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FUMIE KUMAGAI*
THE MECHANISM OF JAPANESE MODERNIZATION
This is a revised version of the paper presented at the symposium on "Tradition, Modernity, and Post Modernity" of the XHIth World congress of Sociology held in Bielefeld, Germany between July 18 and 23, 1994.
Japan's recent emergence as a major world economic power has created a surge of interest in the nation and its people. Japan today is economically powerful, culturally rich and politically free and stable, ranking in all these respects among the leading nations of the world. But how modern is modern-day Japan? In actuality, Japan is not nearly as modern as it presents itself; the essence of Japanese society is an integration of both modernity and tradition. Like the two-headed Janus, Japan can show one face at one time and a completely different face at another.
Some of the difficulty that people have understanding Japanese society today stems from the complex nature of Japan's modernization. Three major cultures have left an imprint on Japan: Oriental, European and American. Nevertheless, it is striking to note that throughout this process, Japan never lost its own identity and cultural specificity. In each phase of its modernization, there emerged a blending of cultures where the ideas and manners borrowed from outside cultures retained unique Japanese characteristics.
Part of this is no doubt due to Japan's geographical insularity: it is an island nation having little or no historical or cultural affinity with its Southeast Asian neighbors. While the Japanese government sent missions abroad to study the essence of other countries' technological, scientific and cultural civilization, only a very limited number of foreigners came to Japan to be directly involved in the modernization process. Never having been colonized by another foreign power, Japan's cultural assimilation lacked any sustained human contact with the outside world. As a result of this so-called cultural "self-colonization" (Suzuki, 1993: 5) nation's racial and ethnic homogeneity has remained intact, permitting Japanese to modernize society while still preserving a sense of their own special identity (Christopher. 1983: 39).
Orientalization
During the first phase of Japanese modernization from the sixth to eighth centuries, Chinese thought and practices permeated Japanese society. Wakon
* Finnic Kumagai. Kyonn univemty. Tokyo, Japonska. 995 Teorija in praksa, let. 31. II. 11-12, Ljubljana 1994
kansai (i.e., Chinese learning and Japanese spirit) is the ground upon which modern-day Japan exists. It is unique blend of two diametrically opposed modes of religious perception: an intuitive, non reflective "mythic" mode represented by Japan's indigenous Shinto religion, and the "rationalistic" mode of confucian ideology adapted from China (Kitagawa, 1983: 293).
Confucianism has become a moral code of the Japanese, emphasizing personal virtue, justice and devotion to the family. Two Confucian concepts, namely subordination to one's superior and filial piety, continue to pervade the minds of Japanese today and to influence their social institutions. Nevertheless, Japan's religious and Ideological orientation contains other complex elements which allow it to maintain a distinctiveness all its own.
Europeanizaiion
The second phase of Japanese modernization began during the Meiji Restoration (1868) when Japan enthusiastically absorbed Western civilization, mainly from Great Britain. Germany and France. Wakon yosai (Western learning and Japanese spirit) was the slogan adopted by the people at the time. The "Europeanization" of Japan during this period was so extensive that almost all spheres of Japanese society-governmental, political and legal systems, the army and navy, the system of education, and even manners, customs and habits-experienced some degree of Westernization. Even the centuries-old tradition of Chinese medicine was replaced by German practices. The phrase wayo secchu emerged to describe the co-existence of Japanese and Western life-styles. Yofuku (Western-style clothing) became fashionable over kimono or wafuku (Japanese-style clothing). Men's traditional hairstyles (chon-mage) and sword-bearing were formally prohibited. Similarly, women chose to adopt Western hairstyles over their traditional Nihongami (Japanese hairstyles). Vegetarian and fisheating Japanese began to eat meat and dairy products. Even in their living quarters, ydma (Western-style rooms) with Western-style furniture were incorporated into Japanese-style housing.
One of the few areas in which Japan remained independent of Western influence during this time was with regard to the institution of the family. Despite the modernization of lifestyles and many other spheres of Japanese society, ie (the traditional family system), which had previously existed only among the upper class, was codified and enforced throughout Japan regardless of social status.
Fortunately, perhaps, the Japanese zeal to imitate everything Western was later replaced with a reaction against Westernization, and many practices unworthy of imitation were discarded. What is most characteristic about Japan's effort to learn from the West is its spirit of independence in incorporating only those elements which would be advantageous to it. Japan succeeded in keeping its ethos and cultural spiritual traditions intact, while assimilating Western knowledge and technology. Thus Japanese society today has retained its hybrid culture of tradition and modernity.
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Americanization
The third and final phase of Japan's modernization occurred after World War II. As a result of its defeat in the war and the subsequent seven-year occupation by allied forces, Japan underwent total democratization, or Americanization, to be precise. The Japanese people spontaneously and enthusiastically supported the institutional reforms and new social systems implemented under the occupation, including political reform, equal rights for women, co-education and abolition of the traditional family system, to name a few. Enjoying the full support of the Japanese people, occupation authorities were able to implement these changes with astonishing rapidity. In yet another example of self-colonization, however, Japan adopted from American only those practices from which it would clearly benefit. As a result, Japan has become one of the leading nations in the world today, while still maintaining its own identity and culture.
Results of Japan 's Modernization
Throughout the various stages of its modernization, Japan's stength has been in its ability to synthesize and internalize various contrasting social systems and cultural orientations. The coexistence of both tradition and modernity is the essence of the complex nature of modern-day Japan.
Figure I. A Dual Structural Model of Japanese Society
MODERNITY
The Western capitalism brought into a traditional — agricultural society.
TRADITION
Indigenous Traditional Systems Customs Values
Cultural Traits
Figure 1 illustrates the essence of the dual structural perspective of Japanese society today where modern Western capitalism is incorporated into a traditional agrarian society. The contrasting elements of external modernity and internal tradition coexist in a single system, composed of two layers and resulting in a dual structure. Underlying this structural duality is a complex of cultural assumptions
-	some modern and some traditional, some borrowed and some uniquely Japanese
-	which determine the manners and customs of the Japanese people, including regional variations, patterns of the working population, religion, and national character.
Regional Variations
Cultural dichotomy by region - northeast versus southwest - has a long history in Japan, going as far back as the Kamakura period. Dichotomous regional varia-
Coexistence
DUAL STRUCTURE
Japanese Society Today
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tions account not only for differences in folklore and customs, blood-type, fingerprints, and eating habits, but also for patterns in infra-community relationships. In the north-eastern region, the binding force of the community is the hierarchical-vertical relationship among members, whereas in the south-western region horizontal-egalitarian relations are the norm.
Modern Japan has witnessed an excessive degree of urbanization in its metropolitan areas, accompanied by an equally excessive diminution of population (or kaso) in certain rural districts, particularly areas such as Kyushu, Tohoku, Hokkaido. and Chugoku where economic and industrial activities have stagnated. Two striking demographic characteristics are evidenced in these kaso areas: acute attrition of children between 0 and 14 years of age (from 35.9 percent in 1960 to 19.3 in 1985); and a dramatic increase in the numbers of elderly (from 7.0 percent in 1960 to 17.2 percent in 1985) (National Land Agency. 1991: 29).' In 1990 only about 6 percent of the total Japanese population resided in half the entire land mass (National Land Agency, 1991: 15).
This imbalance of population distribution may at last partially account for the duality of Japan's modern social structure. Ultramodern urban living presents a sharp contrast to the traditional, rural lifestyles which a small segment of Japanese society is still obliged to lead.
Working Population
Changes in the pattern of Japan's working population have naturally accompanied the modernization process (see Figure 2). Until the early 1950s, approximately half of the Japanese working population was engaged in primary industries. Following the onset of the high economic growth period in 1964. however, this proportion declined significantly; it has now become less than 10 percent of the total working population. In contrast, the proportion of tertiary industry workers has doubled from the pre-war period.
Significant attrition in Japan's farming population and households is also evident. At 18 million (or 6.2 million households) in 1950, the numbers fell to 13.9 million in 1960 and 3.9 million in 1990 (see Figure 3) (Institute of Population Problems, 1993:107). In three decades, the Japanese farming population has been reduced to one-fifth of the pre-high economic growth period, indicating the emergence of dramatic structural change in modern Japanese society.
The introduction of modern technology into farming as well as insufficient levels of income have contributed to a sharp decline in the number of full-time farmers and a rapid increase in the part-time farming population. Part-time farming households fall into two categories: in Type 1, the primary source of income is agriculture; in Type 2, it is nonagricultural. Since 1960, farm families have been shifting to Type 2. In 1990, in a typical rural farming area in Japan, of the total farming households only 15.4 percent were full-time; 13.8 percent were part-time
1 Of the total Japanese population m 1985. the proportion of children between!) and 14 years oí age was 2I S perccnt. and that of the elderly 65 and over was 10.3 percent (National Land Agency. Office of Depopulation Problems. 1941: 29. figure 2-8). In 1994. however, these proportions have changed significantly, namely, decreased to 16.5 percent for the former, and have increased to 13.9 percent for the latter, respectively (Japanese Management and Coordination Agency. 1994).
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Figure 2. Changes in Labor Force Participation Rale by Industry: 1920-1992
	Total
—B—	Primary
-A-	Secondary
	Tertiary
Primary Industries include: Agriculture. Forestry and Fishing. Secondary Industries include: Mining. Construction and Manufacturing.
Tertiary Industries include: Wholesale and retail trade. Finance and insurance. Real estate. Transportation and communication. Electric power, gas and water supply. Service industries arid Public service.
Sources: Sswnucho Tokeikyoku, Kokusei Ch*sa Hoknku (Statistical Bureau of the Priminister's Office, National Census Report of the census conducted October 1M of the referent year), reported in the Institute of Population Problems. Latest Demographic Statistics: 1993. 1993: 105. Table 8-5: and statistics for 1992 were from the Asashi. Japan Almanac: 1994. 1993: 97.
Type 1, and 70.7 percent were part-time Type 2 (see Figure 3) (Ministry of Agriculture, 1990: 11).J
The reality of farm families today represents the dual structure of Japanese society. Classified as engaging in the traditional farming occupation, these families
In 1992. Ihc Japanese Government set ■ new target of reducing the total working hours per person to 1,81)0 hour, a year by the end of the fiscal year 1996- The actual number of working hours in 1992 was 1.972 hours. <4 hours less than the previous year's actual and below the 2.000 hour level lor the first tune. This wn due mainly lo the fact that overtime work decreased due 10 the recession" (Asahi, 1993: 99) TWore. wtth the recovery of Japanese economy. ,t „ hkely that the overall number of working hours of a Japanese worker will be back to over Ihc 2.000 hour level again
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actually rely on a modern type occupations for their subsistence. These contrasting elements of modernity and tradition coexist within the Japanese farming institution without conflict.
Religion
Despite the extensive influence of Chinese civilization, Japan has maintained a distinctive multi-religious cultural orientation which incorporates a variety of religious beliefs. Indeed, most Japanese view themselves as both Buddhists and Shintists, and Japanese households typically contain two separate altar for these devotions. Of Japan's 124 million people, 106 million say they believe in Shintdism and 96 million espouse Buddhism, obviously a double-counting in religious orientation. By contrast, there are only 1.5 million Christians in Japan, and much fewer Muslims and Jews (Agency for Cultural Affairs, 1992).
Literally meaning "the way of god," Shinto is the earliest and only indigenous religion of Japan. Unconcerned with the problem of afterlife. Shinto emphasizes the veneration of nature, purity, and everyday family life. The Japanese today adopt Shint-rituals to celebrate major life events, such as weddings, baptisms, the well-being of children, the construction of homes and buildings, etc.
•	Buddhism, which first came to Japan in 538, is principally concerned with life after death and the salvation of the individual. Growing out of this religious orientation, the Japanese people developed a strong sense of ancestor worship. Thus, many of the Buddhist rituals practiced today are organized in conjunction with the afterlife, such as funerals and ancestor worship at the time of the vernal and the autumnal equinox and the ohon festival in the summer.
•	Confucianism has become a moral code of the Japanese emphasizing personal virtue, justice, and devotion to the family, including the spirit of one's ancestors. Two Confucian concepts have consistently been stressed in Japanese formal education, namely chu (subordination to the emperor or superior), and k.0 (filial piety) - a philosophical orientation which persists in the minds of the Japanese today.
•	Christianity was brought to Japan by the Jesuit missionaries in 1549 and then banned during the Edo era. Under the Meiji Restoration, however, the Protestant ethic was reintroduced by various sojourners in Japan. As a result, Christianity has contributed to the modernization of Japan and is often regarded as a modern way of thought. Today, its adherents are less than 2 percent of the total population, divided fairly evenly between Protestants and Catholics.
National Character and Human Relations
Japan is more racially and ethnically homogeneous than almost any other modern nation. In fact, less than one percent of the total Japanese population is comprised of non-Japanese nationals (Institute of Population Problems, 1993:22). As others have recognized, this national homogeneity may be one of the primary reasons why the Japanese have been able to modernize their society and yet preserve a distinct sense of their own special identity (Christopher, 1983: 39).
Japan's national character is defined by a unique set of human relations and a special code of human conduct. First, Japanese are socialized to value "group-
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ism" over "individualism"; the welfare of the group as a whole is always given priority over the well-being of any one individual. Inter-human dynamics of the oyabun-kobun (superior-subordinate) and sempai-kohai (senior-junior) relationships illustrate how the interdependency of the group can simultaneously permit loyalty from subordinates and protection from the superior.
Groupism also occounts for the Japanese style of bottom-up decision making. The essence of this style is the group-oriented and consensus-seeking process which requires all parties to be in agreement with a decision before any major course of action is officially proposed.
Second, Japanese society is conformist. People care very much about how they are viewed by others and if they are following the accepted social norms in the prescribed fashion. Thus we find that the working hours of the Japanese salaryman are notoriously long, and they have less holidays among the industrialized nations of the world. In the manufacturing sectors in 1990 the average annual working hours of a Japanese worker were 2,124 hours, and they had 118 holidays, whereas 1,948 hours and 139 holidays of an American worker (Ministry of Labor, 1992, reported in the Asahi, 1993: 99). To be treated as an insider, the Japanese salary-man must contribute to the work ethic, and therefore the cohesiveness of the group, by spending an inordinate amount of time in work-related activities.
Japan is perhaps best viewed as an "age-cracy", where one's major life events (i.e., entrance into college, employment, marriage, and childbearing) must take place at a certain age or else one falls off the golden path of social acceptability.
Third, Japan's racial and ethnic homogeneity have contributed to a mode of non-expressive, "high context" communication in which the spoken word is often less important than nonverbal communication skills. These include eye contact, ishin denshin (mind-to-mind communication), and facial expressions. There are also a number of high-context Japanese values, such as (image, giri and on, which have no meaningful English language equivalent. These words are derived from one's dependent and interdependent relations to others as a member of a group rather than as an individual, and reflect the deep concern of the Japanese for harmonious human relations within the group.
Fourth, implicitness and indirectness are valued over explicitness and straightforwardness. This tendency toward ambiguity is perhaps best evidenced in the Japanese language itself which shows no distinctions between singular/plural or gender and does not use definite person's stated reasons (tatemae) differ from his real intention, motive or feeling (honne).
Fifth, the Japanese socialization process tends to perpetuate a hierarchical orientation in human relations, despite the constitutional equality of the people. Formal behavior patterns and honorific language forms clearly reflect this hierarchical orientation of Japanese culture. Anyone who has ever attempted to learn Japanese will appreciate the critical relationship between the honorific forms of the Japanese language (i.e., expressions showing respect, expressions demeaning oneself, and polite expressions) and the continued importance of hierarchy in Japanese society.
Sixth, perhaps as a by-product of the hierarchical orientation of human relations, is the behavioral reserve of the Japanese people. Candid expressions of one's feelings and the ability to quickly establish friendships is alien to the Japanese culture. At the same time, however, friendships with Japanese tend to be deep and long-lasting.
In the professional arena, this cautious feeling-out process of the Japanese is 1001 Tcorija in pnlua. bt.31.tt. 11-12, Ijubljana 1994
epitomized in nemawashi, which literally means the gentle turning around of roots before transplanting a tree. By making every effort to achieve an informal agreement from all parties concerned before formally presenting a proposal, they obviate the possibility of direct personal conflict which they And antithetical to the Japanese cultural assumption of group harmony.
From Modernization to Internationalization
Modern day Japan has proven to be a complex nation struggling to combine traditional attitudes and mores with the political and social demands of an advanced industrialized economy. As discussed above, this struggle to balance the past with the present has had a significant impact on the structure of human relations in Japan, particularly in the areas of family dynamics and lifestyles, education and socialization of youth, the role of women, and support for the elderly. In all cases, we find a dual structure where traditional values and modern practices coexist.
As an emerging world leader, the struggle to define and shape the structure of human relations in Japan today is becoming even more complex, involving not only elements of the past and present within Japan, but a new set of forces imposed by the process of Japan's internationalization. As in the past phases of its modernization, Japan must once again learn to adapt its practices to the accepted norms of the international arena, while at the same time retaining those customs and values from which it will continue to benefit. The effort of Japanese families abroad to accommodate their lifestyles and values to those of the communities in which they reside provides just one example of this ongoing struggle.
The Issue of Culture in Internationalization
'internationalization" emerged as a primary goal of the Japanese in the 1980s. For the most part, however, internationalization has meant simply learning foreign languages, traveling overseas or studying abroad in order to gain knowledge of advanced technologies, and has only just begun to include opening Japanese culture to outside influences by welcoming foreigners to study, work or live in Japan. In this sense, Japan has remained an exclusionist country where foreigners continue to be referred to asgaijin or outsiders. Much as it has in the past, Japan has chosen a selective course of internationalization: learning what it can from the outside while retaining its own cultural uniqueness on the inside.
Unfortunately, Japan's inwardly closed society has resulted in a number of cross-cultural communication gaps between Japanese and other peoples. Indeed, a growing number of scholars and others who are concerned about international relations have begun to point to the significance of cultural factors in maintaining positive relations among nations. Iriye, for example, has argued that culture plays a far more important role today than it did in the past, when issues of national defense, diplomacy and trade tended to dominate the international agenda (Iriye, 1989: 62-63). Culture itself has become a tool with which nations can communicate beyond the boundaries of parochial nationalism (Kato, Umesao. Kato, Ito, and Mizutani, 1989: 66).
Recognizing that intercultural understanding is essential to revolving such
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issues as the trade imbalance and the north-south problem, governments of leading nations have already begun to increase their efforts to promote international cultural exchanges. Although individual nations will certainly retain their own culture-specific orientations, they must learn to come together as equal partners on an fair and equitable international playing field.
Toward the Successful Internationalization of Japan
Only through cross-cultural experiences will the Japanese people be able to recognize the differences which exist between modern Western societies and Japan and to learn from them. In this process, the best of Japanese tradition can be maintained, while significant progress can be made in a number of areas previously stalled in the name of tradition, most notably balanced and spiritually fulfilling lifestyles, creative and innovative education for the young, equality for women at work and at home, and support structures for the elderly.
These are but a few facets of Japanese society today presented here in an attempt to "unmasking Japan today". Yet, they revealed themselves to contrast one another the differing yet parallel lifestyles and realities of modern-day Japanese society. As Japan proceeds in its transformation from merely a world economic super-power to a world political power, which would seem a long way ahead, the Japanese people will feel even stronger urge to identify themselves, not just as "Japanese" as they have done in the past, but as indviduals holding unique socio-cultural characteristics, as we have witnessed here.
The continuity of contemporary Japanese society, entailing the harmonious coexistence of tradition and modernity simultaneously, is an essence which traces back to the very beginning of the history of Japanese society. At the same time, it will be the thrust to Japan's future of internationalization, if it is ever to be accomplished. In this sense, the dual-natured structure of Japanese society is not an exception to undergo radical changes during the process of Japan's internationalization.
At the same time, by opening Japanese culture and traditions to outsiders, other nations will learn from Japan how to achieve a better balance between the elements of tradition and modernity within their own societies. Strong family values, the importance of education, and respect for the elderly need not exist separate and apart from economic growth.
Having successfully traveled the road of modernization to become a leading international economic power. Japan must now move forward in the process of internationalization - a process not only of learning from its equally advanced neighbors, but of sharing with them all that it has come to know.
UTERATURA
AGENCY for Cultural Attain. 1992. Almanac of Rttigion. Tokyo: Government Printing Office. ASAH1 Shimbun 1993 /upon Almanac, 1994.
CHRISTOPHER. Robert C. 1983. The Japanese MintL New York: Fawcctt Columbuie-Ballanline Books,Random House.
INSTITUTE of Population Problems 1993. Jink» Takei Sturyathu 199) (Late« Demographic Station o< 1993). Research Series No. 278.
IRIYE, Akira 1989 "The significance of cultural (actors in contemporary international relations." Pp. 62-43 in the International Cultural Exchange Symposium (ed.), "Between understanding and misunderstanding - problems of and prospects (or U.S.-Japan cultural exchange."
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KATO. Mkieloshi. Uineuo, Tadao. Kalo. Shiudü. Ilo. Shuntaro. and Muuiani. Osamu 1989. "Tbc globalization of Japanese A round tabic " Japan Echo XVI. Special bnc: 61-68
KITAGA WA. Joseph M. 1983 "Religion and modernization " KodoniHa Encyclopedia of Japan, vol. 6: 293. Tokyo: Kodansha Internationa] Bncydopcdia of Japan, vol. 6: 293. Tokyo: Kodansha International
SUZUKI. Takao. 1993 "The difficulty of undemanding the mechanism of Japanese culture Kvonn Univmitv. Review of the Faculty of Foret&n Languages, 5: 1-11.
Figure -3. Changes in Ihe Farm Household Proportion by the Type of Participation
m PT"Type2 M PT - Type I $g Full-Time
Sources: Norinsuisan-sh) TSkei-hyO (Ministry of Agriculture. Forestry, and Fishing. Statistical Tables):
1941: N6ji Tdkei Kaki Chiisa (Agricultural Statistics. Summer Survey). 1950.60.70, and 80: Sekai NSringyd Census (World Census of Agriculture and Forestry).
1955: N6ka Chiisa (Farm Household Survey). 1965: 74. and 85: Nogyo Census (Agricultural Census). 1988: Nt'igyd Chosa (Agricultural Servey)
1990: NOgyO Census (Agricultural Census of Statistics and Information Department. Economic Affairs Bureau. Ministry of Agriculture. Forestry and Fisheries) reported in the Japan Statistical Yearbook 1991 (pp. 152-153. Tables 5-3. 5-4, and 5-5).
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