Uredile: Ada Gruntar Jermol, Mojca Schlamberger Brezar in Vlasta Kuciš TRANSLATION AND / UND MIGRATION Prevajanje in migracije Zbirka Prevodoslovje in uporabno jezikoslovje Ljubljana 2019 TRANSLATION AND / UND MIGRATION / PREVAJANJE IN MIGRACIJE ZBIRKA PREVODOSLOVJE IN UPORABNO JEZIKOSLOVJE ISSN 2335-335X Urednice: Ada Gruntar Jermol, Mojca Schlamberger Brezar, Vlasta Kuciš Recenzentki: Metka Zupancic, Emina Avdic Lektor za angleški jezik: Paul Steed Založila: Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani Izdal: Oddelek za prevajalstvo Za založbo: Roman Kuhar, dekan Filozofske fakultete Ljubljana, 2019 Prva izdaja Naklada: 200 izvodov Oblikovna zasnova: Kofein, d. o. o. Prelom: Aleš Cimpric Tisk: Birografika Bori, d. o. o. Cena: 20,00 EUR To delo je ponujeno pod licenco Creative Commons Priznanje avtorstva-Deljenje pod enakimi pogoji 4.0 Mednarodna licenca. / This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Knjiga je izšla s podporo Javne agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije. Raziskovalni projekt št. P 6-0215 je sofinancirala Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije iz državnega proracuna. Monografija je nastala v sodelovanju z mrežo CEEPUS: TRANS CIII-SI-0711-08-1920. Prva e-izdaja. Publikacija je v digitalni obliki prosto dostopna na https://e-knjige.ff.uni-lj.si/ DOI: 10.4312/9789610601814 Kataložna zapisa o publikaciji (CIP) pripravili v Narodni in univerzitetni knjižnici v Ljubljani Tiskana knjiga COBISS.SI-ID=299629056 ISBN 978-961-06-0180-7 E-knjiga COBISS.SI-ID=299628544 ISBN 978-961-06-0181-4 (pdf) CONTENTS / INHALTSVERZEICHNIS / KAZALO Contents / Inhaltsverzeichnis / Kazalo CONTENTS / INHALTSVERZEICHNIS / KAZALO CONTENTS / INHALTSVERZEICHNIS / KAZALO Uvod 8 Overview of the Articles / Kurze Darstellung der Beiträge / Pregled prispevkov 12 I MIGRATION AND MINORITIES / MIGRATION UND MINDERHEITEN / MIGRACIJE IN MANJŠINE Immigrant Experience through the Prism of Bilingualism and Biculturalism: The Case of Slovene Americans and Canadians 24 Nada Šabec The Hungarian Minority in Slovenia and Hungarian as a Minority Language 40 Judit Zágorec-Csuka II LANGUAGE, TRANSLATION AND MIGRATION / SPRACHE, TRANSLATION UND MIGRATION / JEZIK, PREVAJANJE IN MIGRACIJE Language Variety Translation as a Factor in Maintaining Minority Identity 52 Mihaela Koletnik, Alenka Valh Lopert, Melita Zemljak Jontes Encounters with the Remote and Strange: Protestant Missionaries in China as Translators of the Dao De Jing 66 Artea Panajotovic Migration-related lexis in FraSloK 80 Adriana Mezeg Gerne exotisch, aber bitte mit heimischen Gewürzen! Zum Gebrauch von Exonymen und Endonymen in deutschsprachigen Slowenien-Reiseführern 98 Mladen Rieger Interkulturelle Speisekarten und gastronomische Grüße aus Zadar 118 Helga Begonja III MIGRATION AS A LITERARY THEME / MIGRATION ALS LITERARISCHES THEMA / MIGRACIJE KOT LITERARNA TEMA A Migrant ‘Malgré Soi’: Munro’s Ancestor Old James in Slovene Translation 140 Tjaša Mohar Migration, Literatures and Translation: Louis Adamic – A Writer of Two Worlds and the First Slovenian Immigrant Translator Into English 152 Jasna Potocnik Topler The Challenge of (not) translating Russian-English Code-Switching in David Bezmozgis’s Natasha and other Stories (2004) 166 Natalia Kaloh Vid Translation as language enrichment: example of Francophone and Postcolonial Authors in Slovene translations 180 Mojca Schlamberger Brezar Migration im Kontext der Literatur und des literarischen Übersetzens am Beispiel des Romans Daldossi oder das Leben des Augenblicks von Sabine Gruber 196 Petra Žagar-Šoštaric, Doris Mesaroš IV MIGRATION THROUGH THE PRISM OF LAW / MIGRATION DURCH DAS PRISMA DES RECHTS / MIGRACIJE SKOZI PRIZMO PRAVA European Transcultural Law Clinics for Migrants and Refugees: Possibilities and Perspectives for Interpreters and Translators 218 Natalia Kaloh Vid, Vlasta Kuciš Behind the Scenes of Legal Discourse 232 Alenka Kocbek Index / Namenverzeichnis 252 UVOD Uvod Pricujoca monografija je zbirka clankov, ki se vsi na tak ali drugacen nacin po­svecajo danes zelo aktualni temi migracij. Zbirka obsega enajst angleških in tri nemške prispevke, ki tematiko obravnavajo z razlicnih vidikov – denimo z vidi­ka migracij in manjšin na primeru slovenskih izseljencev v ZDA in Kanadi, v katerem avtorica ugotavlja, v kolikšni meri so se razlicne generacije izseljencev uspele vkljuciti v ameriško in kanadsko družbo, ali pa z vidika jezikovne politike madžarske narodne skupnosti v narodnostno mešanem Prekmurju. Sklopu o jeziku, prevajanju in migracijah je posvecenih pet prispevkov: v prvem je osvetljen pomen medzvrstnega prevajanja kot dejavnika ohranjanja narodnostne identitete pri pripadnikih slovenske manjšine v Porabju na Ma­džarskem; v drugem se avtorica osredotoca na delo evropskih in severnoameri­ških protestantskih misionarjev na Kitajskem, še zlasti na njihovo prevajalsko dejavnost. Naslednji clanek se osredotoca na rabo z migracijami povezanega be­sedišca v francosko-slovenskem vzporednem korpusu FraSloK, sledita mu dva nemška prispevka. Avtor prvega analizira rabo eksonimov in endonimov za geo­grafske pokrajine in krajevna imena v šestih nemških turisticnih vodnikih po Sloveniji; avtorica zadnjega clanka v tem sklopu pa ugotavlja, kako je mogoce prek gastronomije spoznavati druge kulture ter na primeru jedilnikov hrvaške­ga mesta Zadar ter njihovih prevodov analizira, katere tuje jedi so postale del dalmatinske kuhinje. Migracije so pogosto tema tudi v literaturi. V tem poglavju je zbranih pet prispevkov. Avtorica prvega v kratki zgodbi pisateljice Alice Munro, ki opisu­je emigracijo škotske družine v Ameriko v zacetku 19. stoletja, analizira tiste elemente govora glavnega junaka zgodbe, ki se za prevajalski proces zdijo še posebej zahtevni. V naslednjem prispevku je predstavljen Louis Adamic, ki velja za najvplivnejšega slovenskega izseljenskega avtorja in prvega slovenskega izse­ljenskega prevajalca v anglešcino, ki je Americanom približal književnosti in kul­ture Jugoslavije ter drugih slovanskih narodov. V tretjem prispevku tega poglavja je predstavljen sodobni kanadski pisatelj sovjetskega porekla David Bezmozgis. Avtorica analizira zbirko njegovih kratkih zgodb, v katerih pisatelj uporablja tako imenovan angleško-ruski »code-switching«, ter ponudi nekaj prevajalskih rešitev obravnavanja tega postopka v slovenskem prevodu teh del. Predzadnji clanek literarnega niza se ukvarja s slovenskimi prevodi dveh frankofonih in ene­ga postkolonialnega avtorja, pri cemer avtorica skuša predstaviti potek uvršcanja kulturnospecificnih izrazov v original in strategije njihovega prevajanja. Zadnji prispevek je napisan v nemškem jeziku, njegovi avtorici pa se na primeru roma­na Daldossi oder das Leben des Augenblicks pisateljice Sabine Gruber lotevata poj­ma migracij v sklopu vojne tematike. V prispevku predstavita prevode izsekov tega romana v hrvašcino ter jih analizirata na sintakticni, leksikalni, semanticni ter stilisticni ravni. Skozi prizmo prava pa so migracije obravnavane v zadnjih dveh clankih; v pr­vem avtorici predstavita pravne klinike kot pomoc marginaliziranim in socialno šibkejšim clanom prebivalstva, ki nimajo možnosti drugih oblik pravne pomoci, pri cemer se osredotocata na vprašanje, ali tovrtstne klinike zagotavljajo ob prav­ni podpori tudi prevajalske in / ali tolmaške storitve, namenjene priseljencem, beguncem, prosilcem za azil in drugim, ki ne razumejo ali govorijo slovenskega jezika. V zadnjem prispeveku pricujoce monografije pa so predstavljene nekatere posebnosti pravnega jezika. Ta je laikom pogosto nerazumljiv, nekatera pravna dejanja obdaja slovesno, skoraj misticno vzdušje, cemur botruje raba dolocenega bolj ali manj nerazumljivega diskurza, pogosto podkrepljenega z rabo znacilnih simbolov in strogo porazdelitvijo prostora v sodni dvorani kot tudi uporaba za sodno okolje znacilnih pripomockov in ceremoniala. Le ce se v celoti zavedajo teh izrecnih, pa tudi manj ocitnih razsežnosti pravnega diskurza, bodo pravni prevajalci in tolmaci lahko opravljali svojo vlogo v interesu udeležencev v pravni komunikaciji, še posebej tistih šibkejših in bolj ranljivih. Urednice upamo, da bo ob tako pestrem naboru clankov marsikdo lahko našel kaj zanimivega ter da delo ne bo samo sebi namen, temvec da bo šlo med ljudi in v branje. Ada Gruntar Jermol, Mojca Schlamberger Brezar in Vlasta Kuciš Overview of the Articles / Kurze Darstellung der Beiträge / Pregled prispevkov I MIGRATION AND MINORITIES / MIGRATION UND MINDERHEITEN / MIGRACIJE IN MANJŠINE 1 Immigrant Experience through the Prism of Bilingualism and Biculturalism: The Case of Slovene Americans and Canadians Nada Šabec People migrate to new countries for a variety of reasons from personal to eco­nomic or political. While they are mainly driven by the desire for a better life, the immigrants’ experience may also be traumatic to some degree, as they are leaving behind all that is familiar, often also their loved ones. In addition, im­migrants are always faced with the enormous challenge of adjusting to their new environment. The case of Slovene immigrants in the United States (Cleveland, OH; Washington, DC) and Canada (Toronto, ON; Vancouver, BC) is present­ed in order to show the extent to which different generations have managed to integrate themselves into American and Canadian societies respectively. Special emphasis is placed on language and culture as two of the most significant factors of ethnic identification. In terms of language, we explore language choices on the level of the individual and the types of bilingual discourse in which they engage (borrowing, code switching) as well as on a broader, community level (degree of bilingualism and language shift from Slovene to English). The findings concern­ing the immigrants’ language use and language attitudes as well as their feeling of ethnic identity provide an interesting and valuable insight into the bilingual and bicultural nature of the immigrant experience. 2 The Hungarian Minority in Slovenia and Hungarian as a Minority Language Judit Zágorec-Csuka The article will focus on the Hungarian minority living in Slovenia and the Hun­garian language as an official language in the ethnically mixed area of Prekmurje, located in the north-eastern part of Slovenia, where 30 towns have indigenous Hungarian inhabitants. In this area, both Slovene and Hungarian are official lan­guages. The article considers the language policy of the Hungarian ethnic com­munity, and reveals some of the social and legal characteristics of the bilingual area with a brief insight into the history and the environment of the Hungar­ian minority. There will be discussion about cultural and informative activi­ties of the Hungarian minority. The author will also present selected authors of Hungarian origin (Lajos Bence, Albert Halász, Sándor Szúnyogh, Pál Szomi and Judit Zágorec-Csuka) and discuss their work which was translated into Slovene and published in the book series Bridges on the Border (orig. Mostovi na meji). The focus will be on translations of Hungarian literature which were presented at the Vilenica International Literary Festival, a gathering of poets, prose writers, dramatists and essayists from Central Europe, including Hungary. There will be an evaluation of the importance of these modern Hungarian translations into Slovene in terms of intercultural communication and multilingualism in coun­tries of the European Union. II LANGUAGE, TRANSLATION AND MIGRATION / SPRACHE, TRANSLATION UND MIGRATION / JEZIK, PREVAJANJE IN MIGRACIJE 3 Language Language Variety Translation as a Factor in Maintaining Minority Identity Mihaela Koletnik, Alenka Valh Lopert, Melita Zemljak Jontes The paper focuses on the importance of intralingual translating as a factor in maintaining the national identity of the members of the Slovene minority in the Porabje region in Hungary. The paper presents the role of literary production in this region, in which the dialect has assumed the role of a Standard language in order to overcome basic problems i.e., understanding and accepting the Slovene Standard language, which hinders the Slovenes of the Porabje region in establish­ing genuine connections with national organisations. The paper focuses on intralingual translation i.e., the translation between varie­ties of the same language. It discusses (1) the translation of the written Standard language into the written dialect, using the example of the short prose collection Srebrni breg/Srebrni brejg (Silver Hill), written by Feri Lainšcek, Milivoj Miki Roš and Milan Vincetic, and (2) the translation of the written dialect into the writ­ten Standard language, using the example of Andovske zgodbe/Andovske prpovejsti (Stories from Andovci) by Karel Holec. Keywords: Slovene language, Slovene social language varieties, language variety translation, Slovene minority members in the Porabje region, minority identity 4 Encounters with the Remote and Strange: Protestant Missionaries in China as Translators of the Dao De Jing Artea Panajotovic Several thousand Protestant missionaries from Europe and North America lived and worked in China between 1807 and 1953. Apart from their primary task of spreading Christianity, they played an important role in the cultural exchange be­tween East and West. After outlining the scope of the work of Protestant mission­aries with a particular reference to missionary-scholars and their translation work, the paper focuses on four English translations of Laozi’s Dao De Jing by John Chalmers (1868), James Legge (1891) and Dwight Goddard (1919 and 1939). The analysis centres on a comparison of the titles, the introductions written by the translators, the English equivalents provided for some of the fundamental concepts of Daoist philosophy and certain cultural references found in the source text. By examining the diachronic patterns of domestication and foreignization and the translators’ expressed attitudes towards Laozi’s text, the aim is to deter­mine the extent to which these elements reflect changes in the Western outlook and the missionary enterprise that had occurred by the turn of the century. 5 Migration-related lexis in FraSloK Adriana Mezeg The present paper focuses on the use of migration-related vocabulary in ­FraSloK, a French-Slovenian parallel corpus containing subcorpora of two text types: newspaper articles from Le Monde diplomatique and their Slovenian translations (published between 2006 and 2009), and 12 original French novels along with their Slovenian translations (published between 1995 and 2008). Interestingly, four novels were written by authors (two men and two women) who emigrated to France in the period between 1984 and 1990. On the one hand, the purpose of the study is to extract migration-related vocabulary from the two subcorpora, compare its use with regard to the frequency and variety in journalistic and liter­ary discourse, paying special attention to the fact whether there are any differ­ences or similarities between the four mentioned emigrated novelists and the other authors. On the other hand, this study is translation-oriented and sets to analyse the translations of some French migration-related words, comparing the results with the corresponding entries in the French-Slovenian dictionary by An­ton Grad (1975), but also with their frequency in a reference literary and jour­nalistic Slovenian corpus, particularly with regard to the frequency of a nativised Slovenian word versus a loanword for the same notion (for example izseljenec or emigrant as possible Slovenian equivalents of the French word émigrant). 6 Gerne exotisch, aber bitte mit heimischen Gewürzen! - Zum Gebrauch von Exonymen und Endonymen in deutschsprachigen Slowenien-Reiseführern Mladen Rieger Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht den Gebrauch exonymer und endonymer Landschafts- und Ortsnamen in sechs ausgewählten deutschsprachigen Slowe­nien-Reiseführern. Wenngleich eine zunehmende Rolle des Schriftverkehrs im Allgemeinen mit einem Exonymenschwund einhergehen mag, können diese Ten­denzen in Slowenien-Reiseführern nicht nachgewiesen werden. Ganz im Gegen­teil, konnte doch nachgewiesen werden, dass gut 80% aller slowenischen Land­schaftsnamen mindestens einmal exonym verwendet wurden. Dies ist einerseits der Textsorte Reiseführer mit ihrer Fülle an für den potentiellen Touristen (ir)relevanten Informationen zuzuschreiben, andererseits der besonderen Sprach­kombination Slowenisch/Deutsch, die auf eine lange gemeinsame Geschichte zurückblicken kann, in der die meisten heute slowenischen Regionen und Orte einen deutschen Namen trugen, dessen bloße Lexikonexistenz dazu verleitet, selbst dann verwendet zu werden, wenn seine Gedächtnisexistenz in der Sprach­gesellschaft schon längst erloschen ist. Weiter wurde festgestellt, dass insbesonde­re onymische Derivate mit Exonymen vorliebnehmen, da sie sich in das morpho­logische Sprachsystem besser integrieren lassen. Wennschon einigen Reisejournalisten ein mangelndes oder nicht konsequentes Konzept der Exonym- bzw. Endonymwahl vorgehalten werden könnte, so darf es in einem vereinten Europa keinen Platz mehr für Ressentiments gegen ihren (Nicht-)Gebrauch geben. 7 Interkulturelle Speisekarten und gastronomische Grüße aus Zadar Helga Begonja Gastronomie ist oft der interessanteste Weg, einen Einblick in eine andere Kultur zu gewinnen. Fremde Speisen und neue Geschmäcke locken viele, dass sie ins Ausland gehen, um die kulinarische Vielfalt eines fremden Landes zu entdecken. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird am Beispiel von Speisekarten der Stadt Zadar analysiert, welche fremde Nationalgerichte in die dalmatinische Küche integriert wurden. Es wird weiterhin analysiert, ob die Speisekarten auf eine verständliche und angemessene Weise über das Angebot eines Restaurants an Nationalgerich­ten informieren und ob ihre Übersetzungen für ausländische Gäste ausreichend informativ und appellativ sind. III MIGRATION AS A LITERARY THEME / MIGRATION ALS LITERARISCHES THEMA / MIGRACIJE KOT LITERARNA TEMA 8 A Migrant ‘Malgré Soi’: Munro’s Ancestor Old James in Slovene Translation Tjaša Mohar Alice Munro’s “The View from Castle Rock” is a short story from the eponymous short story collection about an early 19th-century emigration of a Scottish family from Scotland to the New World. The characters are based on Munro’s ancestors and carry the same names. The central character in the story is James Laidlaw or Old James, Alice Munro’s great-great-great-grandfather, who is the driving force behind the family’s emigration. However, once aboard the ship that will take the family to the new continent, Old James becomes sullen and ill-humoured; he starts praising his home country as never before, and later refuses to accept the new country for his home. Old James is mostly characterized by his actions and his speech. The latter contains colloquial language as well as numerous culture-specific terms, and appears in the form of dialogue and in the form of two letters that Old James writes from the new continent. Besides being written in colloquial language, the two letters are also full of grammar and spelling mistakes. This pa­per aims at analysing those features within Old James’s speech that appear to be particularly challenging for the translation process, with reference to the existing Slovene translation. 9 Migration, Literatures and Translation: Louis Adamic – a Writer of Two Worlds and the First Slovenian Immigrant Translator into English Jasna Potocnik Topler Louis Adamic (1898-1951) is considered the most influential Slovenian im­migrant author, and the first Slovenian immigrant translator into English. Un­doubtedly, his connections to important politicians and his dinner in the White House contributed to his recognition in the United States of America. His po­litical activism aside, he wrote about the challenges facing contemporary United Sates and the modern world, especially with regard to immigrants in America. What is more, he contributed to intercultural relations, not only with his works on cultural identities and multi-ethnic nations, but also with his translations of Slovenian, Croatian and Bohemian short stories in American newspapers and magazines. An analysis of his works, especially Laughing in the Jungle, Dynamite and My America, shows that he made efforts to acquaint Americans with the cultures and literatures of the Yugoslav and other Slavic nations. In fact, he was the first Slovenian immigrant who translated into English. The ideas presented in his literary works, articles and public lectures have gained international relevance and recognition, and consequently many scholars of multicultural studies have examined and worked with his ideas and concepts on multiethnicity. Keywords: Louis Adamic, translation, multiethnicity, American literatures, cul­tural studies 10 The Challenge of (not) translating Russian-English Code-Switching in David Bezmozgis’s Natasha and other Stories (2004) Natalia Kaloh Vid David Bezmozgis is an exemplifying manifestation of the Canadian multicultural mosaic of the new millennium, as he navigates three different cultures: the Soviet Union of his childhood, his adopted homeland of Canada and his historical Jew­ish heritage. In his first collection of short stories, Natasha and Other Stories, pub­lished in 2004, Bezmozgis used English-Russian code-switching by introducing Russian words that are transliterated and put in italics but neither translated nor explained in the English first-person narrative. By introducing code-switching, Bezmozgis depicted a realistic vision of the unique bilingual situation in im­migrant communities when the members of the community use both linguistic codes, creating a hybrid linguistic variety that often cannot be completely com­prehended by others. The question naturally arises of how and if code-switching can be translated. The emphasis of this analysis is on suggestions of rendering English-Russian code-switching in Bezmozgis’s narrative when translating into Slovene. The purpose of the analysis, thus, is to illustrate the possibilities of us­ing both domesticating and/or foreignising strategies, considering that the target audience of English-speaking readers are most likely completely unfamiliar with most of the source material. Keywords: code-switching, domestication, foreignisation, Bezmozgis, translation 11 Translation as Language Enrichment: the Example of Francophone and Postcolonial Authors in Slovene Translations Mojca Schlamberger Brezar In Slovene, translation has been seen as offering the possibility for language en­richment since the early days of the practice (cf. Stanovnik, Kocijancic Pokorn, Gorjanc). This process is still ongoing, especially in connection to culturally spe­cific terms. In this regard, source-oriented translation solutions are more com­mon in Slovene than target-oriented ones. On the basis of the analysis of three works of two Francophone authors (A. Maalouf, Y. Khadra) as well as a postco­lonial one (Chinua Achebe) and their translations into Slovene, we will try to uncover some general procedures in the introduction of culturally specific terms (in the original book) and strategies of translation into Slovene. We would like to see if the two categories present a different basis for translation. It seems that the authors themselves offer the possibility of including culturally specific terms directly in the original text by explaining them to the general pub­lic in order to make them generally known as a specificity of the world they are describing. Some translators take this it into account, others do not. Keywords: translation as language enrichment, culturally specific terms, franco­phone, postcolonial, Slovene 12 Migration im Kontext der Literatur und des literarischen Übersetzens am Beispiel des Romans Daldossi oder das Leben des Augenblicks von Sabine Gruber Petra Žagar-Šoštaric, Doris Mesaroš Migration ist gegenwärtig ein unausweichliches Thema, unter anderem auch in­nerhalb des Literaturbetriebes. In diesem Rahmen ist auch die s.g. Migranten­literatur oder Literatur, die von und über Migranten spricht und die in zahlrei­chen Ländern in Form von Übersetzungen zu lesen ist, von großer Bedeutung. Übersetzungen literarischer Werke leisten einen wichtigen Beitrag zum Thema Migration. Die vorliegende Arbeit soll anhand des Romans von Sabine Gruber Daldossi oder das Leben des Augenblicks den Begriff der Migration im Rahmen der Kriegsthe­matik aufgreifen. In einem weiteren Schritt soll die Übersetzung der Studieren­den an der Universität in Rijeka herangezogen werden. Die Analyse vorhandener Übersetzungen einiger Romanauszüge der Masterstudenten des Faches Germa­nistik wird auf syntaktischer, lexikalischer, semantischer und stilistischer Ebene durchgeführt. Es werden dabei immer zwei Übersetzungsvarianten - der Über­setzungsvorschlag und die Endvariante - miteinander verglichen, um unterschied­liche stilistische Formulierungen derselben Übersetzung hervorzuheben und diese zu illustrieren. Als theoretische Grundlage zur Analyse wird das detaillierte linguis­tisch-semiotische Analyseverfahren für literarische Ausgangstexte von Alena Petro­va (2009) angewandt. Abschließend soll in diesem Beitrag die jeweilige Überset­zungsproblematik hervorgehoben und Übersetzungslösungen angeboten werden. Da keine kroatische Übersetzung dieses Werkes vorliegt, stellt das Original die Studierenden vor eine noch größere Herausforderung, da sie sich an keiner Vor­lage orientieren können und deswegen keine Vergleiche zur eigenen Übersetzung ziehen können. IV MIGRATION THROUGH THE PRISM OF LAW / MIGRATION DURCH DAS PRISMA DES RECHTS / MIGRACIJE SKOZI PRIZMO PRAVA 13 European Transcultural Law Clinics for Migrants and Refugees: Possibilities and Perspectives for Interpreters and Translators Natalia Kaloh Vid, Vlasta Kuciš In general, law clinics provide aid to the marginalised and underserved population who do not have the means to seek other forms of legal aid and often lack the in­formation to do so. Hence, the question naturally arises of how such clinics guar­antee not only legal aid but also translating/interpreting services when assisting immigrants, refugees, asylum seekers or any other person who does not speak the language of the majority. These, often marginalised, groups should by no means be denied pro bono legal aid and/or interpreting services. The problem is that in most legal clinics, at least in Slovenia, the people providing pro bono interpreting services lack either legal training, interpreter training, or both, which can have detrimental consequences. The following article thus focuses on the importance of offering professional translating/interpreting services on a regular, organised and supervised level in a legal transcultural clinic, considering the fact that European multilingualism is a unique aspect of the region’s cultural diversity. Translating/in­terpreting services are not yet implemented in the form of intra- or extra-curricular activities (elective/compulsory courses) at any university in Slovenia. Keywords: law clinic, interpreting, translating, university curriculum, Slovenia 14 Behind the Scenes of Legal Discourse Alenka Kocbek As noted by Mellinkoff (1963: vi), law is a discipline that relies on the intrinsic power of the legal language. This power essentially stems from the threefold na­ture of the legal language – its normative, performative and technical dimension (Cao 2007:13), but also from some of its less palpable features such as its occa­sional vagueness that may generate uncertainty and its at times intended opacity which can instil fear and respect. Moreover, certain legal acts are surrounded by a mystic and solemn atmosphere, of which the legal language is an essential com­ponent. This solemnity is created by the use of a discourse partly or totally in­comprehensible to the laypersons involved in legal communication, and further supported and enhanced by non-verbal elements, such as the use of typical sym­bols marking legal settings, a strict allocation of space within the courtroom, and the use of typical court paraphernalia. Only by being fully aware of these explicit and implicit dimensions of legal discourse will legal translators and interpreters be able perform their role in the best interest of the parties participating in legal communication, especially of the weaker and more vulnerable ones. I Migration and Minorities / Migration und Minderheiten / Migracije in manjšine Immigrant Experience through the Prism of Bilingualism and Biculturalism: The Case of Slovene Americans and Canadians Nada Šabec University of Maribor Povzetek Ljudje se izseljujejo v druge dežele iz razlicnih razlogov, od osebnih do eko­nomskih in politicnih. Ne glede na to, da jih pri tem žene prvenstveno želja po izboljšanju življenjskih razmer, je izseljenska izkušnja najveckrat vsaj delno tudi travmaticna. Pomeni namrec, da pušcajo za seboj vse, kar jim je znano, ve­likokrat pa tudi njim drage osebe. Hkrati se soocajo z velikanskim izzivom pri­lagajanja novemu okolju. V clanku predstavljeni primer slovenskih izseljencev v ZDA (Cleveland, OH; Washington, DC) in Kanadi (Toronto, ON; Vanco­uver, BC) ugotavlja, v kolikšni meri so se razlicne generacije izseljencev uspele vkljuciti v ameriško in kanadsko družbo. Poudarek je na jeziku in kulturi kot dveh najpomembnejših dejavnikih etnicne identifikacije. V jezikovnem smislu raziskujemo tako jezikovno izbiro in vrsto diskurza pri posameznikih (sposoja­nje, kodno preklapljanje) kot tudi širši jezikovni položaj na ravni celotne sku­pnosti (stopnja dvojezicnosti, jezikovni premik od slovenšcine k anglešcini). Rezultati, ki se nanašajo na jezikovno rabo in odnos izseljencev do jezika ter na njihov obcutek etnicne pripadnosti, ponujajo zanimiv in dragocen vpogled v dvojezicno in dvokulturno naravo izseljenske izkušnje. Kljucne besede: migracije, dvojezicnot, jezikovni premik, etnicna identiteta, dvokulturnost 0 INTRODUCTION Migration is a life-altering event. Regardless of the reasons for leaving one’s home, this is always much more than just a question of physical re-location. Immigrants inevitably face a whole series of adjustments inextricably linked to their migration in order to function in the new environment. The language and culture of the host country are no doubt just two of the most crucial factors they encounter, which ultimately affect/(re)shape their sense of identity, be it on a personal, social, ethnic or some other level. Literature provides various theories as to how immigrants adapt to the new environment. Berry’ acculturation mod­el (1990), for instance, distinguishes between four alternative strategies used by minorities when they come into contact with the majority. They may either assimilate completely with the majority, retain a separate or marginalized status or, on the other hand, integrate into the mainstream society. While assimilation implies embracing the dominant culture to the point of completely giving up original cultural features (language, religion, traditions etc.), separation means just the opposite, i.e. a total rejection of the majority culture and clinging to the old customs. Marginalization is somewhere in between the two, with insecurity as far as identity is concerned, accompanied by a partial loss of the original lan­guage and insufficient acquisition of the dominant one. All three strategies seem to be lacking in terms of enabling the immigrants to thrive in the new society and simultaneously maintain a positive self-image. It is only the last strategy, integration, which is more positive, as it allows immigrants to both work toward becoming a valuable part of the mainstream society while preserving a degree of cultural identity (or at least appreciation/positive attitude toward it). This is also the strategy adopted by the Slovene immigrants in the U.S. and Canada. It is the aim of this paper to examine their situation in more detail, focusing on their sense of ethnic identity through the prism of their bilingual and bicultural experience. 1 RESEARCH DESIGN In order to present as comprehensive a picture of the linguistic and cultural situ­ation among Slovene Americans and Canadians as possible, I focused on four of their communities: Cleveland and Toronto as the largest ones in the U.S. and Canada respectively and Washington, DC and Vancouver, BC as examples of rel­atively small and fragmented communities. Also importantly, I took into account the time dimension of their immigration so as to be able to assess any variations occurring across the generations. The findings are based on the data collected by means of participant observation, tape-recorded semi-structured interviews and follow-up self-report questionnaires probing the immigrants’ language use and language attitudes as well as their perception of the relationship between the de­gree of mother tongue/heritage language maintenance and their sense of cultural and/or ethnic identity. The fieldwork in the mentioned communities has been underway for a number of years starting as far back as late 1980s in Cleveland and still going on in Vancouver, with the last visit there in the fall of 2016 and the next one scheduled for September of this year (e.g. Šabec 1992, 1995, 1997, 1999, 2011, 2016, 2017). It has encompassed as many as 576 subjects of both genders as well as a wide-ranging spectrum of ages, educational levels and gen­erations. However, for the purpose of this article, the results for each individual study will not be presented separately; instead, the shared features and the differ­ences between them will be pointed out when relevant to the immigrant experi­ence through different time periods and in different locations. In other words, the emphasis will be on the narrative of the immigrants’ and their descendants’ experience in terms of linguistic adjustment (the degree of mother tongue main­tenance in the case of the 1st generation and heritage language in the case of younger generations; the types of bilingual discourse used by them; language choice depending on various speech situations and interlocutors) and identity issues related to culture and ethnicity. Some of their questionnaire responses and excerpts from the interviews will be used for illustration purposes, and a brief outline of their immigration to the U.S. and Canada will be provided before the data presentation and analysis. 2 SLOVENE IMMIGRATION TO THE U.S. AND CANADA With the exception of individuals such as missionaries and adventurers who came to North America as early as the 18th century, the first great wave of Slovene im­migration occurred between the turn of the 19th century and 1924, when the U.S. passed the Immigration Act restricting the number of new immigrants. These were economic immigrants from the impoverished Slovene regions, which were at the time part of Austria Hungary, and from the Littoral and Karst, two regions annexed by Italy after WWI. Attracted by the promise of a better life, they headed predominantly to Cleveland, which was among the fastest growing cities in the U.S. and in dire need of unskilled and semi-skilled workers. The majority found employment in steel mills, construction industries and other local factories. They settled around Broadway and East 55th Street along the St. Clair Avenue, where they could for the most part function in their own dialects and only learned the most basic English for the workplace and for venturing outside their very close-knit community. Hardworking and highly motivated, they soon saved sufficient funds to organize themselves, establishing their own parishes and parochial schools as well as other ethnic organizations such as fraternal benefit societies. These societies served as mutual fund companies on which they could rely in times of hardship, but at the same time they also served as centers of social and cultural activities (Klemencic 1995: 198). Gradually starting their own busi­nesses, they thus gained a solid economic base, allowing them to establish several Slovene National Homes in which they held meetings and organized various so­cial functions, where Slovene singing societies, dance groups, polka bands, but­ton-box clubs and even theater groups performed on a regular basis. The extent to which they managed to maintain their language and culture is perhaps best described by a quote from the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups (Thernston 1980: 973): “In Cleveland, for example, St. Clair Avenue from 30th to East 79th Streets became by the 1920s so completely Slovene in character that English was the foreign language.” Regardless of their superior existence in the New World compared to that in the “old country”,11 A common reference to Slovenia used by the early immigrants . the immigrants were well aware of their limitations due to lack of education and proficiency in English. Their priority was therefore to ensure that their children receive a solid education and learn English. The 2nd generation was thus fluent in both languages, speaking Slovene at home and English elsewhere. They were able to move up the social and economic ladder, for the most part moving into the more affluent and ethnically-mixed suburbs. This was even more true of their children, the 3rd and later generations, whose members are mostly college educated, but who only rarely speak Slovene now. They also have less and less time to take part in ethnic activities and, in contrast to the early immigrants, no longer intermarry and/or choose their friends and partners based on ethic criteria. They have in fact become fully integrated into the mainstream society. The second large immigration wave consisted mostly of political immigrants fleeing the Yugoslav Communist regime after WWII. Compared to the pre-war immigrants, they were better educated, spoke both dialectal and Standard Slovene and, for the most part, some English, which gave them an advantage in seeking employment. They, too, formed ethnic organizations, but no longer lived in segregated communities. In many ways, their children are much more similar to the 3rd generation pre-war immigrants than to the 2nd generation of pre-war ones. A comparable Slovene Canadian community to Cleveland is Toronto (the for­mer having 10,000 people of Slovene descent, the latter approximately 50,000). Toronto Slovenes exhibit a somewhat lower degree of intergenerational variation, as most of them arrived in Canada after WWII. There is no residential concen­tration, but they have an equally impressive network of ethnic organizations as their Cleveland counterparts and certainly a very rich cultural life. In terms of language, however, the 2nd generation already is less engaged in ethnic activities and shows a lower level of Slovene proficiency than their pre-war counterparts in Cleveland. The same can be said about Slovenes in the two smaller communities in which I conducted my research. Slovenes in Washington, DC are for the most part professionals who were already born in the U.S. and came to the capital city with the purpose of finding employment in various federal agencies. This leaves them little time to socialize with other Slovenes. Similarly, the Vancouver Slovenes have only one ethnic organization with just some 400 active members (Plut 2008). In both cases, active engagement in ethnic activities and the resources available to support them are thus relatively low and, consequently, proficiency in Slovene, on the decline. Before moving to a more detailed linguistic analysis, we can conclude that the bilingual situation in all four communities is fairly unstable and highly transi­tional in nature, with a very high degree of mother tongue attrition. The only generation that was truly balanced as far as bilingualism is concerned was the 2nd generation of pre-war immigrants, while the 3rd generation already expe­rienced a partial or even complete shift to English. This can certainly be at least partially explained by the stigma attached to foreign accents at the time, which is why parents neglected to teach their children Slovene. When later, in the 1960s, this was no longer the case and it became almost fashionable to search for one’s roots, many 3rd generation Slovenes regretted not being able to speak their heritage language, but for most it was already too late. This three-generation cycle during which mother tongue attrition occurs is not unique to Slovenes and is, in fact, typical of many Americans of European origin. However, what is special in our case is that the pace at which this occurred was greatly accelerated among post war immigrants – to the point where we can claim that is has been almost shortened by one generation. Such a development is understandable in view of the unfavorable environment in which English is the prevalent and prestigious language and where, with insignificant numbers of new immigrants, Slovene has little if any practical value. It has to be noted, of course, that the language shift from Slovene to English applies only to the entire communities under investigation, as there may be and, in fact, there are individuals or groups of them who are putting considerable effort into preserv­ing or learning the language (e.g. young people participating in the seminar of Slovene Language, Literature and Culture organized by the University of Ljubljana). 3 LINGUISTIC ASPECTS Both on individual and on community level, the linguistic behavior of the immigrants is primarily characterized by their generational status. This is true of the level of their bilingual proficiency, the types of bilingual discourse that they use, the language choices that they make, the language attitudes that they hold and, consequently, the degree of their mother tongue/heritage language maintenance.22 Mother tongue refers to the language of the Slovene-born subjects who actually immigrated to the U.S. or Canada. For their children and grandchildren Slovene is the heritage language. By the same token, only the first generations are immigrants in the true sense of word, while their descendants are, technically speaking, already U.S. or Canadian citizens. In this paper, they are all referred to as immigrants for the sake of economy. 3.1 Bilingual proficiency For obvious reasons, it is the first generations that speak Slovene best, but who are not necessarily fully proficient in English, at least not in the initial stages of their settlement in the new country. This is especially true of the pre-war generation,33 By now most are deceased, but when I first started my fieldwork in Cleveland, I was still able to talk to many of them. whose Slovene was mostly dialectal and somewhat archaic compared to current Slovene, while their English was limited to borrowing the basic vocabulary. Their post-war counterparts were certainly more bilingual in that they either had some knowledge of English and/or were forced to upgrade it, as living in segregated communities was no longer an option for them. The most balanced in terms of bilingualism were no doubt the 2nd pre-war generation immigrants, who found themselves in a position where they had to use Slovene in communication with their parents and English with the outside world. Their children, on the other hand, largely lost the ability to use both languages, with English becoming the stronger or even the only language. This is also true of the 2nd post-war genera­tion and of all younger generations, especially millennials. Proficiency in Slovene is therefore highest with those who were born in Slovenia and who received a formal education in Slovene, whereas with the American-born the factors en­couraging heritage language maintenance are primarily frequent opportunities to use it (larger communities as opposed to small ones, Slovene being the household language, active involvement in ethnic activities) and positive attitudes toward the language. Social and geographical mobility, ethnically mixed marriages, and lack of contact with other Slovenes, on the other hand, almost inevitably lead to a shift toward English. 3.2 Types of bilingual discourse An interesting phenomenon in researching the immigrant linguistic situation con­cerns the two distinct types of bilingual discourse: borrowing and code switching. Borrowing was typically used by the 1st pre-war generation who, for all practical purposes, spoke no English, but nevertheless borrowed English words either to fill lexical gaps or because some words were used with such frequency that it was all but impossible to adopt them. Borrowing involved combining English bases with Slovene affixes, resulting in examples such as drajvati karo from to drive a car. The adaptation was therefore both phonological and morphological. The borrowings or loanwords were mostly open-class items such as nouns, verbs and adjectives, while function words remained in Slovene. Borrowing is occasionally used by members of other generations as well, but with much lower frequency. Instead the bilingual discourse typical of them is so-called code switching (referred to by some as half pa pu44 Half pa pu stands for half English and half Slovene. ) whereby the two languages do not mix on the level of a single word, but remain discrete (e.g. Well, ga kritizirajo, ker potem government profitira, ne? Ni nikoli right whatever you do.55 Eng.: Well, he is being criticized because the government profits in the end, doesn’t it? It is never right whatever you do. ) The prerequisite for engaging in code switch­ing is of course some degree of bilingual proficiency, which is why we no longer encounter it with those members of younger generations who only speak English. With those who do, however, the choice of language depends on a number of situational factors, the most important of which is the interlocutor. According to interpersonal accommodation theory (Giles, Bourhis and Taylor 1977), the speaker chooses a shared ethnic language in order to accommodate the addressee, while an intentional adherence to English despite both interlocutors’ competence in both languages may be interpreted as an attempt to disassociate from them. The interlocutors speaking Slovene most often include family, friends and ethnic contacts. Other factors, especially linguistic ones, may also trigger code switch­ing in either direction (e.g. emphasis, repetition, a temporary inability to retrieve a specific word from memory etc.), among the situational factors, however, we need to mention two more: the topic of conversation and the setting in which it takes place. Certain topics are more conducive to being discussed in Slovene (e.g. childhood memories, things associated with the “old country”, and personal affairs as opposed to, say, business or government), and the same is true of informal vs. formal settings. Slovene is more likely to be heard at open-air events and while socializing than, for instance, during official meetings of ethnic organizations (in the beginning these were held in Slovene, but gradually switched to English so that younger members could take a more active part in them; the same is true of the ethnic press, where in the beginning the newspapers were published entirely in Slovene, but are now predominantly English with just a page or two in Slovene). Parts of discourse spoken entirely in Slovene tend to be influenced by English as well (the influence progressing with the immigrants’ length of stay in the U.S. or Canada). Pronunciation is especially affected (the aspirated p, t, k, the so called dark l, the rhotic r). The same is true of Slovene inflectional patterns, which seem to be too complex for Slovene Americans and Canadians, resulting in their sim­plification, generalization or even omission (e.g. smo šli z moja teta mož instead of smo šli z možem moje tete).66 Eng.: We went with my aunt‘s husband (In Slovene both the word order and the cases are used incorrectly). Word order is also affected due to the typological differences between Slovene and English (an example of which can be seen in the overuse of subjective personal pronouns in cases where Slovene as a pro-drop language does not require them). Furthermore, the influence of English accounts for the not so rare occurrence of calques such as imeti dober cas from to have a good time instead of Slovene uživati/se imeti lepo. An interesting aspect shedding light on the linguistic situation in the communi­ties under investigation are also language attitudes. These may play a role in the degree to which an individual is trying to preserve his or her mother tongue/heritage language. At times, however, the questions about them produce contra­dictory results, as will be shown in the next section. 3.3 Language attitudes Only responses to the most relevant questions about language attitudes will be presented, as the inclusion of all would exceed the scope of this paper. We will take a closer look at the following: the immigrants’ self-evaluation of bilingual proficiency, their preferred conversational language, their attitude toward code switching, the importance of preserving their mother tongue, and the role that they attribute to mother tongue in terms of their ethnic identification. The first generations rate their proficiency in Slovene as high or very high, while their proficiency in English is rated poor in the case of pre-war immigrants and as good in the case of post-war ones. In addition, speaking is rated much higher than the more demanding skills of reading and writing. The ratings for both languages are more balanced in the case of the 2nd pre-war generation, whereas in the case of all other generations English scores considerably higher than Slovene. With the younger generations, the ratings for reading and writing are also on the increase compared to their older counterparts. As for the preferred conversational language, all of the 1st generation pre-war immigrants choose Slovene; among the post-war ones, this percentage is decreasing. The 2nd pre-war generation vacillates between Slovene and English, while for everybody else the only option is English. As for their attitudes toward code switching, most are quite tolerant of it, the exception are 1st generation of post-war immigrants who feel that code switching is “corrupting” the language. The others realize that it is practically impossible to speak “pure” Slovene in an English-dominant environment and that at least some Slovene is better than nothing. Some also see it as facilitating communication between the older and younger generations. The following are some examples of questionnaire responses that illustrate the dilemmas facing the immigrants with regard to language choice. • During the first years we spoke Slovene at home. When our children started school and made friends with the neighborhood kids, they began to use English also at home. When our first son went to kindergarten, he was able to recite Ciciban (Oton Župancic) and his teacher told me that nobody at school would listen to him. I realized that it was not their fault that we lived in Canada, that this was their country, so I bought him Eng­lish “Nursery Rhymes”. My husband and I also needed English at work. • The state of Slovene in the Slovenian77 Both Slovene and Slovenian are correct and are used interchangeably by various organizations, publications etc. Society is not particularly prom­ising. We speak English at our functions. Even our board meetings are always conducted in English because some don’t speak Slovene at all. I always try to speak Slovene with those members who know Slovene, but they all soon switch to English. It is even more difficult to use Slovene in e-mails. I still write the society newsletter in both languages even though I am sure that practically nobody reads the Slovene part of it. We have Slovene books and films and I use them mostly in language classes. Sometimes somebody borrows a book. Every now and then we play Slo­vene films at a social event, but there is little interest. The responses regarding the importance of preserving the mother tongue, how­ever, are the ones that strike us as most intriguing, if not paradoxical. Almost all, even those who lack proficiency in Slovene, are convinced that it is very impor­tant to preserve the mother tongue/heritage language, attributing great symbolic value to it. The most notable exceptions are some millennials who no longer see it as a viable option and view it only as a nostalgic remnant of the past. However, there are a few equally young individuals who are learning Slovene, primarily to communicate with their grandparents, but also in order to be in contact with Slovenia. The attitudes toward the language are therefore predominantly positive, as seen in the following examples. • I feel that it is important to preserve the Slovenian language as that will also preserve the Slovenian culture, and knowing your roots and very you came from is very key. • For me the preservation of the language is very important for cultural identity. I probably believe this because the language was taught to me at an early age and so it si not a burden to learn it later in life (although I could use many lessons to inprove). I think understanding the lan­guage helps one better understand the people, be they immigrants to the United States – as my parents were – or the Slovenians living in Slovenia today. There is a connection between language and thinking, so I appre­ciate that my language skills, poor though they are, can still provide me with special insight into the culture and people. Finally, the subjects were asked to rank several factors on a scale from least to most important in terms of how important they consider them for ethnic identifica­tion. Their answers showed a discrepancy between their previously declared belief about the importance of preserving mother tongue, as only the 1st generation of pre-war immigrants ranked language as the second most important (after cul­ture), while for everybody else, language came fourth of even fifth after culture, religion, cuisine, music and work ethic (the last one not being an ethnic feature, but nevertheless included because of the wide- reported pride by the respondents in their being hardworking and honest). Such results inevitably raise the question of the relationship between language and culture, i.e. whether the immigrants see themselves as more bilingual or bicultural and how this affects their sense of ethnic identity. This will be addressed in greater detail in the next section. 4 CULTURAL AND ETHNIC ASPECTS For the early immigrants in particular, the contact with the New World, which differed significantly from, say, life in the rural areas of Austria-Hungary of the day presented something of a culture shock. They knew, however, why they had undertaken the long journey to America and were determined to do everything in their power to succeed in the new society. With hard work and an entre­preneurial mentality they did, opening up new opportunities for their children and grandchildren. In the beginning especially, they relied heavily on each other, forming ethnic organizations and establishing National Homes, where they could meet on a regular basis, exchange experience and advice, relax in a safe environ­ment, reminisce about the “old country”, make plans for the future - in short, feel “at home” with other Slovenes. In Cleveland, for instance, they even built their own Old People’s Home, and had several Slovene parishes with parochial schools (which eventually got reduced to Sunday schools or short language courses due to diminishing enrolment). Numerous cultural groups from singing societies to polka bands were formed and performed at various events. The situation in Toronto was similar. Both Slovene Americans and Canadians also published Slo­vene newspapers and had their own radio stations. The smaller communities had, understandably, fewer members and resources, but nevertheless endeavored to preserve their culture. With the new generations, the gap between the American way of life and the old ways gradually narrowed, with elements of both cultures slowly blending into each other. This does not mean, however, that all features of Sloveneness were given up. As is evident from the participants’ responses, many persevere until today and are cherished as something very valuable. And while the early immi­grants understandably declared themselves to be Slovene, members of the later generations say that while they are Americans or Canadians first, they are also Slovene. For many, the Slovene part actually plays a significant role in their lives, as illustrated by the following account by a 2nd generation Slovene American: • Knowing my ancestry as well as I do – both of my parents were born in Slovenia, I have visited there with relatives on numerous occasions, and I grew up in a community of Slovenians – grounds me tremendously – that is, it helps me transcend my everyday reality and takes me to another place and frame of mind!). Understanding my heritage gives me a strong sense of personal history and encourages me to explore and keep alive, as much as possible, family connections. In a way, it also makes me feel special and unique. Having a direct line to my roots helps me better understand the people around me and, perhaps, makes me more interesting as well. As far as culture is concerned, the respondents define it very broadly. For most it means anything from traditions, customs, music, religion, and holidays to cui­sine – anything that reminds them of their “old country” or the country of their ancestors. • All of these – food, music, language, religion, customs – do seem im­portant and relevant in keeping alive my identity as Slovenian. Having spent much time in Slovenia itself, I see that many of these factors actu­ally connect me to the older generation of Slovenian immigrants to the U.S. more than they do to current Slovenians living in Europe. If I had to choose, perhaps language and religion are the two things that confirm my Slovenian identity. There is some irony there because religion seems to waning in Slovenia, particularly with young people, while here reli­gion is a strong binder for the immigrant community, which has built a cultural and community center on the church grounds. In the practice of religion, we are able to maintain customs that are uniquely Slovenian (butarice,88 Richly decorated greenery taken to church on Palm Sunday for special blessing. Easter blessing baskets). Some, on the other hand, view culture in the narrower sense of the word and report about reading Slovene literature; there are even some who try their hand at writing themselves. • I read more in English, Slovene books only when they are available or when I bring them from Slovenia. Literature broadens my horizons, calms me, cheers me up and, when talking about Slovene literature, it is a source of information about my home country and a way of reminisc­ing about it. When I read a Slovene book, I feel more “at home”, it is like balm for the soul. • The inspiration grew stronger; I began to write plays and also poems for adults and also for children, which were used for various functions and performances. • In writing I found a source of creativity, which made my life easier /…/ I began to search for some inner-self /…/ at the moment when this inner-self became present in my thoughts, words began to pour out unprompt­ed as if somebody were whispering them softly in my ear. Writing filled my time and soul and heart because of the beauty of the Slovene words. /…/ I still help with functions if asked; of course, very few still under­stand the Slovene language. Such enthusiasts are, of course, exceptions. Also, with time, the number of ethnic organizations and cultural events is declining, especially in smaller communities. Gone are the days of Slovene theater groups, and while there are child choruses that still sing Slovene folk songs, they have to learn the lyrics by heart as they no longer understand the language. On the other hand, I have witnessed, on the occasion of the Wine Festival organized by the Vancouver Slovenian Soci­ety, how two Canadian-born children recited Slovene poems written by their grandmother. Another aspect worth pointing out is the very dynamic nature of the immigrant experience. An excellent example of that is the way the music that Slovenians brought with them was adapted to the new circumstances and actually contrib­uted to the American music scene and culture. This is vividly reflected by accor­dion/polka music, which reached the peak of its popularity with Frank Yankovich as the Polka King.99 Frank Yankovich, dubbed »America‘s Polka King«, released over 200 recordings in his career, sold over 30 million records, had two golden records 15 years before Frank Sinatra and won a Grammy award in 1985. Rather than merely transferring this traditional music from the “old country” to America, the immigrants included in it elements of other music genres such as early jazz with typical swing style and even “American” in­struments such as the banjo. By so doing they managed to produce an authentic Slovene American/Canadian style that catered both to the ethnic sentiment and to the broader music taste of the rest of America. The manner in which the melo­dies, the rhythm and the lyrics of these otherwise typically Slovene folk music combined both the old and the new is a perfect example of how successful Slo­vene immigrants and their descendants were in fitting into the new environment. The fact that in 2007 the City of Cleveland named a square after Yankovich and that the Slovenes built the Polka Hall of Fame and Museum there is testimony to their contribution to their new homeland. 5 CONCLUSION The Slovene immigrant experience in the U.S.A. and Canada seen from a bilin­gual and bicultural perspective suggests that language is not as central to their ethnic identity as we would be led to believe from the participants’ responses about the importance of its preservation. It is “an important, but not a unique part” (Edwards 2009: 2), its value being more or less symbolic. After all, we live our lives through language and the actual state of affairs on the ground shows that this is in most cases English, while Slovene is rapidly disappearing, especially among the younger generations.1010 It is, of course, for precisely this reason that the linguistic situation is so much more intriguing and deserving of being studied and documented in terms of changes related to language contact while they last. Their sense of ethnic awareness instead comes from shared cultural characteristics such as traditions, music, religion, and cui­sine. They perceive these as a positive addition to their American and Canadian identity, i.e. an enrichment of their lives and enhancement of their self-image. In addition, almost all maintain some contact with Slovenia (in the recent decades also via the internet), which was most obvious in 1991, when they unanimously supported Slovenia’s struggle for independence. Despite the rather poor pros­pects of long-term maintenance of mother tongue/heritage language, elements of culture stand a relatively good chance of surviving. Even some millennials, who profess their preference for globalization and present themselves as citizens of the world, admit to having a special affection for their family’s history and traditions. Based on the somewhat contradictory data about attitudes, we could conclude that Slovene Americans and Canadians base their ethnic identity both on lan­guage and culture; in reality, however, they seem to be more bicultural than bi­lingual. In either case, their immigrant experience is a successful one as they have managed, in a relatively short period of time, to become not just an integral but also a productive and creative part of mainstream society in their respective new homelands, while at the same time maintaining appreciation of their heritage. References Berry, John, 1990: Psychology of Acculturation in Nebraska. Berman, John (ed.) Cross-Cultural Perspectives. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. 201–235. Edwards, John, 2009: Language and identity: An introduction. Key concepts. Cam­bridge: Cambridge University Press. Giles, Howard, Richard Bourhis and Donald Taylor, 1977: Towards a theory of language in ethnic group relations. Giles, Howard (ed.): Language, ethnicity and intergroup relations. London: Academic Press. 307–348. Klemencic, Matjaž, 1995: Slovenes of Cleveland: The Creation of a New Nation and a New World Community: Slovenia and the Slovenes of Cleveland, Ohio. Novo mesto: Dolenjska založba. Plut, Silva (ed.), 2008: 50 let Slovenskega društva Vancouver/50 years of the Slove­nian Vancouver Society. Vancouver: Vancouver Slovenian Society. Šabec, Nada, 1992: Language Maintenance and Ethnic Identity in two Cleveland American Slovene Communities. Hölbling, Walter and Reinhold Wagnleit­ner (eds.): The European emigrant experience in the USA. Tübingen: G. Narr Verlag (AAA, Bd.5). 253–267. --------, 1995, Half pa pu: the Language of Slovene Americans. Ljubljana: ŠKUC (Studia Humanitatis). --------, 1997: Slovene-English language contact in the USA. International Jour­nal of the Sociology of Language 124. 129–183. --------, 1999: The role of language in ethnic identification of Slovene Ameri­cans. Granic, Jagoda (ed.) Jezik i identiteti. Zagreb, Split: Hrvatsko društvo za primijenjenu lingvistiku. 599–604. --------, 2011: Slovene-English language contact: teaching and learning Slovene as a mother tongue in the USA and Canada. Novak-Lukanovic, Sonja and Vesna Mikolic (eds.) Slovenski jezik v stiku: sodobne usmeritve vecjezicnega in manjšinskega izobraževanja. Ljubljana: Društvo za uporabno jezikoslovje Slovenije. 190–203. --------, 2016: Language, literature and ethnic identity: the case of the Vancouver Slovene community. Annales (Series historica et sociologia) 26/1. 75–84. --------, 2017: Expressing ethnic and cultural identity through music and song lyrics: the case of Slovene Americans and Canadians. Kennedy, Victor and Michelle Gadpaille (eds.) Ethnic and cultural identity in music and song lyrics. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. 141-159. Šabec, Nada and Mihaela Koletnik, 2017: The role of dialect in mother tongue retention of Slovene Canadians: a case study. Dialectologica et geolinguistica 25/1. 51-67. Thernston, Stephan, 1980: Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. The Hungarian Minority in Slovenia and Hungarian as a Minority Language Judit Zágorec-Csuka University of Maribor Povzetek Clanek obravnava madžarsko manjšino na obmocju Slovenije in madžarski je­zik kot uradni jezik v narodnostno mešanem Prekmurju, ki se nahaja v severo­vzhodnem delu Slovenije, kjer v vec kot 30 naseljih živijo avtohtoni madžarski prebivalci. Na tem obmocju sta uradna jezika tako slovenšcina kot madžaršci­na. Osredotocamo se na jezikovno politiko madžarske narodne skupnosti in skušamo orisati družbenopravne znacilnosti dvojezicnega obmocja ter na krat­ko predstaviti zgodovino in okolje madžarske manjšine. Izpostavili bomo tudi kulturološke in informativne dejavnosti madžarske manjšine ter predstavili izbrane madžarske avtorje (Lajos Bence, Albert Halász, Sándor Szúnyogh, Pál Szomi in Judit Zágorec-Csuka) ter obravnavali njihova dela, ki so bila prevede­na v slovenšcino in izdana v knjižni zbirki z naslovom Mostovi na meji. Posebej izpostavljamo prevode madžarskih književnih del, ki so bila predstavljena na mednarodnem literarnem festivalu Vilenica, v izboru pesnikov, prozaistov, dra­matikov in esejistov iz Srednje Evrope in Madžarske. V zakljucku ocenjujemo pomen sodobnih madžarskih prevodov v slovenski jezik v luci medkulturne komunikacije in vecjezicnosti v državah Evropske unije.    Kljucne besede: Madžarska manjšina, madžaršcina, prevod književnih del, književna povezava med slovenšcino in madžaršcino 0 INTRODUCTION For nearly a thousand years Hungarians have been living in the immediate vicini­ty of the Slovene nation. Even so, their history is quite inadequately embedded in the minds of Slovenes. Similarly, Hungarians also do not possess great knowledge about the Slovene nation, its history and characteristics (Göncz 2004: 5). In to­day’s world, national borders have begun to lose their political significance. Since both Slovenians and Hungarians live in the European Union, they should possess good knowledge of their neighbours. The Hungarian minority living in Slovenia is very well aware of this, and thus becoming a bridge between the two nations. Under the Trianon Treaty signed in 1919, villages on the Slovene-Hungarian border were joined to Prekmurje and, consequently, to the Kingdom of SHS, where Hungarians lived in the land known today as the counties of Vas and Zala. Since 1991, approximately 7,000 members of the Hungarian minority live in Slovenia, and similar groups also live in Austria, Slovakia, Ukraine, Romania, Serbia, Montenegro and Croatia. The third and fourth generation of the Hungar­ian minority has been living in Prekmurje since 1919, and most were born in the so-called contact zone on the triple border between Slovenia, Croatia and Austria. The introduction of the Schengen border in 2016 brought along special political rights, which allowed for a socio-economic environment and relationships with the Hungarian minority in the Carpathian Basin, despite strong assimilation and the fact that Prekmurje still remains an underdeveloped area in Slovenia. 1 THE ENVIRONMENT OF THE HUNGARIAN MINORITY Members of the Hungarian national community live in approximately 30 villages along the Slovene-Hungarian border, where in addition to Slovene the Hungar­ian language is also considered an official one. The Hungarian minority resides in the municipalities of Hodoš/Hodos, Moravske Toplice, Šalovci, Lendava and Dobrovnik/Dobronak, has indigenous rights and status, and is protected by con­stitution and sectoral legislation. The rights stipulated in the Constitution can be exercised only in the area of the indigenous Hungarian community. Moreover, the use of national symbols and the right to cooperate with the Slovene nation is also guaranteed. In order to preserve their identity, the minority may also independently establish organisations, develop economic, scientific, research, cultural and educational activities, as well as activities in the field of public information and publishing. Members of the national community exercise their rights through their repre­sentatives in municipal and city councils, and in the National Assembly. Hungarians have been living in compact groups in Slovenia for centuries, and do not feel like foreigners or immigrants, but rather like an indigenous people; they are a national community that has become a traditional, long-lasting and classical characteristic of Slovenia. The Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia explicitly emphasises the constitutional rights of the Hungarian nation, regardless of the number of its members (Article 64). 2 CULTURAL ACTIVITIES OF THE HUNGARIAN MINORITY The Hungarian national community has established nearly 60 amateur societies and groups (folklore, music groups, choirs, recitation and drama groups). Their work and organisational tasks are managed by the Cultural Institute of the Hun­garian Nationality (Magyar Nemzetiségi Muvelodési Intézet) and the Bánffy Center. The Cultural Center (Muvelodési Központ) in Lendava is also an important cultural asset for the Hungarian national community, and this versatile cultural facility is the largest in Prekmurje, with the Republic of Hungary also contributing to its con­struction. Since 1958 the Hungarian Nationality Information Institute in Lendava has regularly published a weekly newspaper, Népújság, in Hungarian for the Hun­garian national community. Radio and television programs are prepared within the framework of the RTV Public Institute of Slovenia, in particular at the Regional RTV Center in Maribor. MMR Radio in Lendava provides 18 hours and 15 min­utes of daily programs in Hungarian, which are played even during the weekends. The television programmes includs the show Mostovi/Hidak, which is broadcast on both the national and regional Maribor TV channels. The show is broadcast four times a week for 30 minutes, with one-time repeat broadcasts during most of the year, and three times a week for 30 minutes with one-time repeat broadcasts dur­ing the summer. According to Article 30 of the Radiotelevizija Slovenija Act, the programs of the national communities are co-financed by the state. 3 LITERATURE OF THE HUNGARIAN NATIONALITY IN SLOVENIA After 1945 and until 1961, there was no Hungarian literature in Prekmurje, and during the period of the Informbiro (1948) and the Iron Curtain the Hungarian minority had no media of its own. However, in the 1960s Lajos Vlaj published a poetry book titled Versek (1961). In the 1970s arose the first generation of writ­ers of the Hungarian nationality; Pál Szomi, József Varga, Sándor Szúnyogh and István Palkó published an anthology titled Tavaszvárás (Expecting Spring, 1972). During the 1980s, new faces appeared in literature and brought with them new trends. These were the new authors: Lajos Bence, Zoltán Gábor, Leona Sz. Kanyó, Erzsébet Rozsmán, József Szabó, János Toplák Czimmermann, and Zsuzsanna Báti Koncz. In 1991 the Republic of Slovenia was born, which brought some changes to the system (along with a new constitution, democracy, pluralism, etc.). During this time new authors from the Hungarian minority worked together in publishing the Muratáj magazine (1988): Gabriella Bence Utroša, László Göncz, János Göntér, Albert Halász, István Hagymás, Rózsa Kercsmár, Mária Szabó, Fer­enc Vida, and Judit Zágorec-Csuka. In addition to works of fiction, works of academic literature were also published, mainly in the field of linguistics, history and geography, literary history, ethnography, the aesthetics of film, fine arts, etc. The literature of the Hungarian minority was mostly unrecognised in the wider circles of Slovene culture, especially with regard to the translation of works into Slovene. This led to the decision of the Franc-Franc publishing house in Murska Sobota to present modern Hungarian literature in the Republic of Slovenia by pub­lishing the Mostovi na meji book collection, together with opuses of chosen au­thors. After translating the poetry book Slepci na zemljevidu (2003), Judit Zágorec Csuka went on to translate other works of poetry, prose and essays in 2010–2014: V sebi zate (2010), Lajos Bence, Vzklit iz kamna (2011), Albert Hálasz, Vsestvarnost (2012), Sándor Szúnyogh, Zvestoba travnih bilk (2013) and Pál Szomi, Jesenska nebina (2014). All the books published between 2010 and 2014 had a single aim: the literary works should enable Slovene readers to further familiarise themselves with deeper thoughts, emotions, feelings toward their fellow citizens of a different ethnicity, and their experiences regarding their own minority positions. The ac­companying editorial notes words served to offer Slovene readers more rounded information regarding the literary opuses and members of the Hungarian minority in Slovenia. The aim of the Mostovi na meji book collection, as stated by its editor Franci Just, was to bring forth and transform the phrase “They live among us” into “They live with us”, and thus emphasise the state of compassion and co-experience. 4 MULTILINGUALISM AND MULTICULTURALISM AMONG MEMBERS OF THE HUNGARIAN NATIONALITY AND THE SLOVENE NATION Literature has played a unique role in individual historical periods. It is also im­portant to consider through which methods any translated literature established has itself within the borders of other culture and literature. Who are the creators of this translated literature, what were their purposes and styles? To what extent does the translated literature adapt to the logic of the target language, and how does it adapt to the specifications of the literature in the source language? With the European Union the importance of translation has increased significantly; as of today, the EU boasts more than 23 official languages, and with new members entering the Union this number will only increase. One of the goals of the Euro­pean Commission is also to develop multilingualism, promote foreign language skills and preserve the cultural identities of nations. In her articles, the literary historian Dr. Jutka Rudaš addresses the fact that changes in the perception of Slo­vene literature have occurred in the last twenty years, which has led to an increase in the perception of the Hungarian translated literature within Slovene literature and reading culture in general. However, some shortcomings are also to be noted in the field of translation, and on this basis it is evident that much work is yet to be done by translators as well as the cultural policymakers who support the publication of translated works. Figure 1. Judit Zágorec-Csuka: A magyar-szlovén és a szlovén magyar irodal­mi kapcsolatok tükrözodése a fordításirodalomban. (Hungarian-Slovene and Slovene-Hungarian Literary Relations within Translated Literature). ­Pilisvörösvár. Muravidék Baráti Kör Kulturális Egyesület, 2015., 7-246. 5 SLOVENE TRANSLATIONS OF HUNGARIAN LITERATURE AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR Vilko Novak and Štefan Barbaric were two of the most important translators in the 1950s, after the Second World War. Both were professors of literature who used their Hungarian knowledge to translate Hungarian literature into Slovene. Štefan Barbaric translated the works of the following Hungarian authors: Gyula Illyés, Ferenc Molnár and Zsigmond Móricz. In the 1960s, Barbaric introduced many other Hungarian authors (Áron Tamási, Tibor Déry, Ferenc Sánta, László Német) by adding excerpts from their literary works to the analyses of their liter­ary opuses. Vilko Novak and Tine Debeljak translated (1940) into Slovene a dra­ma by Imre Madách titled Tragedija cloveka (Az ember tragédiája), for which they received the PEN Club prize. In the 1960s, the authors Drago Grah, Jože Hradil, Jože Fticar and Jože Olaj also endeavoured to translate Hungarian literature into Slovene, which marked them as the translators of the decade. At this time they translated the classics of Hungarian literature, to which they added also many works of the 20th century, namely those of Mór Jókai, Kálmán Mikszáth, Zsig­mond Móricz, László Németh, Lajos Zilahy, Ferenc Sánta and György Moldova. At the beginning of the 70s, István Palkó and Orsolya Gállos published several studies through which they informed Slovene readers about Hungarian poetry and literature in general. In addition to the studies, they also published the trans­lated literature of many Hungarian authors, namely the works of Mór Jókai, En­dre Kolozsvári Grandpierre, György Kardos, János Székely, Sándor Petofi, Géza Gárdonyi, Ákos Kertész, Menyhért Lakatos, Zsigmond Móricz, Lajos Zilahy and Endre Ady. Translators of Hungarian fiction grew more creative during the 1970s, after the establishment of the Pomurska založba publishing house, which allowed them to publish translated works of Hungarian literature. During that time new faces emerged in the field of translation; among the first was a professor of Slovene language and literature, Elizabeta Bernjak, who translated Igral je tudi sleparjem (A latroknak is játszott) by Gion Nándor (1980) and Ararat (Ararát) by Lajos Zilahy (1977). The publication of bilingual poetry collections started a new trend in the 1970s. In 1973, Jože Hradil translated and published a bilingual (Hun­garian-Slovene) collection by Sándor Petofi titled Apostol (Az Apostol). In 1977, Pomurska založba published another bilingual collection, this time a work of Endre Ady entitled Kri in zlato (Vér és arany). The selected poems were prepared and translated by Kajetan Kovic and Jože Hradil. In the 1980s, a large number of translators translated the Hungarian literature: Drago Grah, Jože Fticar, Jože Olaj, Štefan Sedonja, Vilko Novak, Kajetan Kovic, Jože Hradil, Orsolya Gál­los, Vlado Peteršic and Marjanca Mihelic. Thanks to such translators, readers could enjoy the works of the following authors: Endre Ady, Nándor Gion, Ferenc Móra, Endre Illés, Miklós Radnóti, Anna Jókai, Mór Jókai, György G. Kardos, Géza Gárdonyi, and György Konrád. In light of Central European culture of that time, many studies about Hungary, and Hungarian culture and literature were published. The following translated Hungarian dramas were also performed on Slovene stages: Uspavanka (Altató) by László Fodor (1955); Tatovi (Tolvajok, 1970) and Macja igra (Macskajáték (1975, 1980) by István Örkény; Liliom (Lili­omfi) by Ferenc Móra (1975). In 1993, Marjanca Mihelic translated Hrabalova knjiga (Hrábál könyve) by Pé­ter Esterházy into Slovene; the book was then published by publisher Wieser in Klagenfurt. Even so, Esterházy’s novels became popular in Slovene literature only in later periods. Translated by Marjanca Mihelic, the essays of Péter Esterházy and György Konrád were mostly published in Nova revija (New Magazine). After 2000, Hungarian literature was translated into Slovene by the following transla­tors: Marjanca Mihelic, Jože Hradil, Gabriella Gaál, Mladen Pavicic, Jožef Smej, Judita Trajber, and Stela Munk. During this period, they translated the works of Péter Esterházy, Péter Zilahy, László Darvasi, Agáta Gordon, György Dragomán, Krisztián Grecsó, Ottó Tolnai, Imre Kertész and other. They also translated the works of various authors, such as Sándor Márai, Artúr Munk, Dezso Kosztolányi, Béla Hamvas, Antal Szerb, Géza Gárdonyi, and Lajos Harsányi. In 1986 the Slovene Writers’ Association founded the International Literary Festival Vilenica, and since then it has been arranged annually in the second half of September. The highlight of the festival is the awarding of the Vilenica International Literary Prize. The festival takes place on the Karst Plateau inside the Vilenica Cave. The prestigious prize has already been awarded to a number of Hungarian writers and poets. 6 CONCLUSIONS For nearly a thousand years Hungarians have been living in the immediate vi­cinity of the Slovene nation. The third and fourth generation of the Hungarian minority has been living in Prekmurje since 1919. There are about 7,000 mem­bers of this minority, and most were born in the so-called contact zone of the triple border between Slovenia, Croatia and Austria. Members of the Hungarian national community live in approximately 30 villages along the Slovene-Hungar­ian border, where in addition to Slovene, Hungarian is also an official language. Hungarians have been living in compact groups in Slovenia for centuries, and do not feel like foreigners or immigrants, but rather like an indigenous people. The literature of Hungarian nationality has been developing since the 1960s, dur­ing which time generations of writers of Hungarian nationality in Slovenia were connected by the Muratáj magazine. Representative authors of the Hungarian nationality who have been active since 1960 are the following: Pál Szomi, József Varga, Sándor Szúnyogh, Lajos Bence, Zoltán Gábor, János Toplák Czimmermann, Zsuzsanna Báti Koncz, Gabriella Bence Utroša, László Göncz, Albert Halász, Ju­dit Zágorec-Csuka, Péter Pál. The cultural activity of the Hungarian minority is mostly conducted by the Cultural Institute of the Hungarian Nationality and the Bánffy Center in Lendava. The media activity of this group takes place within the RTV Public Institute of Slovenia and the Regional RTV Center in Maribor, where Hungarian programs are broadcast (Hungarian radio MMR and TV show Mostovi/Hidak). Most information about Hungarian literature is provided to readers through works of translation or partial translation. Although the amount has been increasing in the past 20 years, there is still relatively little published criticism and few translations of Hungarian authors. However, the growth in the number of such publications is supported by the presence of Hungarian au­thors at the Vilenica International Literary Festival, arranged annually since 1986. Since its foundation, the Vilenica Prize has been awarded by the Slovene Writers’ Association to the best authors in Central Europe, whose spiritual value con­nects the entire European space. Among the winners have been the following authors of Hungarian literature: Péter Esterházy (1988), Péter Nádas (1998) and László Krasznahorkai (2014). The Crystal Vilenica was awarded to: Lajos Grendel (1991), Endre Kukorelly (1992), István Vörös (2000) and Pál Závada (2002). Well-known translators of modern Hungarian literature into Slovene include Jože Hradil, Marjanca Mihelic, Gabriella Gaál and Mladen Pavicic. Multilingual­ism is the basis for the diversity of European culture. In this multilingual cultural space that is also both Slovene and Hungarian, the demand for translation of literary works has increased. This tendency should also be supported by various competitions intended for publishing Slovene and Hungarian literature in both countries. The Hungarian minority is aware that its place is within a dialogue of different cultures in a multilingual European Union, but this dialogue is primar­ily derived from the Hungarian-Slovene cultural and linguistic dialogue, and also from the coexistence of the Hungarian minority in Slovenia, where the Slovene nation represents the majority. References Göncz, László, 2004: Madžari. Kratka zgodovina Madžarov. Murska Sobota, Franc-Franc. Lukŕcs, István, 1998: Recepcija madžarske književnosti v Sloveniji v 20. stoletju. Ujemanja in razhajanja, Študije o slovensko-madžarskih literarnih stikih. Košicev sklad. Budimpešta. Lukŕcs, István, 1992: A magyar irodalom recepciója Szlovéniában a XX. század­ban. Tiszatáj, október, 83–92. www.lib.jgytf.uszeged. hu/folyoiratok/tisza­taj/92-10/lukacs/. (Dostop 10. 12. 2017) Rudaš, Jutka, 2012: Fordítás – kulturális megértés. Kulturális intarziák /Kulturne intarzije. Pilisvörösvár. Muravidék Baráti Kör Kulturális Egyesület, 2. izd., 89–101. Rudaš, Jutka, 2006: A szellem finom játéka. A kortárs magyar irodalom interkul­turális aspektusai. Budapest, Kijárat Kiadó. Rudaš, Jutka, 2013: Kortárs magyar irodalmi reflexiók a szlovén kultúrában. A tanárok e-kompetenciái a kétnyelvu iskolákban címu projekt. Konzorciumvezeto partner: Magyar Nemzetiségi Muvelodési Intézet, Lendva.http://www.e-kom­petencia.si/images/epublikacije/Rudas%20Jutka-e-anyagok-TANULMANY-HU%202013.%208.%2017. (Dostop 10. 12. 2017) Szíjártó, Imre, 2002: Murán innen, Murán túl. Regionalitás a mai szlovén prózában. Jelenkor, 45/2. 210., http://www .jelenkor.net/archivum/cikk/457/muran-innen-muran-tul. (Dostop 2. 1. 2018) Zágorec-Csuka, Judit, 2007: Fordításirodalom magyar és szlovén nyelvre, amely a Pomurska založba kiadónál jelent meg. A szlovéniai magyar könyvkiadás-, sajtó- és könyvtártörténet 1945-tol 2004-ig. A muravidéki magyarság köny­vkultúrájának szellemtörténeti útja. Lendva. Magyar Nemzetiségi Muvelodési Intézet, 425-432. Zágorec-Csuka, Judit, 2010: Irodalomtörténeti írások. A muravidéki magyar könyvek világa. Pilisvörösvár – Lendva. Muravidék Baráti Kör Kulturális Egyesület – Muravidéki Magyar Tudományos Társaság, 137-177. Zágorec-Csuka, Judit, 2015: A magyar-szlovén és a szlovén magyar irodalmi kapc­solatok tükrözodése a fordításirodalomban. Pilisvörösvár. Muravidék Baráti Kör Kulturális Egyesület, 7-246. II Language, Translation and Migration / Sprache, Translation und Migration / Jezik, prevajanje in migracije Language Variety Translation as a Factor in Maintaining Minority Identity Mihaela Koletnik, Alenka Valh Lopert, Melita Zemljak Jontes University of Maribor Povzetek V prispevku je osvetljen pomen medzvrstnega prevajanja kot dejavnika ohran­janja narodnostne identitete pri pripadnikih slovenske manjšine v Porabju na Madžarskem. Slovenšcina je v Porabju manjšinski jezik, na katerega opušcanje mocno vplivajo družbenopoliticni in demografski vzroki, jezikovna zmožnost in jezikovna raba ter odnos posameznika in skupnosti do jezika. Naše razmiš­ljanje je posveceno vlogi literarnega ustvarjanja v Porabju, ko narecje prevzame vlogo, sicer namenjeno knjižnemu jeziku, z namenom preseci temeljno oviro – težave pri razumevanju in sprejemanju slovenskega knjižnega jezika, kar po­sledicno ovira pristno povezovanje Slovencev v Porabju z narodno matico. V prispevku se osredotocamo na enojezicni prevod, tj. prevod znotraj zvrsti istega jezika. Obravnavamo (1) prevod zapisanega knjižnega besedila v pisani narecni jezik v zbirki kratke proze Srebrni breg/Srebrni brejg avtorjev Ferija Lainšcka, Milivoja Mikija Roša in Milana Vincetica ter (2) prevod zapisanega narecnega besedila v pisani knjižni jezik v Andovskih zgodbah/Andovskih prpo­vejstih Karla Holeca. Posebnost obeh zbirk je njuna dvojezicnost; crtice v Sre­brnem bregu so napisane v knjižni slovenšcini z vzporednimi prevodi avtorjev samih v prekmursko narecje, kot se govori v Porabju, crtice v Andovskih zgod­bah pa so napisane v narecju z vzporednimi prevodi v slovenski knjižni jezik; ti so delo pisatelja Milana Vincetica. Ugotavljamo, da se avtorji, ki dobro poznajo jezikovni sistem lastnega narecja in ki narecje tudi uporabljajo (tako v govorici kot zapis), pri medzvrstnem prevajanju ne držijo togo izvirnika; v drugo jezikovno zvrst ne prevajajo bese­de za besedo, ampak ob glasoslovnih in oblikoslovnih razlikah med knjižnim jezikom in narecjem upoštevajo tudi dejstvo, da imajo narecja od knjižnega razlicne sisteme na vseh jezikovnih ravninah, tudi na ravnini povedne in be­sedilne skladnje. Primerjava knjižnega in narecnega besedila kaže na izvirne narecne izrazne možnosti, zato je narecna podstava veliko bolj ekspresivna kot knjižnostandardna. Ob prenosu narecnega besedila v pisani knjižni jezik se na­vadno izgubi del njegove prvotne sporocilnosti, kar ima za posledico opušcanje narecnega in približevanje knjižnemu jeziku. Kljucne besede: slovenski jezik, socialne zvrsti slovenskega jezika, prevajanje jezikovnih zvrsti, slovenska manjšina v Porabju, manjšinska identiteta    0 INTRODUCTION The paper focuses on the importance of intralingual translating as a factor in maintaining the national identity of the Slovene minority members in the Po­rabje region in Hungary.11 The Slovene Porabje (Slovensko Porabje) is located in the west of Hungary, south of the town Monošter in Železna županija (a South Slavic administrative subdivision). The Porabje region has been a bilingual region for more than a thousand years; it covers 94 km2, and is geographically and linguistically part of the Prekmurje Goricko region. Approximately 3000 Slovenes live in the Slovene villages of Gornji Senik/Felsoszölnök, Dolnji Senik/Alsószölnök, Slovenska ves/Rábatótfalu, Sakalovci/Szakonyfalu, Števanovci-Otkovci/Apátistvánfalva, Verica-Ritkarovci/Kétvölgy and Andovci/Orfalu, and almost 600 more live in the town of Monošter, the economic and cultural centre of the Slovene Porabje region. The Slovene language in the Porabje region is the minority language; it has been strongly influenced by socio-political and demo­graphic factors, by language competence and use, as well as by the attitudes of individuals and communities towards it. In the past, the Slovene Porabje region was linguistically, culturally and economically isolated from the mother country and external Hungarian influences; for these reasons, the ethnic identity of the minority has been preserved in terms of regional and local belonging rather than in relation to the common Slovene identity. The economic, cultural and linguistic isolation from the mother country and the aggressive, more or less cov­ert, assimilation policy of the majority is reflected in the minority group’s poor communication ability in terms of the first (minority) language. This is because the minority language was superseded by the majority language in all spheres of public life (in the past, Hungarian language policy did not give Slovene a place in public life), and lately has also been superseded out of families (Bernjak 2006: 141; 2012: 104). However, according to linguistic indicators of ethnicity, the majority of Porabje Slovenes are beginning to turn away from the majority language, while a decline can be seen in the insufficient proficiency levels of Standard Slovene, which has not evolved in Porabje. The reason for this can be found in the Hungarian govern­ment’s neglect of the Slovene language, and in the poor knowledge of the dialect, which a large part of the younger generation no longer masters (Bernjak 2004: 32). Today, the revitalisation of the minority’s culture and language is particularly associated with the strengthening of the perception of identity of ethnic belong­ing in this group (in terms of origin, culture, social norms and values, mainly language), which strongly correlates with the understanding of its position and that of the minority group, and simultaneously correlates with the perception of the majority group with whom the minority has direct contact. This revitalisation is also associated with the preservation of the Slovene minority language in the autochthonous region in the Porabje region (ibid.: 31). Dialectal literary activity, which has a long tradition of two hundred years, plays an im­portant role in this. On the one hand, it raises the cultural level of the minority community and preserves the primeval (dialectal) Slovene language. Namely, the dialect, with all its linguistic rules, assumes the role otherwise intended for liter­ary creation in the Porabje region, in which the dialect has assumed the role of Standard language in order to overcome basic problems, i.e. difficulties in under­standing and accepting the Slovene Standard language, which, in turn, hinders any genuine integration of the Slovenes in Porabje with their national counter­parts. On the other hand, it also awakens a sense of belonging to the Slovene language community, since certain dialectal literary texts have been translated into Standard Slovene. This paper thus focuses on intralingual translation i.e., the translation between varieties of the same language in the bilingual short prose collections of Sre­brni breg/Srebrni brejg, written by Feri Lainšcek, Milivoj Miki Roš and Milan Vincetic, and in Andovske zgodbe/Andovske prpovejsti by Karel Holec. The short prose collection Srebrni breg/Srebrni brejg was written in Standard Slovene with the authors’ immediate translations into the Prekmurje dialect as spoken in Porabje, and the short prose collection Andovske zgodbe/Andovske prpovejsti was written in a dialect with parallel translations into Standard Slovene by Milan Vincetic. 1 SREBRNI BREG/SREBRNI BREJG AND ANDOVSKE ZGODBE/ANDOVSKE PRPOVEJSTI – LANGUAGE VARIETY TRANSLATION In addition to various other texts, the literary texts for the national community in the Porabje region have a wider ethnic-cultural-linguistic meaning, since the difficulties in understanding and accepting the Standard Slovene language rep­resent the most important obstacle to achieving a genuine connection with the national base. The collection of short stories Srebrni breg/Srebrni brejg (1995) represents the turning point in the Porabje literary programme “Words for Porabje”,22 The beginnings of the literary programme can be traced back to the 1980s. which refers to the planned literary production of authors from their native country, and the Prekmurje region in particular, getting as close to the dialect of the ad­dressee as possible (Just 2003: 169). In practice, the idea was realised by printing literary texts in the dialect of the Porabje region and in Standard Slovene at the same time. This paper focuses on intralingual translation of the written Standard language into the written dialect in the short prose collection Srebrni breg/Srebrni brejg (1995), and the translation of the written dialect into the written Standard language in Andovske zgodbe/Andovske prpovejsti (2003), issued as the sixth book in the collection Med Rabo in Muro/Between Raba and Mura.33 On the initiative of Ernest Ružic, the book collection Med Rabo and Muro was introduced to the publishing programme of Franc-Franc publishing house from Murska Sobota in cooperation with the Union of Slovenes in Hungary. In the book collec­tion, published from from 1998 until today, 20 prose works, printed in both dialectal and standard language, were published. According to Smole (2003: 152) and Maticetov (1973: 23), transferring language from a dialect to the Standard language and vice versa counts as translation, since transcoding from one language system to another occurs and the translator is obliged to master both systems. This is entirely comparable to translation from one language to another, that is, from one system to another (Smole 2003: 152).44 The dialectal language system is even more complete than the standard language system, because it is being sustained and developed by naturally developing inner language laws in contrast to the highly negotiated language laws of the standard language, which necessitates the existence of normative manuals (Smole 2003: 152). 1.1 The translation of the written Standard language into the written dialect The short story collection Srebrni breg/Srebrni brejg consists of 11 short stories;55 F. Lainšcek is the author of four short stories, M. Roš the author of two and M. Vincetic the author of five. what makes the short stories unique is their bilingualism, as every story appears in both Standard Slovene and Prekmurje dialect as spoken in the Porabje region. The paper presents the findings of a linguistic comparison of the parallel writing of Standard Slovene and the Slovene dialectal texts. The written translation into dialect features no diacritics, thus a prosodically cor­rect reading can only be provided by an autochthonous/native speaker of the Prekmurje dialect. Rare exceptions are the acute of the long e and a in a mixed accent noun type: roké ‘hands’, brgá ‘the hill (Gen. Sg.)’; pronoun: sebé ‘myself’, za tebé ‘for you’; or verb: vlecé ‘to drag’, obrné ‘to turn’ is used. The acute is also written to mark the adverb pá ‘again’ and prlé ‘before’. The quality and quantity of the vowels are not indicated. The texts are written with the simplified vocal system of the Prekmurje Goricko subdialect, with a straightforward character system that can be easily written by the author and also easily read by the reader. The following forms are used: both dialectal diphthongs: ej and ou/au: brejg ‘hill’, povejn ‘I tell’; Boug ‘God’, stenau ‘to the wall’ (instr. sing. femin.), dialectal ü: drügi ‘the second’, vüplen ‘I dare’, u, derived from the vocal l: dugo ‘long’, sunce ‘sun’, ö, derived from e before n or r: vö ‘outside’, vörvo ‘to have believed’, and e, derived from the pre-Slavic semi-vowel: meša ‘mass’, meknoli ‘to put away’. The labialised a is usually not specifically marked – in individual words it is written as o, which indicates a strong roundness in the speech: zakoj ‘why’. Eg.: -ir- . -er-: nemer ‘restlessness’, v paperaj ‘in the papers’. The text also features a rare dialect vowel reduction: kak ‘how’, tak ‘this way’, velko ‘a lot’. As far as pronunciation is concerned, the sonorant j is written as g ali dj: getra ‘liver’, mordje ‘sea’, h is completely reduced: lace ‘trousers’, odo ‘to have walked’ or written as j in word endings and the intervocal position: sploj ‘at all’, streja ‘roof’. The final -l transforms into o or u: gledo ‘watched’, smejau ‘laughed’, lj hardens and is written as l: plünola ‘she spat’, lidi ‘people’, nj is maintained: z njin ‘with him’, ogenj ‘fire’. The consonant m in word endings is consistently written as -n, as it is spoken: spomnin, tan. The final -v or v ahead of voiceless consonants is written as in the Standard language and not as -f as it is spoken: od mlajšov ‚from the younger‘, vsigdar ‚always‘. V in the word beginning appears to be a prosthesis: vüja ‘ear’, vüpo ‘dared’. The following dialectal changes in consonant groups are written as: dn . gn: gnes ‘today’; kt . št: šteri ‘which’; bn . vn: drouvna ‘small/thin’; šc . šk: prgiške ‘handful’. All the morphological patterns for declination, verb-form patterns and gradation are written in a contemporary dialectal manner with the exception of the ending -ouf (. -ov) for feminine, singular, instrumental sporadically being written as -ou. All three genders are preserved, while the dual is regularly used. Diphthongs in the texts note where the words are stressed when the mixed stress pattern is being reviewed (za rokou ‘holding hands’, v glavou ‘inside one’s head’). The declension of adjectives is mostly of the following type: nouvoga ‘new’. The text features in the verbal dual conjunction preserved the morpheme for person -va, the reduced form of the verb biti ‘to be’ when used in the future tense (mo . bom ‘I will’, de . bode ‘would’, va . bova ‘we will’; ta ‘(the two of) you will’, te ‘you will (Pl.)’, do ‘they will’) and the old infinitive suffix, derived from -no- for contemporary Standard -ni-: obrnoli ‘turned’. The text is rich in dialectical adverbs, particles and conjunctions, replacing the Standard Slovene ones, eg.: danes . gnesden ‘today’, enkrat . egnouk ‘once’, (za)gotovo . gvüšno ‘for sure’, kasneje . sledi ‘later’, nekje . nindri ‘somewhere’, od kod . od kec ‘from where’, po strani . venkraj ‘sideways’, sem . es ‘here’, takoj . vcasi ‘right now’, zelo . trnok ‘very’, zmeraj . vsakšo pout ‘always’; kajne . geli ‘isn‘t that so’, ravno . ranc ‘at this very time’, res . rejsan ‘true’, saj . vej ‘right’, seveda . ka pa te ‘of course’, še . ešce/eške šce, ‘still’, vendar . gelibar ‘but’; ceprav . ce glij ‘even though’, da/kar/ker . ka ‘for’, dokler . dokec ‘so long’, ko . kda/gda ‘when’. A comparison of the Standard and dialectal texts shows the originality of the dialectal expressions; the dialectal form is far more expressive than the Standard Slovene. When forming the Prekmurje dialect, the structure of a simple sentence is usually the same as in the Standard language – the starting point, the passage, and the core follow one after the other. Some word-sequence specific features are notable but without semantic changes:66 Sentence and word order rules are set out in Jože Toporišic’s Slovenska slovnica (2000: 667–687). (1) the starting point, the passage, and the core changes: /…/ sem takrat vprašal oceta /…/ . / san te oco pito /…/ (I asked my father then) – /…/ so bili skoraj vsak dan pri vodi /…/ . /…/ so bili pri vodej skur vsikši den /…/ (they were at the water almost every day) – (2) the anaphoric particle pa is written after the semantically empty verb biti ‘to be’ in the present tense and after the free verbal morpheme se: Morda pa ste imeli kdaj doma svinje /…/ . Mogouce ste pa meli doma svinjé /…/ (You may have really had pigs at home /.../) – Saj pa se vendar razume, da nic. . Vej se pa tak pa tak razmi, ka nika. (But it is understood, however, that it is nothing.) In addition to inversion, which gives the message more emphasis and also colours it emotionally, the translation into dialect features: (1) The dialectal use of a personal pronoun at points where, in Standard Slo­vene (because of stylistic marking), nothing is pronounced: /…/ natanko takrat, ko sem se rodil /…/ . /…/ glij te, kda san se ge naroudo /…/ (exactly when I was born) – Kljub vsemu sem jo požiral z ocmi. – Ges san jo pa vseeno požiro z ocami. (Nevertheless, I devoured her with my eyes.) (2) Adding (a) particles and/or adverbs where it is superfluous in contextual terms in Standard Slovene: To najverjetneje zato /…/ . Tou pa gvüšno zatok /…/ (That‘s probably because /.../) – /…/ tukaj v omari /…/ . /…/ tü notri v omarini /…/ (/.../ here in the closet /.../) – /…/ je rada zahajala k mlinu. . /…/ ja tak rada ojdla ta k mlini (/.../ she liked to go to the mill) – (b) the adjectival modifier to the left of the headword: /…/ imam že dolga leta spravljena okna. . /…/ man že duga lejta tadjana ena oukna. (/.../ I‘ve had those windows for years.) – Vasi se je namrec hudo mudilo na breg. . Cejloj vesi se je midilo ta na brejg. (The whole village was in a hurry to the hill.) – (c) directional adverbs to the verb: podrli . doj podrli (to pull down), zamenjali . vözamenili (to exchange), iztr­gala . vkraj cuknola (to tear). (3) Replacement (a) of a noun non-prepositional modifier in the genitive with the prepositional one: zvonik kapele . türen od kapejle (belfry of the ­chapel) – (b) adjectival modifier with noun (prepositional) modifier: mlinsko kolou . kolou na mlin (grinding wheel), kartonast zavojcek . paklec iz kartona (cardboard pack). (4) The replacement (a) of a non-personal verb form with the personal verb form: Samo pocakati je še treba. . Pocakajte malo, pa te vidli. (We just need to wait.) – (b) non-stressed (clitical) and referential form of personal pronouns with their accentuated forms: vido jih je . vido njij je (he saw them). – Pusti jo, ona ni zate! . Püsti jo, ona je nej za tebé (Leave her, she’s not for you.) – (c) word-formatted lexemes with non-word-formatted forms: desnica . prava roka (right hand), kolovoz . blatna cesta (cart track), oblacek . oblak (cloud), prstancek . prstan (ring); našibati . nucati šibo (to whip), oživeti . dobiti düšo (to revive). – (c) reported speech with direct speech: Ce pa se je kateri le ojunacil vprašati Franceka, mu je le-ta na kratko odvrnil, da bodo že videli. . Ce pa je šteri vüpo pitati Franceka, je pravo samo: »Vej te pa vidli.« (If, however, anyone complained about Francek, he briefly replied that they would see what happens.) – (d) one clause sentences with multiple-clause sentences: Vsi so le bolšcali v zares nenavadno oblecenega Franceka. . Vsi so gledali prouti Franceki, šteri je biu rejsan cüdno obleceni. (Everyone was staring at the very unusually dressed Francek.) (5) The abandonment of conjunctions, adverbs, particles, interjections, which in the context of dialect function as superfluous, unnecessary: In kaj bodo z njim? . Ka do z njin? (And what will happen to him?) – Otepal se je in brcal, pa je vseeno ni zadel. . Mlato se je in brso, pa je nej zadeno. (He was trembling and kicking, but he did not hit it anyway.) – /…/ zakaj sem jih privlekel v stanovanje, in pa seveda, kaj sploh bom z njimi. . /…/ zakoj san je es prvlejko pa ka mo z njimi? (/.../ why did I drag them to the apartment, and of course, what will I even do with them?) – Ojej, ena sama velikanska žalost! . Edna sam velka žalost. (O, one great grief itself.) (6) Pannonian denial – a form of denying the verb biti ‘to be’ in the pre­sent tense becomes sem ne: Tudi ni nihce nikoli sedel, kjer mu je bila pac volja. . Tüdi si je nej nišce nikdar dojseu, gé me je bila vola. (No one was ever sitting where he wanted.) – Ni me razumela. . Nej me je razmila. (She didn’t understand me.) (7) Expressing the future with the present tense: Vsi bomo šli. . Idemo vsi. (We‘ll all go.) (8) Modification (widening or narrowing) of the Standard syntactic pattern: Njene škorenjcke sem skrbno ocistil /…/. . Njene crejvle pa sandale /…/ san vsakic spuco, ka so se svejtili kak sunce. (I cleaned her shoes very carefully.) – Hcerka si je bila zaželela, da bi ob božicu okrasila drevešcek nekako drugace, kot smo pac to poceli vsa tista leta doslej. . Cij je šcela za božic napraviti malo ovakši krispan, kak smo ga meli minouca lejta. (My daughter wanted to decorate the Christmas tree in a different way than we had done for all those years.) On the lexical level, the translation also attempts to remain close to the dia­lect. Thus, dialectal Pannonian-Slovene words prevail, e.g. broditi ‘premišljevati, tuhtati; to think’, ceden ‘moder, pameten; wise’, crejvli ‘škornji; boots’, gucati ‘go­voriti; to speak’, posvejt ‘luc; a light’, rec ‘beseda; a word’, šteti ‘brati; to read’, vid­eti ‘zdeti; to seem’, žitek ‘življenje; life’, zlodej ‘vrag; the devil’; some Germanisms are also noted, e.g. cug ‘vlak; a train’, drout ‘žica; a wire’, kufer ‘kovcek; a suitcase’, najgeri ‘zvedav; curious’, penez ‘denar; money’, šift ‘ladja; a ship’, taška ‘torbica; a purse’, tören ‘zvonik; a belfry’; along with some Hungarisms, e.g. alomaš ‘postaja; a station’, kep ‘podoba, slika; an image, picture’, saga ‘vonj; a smell’, varaš ‘mesto; a town, city’; while Romanisms are rare, e.g. blanja ‘deska; a board’. The phrases are either transferred from the Standard language to the dialect or translated with the dialectal equivalent: /…/ pa mi že stara navijala uro. . /…/ pa mi je stara že navijala vöro. (She gave me a clip round the ear.) – Vrag naj me vzame. . Vrag naj me buje. (I’ll be damned.) Often, they are replaced by verbal phrases, resulting in an even greater expressivity of the translated dialectal in the texts: /…/ si popravila krilce in brezglavo stekla. . /…/ si popravila kiklo in zbejžala kak zavica. (/.../ she fixed her skirt and fled like a scared rabbit /.../) – /…/ sem sprva le zardel /…/ . /…/ san grato rdeci kak küjani rak /…/. (/.../ I went red as a beetroot/.../) – Vrnila se je bleda /…/ . Nazaj je prišla blejda kak stejna /…/ (She came back as white as a sheet /.../) 1.2 The translation of the written dialect into the written Standard language The translation of the spoken variety (in our case the written one) into Standard written Slovene is a challenge for Slovene ethnic regions, due to the unusually large number of Slovenian dialects and speeches. When translating the primary spoken dialect into the written Standard language, a large part of its original expression and meaning is usually lost, since the dialect does not only differ on phonological, morphological and lexical levels, but also in the syntax of clause and text (Škofic 2006: 174). The result is most often the abandonment of the dialect and approximation of the Standard Slovene, which is also noticeable in Andovskih zgodbah/Andovskih prpovejstih by Karl Holec. Holec has produced ten tales of the suffering and resilience of Slovene farming life; set on the outer fringes of the Hungarian landscape, they are characterised by lively dialogue couched in humour, all in the Porabje dialect, with parallel transla­tions into the Standard Slovene language by writer Milan Vincetic. The linguistic comparison of the dialectal and Standard versions of the texts shows the differences between the written dialectal and written Standard texts on all linguistic levels. All the dialectal phonemes are written in a Standard manner (with the Standard language letters according to Standard orthography). The morphology of the Standard Slovene is not equivalent to the dialectal form; all verb-form and morphological patterns are also translated into Standard Slovene, which means that the morphological picture of the book version is inauthentic. The syntactical clause structure is altered (taking the sentence element and sen­tence structure into consideration), thus the dialectal syntax is lost. In the trans­lation of the written dialect into the written Standard language, the following elements are omitted: (a) Different repetitions of words or word phrases: »Nej trn, nej trn, baba, vretino sam najšo /…/« > »Kakšen trn neki, izvir sem našel /…/« (Not a thorn, I found a spring.) – »Jaj, Baug moj, Baug moj, pomagaj nam grejšnikom!« > »Jaj, moj Bog, pomagaj nam grešnikom! /…/« (Oh, my Lord, help us sinners!). (b) Personal pronouns that are unnecessary in Standard Slovene: »Dobro, vej go dja vöpotegnem.« > »Prav, pa mu jo potegnem ven.« (All right, I will pull it out for him.) – »Kak tau vi vejte?« > »Kako to veste?« (How do you know that?). (c) Some adverbs, particles and modifiers: »Ka pa, tebi se je vcejlak zmejšalo! /…/« > »Se ti je zmešalo ali kaj?« (Have you gone crazy or what?) – »Brž, bodni go notra v zemlau!« > »Brž, zapici jo v zemljo!« (Quick, drive it into the ground!) – Popoldneva smo go že vösprobali tö. > Popoldne pa smo jo že preizkušali. (We already tested it out in the afternoon.) – /…/ v rokej z vrbovo šibov /…/ > /…/ s šibo v rokah /…/ (with a switch in his hands). (d) Appositions and verbal addresses: »Nauri si ti, stari, kak bi ti stüdenec kopo /…/« > »Se ti je zmešalo, ti bi kopal studenec /…/« (Have you lost your mind, you want to dig a well /.../) – »Vejš ka, baba, ti si butasta. /…/« > »Raje daj jezik za zobe, baba zmešana. /…/« (Hold your tongue, you stupid woman!). The linguistic phenomena ‘onikanje’, i.e., the honorific form of the 3rd person plural form for one person, still preserved in dialect, is consistently omitted in Standard Slovene: Tupin Imrec so sploj koražni clovek bili ešce na stara lejta tö. > Tupinov Imrec je bil pravi dedec tudi na stara leta. (Even in his old age he was a real man.) In Standard translation, non-derivated lexemes are replaced by derived ones: ­liter > litercek ‘litre’, oblak > oblacek ‘cloud’, nominal and verb phrases are re­placed by derived (one-word) lexemes: spodnje lace > spodnjice ‘underpants’, nap­raviti ograjo > ograditi ‘to put up a fence’, narecni prislovi in vezniki s knjižnimi: zranja > zjutraj ‘in the morning’, gnauk > nekoc ‘sometime’, rano > zgodaj ‘early’, es > sem ‘I am’, vrkar > zgoraj ‘up/above’; liki > temvec ‘but’ and nominal modi­fiers with adjectival forms: sveti andjaldje v nebesi > angeli nebeški ‘heavenly an­gels’. Particles and interjections are often added: Tak je bilau. > Tako je tudi bilo. (And so it was.) – »Baba, baba, poj pa garico notrapüsti, ka ne morem tavö! Baba, glöjpa si?« > »Hej, baba, stopi po lestev, ker ne morem ven! Hej, si gluha ali kaj?« (Hey, old crone, go and bring a ladder, for I cannot get out! Hey, are you deaf?) and unexpressed predicators in speech: Gda nazaj prišo /…/. > Ko se je vrnil /…/. (When he came back /.../.) – Spodkar vrkar vse od njega odišlo. > Tako spodaj kot zgoraj mu je uhajalo. (It was coming out of both ends.) In the Standard translation of the text, specific features of the dialectal word order do not appear, as the word order has been changed and as such is stylisti­cally unmarked – it corresponds to Slovene Standard language criteria: »V štrti ali pet klas sam odo.« > Obiskoval sem cetrti ali peti razred. (I attended the fourth or fifth grade.) – »Potisni nazaj notra v zemlau šibo!« > »Šibo porini nazaj v zemljo!« (Push the switch back into the ground.), some syntactic structures are changed (contracted/reduced or extended): Gda so v tjüjnji na stauli vidli, ka je vecerdja tam ostala, ništje nej djo, te so se že zbojali. > Ko pa je v kuhinji videla nedotakn­jeno vecerjo, jo je spreletel srh. (But when she saw the untouched dinner in the kitchen, she shuddered.) – »/…/ Eden stüdenec si skopam tü doma na dvaura.« > »/…/ Najbolje bo, da si vodnjak izkopljem kar na dvorišcu.« (It’s best if I dig a fountain right here in the yard.) The vocabulary has also been changed to the extent that it is no longer indicative of the dialect: non-Slovene dialectal words are most often of Germanic or Hun­garian origin and rarely of Romanic. In Standard Slovene, they are ­mostly re­placed by Standard terms: glaž > steklenica ‘bottle’, koštati > poskusiti ‘to taste’, kromci > krompir ‘potatoes’, pisker > lonec ‘pot’, špilati > igrati ‘to play’, štil > toporišce ‘axe handle’, štjir > orodje ‘tool’, žmah > okus ‘taste’; lugaš > brajda ‘vine trellis’, palinka > žganje ‘schnapps’, tanac > nasvet ‘advice’; soldak > vojak ‘soldier’. The same applies to the written dialectal Pannonian lexicon and gen­eral Slavic terms, marked as expressive from the point of view of the Slovene Standard: bot > palica ‘stick’, carvou > trebuh ‘belly’, dvaur > dvorišce ‘court­yard’, dveri > vrata ‘door’, iža > soba ‘room’, mlajši > otroci ‘children’, pod > podstrešje ‘attic’, tikvi > buce ‘pumpkin’, vretina > izvir ‘source’, žuti > rumen ‘yellow’; pejorative baba > ženska ‘woman’, vrajže andovske babe > vražje and­ovske ženske ‘devilish women’. Dialectal phrases are translated with Standard Slovene equivalents: Feri je tak leto, ka se je vse prašilo za njim > Feri je tekel, kar so ga noge nesle (Feri ran as fast as his legs could carry him.); Standard phrases frequently replace dialec­tal verbal word phrases: Telko tanacov je daubo, ka je ranc nej vedo, koga naj posluša. > Toliko nasvetov so mu natrosili, da ni vedel, kje se ga drži glava. (He was given so much advice that he did not know where his head was at.) – »Vi ste vsi nauri.« > »Vsi ste ob pamet.« (You have all lost your minds.) Also dialectal curses are translated: njegvoga vraga > hudica preklemanega (damn him, prekleta vretina > preklemani izvir (damn spring), njegvoga kalavinskoga > hudica zaga­manega (damn him). We can conclude that the Prekmurje and Porabje authors, who are well acquaint­ed with the language systems of their own dialect and are fluent in its (oral and written) use, do not completely adhere to the original when translating. They do not translate into another language variety according to the “word for word” principle, but consider phonetical and morphological differences between the Standard language and dialect, also taking into account the fact that dialects dif­fer from the Standard language systematically on all language levels (as well as on sentence and textual levels). A comparison of the Standard language and dialectal texts attests to the originality of the dialectal translations; thus the dialectal ver­sion of the texts is much more expressive than those of the Standard language. When transferring a dialectal text into a Standard one (Škofic 2006: 181) at least some of the original expressiveness is lost, leading to a loss of dialectal features and a move towards the Standard language. 2 CONCLUSION The Slovenian minority in Hungary is a community that has been shaped in a border area under specific socio-historical circumstances. Bernjak (2004: 145) notes that the Porabje Slovenes, despite their separation from the linguistic de­velopment of their mother country, preserved natural language transfer in the past. Today, however, the preservation and development of language and identity awareness have been left to the minority education system, despite the fact that the school serving the Slovene community in Porabje is unable to fulfil its re­sponsibilities in this regard. Therefore, it is important to be aware that the media in the minority language contributes greatly to the preservation and raising of the minority culture’s language level, and to the strengthening of national (self-)awareness. This is one of the key factors in its preservation and continuous na­tional development. Literature in the Porabje region, written in Standard Slovene and then translated into the dialect or vice versa, on the one hand revives the dialect and on the other hand develops the Standard language. With its acknowl­edgment it builds a bridge from the dialect to the Standard language, and thus a bridge between the two countries. References Bernjak, Elizabeta, 2004: Slovenšcina in madžaršcina v stiku. Maribor: SD Mari­bor. (Zora, 29.) – –, 2006: Perspektive preživetja in razvijanja manjšinske materinšcine pri slovenski manjšini na Madžarskem. Koletnik, Mihaela, Smole, Vera (eds.): Diahronija in sinhronija v dialektoloških raziskavah. Maribor: SD Maribor. 140–148. – –, 2012: Etnolingvisticna revitalizacija slovenske manjšine na Madžarskem. Anali PAZU 2/2. 103–107. Just, Franci, et al., 2001: Slovensko Porabje. Murska Sobota: Franc-Franc. – –, 2003: Besede iz Porabja, Besede za Porabje. Murska Sobota: Podjetje za pro­mocijo kulture Franc-Franc. Koletnik, Mihaela, 2008: Panonsko loncarsko in kmetijsko izrazje ter druge dialektološke razprave. Maribor: Mednarodna založba Oddelka za slovanske jezike in književnosti, Filozofska fakulteta, Univerza v Mariboru. (Mednarod­na knjižna zbirka Zora, 60.) – –, 2015: Prekmursko narecje kot identitetni dejavnik v popularni kulturi. Casopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 86 =51/4. 25–45. Koletnik, Mihaela, Valh Lopert, Alenka, 2014: Neknjižne zvrsti slovenskega jezika in popularna kultura. Jesenšek, Marko (ed.): Slovenski jezik na sticišcu vec kultur. V Mariboru: Mednarodna založba Oddelka za slovanske jezike in književnosti. 198–211. (Mednarodna knjižna zbirka Zora, 102). Koletnik, Mihaela, Valh Lopert, Alenka, 2017: Dialectal imagery in Murske bal­ade in romance (Ballads and romances of the Pomurje region). Kennedy, Vic­tor, Gadpaille, Michelle (eds.): Ethnic and cultural identity in music and song lyrics. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars. 126–140. Kozar Mukic, Marija, 1983: Slovensko Porabje – Szloven Videk. Ljubljana, Szom­bathely: ZI Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani in Muzej Savaria v Szombatheju. Maticetov, Milko, 1973: Zverinice iz Rezije. Ljubljana-Trst: Mladinska knjiga. Smole, Vera, 2003: Folklorist med prevajanjem in zapisovanjem. Traditiones 23. 143–154. Škofic, Jožica, 2006: Prevajanje govorjenega narecnega besedila v pisani knjižni jezik. Koletnik, Mihaela, Smole, Vera (eds.): Diahronija in sinhronija v dialektoloških raziskavah. Maribor: SD Maribor. 174–182. Valh Lopert, Alenka, Zorko, Zinka, 2013: Skladnja v panonski narecni skupini. Dialektološki razgledi (Jezikoslovni zapiski 19/2). Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. 221–235. Valh Lopert, Alenka, 2015: Narecje kot izraz identitete na radijskih postajah v severovzhodni Sloveniji (Radio Ptuj, Radio Murski val, Radio Slovenske gorice). Casopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 86=51/4. 46–59. Valh Lopert, Alenka, Koletnik, Mihaela, 2017: Transfer of written Standard Slo­vene into dialectal speech realization on the stage. Jesenšek, Marko (ed.): Med didaktiko slovenskega jezika in poezijo: ob 80-letnici Jožeta Lipnika = When Slo­vene language didactics meets poetry: Jože Lipnik's 80th anniversary. Maribor: Univerzitetna založba. 152–164. (Mednarodna knjižna zbirka Zora, 119). Zemljak Jontes, Melita, Pulko, Simona, 2012: Dialectal awareness as identity in correlation to dialectal delimitation. Álvarez Pérez, Xosé Afonso (ed.): Pro­ceedings of the International Symposium on Limits and Areas in Dialectology (LimiAr), Lisbon, 2011. Lisboa: Centro de Linguística da Universidade de Lisboa. 167–175. – –, 2013: Dialectal awareness as identity. Carrilho, Ernestina (ed.): Current ap­proaches to limits and areas in dialectology. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. 69–81. – –, 2015: Narecno in osebna identiteta. Casopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 86 =51/4. 112–125. Zorko, Zinka, 2003a: Prekmursko narecje v Porabju na Madžarskem. Lor­ber, Lucka (Ed.): Družbenogeografska in narodnostna problematika slovenske manjšine v Porabju na Madžarskem. Maribor: Univerza, Znanstveni inštitut za regionalni razvoj. 17–34. – –, 2003b: Slovenska narecna književnost med Muro in Rabo (jezikovna anali­za). In: Lorber, Lucka (ed.): Družbenogeografska in narodnostna problematika slovenske manjšine v Porabju na Madžarskem. Maribor: Univerza, Znanstveni inštitut za regionalni razvoj. 44–56. – –, 2005: Prekmursko narecje med Muro in Rabo na vseh jezikovnih ravninah primerjalno z današnjim nadnarecnim prekmurskim knjižnim jezikom. Vu­grinec, Jože (ed.): Prekmurska narecna slovstvena ustvarjalnost. Murska Sobota: Ustanova dr. Šiftarjeva fundacija Petanjci. 47–68. – –, 2009: Narecjeslovne razprave o koroških, štajerskih in panonskih govorih. Mari­bor: Mednarodna založba Oddelka za slovanske jezike in književnosti, Filozof­ska fakulteta, Univerza v Mariboru. (Zora, 61). Zupancic, Jernej, 2009: Ob etnicnem in državnem robu na slovenskem vzhodu. http://www.drustvogeografov_pomurja.si/projekti/zborovanje/zbornik/bJernej%20Zupancic_T.pdf. 16–26. (Dostop 15. 3. 2017) Encounters with the Remote and Strange: Protestant Missionaries in China as Translators of the Dao De Jing Artea Panajotovic Alfa BK University Povzetek Vec tisoc protestantskih misionarjev iz Evrope in Severne Amerike je med leti 1807 in 1953 živelo in delovalo na Kitajskem. Njihova poglavitna naloga je bila širitev kršcanstva, poleg tega pa so pomembno vplivali tudi na izmenjavo medkulturnih stikov med Vzhodom in Zahodom. V pricujocem prispevku orišemo obseg dela protestantskih misionarjev, pri cemer se še posebej osre­dotocamo na njihovo prevajalsko dejavnost, v nadaljevanju pa predstavimo angleške prevode Laozijevega dela Dao De Jing prevajalcev Johna Chalmersa (1868), Jamesa Leggea (1891) in Dwighta Goddarda (1919 in 1939). Pri analizi prevodov primerjamo naslove, uvodne besede prevajalcev ter an­gleške ekvivalente za nekatere temeljne koncepte daoizma ter nekatere druge kulturne reference v izvirniku. Ob primerjavi diahrnonih vzorcev podomaci­tvene in potujitvene strategije in prevajalcevega odnosa do izvirnika je namen raziskave ugotoviti, v kolikšni meri ti elementi odražajo spremembe v zahodni perspektivi in misijonarskem delu, ki je potekalo na prelomu stoletja. Kljucne besede: misionarji, potujitvena strategija, podomacitvena strategija, John Chalmers, James Legge, Dwight Goddard .. 1807.1953..,.......................................,..................................,.....................;......,.....«...».....,.:... (John Chalmers) .1868...,... (James Legge) .1891...,...·... (Dwight Goddard) .1919..1939...,.....................«...»...................................................,.....................,.........20.............. ...:......,..,..,...,...,...·... 0 INTRODUCTION The nineteenth century witnessed the explosion of a peculiar form of migration – the waves of religious revival that swept through Europe and the United States sent hundreds of thousands of zealous evangelists on a journey to “benighted” and “heathen” parts of the world. Among their most prominent destinations was China with its unreached millions. The opening up of China was a long, com­plex and occasionally violent process, in which missionaries played a significant role. This paper deals with one aspect of their widely ramified work. After an overview of the broader cultural context and the significance of translation as one of the activities performed by the Protestant missionaries, the focus shifts to their English translations of the foundational text of Daoism, Laozi’s Dao De Jing. In a diachronic comparison of certain elements of these translations I then endeavour to ascertain whether and how exactly they reflect the paradigm shift characteristic of missionary work in China in general, from a strong emphasis on evangelizing to the more secularly-oriented activities that marked the beginning of the twentieth century. Translations of Daoist texts are particularly appropriate for such analysis because of the status of this religion-philosophy in the eyes of the West. Unlike Confucianism, China’s long-standing official ideology, whose basic tenets were closer to the principles of Christian ethics and could be brought into connection with them, the mysticism and elusiveness of the teaching of Dao, compounded by the extravagant and superstitious practices of Daoist folk reli­gion, often resulted in dismissive attitudes towards this philosophy (Clarke 2000: 37–45). The encounter of the translator with a tradition so, in Max Müller’s words, “remote and strange” (Girardot 2002: 3), so foreign to the understanding of life, value system and basic beliefs of a Christian missionary, brings into focus the underlying assumptions both of the translator and the spirit of the time in which the translation was made. According to Kuciš (2016:70) “large language cultures such as the Germanic, Romanic, Russian or Chinese try to reflect a part of their ideological power in their translations.” 1 PROTESTANT MISSIONARY ACTIVITY IN CHINA Robert Morrison, the first Protestant missionary in China, set foot on the ground of Macao in 1807. Due to the strict anti-foreign policy of the empire, neither he nor the small number of pioneering missionaries who followed him in the decades to come would have much success in coming anywhere near achieving their goal, the Christianization of China. In A New History of Christianity in China, Daniel Bays (2012: 68) notes that in 1860, after more than fifty years of missionary activity, there were barely a hundred missionaries in China. Only after the defeat of China in two Opium Wars in 1842 and 1860 was the entire territory of the country opened up, making it possible for foreigners to travel, settle and evangelize without let or hindrance. The great surge in the number of missionaries which followed the opening up of China also resulted in a diversifi­cation of their activities. Having focused initially on the very practical and rather exhausting tasks of finding language teachers (teaching Chinese to foreigners was forbidden on pain of death), translating and printing basic Christian texts, furtive preaching (Christianity was prohibited by law until 1844) to a small number of largely uninterested natives in the extremely limited areas of Macao and Canton, and not infrequently fighting for sheer survival, Western missionaries now had much greater opportunities. They started engaging in humanitarian and social work – numerous hospitals and educational institutions were established, as well as organizations for famine relief, for the rehabilitation of opium addicts, against foot-binding, etc. Scholarship became an important part of missionary work, developing in two directions – bringing the West to China and bringing China to the West. Thus, on the one hand, because of the practical needs of evangelism, linguistic and lexicographical work thrived, the missionaries developed writing systems for dialects that did not have a script and advances in Chinese printing were made. On the other hand, missionary scholarship progressed in the direc­tion of acquiring knowledge and understanding of China, and sharing it with the Western world. Numerous publications from the pens of Protestant missionaries discussed Chinese history, geography, society, politics, culture, philosophy, reli­gion, etc. In this way, missionary-scholars took on the role of agents of cultural exchange between East and West, substantially contributing to the understanding and study of Chinese culture in the West.11 It should be noted that the scholarly work of Protestant missionaries was largely uncoordinated and depended almost exclusively on the personal choice and effort of individuals. Translation as “a primary mode of transcultural representation and interpreta­tion” (Girardot 2002: 10) had an important place in this process. The amount and range of translations reflect the general direction and aims of missionary endeavour. Since the primary task was evangelization, the quantity of translations into Chinese by far exceeds translations into English. As one of the fundamental Protestant principles is sola scriptura, the translation work of Protestant mission­aries in China was focused largely on the translation of the Bible into Chinese, and this was the only area of translation work in which missionary effort was coordinated and planned. Besides the Bible, a variety of Christian texts were translated, as were works needed for medical and educational missionary activi­ties. All other types of texts are markedly less numerous. The corpus of translations into English is significantly smaller. Missionaries translated the following types of works: (1) Chinese philosophical and religious works. Unlike their Jesuit predecessors, who focused almost exclusively on Con­fucianism, Protestant translations were more or less equally distributed in their focus among the three Chinese religions. Even though the number of these trans­lations is not great, their influence was considerable as they drew the attention of the Western scientific community to Chinese language and philosophy, which led in turn to the establishment of the first university departments for the Chi­nese language; (2) political texts, particularly during the period of the Republic (1912–1949); (3) fiction, especially fiction dealing with historic events in which missionaries were involved, such as the Boxer Rebellion or the Japanese occupa­tion; (4) works of Chinese Christian leaders; and (5) some minority literature. 2 TRANSLATIONS OF THE DAO DE JING Among the translations of philosophical-religious texts, the foundational text of Daoism, Laozi’s Dao De Jing, holds a special place. Protestant missionaries in China produced as many as four English translations of this work,22 The analysis covers translations by English-speaking missionaries who served in China, regardless of whether the transla­tions themselves were made during their Chinese service or after it. making it the only Chinese text to generate so many versions by Protestant missionaries.33 Such an interest in Laozi’s text is not confined to missionaries. Written in the 6th century BCE and consisting of only 5000 Chinese characters, it is the second most translated book in the world after the Bible. John Chalmers’s44 At the beginning of his forty-five years of missionary career, John Chalmers (1825–1899) worked with James Legge in Hong Kong (Cordier 1900: 67). While Legge translated the Confucian classics, Chalmers made the first translation of the Dao De Jing into English. He also had an important role in translating the Bible into Classical Chinese, and wrote several lexicographical publications and works on the Chinese language (Anderson 1999: 123). 1868 work was the first translation of this classic into the English language. The second version was made in 1891 by Prof. James Legge.55 James Legge (1815–1897) spent over thirty years as a missionary in China. In this period, he undertook the monumental task of translating the Chinese classics. Upon his return to England, Legge became the first Professor of Chinese at Oxford, where he remained until his death. There he joined Max Müller’s project The Sacred Books of the East, and published his translations of Confucian classics together with the new translations of Daoist texts as The Sacred Books of China. Dur­ing his long missionary and academic work, Legge authored numerous other translations, studies on religion (especially comparative) and the Chinese language, as well as Christian texts. Arguably, Legge is “the most important sinologist of the nineteenth century” (Lao 1994: iii). Finally, there are two translations by Dwight Goddard66 Goddard (1861–1939) differed significantly from his predecessors. This American priest went to China in 1894. During his initial years as a missionary, “he became increasingly frustrated at the failure of the Christian missions to accomplish their spiritual goals. He was convinced that although the Christian propaganda had been successful in influencing educational and social conditions it had failed in its purely religious aspects” (Starry 1980: 3). This set him off on an onerous spiritual quest, which would eventually lead to his conversion to Zen Buddhism in 1928. Goddard is best known for his anthology A Buddhist Bible which contains his translations of the fundamental texts of Mahayana Buddhism. – the first published in 1919 and the other in 1939. The temporal distribution of the translations offers an opportunity of examining the extent to which the work of translators reflects the changes that the turn of the century, when Victorian complacency and superiority gave way to a more open and sympathetic outlook, brought to the Western worldview and the missionary enterprise.77 Goddard’s unusual life is part of this cultural landscape. Although it can be argued that his second translation does not belong to the category of Protestant translations, its omission would be a deliberate simplification of the complex picture of missionary movement and identity. My hypothesis is that the translations, dependent on their historical context, will exhibit a diachronic shift from the strategy of domestication to for­eignization and be progressively more devoid of Christian influence. The analysis first focuses on the translation of the title, and then on the examination of the translators’ general attitude towards the text as expressed in their introductions and commentaries. It then moves on to the discussion of the translation of two key Daoist concepts, dao and de, and finally explores English equivalents provid­ed for some of the cultural references in the text. The scope of the analysis is, thus, clearly limited: in its focus on the authors’ attitudes and translation equivalents of individual concepts, it does not pretend to a comprehensive comparison of translations, nor does it take into account their relative quality, as this would by far exceed the scope of this text. It is, however, hoped that the exploration of the patterns of foreignization and domestication and the authors’ expressed attitudes will provide a revealing perspective for a better appreciation of the complexity of the identities that the missionary enterprise produced. 2.1 Different approaches to the translation of the title The name commonly used for Laozi’s text is . . . (Dao De Jing). Dao and de are the key concepts of Daoist philosophy which have no equivalent Western terms, while jing means a classic. Chalmers’s edition offers as many as four trans­lations of the title: The cover reads The Speculations of “the Old Philosopher” Lau Tsze, the half title Tau Teh King, and the title page The Speculations on Metaphys­ics, Polity, and Morality, of the Old Philosopher, Lau-tsze. On the opening page, he offers yet another variant – “Tau Teh King; or the Classic of Tau and of Virtue.” Legge’s translation is published in the thirty-ninth volume of Max Müller’s Sacred Books of the East series, together with the first part of Zhuangzi. The cover of the book reads Sacred Books of the East: Texts of Taoism, Part I. The title page of the publication is The Sacred Books of China: The Texts of Taoism, Part I: the Tao Teh King; the Writings of Kwang-tze. At the beginning of the translation, Legge gives “The Tao Teh King. Or the Tao and Its Characteristics.” Both Goddard‘s versions are titled Laotzu’s Tao and Wu Wei, and the opening page “Tao Teh King”. (The term wu wei, a fundamental Daoist concept, is included in the name of the book as it is the title of Henri Borel’s study of Laozi’s philosophy, which accompanies Goddard’s translation.) All four translations incorporate the transliteration of the original into their titles, but they do this in different ways. Chalmers opts for creating a descriptive main title for his publication, in which he translates even Laozi‘s name (Old Philoso­pher), while Legge’s choice is to echo the name of the Sacred Books series, relegat­ing Laozi to the subtitle. This decision clearly was not a result of the publisher’s editorial policy, since of the fifty volumes which make up the Sacred Books series, only Legge’s translations were given a descriptive title, and all others are named after the texts they contain. Whereas both Chalmers and Legge provide a transla­tion of the title of Laozi’s text, the twentieth-century versions make a point of an exclusive use of transliterated Chinese terms. The diachronic movement from the strategy of domestication and striving towards making the title conform to the culture of the target language to the strategy of foreignization and retaining information from the source text is thus here clearly discernible. 2.2 Translators’ introductions All the translations come with introductions which provide valuable insight into the attitude of the translators towards the text. Chalmers gives a thirteen-page introduction in which he expresses his admiration for Laozi, calling him “the phi­losopher of China” (Chalmers 1868b: vii) and stating that “Confucius no doubt excelled all his contemporaries as a casuist, a ritualist, and a litterateur, but not more than Lau-tsze excelled him in depth and independence of thought” (ibid.). He gives an overall positive account of the “Old Philosopher,” pointing to pas­sages that could be interpreted in the Christian spirit and to the moral ideas in the book which are close to Christian virtues. Legge includes a twenty-two-page preface and a forty-four-page introduction in his edition. His introduction is a work of serious scholarship, the result of a meticulous study of the history of the text, its extant and lost commentaries as well as contemporary scholarship on the subject, combined with his own thorough analysis. According to Julia Hardy (1998: 166), whereas he “avoided attempts to impose Christian theology onto [Laozi’s] text”, in both his introduc­tion and commentaries which accompany each chapter he “made his sympathies clear and proclaimed Lao-tzu wrong about many things about which Christian doctrine was right, not actually interpreting the text but simply measuring it against preconceived standards” (ibid.). Similarly to Chalmers, he emphasizes Laozi’s morality as the most valuable aspect of his philosophy: In his comment to the line “(It is the way of the Tao) to recompense injury with kindness,” for example, Legge (1962a: 107) states: “[This] is the chief glory of Lao-tze‘s teach­ing, though I must think that its value is somewhat diminished by the method in which he reaches it.” For Legge, clearly, Laozi‘s greatest strengths lay in the places where his writings bore inferior resemblance to Christian thought. He is also unequivocal about favouring Confucianism over Daoism – the fact that he published his translation of Confucian texts twelve years before the Daoist clas­sics is highly indicative, and his introduction leaves no room for doubt: while “[Confucius] recognized the nature of man as the gift of Heaven or God,” “we can laugh at [Laozi’s views on knowledge]” (Legge 1962b: 31), and “[Confucius] proved in the course of time too strong for Lao as the teacher of [the Chinese] people. […] [Daoism’s] overthrow and disappearance will be brought about ere long” (ibid.: 33). Goddard’s 1919 version gives six pages of introduction and a two-page biographi­cal note on Laozi. He begins his introduction with “I love Laotzu! […] I want you to appreciate this wise and kindly old man, and come to love him” (God­dard 1919b: 1). Similarly to his predecessors, he emphasizes the coincidences of outlook between Laozi’s philosophy and Christianity, depicting him as someone who (despite all Goddard’s sympathies) gave a still rudimentary expression to the truth that was brought to perfection in Christianity: “Laotzu saw in a glass darkly what Jesus saw face to face in all his glory, the Divine Tao, God as creative and redemptive Love” (ibid.: 6) and points out that “Laozi has much in common with Jesus and the apostolic times – when nonviolence, simplicity and quietness pre­vailed” (ibid.). A much less disparaging attitude than Legge‘s is obvious, and the significant equation of God with dao, which would be absolutely unacceptable for Legge, should also be noted. In their introductions, all three translators point out the fallacy of the imperson­ality of the dao and Laozi’s failure to envision a personal god. Chalmers (1868b: xv) writes: “Probably most readers will think it would have been well if he […] recognized a personal God as the highest existence, instead of placing an in­definite, impersonal, and unconscious Tau before Him and above Him.” In his explanation of chapter 25, Legge (1962a: 69) asks Was he groping after God if haply he might find him? I think he was, and he gets so far as to conceive of Him as “the Uncaused Cause,” but comes short of the idea of His personality. The other subordinate causes which he mentions all get their force or power from the Tao, but after all the Tao is simply a spontaneity, evolving from itself, and not acting from a personal will, consciously in the direction of its own wisdom and love. Goddard (1919b: 3) is the mildest in his accusation; he tries to vindicate Laozi by stating that dao is so benevolent and wise as to be almost personal. In his 1939 translation, Goddard added a new five-page introduction, in which he informs us that he has become a Buddhist and that he made the translation with the help of a Buddhist-Daoist monk. There are no references to Christianity in this text, but he reprints the first introduction in this new version. The authors’ Christian attitude is noticeable in the first three introductions, but their axiological and affective evaluations differ: despite his scientific approach, Legge exhibits a pronounced bias towards Christianity and Confucianism and a lack of particular appreciation of Laozi and Daoism, whereas Chalmers and Goddard in his text of 1919 are comparatively less disparaging and reveal a much more positive attitude towards Laozi. Goddard’s second text focuses entirely on Daoism and Buddhism. 2.3 Translations of philosophical concepts Dao is the fundamental concept of Daoism and one of the most significant concepts in Chinese philosophy in general. Like other great philosophical, re­ligious and mystical concepts, it does not lend itself to easy explanation. The basic meaning of the word is “way.” For Laozi it is a name for the unnameable source of all existence which reason cannot fathom and words cannot hold, but without which nothing in the world of phenomena could exist. Zhuangzi describes it as follows: Tao cannot be regarded as having a positive existence. The name Tao is a metaphor, used for the purpose of description. To say that it exercises some causation, or that it does nothing, is speaking of it from the phase of a thing – how can such language serve as a designation of it in its greatness? If words were sufficient for the purpose, we might in a day’s time exhaust the subject of the Tao. Words not being sufficient, we may talk about it the whole day, and the subject of discourse will only have been a thing. Tao is the extreme to which things conduct us. Neither speech nor silence is sufficient to convey the notion of it. When we neither speak nor refrain from speech, our speculations about it reach their highest point. (Legge 1962b: 15) Such a concept is certain to put the translator to task, and the term has been vari­ously translated as the Way, Reason, Providence, the Logos, and even God (Watts 1981: 40). In their introductions, all the Protestant missionary translators opt for the use of the original term and do not try to identify dao with some of the more familiar western concepts88 Unlike the Jesuits, who translated dao as God, Protestants were generally uneasy with similarities between Chinese religions and Christianity. (even though they do not always follow this in practice). Chalmers (1868b: xi) explains his decision in the following way: I have thought it better to leave the word Tau untranslated, both because it has given the name to the sect – the Tauists – and because no English word is its exact equivalent. Three terms suggest themselves—the Way, Reason, and the Word; but they are all liable to objection. Were we guided by etymology, “the Way,” would come nearest to the original, and in one or two passages the idea of a way seems to be in the term; but this is too materialistic to serve the purpose of a translation. “Reason” again seems to be more like a quality or attribute of some conscious being than Tau is. I would translate it by “the Word,” in the sense of the Logos, but this would be like settling the question which I wish to leave open, viz. – what amount of resemblance there is between the Logos of the New Testament and this Tau, which is its nearest representative in Chinese. In his translation of the opening chapter, Chalmers transliterates the word, but adds the unsuitable “reason” in brackets, which greatly impoverishes the meaning of this key Daoist concept. He only does so in this opening chapter, though. Else­where he keeps to the original, and in one place gives “Way” in brackets. Legge also gives a lengthy discussion of the word dao and how it should be translated and concludes: “The best way of dealing with it in translating is to transfer it to the version, instead of trying to introduce an English equivalent for it” (Legge 1962b: 15). Therefore, he too transliterates the word, and in some places uses Way, Method and Course in brackets along with the transliteration. Goddard (1919b: 3) writes in his introduction: The simple meaning of Tao is “way,” but it also has a wide variety of other meanings. Dr. Paul Carus translates it, “Reason,” but apologizes for so do­ing. If forced to offer a translation we would suggest Creative Principle, but much prefer to leave it untranslated. In both his texts, he consistently uses only the transliteration of the term, offering additional explanations in some places. The second part of the title of Laozi’s book, and another vital concept of Dao­ism, de can be understood as the power of the dao in the phenomenal world. Guan Yin Zi writes: “it is never possible to master the dao. What we can master is not called the dao, but de” (Lisevic 2014: 16). Thus, de can be defined as “the realization or expression of the Tao in actual living” (Watts 1981: 107). Although often translated as virtue, “it is not virtue in the sense of moral rectitude” (ibid.). Chalmers consistently renders de as virtue, providing no explanation that would make the meaning of this complex concept clearer. Legge, aware of the difficulty of the term, keeps reminding the reader that it should not be translated as virtue, and varies his translation of the term greatly, but he does not give the original term along with his various versions, which is a definite drawback to his approach to the translation of this term. His translations include: attribute, attributes or characteristics (of the Tao), the Quality, active force, manifestation of (Tao’s) force, (Tao’s) outflowing operation, virtue, and kindness. In both his translations, Goddard keeps to the original term de, also offering vitality, power or virtue along with de in some instances. Therefore, when it comes to the concept of the dao, the translations are more or less uniform: all translators agree in principle that the method of foreignization should be adopted and leave the term in its original form, providing additional explanations in certain places. The situation is different with the concept of de: the older translations employ the method of domestication, and the newer ones that of foreignization. 2.4 Treatment of cultural references The final element in this analysis are the equivalents Protestant missionary trans­lators provide for concepts unique to Chinese culture: . (yu – jade), .. (chu gou – straw dogs), . (ce – bamboo slips for counting), and . (li – 0.5 km). The special place of jade in Chinese culture dates back to the late Neolithic period: it has been revered as “the fairest of stones” and embodiment of the virtues of benevolence, integrity, wisdom, courage and steadfastness (Childs-Johnson 1998: 55). Chalmers translates it as gem or jewel, Legge as jade, Goddard in both his translations as gem or gems. Straw dogs of the fifth chapter of the Dao De Jing are objects made of straw in the shape of dogs, used as sacrificial offerings in the rite of praying for rain. When the rite is finished, they are discarded. Chalmers (1868a: 4) translates them as “sacrificial grass dogs (figures of grass made for a temporary purpose),” Legge (1891: 50) as “dogs of grass” and provides an expla­nation in the commentary, Goddard in his first translation gives “insignificant playthings made of straw; alike and unimportant” (1919a: 13), and in the later version “dogs and plants; equal value” (1939a: 27). Bamboo slips used for count­ing appear in chapter 27. Chalmers renders them as “arithmetic,” Legge as “tal­lies,” pieces of wood scored across with notches for the items of an account and then split into halves – exact equivalents of the Chinese bamboo slips. Goddard’s first translation is “abacus,” and his 1939 text gives “rules or diagrams.” Finally, they translate the Chinese unit of measurement li (0.5 km or 0.3 miles) as fol­lows: Chalmers and Goddard as mile, whereas only Legge leaves the original li. In this part of the analysis a departure from the expected pattern of domestication and foreignization is observed. Only Legge adheres to the principle of foreigniza­tion, whereas the other translations domesticate or paraphrase Chinese concepts, with Goddard, especially in his 1939 translation, exhibiting significant deviation from the original. 3 CONCLUSION The religious attitudes and prejudices of the Protestant missionary translators of the Dao De Jing are generally not found in the translations themselves. What Julia Hardy said of Legge‘s translation applies to Chalmers’s version and God­dard’s first translation as well: they all avoided attempts to impose Christian doctrine onto the text. Their ideological presuppositions are visible in their in­troductions and commentaries, but their goal in translating was to present the text to the Western audience as faithfully as possible, and not to try to make it Christian or unchristian, to embellish or vilify it. In the introductions, a shift from a pro-Christian attitude can be discerned in diachrony, but it does not occur with the turn of the century as predicted. The translators’ estimation of Laozi’s value and their affective attitudes also do not fit into the expected pat­tern, with the second translator expressing the most unfavourable opinion. In the comparison of titles, though, the analysis confirmed the initial hypothesis. In the sphere of philosophical terms, the expectations were also to a large extent met, and a diachronic shift towards greater regard for the source culture can be discerned. The nineteenth-century translators, Chalmers and Legge, partially follow the principle of domestication when Daoist concepts are concerned: they find English equivalents for de, but leave dao in its original form. Goddard in both his translations systematically employs the strategy of foreignization, as he retains original Daoist terms. When it comes to the concepts specific to Chinese culture, Legge conscientiously adopts the strategy of foreignization, using li in­stead of mile, retaining jade where other translators use jewel or gem, and using tallies for bamboo strips. The analysis thus reveals his high regard for Chinese culture, but also his lack of particular esteem for Daoism, which is made plain in his introduction and commentaries as well as in his treatment of Daoist terms. Goddard’s twentieth-century translations show the opposite tendency: while re­taining the philosophical terms and doing them more justice, Goddard is not so careful with the cultural elements, revealing his preference for religious and mystical ideas over cultural contents. In the encounter with the unknown which cannot or can only precariously be reduced to the familiar, acceptable and accepted, the missionary translator faced multiple dilemmas which sometimes probed deeply into the field of his personal identity: to what extent and in what way should a text so far removed from its intended readership be made approachable and understandable; where is the boundary between translation and interpretation; what is the responsibility of the translator and how to protect the reader from what is perceived as the potentially harmful influence of the text; should I be faithful to the text or to my faith, i.e., am I primarily a scholar or a missionary? The answers to these questions and the outcomes of these encounters are different, and sometimes altogether surprising, as in the case of Dwight Goddard. Therefore, even though the translations of the Protestant missionaries do reflect the general end-of-the-century cultural shift and the transition of missionary work in China from proselytism in the initial phases to the increasingly secular character of its later activities, the fact that it is not possible to come to clear-cut answers even in such a limited selection of ele­ments of analysis points at the complexity of the missionary migration movement and the identities it produced. References Anderson, Gerald H. (ed.), 1999: Biographical Dictionary of Christian Missions. Grand Rapids and Cambridge: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company. Bays, Daniel H., 2012: A New History of Christianity in China. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Chalmers, John, (trans.), 1868a: The Speculations on Metaphysics, Polity, and Mo­rality, of the Old Philosopher, Lau-tsze. London: Tru¨bner & Co. Chalmers, John, 1868b: Introduction: The Speculations on Metaphysics, Polity, and Morality, of the Old Philosopher, Lau-tsze. London: Tru¨bner & Co.: vii–xix. Childs-Johnson, Elizabeth, 1998: Jade as Material and Epoch. Lee, Sherman (ed.): China, 5000 Years: Innovation and Transformation in the Arts. New York: Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum. 55–68. Clarke, J. J., 2000: The Tao of the West: Western Transformations of Taoist Thought. London and New York: Routledge. Cordier, Henri, 1900. Nécrologie. T’oung Pao 1/1. 67. Girardot, Norman J., 2002: The Victorian Translation of China: James Legge’s Vic­torian Pilgrimage. Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press. Goddard, Dwight, (trans.), 1919a: Laotzu’s Tao and Wu Wei. New York: Bren­tano’s Publishers. Goddard, Dwight, 1919b: Introduction: Laotzu’s Tao and Wu Wei. New York: Brentano’s Publishers. 1–6. Goddard, Dwight, (trans.), 1939a: Laotzu’s Tao and Wu Wei, Second Edition. Thetford: Dwight Goddard. Goddard, Dwight, 1939b: Introduction: Laotzu’s Tao and Wu Wei, Second Edi­tion. Thetford: Dwight Goddard. 13–17. Hardy, Julia, 1998: Influential Western Interpretations of the Tao-te-ching. Kohn, Livia and Michael Lafargue (eds.): Lao-tzu and the Tao-te-ching: Studies in Eth­ics, Law, and the Human Ideal. Albany: State University of New York Press. 165–188. Kuciš, Vlasta, 2016: Translatologija u teoriji i praksi. Zagreb: HKD. Lao, Tze-Yui, 1994: James Legge (1815–1897) and Chinese Culture: A Missiologi­cal Study in Scholarship, Translation and Evangelization. PhD Dis., University of Edinburgh. Legge, James (trans.), 1962a: The Texts of Taoism, Part 1. New York: Dover Publications. Legge, James, 1962b: Introduction: The Texts of Taoism, Part 1. New York: Dover Publications: 1–44. Lisevic, I. S., 2014: Književna misao Kine. Belgrade: Prosveta. Starry, David, 1980: Dwight Goddard – the Yankee Buddhist. Zen Notes 27/7. 2–8 Watts, Alan, 1981: Tao: The Watercourse Way. London: Penguin Books. Migration-related lexis in FraSloK Adriana Mezeg University of Ljubljana Povzetek Clanek se osredotoca na rabo z migracijami povezanega besedišca v franco­sko-slovenskem vzporednem korpusu FraSloK, ki vsebuje podkorpusa dveh tipov besedil: casopisnih clankov iz francoskega casnika Le Monde diploma­tique ter njihovih slovenskih prevodov (clanki in prevodi so bili objavljeni med 2006 in 2009) in 12 izvirnih francoskih romanov s slovenskimi prevodi (objavljeni so bili med 1995 in 2008). Zanimivo je dejstvo, da so štiri ro­mane napisali avtorji (dva moška in dve ženski), ki so se priselili v Francijo v letih 1984.1990. Namen raziskave je po eni strani iz podkorpusov izlušciti besedišce na temo migracij, primerjati njegovo rabo glede na pogostnost in raznolikost v publicisticnem in literarnem diskurzu, pri cemer bo posebna pozornost namenjena ugotavljanju, ali je v primeru rabe tovrstnega besedišca opaziti kakšne razlike oz. podobnosti med štirimi priseljenimi avtorji in dru­gimi avtorji. Po drugi strani je študija prevodoslovno usmerjena in prinaša analizo prevodov nekaterih francoskih besed na temo migracije, uporabljenih v korpusu, ter rezultate primerja s prevodnimi ustreznicami iz Francosko-slo­venskega slovarja Antona Grada (1975) pa tudi z njihovo pogostnostjo v re­ferencnem literarnem in publicisticnem korpusu izvirnih slovenskih besedil. Pri tem nas bo še posebno zanimala pogostnost avtohtonih slovenskih besed v primerjavi z izposojenkami v primeru istega pojma (na primer raba besed izseljenec in emigrant kot možnih slovenskih prevodnih ustreznic za franco­sko besedo émigrant). Kljucne besede: prevajanje, migracije, izposojenka, francošcina, slovenšcina, vzporedni korpus 0 INTRODUCTION Throughout the history, migration, be it voluntary or involuntary, has affected virtually every society in the world due to economic, environmental, political, social and other reasons. This global phenomenon, concerning internal or inter­national mobility of people, has had and continues to have an important impact on individual societies, for example with regard to their demographic structure, economy, religion, culture and language. The mixing of cultures or intercultural contacts due to migration and globalisation contribute, inter alia, to a possible evolution of a language of a certain society by bringing into it foreign language elements. These can, on the one hand, enrich a language by introducing words for notions that have previously not existed in it or, on the other hand, result in redundancies and provoke professional and/or public criticism in the event that we already have expressions for such notions that are fully integrated in the lan­guage. The 2017 TRANS international summer academy,11 See https://www.um.si/univerza/medijsko-sredisce/novice/Strani/novice.aspx?p=2102. entitled “Translation and migration”, inspired us to explore this topic from a translation point of view. Based on the FraSloK French-Slovenian parallel corpus (Mezeg 2011) contain­ing French newspaper articles and novels along with their Slovenian translations, published in the period from 1995 to 2009, this article22 This article was written in the framework of the research program P6-0265 financed by the Slovenian Research Agency (ARRS). is, on the one hand, aimed at exploring the variety and frequency of use of migration-related vocabu­lary in French journalistic and literary discourse. Four novels were written by the authors who emigrated to France between 1984 and 1990, therefore it seems interesting to investigate whether they contain more migration-related words than those written by the authors who were born and have lived all their lives in France. On the other hand, we wish to examine the differences and similari­ties in translating a selection of words from the lexical field of migration so as to find out whether the translators opted for a nativised Slovenian word (one which is not felt as having a foreign origin) or decided to use a loanword (i.e. a word taken from a foreign language and at least partly naturalised) under the influ­ence of the source language (for example translating the French word émigrant as izseljenec (a nativised Slovenian word) or emigrant (a loanword)). The transla­tions from FraSloK will be compared to the set of translation equivalents given in the Grad French-Slovenian dictionary (1975), which is considered as obsolete but still represents the most comprehensive dictionary for this language pair, and to the frequency of use of these words in a reference corpus of original Slove­nian newspaper articles (a part of the Gigafida corpus containing 663 653 098.9 words) and novels (a part of the Spook corpus that has 1 454 275 words). The comparison with reference corpus data will help us evaluate the strategies used by the translators of newspaper articles on the one hand and of novels on the other hand, as well as a possible influence of the source language on the target text. Based on our knowledge about the care for language used in Slovenian journalis­tic versus literary discourse, our supposition is that newspaper articles (translated as well as original) contain more loanwords than literary texts where we prefer using a word, if it exists, fully integrated in the Slovenian language. 1 METHODOLOGY For the purposes of this study, we used the FraSloK French-Slovenian parallel corpus (Mezeg 2011), so far the only parallel corpus for this language pair. Con­taining about 2.5 million words, it was completed in 2011 using the ParaConc tool (Barlow 2001). It consists of two subcorpora of comparable size: a) a jour­nalistic subcorpus that includes 300 articles from the French monthly journal Le Monde diplomatique (637 297 words) and their translations from the Slovenian edition Le Monde diplomatique v slovenšcini (526 777 words), published between 2006 and 2009 and available on the Sketch Engine web platform; b) a literary subcorpus that comprises 12 original French novels (701 715 words) and their Slovenian translations (601 196 words), published in the period from 1995 to 2008; this subcorpus is freely available online (after acquiring a username and a password) thanks to the Spook project (Vintar 2013). The FraSloK size and structure make the corpus interesting for this research that will provide an insight into the use of migration-related vocabulary in the selected original French and translated Slovenian texts in the period from 1995 to 2009. Using the ParaConc bilingual concordance tool, we will first create a word fre­quency list containing all the words in the corpus. For lack of semantic annota­tion of the FraSloK corpus, we will then manually extract from each subcorpus all the words pertaining or closely related to the lexical field of migration in order to discover their frequency in newspaper articles and novels during the observed period of time. Secondly, we will verify the frequency of the extracted words in individual articles and novels and calculate their relative frequency which will en­able us to compare their distribution in these texts. In the last part of the article, we will focus on eight migration-specific French words and search for their trans­lations in both subcorpora for the purpose of comparing the translation strategies used. The set of acquired translation equivalents of a certain French word will be compared to the entries in the French-Slovenian dictionary (Grad 1975) which will enable us to evaluate the utility of parallel translation corpora versus bilingual dictionaries in terms of the choice of translation equivalents proposed. Moreover, the frequency of individual Slovenian translation equivalents will be compared to that in the reference corpora of original Slovenian texts (Gigafida and Spook corpora) which will help us assess the different translation solutions and easily reveal the translator’s (in)visibility in the translated texts. 2 THE FREQUENCY OF MIGRATION-RELATED VOCABULARY IN FRASLOK The manual extraction of migration-related words from the FraSloK corpus re­sulted in 23 groups of words having the same root and a different suffix or, to put it differently, in 96 types or distinct words and 1281 tokens or total number of words in the journalistic subcorpus, and 85 types and 435 tokens in the literary one. Table 1: List of all the migration-related vocabulary extracted from FraSloK (absolute and relative frequency (per 500 words)). French newspaper articles (absolute frequency) absolute (relative) frequency French novels (absolute frequency) absolute (relative) frequency 1 asile (19) 19 (0,015) asile (7) 7 (0,005) 2 assimilation (12) 12 (0,0094) assimilation (0) 0 (0) 3 carte de séjour (1) 1 (0,0008) carte de séjour (5) 5 (0,0036) 4 clandestins (13), clandestine (10), clandestinement (8), clandestin (7) 38 (0,03) clandestins (12), clandestin (7), clandestinité (4), clandestine (4), clandestinement (2), clandestines (1) 30 (0,021) 5 déplacements (31), déplacés (17), déplacement (15), déplacer (15), déplace (3), déplacée (3), déplacées (3), déplacent (2), déplaceraient (1), déplacions (1), déplacé (1) 92 (0,07) déplacement (12), déplacer (12), déplacements (5), déplacée (5), déplacé (4), déplace (1), déplacent (2), déplacées (1), déplacés (1) 43 (0,03) 6 diaspora (7), diasporas (1) 8 (0,0063) diaspora (0) 0 (0) 7 émigration (12), émigrés (6), émigrer (4), émigrants (2), émigré (2), émigrons (1), émigrée (1), émigrées (1) 29 (0,023) émigration (12), émigrés (9), émigré (6), émigrants (5), émigrer (5), émigrées (1) 38 (0,027) 8 étrangers (115), étranger (81), étrangčre (60), étrangčres (60) 316 (0,25) étranger (56), étrangers (34), étrangčre (24), étrangčres (10) 124 (0,088) French newspaper articles (absolute frequency) absolute (relative) frequency French novels (absolute frequency) absolute (relative) frequency 9 exil (26), exiler (6), exilé (5), exilés (5) 42 (0,033) exil (26), exilés (14), exiler (10), exilé (10), exilée (3), exila (2), exilai (1), exilant (1), exileraient (1), exilez (1), exils (1) 70 (0,05) 10 exode (21) 21 (0,0165) exode (1) 1 (0,00071) 11 immigration (73), immigrés (50), immigrants (16), immigré (4), immigrées (3), immigrée (2) 148 (0,116) immigrés (10), immigré (3), immigrants (2), immigration (1) 16 (0,0114) 12 intégration (86), intégrer (23), intégré (13), intčgre (6), intégrante (6), intégrée (6), intégrant (4), intégrait (1) 145 (0,114) intégrer (11), intégration (4), intégré (3), intégrai (1), intégrant (1), intégrées (1), intégrés (1) 22 (0,016) 13 marginalisés (11), marginaux (7), marginalisation (6), marginales (4), marginal (3), marginalisée (3), marginaliser (3), marginalisé (2), marginalisées (1), marginale (1), marginalement (1), marginalisant (1), marginalise (1), marginalisent (1) 45 (0,035) marginal (2), marginalité (2), marginaliseront (1) 5 (0,0036) 14 migrants (73), migrations (24), migration (16), migratoire (12), migratoires (9), migrant (4), migrante (2) 140 (0,11) migration (2), migrations (1), migratoires (1), migrait (1) 5 (0,0036) 15 minorités (49), minorité (33), minoritaire (11) 93 (0,073) minoritaire (3), minoritaires (2) 5 (0,0036) 16 naturalisation (8), naturalisant (1), naturalise (1), naturalisent (1), naturaliser (1), naturalisé (1) 13 (0,010) naturalisation (5), naturalisés (1) 6 (0,0043) 17 patrouille (2), patrouillent (1), patrouilles (1) 4 (0,0031) patrouilles (3), patrouillent (2), patrouille (2), patrouillaient (1), patrouillait (1) 9 (0,0064) 18 permis de séjour (3) 3 (0,0024) permis de séjour (0) 0 (0) French newspaper articles (absolute frequency) absolute (relative) frequency French novels (absolute frequency) absolute (relative) frequency 19 permis de travail (2) 2 (0,002) permis de travail (0) 0 (0) 20 réfugiés (63), réfugié (6), réfugier (3), réfugiées (3), réfugie (1), réfugient (1), réfugiée (1) 78 (0,061) réfugier (9), réfugiés (7), réfugiée (5), réfugiais (4), réfugié (3), réfugia (2), réfugiaient (2), réfugie (2), réfugiait (1), réfugient (1), réfugiâmes (1), réfugiées (1) 38 (0,027) 21 sans-papiers (16) 16 (0,013) sans-papiers (0) 0 (0) 22 titre de séjour (2) 2 (0,002) titre de séjour (1) 1 (0,00071) 23 visa (14) 14 (0,010) visa (10) 10 (0,007) total 1281 (1,00/500 words) total 435 (0,31/500 words) The relative frequency, calculated per 500 words, reveals a rare use of migra­tion-related vocabulary in both subcorpora, particularly in the literary subcorpus where it is three times less used (0,31 occurrences per 500 words) than in the jour­nalistic one (1 occurrence per 500 words). The use of the most frequent words, as can be seen in Table 1, varies in terms of lexical items and their frequency. In the journalistic subcorpus, where the choice and frequency of individual tokens is greater, stand out the words étrangers (foreigners, 115 occurrences), intégration (integration, 86), étranger (foreigner, 81), immigration (immigration, 73), migrants (migrants, 73), réfugiés (refugees, 63), and in the literary subcorpus étranger (for­eigner, 56), étrangers (foreigners, 34), exil (exile, 26), étrangčre (foreign, 24), exilés (exiled, 14) and émigration (emigration, 12). Moreover, as these data can only refer to the two subcorpora as a whole and do not tell us anything about the texts included, it seemed relevant to examine the distribution of the extracted migration-related words in individual newspaper articles and novels. As shown by Figure 1 below, 21.33 % of articles (or 64 articles out of 300) do not contain a single migration-related word while more than two thirds (69.67 % or 209 articles) include from 1 to 9 such words, which makes migration still a very marginal topic in these articles. The same can be said for 20 (6.67 %) articles comprising from 10 to 19 migration-related words as, depending on the arti­cle’s length,33 Based on the MS Word word count, the articles from Le Monde diplomatique, included in FraSloK, contain from around 1500 to 3500 words. this still represents only from 0.31 % to 0.76 % of all the words in an article, the only exception being an article with 19 migration-specific words (1.33 % of all the words in that article) which is centred on immigration.44 The article is entitled Ministčre de l’hostilité (Immigration stigmatisée) (literally The Ministry of hostility (Stigmatised immigra­tion)), https://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/2007/07/LIAUZU/14941. Figure 1: Distribution of migration-related words per newspaper article. In terms of the frequency of migration-related words stand out 7 articles (2.3 % of all the articles) of which 3 (1 %) contain from 30 to 39 such words, 2 (0,67 %) from 40 to 49 and another 2 from 70 to 79. Taking into account the length (in words) of individual articles, migration-related words represent from around 1.07 % to 4.24 % of all the words used. This percentage would be even higher if we eliminated all the grammatical words and considered only the lexical ones. If we take as an example the article with 77 migration-related words, it contains 2308 words of which 1197 (52 %) are grammatical (articles, pronouns, adverbs, prepositions etc.) and 1111 (48 %) lexical. In this respect, migration-related words represent 6.9 % of all the lexical words used and thus show that migration is an important (if not central, as it indeed is) topic in this article.55 The article written by Albrecht Kieser in June 2006 is entitled De l‘immigration ŕ l‘intégration. Le droit du sang prime encore en Allemagne, https://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/2006/06/KIESER/13525 (in the English edition, the article is entitled: Immigration, chaos and crisis. Germany: you’re not wanted, https://mondediplo.com/2006/06/08germany). This statement can also be justified by the title of the article (see note 5). In fact, the topic of migration is evident from the titles of all 7 articles. In conclusion, these results show that in the period from 2006 to 2009, migra­tion issues were central in only about 2.3 % of the articles included in the Le Monde diplomatique subcorpus, the majority of the articles covering completely different topics. Similarly, the analysis reveals a rare use of migration-related words in all the 12 contemporary French novels from the literary subcorpus. Out of 435 words ex­tracted, slightly less than one quarter (24.1 % or 105 words) is found in the novel Le ventre de l’Atlantique (The Belly of the Atlantic) by Fatou Diome who emigrated to France from Senegal in 1990. However, in this novel, migration-related words represent only 0.17 % of all the words used, whereas in the other novels they constitute from 0.014 % to 0.092 % of the words. According to Figure 2 below, migration-related words also stand out in the novels Impératrice (Empress) (16.3 % or 71 words) by Shan Sa who emigrated to France from China in 1990, L’Amour du prochain (literally Love thy neighbour) (10.8 % or 47 words) by Pascal Bruckner and Eldorado (10.3 % or 45 words) by Laurent Gaudé. In other novels, we found less than 10 % of the words from the field of migration. With regard to the question raised at the beginning of this article whether the novels written by the authors who emigrated to France contain more migration-related words than those written by the authors who were born and raised in France, this study reveals that this is only partly the case as it is only true for the two emigrated women writers (Fatou Diome and Shan Sa), whereas the novels by the two emigrated men writers (Dai Sijie (emigrated from China in 1984), Balzac et la petite tailleuse chinoise (Balzac and the Little Chinese Seam­stress); and Andreď Makine (emigrated from Russia in 1987), Le testament français (The French testament)) contain less migration-related words than those by some of the French writers (Sijie 2.1 % or 9 words and Makine 7.6 % or 33 words). 3 TRANSLATION OF SELECTED EXAMPLES OF MIGRATION-RELATED LEXIS: FRASLOK VS. BILINGUAL DICTIONARY VS. REFERENCE CORPORA This part of the article discusses translation equivalents of selected examples of migration-related words extracted from FraSloK and compares them, on the one hand, to the translations provided by the Grad French-Slovenian dictionary (1975) and, on the other hand, to their frequency of use in a reference corpus of original Slovenian newspaper articles (journalistic part of the Gigafida Slovenian national corpus) as well as novels (part of the Spook corpus). We wish to discover whether the French words, all of which are borrowed from Latin, keep the for­eign flavour in Slovenian translations and are thus expressed by a loanword or borrowing, or a nativised Slovenian word is used instead. The following words, which we found the most intriguing from a translation point of view, will be ex­amined: a) asile (asylum), b) visa (visa), c) migrant(s) (migrant(s)), d) migration(s) (migration(s)), e) émigration(s) (emigration), f) émigrant(s)/émigré(s) (emigrant(s)), g) immigration(s) (immigration), h) immigrant(s)/immigré(s) (immigrant). a) ASILE Grad dictionary: azil, pribežališce, zavetišce, zatocišce FraSloK vs. reference corpora (Gigafida, Spook)66 The data in the reference corpora were acquired in July 2017. corpus azil absolute/relative f7 zatocišce absolute/relative f zavetišce absolute/relative f FraSloK articles 17/0.08 2/0.009 0/0 Gigafida articles 6146/0.03 6803/0.03 9147/0.04 FraSloK novels 1/0.004 1/0.004 5/0.02 Spook novels 4/0.008 8/0.02 2/0.004 The Grad dictionary proposes 4 equivalents for the French word asile, without any additional information as to their frequency, use etc. Only 3 were found in the Slovenian part of FraSloK: a loanword azil and their Slovenian counterparts zatocišce and zavetišce. The absolute and relative87 The abbreviation ‘f’ stands for 'frequency'. numbers indicate that the loan­word azil is much more frequent in newspaper articles (particularly translated ones but also original Slovenian), whereas in the novels we observe the predomi­nance of the nativised Slovenian words zatocišce (in original Slovenian novels) and zavetišce (translated novels). The latter, however, also stands out in the corpus of original Slovenian newspapers where the difference between the use of loanwords and nativised Slovenian words does not seem noticeable.98 Due to different size of respective corpora used and in order to enable comparison across them, we calculated the frequency of individual (translation) equivalents per 3000 words. b) VISA Grad dictionary: vizum FraSloK vs. reference corpora (Gigafida, Spook) corpus vizum absolute/relative f viza absolute/relative f FraSloK articles 5/0.02 9/0.04 Gigafida articles 7443/0.03 1499/0.007 FraSloK novels 5/0.02 4/0.02 Spook novels 1/0.002 2/0.004 For the French word visa, the Grad dictionary proposes only one equivalent, i.e. vizum which was borrowed through German from Latin in the 20th century. This loanword is the only standard word for this notion in Slovenian. However, in all the corpora examined, we also notice the variant viza which is, in fact, a col­loquial word borrowed from French (Slovenski etimološki slovar). Interestingly, this variant predominates in the translated newspaper articles and in the original Slovenian novels, whereas in the original Slovenian newspaper articles, the word vizum stands out. In translated novels, the standard variant is slightly more used than the colloquial one. c) MIGRANT(S) Grad dictionary: no translation equivalent indicated FraSloK vs. reference corpora (Gigafida, Spook) corpus migrant(i) absolute/relative f priseljenec(-ci) absolute/relative f FraSloK articles 58/0.3 16/0.08 Gigafida articles 1772/0.008 9447/0.04 FraSloK novels 0/0 0/0 Spook novels 0/0 4/0.008 The French word migrant is not included in the biggest French-Slovenian dic­tionary nor do we find a loanword migrant in the Slovenian etymological diction­ary (Slovenski etimološki slovar), therefore one could assume that this word was borrowed into Slovenian fairly recently. Interestingly, the use of the loanword migrant(i) is the highest in the corpus of translated newspaper articles, whereas in the original Slovenian newspaper articles it is fairly low. The latter prefers the use of the Slovenian equivalent priseljenec(-ci) which is also true for the original Slovenian novels. In the French corpus of novels, no occurrence of the word migrant(s) was found. d) MIGRATION(S) Grad dictionary: preseljevanje, selitev FraSloK vs. reference corpora (Gigafida, Spook) corpus migracija(-e) absolute/relative f selitev(-ve) absolute/relative f preseljevanje absolute/relative f priseljevanje absolute/relative f FraSloK articles 25/0.12 4/0.02 13/0.06 3/0.01 Gigafida articles 3931/0.02 17913/0.08 1353/0.006 3371/0.02 FraSloK novels 0/0 2/0.009 0/0 0/0 Spook novels 0/0 9/0.02 1/0.002 0/0 Whereas the bilingual dictionary only proposes two translation equivalents for the French word migration(s), i.e. preseljevanje and selitev, the translated corpora material reveals two more: priseljevanje and migracija(-e). The latter, a loanword, prevails in the translated Slovenian newspaper articles as well as in the origi­nal ones, but in the Gigafida corpus only with a slight difference in contrast to priseljevanje. The variant preseljevanje is the least used and mostly occurs in news­paper articles. In the novels, only a few occurrences of the nativised Slovenian word selitev(-ve) were found. e) ÉMIGRATION(S) Grad dictionary: izselitev, emigracija, selitev (ptic (of birds)) FraSloK vs. reference corpora (Gigafida, Spook) corpus emigracija absolute/relative f izselitev absolute/relative f izseljevanje absolute/relative f izseljenstvo absolute/relative f FraSloK articles 6/0.03 0/0 4/0.02 0/0 Gigafida articles 1505/0.007 2166/0.009 1090/0.005 840/0.004 FraSloK novels 1/0.004 3/0.01 1/0.004 7/0.03 Spook novels 1/0.002 0/0 0/0 0/0 Apart from the word selitev which, according to Grad, concerns the migration of birds, the French-Slovenian dictionary suggests two possible translation equiva­lents of the French word émigration(s), i.e. izselitev which we only find in trans­lated novels and in the original newspaper articles, where it predominates, and emigracija, a loanword that prevails in translated newspaper articles and, albeit with only one occurrence, in the original Slovenian novels. The translated corpus data bring two more equivalents, izseljevanje (the process of emigrating) which is the second most used translation for émigration(s) in the corpus of translated newspaper articles and rarely found in other corpora, and izseljenstvo (the fact of living abroad, according to the Slovenian monolingual dictionary (SSKJ)) which stands out in the corpus of translated novels and appears with low frequency in the original Slovenian newspaper articles. f) ÉMIGRANT(S), ÉMIGRÉ(S) Grad dictionary: émigrant(s): izseljenec, emigrant Grad dictionary: émigré(s): (politicni) begunec ((political) refugee), emigrant FraSloK vs. reference corpora (Gigafida, Spook) corpus emigrant absolute/relative f izseljenec absolute/relative f priseljenec absolute/relative f prebežnik absolute/relative f FraSloK articles 0/0 5/0.02 1/0.005 0/0 Gigafida articles 2096/0.009 4160/0.02 9447/0.04 5287/0.02 FraSloK novels 3/0.01 12/0.05 2/0.009 1/0.004 Spook novels 9/0.02 1/0.002 4/0.008 1/0.002 In relation to the previous French lexical item, we were wondering what happens with the designation of people who emigrate (in French émigrant) or are emigrat­ed (émigré). The Grad dictionary proposes a loanword emigrant for both of them, but also izseljenec for émigrant and (politicni) begunec ((political) refugee) for émi­gré. Since we found no examples of (politicni) begunec in the translated corpora,109 We do not discuss semantic differences between individual words/translations as this would exceed the scope of the article. we did not investigate it further. Interestingly, the data show the predominance of the loanword emigrant in the corpus of original Slovenian novels, whereas in the translated newspaper articles and novels, the nativised Slovenian word izseljenec (a person who emigrates) prevails. In the original Slovenian newspaper articles we observe the predominance of the word priseljenec (a person who is immigrated) which corresponds more to the French word immigré, as we will see later on. In the corpus of translated novels, we also find one occurrence of the word prebežnik (fugitive) which bears a connotation in contrast to the source French word, but is appropriate according to the context (it is used for people from Africa who try to cross the Mediterranean by boats in order to come to Europe). g) IMMIGRATION(S) Grad dictionary: priseljevanje, priselitev, imigracija FraSloK vs. reference corpora (Gigafida, Spook) corpus imigracija absolute/relative f priseljevanje absolute/relative f izseljevanje absolute/relative f FraSloK articles 21/0.1 32/0.2 1/0.005 Gigafida articles 603/0.003 3371/0.02 1090/0.005 FraSloK novels 0/0 1/0.004 0/0 Spook novels 0/0 0/0 0/0 With regard to the French word immigration, the bilingual dictionary suggests three translation equivalents: priseljevanje, priselitev and the loanword imigracija. The translated corpora do not reveal a single occurrence of priselitev, but we found one example of izseljevanje in a translated newspaper article which is, in fact, an equivalent of émigration, not immigration. Anyhow, the corpus data show the predominance of the nativised Slovenian word priseljevanje as a translation equivalent of the French immigration, namely in all the corpora except in the cor­pus of original Slovenian novels where the notion of immigration is not expressed by a noun. As far as the loanword imigracija goes, it is only used in translated newspaper articles (about one and a half times less than priseljevanje) and in the original ones (more than five times less than priseljevanje). h) IMMIGRANT(S), IMMIGRÉ(S) Grad dictionary: immigrant(s): priseljenec Grad dictionary: immigré(s): priseljenec FraSloK vs. reference corpora (Gigafida, Spook) corpus imigrant absolute/relative f priseljenec absolute/relative f izseljenec absolute/relative f FraSloK articles 4/0.02 60/0.3 1/0.005 Gigafida articles 910/0.004 9447/0.04 4160/0.02 FraSloK novels 0/0 7/0.03 4/0.02 Spook novels 1/0.002 4/0.008 1/0.002 Lastly, we were interested in translation equivalents of the words immigrant and immigré (person who immigrated somewhere) for both of which the Grad dic­tionary suggests the translation priseljenec. In fact, this fully integrated Slovenian word stands out in all the four corpora examined. The loanword imigrant was found in all corpora except in the corpus of translated Slovenian novels, but with very low frequency in comparison with priseljenec. In all the corpora we can also observe the presence of the word izseljenec (in translated Slovenian novels it is the second most used translation equivalent) which actually corresponds to émigrant. The results of the analysis are summed up in the table below: Table 2: Summary of the translation strategies used. FraSloK articles Gigafida articles FraSloK novels Spook novels total nativised Slovenian word 3 7 6 4 20 loanword 5 1 1 3 10 With regard to the translation of the selected examples of migration-related vo­cabulary from French into Slovenian, we can observe that on the whole, the use of the nativised Slovenian words is twice as big as the use of loanwords; it particu­larly stands out in the corpus of original Slovenian newspaper articles and in the corpus of translated novels where only one example of loanword was found. As we assumed, loanwords are the most frequent in the corpus of translated news­paper articles; in fact, their frequency is almost twice as high in comparison to the nativised Slovenian words. Interestingly, a very slight difference between the use of a nativised Slovenian word versus a loanword is observed in the corpus of original Slovenian novels, the difference being only 25 % in favour of the nativ­ised Slovenian word. 4 CONCLUSION AND PERSPECTIVES The present study revealed a rare use of migration-related vocabulary in the French newspaper articles as well as novels, published between 1995 and 2009. In fact, it would be even smaller if we excluded the lexemes from group 8 (étranger(s) (foreigner(s)) etc.; see Table 1). In the journalistic subcorpus, comprising three times more migration-specific words than the literary one, 7 (out of 300) arti­cles contain more than 30 such words (from 30 to 77), which is still only from about 1 % to 4 % of all the words used in these articles, whereas in the other articles, their use is very rare or non-existent. In the literary subcorpus, 4 novels contain each more than 10 % of the words extracted (altogether 61,5 %). Two of them were written by the emigrated women writers, whereas the other two novels written by the emigrated men authors do not stand out with regard to the use of migration-specific words. This only partly confirms our supposition that the emigrated authors used more such words in comparison with the native French ones, and raises a new hypothesis, i.e. that emigrated women writers are more burdened with migration issues than men authors. To verify it, a bigger corpus with a number of additional novels should be investigated. The comparison of translations of the selected examples of migration-related words revealed the differences between the journalistic and literary discourse, confirming our supposition that the translated newspaper articles contain much more loanwords than the translated novels where nativised Slovenian words stand out. Most of the Slovenian loanwords were, according to the Slovenian etymo­logical dictionary, borrowed into Slovenian through German from Latin, except viza (visa) which was borrowed from French. As far as the reference corpora go, in the Gigafida corpus of the original Slove­nian newspaper articles, the nativised Slovenian words predominate, whereas in the corpus of the original Slovenian novels, the relation between nativised and loanwords is almost the same. The results of the analysis of corpora data raise two new hypothesis to be verified in the future, i.e. that a) in translated literature, there is a bigger care for Slove­nian words without a foreign feel than in translated newspaper articles where loanwords seem to prevail, and that b) the original Slovenian newspapers seem to pay greater attention to the use of Slovenian words than the Slovenian novelists (for example emigracija (emigration) and emigrant instead of izseljevanje/izselitev and izseljenec). Finally, on the basis of the examples studied and the corpora data used, we can notice that the Grad French-Slovenian dictionary gives a poor list of translation equivalents for individual entries. Moreover, it does not include some entries (such as migrant), which calls for the need to update it using corpus data. References Literature Barlow, Michael, 2001. ParaConc (version 269). Houston: Athelstan. Grad, Anton, 1975: Francosko-slovenski slovar. Ljubljana: DZS. Mezeg, Adriana, 2011: Korpusno podprta analiza francoskih polstavkov in njihovih prevedkov v slovenšcini. PhD thesis. Ljubljana: University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of Roman languages and literatures. Vintar, Špela, 2013: Slovenski prevodi skozi korpusno prizmo. Ljubljana: Znanst­vena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani. Sources Gigafida Slovenian national reference corpus, http://www.gigafida.net/. (Access: March 30, 2018). Sketch Engine web platform, https://www.sketchengine.co.uk/. (Access: March 30, 2018). Slovenski etimološki slovar (by Marko Snoj), http://www.fran.si/iskanje?FilteredDictionaryIds=193&View=1&Query=%2A. (Access: March 30, 2018). Spook multilingual corpus, http://nl.ijs.si/cuwi/login/spook. (Access: March 30, 2018). SSKJ (Slovar slovenskega knjižnega jezika), http://www.fran.si/. (Access: March 30, 2018). Gerne exotisch, aber bitte mit heimischen Gewürzen! Zum Gebrauch von Exonymen und Endonymen in deutschsprachigen Slowenien-Reiseführern Mladen Rieger Universität Ljubljana Povzetek V prispevku analiziramo rabo eksonimov in endonimov za geografske pokra­jine in krajevna imena v šestih nemških turisticnih vodnikih po Sloveniji. Ce­prav zaradi vse vecjega pomena pisne komunikacije raba eksonimov upada, tega trenda v analiziranih turisticnih vodnikih ni zaznati. Prav nasprotno – za dobrih 80% vseh slovenskih geografskih pokrajin je v prevodu vsaj enkrat uporabljen eksonim. Razloge za to lahko najdemo v specifiki besedilne vrste turisticni vodnik, ki potencialne popotnike oskrbuje s kopico (ne)pomembnih podatkov, pa tudi v posebni jezikovni kombinaciji slovenšcine in nemšcine; ta dva jezika imata namrec dolgo skupno zgodovino, ko so slovenske pokrajine in kraji še imeli nemška imena. Že sam slovarski obstoj teh nemških imen je ocitno dovoljšen razlog za to, da jih doloceni avtorji uporabijo kljub dejstvu, da je zavedanje o njihovem obstoju v doloceni jezikovni skupnosti že zdavnaj zbledelo. Na podlagi analize je bilo nadalje mogoce ugotovili, da so predvsem onimicni derivati pogosto izraženi z eksonimom, saj se tako lahko bolje prilagodijo mor­fološkim posebnostim jezika. Nekaterim turisticnim novinarjem bi sicer lahko ocitali, da nimajo izdelanega koncepta glede prevajanja geografskih imen – to­rej glede rabe eksonimov ali endonimov, vendar se v današnji združeni Evropi zdi custvena obravnava njihove (ne)uporabe preživeta. Kljucne besede: interlingvalna alonimija, eksonimija, endonimija, onimicni derivati, turisticni vodniki 0 EINLEITUNG Was ist ein Name? Was uns Rose heißt, Wie es auch hieße, würde lieblich duften; So Romeo, wenn er auch anders hieße, Er würde doch den köstlichen Gehalt Bewahren, welcher sein ist ohne Titel. (Shakespeare 2016) Nübling et al. (2015: 43) stellen fest, dass Eigennamen „heutzutage weniger denn je übersetzt [werden], gilt dies doch zunehmend als provinziell“. Sie füh­ren weiter, dass „Namen, v.a. im Dt., in ihrer endonymischen Originalform [belassen werden]“ (ebd.), was sie als Zitate erscheinen lasse, deren „Namen­körper dabei unangetastet [bleibt]“ (ebd.). Auch bei Back (2002: 68) finden sich diese Tendenzen bestätigt, indem er darauf hinweist, dass „die Vermittlung von Namensformen für außerhalb der Sprachgemeinschaft /…/ gelegene Ob­jekte in steigendem Maß durch das Medium der Schrift [erfolgt], so dass für phonisch und morphologisch bedingte adaptive Veränderung endonymischer Namensformen zu exonymischen nur noch wenig oder kein Anlass besteht“. Will man also einen Aufsatz zum Gebrauch von Exonymen und Endonymen in deutschsprachigen Slowenien-Reiseführern verfassen, so scheint die Exis­tenzberechtigung eines solchen Vorhabens auf den ersten Blick obsolet gewor­den zu sein. Zieht man jedoch die Textsorte Reiseführer und das Sprachenpaar Slowenisch/Deutsch in Betracht, so wird man von einem interlingualen allo­nymischen Meer überschüttet, dessen Gebrauch und Ausmaß näher untersucht werden müssen. Ein weiterer Grund, den Gebrauch slowenischer Exonyme und Endonyme in deutschsprachigen Texten zu untersuchen, liegt im pädagogischen Streben des Autors, Regelmäßigkeiten und Abweichungen aufzudecken, die den Studieren­den die nötige Sicherheit und das angestrebte Sicherheitsgefühl vermitteln, wenn sie sich ans Übersetzen touristischer Werbetexte machen, deren Volumen nicht zu unterschätzen ist. Einen Meilenstein in dieser Richtung setzten bereits Kli­nar und Grah (2000), deren erste Auflage des Handbuches Slovenski toponimi v nemških besedilih110 This is not surprising since begunec (refugee) is a questionable translation because of its connotation. bereits 36 Jahre zurückliegt. Zwischenzeitlich veränderten sich nicht nur die politischen Verhältnisse, sondern auch die geographischen Ge­gebenheiten, die sowohl nach einer praxisbezogenen als auch wissenschaftlichen Auswertung ihrer Erkenntnisse verlangen. Nicht zuletzt müssen die Ergebnis­se einer solchen Auseinandersetzung Übersetzern, Reisejournalisten, Verlegern, Studierenden und anderen Interessierten auch in deutscher Sprache zugänglich gemacht werden, um sie für diese Thematik zu sensibilisieren und weiter anzu­regen, ihre bisherigen Standpunkte zu überdenken. Schließlich ist man als Pädagoge spätestens dann verpflichtet, einen Reiseführer genau zu untersuchen, wenn die Studierenden zu Übersetzungsklausuren neben den üblichen Handreichungen und Notizen zur Unterstützung auch solche tou­ristischen Gebrauchsanweisungen mitbringen. 1 METHODE Unter den auf dem deutschsprachigen Markt verfügbaren Reiseführern wurde für diese Studie anhand von im Vorfeld festgelegten Auswahlkriterien die Wahl auf sechs Titel beschränkt. Folgende Kriterien wurden dabei berücksichtigt: Der Rei­seführer sollte das gesamte slowenische Gebiet umfassen, d.h. keine Stadtführer und keine auf bestimmte Regionen spezialisierten Ausgaben. Weiterhin wurden auch Wanderführer und Kulturreiseführer berücksichtigt, die den bereits oben formulierten Voraussetzungen entsprachen. Keine Übersetzungen bzw. deutsch­sprachige Ausgaben internationaler Verlage (z.B. Lonley Planet, Vis-ŕ-Vis usw.) wurden in Betracht gezogen, auch keine deutschen Übersetzungen slowenischer Titel. Die zu analysierenden Titel sollten in der neusten und, falls vorhanden, mindestens in der zweiten Auflage vorliegen21 Dt. „Slowenische Toponyme in deutschsprachigen Texten“. , damit eventuelle Fehler der vor­herigen zwischenzeitlich korrigiert werden konnten. Generell lassen sich an län­geren Texten Regelmäßigkeiten und Abweichungen zuverlässiger untersuchen; deshalb wurden umfangreichere Ausgaben den kompakteren32 Die einzige Ausnahme dazu war der Kulturreiseführer von Marco Kranjc, der auch neun Jahre nach seinem Erscheinen noch immer in der ersten Auflage vorliegt. vorgezogen. In die engere Wahl kamen letztlich vier allgemeine Reiseführer der Verlage Michael Müller, Baedeker, Reise Know-How-Verlag und Trescher Verlag, dazu noch ein Wanderführer aus dem Bergverlag Rother sowie der einzige auf dem Markt er­hältliche Kulturreiseführer ebenfalls aus dem Reise Know-How-Verlag. Um vergleichbare und messbare Ergebnisse zu erzielen, mussten einerseits die zu untersuchenden Toponymgruppen bestimmt und andererseits noch weiter ein­geschränkt werden, da nicht davon ausgegangen werden konnte, dass alle Ti­tel dieselben Schwerpunkte setzen werden. Obwohl das Ziel der vorliegenden Untersuchung vorwiegend darin besteht, den Umgang mit Exonymen und En­donymen am Sprachenpaar Deutsch/Slowenisch zu analysieren, kommt man nicht umhin, wie Back (2002: 105) festzustellen, dass „die meisten Eigennamen außerhalb des Bereiches der interlingualen Allonymie stehen“ und deshalb „am ehesten der Wortklasse der Realienbenennungen /…/ an die Seite zu stellen“ sind (Näheres zu Realien bei Markenstein 1998, Florin 1993, Kadric et al. 2012: 34–39, Duden-Zweifelsfälle 2016: 328). Aufgrund dessen wurden alle zu unter­suchenden Eigennamen, deonymische Derivationen und Bewohnernamen mit einem Stichwort (Tag) versehen, das sich an der von Wurm (2013) vorgeschla­genen Kategorisierung orientierte und für die Zwecke dieser Untersuchung noch erweitert wurde (z.B. [GEO, Landschaftsname], [GEO, Ortsname], [NOMEN, Bewohner]). Auf diese Weise wurden für den vorliegenden Aufsatz zwei Topo­nymgruppen gebildet: Länder- und Landschaftsnamen (Štajerska, Koroška, Go­renjska, Primorska, Dolenjska, Kranjska, Bela krajina, Prekmuje, Notranjsko) und Siedlungs- bzw. Städtenamen (Ljubljana, Maribor, Celje, Kranj, Piran, Ptuj, Nova Gorica). Innerhalb einzelner Kategorien wurde nach Regelmäßigkeiten ge­sucht, um schließlich abweichende Fälle herausarbeiten zu können, oder solche, die bislang wenig bis gar nicht berücksichtigt wurden. Für die statistische Aus­wertung wurden alle Titel mit Ausnahme des Slowenien-Reiseführers von Klaus Schameitat berücksichtigt, da letzter nicht in elektronischer Form vorliegt und dadurch mögliche Fehler bei der Datenerfassung vermieden werden wollten. Der vorliegende Aufsatz soll auf folgenden Seiten einzelne, besonders interessan­te Beispiele in den Vordergrund stellen, sie mit den notwendigen theoretischen Erkenntnissen verknüpfen und zu weiteren Untersuchungen in diesem Bereich anregen. 2 ANALYSE UND DISKUSSION Back (2002: 2) stellt sich bereits am Anfang seiner umfassenden Studie zur Übersetzbarkeit von Eigennamen die berechtigte Frage, ob man „sprachbeding­te Formverschiedenheit von Eigennamen als etwas Selbstverständliches oder als etwas Auffallendes“ ansehen soll und zieht den Schluss, dass es „wohl davon ab­hängen [wird], ob [man] einen Eigennamen vor allem als Wortschatzelement der diesen Namen jeweils benützenden Sprache ansieht oder eher als Individual­benennung, wo der Einzigartigkeit des Objektbezugs auch eine solche der Wort­form zu entsprechen hätte“. Gleichzeitig stellt er fest, dass nur „ein Bruchteil aller Eigennamen von sprachbedingter Formverschiedenheit betroffen“ (ebd.), und alleine schon deshalb dieses Pränomen etwas Seltenes sei. Die vorliegende Untersuchung wird jedoch zeigen, dass für das Sprachenpaar Slowenisch/Deutsch diese Erscheinung in deutschsprachigen Reiseführern kei­nesfalls selten oder gar marginal vorkommt; sie hat eher Regelcharakter, was ei­nerseits auf die Textsorte Reiseführer zurückzuführen und teilweise mit den von Gorsemann (1995: 147) beschriebenen fremdsprachlichen Einschüben in Reise­führern zu vergleichen ist, die „die Kompetenz des Autoren als einem Vermittler authentischer Darstellungen dokumentieren [sollen]“, andererseits auf das ge­wählte Sprachenpaar, denn wie Back (2002: 63–64) konstatiert, ist jedes Sprach­gebiet von einem „Exonymgürtel“ umgeben, innerhalb dessen „für geographische Objekte, zum Teil sogar recht unbedeutende, des benachbarten fremdsprachigen Gebietes eigene Exonyme existieren“. Einen ausgesprochen breiten Gürtel sieht Back (ebd.) „östlich und südöstlich der deutschen Sprachgrenze“, obwohl er dem Deutschen generell viele Exonyme für wenig bekannte geographische Namen zu­schreibt (ebd.: 84). a. (Un)übersetzbare Eigennamen Wenn Eigennamen (EN) zu ihrem Bezugsobjekt eine direkte und nur in seine Richtung verlaufende Verbindung herstellen, ohne dabei das Saussur’sche Signifi­kat zu bemühen und stattdessen dem Signifikanten seine für die Namen typische Monoreferenzialität bzw. Direktreferentialität verleihen (vgl. Nübling et al. 2015: 17–22), also „keine Semantik oder lexikalische Bedeutung [haben], sondern sie denotieren nur ein Objekt, gleich einem Etikett /…/ [und] sagen nichts über das Referenzobjekt aus, außer dass es X heißt“ (Nübling et al. 2015: 29), so stellt sich zwangsläufig die Frage nach der grundsätzlichen Übersetzbarkeit der Namen. Kalverkämper (1996: 1019) schreibt dazu, dass „nur übersetzt werden kann, was im Ausgangs- wie im Zielcode Zeichen-Status und somit eine sozial verständliche, konventionalisierte, eine codierte Bedeutung(sseite) hat, [und deswegen] /…/ Eigennamen, deren semantische Bedeutung nicht transparent ist, nicht übersetzt werden [können].“ Wie lassen sich dann semantisch leere Paare wie Štajerska/Steiermark, Laibacher Moor/Ljubljaner Becken, Celjer Feldherr/Cillier Altar erklä­ren? Kalverkämper (ebd.: 1019–1020) und Nübling et al. (2015: 42) beschreiben diese interlinguale Allonymie mit ähnlichen Worten; während der erste sie als „Namenvarianten“ definiert, verstehen die zweiten sie als „verschiedensprachige Formen für ein und denselben Namen“, beide stellen schließlich fest, dass bei solchen Wortpaaren keine Übersetzung, da auch keine semantische Übertragung, vorliege. Back (2002: 101) dagegen unterscheidet bei EN zwischen „eine[m] ex­tensiven synchronischen und eine[m] restriktiven diachronisch-genetischen“ Be­griff des Übersetzens, wobei er den ersten nicht nur im Sinne einer möglichst konstant zu erhaltenden Wirkung im Zieltext versteht, sondern „sekundär auch das Ersetzen zwischen je einander funktional entsprechenden Textbestandteilen, eben aufgrund des auf sie entfallenden Beitrages zu der Gesamtfunktion des Textes“ (ebd.: 100; Hervorhebung im Original). Daraus schlussfolgert er, dass „auch bei den interlingualen allonymischen Eigennamen von „Übersetzen“ zu reden“ (ebd.: 101) sei. Der zweite, restriktive Begriff des Übersetzens von EN ist nach Back (ebd.: 103) nur im Bereich jener EN anzusiedeln, die entweder „einen appellativischen Bestandteil [enthalten]“ (ebd.) oder auf deren „geschichtliches Zustandekommen“ (ebd.: 102) Bezug genommen wird. Er wirft dem restrikti­ven Übersetzungsbegriff sogar vor, „den Kontakt mit der übersetzerischen Praxis [zu vernachlässigen] (ebd.: 103), weil seiner Auffassung nach „Übersetzungsäqui­valenz zwischen zwei Wörtern nicht erst durch Gleichheit einer Wortbedeutung konstituiert [wird], sondern auch schon durch Gleichheit des bloßen Objektbe­zuges (wie es bei interlingual allonymischen Namenpaaren zweifellos gegeben ist) zustande kommen [kann]“ (ebd.; Hervorhebung im Original). Auf allonymische Namenpaare weisen sogar zwei Autoren der analysierten Reise­führer hin. Kranjc (2009: 70) erwähnt sie eher beiläufig, indem er feststellt, dass „jeder Ort und jede Gegend in Slowenien auch einen deutschen Namen [hat], um jedoch ein heilloses Sprachchaos zu vermeiden, wurden diese lediglich bei den größeren Städten und bekannteren Regionen erwähnt“. Schameitat (2016: 13) dagegen widmet dem Thema sogar ein kleines Unterkapitel, was in Reise­führern für gewöhnlich nicht vorkommt: Geographische Namen werden im vorliegenden Buch, soweit es vertret­bar ist, in der slowenischen Form angegeben. Dem endlich unabhängi­gen Staat wird man nicht gerecht, indem man an den altösterreichischen (deutschen) Bezeichnungen festhält. Eine konsequente Einheitlichkeit lässt sich indes nicht erreichen. Es gibt Namen, deren slowenische Form man gegenüber der gängigen deutschen kaum bevorzugen wird (z.B. Ju­lijske Alpe/Julische Alpen); dies trifft bei etlichen Gebirgen zu, vor allem wenn sie die Landesgrenzen Sloweniens überschreiten. In anderen Fällen ist die deutschsprachige Bezeichnung höchstens noch in Österreich geläu­fig (z.B. Windische Bühel/Slovenske gorice) und trägt wenig zur Orientie­rung bei. In historischen Zusammenhängen ist es wiederum angebracht, ehemalige Namen zu verwenden (z.B. Laibach statt Ljubljana). Auch Sehenswürdigkeiten, Institutionen und Bauwerke muss man wohl auf Deutsch nennen. Namen von Straßen und Plätzen lassen sich zwar häufig übersetzen, aber es handelt sich gleichzeitig um Adressen, und des­halb belässt man sie am besten in der ortsüblichen Version. Nicht zuletzt gibt es noch gemischte Bezeichnungen: Postonjska jama, Grotte von Po­stojna oder gleich Adelsberger Grotte (unter Verwendung des deutschspra­chigen Ortsnamens)? Ebenso: Cerkniško jezero, See von Cerknica oder Zirknitzer See? – In solchen Fällen wurde die mittlere der drei Formen ge­wählt (deutsche Sachbezeichnung mit slowenischem Ortsnamen in seiner Grundform). Wo es hilfreich oder gar nötig erschien, wurde in Klammern die Bezeichnung in der jeweils anderen Sprache hinzugesetzt. b. Interlinguale Allonymie bei slowenischen Landschafts- und Städtenamen Während Grah und Klinar (2000: 17) Exonyme für slowenische Ortsnamen (OrtsN) nur noch in historischen Kontexten zulassen und in Zitaten sogar vor­schreiben, spricht sich Back (2002: 84) dafür aus, „auch solche Objekte, für die in einem Beziehungszusammenhang der Gegenwart eine endonymische Na­mensform zu bevorzugen wäre, in bestimmten Verwendungsarten mit einem Exonym [benennen zu müssen], etwa in fest gewordenen Ausdrücken der Ge­schichtsschreibung /…/, oder wenn ein Ort in zeitlichem Rückblick oder unter besonderem ethnographischem Aspekt genannt wird“. Bei den an Österreich grenzenden Landschaftsnamen (LandschaftsN) Koroško/a und Štajersko/a überlassen Grah und Klinar (2000: 2–3) der Übersetzerin bzw. dem Übersetzer ansatzweise freie Wahl, indem sie anmerken, dass für die inner­halb Jugoslawiens43 Es wurden daher Reiseführer ab einer Gesamtlänge von mindesten 180 Seiten berücksichtigt. gelegenen Regionen slowenische Namen, d.h. Endonyme ver­wendet werden können. Präskriptiver äußern sie sich zu österreichischen Bundes­ländern (Kärnten und Steiermark), sowie zu slowenischen geographischen, nicht historischen Regionen (z.B. Gorenjsko/a, Bela Krajina), die in deutschen resp. slowenischen Texten in ihrer endonymischen Gestalt verwendet werden sollen. Die an sechs Slowenien-Reiseführern durchgeführte Analyse und ihre darauffol­gende statistische Auswertung, bei der fünf in elektronischer Form vorliegende Titel berücksichtigt wurden, ergaben, dass alle Autoren in historischen Kontex­ten, die sie nicht vorrangig als Zitieren historischer Dokumente, Anführen von historischen Staatennamen und -verbünden bzw. als Angabe historischer Adels­geschlechter verstehen, sondern vielmehr als jeglichen zeitlichen Rückblick, der mindestens in das Jahr 1945 zurückreicht, Exonyme oder Allonymenpaare ver­wendet haben. (1) Slowenien wurde besetzt und unter Ungarn, Italien und Deutschland auf­geteilt. Hitlers Anweisung lautete, „das Land wieder deutsch zu machen“. Oberkrain und die Untersteiermark wurden eingenommen und dem Gau Ka¨rnten bzw. dem Gau Obersteiermark angeschlossen. (Kranjc 2009: 51; Hervorhebung M.R.) (2) Im Vertrag von Schönbrunn wurde Laibach 1809 Hauptstadt der neu ge­schaffenen Illyrischen Provinzen, eines großen Territoriums, zu dem Krain, Triest und Görz, Oberkärnten und Teile Tirols, Kroatiens und Dalmatiens gehörten. (Schulze 2017: 48–49; Hervorhebung M.R.) (3) Die Grafschaft der Sanegg von Cilli (Celje) bildete in diesem Gefüge eine Ausnahme. Der Cilli-Clan widersetzte sich erfolgreich im 14. und 15. Jh. den Habsburgern, zudem wurde eine weitsichtige Heiratspolitik betrieben – große Teile Sloweniens und auch Kroatiens waren dadurch fest in ihren Händen. (Marr-Bieger 2017: 35; Hervorhebung M.R.) Überdies wurden insgesamt 83,33% der ausgewerteten slowenischen Land­schaftsN und 66,66% der OrtsN54 Das zitierte Werk wurde zu einer Zeit verfasst, als Slowenien noch ein Teil des ehemaligen Staatenverbundes Jugoslawien war. Dies wurde auch in der letzten (unveränderten) Auflage aus dem Jahr 2000 beibehalten. in nicht historischen Kontexten mindestens einmal in ihrer exonymen Form verzeichnet. (4) Ein durstiger Tourist hält an einem Haus in Oberkrain. „Guten Tag“, sagt er zum Hausherrn „könnte ich bitte ein Glas kaltes Wasser bekommen?“ – „Natürlich,“ sagt der Hausherr „allerdings hat der Nachbar noch kälteres Wasser als wir!“ (Kranjc 2009: 70; Hervorhebung M.R.) (5) Weitere fürs Kajakfahren gut geeignete Flüsse sind in den Alpen die Sava Bohinjka, Dolinka und Savinja, in der Inner- und Unterkrain die Kol­pa und die Krka. (Schulze 2017: 117–118; Hervorhebung M.R.) (6) Mit ihrem Mantel schützt Maria die Gläubigen – die Bewohner von Celje und Pettau, Personen unterschiedlichen Geschlechts und Standes: Neben einfachen Menschen stehen gekrönte Häupter und Kardinäle, sehr schön mit ihren Gesichtszügen dargestellt. (Marr-Bieger 2017: 367; Hervor­hebung M.R.) (7) Die Landschaft ist zumeist hügelig und reich bewaldet. Wichtige Städte in der Steiermark sind Maribor (Marburg an der Drau), Celje (Cilli), Velenje (Wöllan) und Ptuj (Pettau). (Kranjc 2009: 73; Hervorhebung M.R.) Kranjc (2009: 77; Hervorhebung im Original) hält in seinem Reiseführer sogar fest, dass „man auf dem Stempel der Deutschen Botschaft noch die Inschrift „Deutsche Botschaft Laibach“ [findet], doch hat sich der Name Ljubljana auch in Deutschland weitgehend durchgesetzt. In Österreich blieb man bis jetzt weit­gehend bei der deutschen Bezeichnung „Laibach“, ähnlich wie man dort kaum von Maribor, sondern meist von „Marburg“ spricht“. Seine Beobachtung findet Bestätigung bei Back (2002: 64; Hervorhebung im Original): Der Faktor der räumlichen Nähe oder Ferne zum Namensträger kann sich sogar innerhalb einer außenliegenden Sprache auswirken, insofern als bestimmte Exonyme mehr in solchen Teilen ihres Territoriums verwen­det werden, die dem betreffenden auswärtigen namentragenden Objekt benachbart sind, als in denen, die ihm ferner liegen. So ist z.B. das deut­sche Exonym Laibach (Endonym: sln. Ljubljana) in Österreich geläufiger als in Norddeutschland. Kategorische Forderungen von Grah und Klinar (2000: 2), innerhalb jugosla­wischer (slowenischer, siehe Fußnote 4!) Grenzen seien konsequent Endonyme zu verwenden und bei OrtsN gebe es keine Exonyme (ebd.: 16), da sie unge­bräuchlich seien (ebd.: 58), werden nur dadurch nachvollziehbar, dass „von jugo­slawischer Seite in deutschsprachigen Veröffentlichungen kein Siedlungsname, auch nicht jener der Hauptstadt ‚Belgrad‘, in deutscher Namensform gebraucht [>wurde<]“ (Back 2002: 98, Fußnote 2; Hervorhebung im Original). Dass scheinbare interlinguale allonymische Namenpaare mit Vorsicht zu wählen sind, zeigen am deutlichsten folgende Beispiele: (8) Nostalgiezug – In der Saison fährt ein historischer Dampfzug einmal im Monat von Gorizia/Nova Gorica (Start 8.45 Uhr) kommend morgens gegen 9.23 Uhr in Richtung Bohinj und Bled und kehrt abends zurück. (Köthe und Schetar 2017: 137; Hervorhebung M.R.) (9) Sehenswert ist allerdings der 1906 erbaute und schön restaurierte, klassizis­tische Riesenbahnhof aus der k. u. k.-Ära, ein unübersehbares Symbol für die große Bedeutung, die Nova Gorica/Gorizia früher hatte. (Köthe und Schetar 2017: 145; Hervorhebung M.R.) Heute steht der OrtsN Gorizia für die italienische, vormals auf Deutsch als Görz benannte Grenzstadt, demgegenüber ist Nova Gorica65 Berücksichtigt wurden folgende LandschaftsN und OrtsN: Štajerska (Steiermark), Koroška (Kärnten), Gorenjska (Ober­krain), Primorska (Küstenland, -region), Dolenjska (Unterkrain, Niederkrain), Bela krajina (Weißenmark, Weiße Mark, Weißkrain), Prekmurje (Übermurgebiet), Notranjska (Innerkrain), Ljubljana (Laibach), Maribor (Marburg), Celje (Cilli), Kranj (Krainburg) und Ptuj (Pettau). eine erst nach dem Zwei­ten Weltkrieg auf dem Reißbrett entstandene slowenische Retortenstadt, die es zur Zeit der k. u. k.-Ära noch gar nicht gegeben hatte. Darüber hinaus hat das damalige Jugoslawien nach dem Krieg quasi den Bahnhof der alten, damals noch einheitlichen Stadt sichern können, der Rest wurde später Italien zugesprochen, das infolgedessen einen neuen, auf italienischer Seite liegenden Bahnhof errich­ten musste. Auch nach Grenzwegfall zwischen den beiden Ländern bleiben beide Bahnhöfe in Betrieb, was für den sich am Reiseführer orientierenden Touristen unangenehme Konsequenzen haben könnte. c. Artikelgebrauch und Genuszuweisung EN sind aufgrund ihrer Direktreferenz auf nur ein Objekt per se definit; trotzdem unterscheiden sie sich im Gebrauch des bestimmten Artikels stark voneinander. Die Duden-Grammatik (2016: 299–302) spricht diesbezüglich von primärer Arti­kellosigkeit, primärem Artikelgebrauch, sekundärer Artikellosigkeit und sekundä­rem Artikelgebrauch. Wenn alle Onyme definit sind, dann geht die Funktion des bestimmten Artikels über das übliche Definieren hinaus und muss unbedingt mit der Genuszuweisung verknüpft werden. Nübling et al. (2015: 73–77) sprechen in diesem Zusammenhang von „referentieller“ (ebd.: 74) Genuszuweisung, d.h. dass sich „das Genus der meisten EN /…/ nur durch Kenntnis des Referenzobjekts [erschließt]“ (ebd.). Da EN keine eigene Semantik haben, könnte man umgekehrt behaupten, dass das Genus und der Artikelgebrauch bei EN Aufschluss über ihre Identität liefern, die Artikellosigkeit bzw. der Artikelgebrauch in Verbindung mit dem entsprechenden Genus dienen als „Klassenmarker“ (ebd.: 75). Berücksichtigt man die obigen Erkenntnisse, so überraschen die erhobenen Daten umso mehr. Während in Deutschland alle Bundesländer mit Ausnahme des Saar­landes primär artikellos sind, werden in Österreich nur zwei Bundesländer primär mit Artikel verwendet, und zwar die Steiermark und das Burgenland. So nimmt es nicht wunder, wenn Grah und Klinar (2000: 5) für slowenische LandschaftsN primäre Artikellosigkeit, attribuiert jedoch sekundären Artikelgebrauch und Neu­trum vorschlagen. Laut vorliegender Untersuchung werden slowenische Land­schaftsN in ihrer endonymischen Form 50 Prozent häufiger mit Artikel verwendet als artikellos (20,6% primäre Artikellosigkeit gegenüber 41,2% primärem Arti­kelgebrauch). Bei ganzen 35,3% der LandschaftsN ist der Artikelgebrauch sogar schwankend (s. Beispiele 10, 11, 12) und bei 2,9% unbestimmbar (s. Beispiel 13). (10) Gorenjska ist die wirtschaftlich stärkste Region des Landes, Industrie konzentriert sich auf den Raum um Kranj. (Schulze 2017: 17; Hervor­hebung M.R.) (11) Die wachsende Industrialisierung Sloweniens entwickelte sich zuerst in der Gorenjska. (Kranjc 2009: 70; Hervorhebung M.R.) (12) Sie sammelten die Nussfrüchte in den Wäldern der Dolenjska, Gorenjska oder der Štajerska und verkauften sie dann in gerösteter Form in den Städ­ten der Habsburger-Monarchie, besonders in Wien. (Kranjc 2009: 199; Hervorhebung M.R.) (13) Detaillierte Auskünfte und gutes Kartenmaterial zum N. P. Triglav, aber auch zur Bergwelt der Gorenjska-Region und deren Touristenorten; zu­dem sehr schöne Ausstellung über die Bergwelt /…/ u. Fahrradverleih. (Marr-Bieger 2017: 111; Hervorhebung M.R.) (14) Die Notranjska (Innerkrain) umfasst jenen Teil des Karsts, der sich vom Flusstal der Ljubljanica über die Hochplateaus von Nanos und Javorniki zum Snežnik (Schneeberg) erstreckt. (Schulze 2017: 18; Hervorhebung M.R.) Auch konnte beobachtet werden, dass der Artikelgebrauch realiter davon abhän­gig gemacht wurde, ob ein Exonym bzw. Endonym gewählt wurde. (15) Aktivurlaub wird groß geschrieben in Gorenjska – der Oberkrain. (Köthe und Schetar: 2017: 58; Hervorhebung M.R.) (16) Innerkrain fehlt ein eigenes Zentrum, auf das die Bevölkerung sich ein­deutig beziehen könnte. Aufgrund der Lage und Geschichte Innerkrains orientierte sich der westliche Bevölkerungsteil der Notranjska eher zur Adriastadt Koper hin, der östliche Teil blickt eher Richtung Ljubljana. (Kranjc 2009: 70–71; Hervorhebung M.R.) Die Analyse hat weiter gezeigt, dass 63,88% aller slowenischen LandschaftsN in ihrer endonymen Form feminin gebraucht werden (s. Beispiel 17), lediglich 8,33% neutral (vgl. das Zitat aus Grah und Klinar 2000: 5 weiter oben!), bei 13,04% ist das Genus bei ein und demselben Autor sogar schwankend (s. Beispiele 19, 20), in 30,43% der Fälle war das Genus nicht bestimmbar (s. Beispiel 21). (17) Die Dolenjska (Unterkrain) zieht sich vom Becken von Ljubljana bis zu den Flusstälern der Kolpa im Süden und Sava im Osten. (Schulze 2017: 18; Hervorhebung M.R.) (18) Eine Ausnahme bildete das Prekmurje (Übermurgebiet) an der Grenze zu Ungarn. (Kranjc 2009: 98; Hervorhebung M.R.) (19) Im Norden nach Kamnik hin ragen im slowenischen Kärnten, dem Koros.ko, die Felswände der Alpen steil in den Himmel, der Voralpen­raum mit Hügeln, Weinbergen und vielen Flüssen, die slowenische Steier­mark, S.tajerska, zieht sich nach Süden und Osten hin und schließlich ragt ein Finger der subpannonischen Ebene aus Ungarn herein und umfasst Celje. (Köthe und Schetar 2017: 276; Hervorhebung M.R.) (20) Gostilna Murko, /…/. Spezialitäten aus der Koros.ka wie Schlachtplatte; viele Busse. (Köthe und Schetar 2017: 312; Hervorhebung M.R.) (21) Durch den Vertrag von Rapallo kamen die Küstenregion Primorska ein­schließlich Triests und des Socatals, sowie das westliche Innerkrain rund um Idrija und Postojna zu Italien; die Rapallogrenze von 1921 trennte ca. 400.000 Slowenen vom südslawischen Königreich. (Wecker 2016: 21; Hervorhebung M.R.) Sogar das Genus bei exonym verwendeten LandschatsN ist nicht einheitlich. So werden dem LandschaftsN Krain und seinen Komposita alle drei Genera zugewiesen. (22) Sie verbindet quer durch den Nationalpark zwei gänzlich verschiedene slowenische Regionen: das alpenländische Oberkrain und das mediterran geprägte Primorska. (Marr-Bieger 2017: 82; Hervorhebung M.R.) (23) Die alpenländische Stadt zählt mit ihren Vororten etwa 55.500 Einwoh­ner und ist das Verwaltungs- und Wirtschaftszentrum der Oberkrain. (Marr-Bieger 2017: 257; Hervorhebung M.R.) (24) In der ethnologischen Sammlung widmet man sich dem Alltagsleben in der Unterkrain. (Köthe und Schetar 2017: 233; Hervorhebung M.R.) (25) Von Ljubljana südwestwärts erreicht man die Dolenjska /…/, den Unter­krain, im Norden mit Zentrum Novo mesto und dem malerischen Krka-Tal. (Marr-Bieger 2017: 313; Hervorhebung M.R.) d. Deonymische Derivate Im Bereich deonymischer Derivate und Konversionen (vgl. dazu Fleischer und Barz 2012: 317–319, Nübling et al. 2015: 61–63, 77–80, Lohde 2016: 180, 185–186) ist festzuhalten, dass mit Ausnahme einiger größerer Städte, die nicht selten in ihrer endonymischen bzw. exonymischen Gestalt konkurrierend vor­zufinden sind, ihr Gebrauch entweder vermieden oder exonymisch ausgedrückt wird. Exonyme Derivate und Konversionen sind „als sprachliches Zeichen [of­fensichtlich] erheblich leichter zu handhaben, und zwar für Sender und für Emp­fänger“ (Back 2002: 84), als ihr endonymes Allonymenpaarglied. Schematisch kann der Gebrauch so dargestellt werden: Exonym vorwiegend Exonym vorwiegend Endonym Exonym und Endonym Fremdwort Vermeidung Umschrei­bung Kom­posita Derivate auf -isch (LandschaftsN) + + Derivate auf -er (LandschaftsN) + + Derivate auf -er (OrtsN) + + Bewohner (LandschaftsN) + + + Bewohner (OrtsN) + + Deonymische Derivate auf -isch sind selten und finden ausschließlich in ihrer prädominanten attributiven Funktion Verwendung, deren onymische Basen durchweg Exonyme sind. (26) Sitzmöglichkeiten im oberkrainisch ausgestatteten Innenbereich oder auf der überdachten Terrasse. (Marr-Bieger 2017: 117; Hervorhebung M.R.) (27) Die Fülle der darin vereinten wissenschaftlichen, um scharfe Beobachtun­gen angereicherten Informationen bescherte Valvasor in der europäischen Geisteswelt den Beinamen »krainischer Herodot«. (Schulze 2017: 82; Hervorhebung M.R.) Grah und Klinar (2000: 8–15) weisen darauf hin, dass solche aus slowenischen LandschaftsN abgeleiteten Adjektive mit dem Suffix -er zu bilden sind, weiter schlagen sie vor, dadurch entstandene Hiate mit einer von-Konstruktion aufzu­lösen. Alle slowenischen Regionen lauten auf einen Vokal aus; daher ist das Zu­sammentreffen zweier Vokale bei Suffixbildungen auf -er unvermeidbar. Text­sortenbedingt ist die Häufigkeit deonymischer Derivate und Konversionen in Reiseführern so hoch, dass ein rekurrentes Zurückgreifen auf Substitute stilistisch fragwürdig erscheint. Statt von-Konstruktionen werden oft Komposita (s. Bei­spiel 28), Possessivgenitiv (s. Beispiel 29) und andere präpositionale Fügungen (s. Beispiel 30) verwendet. (28) Eine Prekmurje-Spezialität ist Bograc, ein Eintopf aus Fleischstücken vom Schwein, Rind und Wild, hinzu kommen Kartoffeln u. v. a. vie­le Zwiebeln, manchmal auch Pilze. (Marr-Bieger 2017: 353; Hervor­hebung M.R.) (29) Traditionelle Keramik wird kaum noch produziert, nur auf den Märkten des Prekmurje kann man mit etwas Glück schwarz lasierte Schalen und Teller bekommen, die typisch sind für diese Region und das angrenzende Ungarn. (Köthe und Schetar 2017: 486; Hervorhebung M.R.) (30) Spezialitäten aus dem Prekmurje in einem gemütlichen Ambiente. (Köthe und Schetar 2017: 47; Hervorhebung M.R.) Es nimmt kaum wunder, dass einerseits Derivate aus einigen LandschaftsN gänz­lich vermieden werden (z.B. für Bela krajina, Dolenjska und Primorska, sieht man von Komposita wie Küstenort oder Küstenstädte ab), andererseits jene für den LandschaftsN Krain, der in seiner Grundform ohnedies vorwiegend exonym ver­wendet wird, bei allen Autoren vorkommen. Es konnte lediglich eine endonyme Derivationsform aus slowenischen LandschaftsN erfasst werden: (31) Der Gutshof mit Storchennest am Dach birgt das Hotel Štrk (Storch) und ein Restaurant; hier gibt’s feinste Prekmurjer Küche, auch leckeren Fisch, vom betagten Meisterkoch Branko Casar. (Marr-Bieger 2017: 353; Her­vorhebung M.R.) Deonymische Bezeichnungen für slowenische Bewohner auf -er und ihre unflek­tierten adjektivischen Konversionen werden entweder umschrieben oder gänzlich vermieden (s. Beispiel 32). Beziehen sich die Bewohnernamen auf slowenische Landschaften, so werden sie vorwiegend in ihrer exonymen Form oder als Fremd­wörter verwendet (s. Beispiel 33), stehen sie dagegen für Städte, dann überwiegen Endonyme (s. Beispiel 34). Bei adjektivischen Konversionen konkurrieren Endo­nyme und Exonyme gleichermaßen (s. Beispiele 35, 36). (32) Ältere Einwohner Ljubljanas erinnern sich noch an ihn: Mit Hut und schwarzem Gewand flanierte er durch die Straßen der Stadt, das Haupt grüblerisch gesenkt. (Schulze 2017: 79; Hervorhebung M.R.) (33) Kommt ein Štajerc (Steirer) zur Beichte und fragt den Priester: „Ist es eine Sünde, Štajerc zu sein?“ Sagt der Pfarrer: „Na ja, eine Sünde nicht gerade. Aber schön ist es auch nicht!“ (Kranjc 2009: 73; Hervorhebung M.R.) (34) An seinen Ufern wurden Picknickplätze eingerichtet und am Wochenende fahren die Mariborer gerne hoch zur nahen Osankarica und wandern die 15 Min. auf Holzbohlen zum See herüber. (Köthe und Schetar 2017: 461; Hervorhebung M.R.) (35) Am wichtigen Handelsknotenpunkt der von der Ostsee zur Adria führen­den Bernsteinstraße (über Štanjel) und der Via Egnatia (s.u.) erbauten sie unter anderem im Laibacher Moor (südwestlich des heutigen Ljubljana) die Pfahlbausiedlung Emona. (Marr-Bieger 2017: 31; Hervorhebung M.R.) (36) Die Aussicht vor allem gen Süden und Osten ist fantastisch – wer mag, nächtigt hier, erlebt einen fantastischen Sternenhimmel und das Funkeln der Lichter von Kranj und weiteren Orten im breiten Ljubljaner Be­cken, zudem einen grandiosen Sonnenaufgang im Osten und ein Wat­te-Wolkenmeer über dem Bohinjer-Tal mit See. (Marr-Bieger 2017: 484; Hervorhebung M.R.) Besonders hervorzuheben ist die deonymische Konversion des OrtsN Ljublja­na (s. Beispiel 36). In drei Reiseführern (Marr-Bieger 2017, Köthe und Schetar 2017, Kranjc 2009) wird durch apokopierte Suffixderivate auf -er, die als un­flektierte Attribute bzw. als Bewohnernamen auftreten, der als störend empfun­dene Hiat vermieden. Auch bei deutschen OrtsN auf -en kann vor dem Suffix -er das auslautende -en wegfallen (Bremen – Bremer, Emden – Emder, Mün­chen – Münch(e)ner, Zürich – Zür(i)cher). Der den im Deutschen bevorzugten Trochäus fördernde Wegfall ist zwar rückläufig und oft nur noch dialektal zu beobachten, zudem wird dadurch gegen die angestrebte onymische Schemakon­stanz – „die exakte Wiedergabe von Eigennamen“ (Duden-Grammatik 2016: 200) – verstoßen (vgl. auch Duden-Zweifelsfälle 2016: 270, Nübling et al. 2015: 79, zum Wortakzent auch Eisenberg 2006: 138–149), abseits dessen ist der apo­kopierten Lösung eine akzeptable Anpassung an das deutsche morphologische und phonologische System zu bescheinigen. Allerdings gibt es vor allem in den Bundesländern Thüringen und Sachsen eine Reihe deutscher auf -a endender OrtsN (z.B. Apolda, Niederjahna, Oberfrohna, Mittweida, Görna, Hoyerswer­da, Bischofswerda usw.), die trotz Zusammentreffens zweier Vokale nichtapoko­pierte Suffixderivate auf -er bilden (Apoldaer, Niederjahnaer usw.). Eine GOO­GLE-Anfrage (11.09.2018) zu ihren apokopierten Pendants (Apolder, Nieder­jahner, Oberfrohner, Mittweider, Görner, Hoyerswerder, Bischofswerder) ergab immerhin mindestens einen Treffer für den jeweiligen OrtsN (aber auch 145 für Oberfrohner und sogar über 10000 für Hoyerswerder). 3 CONCLUSIO UND AUSBLICK Mag heutzutage der Gebrauch von Exonymen noch so verstaubt und altbacken klingen (vgl. Nübling et al. 2015: 43) oder „gegenüber dem Gesamtbestand an Namensformen relativ zunehmend in die Minderheit und in einen Ausnah­mestatus [geraten]“ (Back 2002: 68), nimmt er in deutschsprachigen Slowe­nien-Reiseführern eine besondere Stellung ein. Dies liegt einerseits daran, dass „in Gestalt der Reiseführer /…/ Konglomerate von unterschiedlichen Themen [vorkommen], über die in der Regel sowohl wissenschaftliche wie populäre Ein­zelabhandlungen existieren“ (Gorsemann 1995: 41) und worin „die verschie­densten Informationen /…/ zur Landeskunde, Kultur und Natur der beschrie­benen Regionen, alles das, was der Tourist zum praktischen Zurechtfinden nicht braucht, wohl aber zur bildenden Unterhaltung, den Touristen [ermöglichen], ihren Urlaub in ideeller Weise lohnend zu gestalten“ (ebd.: 43). Andererseits liegt Slowenien neben Tschechien, der Slowakei und Polen in jenem geographi­schen Gürtel, in dem das Deutsche historisch bedingt auf zahlreiche Exonyme zurückgreifen kann, in „[deren] Kenntnis und [dessen] Gebrauch der sprach­lich geformte Wissensbesitz eines Gebildeten zum Ausdruck kommt“ (Back 2002: 73). Trotz eines allgemein festgestellten Exonymen­schwunds, diesem seine Daseinsberechtigung zu entziehen (vgl. Klinar und Grah 2000: 2,16,58), wäre gleichermaßen sachlich wie moralisch falsch. „Denn [es gehört] /…/ zu den Funktionen jeder Einzelsprache, ihrer Sprachgemeinschaft tendenziell den Kosmos aller begegnenden Erscheinungen mit spracheigenen lexikalischen Mitteln zu erschließen“ (Back 2002: 71) sowie es notwendig ist, offene sprach­politische und ortholinguistische Fragen zwischen zwei Sprachgemeinschaften einvernehmlich zu lösen. Es wäre nämlich ein Zeichen ungenügender kritischer Grundhaltung, den Österreichern das Recht auf ihre exonymen Formen für slowenische Landschafts- und OrtsN zu verweigern und sich gleichzeitig für zweisprachige Ortstafeln in Kärnten einzusetzen. Man muss nicht jeden exonymen Gebrauch gutheißen, primär wenn er das Er­gebnis einer redaktionellen Entscheidung ist, alle slowenischen Landschafts- und OrtsN systematisch exonym und endonym einzuführen, zumal „in den Fällen schwankenden Namengebrauches es meist nicht möglich [ist], auf das Kriterium der muttersprachlichen Kompetenz /…/ zu rekurrieren, weil eine solche Kom­petenz sich nicht auf lexikalische Randgebiete fachterminologischen Charakters erstreckt“ (Back 2002: 79). Gleichzeitig gibt es aber auch Autoren, die unter Verzicht auf onymische Derivate vom Exonym-Gebrauch weitgehend absehen oder dafür dann doch auf exonyme Basen zurückgreifen. Gerade das grundsätz­liche Fehlen endonymer Derivate – einige größere Städte ausgenommen – deutet darauf hin, dass Flexionsformen noch immer ‚exonymaffiner‘ sind als ihre nicht flektierten Grundformen. Viele Doubletten in Form allonymischer Paarglieder sowie schwankender Ge­nus- und Artikelgebrauch in ein und demselben Reisführer rufen nach zwin­gend notwendigen Veränderungen im redaktionellen Prozess, die den Autoren und Autorinnen den nötigen fachsprachlichen Support und eindeutige interne Richtlinien zur Verfügung stellen würden, die sich an den neuesten Erkennt­nissen der Sprach- und Übersetzungswissenschaft orientieren. Der Einwand, dass solche Vorschläge im Bereich der Sprachlenkung anzusiedeln sind, ist hinfällig, da jede Entscheidung für bzw. gegen Exonyme und Endonyme unter anderem „mit Fragen von Politik und Ideologie [verknüpft ist]“ (Back 2002: 78–79). In­folgedessen ist es zweifelsohne von Vorteil, solche Entscheidungsfindungen nicht einem einzelnen Autor oder Autorenpaar zu überlassen. Die durchgeführte Studie warf gleichzeitig neue Fragen auf, die es in Zukunft zu untersuchen gilt. Neben anderen Toponymgruppen wäre es besonders inter­essant, auch andere nichtonymische Realien einzuschließen. Eine vergleichende Studie deutscher Originaltitel mit den von slowenischen Verlagen veröffentlich­ten und ins Deutsche übersetzten Reiseführern könnte aufschlussreiche Über­schneidungen und Abweichungen im Gebrauch von Exonymen und Endony­men aufzeigen. Allen untersuchten Reiseführern ist gemein, dass sie slowenische, einfach ins Deutsche zu übersetzende Ausdrücke (Fremdwörter) verwenden, die nicht zur Gruppe der Realien gezählt werden können – man könnte sie analog zu falschen Freunden „falsche Realien“ nennen – und deren Gebrauch insofern für weitere Forschungsvorhaben interessant wäre, als er textsortenspezifisch eine appelative Funktion zu erfüllen scheint, die den Fremdwörtern in Werbetexten bescheinigt wird (mehr dazu in Janich 2005: 109–117). Quellenverzeichnis Köthe, Friedrich und Daniela Schetar, 2017: Slowenien mit Triest. Handbuch für individuelles Entdecken. Bielefeld: Reise-Know-How Verlag. Kranjc, Marco, 2009: KulturSchock Slowenien. Bielefeld: Reise-Know-How Verlag. Marr-Bieger, Lore, 2017: Slowenien. Erlangen: Michael Müller Verlag. Schameitat, Klaus, 2016: Slowenien. Zwischen Alpen, Adria und Pannonischem Tiefland. Berlin: Trescher Verlag. Schulze, Dieter, 2017: Slowenien. Ostfildern: Verlag Karl Baedeker. Wecker, Evamaria, 2016: Slowenien mit Julischen Alpen, Karawanken, Steiner Al­pen und Karst. München: Bergverlag Rother. Shakespeare, William, 2016: Romeo und Julia. Stuttgart: Reclam Kindle Edition. Literaturverzeichnis Back, Otto, 2002: Übersetzbare Eigennamen. Eine synchronische Untersuchung von interlingualer Allonymie und Exonymie. Wien: Praesens Verlag. DUDEN, 2016: Die Grammatik. Unentbehrlich für richtiges Deutsch. Berlin: Dudenverlag. DUDEN, 2016: Das Wörterbuch der sprachlichen Zweifelsfälle. Richtiges und gutes Deutsch. Berlin: Dudenverlag. Eisenberg, Peter, 2006: Das Wort. Grundriss der deutschen Grammatik. Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler. Fleischer, Wolfgang und Irmhild Barz, 2012: Wortbildung der deutschen Gegen­wartssprache. Berlin und Boston: Walter de Gruyter. Florin, Sider, 1993: Realia in translation. Zlateva, Palma (Hrsg.): Translation as Social Action. London und New York: Routledge. Gorsemann, Sabine, 1995: Bildungsgut und touristische Gebrauchsanweisung. Produktion, Aufbau und Funktion von Reiseführern. Münster und New York: Waxmann. Grah, Käthe und Stanko Klinar, 2000: Slovenski toponimi v slovenskih besedilih. Ljubljana: Univerza v Ljubljani. Janich, Nina, 2005: Werbesprache. Ein Arbeitsbuch. Tübingen: Gunther Narr Verlag. Kadric, Mira, Klaus Kaindl, Michčle Cooke, 2012: Translatorische Methodik. Wien: Facultas. Kalverkämper, Hartwig, 1996: Namen im Sprachaustausch: Namenübersetzung. Eichler, Ernst, Gerold Hilty, Heinrich Löffler, Hugo Steger, Ladislav Zgusta: Namenforschung. Ein internationales Handbuch zur Onomastik. Bd. 2. Berlin und New York: Walter de Gruyter. Lohde, Michael, 2006: Wortbildung des modernen Deutschen. Ein Lehr- und Übungsbuch. Tübingen: Narr Francke Attempo Verlag. Markstein, Elisabeth, 1998: Realia. Snell-Hornby, Mary, Hans G. Hönig, Paul Kußmaul, Peter A. Schmitt (Hrsg.): Handbuch Translation. Tübingen: Stauf­fenburg Verlag. Nübling, Damaris, Fabian Fahlbusch, Rita Heuser, 2015: Namen. Eine Einfüh­rung in die Onomastik. Tübingen: Narr Francke Attempo Verlag. Wurm, Andrea, 2013: Eigennamen und Realia in einem Korpus studentischer Über­setzungen (KOPTE). trans-kom6 [2], http://www.trans-kom.eu/bd06nr02/trans-kom_06_02_06_Wurm_Eigennamen.20131212.pdf. (11.03.2018) Interkulturelle Speisekarten und gastronomische Grüße aus Zadar Helga Begonja Universität Zadar Povzetek Gastronomija je pogosto zanimiv nacin spoznavanja druge kulture. Drugacne jedi in novi okusi pritegnejo marsikoga, da se poda na tuje in tam odkrije ku­linaricno raznolikost druge dežele. Avtorica na primeru jedilnikov hrvaškega mesta Zadar analizira, katere tuje jedi so postale del dalmatinske kuhinje. Poleg tega skuša ugotoviti, ali so v jedilnikih na razumljiv in primeren nacin podane informacije o ponudbi restavracij glede domacih jedi, ali prevodi le-teh tujim gostom nudijo dovolj informacij in ce so dovolj privlacni. Kljucne besede: gastronomija, kulturni in jezikovni stik, prevajalec, jedilnik, funkcionalna prevodna teorija 0 EINLEITUNG Die nationale Küche und die Lebensmittel sind oft der interessanteste Weg, ei­nen Einblick in eine andere Kultur zu gewinnen. Wenn eine Rezeptur oder ein Gericht als Landesspezialität gilt, wäre ihr Ruf ohne interkulturellen Austausch höchstwahrscheinlich nicht zustande gekommen. Die nationalen Küchen wur­den sehr oft von vielen Einflüssen geprägt. Als ein gutes Beispiel kann man das Gericht Wiener Schnitzel nennen. Es hat seinen Ursprung nicht in Wien, son­dern in Venedig, weil die italienischen Köche schon im 16. Jahrhundert Fleisch in Weißbröseln bucken. Nach der Legende kam das Schnitzel nach Österreich Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts, und zwar durch den österreichischen Feldmarschall Radetzky. Heutzutage ist es eine der bekanntesten österreichischen Spezialitäten16 Umso interessanter ist die Verwendung allonymischen Namenpaares Nova Gorica – Neu-Görz bei Schulze (2017: 246), da es sich hierbei um eine der wenigen slowenischen erst nach 1945 gegründeten Städte handelt. . In ihrer langjährigen Geschichte wurden die kroatischen Regionen von Ungarn, Venezianern, Österreichern, Türken und Franzosen beherrscht und all diese Na­tionen hinterließen ihre Spuren in der kroatischen Küche. Die Kroaten haben viele fremde Speisen und fremde Einflüsse angenommen und ihnen ihre eigene kulinarische Ausprägung gegeben. In dieser Abhandlung wird am Beispiel der aktuellen Speisekarten der Stadt Za­dar analysiert, welche Speisebezeichnungen, die heute als dalmatinische Spezia­litäten und kroatische Nationalspeisen gelten, aus fremden Sprachen entlehnt wurden. Es wird weiterin analysiert, welche Übersetzungsverfahren bei der Trans­lation dieser nulläquivalenten kroatischen Kultureme verwendet wurden und ob dabei der Translatskopos realisiert wurde. 1 ENTLEHNUNGEN IM KROATISCHEN Unter Entlehnung (Lehngut, Lehnwort, loan-word, borrowing, borrowed word, im­port, emprunt, parola importata) verstehen wir die Übernahme fremden Sprach­materials in die jeweilige Muttersprache. Die Entlehnung erfolgt beim Sprach­kontakt zweier Völker und Sprachen und die Lehnwörter passen sich in starkem Maße oder ganz ihrer „Gastsprache“ an (vgl. Simeon 1969: 112–113). Wegen seiner geographischen Lage und der geschichtlichen Ereignisse war Kroa­tien verschiedenen kulturellen und sprachlichen Einflüssen ausgesetzt. Kontakte mit der venezianischen, deutschen, österreichischen, ungarischen und türkischen Bevölkerung hatten wichtige Folgen für das sprachliche Lehngut im Kroatischen. 1.1 Entlehnungen aus dem Deutschen im Bereich der Gastronomie Kroatien war über mehrere Jahrhunderte politisch und kulturell mit dem Habs­burgerreich verbunden und dies hatte Folgen insbesondere in der Sprache hin­terlassen. Besonders der Wortschatz aus den Bereichen der Verwaltung und des Militärs, der Technik und des Handwerks, der Wohn- und Lebenskultur wurde mit vielen Germanismen bereichert (vgl. dazu Ivanetic in Stojic 2009: 99.107). Es gibt mehrere Faktoren, die die Übernahme deutscher Entlehnungen begünsti­gen. Von 1527 war Kroatien ein Teil der Habsburgermonarchie und diese politi­sche Gemeinschaft dauerte bis zum Zerfall der österreich-ungarischen Monarchie im Jahre 1918. Im 17. Jahrhundert wurde die sog. Militärgrenze (kroat. Vojna krajna) errich­tet, die sich größtenteils durch kroatisches Gebiet erstreckte und ebenfalls den kroatisch-deutschen Bilingualismus begünstigte (vgl. Piškorec 2005: 56, zit. nach Ivanetic in Stojic 2009: 100). Im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert kam es zu einer geplanten und systematischen Ko­lonisation Nord- und Ostkroatiens. Die Einwanderer aus Franken, Lothringen, Oberrhein, Schwaben, Tschechien, Mähren und Österreich hatten einen großen Einfluss auf die Sprache, die durch viele deutsche Lehnwörter bereichert wurde (vgl. dazu Štebih 2009: 92; Rittig-Beljak 2003: 83). Die Entlehnungen aus dem Bereich der Ess- und Trinkkultur, die in die kroati­sche Sprache aufgenommen und an ihre Regeln angepasst wurden, sind beispiels­weise folgende: aufšnit (dt. Aufschnitt; kroat. hladni narezak); fiš (dt. Fisch; kroat. riblji paprikaš); karmenadl (dt. Karbonade; kroat. meso od rebra); knedla (dt. Knö­del; kroat. valjušak, okruglica); špek (dt. Speck; kroat. slanina) (vgl. dazu Ivanetic in Stojic 2009: 102-106; Rittig-Beljak 2003: 55-68). Wiesinger (1998: 27, zit. nach Štebih 2009: 92) betont, dass der für Österreich charakteristische Wortschatz alle Lebensbereiche betrifft, sich jedoch besonders auf dem Gebiet der Verwaltung und im gastronomischen Bereich mit Bezeich­nungen für Früchte, Gemüse, Lebensmittel, Speisen, Speisenzubereitung und Küchengeräte häuft. Štebih (2009: 93) verwendet für die Lehnwörter österreichi­scher Herkunft den Begriff Austriazismen und führt folgende Beispiele an: österr. Eingemachtes – kroat. ajgemahtes, ajngemaht, ajngemahtes, ajnmokc, angmohec; ös­terr. Kapuziner - kroat. kapuciner; österr. Tascherl, Tatschkerl – kroat. tacrkli, taški, tašrli; österr. Struckel - kroat. štrukal, štruklja, štrukel, štrukelj, štrukljec, usw. 1.2 Entlehnungen aus dem Italienischen im Bereich der Gastronomie Das gesellschaftliche und kulturelle Leben an der adriatischen Ostküste, in Is­trien, Dalmatien und Dubrovnik wurde vom romanischen Element geprägt. Dalmatien stand vier Jahrhunderte lang (1420-1797) unter der Herrschaft der Republik Venedig und die dalmatinischen Städte Dubrovnik, Split und Zadar waren kulturelle Zentren mit bilingualer Bevölkerung (vgl. Štebih 2009: 95.96). Die heutigen italienischen Lehnwörter an der adriatischen Küste stammen aus dem venezianischen Dialekt, der sich sehr stark von seiner heutigen Form unter­schied. Vom 16. Jh. an wurde das Venezianische parallel mit dem Toskanischen gebraucht, das zunehmend an Wichtigkeit gewann und letztendlich zur Kultur­sprache wurde. Die Entlehnungen aus dem Venezianischen und Italienischen im Bereich der Gastronomie sind beispielsweise kaneloni (ven. cannelloni); njoki (ven. gnocchi); makaruni (ven. und ital. macarňni); panceta (ven. panzčta); pršut (ital. prosciutto); p.šta š.ta (ital. pastasciůtta). 1.3 Entlehnungen aus dem Ungarischen im Bereich der Gastronomie Die meisten Ungarismen wurden im Zeitraum vom 13. bis 17. Jahrhundert ent­lehnt. Der ungarische Einfluss im Kroatischen wurde im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert immer schwächer. Zusammen mit den Speisen entlieh man auch ihre Namen (ung. Dobostorta - kroat. doboštorta; ung. Gulyás - kroat. gulaš; ung. Lepény - kro­at. lepinja) (vgl. Štebih 2009: 94). 1.4 Entlehnungen aus dem Türkischen im Bereich der Gastronomie Das Türkische hatte oft eine vermittelnde Rolle bei der Übernahme arabischer und persischer Wörter. In die kroatische Gastronomie importierte man baklava (tür.; arab. baqlawa), cufte (tür. köfte