Marjan BEŽAN in Jože DEKLEVA
Mesto Ljubljana v tranziciji: med trgom in planom
The City of Ljubljana in Transition: between the Market and the Plan

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Uvod
s pojmom tranzicija razumemo sl<upino reform, s katerimi naj bi v nekdaj socialističnih državah v razmeroma kratkem času vzpostavili Institucionalne razmere za uveljavitev tržnega gospodarstva, pluralne demokracije in pravne države. Tako naj bi tudi na Vzhodu dosegli blaginjo, ki jo danes uživa večina prebivalcev Zahoda.
Stranskih vplivov, ki jih bodo morda povzročili reformni procesi, ne moremo napovedati. Kako bodo sprejeli porast socialne in teritorialne diferenciacije prebivalci, ki so desetletja živeli v razmerah kolektivizma in egalitarizma?
Upoštevati moramo, da Je to, kar danes v nekdanjih socialističnih državah poskušamo doseči z zakoni, na Zahodu nastajalo več stoletij. Za našo razpravo o mestu v tranziciji je posebej pomembno dejstvo, da so se institucije tržnega gospodarstva in pluralne demokracije najprej uveljavile v svobodnih mestih Zahodne Evrope, šele v obdobju 1789-1848 pa so se razširile na celotno ozemlje nastajajočih držav. Zametki Institucij tržnega gospodarstva in pluralne demokracije so pravzaprav obstajali v gospodarskem In političnem življenju mest, institucije pa so imele svojo osnovo v urbanih civilnih družbah, ki so se kasneje uveljavile na celotnem nacionalnem teritoriju.
Vzhod poskuša s tranzicijo dohiteti Zahod po drugI poti, Z institucionalnimi reformami na nacionalni ravni
Introduction
The notion of transition suggests a group of refonns which are supposed to establish institutional conditions for the putting into force of a market economy, political pluralism and tlie rule of law in former socialist coLmtries over a relatively short period. This is supposed to ensure that tlie prosperity currently enjoyed by tlie majority of the population ofWestem Europe can also be achieved in the East.
The side effects of tliis process of refonns cannot be predicted. How will a population which has lived imder conditions of collectivism and egali tarianism react to the increase of social and territorial dilTerentia-tion?
It ought to be pointed out that what the fonner socialist countries are attempting to achieve by means of institutional reforms took several centuries in the West. The fact that the institutions of a market economy and political pluralism only began to make their presence felt in tlie free cities of Western Europe and then between 1789 and 1848 spread across the entire territoiy of the emerging nations is of particular significance for our debate on the city in transition. ITie roots of a market economy and political pluralism actually existed in the economic and political life of cities, while the institutions themselves had their own basis in urban civil societies which later began to have an influence across tlie coimtiy as a whole.
Stanovary'a Stanovarysko gospodarstvo Stanovanjska gradrya Tržno gospodarstvo Slovenyaljubyana
Za mesta u tranziciji Je značUrio, da se ne usmeijqjo več s planskimi mehanizmi in tildi tržni mehanizmi ne deliyejo. V državah v tranzicyi mesta niso relevanten družbeni prostor. V mestu IJiibiJana se nadaljujejo sti-hyski procesi stanovaiijskle gradnje iz preteklosti
Housing Housing economy Housing construction Market economy Slovenia IJubyana
The cities in transition are not regulated any more by planning mechanism while the majicet maechanism is not workiiig yet. For societies in transition the city space is not relevant In the city of IJublJana non regulate processes of housing de-velopenient are a:>ntinnuing.

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si prizadeva predvsem za to, da bi ustvaril razmere za tržno gospodarstvo. Vzhod verjetno predvideva, da bo to zadoščalo za razvoj urbane civilne družbe, ki je pogoj za pluralno demokracijo in pravno državo, vendar se na Vzhodu nI nikoli razvila v takšni obliki, kot se je to zgodilo na Zahodu.
Ekonomisti, ki so zasnovali tran-acijske reforme, v svoje modele težko vgrajujejo tudi socialne in prostorske vidike trarcicije. Zato predpostavljajo, da bo gospodarska reforma ustvarila materialno osnovo za morebitno kasnejše obvladovanje socialnih in teritorialnih konfliktov s prerazporejanjem dohodka. To se sicer sliši razumno, toda velja pomisliti tudi na možnost, da lahko socialna In teritorialna diferenciacija preseže prag obvladljivosti, še preden bodo oblikovane predvidene materialne osnove. Ali lahko to v nekaterih vzhodnoevropskih državah povzroči take razmere za tržno ekonomijo, kot so jo v nekaterih latinskoameriških državah uspešno uresničile vojaške hunte?
S tem kratkim uvodom smo poskušali problematizirati vprašanje o ustreznosti oženja tranzicijskih reform, ki bi se nanašale izključno na gospodarske reforme. S primerom mesta Ljubljane bomo utemeljili potrebo po reformi sistema gospodarjenja s prostorom, kajti med pogoje za razvoj tržnega gospodarstva spadajo tudi nujne spremembe pri gospodarjenju z mestnim prostorom. Na tem področju v Sloveniji zaostajamo, zato se je tudi mesto Ljubljana znašlo v položaju, ko je Ustavno sodišče - na pobudo posameznikov - odpravilo nekdanje mehanizme "planskega usmerjanja prostorskega razvoja", hkrati pa država ni vzpostavila možnosti za razvoj trga zemljišč in za razvoj državnih intervencij. Nadaljevanje takih razmer bo povzročilo mestu gospodarsko škodo, ker se ni sposobno ustrezno odzvati na domače ali tuje investicijske pobude, hkrati pa tudi ni zmožno ustvariti osnovnih možnosti za razvoj ustrezne stanovanjske oskrbe.
Mednarodne institucije Slovenijo sicer uvrščajo v skupino maloštevilnih
Wi(h transition, the E^st is attempting to catch up with the West in a different way. With the institutional reforms at the national level, its pri-maiy goal is the creation of suitable conditions for a market economy. The East probably hopes that this will suffice for the development of an urban civil society, which is a precondition for political pluralism and the rule of law but which was never developed in the Eiast to the same extent as In the West
Economists who establish the basis for transitional reforms find it difficult to incorporate social and spatial aspects of transition into their models. They expect economic re-fonn to create a material basis for possible later regulation of social and territorial conflicts by means of income redistribution. This may sound reasonable but the pxjssibi-lity should be considered that social and territorial differentiation could cross the threshold of manageability before a material basis can be created. Or will it result in the establishment of conditions for a market economy in the E^st European countries such as those successfully introduced by military regimes in Latin America?
This short introduction has attempted to question the appropriateness of narrowing down transitional reforms to the extent that they onty affect the economy. In the case of Ljubljana, we will argue the need for reforms to the system of space management, since the development of a mai-ket economy also requires urgent changes to the management of tlie city area. Slovenia is lagging behind in this sphere. Because of Ulis, Ljubljana has found itself in a situation where the Constitutional Court has, on the proposal of individuals, done away with the former mechanisms for "planned urban development" but at the same time the state has failed to create the conditions for the development of a real-estate market and state interventions. If these conditions were to continue they would cause great economic damage to the city, since it is not capable of reacting suitably to local and foreign investment offers and cannot create the basic
držav v tranziciji, l<i podedovano gospodarstvo uspešno prilagajajo povpraševanju na zaliodnih trgih in tako nadomeščajo izgubljene trge v repubiikaii nekdanje Jugoslavije.
V našem prispevku bomo poskušali prikazati, kako so tranzicijske reforme enostransko spremenile možnosti za upravljanje s prostorom v mestu Ljubljana.
possibilities for the development of suitable housing on its own.
International institutions rank Slovenia among tlie few countries in transition whose inherited economy is successfully adjusting to demands in Western markets, and in this way replacing the lost markets in the republics of the fonner Yugoslavia.

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Stanovanjsko področje
Leta 1992 je bil sprejet stanovanjski zakon, ki je omogočil stanovalcem v družbenifn najemnih stanovanjih
This paper attempts to present how transitional reforms have unilaterally changed the possibilities for space management in Uie city of Ljubljana.
Slika 1: Razporeditev razpršene stajiovaiy'ske gradrije leta 1964 Figure 1 : Distribution of dispersed urbanisation in 1964
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Slika 2: Razporeditev razpršene stanovanjske gradnje leta 1974 Figure 2: Distribution of dispersed urbanisation m 1974
odkup stanovanja po izredno ugodnih pogojili. Posledica tega zakona je veliko število stanovanj v zasebni lasti (90 %) In majhno število najemnih stanovanj (samo 10 %). Namen zakona je bil, da bi bodoči iastniki prevzeli stroške za vzdrževanje stavb, z izkupičkom od prodaje pa naj bi se pričel nov ciklus stano-va-njske gradnje. Leta 1990je bilo namreč odpravljeno plačevanje stanovanjskega prispevka, ki so ga od svojih bruto dohodkov plačevali vsi zaposleni, z njim pa so pospeševali družbeno stanovanjsko gradnjo, Toda pričakovanja se žal niso izpolnila. Del izkupička od prodanih stanovanj so podjetja porabila za osebne
Housing
In 1992 the Law on Housing was passed, facilitating the purchase of state-owned rented apartments under extremety favourable conditions by their inhabitants. As a direct result of this law, a large number of apailments are now privately owned (90 %), while the number of rented apartments is low (onfy- 10 %). The law was designed to get the future owners to take on the cost of building maintenance and to allow tlie state to use the profit from the sales to finance a new cycle of apartment construction. This became necessary after the abolishing, in

dohodke, ostanek pa ni zadoščal za pričetek novega ciklusa stanovanjske gradnje. S tem so bile prizadete zlasti mlajše družine In druge, dohodkovno šibke skupine prebivalcev. ki ne morejo pridobiti socialnih stanovanj, za katera so pristojne lokalne skupnosti, pa tudi ne neprofitnih stanovanj, ki bi jih morala s svojimi sredstvi sofinancirati država, občine pa pripraviti ustrezna zemljišča. Edina stanovanjska gradnja, ki še obstaja, je seveda komercialna stanovanjska gradnja velikih gradbenih podjetij, ki pa je namenjena sorazmerno majhnemu delu najbolj premožnih prebivalcev. Zato se v Sloveniji nadaljuje oblika
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1990. of the system whereby the payment of the housing contribution from the gross salaries of all employed people was used to finance the construction of state-owned rented apaiiments. But expectations were not met A portion of the profit from the sold apartments was used by companies to pay salaries, and the remainder was insufficient to finance a new construction cycle. TTie effects of this have been primarily felt by young families and other disad^^taged population groups who are unable either to acquire homes through social welfare {housing which comes under the jurisdiction of the competent
Slika 3: Razporeditev razpršene stanovaryske gradnje leta 1994 Figure 3: Distribution of dispersed urbanisation in 1994

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individualne stanovanjske gradnje v lastni režiji, ki je že od začetka 60. let edina možnost za rešitev stanovanjskega vprašanja za dobro polovico prebivalcev. Sa mog roditelji se pri tem kar dobro znajdejo, gradijo sicer na iastnem zemijišču, vendar tako, da državi ne piačajo stroškov za komunaino opremljanje. Obseg samog rad nje je tolikšen, da je tako prejšnja kot sedanja država povsem nemočna. (Razporeditev razpršene stanovanjske gradnje v letih 1964, 1974 in 1994 je prikazana na slikali 1,2 in 3). Kdaj pa kdaj politika sicer sprejme različne interventne zakone, s katerimi poskuša ustvariti vtis, da pravna država vendarle deluje, dejansko pa se procesi nedovoljene gradnje nadaljujejo še intenzivneje. Pojav presega že vsako razumno mejo, saj je poleg tega še nabit z različnimi političnimi predznaki, zlasti težko pa ga bo odpraviti zaradi že ustaljeniii vrednot prebivalstva, ki so se oblikovale zaradi dolgoletnega dopuščanja tega dogajanja: graditi brez gradbenega dovoljenja je postalo za večino Slovencev skoraj del naravnega prava.
Področje stavbnih zemljišč
Republiška ustava iz leta 1991 zagotavlja pravno varnost zasebne lastnine, zato smo pričakovali, da bo tem načelom sledil tudi konsistenten sistem gospodarjenja z zemljišči, vendar se to na žalost nI zgodilo. Tako je področje pridobivanja in pri-prave stavbnih zemljišč, ki je osnova za uresničevanje prostorskih načrtov, doživelo v zadnjih letih nekaj povsem naključnih in bistvenih sprememb. Najprej so morale občine vsa stavbna zemljišča, za katera Še niso imele izdelanih izvedbenih načrtov, prenesti v državni sklad kmetijskih zemljišč, pa čeprav so bila ta zemljišča že deloma ali pa v celoti komunalno opremljena. To je močno skrčilo sklad stavbnih zemljišč, na katerih bi lokalne skupnosti lahko danes gradile socialna in neprofitna stanovanja. Povečal pa se je sklad zemljišč, ki jih bodo lahko uporabili v denacionalizacijskih postopkih.
local community), or non-profit apartments which are supposed to be co-financed by the state, with the land being provided by the municipalities. The only remaining option for large-scale construction is of course commercial construction by large companies, and this is only an option for Uie relatively small, wealÜiiest section of the population. Thus in Slovenia, a form of individual home construction using private means has been the only possible solution to the housing problem for more than half the popula-üon since the early 1960s. Hiose building iheir own homes are quite resourceful: they build on their own land, but do not pay the cost of municipal facilities to the state. Illegal construction has been so widespread that both tlie former and present state have been powerless. (Distribution of dispersed urbanisation in 1964, 1974 and 1994 is illustrated on figures 1. 2 and 3). Occasionally politicians pass intervention laws, by which tliey attempt to create tlie impression that the rule of law actually functions. But in reality tlie processes of illegal construction are becoming even more intensive. The phenomenon has gone beyond all reasonable limits and it is also chaiged with political overtones. It will be especially difficult to eradicate because of tlie finiily-rooted values of the population, which have formed as a result of tlie long years in which the state has turned a blind eye to these activities. Consti-uction without building pennits has almost become a part of natural law for most Slo-
venes.
Urban Land
The republic's Constitution of 1991 ensures the legal security of private property. It was expected that these principles would result in a consistent system of lu-ban land management, but this was unfortunately not tlie case. The procedure for acquiring and preparing building land, which is the basis for the implementation of a physical planning policy, has undergone some com-pletefy coincidental but fundamental changes over the last few years.
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V letu 1992 je Ustavno sodišče na pobudo posameznikov razveljavilo nekatere določbe v zakonih, ki so občinam omogočale pridobivanje zemljišč za stanovanjsko gradnjo. Razveljavili so pravico, s katero je lahko občina razlastila lastnike zemljišč na območju, predvidenem za stanovanjsko gradnjo, ukinili pa so tudi predkupno pravico občine, s katero je bil prodajalec zavezan, da zemljišče najprej ponudi v odkup občini. Navedene inštrumente zemljiške politike bi moral zakonodajalec praviloma nadomestiti, vendar se to do sedaj še ni zgodilo. To pa bistveno omejuje možnosti, ki jih ima občina pri pridobivanju zemljišč. V mestu so ustanovili različna podjetja, ki prekupčujejo s stavbnimi zemljišči, vendar je mesto ob tem popolnoma nemočno, saj ne more izvajati nobenega nadzora, nima pa tudi možnosti, da bi v to dogajanje poseglo. Prišlo je do pojava klasičnih zemljiških špekulacij, pri katerih poskušajo različne politične stranke v procesu sprejemanja planskih aktov doseči zazidljivost določenih zemljišč, zemljiškim lastnikom pa tako omogočajo, da kmetijska zemljišča prodajajo po desetkrat višjih cenah.
Mesto ima namreč v rokah le razmeroma šibek inštrument, in sicer planske akte oz. upravno regulativo. Delovanje teh inštrumentov je še posebej vprašljivo, ker skoraj pri polovici gradenj ni upoštevana upravna regulativa. Mesto ima le vlogo spremljevalca dogodkov, svoje vloge pa ne more odigrati niti tam, kjer bi bilo to nujno, na primer pri pridobivanju in opremljanju stavbnih zemljišč za socialno in neprofitno stanovanjsko gradnjo. Mesto trenutno razpolaga s sorazmerno majhnim skladom stavbnih zemljišč, kijih je nekdaj odkupilo, zmanjšali so se tudi javni prihodki, hkrati pa ni več pravnih možnosti za pridobivanje večjih zemljiških kompleksov. Mesto Ljubljana ima sicer poseben sklad za urejanje stavbnih zemljišč, ki pa po zakonu ne more odkupiti kmetijskih zemljišč (kar počno seveda zasebni prekupčevalci), temveč le zemljišča, ki so z izvedbenim dokumentom določena za gradnjo. Sklad je tako pri preprečevanju zemljiških špekulacij povsem nemočen.
In the first place, the municipalities were required to transfer all building land for which no local plans existed to the agricultural land fund at the state level, even Uiough the land was ali'eady partly - or in some cases fully - provided with municipal utilities. Ulis has considerably redticed available building land, which could otherwise now be used by local communities to build social and non-profit houses. On the other hand the amount of land which will be utilised in denationalisation procedures has been increased.
In 1992 the Constitutional Court, on the proposal of individuals, annulled certain provisions which allowed municipalities to acqtiire land for house construction. These included the obligation of people selling land to offer it first to the municipality (communal pre-emption right). These instruments of the land policy ought to have been replaced by legislation, but this has not yet happened. Thus the possibilities for a municipality to acquire land are considerably reduced. A number of companies which deal in the reselling of building land have been set up in the city, but city authorities have no power over them, since they cannot implement any forai of supervision and thus are left with no opportunity for intervention. Old-fashioned land speculation is occurring, in which di-tferent political parties are attempting, during the process of the passing of planning acts, to achieve the categorisation of certain land lots for construction and in this way enable tlie proprietors to sell agricultural land at ten times tlie cost. The city has only relatively weak powers, in the shape of the planning acts or adminisU-ative regulations. Tlieir effectiveness. however, is questionable: almost half of all construction projects proceed witliout taking administrative regulations into consideration. TTie city is forced to assume the role of an observer and cannot intercede even in urgent cases, such as in the acquisition and preparation of building land for social and non-profit houses. TTie city at present has at its disposal a relatively small reseive of previously-purchased building land. Public re-

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Slika 4: Projekt hotela Lux na Kongresnem trgu (prof. Boris Podrecca) Figure 4: The prgekt o/ hotel Lux on Kongresni Square (Prof. Boris Podreccc^
Denacionalizacija
Slovenija je med dižavami v tranziciji tudi edina, ki je sprejela zakonsko obvezo, da bo nekdanjim lastnikom praviloma vračalo nekmetijska zemljišča in nepremičnine v naravi. To so izredno zapleteni postopki, ki vplivajo na pripravo stovbniti zemljišč za večje naložbe. Med potekom postopka ni namreč na stavbnih zemijiščili, ki so predmet postopka, dovoljena nobena dejavnost. Na primer zaradi nezaključenega denacionalizacijskega procesa se že pet let odlaša z gradnjo hotela Lux na Kongresnem trgu (projekt prof, Borisa Podrecce je prikazan na sliki 4),
Niso tudi še prejeli zakona, ki bi operacionaliziral ustavni pojem javno dobro, zato se dogaja, da nekdanjim lastnikom - poleg nepremičnine - vračajo tudi dele zemljišč, ki bi po vseh pravilih spadali med javne mestne površine, torej v kategorijo javnega dobra. Pretežni del mestnih zemljišč je formalno še vedno družbena lastnina, tako da ostajajo javne površine nerazmejene od zemljišč, ki bodo lahko postala zasebna lastnina podjetij ali lastnikov hiš. Očitno je, da potrebujemo zakon, s katerim je povezana tudi
venue has also been reduced and at the saine time there exist no real opportunities for the acquisition of larger building sites. T^e city of Ljubljana has a special administration for the development of building land. However, it is prevented by law from purchasing agricultural land (since this is done by private dealers) and may only purchase land designated for building by an implementation document. The administration is therefore completely powerless to prevent land speculation.
Denationalisation
Slovenia is the only country in transition to have adopted a law which guarantees the return in kind of non-agricultural land and real estate to its fonner ovmeiB. This process involves extremely complicated procedures which influence the preparation of building land for large investments. While the process is imderway, no activity is allowed on tlie land in question. For example the construction of hotel Lux on Kongresni Square (designed by prof. Boris Podrecca) has been delayed for five years because of uncom-plished denationalisation (restitution) process, figure 4.

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ustrezna politika pri pripravi zemljišč za razvoj mesta, pomanjkljivo pa je tudi poznavanje lastništva, ki določa tudi odgovornosti pri vzdrževanju mestnih zemljišč, npr. mestnih ulic, trgov in mestnih zelenih površin različnih kategorij, Pojavljajo se težko rešljiva vprašanja o pristojnosti in odgovornosti, o lastništvu mestnih javnih objektov (npr. med državo in mestom), zadeve rešujemo z zapletenimi pravnimi postopki In dokazovanji, vse to pa je ovira za komercialne naložbe.
Registracija lastništva
Posebno vprašanje je tudi evidenca o lastništvu nad mestnimi zemljišči. V obdobju, ko so bila mestna zemljišča družbena lastnina, pa tudi sedaj - v obdobju, ko pravzaprav premoženjski davki ne obstajajo, niso sprotno urejali ne zemljiškega katastra ne zemljiške knjige. Nihče ne ve točno, koliko nepremičnin ni registriranih, pa tudi ne tega, koliko časa bo potrebno, da bi odpravili tako stanje, Kolegi geodeti ocenjujejo, da je zaostanek v zvezi z zemljiško knjigo tolikšen, da bo za ureditev stanja potrebno več desetletij. Lahko se samo vprašamo, kako se namerava Slovenija vključevati v Evropsko unijo, kjer se bo srečala s pogojem svobodne cirkulacije kapitala, kar pomeni seveda tudi svobodni promet z nepremičninami, ko pa so evidence v takem stanju, kot smo omenili zgoraj, tako da država kot občine nimajo nedvoumnega vpogleda na razmere v zvezi z zemljišči in zgradbami, ki so javna last.
Lahko bi navedli še nekaj dogodkov, ki so značilni za razmere v Ljubljani, na primer:
• Po odhodu jugoslovanske armade iz Slovenije so postali vsi vojaški objekti, mnogi med njimi so na ključnih lokacijah, last Ministrstva za obrambo. V Ljubljani je ministrstvo nekatera zemljišča prepustilo velikim gradbenim podjetjem, ki so v zameno za zemljišča zgradila za ministrstvo novo upravno poslopje. Mesto je bilo v zvezi stem odgovorno le za to, da dodatno sprejme urbanistične akte, s katerimi so že sprejete odločitve le formalno potrdili.
A law has still not been passed which puts into operation the constitutional notion of Uie public good, 'lliis accounts for the current state of affairs where not only real estate but also land which by rights should belong to public city areas, and therefore to Uie categoiy of the public good, is being retuimed to its fonner owners. Most city land is still olB-cially in pulolic ownership; public areas ai-e therefore not sepai^ated from land which could become the private property of companies or owners of buildings. Obviously a law is needed and a related appropriate policy for the prepai-ation of land for Lirban development. There is also a shortage of knowledge about ownership - which detemiines Uie responsibility for Üie maintenance of urban land such as city streets, squares and pai'ks of various categories. Difficult questions aiise relating to competencies and responsibilities, the ownership of urban public premises (For example: do Ihey belong to Uie state or to the city?), 'illese problems are setUed by complicated legal procedures and attestation, which is an obstacle to commercial, investment.
Registration of Ownership
One of Uie most important issues involves the register of ownership of city land. During the period of public ownership of all city land neither the land cadastre nor tlie land register were kept up to date. 'Iliis is still tme in the cuiTent period, where property taxes do not actually exist. Nobody knows how much real estate Is tmregistered or how long it will take to remedy Uie situation. Our colleagues m geodesy estimate Uiat Üie land register is so hopelessly out-of-date Uiat it might take several decades to put it in order. We can only wonder how Slovenia intends to integrate with the European Union, for which the free cir-culaüon of capital (and Uierefore also free trade in real estate) is a precondition, if Uie present state of Uie registers means Uiat neiUier the state nor the municipalities are able to get a clear pictiu e of the state of afiaire as regards publicly-owned land.

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Slika 5; Poläiöno teritorialna đeni-tev na 5 občin pred reformo lokaliie samouprave
Figure 5: Politics - tentorial division into ßve communes before tJie lokal selfgovemment
Slika 6: Politično teritorialna členitev na 9 mcuysüi občin po refomù lokalne samouprave. Z rastroni Je označen teritorij nove mestne občuie Ijuhljana
^gure 6: Politics - teritoriai division into nùie smaüer communes. The territory of the city convnune of Izubijana is indicated in grey.
•	Ljubljana je postala glavno mesto samostojne države, s tem pa so se povečale potrebe po zemljiščih za upravne dejavnosti. Vendar država nima skupnega programa za reševanje novih prostorskih potreb. Ministrstva tekmujejo med seboj za stavbe v mestnem središču in tako zasedajo dragocene mestne površine, na katerih po opravljajo dejavnosti, ki ne zahtevajo osebnih stikov in bi lahko potekale na manj centralnih lokacijah, kar bi prispevalo tudi k prometni razbremenitvi mestnega središča.
•	Finančna sredstva nekdaj samostojnih podjetij za komunalne storitve so združena na Holdingu, ki morebitni dobiček samostojno razporeja. V primeru izgube pa mora mesto zagotoviti sredstva iz proračuna. Mogoče bi taka organizacijska oblika lahko povečala učinkovitost finančnega poslovanja, vsekakor pa je mesto hkrati izgubilo nekaj možnosti usmerjanja prostorskega razvoja s koordiniranim infrastrukturnim opremljanjem območij. Odločitve, ki so s podjetniškega vidika lahko zanimive, niso nujno tudi v skladu z javnimi interesi mesta na področju razvoja infrastrukture.
•	Nekdanjih pet mestnih občin, ki so sicer zelo težko usklajevale interese na ravni mesta, je sedaj razdeljenih na devet manjših občin, ki bodo uporabljale mestne javne storitve, na svojem območju pa razvijale dohodkovno donosnejše dejavnosti. Problemov tovrstnih slepih potnikov (free rider problem) v mestni regiji ne bo možno reševati, dokler se občine ne bodo sporazumele, da del izvornih pristojnosti prenesejo na pokrajino. To pa vsekakor ne bo enostaven proces. Slika 5 in 6 prikazujeta politično teritorjalno členitev Ljubljane pred in po reformi lokalne samouprave. Slika 7 prikazuje dejansko stanje poselitve v Sloveniji, naselja v ljubljanski urbani regiji so prerasla okvir malih občin.
Ni si težko predstavljati, kako se
počutijo strokovnjaki, ki se ukvarjajo
z načrtovanjem mesta, na pre-
Hie following are a few additional
events characteristic of conditions
in IJ ubijana:
•	Aflerthewitlidrawalofthe Yugoslav Army from Slovenia all mili-taiy premises, many of which are in key locations, became the property of the Ministry of Defence. In Ljubljana, the Ministry handed over some of the land to large companies which in turn constructed a new administrative building for the Ministry. The city's only responsibility was the passing of additional urban planning acts which merely served to officially confinn ali-eady-made decisions.
•	Ljubljana became the capital of an independent state and as a result there was an enormous increase in tlie demand for land for adniinisti'ative buildings. However Ihe state does not have a comprehensive programme for the meeting of new spatial needs. Ministries compete for buildings in the city centre and in this way occupy valuable urban areas for activities which do not demand personal contact and which could therefore be performed in less central locations - and thus help relieve the burden on the city centre.
•	The fmancial resources of previously independent providers of municipal services ai'e howjoined in a holding company which allocates profits as it chooses. The city is obliged, should a loss be recorded, to provide ftmds from the budget. This form of organisation may increase the efficiency of financial transactions, but at the same time the city loses a number of possibilities for orientating spatial development with a co-ordinated infrastructure development programme. Decisions which may be attractive from the commercial point of view do not necessailly accord with the public interest with regard to infrastructure development in the city.
•	The city used to consist of five municipalities. Hiese five found it extremely difficult to harmonise interests at the city level. Now
št. 28,29/1995
hodu iz obdobja družbene lastnine, ko lastnina ni bila pomemben atribut, v obdobje, ko edino zasebnik lahko poskrbi za uveljavitev svoje lastnine, mesto pa je pri varovanju javne lastnine skorajda nemočno.
Zaključek
Razmere, ki smo jih no kratko opl-sali, lahko različno pojasnimo:
1. Lahko se zadovoljimo z ugotovitvijo, da nam primanjkuje izkušenj in znanja o regulaciji tržnega gospodarstva, in to še posebej glede gospodarjenja s prostorom. V zvezi $ tem sta v preteklosti obstojala dva sistema: formalni, po katerem je država vsa zemljišča, ki so jih potrebovala gradbena podjetja, pridobila od kmetov z razlastitvami, in neformalni, po katerem so posamezniki od kmetov na "sivem trgu" kupovali zemljišča in gradili enodružinske hiše, ne da bi pri tem upoštevali plane, ki jih je sprejemala država za potrebe formalnega, to je družbenega sektorja. Danes se srečujemo s povsem novimi pro-
they ai'e divided into nine smaller miuiicipaliUes which will in fu-tLire make use of public sei-vices and develop profitable activities in their respective areas, 'llie free rider problem will be impossible to solve in tlie city region unless the mimicipalities agree to transfer a part of tlieir original competencies to the region. But tliis will certainly be no simple process. Politico - territorial division of Ljubljana aiea before and after the local selfgovemment refonn is presented on figure 5 and 6. The figure 7 illusü'ates the actual territorial development of settlement in Slovenia. In Uie Ljubljana urban region the urbanisation pattern does not cocide wlUi tlie bo-underies of small communes.
It is not difficult to imagine how city planning experts must feel during the ti'ansition from the era of public ownership, when property was an insigniricant attribute, to an era when only Uie proprietor has access to property, and tlie city is meanwhile almost powerless to protect public property.
Slika 7; D^ansko stanjeposeläve v Sloveniji
Figure 7: Actual territorial development of settlement i7i Slovenia
Vir
dr. Maijan Ravbar, Zasnova poselitve v Sloveniji, Insütut za geografijo Univerze v Ljubljani, oktober 1994
Source
fir. Maijan Ravbar. Tlie conccpt of settlement devclopementln Slovenia, Institute for geography at Ljubljana University, october 1994
POSEÜTVCNA OBMOOA V REPUBLIKI SLOVENIJI

no. 28, 29/1995
blemi, ki zahtevajo izkušnje in znanja, ki jih imamo trenutno v Sioveniji zelo maio.
2.	Ugotovimo lahko, daje vsa pozornost politike usmerjena v gospodarske reforme, med katerimi je pomembno tudi zmanjšanje javne porabe. Zato odiaša z vsemi nalogami, kot je na primer neprofitna stanovanjska gradnja, ki bi zahtevala povečanje javne porabe. Naložbe v prostor (pridobivanje in opremljanje zemljišč za neprofitno stanovanjsko gradnjo) pa natiho prelaga na boljše čase, oziroma upa, da bodo posamezniki opravili tisto, kar država v takih okoliščinah ne more.
3.	Predpostavimo lahko, da bodo privatizaciji gospodarskih podjetij, ki vključuje tudi zemljišča in nepremičnine (ki so - poleg zastarele tehnologije - pomembnejši del premoženja), sledile tudi spremembe rabe zemljišč. Tisti, ki postajajo zasebni lastniki podjetij, bodo kasneje razpolagali tudi z zemljišči, vendar si verjetno ne želijo, da bi jih država pri tem kakorkoli omejevala, Izzgodovine razvoja industrijskega mesta nam je znano tudi, kakšen je bil pomen zemljiških špekulacij v procesu prvobitne akumulacije kapitala. Ali se mesta v Vzhodni Evropi lahko docela izognejo temu procesu samo zato, ker nismo v 19. stoletju?
A. Lahko izhajamo iz predpostavke, da se vlada ukvarja le s problemi, ki so na dnevnem redu zaradi pritiskov interesnih skupin. Slovenija mora v gospodarstvu in kar zadeva javne finance doseči pogoje Evropske unije, če se ji želi tudi formalno približati. Toda v Sloveniji danes nihče ne zastopa interesov lokalnih skupnosti pred zakonodajno in izvršilno oblastjo.' Slovenija je edina evropska država, ki - poleg množice novih malih občin - nima drugih ravni, na katerih bi se strukturiran regionalni in lokalni interesi. Vlakih razmerah vladi ni treba odgovarjati na pritiske ki jih izvajajo mesta, ker so v primerjavi z drugimi interesnimi strukturami razdrobljeni, občasni in preprosto nepomembni.
Conclusion
Tlie conditions descril:)ed above
suggest various possible conclusions:
1.	We could be content with the conclusion that we are inexperienced in the regulation of a market economy, particularly with regard to space management. Two systems existed for this in the past: the official system, by which the state acquired the land needed by construction companies from farmers, through nationalisation and expropriation; and the unofficial system, which saw individuals purchasing land from farmers on the "grey market" and building family homes without taking into account the plans adopted by the state for tlie needs of the oflicial (public) sector. The present situation presents a completely new set of problems. Solving them requires experience and knowledge, of which tliere is very little in Slovenia at the moment
2.	We could conclude that the attention of Uie politicians is entirety directed towards economic re-fonns which include the important issue of the reduction of public spending. Investment in the physical environment (the acquisition and prepai'ation of land for non-profit home construction) has been postponed, in the hope that individuals will do what the state cannotin Uiese circumstances.
3.	We may assume that tlie privatisation of commercial companies, which also includes land and real estate (which, along with some outdated technology, represent an important part of the property) , will l3e followed by changes in die use of land. Tliose who become tlie private owners of businesses will later also have access to land, and it is imlikely that they would want the state to restrict them in anyway. The role of -land speculation in the process of accumulating primary capital is well dociunented in the history of the development of the industj'ial city. Does the mere fact that we
Resnica je nekje vmes. Mi pa lahko ugotavljamo le dejstvo, da v Ljubljani z mestnim prostorom ne gospodarimo več na osnovi plana, od katerega so ostali samo še cilji, kajti vse inštrumente zemljiške politike, ki so pomembni za njeno uresničevanje, Je Ustavno sodišče na pobudo državljanov odpravilo, Državnemu zboru pa Vlada še ni predložila novih predlogov. To pomeni za mesto težko ocenljivo materialno škodo. Z mestnim prostorom v Ljubljani tudi ne gospodarimo na osnovi trga, ker niso podani vsi formalni pogoji za razmejitev javnih površin od zasebnih, v zvezi z lastništvom ni vzpostavljena nujna transparent-nost, država pa nima inštrumentov za odpravljanje nepopolnosti trga mestnih zemljišč. Smo torej v po-• ložaju, v katerem vse razrešujemo po pravilih, ki bi morala veljati samo za izjeme.
Vsekakor zaradi takih razmer v naših mestih verjetno ne s padamo med uspešne države v tranziciji, če bi tudi to bil za Evropsko unijo relevanten kriterij.
Tako kot so se mesta v Zahodni Evropi s pomočjo nedvoumne podpore Evropske unije povezala v različna omre^a, ki posamičnemu mestu omogočajo hiter dostop do znanja in tehnologij, ki so potrebne za razreševanje problemov v postindu-strijskih mestih, bi se tudi mesta v Vzhodni in Srednji Evropi v tranziciji morala povezati v omrežja, ki bi jim omogočala, da se hitreje prilagodijo novim razmeram in se nanje učinkoviteje odzovejo. Mesto Ljubljana je pripravljeno, da bi pri tej pobudi sodelovalo.
Marjan Bežan, dipl. inž. arh., načelnik oddelka za urbanizem Mestne občine Ljubljana
Jože Dekleva, dipl. inž, arh., strokovni svetnik, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije
Opomba
Referat Je bil predstavljcii na med-narocbn delavnici "... im Angesicht des Unterschieds ..." 11. novembra 1995 na Dunqjiu ki Jo Je organiziral EuropaFonmi z Dunaja,
are no longer living in tlie 19th centiiiy mean that cities in ti-ansition can side-step this process?
4. We may also assume tliat the government only tackles pro-blenis which are on Uie agenda as a result of pressure from interest groups. Slovenia must meet the requirements of tlie European Union botli in tlie economy and with regaj-d to public finances ifit hopes to fulfil the membership criteria. But in the present-day Slovenia nobody represents the interests of local communities in the legislative and executive au-tliorities. Slovenia is the only European countiy which has no fo-mm (otlier Uian a high number of small municipalities) where regional and local interests can be articulated. Tliis means tliat the government is not forced to bow to pressure from cities. Compared to otiier interest groLips, the demands of cities ai-e neiUier constant nor concentrated nor of any great significance.
Hie truth prolDably lies somewhere in between. But the only definite conclusion is that the urban environment in Ljubljana is no longer managed on the basis of a plan. Only its goals remain, since all the instruments of land policy which were important for Uie plan's implementation were abolished by the Constitutional Court following a proposal from the citizens. Meanwhile, the Government has not yet presented new proposals to the National Assembly. Iliis represents a degree of material damage to the city which is dilTicult to asses. The urban environment in Ljubljana is not managed on the basis of market principles, since not all tlie proper conditions for the separation of public areas from private have been created. The necessaiy tj-ansparen-cy of ownership has still not been achieved and the state has no instruments with which to remedy the deficiencies in tlie urban land market. Basically, we ai'e in a situation -wliere eveiything is solved by means of regulations which should only be applied in exceptional cases.
Št. 28, 29/1995
Without a doubt the situation in our cities would not rank us among the most successful countries in transition if this were a relevant criterion for the European Union.
In the same way that cities In Western Europe, assisted by European Union, have established networks which allow fast access to the knowledge and technologies needed for the tackling of problems in post-industrial cities, tile cities of Extern and Central Europe in transition should establish networks to facilitate the faster adjustment to new conditions and a more efliclent response. The city of Ljubljana is prepared to participate in this initiative.
Marjan Bežan, Head of the Department for City Planning of the City of Ljubljana Jože Dekleva, adviser, Town Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia
Note
Vie paper was presented at the in-temalional workshop "... im Angesicht des Unterschieds ... " which took place on 11 November 1995 in Vieima ajid was orgajiised by Eu-ropaFomm of Vienna.
no. 28,29/1995
Zoran VITOROVIČ
Informacija o pripravah na konferenco Habitat II v Sloveniji
Information about Preparations in Slovenia for the HABITAT II Conference
Generalna skupščina Organizacije združenih narodov sklicuje od 3. -14. junija 199Ó v Istanbulu,Turčija, drugo svetovno konferenco o človekovem bivalnem okolju - mestih in naseljih (UN Conference on Human Settlements), imenovano tudi Habitat II. Od prve konference. Habitat I, ki je bila leta ì976vVancpuvruv Kanadi, je minilo že dvajset let. Habitat II bo tako zadnja velika konferenca OZN vtem tisočletju.
Konferenca naj bi spodbudila usklajeno dejavnost vseh držav za preprečitev nenehnega slabšanja živ-Ijenskih razmer ljudi v urbaniziranem svetu. Leta 2000 bo živela v mestih že polovica svetovnega prebivalstva, druga polovica prebivalcev, ki bo živela na podeželju, pa bo ekonomsko vse bolj odvisna od proizvodnje in storitev v mestih. Razvoj posameznih držav bo vse bolj odvisen od stopnje razvitosti njihovih mest. Toda prebivalstvo v mnogih mestih in urbanih naseljih narašča tako hitro, da so mesta resno ogrožena zaradi prenaseljenosti, slabih bivalnih in delovnih razmer, neustrezne infrastrukture, neurejenih socialnih razmer in onesnaženja okolja. Ker gre na splošno za najobsežnejše migracije v človeški zgodovini, ki so usmerjene predvsem k urbaniziranim območjem, postajajo mesta vse bolj ogrožena in prostor najbolj usodnih in resnih novodobnih srečanj in spopadov.
Prednostna naloga vseh držav na pragu 21. stoletja je trajno uravnoteženje razvoja mest in podeželja.
llie United Nations General Assembly is organising the second UN Conference on Human Settlements, also referred to as Habitat H. to be held in IstanbLil. Turkey from 3-14 June 1996. Twenty years have past since Üie fìret conference, Habitat I was held in Vancouver, Canada, in 1976. Habitat n will tliusbe tlie last major UN conference in this cen-tuiy.
llie aim of the conference is to promote llie co-ordinated action of all countries in an effort to prevent the continued woi-sening of living stan-dai'ds of populations in the Lirba-nised world. In the year 2000, half the world population will be living in cities while tlie other half, which will be living in rural areas will increasingly depend on urban production and services. The development of individual countries will increasingly depend on tlie level of development of Üieir cities.
The population of many cities and uii^an settlements is growing so rapidly, tliat Ihe cities are faced with serious problerns of overcrowding, bad living and working condiUons, inadequate infrastiTicture, improper social welfare and environmental pollution. Generally speaking we are experiencing tlie most extensive migrations in human history, particularly towards urban areas. As a result, cities ai-e becoming increasingly VLilnerable and are turning into places where the most fatal and most serious modem encounters and conflicts take place.