, as itations of refrefhment for the French Eaft India fhips*.
270. The air of Bourbon is falubrious, and the foil very fertile, and well watered with fprings and fmall rivers, abounding with fifh ; fo that, upon the whole, it is a charming habitation. Befides fupplying it's inhabitants and the fhipping with provifions, this ifland exports tobacco, coffee, Exports, white pepper, aloes, ebony, filk,. coral, tortoife-fhell, Benzoin and fome other gums.
271. But of all it's productions, the moft valuable is it's Bourbon and
' Jr^ *      t t coin. Sunt
cotton, which of late, fince the fpinning Machines, and par- cotton cpm-ticularly thofe called mules, were invented and improved ; pa e * -has been fpun at Manchefler as far as to 300 hanks, (each 840 yards) and even more, in thc pound, when common Surat cotton was only brought to 20 hanks. This itriking dif-proportion arifes chiefly from a difference in quality; but is alfo much owing to the Bourbon cotton being very clean, and that of Surat fo full of motes and dirt, (fome-tirnes to half the weight) that it's ilaple is broken in the violent operations neceffary to clean it t.   In fhort, I
have
* Colonel Bolts, whorevifed this fketch of thc Ifle de Betubon, and the Ifle & France, fayi that at the former there is only a road-lLad; bit ihatihe Ifle de f'aiue contains two good harbour?.
+ This prodigious difference, as far as it depends on thc fi ft pjepaiaiion, might
X.
Franc i:.
H^A l'. lulve known the price of Bourbon cotton as high as g millings per pound, when that of Surat was felling'at 9 pence. {See § 64.)
Tsi.e in: $7fc, This illand, called alio the Mauritius, is confiderably
k'fsthan Bourbon. Their air and climate arc very fimilar. The foil of both is equally well watered j but that of the Iile of France is thc molt llony, though by no means infertile. There is no noxious animal in either, unlefs we rcc-Rats, kon rats fuch; but with them both illands are fo much in-felled, that the foldiers in thc garrifons are fomctimes turned out to hunt them'-. The llation for the French Indiamen
is
he avoided, if ihe cotton were clranc-d by the producer, before the hard packing has incorporated the dirt and motes with it, 1 have indeed icpcatedly propofed to the cotton merchants to fend out cleaning machines to feveral places, and particularly to Surat, from whence fo much dirt is imported at fo very dear a rate, and the cotton lo much injured by cleaning. But I could never get them to lillen to this propria!. Indeed I have been well informed that cotton has been thoroughly cleaned in the Well Indies, by hand-picking, which though a tedious operation, w%s done it about 2d. a pound; but that, in England, it brought not one farthing more, than if it had not been hand-picked. This is tar from being the only in It an c« in which merchants difcourage producers from attempting improvements.   (See § 138.)
I have not mentioned health, that being a matter ot little coufideration among moft manufacturers. I never uudci Hood that the operations on cotton, previous to it's being (hipped for Europe, are injurious to health, as they are all performed in i\iC open air, or in fheds, and the people are not, as in Europe, confhmtly confined to any one of thc operations. It is, indeed, allowed that even thofe negroes, in the Well Indies who plant, weed, gather, ginn, clean {partially, by beating it with rods, on wooden frames) and fteeve, or pack, the cotton, are generally very healthy.—It is, however, a melancholy truth, that thc poor people employed in cleaning and carding cotton in Maucheiter, feldom live to above 30 years of age. The method of fpinning certain coarie numbers, (or forts) of cotton yarn, in damp cellars, has alfo proved to be extremely injurious to health.
* The garrifons in fome ol the Weft Indian Illands might find fimilar employment. But pr< miums ate there given for killing rats and nionkics, both which are very delliu51ive to the fugar-eanes.   In Barbadoes, they give 2d. apiece for rats'
heads,
THE  PRINCIPLES   OF   COM MERC E.-*-F R ENC II. I57
is Fort Louis, which is well fortified.   According to an c H A p-enumeration, in 1776, the Ille de Bourbon contained 6340 l— whites, and 26,175 black flaves, chiefly employed in agri-culture. The population of the Ifle de France then amount- T>   , .
. Population,
ed to pretty nearly the fame numbers of whites and blacks reflectively.
273. Thc productions of thefe two iflands are much the sPices-fame. But I have great reafon to believe, that a very material improvement has, by this time, taken firm root in both. For, during my flay at Paris, in 1787,1 was informed that M. Cere procured from Ceylon, and planted in the Ifle de France, of which he was governor, 3000 cinnamon trees, and 10,416 clove trees, 18 of which lalt foon advanced in growth; alfo 18 nutmeg trees, 10 of which have fince produced 1088 fine nutmegs, fo ripe that the wind fhook them down. From thefe plants, 60 others have been produced, befides 20 which were partly diflributed in the Ifland, and partly fent to the neighbouring Ifland of Bourbon, and to Cayenne, in S. America. In 1784 there were m the nurfery 124 more young plants, of which 20 were ready to be fent abroad. In June 1785, 10 young trees, in the Ille de France, yielded 800 nutmegs, and 9 others had about 500 far advanced. Thc fame year 24 were fent to Bourbon and 260 were planted in the nurfery.—In 1786, the Dutch, in the true fpirit of monopoly (fee § 112 note) fent a vagabond to the Ifle de France, to deftroy thefe plantations, by corrupting thc nurfery men. But prudence, or rather cunning, is not always combined with villainy.   The plot was timely discovered, and doubtlefs
licads, and 3 fiiillings for thofe of monkeys.   A friend of mine tells me he once received, in behalf of a black watchman, 1,5 fiiillings cur. for rat's heads.
Y would
would have drawn a deferved punifhment on die fellow who was charged with it's execution, if he had not made his efcape.—It is no wonder, however, that the Dutch are jealous of their monopoly of fpices; for, when I received the foregoing information, I was allured that their trade in thefe articles brings them in 18,000,000 of livres Tournois, or about £'750,000 Her. annually.
274. " The French;' fays the compiler of the Atlas mari-timus et commercialis*, " have carried thc difcoveries in Madagafcar to the higher! perfection, both on the coaft and in the inland parts. The following brief account, by one of their governors, feems the belt yet published."—" Our people have had a fettlement on this ifland, ever lince 1622, and we have now, not only a peaceable poffeflion, but feveral well fortified houfes, on the coaft, and flourifhing plantations within the land. Our principal ftrength is at the fouthernmoft point of the eaft fide of the ifland, called Fort Dauphin, with a good garrifon. It is fituated in lat. 250 6' S. We have fince reduced a confiderable part of the ifland, the natives being, at peace with us, and very much pleafed with our religion alfo; fo that feveral of them are converted to the Chrillian faith."
275. About the year 1654, the chief feat of their power was transferred from Fort Dauphin to the Ifle de France and Bourbon. But they have ftill retained polTelTion of the former; and have made feveral attempts to extend, or to regain, their acquilitions in Madagafcar. In 1767, a colony was attempted on that illand, under M. de Maudave,
* Primed,. London 1728.
" But
" But it  was foon perceived that this enterprize was c 11 A p*
founded on falfe principles; and it was abandoned, from      ^-»
the impoflibility of affording the advances of every kind, which M. de Maudave required for the new colonifts*." That the enterprize was founded on falfe principles, is far from being improbable; and, from the miniller's own words, juft quoted, we may fafcly infer that it was given up from falfe oeconomy. Wc fhall make this inference with the more confidence, when we confidcr the feeble fupport given by the court of France to their next attempt to make an eftablifhment on Madagafcar.
276. The attempt alluded to was made in 1772, under the B^<nvjfy*t conduct of the Count de Benyowiky, a Polilh noble man prize, in 1-71 who, whether we confider the vigour and capacity of his mind,  or the   aftonifhing variety  and danger of his adventures, muft certainly be ranked among the moft extraordinary characters that any age or nation has produced.   My limits will not contain the minute particulars of the expedition, and, if they could, I am not fure that I fhould infert them;  rather wifhing to ftimulate than to gratify the reader's curiofity, relative to that interefting piece of biography, the Memoirs of the Count de Benyowiky, tranllated from the Count's own MSS. and from authentic, official documents, chiefly by the editor, the learned and ingenious Mr. Nicholfon.
277. I muft therefore content myfelf with ftating a few is not pro-principal fa£ts, relative to this extraordinary enterprize.   In fitted
* See the letter from the French miniflcr M. de Boynes, to Mell*. De Ternay and Maillart, dated March 19, 1773, in " Memoirs and Travels of the Count de benyowiky," 2 vols. 4to. from the text of which, together with the preface of the *ble editor, and the documents and vouchers annexed, this fhort fketch is chiefly compiled.
Y 2 1772,
C H A P.
X
1772, the Count: prevailed on the court of France to enter
\-,-> into his views ; and he was accordingly placed at the head
«At. 0f tne expedition, with a corps of 300 volunteers under his command. But his prefent fupplies of every kind were evidently lefs calculated to infure fuccefs, in an undertaking of national magnitude, than to infpire the Count with confidence in the fair minillerial promifes he received, of ample future fupport. In the mean time, the miniflry, thought proper to refer him to the government of the Ille of France, who were ordered to furniih him with (hips and provifions, and, in every refpeci, to co-operate with him in the undertaking.
Oppfed by      278. In September 1773, the Count landed on the Ifle of ment and     France, there to experience a fucceflion of the molt mortify-[heriflcde°f inS difappointments.    Whether he there betrayed any France.      fymptoms of that ambition which, though it does not appear to have been ill directed, was certainly an ingredient in his character; or whether, as feems far more probable, a vile fpirit of intrigue, which, as I myfelf have experienced, was perfectly characterise of the former French placemen, tinclured the characters of the governor and intend-ant, I lhall not prefume to decide.   Neither fhall I attempt to appreciate the degree of influence which the evident averlion of the jealous traders of the Ifle of France to any eflablifhment at Madagafcar, had on the minds of the government of that colony.   I fhall only mention the fimple fact, as eftablifhed by the proofs before me, that they were, from thc beginning, extremely adverfe to the views of the Count.
Lands at laft     279. After great delay, and a tardinefs fcarcely diflin-carMadaiJa   guifhable from the moll infulting oppofition, and which, in the fervants of an arbitrary government, feems unaccountable
able on any fuppofition favourable to the French mini (fry, c HXA p«
the Count finally took leave of his dilatory coadjutors, on the ~\--£—>
2d of February 1774; and, on the 14th, he arrived, with M*c1k.S his troop, not 300 effective, in the Bay of Antongil, on the N. E, coafl of Madagafcar.
280. Before the 5th of September, the Count had con- Builds fort ilructed all the neceffary works on the lands which he had rLi'"1 * purchafed, including a refpecf.able fort and a road 6 French leagues (about 21 Englifh miles) in length, and 24 feet in breadth.   His means were certainly very flender, and, unaided by his addrefs among the natives, would have been
quite inadequate. They were, however, greatly fuperior to thofe with which, as we fhall hereafter fee, Mr. Beaver lately performed fimilar wonders at Bulama.
281. On the lalt mentioned day (September rdh 1774) he p^H>ut« began to diftribute grounds among his troops, for the com- digra-cimti mencement of a vigorous cultivation, on which he feems all
along to have been intent.—From the 14th to the 16th of February 1775, he was again employed in dillributing lands of a fuperior quality; for they naturally produced fugar-canes, cotton, indigo and tobacco.—He had already found means to engage about 6000 of the native blacks, whom he found both willing and expert labourers, to join the harbour with the neighbouring river, by a canal, above in\ Englifh mile and a half in length, a work which they actually performed, in four days; and, on the qth of March, we find him agreeing with two chiefs, for about the fame uum-herof their men, to make a road towards Angontzi, 6$ Englifh miles in length.
282. Among his other difficulties, the Count unfortunate- Oppofed * ly had to flruggle with the hoflility of fome of the chiefs. f^^J^ Their jealoufy of independence, was originally excited by otlicrs-
that
Madagascar.
c ha p. that perfidy and tyranny, which, the Count officially ob-u  ;- v ferves, ruined all the former French fettlements in this ifland; and which appears, on this occafion, to have been inflamed by emilfaries from the Ille of France.   The Count, however, was not unprepared to meet his enemies. After various fkirmifhes, which he could not polTibly avoid, and in which his troops, or rather his allies, conducted by himfelf and his officers, were generally fuccefsful, we find him (April 2d 1775) at the head of 22,000 armed natives. An engagement feemed unavoidable, when the Count propofed a negociation,in which he fucceeded fo compleatly, that the adverfe chiefs took thc oath of friendfliip, and the day ended in feflivity.-On the 14th of October, he purchafed from the King of the North, the Ifland of Noifebc on the N. E. cwhs his   coaft, in S. latitude 130 15'.—November 2ill. Having yet couTuycioth received no effectual fupplies, and his remaining brave fellows being almoil naked, he collected a number of the native women to fpin and weave cotton cloth; and having fucceeded in tanning leather, he fet his fhoe-makers and taylors to work, and, in a fhort time, compleatly cloathed his troop.—On the 17th of November, the llorekeepcr died, leaving all his account-books blank.   He was a man of bad chara6ter, appointed by the government of the Ifle of France, with a view to difcredit and embarrafs the undertaking.—With a fimilar intention, they fent the Count, on the 27th of December, only four recruits, and thefe were notorious vagabonds. Notfupport-    283. On the 14th of March 1776, he had yet received no French mi-   order whatever from France.—Augufl 23d, he obferves that nUtry*       the ifland enjoyed perfect tranquillity; that the chiefs of the whole eafl coafl were united to the eflablifhment; that the weft was ready to join in the common intereft; that agriculture
culture had every where been increafed; and that nothing c HXA p-
but fupport was wanting to improve this happy juncture. i-.-»
284. A circumftance mufl now be noticed, which ex-
c a r.
plains, in a certain degree, the conduct of the French mi-nilfry, and which, with fome, may ferve to juftify it.—An Wpo«edto aged negrefs, fifty years before, had been flolen from Madagafcar, and fold as a Have in the Ille of France, to- car princefs. gether with a princefs of the royal family of Ramini, the grcatefl and the moil ancient in Madagafcar, and which, in this long interval, had become extinct.    The Count brought back this negrefs to her native country; and, whether by his concurrence or not is uncertain, fhe reported that he was born by the princefs—the fon of her forrow-ful exile. The remembrance of beloved kings, and fympa-thy with the fuppofed offspring of their unfortunate princefs, were cafily excited in the minds of a people naturally fufceptible of tender imprefhons; and the chiefs, formerly fubject to the Ramini family, now wearied out with their dif-fentions, were ready to acknowledge the Count, as- their Ampanfacabe, or fupreme chief.—Had this circumftance been known much earlier, the conduct not only of the Count, but of the French miniflry, and the government of the Ille de France, would have been almoft diverted of myftery. ft would then have been apparent, that the Count entertained an ambition, which might have called for the vigilance and direction of thc other parties.   But Ttill it would not have been clear, that his ambition was of that mifchiev-ous kind which ought to be violently counteracted, far lefs totally repreffed; for it really does not appear, that he had any views incompatible with the peace and happinefs of Mankind.
2L85. This extraordinary affair (if then firft known to the
Count
CHAP. X.
V ii ■ r— ,   -   ., /
Madacas-
c a it.
Acknowledged fuch by feveral chief's.
Interrogated In- com mi f-fioners from Fiance.
liueicfling p.irticulars.
Count) was noted in his journal, February 2d 1775, when he mentions his determination to take advantage of it. and to conduct that brave and generous nation to a civilized Itaic, and the eflablifhment of a folid and a permanent government, founded on national liberty. At the fame time, he laments the blindnefs of the French minilter to the true interelts of his country. Several of the chiefs, foon afterwards, actually chofe the Count as their Ampanfacabe, made their fubmiffion, and fwore allegiance.
286. On the 22d of Auguit 1776, two commifTaries, Me If. de Bellecombe and Chevreau, arrived from France to take cognizance of the Count's proceedings. They digcltcd their bufinefs into 25 queries, to which the Count's replies were fo perfectly fatisfac~tory, that they gave him a discharge for his paft conduct, and accounts, certifying that he had advanced to the French treafury, 415,000 livres*. This done, the Count, on the 28th, delivered them his re-iignation, with which they failed for the Ille de France.
287. The queries and anfwers, I think, may fairly be confidered as forming an authentic official document; and it contains very interefling information. Among many other important particulars, the Count Hates to the commif-faries, that the fubhdies he received from the chiefs in
1776,
* The only ftatcment of receipts and difburfements, inferted in the work before me, is that which the Count tranfmitted to the French miniflry on the 22d March, 1775, viz.
For levying and tranfporting the regt. of Benyowfky, and fup-      Livrcs  s. d.
plies for trade....................................... 342»^49 12 5
Bills of exchange, drawn to the amount of.................. 113,000 10 j
Total received
expend-
a 6*
1776, in fugar, indigo, cotton, Sec. amounted to 940,000 li- c H^A p-
vres, and that they can raife 123,000 warriors; that they \--,-1
willingly grant lands to the French, who would be welcome Ma°a*. and fafe throughout the whole ifland, provided no impolitic and impracticable attempts were made to deprive the natives of their liberties, of which M. de Laly and other French officers had given them too much reafon to be jealous; that they are induftnous, and example would make them more fo, are imitators and difpofed to learn trades, being already tolerable goldfmiths, potters, turners, carpenters, weavers, Sec. but their " moll refpecled bufinefs is the manufacture of iron and fteel. They are very expert in fufing the ore and in forging utenfils;" (See § 71) that their houfes are of wood, fometimes covered with
expenditures.
soi the troops, in 1772, 1773, 1774 and to 20 March 177,5
for H. M\s fhips, thc Poflillion and Courcnr............
For the colony.   Building the governor's houfe—roads, canals,
forts, &c...........................................
Supplies to the Ille of France, in rice and Haves.............
Pro vifi oris to feveral of H. M's fhips.....................
DcdUcl thc fums advanced
And alfo the fums advanced by m) felf................
Neat profit*.....................«...............
* This fum is not neat profit. The lefult of this account is, that the colony coft the French Liv. 455^50 a g antj Liv. 245,000 (which he advanced) making together Liv. 700,650 2 8. This is not equal to the whole charge or Liv. 854.,ai2 18. But the colony paid thc difference, Liv. '51,562 15   4, and alio fupplitd the 1. de France and the king's (hip's with Liv. 286,8*5 11 7.
"'s laft Him is the only return, and if taken from the whole fum advanced, will leave Liv. *] 3,814. ie> or the balance due to the French government, at thi* period of the undertaking.—Note •f Oic editor.
Z Jeaves
Livres	s.	d.
«4M8a	0	0
3yM'>4	6	4
3*5>9l<>	11	
245,412	0	0
	11	7
1,141,048	12	7
455 /\5°	2	8
5«5.398	9	11
245,000	0	0
340.398	9	11
chap, leaves, all neat, and thofe of the Rohandrians, elegant; v_-_vl^ that they raife good crops of rice, have vaft numbers of m cak S oxen, fheep, goats and poultry, and trade confiderably, in produce with the Arabians, Sec. that the whole ealt coaft affords very few Haves, a trade in whom it would be neceffary to prohibit; that, in ten years, a colony might be eftablilhed in Madagafcar, on the plan ftated below*. For other particulars, I muft refer to the work itfelf,
288.
* The Count, in his anfwer to the 25th query of the commiflaries, flates his plan, the fubftance of which is, that, if the king fupply 600 men, and 200 men at the end of each of the two following years, permitting him to chufe hufbandmen in the troop, to marry with the women of the country, unrellraiued on account of religion; and alfo to import annually 200 foundlings, 12 or 14 years of age, and likewife Malabar and Chinefe families: in this cafe, a colony would, at the end of three years, be formed, which, connected with all Madagafcar, would begin to have fome value. The expenfe would not exceed a million (of livres) per year, exclufivc of the expenfe of a vclTel of 600 tons, another of 200, and 6 galliots, for tranfports and the communication of polls.—At the end of three years, the colony would fupport itfelf, and increafe, by the product of it's united capital of Liv. 3,000,000, till thc tenth year, when it would be fufhciently ftrong to fear no fudden revolution, and be able, by it's commerce (which the Count feems all along to view as a fecondary object, to be promoted by no other means tban the cultivation of the country. See particularly, vol. 2. p. 249, 254) to reimburfe the expenfes of it's eflabliflunent.
The Count's ellimate at p. 347 vol. 2. differs from thc above; probably becaufe lie had not fufhciently confidered it. The title of the paper, of which it is a part, mows what were his views, and makes it probable, that the paper, itfelf was never prefented officially to any minifter; for it is not dated.—" Reflections upon the project of a colony at Madagafcar, in cafe any power fhould adopt the fyjlem of civilization, founded on the baps of an alliance." Of the eflimate, which forms thc fir ft article, the following is an abftraft.—The colony of Madagafcar may be formed, in ten years, with Liv. 3,000,000 and 720 military fent the firft year; 200 yearly for the cd and ^d years; and 150 yearly for the 7 following years; exclufive of an annual importation, for the whole 10 years, of 120 European hufbandmen, 30 Creoles, and fto natives of India or China. In all, about 4170 perfons who, fays the Count, " will annually produce 600 children, the total of whom, at the end of the tenth year', [ ' will
Madagascar.,
288. But the Count, on quitting thc French fervice, does c HrA ?-not feem to have abandoned his profpc6ts in Madagafcar. Several chiefs, he tells us, required him to alTumc the government.   Accordingly, a congrefs was fummoned, and on the 9th of Oct. 1776, the Count actually faw above thir- J^bhTr. ty princes and chiefs, and at leaft 50,000 of their people £0dn™,dGo_n proltrated before him, as their liege lord.   The oath (or daredAm-rathcr engagement) indited by the chiefs, in their own pan(aC4ibe* language, having been thrice read aloud, was figned, in name of the nation, by Hiavi, King of thc Ealt; Lambouin, King of the North; and Ralfangour, Rohandrian of the Sam-barives.   Inltead of an appeal to Heaven, it contained this remarkable fan6tion, " Curfed be our children who fhall Singular tkk obey our prefent will.—May the moft horrid flavery thechfefi confound them"   They acknowledge, however, and adore o:ith" one God, the Creator and Preferver of all things; for Raft Native* ac-
r i     i •   r it- - -in knowledge
fangour, an aged chief, opened this meeting, with a fhort, one God. but truly eloquent fpecch, which began thus, " Blefled be
xvill amount to 6000 Creoles, and 3370 Europeans, a fufficient, number to fix the epoch cf a colony" Thefe laft are thc Count's own words, which 1 have inferted, becaufe they imply an approbation of the foil and climate, which more effectually convince me of their general excellence, than the direel encomiums he often bellows on both, Thc mortality of his troops proves nothing againfl thc climate; for, I apprehend, if they had been lauded on any coafl in tlie world, and had experienced the fame fevere labour, and equal hardfhips, of every kind, the very fame mortality would haveenfucd.—For want of time and room, I have omitted many facls; but thc Count's bill of mortality I really have forgotten; and the page, where it fhould have flood, being piinted off, I hope to he excufed for infer ting it here. His corps originally confiflcd of 300 men levied in Old France (p. 90) and he appears to have received iome few recruits from the Ifle de France. In 1774, there died 113 of his men, in 177,5, only 11 (Vol. II. p. 2B0.) In particular, on Oct. 3d 1775, there was not a rnan fick. The flate of health, in 1776, does not appear.—The Count loll his only ftm in Madagafcar, he and the Countcfs narrowly efcaping.—But the firft hai(Whips e*pericnced there, have feldom been exceeded.
Z 2 Zalian-
c HXA p- Zahanhar (God) who has returned to his people. Bleffed be i     - .f the law of our fathers, which commands us to obey a chief MAtD*„GAS' defcended from the blood of Ramini. Our fathers and our-felves have experienced that difunion is the punifhment of God." &c. (See Memoirs, Vol. II. p. 264.)    The Count feems to have borne his new dignity with moderation ; for, inftead of grafping at the extenfive power exercifed by former Ampanfacabe's, he propofed a conftitution, which feems to have been well calculated to promote the happinefs of a people imperfectly civilized, and in which the chiefs unanimoufty acquiefced. chiefs m-      2cScj. On the 23d of Oct.. the fame three chiefs, in name trTatVkh t0 of the " kings, princes, chiefs and people of the north and France, &c.  ea{\ern coaits of Madagafcar," iigned full powers to the Count, as their Lord Ampanfacabe, to go to Europe, and from treaties of alliance and commerce, with the King of France; and, in cafe he fhould not accept the offer, with any other European king, or nation.   The Ampanfacabe, oh his part, engaged them to acknowledge, in his abfence, Raffangour, the prefident of the new fupreme council, Or, he failing, thc Chief Sance, a mulatto. He embarks     290. On the 14th of Dec. 1776, the Count, having affifted r ranee.   ^e French commandant at Louifbourg* with his advice, embarked on board a French fhip, for the Cape of Good Hope, on his way to Europe; the native chiefs and he fhed-ding tears of affection and regret, and mutually Melting each other, in the name of Zahanhar. The French     291. Here the Count's journal ends, and, before we no-"r!(huaions,  tice his few remaining tranfactions, of which we have ac-
* This place is often mentioned in the Count's journal, being the name of the town he founded, as appears by one of the plates, where it would appear alfo, that he full impofed the name, a circumftance not mentioned, I think, in the journal.
counts
Sec.
counts, it feems but fair to infert a few particulars, from the c N p.
annexed letters of die French minifters.—From that of the l_^_/
minilter, M.de B. to Mell de T. and M. Governor and In-tendant, of the Ifle de France, dated Mar. 19th 1773, it appears, that the chief end originally propofed by forming this colony, was thc fupply of thc I. de France, with provihons. The Count had a duplicate of this letter,as containing inttruc-tions for him, as well as M. de T. and M. and he is ftrictly ordered to employ mild negociation alone, with the Malgachees, or natives.-The fubfequent letters are addreffed to the Count, by the minifler M. de S. In that dated Vei fades, July 17th 1775, M. de S. admits, that all former attempts have been attended with great violence to the Malgachees. He enjoins pacific meafures towards them, the prefervation of the Count's own people, and thc itrictelt ceconomy.—March 30th, 1777,M. de S. repeats his pacific injunctions; becaufe the chief obje£ts are agriculture and commerce, which, depending on the exertions of the natives, they muft, therefore, be conciliated and civilized.—April 6th 1777, The fame injunctions are repeated; and M. de S. expreffes his difapprobation of thc Count's acrimonious conteits with the adminiltration of the Ille de France.—Thefe two letters, dated in 1777, the Count could not have received, in Madagafcar, which he left in 1776 (Sec § 290.)—The lalt'minifte-rial difpatch to the Count, is not dated; but it ends with a paragraph, which fomewhat elucidates the conduft both of the Count and of the miniltry.—" I have read with plea- Curious par lure," fays M.de S. j! your reflexions reflecting the colo- ragrap ny at Madagafcar. I think with you, that the llave-trade would be its ruin, and that all the views ought to be directed to trade and agriculture. I had already configncd thefe truths, in the particular inftructions of Melf. de Bellecombe and Chevrcau (the commiifaries, fee \ 286) " fo that you
will
c h^a p. will not have had any difficulty in bringing them to approve *_ -T—your principles, which do not differ from mine. I do not M*c*R.$' mucn diifer from you, with regard to the Europeans; but this queilion will not be entirely refolved, till I can pofitive-ly affure you, that His Majcjly intends to have a colony in Madagajcar"—The only comment which this paragraph feems to require, I have anticipated, in § 278. But, however inconliftently M. de S. talks of thc Madagafcar colony, it would be wrong to accufe him of having t alked,forJeven years, about prohibiting the flave-trade; while another European minilter, without talking about it at all, has actually adopted an effectual plan for it's abolition, as will be feen, in the 2d part of this work. The Count's 292. But, to difmifs minilterial manoeuvres—the lalt pa-Propof?to pers in the Count's Memoirs are £ A Declaration,'* &c. and 2cMa'Sy " Propofals, &c.r to the miniitry of His Britannic Majelty, to be prefented at London, Dec. 25th 1783." But whether or not they ever u-ere prefented, does not appear. In thefe papers, the Count refpectfully rcprefents, inter alia, That, having fucceeded in forming a colony for France, in Madagafcar, the French miniftry fent orders to him to change the fyftem of alliance agreed upon, into an unlimited fub-miffion of the chiefs and people of the ifland, a violation of treaty which induced him to renounce the fervice of France: (To this change of fyftem, the Count alludes in his anfwer to the 25th query of the commiffaries.) That the chiefs and people, having conferred on him the charge of fupreme judge and chief of the nation, had empowered him to form connections in Europe, for trade or friendfhip: That, having fince been violently perfecuted by the French miniftry, he had entered into the fervice of His Imperial Majelty, in hopes of obtaining hisafliltance for Madagafcar; but, that thc emperor not being difpofed to promote his
views,
views, he had, two years before, regularly quitted his fer- c R^A p-
vice.   And, now, in thc name of an amiable and worthy na- <____-___;
tion, he propofes and fubmits to His Britannic Majefty, to Macdaarg.as" acknowledge him Suzerain (Lord Paramount) of Madagafcar; the interior government, and all the regulations of civilization, police, cultivation and commerce, remaining independent ; the chiefs and people being only vaffals to His Majefty. In this quality, they engage to furnilh His Majelty with aooo men, to a6t in India, under their own officers, Offers cooo
f ldiers and
fubject to the orders of His Majefty's Generaliffimo, and 2ooo fea-2000 feamen, to ferve in India, on board the Britifh men of men' war, which they oblige themfelves to victual, &c. &c. (The Count, in his anfwer to the 22d query of the com mi friaries, Hates, that the iflanders are accuflomed to navigation.)
293. Being ignorant of the fate of the Count's i( Declaration" and " Propofals," and whether they ever came before the Britilh miniflry, I mufl now turn to Mr. Nicholfon's well written preface, where the Count's remaining tran-factions, together with his final cataflrophe, are recorded. The fubitance of both is as follows.
294. The Count and his family, with fome alfociates, ar- Jh« rc-
. . J . from London
rived at Baltimore in Maryland, July 8th 1784, in the Ro- to Baltimore, bert and Ann, Capt. M'Dougall, from London, with a cargo, fuited to the Madagafcar market, worth near / 4000 iter. This feems to have been fubferibed in London; for Mr. Nicholfon tells us, that the late celebrated Mr. Magellan, with a fpirit of enterprize worthy of his name, contributed a very conhderable fum*.   A refpectable houfe in Balti-
* I have been told that Mr. Magellan was lineally descended from the famous portuguefe navigator, who difcovered the Straits which hear his name.—The Count 'eft with Mr. Magellan, the MSS. of which Mr. Nicholfon formed thc Memoirs. See Preface, p. 2.
more
Madagascar.
c Ml p. more, furnifhed the Count with a (hip of 450 tons, carrying , 20 guns and 12 fwivels; the fhip and ftores amounting to above £4000 fter. exclufivc of thc goods brought from London.   On the 2^th of Oct. 1684, the Count failed for Ma-
from Bain- .   J    . .      1 .
more to Ma- digafcar, leaving his family in America, on account of the dagafcar; plCgnancy of Mme- de Benyowiky. Every one on board was, by agreement or oath, fubject to his abfolute command; though the captain and fupercargo were to aflift him, and to bring back the fhip. lie did not put in at the C. of Good Hope, probably for the fame reafon which, as we fhall foon fee, induced Colonel Bolts alfo to pafs by it, namely, the fear of alarming the commercial jealoufy of the Dutch.
295. The Count lirfl touched at Sofala, where he remained fome time, for refrelhment: and, on the 7th of July, 1785, land, in anchored in Antangara Bay, 10 leagues SW. of C. St. Se-Madagafcar, k^,^ j£ Madagascar, and the cargo having been landed there, the Count intending to go over land to Antongil Bay, whither the fhip was to proceed. It appears, by letters, that the Count's old friend, the King of the North, came to pay his rcfpecls, and the chief of the Scclaves, his former, enemy, with a body of men encamped near the Count, who propofed to him the ufual oath, which the chief declined. The mailer's proteit ftatcs, that, on the night of the iff of Aug. a firing was heard and feen on more, at the Count's encampment; that at day light neither white men nor effects were to be feen; that their own danger, and the probability that the Count and his party were cut off by the natives, compelled them to fet fail for the Ifland of Joanna ; and that at Oibo, on the oppofite continent, thc fupercargo fold the fhip.
296. A letter from a man on board, Hates that the writer c H^A p-and another perfon, though not convinced that the firing was \_'r__/
from the natives, ware forced to fign the proteft. A letter Macdaargas* from an officer, brought prifoncr to the I. de France, after the        , ,
is attacked
deflruction of the Count's party, confirms the preceding, " as far" fays Mr. Nicholfon, (i as relates to the deflruction of the Count and his party, by the French." The writer mentions the firing in the night; but, contrary to the pro-tell, affirms that the fhip failed away in fight of thofe on fhore, who could not overtake her in the country boats. From this letter, it appears, that the Count, at the head of a bodv of natives, commenced hoftilities againfl the French, by feizing their flore-houfe at Angoutzi. Here he began to build a town in the country nfanner; and thence detached 100 men to feize their factory at Foul Point, who de filled, 011 feeing a frigate at anchor there. On being informed of thefe tranfuctions, the government of the Ifle de France fent a fhip with 60 regulars, who landed and attacked the Count, on the 23d of May 1786, in a redoubt he had conflructed, mounting two cannon, and where he, with two Europeans, and 30 natives, waited their approach.   The blacks fled,
and killed,
and Benyowlky, receiving a ball in his breafl, fell behind the parapet, whence he was dragged by the hair, and expired in a few minutes.
297. The laft mentioned letter, Mr. Nicholfon ob-ferves, " in many refpects, feems to want explanation;" hke the protcil and the other letters, relative to the Count's unhappy end. From fuch materials, it was impofhble even for thc abilities of the editor, to extract, a confillent account; nor would thc Court of France have derived much credit from a fair flatement of a tranfaction which, I have £ood reafon to believe, could not bear the light.   The to-
A a tal
by order of the French nunittry.
C'.ircitm-ltances de-fcriptive of his chara&er.
tal concealment of deeds, of which the witneffes are necef-farily numerous, cannot be effected, even by an arbitrary miniflry; and, to their machinations, the dellruction of the brave Benyowlky, was univerfally attributed, when I was at Paris, in 1787. But this did not latisfy my curiofity, reflecting the fate of fo diftinguifhcd a friend to Africa, I made particular enquiry, and was affured that the miniftry ordered out a frigate to fecure the Count, alive or dead; but the particular minilter who iffued the order was not mentioned. This information I received from Monf. Hall, one of the firlt painters in Europe, a near relation of the commander of the frigate, who, of courfe, was obliged to execute, and, I have not a doubt, did execute his orders. This was what I chiefly wifhed to know; and it would have been indelicate to trouble a gentleman, fo connected, with minute queftions. He faid, however, that the Count aimed at the fovereignty of Madagafcar, independent of the French; but he was far from impeaching him, in other refpects, and candidly admitted, that he polfefled confummate bravery and ability.
208. Thefe qualities fhine confpicuous in every page of the Count's hillory; which alfo exhibits marks of other virtues, more to be regarded, than the vague affertions of perfons, who have obvious reafons for wifhing him to be thought the tyrant and the robber. But a very different character appeared, in his earneft and fuccefsful endeavours to induce fome tribes of the natives, to abandon their criminal practice of facnlicing deformed children, and thofe born on unlucky days—a reform, however, of which M™e- de Benyowlky ought to fhare thc praife. The deteftation with which he fpeaks (p. 352) of the fl avidity, injuflice and op-prefhon of the ufurpers and tyrants," who condu£ted
forme r
former attempts in (or rather on) Madagafcar, and his re- c HXA p*
figning, rather than violate a treaty, by attacking the li- v_—,-1
berties of the natives—if thefe circumflances account, as
ca*.
they partly do, for the number of his enemies, his friends may alfo infill on them, as marks of a noble, humane, and generous difpofition. They may infdt, Hill more flrongly, on the attachment of his officers and men (" my poor fellows" p. 201) in the moll trying conjunctures, and even when he appeared to be dying of a tedious illnefs (p. 283) and when nothing but an ardent affection to their leader, not to fay an admiration of his virtues, could have kept them within the limits of difciplme.—In fhort, Mr. Nicholfon, who had all the letters and documents before him, declares, that he has " not yet feen any thing againft the Count, which will not bear two interpretations, or which has not been written by men who contradict each other, and had an interell in traducing him."—I muft add, that, for aught I ever heard to the contrary, the Count de Ben-yowlky, deferved a better fate. Nay, I am clearly of opinion, that his conduct in Madagafcar, deferves no fmall portion ofadmiration,andevenofrefpect: and, all things duly confidered, I fee no reafon, why a monument might not be created to his memory, inferibed MAGNIS TAMEN EX-CIDIT AUSIS.—But, after all, I wifh my readers to peruh* the " Memoirs/5 and to judge for themfelves, of the character there exhibited \ efpccially as I have only examined that part of the work which relates to Madagafcar. In order to aflilt perfons, in forming their conclufions, who may not have time to read this inflructive piece of biography, I have mfcrted the dates in this epitome.
299. Some may think, that 1 have commented rather too TJfcond«a *reeiy on the conduct of the French miniftry.   Far, far be Miniftry
A-.   feems unjufli • a 2 It fefafe
c tw\ P, it from me, to imitate the immediate deftroyers of Ben-l_Jv_J yowfky, whoever they were, by infulting the mighty fallen
Mktt*f* vScc § 2V6     the end)*   But it: was at>folutely neceffary that the failure of this colonial enterprize fhould be traced to its true fourcc, and not attributed as ufual, to the climate, the conltant excufe for European perfidy and violence, within the tropics, cfpecially in Africa.   The benevolent profe(lions of the miniftry towards the natives of Madagafcar, may have once been fincereT ; but minifterial benevolence is evanefcent, and, in modern practice, muft always give way to expediency.   It was expedient for. the French miniltry, to change their fyftem, reflecting Madagafcar. It is alfo expedient, or convenient (fee Johnfon's Diet.) that, if pofhblc, a diftinction mould be eilablifhed between the viinifter and the man.   Accordingly it is allowed, by fome, that certain minillers, whole plans have been pernicious to mankind, were yet very good fort of men ; and my opinion of M. de S. though as good as it ihould be, upon the whole, would be much improved, were it poilible for me to conceive, that an arbitrary minilter could deviate into evidently crooked paths, without carrying the man along with him. Benyowlky fhowed the minilter what he fhould have done, rather than violate a facrcd principle.—The Count dared to be conliftent, and refgued : but he was a foldier, not a mi-nfler.—Yet I fincerely with it were credible, that the French miniltry were not concerned in the foul treatment of Benyowiky.   But truth and Africa are more dear to me
+ I am forry that I happened to omit, in its proper place, that M. de S. in his difpatch to the Count, ol April 6th 1777 (and which thc Count could not have received in Madagafcar) exprefles much concern that he fhould have loft fo many men in filling up a maifii, a circumflance which the CounL aJfo mentions in his journal.
than
than the reputation, either of the Count or the Miniftry : 1 and I fear that their conduct, to him cannot be even politically juftifted, without impeaching their wifdom.—The American troubles were coeval with the Madagafcar colony. The miniftry dropped the fublbmce, and matched at the fhadow.   Neglecting Madagafcar, with her valuable and in-creating productions * and her-three millions of docile and ingenious people, i they lurked behind the mafk of profef-jions, for, what they thought, an opportunity of humbling" Great Britain.   The confequences to France have been already hinted at.   But Britain, dilencumbered of her financial burden, and having her ftrength concentrated, rofe fuperior to the blow, and has fince refumeel, and, if undif-turbed by war, was long likely to maintain, her refpectabi-lity among the nations.    Her aftonilhing reftoration, I think, ought, in candour, to be partly afcribed to the dif-iinguiihed ability and induftry of the ftatefman who has
* Having, under the preceding articles, enumerated the moft valuable productions of the continent of Africa, it did not feem neceffary to'dwjil on thofe of Madagafcar, which are very milch the fame. But, as the natives are far lefs Iw-railed hy the flave-trade, and upon the wh >lc, more civilized ; the pro/luce of their labour is proportionally more abundant. This is evident from the great quantities *nd value of. provifions, &c, exported and fupplied to fhipping, by the Count. See lhc ftatcment of charge and di(charge above infeited.
A refpefclable merchant in Loudon, of great experience in the French Eafl India commerce, alfurcs me, that the cotton of the eaft coafl of Midagafc.ir is fully equal to that ot "Bourbon ; and that a great part of the cotton which comes to Emope, lmder the name of Bourbon cotton, is either fmuggled from ;h"e Eaft Inches or brought regularly from Madagafcar into Bourbon, where it is ftored and repacked for exportation to Europe.   For an account of the Bourbon cotton fee § 271,
+ See Memoirs, vol. 2, p. 397. This, however, can be but a vague conjeclure refpetHng the population.
fince
178 COLONIES  IN  AFRICA, ON
c h a p. fince conducted her finances.—What fhould I fay more of ■   -t-     ftatefmen and of their abilities or infirmities, but u Alas ! poor human nature?"
dutch.
c. of Good goo. The Dutch Eaft India fhips began to frequent the .Cape, about the year 1600; but it was not till 1650, that propofcsa^ ^an Rebeck, afurgeon, firft difcovered the advantages that colony there, would refult from forming a regular colony there. On returning to Holland, he prefented a memorial on the fubject, to the directors of the Dutch Eaft India company, who approved of his propofal, and ordered four fhips to be equipped for the Cape, with fome artificers, a few colonilts, and the neceffary tools and ftores. Van Riebeck was appointed admiral of this fleet, and governor of the new colony; trufts which he fulfilled with fuch fidelity and fuccefs, that he well deferves to be recorded, as founder of that important eftablifhment.
Liberality of 301. In executing this defign, the directors acted with a the DutchE. decree °f wifdom and difintereftednefs, too feldom found
India co. 0 .
in the reprefentatives of joint flock companies, and for which, in many other inflances, the conduct of their prede-ceffors and fucceffors have not been very remarkable. They authorized Van Riebeck, to purchafe territory from the natives, which he did, with goods to the amount of
* This flcetch of the colony at the Cape is compiled from Mortimer's Diet, of Trade and Comm. 1776.—Menzcl's Befchreibung von Cap de Bonne Efper. 178,5. —Das merkwurdigfle aus den beflen Befchrcibungen von Cap 1787.—Tableau de Commerce, 1787.—Forfler's Voy. round the World, 1777, and Sparrman's Yoy. to the Cape of Good Elope, Perth edition.
5O,000
50,000 guilders.—In the choice of colonilts, their difcern- c HXA p*
ment and prudence were confpicuous.   They fuffered no <-*-—»
thieves and Jlrumpcts to poifon the infant ibciety with the 'hope. vices for which they had been expelled from Europe. But, Thelrcbo5ce by advantageous promifes, faithfully performed, the com- ofcoionitts. pany induced laborious peafants, and honeft artificers to emigrate to the Cape*. They defrayed the expenfes of the voyage; and provided the colonilts with fubfiltence, tools, implements of agriculture and cattle. To each, they gave a portion of land, on condition that, in three years, he Ihould have cultivated enough to enable him to fupport himfelf, and to contribute to the defence of the colony t. They alfo agreed to bring back to Europe, gratis, thofe to whofe con-ftitutions the climate might be unfavourable, and who had full liberty to difpofe of their effects to the belt advantage. Eor the reception of the colonilts, the company erected villages, each containing 30 houfes, a church, an hofpital, a town-houfe and a public kitchen-garden. To furnifh the colony with females, girls from the orphan-houfes in Hol-
* Since I wrote §128 and 129, I have heard it objected, that, in time of war, it would be improper to encourage colonization; as the peup'e who might be expected to become colonilts, arc wanted for thc armies.—The objcclors, however, would do well to recollect, that, of all people, thole who are difpofed to become foldiers are, generally fpeaking, the moft unfit for any new colonial undertaking ; and that fuch being taken off by the war, a greater proportion of fober and induUrious perfons will he left, from among whom to make a prudent fclecfiou. Befulcs, that the war itfelf, and the general poflure of public affairs, have difpofed many worthy peo-ph', throughout Europe, to embark in any undertaking, likely to afford them more peace and fecurity than they expect to enjoy in their refpectivc countries.
7 The company, however, at prefent, never part with thc property of the land; M rent it at thc annual rate of about 25 dollars, for every 60 acres.
land,
land, were fent out, with fuperintendants to educate them at the Cape ; and, on their marriage, the company afllgncd them fmall dowries,
302. The expenfe incurred by the company, in eflablilh-ing this colony, has been immenfe—not lefs, it hath been computed, than a million of guilders annually, for the firft 20 years; and in, 1713, above fixty years after it's firll fettle-ment, it Hill continued to be chargeable. But feldom has die property of a joint-flock company been fo beneficially employed ; for all difficulties are now furmounted, and the colony amply repays the expenfes of it's eflabliihment.
303. Thofe difficulties were of a kind which nothing fhort of cool, Dutch perfevcrance could have overcome. This extremity of Africa confifts of black and barren mountains of granite, without any volcanic productions. The cultivated fpots near the town, are of fliff clay, with a little fand and fmall Hones ; but towards Falfe Bay, the arable foil is almoil entirely fandy. Thc colony of Stellenboih is faid to have the bell foil of any at the Cape, but even that produces no very extraordinary proofs of natural fertility*.—Lions, leopards, tyger-cats, hyaenas, jackals, and feveral other wild beafls, infefl the Cape, now and then, even to this day.
304. Yet this country is not without it's advantages._
The air and water, as in moll other mountainous tracts, are good, in the fame proportion as the foil is bad. Though the fummer heats are fomctimes exceffive, the winters are fo mild that ice is fcarcely ever feen about thc town. But,
* The Dutch have, ltri&Iy fpeaking, four colonies in this part of Africa, namely thc Cape, properly fo called, Stellenbofb, Drakcnflein and Wavercn. The farms in many places are very much fcattercd.
on
on the mountains, efpecially far inland, there are hard c HXA p-frofls, with fnow and hail florms.   The climate, however, u_—v-—> upon the whole, is fo falubrious, that the inhabitants are ' 'jJ^J*** rarely troubled with any diforders more ferious than colds, caufed by the fudden changes of air, from the ftrong winds, to which the Cape is expofed at all feafons; and ftrangers foon recover from the fcurvy and other complaints.—The fupport of fo many wildbeafts, implies the exiftence of nu- Animals merous tribes of milder animals; and accordingly an afto-nifhing variety, from the mighty buffalo and camelopard, to the leaft of the beautiful genus of antelopes, and many fmaller quadrupeds, are common, in this part of Africa. The elephant, rhinoceros and hippopotamus, formerly came within a fhort diftance of the Cape; but they have been fo much hunted, and are fo feldom feen at prefent, that the government have iffued an order againft killing them, within many miles of the town*.—The neighbouring feas and bays abound with excellent fifh.—I know not Metals, whether the metallic ores of the interior mountains ought to be mentioned as an advantage ; as it does not appear, that the colonifts can work them with profit, on account of their remote and rugged fituation.   Some tribes of Hottentots, however, extract both copper and iron from the ores they find in their native mountains. See § 71, 287. But the grand A ftat;on for advantage of the Cape, at leaft that which appeared fuch in j^\^al* the eyes of the Dutch Eaft India company, was it's convenient fituation, as a place of refrefhment for their fhips ; and, in this view, the bare inflection of a map of .Africa, fhows
* The flefh of the hippopotamus, is eaten at the Cape. In Mr Forfler's opinion, it's talte is that of coarfe beef, but the fat rather refembles marrow. It's tulks are the belt of ivory.
B b it's
CHAP. X.
-y-1
C. of Gooo
Horn.
Exports.
Farming.
Tenure of lands.
it's fuperiority to all other parts of that continent. But it's fituation and climate are not now it's only excellencies, as a port of refrefhment; for it abounds with a variety of the belt greens and fruits, and, in particular, with fome of the fineft grapes and oranges in the world—articles peculiarly proper for feamen after long voyages.
305. The prodigious expenfe, and the perfevering attention which this colony coll, during the uncommonly tedious period of it's helplefs infancy, began at laft to fhew their effects, in the exportation of a little furplus corn. But, having fince arrived at a ftate of comparative maturity, the Cape not only fupplies the fhips of all nations, which touch there, with neceffaries and comforts, in abundance, and at moderate prices ; but fupplies all the Dutch, and fome foreign, Afiatic fettlements, with great quantities of corn, flour, bifcuit, wines of various forts, brandy, butter, cheefe, and falted provifions.—No country feeds a greater number of cattle than this, nor is their flelh any where cheaper or better. An ox commonly weighs from 500 to 6oolb. A farm may make from 1500 to 3000ID. of butter, annually. Many feed from 1000 to 6 or 8000 fheep, and a few have as far as 15,000, and cattle in proportion.
306. The Dutch Eaft India company feem, for fome time, evidently to have difcouraged all new fettlers, by granting no lands in private property, and by prohibiting the farmers from fixing their habitations within a mile of each other; though many parts of the country are fo barren, that lefs land than a fquare mile, (640 Englifh acres) would fcarcely make a proper grazing farm. The company are certainly more folicitous, at prefent, to promote their Eaft Indian commerce, than the productions of this flourifhing, but Hill improveable, colony ; otherwife, not only the cultivation
tivation, but the manufacture, of feveral valuable articles, C H A I
might be introduced with advantage.   Dr. Sparrman*. who ^_
makes this remark, gives feveral hints for the internal im- l-^pc^° provement of the colony ; but, being merely local, it is unneceffary to infert them, efpecially as the company, while they continue to attend almoft exclufively to commerce, are not likely to put them in practice.
307. Still the conduct of the company, or, perhaps more Dutch and properly, of their predeceffors, has been liberality itfelf, ^^con-when compared with the extortion and opprelfion of the w*ed. Cape Verd company of Portugal.    (See § 234.)    " We were not a little pleafed," fays Forfler, " with the contrail between this colony and the Portuguefe ifland of S. Jago. There we had taken notice of a tropical country, with a tolerable appearance, and capable of improvement; but utterly neglected by it's lazy and oppreffed inhabitants. Here, on the contrary, we faw a neat, well built town, all white, Capetown rifing in the midfl of a defert, furrounded by broken maffes of black and dreary mountains ; or, in other words, the pi6ture of fuccefsful induflry."   The town contains many flore-houfes of the Dutch Eail India company, and tolerable fortifications.   Here, as in other Dutch towns,
* I cannot help tranferibingfrom Dr. Forfler*s voyage, which lies open before me, his account of my friend and fellow traveller, which I can pronounce to he equally hberal and juft. " We were fortunate enough," fays he, " to meet with a man °f feience, Dr. Sparrman, at this place, who, after fludying under the father of botany, the great Linne, had made a voyage to China, and another to the Cape, in Purfuit of knowledge. The idea of gathering the treafures of nature, in countries hitherto unknown to Europe, filled his mind fo entirely, that he immediately engaged to accompany us, on our circumnavigation; in the courfe of which, I am proud to fayt wc have found him an emhufiaft in his feience, well verfed in medical know-'e-(lge, and endowed with a heart capable of the warmeft feelings, and worthy of a philofophcr." Voyage round the World, Vol. I. p. 67.
B b 2 their
c h A p. tneir genius manifefls itfelf in rows of trees and canals; i^L^j though experience proves the noxious effects of flagnant C'jw'O0U water» cfpecially in hot climates, and molt fatally at Bata-via.—The company's flaves are lodged and boarded, in a fpacious houfe.—The large hofpital for the Eafl; Indiamen, is generally pretty much crowded. For thefe fhips fometimes carry 6, 7 or 800 men, to fupply the regiments in India; and their confined fituation, and fhort allowance of water and fait provifions, make fuch havock among them, that it is not very uncommon for an Indiaman, fo freighted, to lofe, between Europe and the Cape, 80 or 100 men, and to lend 2 or 300 to the hofpital. It is a lamentable fact, that the Mortality of facility with which the Zcelverkoopers (Soul-mongers) in-"TbyDutch veigle thefe unfortunate people, makes the company's fer-Stmi'tnoKgert. vants more indifferent than they fhould be about their pre-fervation*.   They are plentifully fupplied, however, with an antifcorbutic diet, which, with the air of the place, certainly contributes more to their recovery than their doctors, who drench them all, indifcriminately, with the cheap contents of two or three huge bottles. No toleration     308. Toleration, which has been fo beneficial to Holland, it the Cape.  *g unknown at the Cape and at Batavia.   In 1772, even a Lutheran clergyman was not tolerated at the Cape ; but the chaplains of Danilh and Swedifh fhips, now and then offici-
* I wonder that the Slave-mongers, in their diflrefs for pretexts to juflify their trallic, have never mentioned the Dutch Soul-mongers, whofe praclice would have afforded them this notable argument.—The Soul-mongers kidnap men in Holland: ergo the flave-mongeis may lawfully fteal or carry off men, women and children in Africa, and murder them, if they refill. But this argument will fcarcely fatisfy thofe who reafon on different principles, and who will never be convinced, that many thoufands ought to be aclually murdered in Africa, becaufe fome hundreds are virtually murdered by the Dutch Zcelverkoopers,   See § 20.
ated
ated there. As in moft other European colonies, no attention c HXA *• whatever is paid to the religion of the flaves.   A few of u—v—t them, however, who are believers in Mahomet, meet week- C'hopCJ?ob ly, in the houfe of a free Mahometan, and read or chaunt fome prayers and chapters of the koran. 300. The governor depends immediately on the Eaft In- Government
d. n . r   1     r  i       ar|d revenue,
ia company, and preiides over a council compoled of the fcetthedby
fecond, or deputy governor, the lifcal, the major, the fecret- *orfter-ary, the treafurer, the comptrollers of provifions, and liquors, and the book-keeper; each of whom has the charge of a branch of the company's commerce. This council manages the whole civil and military departments. The deputy governor prefides over the court of juftice, which confifts of fome of the members of the council. But no two relations can vote in either. The governor has a fixed falary, houfe and furniture, a garden and a table. He receives, befides, 10 dollars for every leagre (108 gallons) of wine, exported to Batavia. The company gives 40 dollars for each leagre, of which the farmer receives but 24. Of the remainder, the governor is paid two-thirds, faid to be worth 4000 dollars annually, and the other third goes to the deputy, who directs the company's whole commerce here.— The fifcal is at the head of the police, and fees the penal laws executed. He is alfo appointed by the mother country, to whom alone he is accountable, as a check on the company's officers. The major commands the garrifon.—• The defignations of the other officers are defcriptive of their departments.
310. The above is the fubftance of the account of the government of the Cape, given by Forfler, whofe work was publiffied in 1777. But it would appear that fome change in it has fince taken place; for the author of Das Merkwurdigftc,
printed
G. of Goon
c A P- printed in 1787, fays the government of the Cape is divided t_ -t1 . into the eight following departments—1 it. The Great Coun-cil for the company's political and commercial bufinefs. It alfo fometimes reprefents the States General, and corre-fponds, at all times, with Holland and Batavia.—2. The Great College of Jultice, a deputation of No. 1. and the three burgomafters of the Capetown. This court is independent on the company j but, from it an appeal lies to the fimilar fuperior courts in Batavia and Holland.—3. The lelfer College of Juftice, alfo a deputation of No. 1. for deciding fmaller matters.—4. Thc Matrimonial Court, which takes care that regular marriages are obferved.—5. The Charity College, which has the charge of orphans, and the females cannot marry, without their confent.—6. The Church College, which regulates the concerns of external worlhip.—7. The Civil Court.—Every colony at thc Cape has it's own Burgher Council, chofen from among the moft refpedable citizens, and changed every fecond year. This council decides fmall matters between man and man; and, upon the whole, is reprefented as fomewhat fimilar to the corporations in England.—8. The Military College, which conducts all military affairs, including the militia.—Of there-venue and expenditure of the Dutch at the Cape, Menzell gives the following ftatement:
Guilders
A tax on produce, yielding, communibus annis,................ 206,617
Duties on imports from Holland and Batavia.................. 206,500
25 per cent, on all cafh fent to thc Cape from Europe............ 54.520
467>637
Annual expenditure, civil and military, is eflimated at.......... 361,330
Clear annual revenue of thc company
106,307
But
THI  PRINCIPLES   OF  COMMERCE.—AUSTRIAN. 18/
But Kolben flates the clear annual revenue, which the c H^A p»
Dutch Eaft India company derives from the Cape, at above \_Ljii_>
I 300,000 guilders, annually.   He appears, however, to in- C"Ho^0° elude the profits of that part of their Eaft Indian trade, 'Which is connected with the Cape.
311. There arc 700 regular troops in this colony, includ- Military and ing the garrifon, of 400.   The fencible white men form a popu 31011 militia of between 4 and 5000, of whom a great number may
be affembled in a few hours, by fignals of alarm. Hence we may eftimate the whites of all ages and both fexes, at between 16 and 20,000. But apart of the colonifts are fo very far fcattered, as to be able to afford little protection to one another, and to the community. There are in the colony five or more flaves to one white man. Thefe flaves arc chiefly from Madagafcar, with a mixture of Malays, Bengalefe and fome negroes.—The greater part of the colonifts are Germans, with fome French protectants and Dutch. They are induftrious, hofpitable and fociable; but fonder of good living, than of acquiring knowledge, for which they may plead the plenty of good cheer, and the extreme fcarcity of good fchools. Such colonifts as can afford the expenfe, generally fend their fons to Holland for improvement> but die education of their females is too much neglected.
AUSTRIAN.
312. The Bay of Delagoa, on the eaft of Africa (lat. about d*hgoa 260 S.) was difcovered in 1545, by Laurenco Marquez, a Bav Portuguefe.   In this bay his nation afterwards formed a portuguefe Settlement, on the river Manyeeffa, then the only one in fettle thci* E>elagoa, navigable for large fhips.   They built a fort of ^hich the vefti   5 ftill remain; but abandoned it, on the Manyeeffa becoming unnavigable by an accumulation of
fand:
CHAP. fancl: and their colony of Mozambique having then ac-
w--V—
I ) : I. a co a
Large trafts unoccupied by Europe-ana.
quired flrength, they did not find it worth while to renew their fettlement in Delagoa Bay.
3 r3. The waters of the Mafoomo, in the fame bay, having, in time, opened a channel of four fathoms over the bar, the and Dutch. Dutch formed a fettlement there, which they held till 1727, when a flrong fquadron of Englifh pirates, who had their rendezvous at Madagafcar, after plundering the Dutch warehoufes, razed them and the fort to the ground*.
314. Such was then the increaling profperity of their colony at the Cape of Good Hope, and its dependencies, that the Dutch gave up all thoughts of re-eftablilhing that of Delagoa ; fo that, from that day to this, a large and fine country, on the eafl of Africa, from Cabo das Correntes to the moll eaflern dependencies of the Cape colony, and on the well, a much larger tract, from Saldanha bay to Ben-guela, have been unoccupied by the Europeans, and abandoned to the peaceable and rightful poffeflion of the un-chriflianized Africans.
315. In the fpring of 1777, however, an eftablifhment ^pt/wndcr was made on the river Mafoomo, on behalf of Her late Im-
Col, Bolts. 3
perial Majelty, the Emprefs Queen, Maria Therefa. The circumitances and fate of this colony, as far as I have been able to collect, them, were as follow:—With a view to recover the trade of the Eaft, to the Auftrian dominions in Flanders, Tufcany and the Adriatic gulph, which had been loll on the abolition of the Oftend Eaft India company, in 1727, Her Imperial Majefty granted a charter, in 1775, to William Bolts, Efq. a gentleman who had been formerly employed in Bengal, by the Englifh Eaft India company,
* Sec an account of this fettlement and its deflruction, in the Dutch Reifen na Iudien I. de Buckoi, and the Englifh Hillory of the Piraics.
in
Auftrian at-
in whofe fervice he had been extremely ill treated*.   His c H A p-
charter contained many advantageous llipulations in his l_—p-1
favour, with full powers from the Emprefs Queen for mak- DkLkGOK-ing commercial and colonial arrangements, with the chiefs of Africa and Afia.   He, at the fame time, received a com-miffion as Lieut. Colonel.
316. Having formed a connection with fome gentlemen in The Colonel Antwerp, recommended to him by the Imperial miniliers, J^1* Colonel Bolts finally failed in Sep. 1776, from Leghorn,
in a large fhip, richly laden and well armed, with fome foldiers to preferve fubordination among a numerous body of people, from almoft all the countries bordering on the Mediterranean. Before the fhip failed, the mean oppofi-tion of commercial bodies had fhown itfelf. It was again is oppofed manifefted at Madeira, and in fhort, the Colonel was fol- claSTes^ lowed to India by fuch orders from the Englifh Eaft India company to their prcfidencies, and from thefe to the Nabobs, under whofe names they act when convenient, as were contrary to the rules of friendlhip between civilized nations, and even to common humanity.
317. As it would have been extremely imprudent to rely on the accidental good reception of any nation actuated by that peft of fociety, the jealoufy of commerce, Colonel Bolts, inftead of touching at the Cape of Good Hope, re-folved to pufh on to Delagoa Bayf. Having arrived there, arrives at the fecurity for fhipping in the river Mafoomo, the re- DeIj8oab«9 s fources he faw in the country, and the facility of treating
with the chiefs, through a Mahommedan from Bengal, whom he found fettled there, convinced him that it was a proper place for forming an eftablifhment.   After a fhort refidence,
See his Confiderations on India Affairs,. 3 vote. /ito. in 1772,
Cc
t See § 29^. with
with the help of prefents, and the influence he acquired by performing fome ordinary operations with an electrical machine, the Colonel was fo fortunate as to gain the friendfhip of Capell and Matola, the chiefs of the oppofite fides of the river, though declared enemies to each other.
318. Thefe chiefs potfefled the country all round, could each raife 15,000 men, acknowledged no dependence on any European nation, and had no intercourse even with the" Dutch and Portuguefe, their neareft neighbours. Colonel Bolts, therefore, in the name of her Imperial Majelty, purchafed from them a part of their refpective territories on each fide the Mafoomo, and commanding it's entrance. The goods agreed for were delivered, and the Imperial flag hoi (ted, in prefence of a great concourfe of people, including the crews of two Britifh fhips from Bombay, trading for ivory and commanded by Captains M'Kenny and CahilL
319. The lhip remained in the river four months, during which temporary houfes and a brick warchoufe were erected j when Colonel Bolts, thinking his prefence might, for- fome time, be difpenfed with, re fol ved to make a voyage in the lhip, to the coallof Malabar,, which appeared, on feveral accounts, advifeable and even neceffary. By the good will of Capt. M'Kenny, a retreat on board his fhip was provided, in cafe of necefhty, for the reiident, Mr. A. D. Pollet, who was to remain, in charge of the infant fettlement.
320. The Colonel, having arrived on the Malabar coaft, bought and fitted out three veffels, with cargoes proper for the trade, as well as the neceflities of the infant fettlement. One of them remained in the river Mafoomo, as a floating battery, while the others were conftantly carrying ivory to Cambay, and returning to Delagoa, with articles fuited to the African barter,—By artificers fent
from
Delagoa.
from Surat, the houfes and warehoufes were rendered more commodious and folid, and a 12 gun battery was erected on the fouth fide of the Mafoomo. From Surat, the Colonel alfo fent a Mullah, or Mahommedan prieft, with his family, fends a Main order to convert to his religion, thofe Africans who were Sonary\» attached to, or connected with, the colony, and whofe num- tothccoIony-bers conftantly increafed. For, feeing that, from their pre-deliclion for polygamy, chriftianity was not likely to be agreeable to them, he judged (in conformity with the commercial principles on which it was his bufinefs to ad) that for the purpofes of civilizing, and then governing a rude people, any religion is better than none. Belides, their intercourfe with the black Mahommedan crews of the veffels coming regularly from India, feemed to facilitate and encourage the attempt, by giving to precept the advantage of example.
321. The natives of this part of Africa are well made, Natives in. lively, active, intelligent, and imitative.    Happily they tc lge*' did not then allow the Have-trade, and Colonel Bolts hopes, this barbarous cuftom has not yet vitiated them. Elephants' teeth were then their only important commodities; but cowries and fea-horfe teeth were alfo occalionally exported. The Colonel, however, among other important objects, had in view the cultivation of cotton and fugar-canes, Wild cotton which are indigenous there, and grow luxuriantly all about J^,*?}^ the country.   In time too, he hoped to open a trade in ricc' &c-gold dull, with the independent inland chiefs, by the river Mafoomo, and particularly with a kingdom called Quitive, which, though faid to abound in gold, has hitherto been unexplored by the Europeans.   Rice and other vegetables grow luxuriantly;  though the natives feldom cultivate more than they think they want.   By inltructing and en-
C c 2 couraging
C II A P. X.
\__r--/
IJ L I.    GO A ,
Th.- colony thrives.
Rut, Prince Kaunitz dif-avowing it, thc Portu-guefj break it up.
Col. Bolts die reilonT cf the Auftrian Ealt India trade.
Claims of Spain and Portugal ri-diculuus.
couraging them to practife agriculture, all the tropical, and many other productions, might in time have rendered Delagoa almofl as commodious a place of refrefhment as the Cape, and, in fome cafes, preferable.
322. But the Imperialills remained only three years in poffeilion of this promifmg colony. Colonel Bolts, after fucceeding in every part of his miifion, returned to Europe, where he found that the Emprefs Queen had died three months before his arrival; and, with her, vaniihed all his hopes of fupport or jultice. Prince Kaunitz, the minilter, on a protelt from the court of Lifbon, had difavowed the fettlement; and, in confequence, a lhip of war, with 300 troops and two field-pieces, was fent from Goa to Delagoa, where the Imperialills were treated in the fame manner as we have feen the Dutch were, by the pirates, in 1727, their fhips, effects, and men having been feized and carried off.
323. Thus were the extenfive views of this able, enter-terprifing and public fpirited man, fruitrated, by the very court, for whom he acted, while he had the full powers of the Emprefs Queen in his pocket ; and, at the hazard of his own life and fortune, was bona fide labouring to promote the Auftrian Eaft India trade—a trade which his indefatigable and well directed exertions had fo compleatly re-ef-tablifhed, that we have fince feen eight and twenty India fhips afterabled at Oitend, exclufive of thofe at Leghorn and Triefte.
324. The caufe of Prince Kaunitzs difavowal of this colony, never tranfpired. But all Europe is acquainted with the claims advanced by the courts of Portugal and Spain, on fimilar occafions. The argument of the former is lhort and limplc.—<s Thc natives of the country are infidels:
a fubject:
a fubject of the crown of Portugal was the firft chriflian c HXA p-
who fet foot in that country : ergo that country belongs l-—m-1
to the chriflian crown of Portugal." The logic of the court DbLAt'JA• of Spain, in the affair of Nootka Sound, was equally laconic and conclufive.—" Some Spaniards are fettled at California, and on the neighbouring parts of America: ergo the whole northweft coafl of America belongs to Spain." Our potent cafuifls never once hint at the original inhabitants. Thefe are lavages and infidels, whofe claims merit no attention from chrijlituis.
325. But the Spaniards and Portuguefe are not thc only Flagrant a-Europeans who have hitherto difregarded fuch primitive m/reeexe^ pretentions, as will appear from the following particulars, Pllflcd-which very flrongly exemplify the abufe of commerce, one material part of my fubject..   In the year 1672, Charles II. was gracioufly pleafed to give and grant, unto the Royal African Company of England, " all and lingular the lands, countries, havens, roads, rivers and other places in Africa, from Sallce, in South Barbary, to the Cape of Good Hope, for and during the term of one thoufand years ; with the fole, entire and only trade and traffic'' (N. B. in the perfons of the inhabU(ints) " into and from the faid countries and places.''   May it not be doubted, whether Swift himfelf, that great maiflcr of irony, ever penned any thing fo con-fummately ridiculous, to fay nothing of it's other qualities ?—~ But Charles gave and granted to himfelf % ■participation of the above extraordinary privileges \ for he and his brother, afterwards James II. were fubfcribers to this fame company, and were both largely concerned in the flave-trade. Some other monarchs, however, were far from favouring that traffic; for Louis XI. of France, and the renowned Elizabeth of England, made no fccrel of their utter abhorrence of the
Have-
c HXA p- ilave-trade. But this was not Charles's only trade; for Sir. ■__ -.1 > T. Modiford, then Governor of Jamaica, having, by his Delagoa. ^e aut]lorityj declared war againfl the Spaniards, his maf-ter not only approved of thefe predatory hollilities ; but, in 1668, fent the governor an inftruction, empowering him to nominate partners, to participate with His Majefty in the captures,' " they finding victuals, wear and tear." Charles was feveral years actually engaged in this privateering, or rather bucaneering, trade*.—He and his immediate fucceffor appear, indeed, to have been par nobile fratrum, and to have left the Britifh nation fufficient reafon to remember them, and the clay when an over-ruling Providence was pleafed to remove their family from the throne, and to blefs the nation with a conilitution which has had confiderable influence on the arbitrary governments of Europe, and the radical principles of which, it is to be hoped, they will all gradually adopt, as far as their various circumflances will permit.
326. The late Guflavus III. of Sweden, who appeared to favour commerce more than agriculture, having heard of the abilities of Colonel Bolts, in colonial affairs, and his great knowledge of mercantile geography, prevailed on him (through his Ambaffador at Paris, Baron Stael von Holflein) to go to Sweden, in order to confult with him about efla-blifhing a fettlement for the convenience of the Swedifh Eafl Indian fhips. But, when the Colonel arrived at Stockholm, he found the King fo deeply involved in the late unfortunate war with Ruflia, that he could attend to no other
* See Poftlethwayt's Dicl. Art. Eng. Afr. Co.—Long's Hilt, of Jamaica, Vol. I. p. 626, compared with Vol. II. p. 140.—Edwards's Ditto Vol. II. p. 33, 36.— Hill's Nav. Hilt.—Labat Nouv. Relat. de 1'Afri^ue.
bufi-
CoL Bultt confultcd about a Swcdiih colony.
bufinefs.   After a long and fruitlefs attendance, the Colonel c H A p-
returned to Paris, having received, by His Majefty's order, i__
about£"500 fler. a fum which, though perhaps as much as D£LAG0A* an almoft exhaufted treafury could well afford, was, however, very inadequate to the expenfe he incurred in collecting materials, not to mention the time and labour which thc formation of eftimates, and the arrangement of an extenfive fcheme, muft have coft him. But though this plan be intimately connected with my fubject, and may one day be carried into execution, I do not think myfelf at liberty to detail it's particulars, without the Colonel's exprefs concurrence.//.hri^ Hi v ;;u 'I .tM oliriw ^a-idl oib daw ...
NEW PLAN
FOR
EXPLORING AFRICA
327. I have juft been informed that the gentlemen1 of the African affociation of London, perfevering in their defign of exploring the interior parts of that continent, which reflects fo much honour on this age and nation, have equipped two veffels, for a new expedition, which now wait for convoy \ and that they are to be generoufly affifted, by the Britifh government, with the fum of /Yjoqo flerling. The perfons appointed to carry this plan into execution, are a Mr. Park, who is a good natural hiftorian, and a Mr. Willis, on whom His Majefty,on this occafion, has been pleafed to confer the rank of conful. Both the gentlemen have the character of being uncommonly well qualified for fuch an undertaking ; and they are to be attended by a captain, 60 foldiers, and' Proper affiitants, of every description.   Taking for granted,.
that.
lO/J COLONIES IN  AFRICA, <&C.
c H^a p. that Goree has been abandoned by the French, they are hrfl i_ ii- _i to proceed thither, where they will find a town ready built, and fitted for every purpofe of health and accomodation, in a hot climate. From this firft ftation, I underlland, they propofe to fail for Fatatenda, on the River Gambia, beyond which veffels of any confiderable burden cannot conveniently proceed. From Fatatenda, it is faid, Mr. Park takes his departure for Bambouk, whence he is to convey back intelligence of his arrival to Mr. Willis, who will then follow him thither. Both gentlemen having arrived at Bambouk, Mr. Willis will remain there, to preferve a communication with the fhips, while Mr. Park will endeavour to penetrate to the River Niger, or to the city of Tombucloo. I have been told farther, that the chiefs of the country are to be engaged to aflifl in the undertaking ; but, with a precaution which, I believe, has never before been taken: they are to receive no previous douceurs, and no rewards whatever, till they fhall produce certificates, or other proofs, that they have actually performed their engagements; and then they will be paid the rewards ftipulated, on board the veffels, or at the places where the goods are fecured.—If this be the plan, and I have reafon to believe that the above are the principal heads of it, I mull fay that it appears to me, to be better laid, and confequently, to be more likely to fuc-ceed, than any one of the kind that has yet Come within my knowledge.
END  OF  THE  FIRST PART.
ADVERTISEMENT.
It would give the author great pain, if in delivering his free, but confeientious, opinions on fubjects fo very intercfting to humanity, his language lhould unfortunately be mifrinderftood; efpecially fo mif-underftood, as to fuggeft the repetition of Colonial attempts, on prin* cipics, merely pecuniary, mercantile, or, in fhort, mercenary. His meaning is to reprobate fuch principles. The impolicy and the inhumanity of acting, exclufivcly, on them, in colonial undertakings, he hinted at, in his pamphlet publifhcd in 1789, and has endeavoured to fhow, more at length, throughout the prefent work. The period indeed feems faff approaching, if it has not yet arrived, when other principles will be acknowledged and aGcd upon ; when perfons of property, dif-cardirig all falfe commercial maxims, and adopting thofe of benevolence, which is but another word for true policy, will fuccefsfully labour to reconcile felf intereft with the inttrefts of mankind.
The author would refpcclfully intimate, that, from the late commencement of thc work, and the tardy and /paring communication of materials which he rcafonably expefted from perfons, who once appeared to favour his undertaking, he, at lad, found himfelf very much hurried, and circumfcribed in point of time. Thefe circumflances, which he could not control, have embarralfed him much ; and, it is hoped, will fufTiciently account for the delay of thc publication, beyond the time he propofed; as well as for fuch inaccuracies as, lie fears, may have efcaped him. It is hoped, that thc candid reader will eaiily perceive, that his fincere intention, throughout, is to improve, not to offend.—D elect an do, par iter que monendo, will be allowed to be a more proper motto for a literary effay, than for one intended to promote arduous undertakings.
Perhaps the reader will not be difplcafed, at finding thc fubjecT much more fully treated, than was promifed in the propofals; nor at the interfperfion of many particulars, perhaps more interefling lban known, in addition to fuch remarks as arofe from the author's
D d own
ADVERTISEMENT.
own travelling experience. On the extenfion of the plan, a change of thc title became neceffary: hence thc prefent one (" An Effay on Colonization," &c) has been fubdituted for that which was announced in the propofals. The enlargement of the work, alfo gave rife to it's divifion into two parts, correfponding to the important diftinction between the Colonies already eftablifhed, or attempted, in Africa and it's iflands, on the principles of commerce—and thofe now forming there (by the Britifh and the Danes) on ihe principles of humanity. (See thc Contents).
To thc whole, will be fubjoincd an appendix, confifling of papers and documents, illuftrative of the work ; alfo a nautical map, and fome other engravings, one of which will include a likenefs of a gentleman whofe model! and unaffected, but ardent, unwearied, and truly Chriftian beneficence has long been (and long may it be!) an ornament to the Britifh nation, and to human nature itfelf.
%* A table of errata, &c. will be given in the fecond part.