TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 45 Lars JOHANNSEN and Alenka KRAŠOVEC* DEMOCRATIC CRITIQUE AND DEVELOPMENT: IN SEARCH OF RESPONSIVENESS Abstract. Democracy in Slovenia is criticised for being unresponsive. A large majority of the electorate has con- sistently supported core features of the welfare state and democracy but fear retrenchments. In search of greater responsiveness in delivering a consensus on social val- ues, the political system has changed from neo-corpo- ratism through majoritarian pluralism to personalist politics. This article compares and contrasts the com- parative strengths and weaknesses of the three models. Having gone through three distinct phases of political development in little more than 25 years, Slovenia is an illustrative and prototypical case that offers insights into the pan-European development of personalist politics. Keywords: democracy, responsiveness, personalism, pluralism, neo-corporatism In search of responsiveness and responsibility At face value, Slovenia’s transition to a democracy since the early 1990s has been a tremendous success. Government has changed hands in regular and free elections, and the political authorities steered the country through the economic and political transition to a market economy, to member- ship of the European Union and is in the midst of overcoming the Great Recession. Yet, Slovenes are increasing dissatisfied with the way democracy works. Turnout at elections has steadily declined and, driven by the emer- gence of a new generation of personalist parties, electoral volatility and the success of new political parties reached an all-time high in the 2014 parlia- mentary elections (Krašovec and Johannsen, 2016). This development may be assumed to have its roots in the economic and social transition but, as we will argue, there is remarkable stability with respect to the core social values. Slovenes have consistently criticised vari- ous governments, political parties and politicians for being unresponsive. They appear to suffer from collective anxiety leading to a crisis in the politi- cal system which has paved the way, in Pasquino’s (2014) analysis of Italy, * Lars Johannsen, PhD, Associate Professor, Aarhus University, Denmark; Alenka Krašovec, PhD, Professor, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia. Lars JOHANNSEN, Alenka KRAŠOVEC TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 46 for personalist parties. Slovenes are not alone here. Cabada and Tomšič (2016) rightly compare the development of personalist politics in Slovenia and the Czech Republic within the wider framework of Central and Eastern Europe. Populist movements across Europe criticise representative democ- racy and anti-elitism sentiments run deep (Akkerman et al., 2014). The estab- lishment is considered to be non-responsive suppressing or bypassing the popular will (Werts et al., 2013). This critique has been one of the drivers of change from neo-corporat- ism to majoritarian pluralism and then towards personalist politics. This is not to argue that the course from neo-corporatism to personal- ist politics in Slovenia has been inevitable but that the weaknesses of each model in conjunction with a decline in political organisation and enormous pressure on the state during the Great Recession fashioned new responses. We argue that neo-corporatism, majoritarian pluralism and personalist poli- tics build on different conceptions of representation and accountability. What appears to be strength in one model may be a weakness in the other two. Each is based on, and presupposes, different degrees of institutionali- sation and political compromise. We highlight these differences through an examination of two decades of political development in Slovenia. The article is organised into three parts. In the first part, we compare and contrast neo-corporatism, majoritar- ian pluralism and personalism as ideal types stressing their various conno- tations and links with political and economic consequences. In the second section, we take a longitudinal view of the stability of social values and the constant critique of the way in which the country is managed. Finally, for comparative purposes, we examine three distinct phases of political devel- opment and argue that the deinstitutionalisation of political institutions and organisations should be seen as a search for responsiveness from a system in which political parties and leaders produce the normatively desired poli- cies but fail to consider the long-term needs. Comparing and contrasting models of responsiveness and responsibility Since 2005, Slovenes have become increasingly dissatisfied with the way in which democracy works. By 2013, nine-of-ten were dissatisfied (Krašovec and Johannsen, 2016). However, as we discuss below, Slovenes possess sta- ble social values and have a tendency to believe that they have little influence and that political parties, politicians and governments take little interest in their opinion. This reflects Almond and Verba’s (1963) discussion of subject- orientation but at first hand it is primarily a debate about the quality of democ- racy and especially the claim that Slovenian democracy is unresponsive. Lars JOHANNSEN, Alenka KRAŠOVEC TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 47 In this debate, representation is considered to constitute a separate dimension of responsiveness (Diamond and Morlino, 2004; Morlino, 2004; 2009). Viewed from a classical perspective, responsiveness in a democracy can be insured through elected representatives and the ability to hold them accountable through elections. However, as Taylor (2016) argues, politics is a multiple and many-layered process with extra-parliamentary opportu- nities for representation even if these opportunities may not secure equal influence. This is the classical core critique of both pluralism and neo-corpo- ratism that arises from the mechanisms of each model (Table 1). In pluralism, competing interests seek access to and put pressure on political elites. Although it is argued that these interests underpin liberal democracy (Dahl, 1982), it is also widely accepted that not all interests are equal in their capacity to apply pressure, thus some gain privileged access (Lindblom, 1977; Dahl, 1982; Binderkrantz et al., 2014). However, as Downs (1957: 141) argues, it is not only rational for the government to seek the information provided by the lobbyists but to comply with ‘the demands of lobbyists’ as these provide critical resources. Lobbying is inherently less transparent than neo-corporatist institutions and the unequal access means that the risk of outright corruption and public perceptions of undue influ- ence have led many countries to seek to regulate lobbyism (Holman and Luneburg, 2012). Slovenia also sought to regulate lobbyism through the Integrity and Prevention of Corruption Act of 2010. In neo-corporatism, some interests are better represented than others in that the government cooperates with relevant socio-economic inter- ests with the aim of reaching consensus regarding socioeconomic polices (Pryor, 1988: 317; Woldendorp, 1997: 49–50). Furthermore, neo-corporat- ism has been criticised as conservative – upholding the system – so any new and emerging interest will find it difficult to reach the debating table (Johannsen, 2008) with only already-existing powerful interests recognised as social partners (Siaroff, 1999). In essence, although both pluralism and neo-corporatism provide extra-parliamentary representation, both fail the test of responsiveness in terms of substance – being unable to deliver nor- matively desired policies (Johannsen, 2002; Morlino and Quaranta, 2014; Krašovec and Johannsen, 2016). In turn, whereas neo-corporatism and pluralism seek to include other interests, either through co-opting or competing, personalist politics appear to be rooted in the popular will – Rousseau’s Volonté générale – ensuring responsiveness in direct communication with the political leader who in turn possesses the charisma, the knowledge and the resoluteness to act. Thus, personalist politics share many of the organisational features of pop- ulism (Roberts, 2006; Pappas, 2008; Barr, 2009) and are led by charismatic leaders (Brug and Mugdan, 2007; Chiapponi, 2013). But personalist politics Lars JOHANNSEN, Alenka KRAŠOVEC TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 48 is not necessarily populism in its policies; rather it is technocratic in outlook and the policies it creates are implemented top-down. Moreover, with its technocratic top-down perspective and the direct relationship between the leader and the electorate, parties will often be seen as hindering the general will, and needed only as campaign vehicles (Kostadinova and Lewitt, 2014). In this regard, personalist politics resemble what Poguntke and Webb (2005) have termed ‘the presidentialisation of politics’; however, although the two concepts are in agreement in respect to the personalisation of the electoral process, personalist politics is a narrower concept and less ideo- logical coherent and does not necessarily imply an accruement of either institutional nor constitutional resources to serve the political leader. Table 1: COmPARINg gOVERNANCE mODELS: NEO-CORPORATISm, PLURALISm AND PERSONALIST Neo-corporatism Majoritarian-pluralism Personalist State-society perspective Organic and common interest. Partners. Plural interest in competition. State resources to win. Volonté générale. Technocratic. Mechanism Peak society interest organisations involved in decision- making and implementation. Competition among interest organisations, to influence decision- making. Direct reference to leader. Top-down. Implementation. Political parties Stable identities. Cartels, Catch-all. Campaign vehicles. High degree of personalism. Political and economic consequences Consensual democracy. Conservative and equality. Often associated with tri-partism. Competition and majoritarian democracy. Dynamic and inequality. Often associated with lobbyism. Unstable political coalitions. High degree of volatility. Often associated with populism. Source: Authors’ elaboration. Pluralism is often associated with majoritarian democracy and typi- fied in Westminster style democracies such as the UK and USA, whereas as neo-corporatist arrangements were found in continental Europe, domi- nated multiparty systems and typified by Austria. In majoritarian democ- racy the voter has direct influence on the composition of the government but the disadvantage is that the majorities are often manufactured and Lars JOHANNSEN, Alenka KRAŠOVEC TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 49 that the development of a two-party system leaves voter preferences short ( Taagepera and Shugart, 1989; Lijphart, 1999). The debate concerning the quality of democracy also concerns respon- sibility. Responsibility includes aspects of whether a state is ‘effective’ (Johannsen, 2003) or ‘strong enough to act when action is required’ (Fukuy- ama, 2011: 431). For example, can it adjust to international constraints? Are the representatives able to look beyond narrow and short-term constituent interests towards the common good (Bardi et al., 2014)? In the triadic exchange of neo-corporatism, political leaders not only gain support but also valuable insight into substance (Johannsen, 2008) and should thus create consensus, stability and by virtue, long-term responsibil- ity through increased capability, insight and accountability. Furthermore, Johannsen and Pedersen (2008) found in a survey of post-communist coun- tries that the inclusion of organised interests in decision-making results in more social equality. However, as the vested interests continuously bal- ance each other out, neo-corporatism can become prone to deadlocks and incrementalism. Hence a classic critique of neo-corporatism is that it is a “fair weather” model (Gobeyn, 1993; Molina and Rhodes, 2002). Pluralism is also able to transfer support and substantive knowledge but is arguably less stabile as interests compete for access to decision-making. The competi- tion can reinforce majoritarian politics. With the ability to reach decisions, majoritarian pluralism is therefore more ideally suited to overcoming dead- locks but vulnerable when power changes hands. Personalist politics are, in turn, not easy to characterise. Kostadinova and Levitt (2014) argue that the policy platforms of personalist parties may be comprehensive or just vague and effective slogans. Some personalist parties will carry an underlying anti-intellectualism in the sense of disregarding the use of the intelligentsia and policy-advice institutions (Shogan, 2007). Thus, personalist politics may simply fail as it is not founded on solid cause-effect evidence and is short-term oriented. The three models are thus distinct and have different benefits to recom- mend them. We will now examine how Slovenes have searched for respon- siveness, which is one of the drivers that have led to the personalist era. The search for responsiveness A majority of Slovenes have been dissatisfied with the way their democ- racy works since continuous tracking began in 1996. From 2007 onwards, this dissatisfaction began to climb reaching 9 of 10 dissatisfied at the peak of dissatisfaction in 2013 (Krašovec and Johannsen, 2016). However, as is evident from Table 2, Slovenes don’t favour the abolition of democracy and introduction of strongman rule; nevertheless, a substantial minority, around Lars JOHANNSEN, Alenka KRAŠOVEC TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 50 20 percent, either supports or does not oppose this option. Three-quarters or more express the view that democracy is good or very good but the belief in technocracy is an indicator of a critique of politicians, government(s) and political parties. The data on trust in political parties conforms to the well- known and recognisable pattern in Central and East European countries. Trust in political parties remains low and substantial segments believe that the parties are not interested in the opinions of ordinary people (Toš ed., 1999; 2004; 2009; 2012). Table 2: OPINIONS ON DIFFERENT wAyS TO mANAgE THE COUNTRy AND ON TRUST IN PARTIES (1995–2011) Democracy Strong leader Experts should rule Trust in parties 1995 80.5 23.6 73.9 4.5 1996 77.6 23.7 67.5 4.4 1998 78.5 19.9 65.9 4.3 1999 82.8 22.9 76.4 6.0 2000 74.8 21.4 61.7 13.6 2005 77.8 18.1 71.2 11.4 2008 82.6 25.1 76.1 8.2 2011 74.1 23.6 74.6 3.4 With regard to the questions on democracy, strong leaders and experts, the percentages were arrived at from the answers ‘very good’ and ‘good’. From 1995 to 2005, trust in political parties was assessed on a four-item scale with trust being recognised with the scores of ‘quite a lot’ and ‘completely’. In 2008 and 2011 an eleven-item scale was used; from 0 to 10 where 10 indicated complete trust. Values from 7 to 10 were held to be indicators of trust. Questions: Here is a list of different ways on managing the country. Please tell us how good in your opinion each of them is? … [Democracy] That we have a democratic political system [Experts should rule] That experts and not government decide what is good for the state [Strong Leader] To have a strong leader who makes decisions without parlia- ment and elections. [Trust in Parties]. To what degree you can trust the following… Source: Toš ed. (1999; 2004; 2009; 2012). It is not that Slovenes do not know what they want. Table 3 indicates con- sistent support for the core values of the welfare state and overwhelming support for state involvement in health, pensions and unemployment ben- efits. Table 3 also shows consistent but more volatile support for the state involvement in lowering differences among poor and rich. Corroborating the image, data from the longitudinal and representative Slovenian Public Lars JOHANNSEN, Alenka KRAŠOVEC TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 51 Opinion Poll (Toš and skupina, 2013) show that the conception of ‘small social differences’ evoked positive connotations among two thirds in 1994 with an increase, during the Great Recession, to 84 percent in 2013. The building and maintenance of the welfare state is important. For example, in 2005, close to 90 percent of the population agreed that the pres- ervation of the welfare state was important or very important (Toš ed., 2009). However, Slovenes also regard the welfare state as being at risk of being dis- mantled. According to surveys, in 2003, about a third thought Slovenia is a welfare state. This increased to 49 percent in 2005 but dropped, following the Great Recession, to 39 percent in 2013 (Toš and skupina, 2013). Table 3: CORE VALUES OF THE wELFARE STATE (1989–2015) Health Retirement and old age Unemployment Lower income differences 1989 94.9 95.2 80.7 72.3 1995 96.1 95.6 84.2 83.3 1996 94.7 94.0 76.6 78.9 1997 96.2 94.6 79.6 78.5 1998 96.2 95.1 77.6 81.5 1999 93.8 90.8 77.8 78.0 2000 96.2 95.4 81.5 88.6 2003 97.0 96.4 85.6 89.2 2005 95.7 95.3 77.4 86.2 2006 97.4 95.8 80.7 89.5 2007 96.3 95.3 86.1 90.8 2009 93.8 93.9 89.1 91.6 2012 98.1 98.2 79.5 n.a. 2015 98.6 98.4 77.9 91.2 Percent expressing the view that the state is ‘Responsible in any case’ or ‘Partially responsi- ble’ in providing … Questions: For which things in the future in Slovenia should the state be responsible?…. [Health] To assure health help to ill people; [Retirement and old age] To assure retired and old people adequate an living stand- ard; [Unemployment] To assure unemployed an adequate living stand- ard; [Lower income differences] To lower differences among poor and rich. Source: Toš ed. (1999; 2004; 2009; 2012); Toš and skupina (2013). Considering the stable value system and rather unfulfilled expectations regarding the welfare state, these patterns are evidence of what Pasquino (2014) terms collective anxiety and frustration. Slovenes are in search of responsive- ness. They support democracy but have little faith in political parties. Lars JOHANNSEN, Alenka KRAŠOVEC TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 52 We turn now to our analysis of the transformation of neo-corporatism to personalist politics. Responsiveness and responsibility: from neo-corporatism to personalist politics With a professional and impartial civil service, Slovenia initially escaped much of the politicisation of the administration that characterised many of the former Yugoslav states (Ploštajner, 2004; Rabrenovic and Verheijen, 2005). Slovenia experienced fewer implementation difficulties with its poli- cies than the Czech Republic and only slightly more difficulties than Poland and Hungary (Johannsen, 2007). Certainly, Slovenia was seen as a ‘good pupil’ (Bugaric and Kuhelj, 2015: 273) – its neo-corporatist arrangement embodied in the Economic and Social Council (ESS – Ekonomsko-socialni svet) demonstrated stability and a more social transformation (Johannsen, 2008; Stanojević and Krašovec, 2011; Guardiancich, 2012); it enjoyed favourable socio-economic development in the 1990s (Fink-Hafner and Hafner-Fink, 2009) without major macroeconomic imbalances (Bohle and Greskovits, 2007; Šušteršič, 2009). Corporatism was regarded by many as the natural continuation of Slo- venia’s political and economic history (Lukšič, 1994; 2003). The transition to the market and the preparations for EU-membership were carried out in the 1990s and early 2000s through a number of social pacts (Crowley and Stanojević, 2011; Stanojević and Krašovec, 2011; Feldmann, 2014). However, the triadic exchange also contained the seeds of destruction. The government appeared more responsive to the ESS than to the electorate with the famous written apology in 1994 by then Prime Minister Drnovšek for not including the ESS in the budget preparation (Lukšič, 1997). More- over, the privatisation process appeared to favour managers (Stanojević, 2012) in an elite network across business, politics and administration (Fink- Hafner, 1998) that lead to suspicions of political nepotism (Krašovec et al., 2014). What is more, the arrangement served to maintain vested interests (Krašovec and Johannsen, 2016), hindering necessary reforms (Adam and Tomšič, 2012). The suspicions of foul play undoubtedly fuelled distrust in political par- ties and electoral turnout continued to fall. With the common anti-party sentiment in Central and Eastern Europe (Fink-Hafner, 2012; Cabada and Tomšič, 2016) and the marked decline by almost one half in the strength of employers’ associations and trade-unions (Stanojević and Klarič, 2013), the claim to representation and the exchange model of neo-corporatism appeared flawed. The neo-corporatist superstructure began to crumble. In addition, at the 2004 election a centrifugal process drew compromise Lars JOHANNSEN, Alenka KRAŠOVEC TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 53 away from the centre (Krašovec and Johannsen, 2016). Although the politi- cal space had been dominated by a relative stable left-right divide (Cabada and Tomšič, 2016), the tradition of governing across the divide was replaced when new neoliberal socio-economic reforms where carried though by small majorities (Haughton and Krašovec, 2013). Slovenia did not become a typical majoritarian democracy, neither in its electoral system nor in the dis- tribution of seats in the parliament, but the ideological coherence of Prime Minister Janša’s centre-right governing coalition, and its willingness to use a narrow majority, made it resemble a majoritarian democracy with decisive decision-making to overcome the deadlock of neo-corporatism. As such, the government appeared to become more effective. Janša’s reforms ranged from personnel changes, easing restrictions on the labour markets and applying market solutions to provide welfare state services, such as health and education, and a flat-tax rate was also proposed (Prunk, 2012; Stanojević, 2012). Janša’s reforms faced strong opposition from pro-welfare groups and from the trade unions and on the streets. Although a new social pact was agreed in 2007, neither the trade unions nor the employers’ organisations found governments as cooperative as they used to be (Stanojević and Krašovec, 2011). In addition, the loss of mem- bers lead them to radicalise leaving less room for bargaining and consensus (Stanojević and Klarič, 2013) and, thus also less attractive to any government as partners. Politics had become more polarised. The centrifugal process continued as power changed hands following the 2008 election. Prime Minister Pahor had campaigned to reintroduce con- sensual politics but illustrative of the quid pro quo logic he too found it nec- essary to utilise narrow majorities on critical decisions. The Great Recession hit Slovenia hard and efforts to mitigate the social costs left public debt and the deficit spiralling. The government tried to negotiate a pact through the ESS but negotiations foundered and Pahor launched a package of reforms to increase flexibility in the labour market, and reduce public spending on pen- sions and health services (Johannsen and Krašovec, 2015). The welfare state retrenchments left the centre-left government squeezed between its natural allies and the opposition. Pahor’s opponents used the tactic of initiating ref- erendums to block the reforms. Polarisation, dissatisfaction as well as mobili- sation against the traditional political institutions became the norm. The deinstitutionalisation of political institutions not only affected the labour market partners. Amidst the centrifugal processes, the ‘traditional’ political parties had begun to disintegrate or deinstitutionalise, most evi- dently in the case of the Liberal Democracy of Slovenia (LDS) who other- wise had played the leading role during the transition. In contrast to many other Central and Eastern European countries, Slovenia had appeared rela- tively stable; but with parties largely interwoven with the state and receiving Lars JOHANNSEN, Alenka KRAŠOVEC TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 54 resources from the state (Krašovec and Haughton, 2011) it had been less attractive to develop the parties as organisations tied to society (Krašovec, 2000). This lack of institutionalisation was furthered by the mediatisation of politics. Easy access to the modern media and the personalisation of politics rather than the feasibility of political programmes had become more deci- sive for voters (Cabada and Tomšič, 2016). The deinstitutionalisation of political parties in conjunction with media- tisation gave rise to what Cabada and Tomšič (2016: 41) call ‘non-party poli- tics’. It is not surprising that parties who cater to such conceptions should rise in Slovenia when we consider the number that supports technocratic politics in Table 2. These factors cannot, however, stand alone. The lack of responsiveness and the number of scandals and allegations of corrup- tion connected to almost all established political parties, their leaders and prominent members (Krašovec and Haughton, 2012; Krašovec et al., 2014; Krašovec and Haughton, 2014) led to collective anxiety and distrust. The era of personalist politics began. Cabada and Tomšič (2016) trace the beginning of ‘non-party politics’ to the election of Zoran Janković, a well-known businessman, as mayor of Ljubljana in 2006. Running on a platform of his personal qualities as a suc- cessful business manager, Janković entered the parliament in 2011 with his List of Zoran Janković-Positive Slovenia (LZJ-PS). The list was formed only two months before the election, following encouragement for Janković to run from a group of prominent persons (Krašovec and Haughton, 2012). The 2011 election also saw the election of Virant, an established university law professor, on a party list of his name – the Civic List of Gregor Virant (DLGV) campaigning against corruption. The newcomers represented tech- nocracy –on one hand business skills and on the other anti-corruption. They spoke directly to the electorate and combined accounted for more than one third of the vote. According to the Pedersen index, volatility reached 40 per- cent and the share of seats for ‘new parties’ totalled 44 percent (Krašovec and Johannsen, 2016). However, the Great Recession pushed Slovenia to the brink of a Euro bailout and bickering in the parliament continued. To add to this, Prime Minister Janša from SDS was indicted on corruption charges leaving Alenka Bratušek from Janković’s Positive Slovenia to take charge of a shaky coali- tion. Early elections were called in 2014 which saw yet further new person- alist parties campaign. The Party of Miro Cerar (SMC), founded only six weeks prior to the elec- tion, took more than a third of the votes at the 2014 election. Miro Cerar, an established law professor campaigned against corruption and appealed for cooperation and less polarisation. Cerar combined the attraction of tech- nocracy with an appeal to the majority who had lost faith in the political Lars JOHANNSEN, Alenka KRAŠOVEC TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 55 system (Krašovec and Haughton, 2014). Cerar is not a typical personalist in that he is not considered to be a charismatic leader (Fink-Hafner, 2016). Whether Cerar will have more success than Virant and Janković, who both failed to gain seats in 2014 election, is too early to tell. Can he demonstrate responsiveness and lead the restoration of the welfare state? As argued above, Slovenes believe in democracy and also believe that elections can change things. Since 1995, two-thirds of the population has consistently held this belief (Toš ed., 1999; 2004; 2009; 2012). Thus if politicians continu- ously appear to serve their own or vested interest, rather than the common good, the electorate will continue its search for new faces, new parties and new leaders to believe in. Conclusion Slovenia is an illustrative and prototypical case having experienced three distinct phases of political development from neo-corporatism through majoritarian pluralism to personalist politics in little more than 25 years. In the comparison of each model as an ideal type, we noted that a strength of one is a weakness of the other two. The process of deinstitutionalisation of political organisations has made neo-corporatism a less viable model as weak political parties and weak social partners bring less to the table and are less representative. Furthermore, unresolved economic issues and polit- ical deadlock has led to suspicions of political cronyism – suspicions that were further fuelled during majoritarian pluralism. In theory, the strength of majoritarian pluralism is political decisiveness; but it also lead to a polarisa- tion of the political system producing new deadlocks illustrating the danger of quid pro quo. Like other post-socialist countries, Slovenia has experienced the process of deinstitutionalisation and the general public is suspicious of cronyism. Beneath the volatility of the party system, large majorities consistently share a core common belief in the welfare state. Slovenes hold the welfare state dear and the failure to deliver has created collective anxiety, distrust and deinstitutionalisation that has given rise to personalist parties. Such parties have not only capitalised on the (assumed) competences of the political leader but, through their novelty, are able to address anxiety and distrust. The question is whether the ‘personalist period’ will continue, as both neo- corporatism and majoritarian democracy rest on institutionalised and coher- ent parties and organisations. Thus a turn away from personalist politics will depend on a gradual strengthening, cooperation and responsiveness which will earn the trust of the electorate. Lars JOHANNSEN, Alenka KRAŠOVEC TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 56 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adam, Frane and Matevž Tomšič (2012): The Dynamics of Elites and the Type of Capitalism: Slovenian Exceptionalism? Historical Social Research/Historische Sozialforschung 37 (2): 53–70. Akkerman, Agnes, Cas Mudde and Andrej Zaslove (2014): How Populist Are the People? Measuring Populist Attitudes in Voters. Comparative Political Studies 47 (9): 1324–53. Almond, Gabriel and Sydney Verba (1963): The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Countries. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Bardi Luciano, Stefano Bartolini and Alexander H. Trechsel (2014): Responsive and Responsible? The Role of Parties in Twenty-First Century Politics. West Euro- pean Politics 37 (2): 235–52. Barr, R. Robert (2009): Populists, Outsiders and Anti-Establishment Politics. Party Politics 15 (1): 29–48. Binderkrantz, Anne Skorkjær, Peter Munk Christiansen and Helene Helboe Pedersen (2014): A Privileged Position? The Influence of Business Interests in Government Consultations. Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 24 (4): 879–96. Bohle, Dorothee and Bela Greskovits (2007): Neoliberalism, Embedded Neoliber- alism and Neocorporatism: Towards Transnational Capitalism in Central-East- ern Europe. West European Politics 30 (3): 443–66. Brug, Wouter van der and Anthony Mugdan (2007): Charisma, Leader Effects and Support for Right-Wing Populist Parties. Party Politics 13 (1): 29–51. Bugaric, Bojan and Alenka Kuhelj (2015): Slovenia in Crisis: A Tale of Unfinished Democratization in East-Central Europe. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48 (4): 273–79. Cabada, Ladislav and Matevž Tomšič (2016): The Rise of Person-Based Politics in the New Democracies: The Czech Republic and Slovenia. Politics in Central Europe 12 (2): 29–50. Chiapponi, Flavio (2013): Italy: Varieties of Populist Leadership. In Sergiu Gherghina, Sergiu Mişcoiu and Sorina Soare (eds.), Contemporary Populism: A Controversial Concept and Its Diverse Forms, 294–315. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Crowley, Stephen and Miroslav Stanojevič (2011): Varieties of Capitalism, Power Resources, and Historical Legacies: Explaining the Slovenian Exception. Politics and Society 39 (18): 268–95. Dahl, A. Robert (1982): Dilemmas of Pluralist Democracy: Autonomy vs. Control, New Have: Yale University Press. Diamond, J. Larry and Leonardo Morlino (2004): The Quality of Democracy: An Overview. Journal of Democracy 15 (4): 20–31. Downs, Anthony (1957): An Economic Theory of Political Action in a Democracy. Journal of Political Economy 65 (2): 135–50. Feldmann, Magnus (2014): Coalitions and Corporatism: The Slovenian Political Economy and the Crisis. Government and Opposition 49 (1): 70–91. Lars JOHANNSEN, Alenka KRAŠOVEC TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 57 Fink-Hafner, Danica (1998): Organized Interests in the Policy-Making Process in Slovenia. Journal of European Public Policy 5 (2): 285–302. Fink-Hafner, Danica (2012): Značilnosti razvoja strankarskega sistema v Sloveniji. In Janko Prunk and Tomaž Deželan (eds.), Dvajset let slovenske države, 193– 213. Maribor: Aristej. Fink-Hafner, Danica (2016): A Typology of Populisms and Changing Forms of Soci- ety: The Case of Slovenia. Europe-Asia Studies 68 (8): 1315–39. Fink-Hafner, Danica and Mitja Hafner-Fink (2009): The Determinants of the Suc- cess of Transitions to Democracy. Europe-Asia Studies 61 (9): 1603–25. Fukuyama, Francis (2011): The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution. London: Profile Books Ltd. Gobeyn, Mark James (1993): Explaining the Decline of Macro-Corporatist Political Bargaining Structures in Advanced Capitalist Societies. Governance 6 (1): 3–22. Guardiancich, Igor (2012): The Uncertain Future of Slovenian Exceptionalism. East European Politics and Societies 26 (2): 380–99. Haughton, Tim and Alenka Krašovec (2013): The 2011 Parliamentary Elections in Slovenia. Electoral Studies 32 (1): 201–4. Holman, Craig and William Luneburg (2012): Lobbying and Transparency: A Com- parative Analysis of Regulatory Reform. Interest Groups and Advocacy 1 (1): 75–104. Johannsen, Lars (2002): The Responsive State. Baltic Defence Review 2 (8): 9–20. Johannsen, Lars (2003): The Effective State. Baltic Defence Review 2 (9): 23–33. Johannsen, Lars (2007): Europeizacija i implementacija politika u Sloveniji, Repu- blici Češkoj, Mađarskoj i Poljskoj. Anali 3 (1): 247–59. Johannsen, Lars (2008): Slovensk success: Korporatisme og konsensus. Nordisk Østforum 22 (1): 55–70. Johannsen, Lars and Karin Hilmer Pedersen (2008): The Responsive State: Open- ness and Inclusion in the Policy Process. In Anis A. Dani and Arjan de Haan (eds.), Inclusive States: Social Policy and Structural Inequalities, 73–95. Wash- ington DC: World Bank Publications. Johannsen, Lars and Alenka Krašovec (2015): Corporatism in Crisis: Economic Crisis and Inequality. Paper presented at the Annual meeting of The Slovenian Political Science Association, Ljubljana, 28.–29. May 2015. Kostadinova, Tatiana and Barry Levitt (2014): Toward a Theory of Personalist Par- ties: Concept Formation and Theory Building. Politics & Policy 42 (4): 490–51. Krašovec, Alenka (2000): Moč v političnih strankah. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za družbene vede. Krašovec, Alenka and Tim Haughton (2011): Money, Organization and the State: The Partial Cartelization of Party Politics in Slovenia. Communist and Post-Com- munist Studies 44 (3): 199–209. Krašovec, Alenka and Tim Haughton (2012): Europe and the Parliamentary Elec- tions in Slovenia, December 2011. Election Briefing no 69. European Parties Elections and Referendums Network. Accessible at https://www.sussex.ac.uk/ webteam/gateway/file.php?name=epern-election-briefing-no-69.pdf&site=266. Lars JOHANNSEN, Alenka KRAŠOVEC TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 58 Krašovec, Alenka and Tim Haughton (2014): Predictably Unpredictable: The 2014 Parliamentary Elections in Slovenia. European Parties Elections and Referen- dums Network 17. Jul. 2014. Accessible at http://epern.wordpress.com/ 2014 /07/17/predictably-unpredictable-the-2014-parliamentary-elections-in-slovenia/ Krašovec, Alenka, Lars Johannsen, Karin Hilmer Pedersen and Tomaž Deželan (2014): Nevarnost sistemske korupcije v Sloveniji: spodbude in ovire. Revija za kriminalistiko in kriminologijo 65 (3): 207–20. Krašovec, Alenka and Lars Johannsen (2016): Recent Developments in Democracy in Slovenia. Problems of Post-Communism 63 (5–6): 313–22. Lijphart, Arend (1999): Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Perfor- mance in Thirty-Six Countries. New Haven: Yale University Press. Lindblom, E. Charles (1977): Politics and Markets: The World’s Political-Economic Systems. New York: Basic Books. Lukšič, Igor (1994): Corporatism in the Political System of the Republic of Slovenia. In Bojko Bučar and Stein Kuhnle (eds.), Small States Compared: Politics of Nor- way and Slovenia, 201–15. Bergen: Alma Mater. Lukšič, Igor (1997): Social Partnership in Slovenia – How to Go Further? In Samo Kropivnik, Igor Lukšič and Drago Zajc (eds.), Conflict and Consensus: Pluralism and Neocorporatism in the New and Old Democracies, 185–207. Ljubljana: Slo- venian Political Science Association. Lukšič, Igor (2003): Corporatism Packaged in Pluralist Ideology: The Case of Slo- venia. Communist and Post-Communist Studies 36 (4): 509–25. Molina, Oscar and Martin Rhodes (2002): Corporatism: The Past, Present, and Future of a Concept. Annual Review of Political Science 5: 305–31. Morlino, Leonardo (2004): ‘Good’ and ‘Bad’ Democracies: How to Conduct Research into the Quality of Democracy. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 20 (1): 5–27. Morlino, Leonardo (2009): Legitimacy and the Quality of Democracy. International Social Science Journal 60 (196): 211–22. Morlino, Leonardo and Mario Quaranta (2014): The Non-Procedural Determinants of Responsiveness. West European Politics 37 (2): 331–60. Pappas, S. Takis (2008): Political Leadership and the Emergence of Radical Mass Movements in Democracy. Comparative Political Studies 41 (8): 1117–40. Pasquino, Gianfranco (2014): Italy: The Triumph of Personalist Parties. Politics & Policy 42 (4): 548–66. Ploštajner, Zlata (2004): Slovenian Public Administration: Continuation of Reform. In Rüdiger Pintar (ed.), Reforming Local Public Administration: Efforts and Per- spectives in South-East European Countries, 49–57. Zagreb: Friedrich-Ebert Stif- tung Kroatien. Poguntke, Thomas and Paul Webb (2005): The Presidentialization of Politics: A Comparative Study of Modern Democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Prunk, Janko (2012): Politično življenje v samostojni Sloveniji. In Janko Prunk and Tomaž Deželan (eds.), Dvajset let slovenske države, 17–56. Maribor: Aristej. Pryor, L. Frederic (1988): Corporatism as an Economic System: A Review Essay. Journal of Comparative Economics 12 (3): 317–44. Lars JOHANNSEN, Alenka KRAŠOVEC TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 54, posebna številka, 2017 59 Rabrenovic, Aleksandra and Tony Verheijen (2005): Politicians and Top Civil Serv- ants in Former Yugoslav States, Back to Discarded Traditions? Accessible at www1.worldbank.org/ publicsector/PoliticiansCSYugoslav.doc Roberts, M. Kenneth (2006): Populism, Political Conflict, and Grass-Roots Organi- zation in Latin America. Comparative Politics 38 (2): 127–48. Shogan, Colleen J. (2007): Anti-Intellectualism in the Moderns Presidency: A Repub- lican Populism. Perspectives on Politics 5 (2): 295–303. Siaroff, Alan (1999): Corporatism in 24 Industrial Democracies: Meaning and Meas- urement. European Journal of Political Research 36 (2): 175–205. Stanojević, Miroslav (2012): The Rise and Decline of Slovenian Corporatism: Local and European Factors. Europe-Asia Studies 64 (5): 857–77. Stanojević, Miroslav and Alenka Krašovec (2011): Slovenia: Social Pacts and Politi- cal Exchange. In Sabina Avdagić, Martin Rhodes and Jelle Visser (eds.), Social Pacts in Europe: Emergence, Evolution, and Institutionalization, 232–56. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Stanojević, Miroslav and Matej Klarič (2013): The Impact of Socio-Economic Shocks on Social Dialogue in Slovenia. Transfer 19 (2): 217–26. Šušteršič, Janez (2009): Endogenous Gradualism and the Slovenian Puzzle. China Economic Review 20 (2): 265–74. Taylor, Lucy (2016): Representation. In Christopher Ansell and Jacob Torfing (eds.), Handbook on Theories of Governance, 170–78. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. Taagepera, Rein and Matthew Soberg Shugart (1989): Seats and Votes: The Effects and Determinants of Electoral Systems. New Haven: Yale University Press. Toš, Niko, ed. (1999): Vrednote v prehodu II: Slovensko javno mnenje 1990–1999. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za družbene vede. Toš, Niko, ed. (2004): Vrednote v prehodu III: Slovensko javno mnenje 1999–2004. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za družbene vede. Toš, Niko, ed. (2009) Vrednote v prehodu IV: Slovensko javno mnenje 2004–2009. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za družbene vede. Toš, Niko, ed. (2012): Vrednote v prehodu V: Slovensko javno mnenje 2009–2012. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za družbene vede. Toš and skupina (2013): Slovensko javno mnenje: Pregled in primerjava. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za družbene vede. Werts, Han, Per Scheepers and Marcel Lubbers (2013): Euro-Scepticism and Radi- cal Right-Wing Voting in Europe, 2002–2008: Social Cleavages, Socio-Political Attitudes and Contextual Characteristics Determining Voting for the Radical Right. European Union Politics 14 (2): 183–205. Woldendorp, J. Jaap (1997): Neo-Corporatism and Macroeconomic Performance in Eight Small West European Countries (1970–1990). Acta Politica 32 (1): 49–79.