st ud ia universitatis he re di ta ti letnik 10 številka 1 2022 volume 10 number 1 2022 studia universitatis hereditati Znanstvena revija za raziskave in teorijo kulturne dediščine | Scientific Journal of Cultural Heritage Research and Theory Letnik 10, številka 1, 2022 | Volume 10, Number 1, Year 2022 Glavna in odgovorna urednica ter urednica številke | Editor-in-Chief Zrinka Mileusnić (Fakulteta za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Slovenija) Urednica številke | Guest Editor Irena Lazar (Fakulteta za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Slovenija) Izvršni in tehnični urednik revije ter oblikovanje | Managing Editor and Design Jonatan Vinkler (Fakulteta za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Slovenija) Prelom | Typesetting Tajda Senica Uredniški odbor | Editorial Board Vesna Bikić (Arheološki institut Beograd, SANU, Srbija) Valentina Brečko Grubar (Fakulteta za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Slovenija) Jadranka Cergol (Fakulteta za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Slovenija) Zdravka Hincak (Filozofski fakultet, Sveučilište u Zagrebu, Hrvaška) Matej Hriberšek (Filozofska fakulteta, Univerza v Ljubljani, Slovenija) Katja Hrobat Virloget (Fakulteta za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Slovenija) Alenka Janko Spreizer (Fakulteta za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Slovenija) Petra Kavrečič (Fakulteta za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Slovenija) Irena Lazar (Fakulteta za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Slovenija) Tea Perinčić (Pomorski i povijesni muzej Hrvatskog primorja Rijeka, Hrvaška) Marcello Potocco (Fakulteta za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Slovenija) Maša Sakara Sučevič (Pokrajinski muzej, Slovenija) Peter Sekloča (Fakulteta za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Slovenija) Alenka Tomaž (Fakulteta za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Slovenija) Jonatan Vinkler (Fakulteta za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Slovenija) Jana Volk (Fakulteta za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Slovenija) Paola Visentini (Museo Friulano di Storia Naturale, Udine, Italija) Mednarodni indeksi | Indexing and Abstracting DOAJ, Erih Plus Revijo arhivira Narodna in Univerzitetna knjižnica. | The Journal is archived by the National and University Library of Slovenia. Izdajatelj | Publisher Univerza na Primorskem – Založba Univerze na Primorskem University of Primorska – University of Primorska Press © 2022 Založba Univerze na Primorskem | University of Primorska Press Titov trg 4 SI-6000 Koper ISSN 2350-5443 https://doi.org/10.26493/2350-5443.10(1) Finančna podpora | Funding Izid revije je finančno podprla Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije s sredstvi državnega proračuna iz naslova razpisa za sofinanciranje izdajanja domačih znanstvenih periodičnih publikacij. | The publication of this issue was financially supported by Slovenian Research Agency. Konflikt interesov | Conflict of Interest Avtorji v zvezi z vsebino te številke nimajo relevantnega navzkrižja interesov, ki bi ga morali prijaviti. | Authors have no relevant conflicts of interest to declare in relation to the content of this issue. studia universitatis hereditati st ud ia universitatis he re di ta ti letnik 10 številka 1 2022 volume 10 number 1 2022 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Vsebina Contents 7 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Irena Lazar 9 Uvodnik Editorial Boris Kavur 13 We’re same colours, and we’re different breeds … Smo iste barve in smo različnih vrst ... Ana Franjić, Ian C. Freestone, Borut Križ and Petra Stipančić 23 The spectrometric analysis of Iron Age glass beads from Novo Mesto, Slovenia Spektrometrične analize železnodobnih steklenih jagod iz Novega mesta, Slovenija Irena Lazar 31 Rimska čaša s podpisom mojstra Enniona – prva najdba, odkrita v Sloveniji Roman beaker signed by Ennion – the first find discovered in Slovenia Zrinka Buljević 39 Grave 6 from Trogir’s Dobrić necropolis Grob 6 z nekropole Dobrić v Trogirju Kristina Koseva 51 Late antique glass assemblage from Serdica Poznoantično stekleno gradivo iz Serdike Dimitar Nikolovski 63 Glass exagia from Stobi Steklene uteži (exagia) iz Stobija Nikolina Topić 73 Stained glass from the research of the Dubrovnik cathedral Slikano steklo odkrito med raziskavami dubrovniške katedrale Irena Lazar 89 Recenzija Review st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Uvodnik Editorial Irena Lazar UNESCO katedra in Fakulteta za humanistične študije, Univerza na Primorskem, Slovenija irena.lazar@fhs.upr.si 9 Prva številka revije SUH v letu 2022 je pos-večena antičnemu steklu. Nabor člankov ni naključen, saj v letu 2022 praznujemo mednarodno leto stekla, ki ga je 18. maja 2021, na pobudo Mednarodne komisije za steklo (ICG), ICOM-Glass in Community of Glass Associ- ations (CGA), razglasila Generalna skupščina Združenih narodov. Med več kot 1100 podpor- niki iz 74 držav je bila, na pobudo Fakultete za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, tudi Slovenija. Leto poudarja pomembno vlogo stekla v na- šem življenju in posebej izpostavlja tehnološki, znanstveni in gospodarski pomen tega pogos- to spregledanega prosojnega materiala (https:// iyog2022.org/). Steklo je prav tako izjemno po- memben medij v umetnosti in njegov zgodo- vinski razvoj je nedeljiv del tisočletnega razvoja in napredka človeštva. Vizija mednarodnega leta stekla 2022 je pra- znovati preteklost, sedanjost in bodočnost tega izjemnega materiala ter slediti ciljem Agende 2030 Združenih narodov. Posebej so izpostav- ljeni vloga stekla v razvoju človeštva, organizaci- ja mednarodnih znanstvenih in umetniških do- godkov, spodbujanje in širitev védenja o pomenu bogate zgodovine stekla, poudarjanje povezave med steklom, umetnostjo in kulturo, spodbuja- nje raziskav o steklu v izobraževalnih in razisko- valnih institucijah, industriji in širši javnosti ter seveda izgradnja in spodbujanje mednarodnih povezav. Na pobudo slovenskih raziskoval- cev antičnega in novoveškega stekla s Fakul- tete za humanistične študije Univerze na Primorskem, Narodnega muzeja Slovenije, Po- krajinskega muzeja Maribor in Pokrajinskega muzeja Celje, je v Sloveniji nastal projekt »Po stekleni poti/Upon the Glass Trail«, s kate- rim se je Slovenija vključila v praznovanje med- narodnega leta stekla (https://www.nms.si/si/ razstave/e-razstave/11049-Po-stekleni-poti). Trinajst slovenskih muzejev že od februar- ja dalje pripravlja vitrine meseca, v katerih pred- stavljajo izbrane steklene predmete iz svojih zbirk in depojev. Vitrine in razstave dopolnju- jejo raznolika predavanja strokovnjakov in raz- iskovalcev stekla iz različnih muzejskih in razi- skovalnih ustanov. Fakulteta za humanistične študije se kot iz- obraževalna in raziskovalna institucija v ta pro- gram vključuje s konferenco, potekala bo 5. in 6. oktobra 2022 v Kopru in Ljubljani, ter s te- matsko številko revije Studia Univerzitatis He- reditati, ki je pred nami in prinaša nabor znan- stvenih prispevkov na temo raziskav antičnega stekla. V njej svoje rezultate predstavljajo med- narodno uveljavljeni raziskovalci stekla iz Bolga- rije, Hrvaške, Slovenije, Velike Britanije in Se- verne Makedonije. Sklop znanstvenih prispevkov obsega se- dem člankov, ki prinašajo razprave na temo ma- terialne kulture stekla v arheoloških kontekstih od prazgodovine do srednjega veka, številko pa ht t ps://doi .org /10. 264 93/2350 -54 4 3.10(1)9-11 © aut hor/aut hors st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 10 zaključuje še recenzija monografije Muzeja an- tičnega stekla iz Zadra. Prvi članek, ki ga je prispeval Boris Kavur, analizira steklene jagode v obliki amforiskov iz različnih arheoloških kontekstov in jih uporabi za interpretacijo širših kulturnih procesov. Od- ražajo namreč kompleksne družbene mreže, ki so povezovale različne svetove – od antične Ma- kedonije do Baltika, od osrednjega Balkana do osrčja Panonske nižine. Odsevajo svojevrsten prestiž v materialni kulturi prazgodovinskih elit in dokazujejo obstoj trgovske mreže na dol- ge razdalje. Naslednji članek, ki so ga pripravili Ana Franjić, Ian Freestone, Borut Križ in Petra Sti- pančić, prinaša pomembne novosti s področ- ja raziskav in arheometričnih analiz prazgodo- vinskega stekla Dolenjske. Analizirano gradivo je obsegalo 48 poznobronastodobnih in žele- znodobnih jagod s prazgodovinskih grobišč Ka- piteljska njiva in Mestne njive. Rezultati analiz kažejo, da je bilo steklo, uporabljeno za izdelavo jagod, uvoženo. Elementi v sledovih kažejo ana- logije z že opredeljenimi tipi stekla, ki izvirajo iz vzhodnega Sredozemlja. Rezultati tako dokazu- jejo obstoj organizirane in dobro vzdrževane tr- govine na dolge razdalje med Dolenjsko in vzho- dnim Sredozemljem v času železne dobe. Tretji prispevek, izpod peresa podpisane, predstavlja izjemno najdbo v kalup pihane ste- klene čaše steklarja Enniona z območja Sloveni- je; gre za izdelek antičnega mojstra, ki je na svoje steklene posode, pretežno izdelane v prvi polovi- ci 1. stoletja, napisal Ennion me je izdelal. Najd- ba izvira iz naselbinskega konteksta rimske na- selbine Romula (Ribnica pri Brežicah), carinske in obcestne postaje, kamor so, sodeč po števil- nih izjemnih najdbah, prihajali tudi po naroči- lu narejeni stekleni izdelki z vseh strani imperija. V svetovnem merilu pomembna najdba širi po- znano mrežo izdelkov sidonskega mojstra z naj- dišč zahodne Evrope na območje JV Alp in rim- ske province Panonije. Naslednji prispevek, ki ga objavlja Zrinka Buljević, predstavlja rimski grob 6 iz Trogirja na Hrvaškem. V poznorimskem grobu, datiranem na konec 4. in v prvo polovico 5. stoletja, pose- bej izstopa skodelica z graviranim geometrij- skim okrasom, tako zaradi okrasa kot majhnih dimenzij. Skodela, ki je okrašena po vsej površi- ni, ima primerjave v izdelkih, ki so nastajali v ste- klarskih centrih Dura-Europos, Intercisa, Tana- is in Köln. Avtorica članka meni, da je skodela iz Trogirja uvožena iz ene od galsko-renskih delav- nic, ki so bile aktivne v 4. stoletju. Kristina Koseva, doktorska študentka iz Bolgarije, objavlja razpravo o sklopu steklenega gradiva, ki je bilo odkrito med raziskavami leta 2012 v opuščenem vodnjaku rimskega mesta Ser- dica (Sofija) v Bolgariji. Opredeliti je bilo mogo- če oblike, kot so konične čaše, svetilke, steklenič- ke in vrči, posode so bile obdelane in okrašene v toplem in ohlajenem stanju. Glede na stratigrafi- jo in odkrito gradivo je bil vodnjak najverjetne- je opuščen in napolnjen z odpadom v teku 5. sto- letja, v 6. stoletju je bil nad njim že pozidan nov objekt. Na osnovi primerjav je stekleno gradivo datirano v čas med 4. in 6. stoletjem. Posebej zanimivo gradivo objavlja Dimitar Nikolovski, ki predstavlja majhne steklene uteži (exagia), katerih posamična teža ne presega 4,5 g, odkrite v antičnem mestu Stobi (današnja Sever- na Makedonija). Najdbe steklenih uteži za zlate kovance (solidi) so tesno povezane s fiskalnimi in administrativnimi reformami cesarja Anastazi- ja, ki jih je nadaljeval Justinijan I. Uteži so bile v uporabi relativno kratek čas, približno 150 let, in sicer v 6. in prvi polovici 7. stoletja na obmo- čju Bizantinskega cesarstva. Najdbe uteži doka- zujejo trgovsko in gospodarsko aktivnost mesta Stobi še na koncu 6. in v prvi polovici 7. stoletja. Zadnji prispevek se posveča slikanemu stek- lu oziroma vitražem. Nikolina Topić predstavlja ostanke slikanega stekla in oken (kosi obarva- nega stekla vseh vrst, svinčeni okvirji, mreža za okna) iz katedrale v Dubrovniku iz obdobja od sredine 14. do prve polovice 15. stoletja. Gradivo predstavlja redkost med steklenimi najdbami na Balkanu. Vitraži iz dubrovniške katedrale so bili morda delno izdelani v Dubrovniku pod zahod- noevropskim vplivom ali pa uvoženi iz zahod- ne Evrope. Nastali so verjetno med sredino 14. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i u v od n ik • e d it or ia l 11 stoletja in letom 1440 (Philip de Diversis v svo- ji knjigi omenja steklena okna katedrale s podo- bami svetnikov). Okna so bila poškodovana leta 1573, dokončno uničenje pa je povzročil potres leta 1667. Številko zaključuje recenzija Irene Lazar, ki je vzela pod drobnogled katalog stalne postavi- tve Muzeja antičnega stekla v Zadru, objavljen leta 2021 (Antičko staklo. Katalog stalnog posta- va Muzeja antičkog stakla u Zadru), ki sta ga pripravila Anamarija Eterović Borzić in Berislav Štefanac. Želimo vam prijetno branje! st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i AbstractThe paper analyses amphoriskos-shaped glass beads from different archaeological contexts. As they re- flect the complex social networks that connected different worlds, they can be used to interpret broader cultural processes – from ancient Macedonia to the Baltic, from the central Balkans to the heart of the Pannonian plain. Most importantly, we can use the finds to explain the concept of prestige in the anal- ysis of material culture and to reconstruct the intercultural character of social elites, which created and sustained long-distance trade networks. Key words: amphoriskos-shaped glass beads, long-distance trade, Early Iron Age, Late Iron Age Izvleček Prispevek analizira steklene jagode v obliki amforiskov iz različnih arheoloških kontekstov. Uporablja- jo se za interpretacijo širših kulturnih procesov, saj odsevajo kompleksne družbene mreže, ki so pove- zovale različne svetove – od antične Makedonije do Baltika, od osrednjega Balkana do osrčja Panonske nižine. Najpomembneje pa je, da se najdbe lahko uporabijo za razlago koncepta prestiža v analizah ma- terialne kulture in za rekonstrukcijo medkulturnega značaja družbenih elit, ki so ustvarile in vzdrževa- le trgovske mreže na dolge razdalje. Ključne besede: steklene jagode v obliki amforiska, trgovina na dolge razdalje, starejša železna doba, mlajša železna doba We’re same colours, and we’re different breeds … Smo iste barve in smo različnih vrst ... Boris Kavur University of Primorska, Faculty of Humanities, Slovenia boris.kavur@upr.si 13 Introduction Europe presently is, and was in the past, a continent with many interacting regions. While some aspects, such as the relation- ship between Mediterranean cultures and Early and Late Iron Age cultural regions, for example, have been addressed many times, other inter-re- gional relationships have been neglected – es- pecially those transgressing the Early/Late Iron Age cultural and chronological borders. Particu- larly since numerous authors claimed that the Balkans and the Eastern Adriatic coast were just the periphery of the more developed and wealthy Greek world (especially in the 5th and 4th centu- ry BCE these were Archaea Macedonia and Syr- acuse on Sicily) and the contacts of these regions with their hinterlands were based on purely eco- nomic relations.  A mosaic of different prehistoric communi- ties surrounded the Adriatic in the 4th century BCE. Each one of them possessed a limited ter- ritory and several fortified proto-urban centres controlled secondary urban agglomerations and spoke most probably a distinct language. While in the southeastern Alps and along the river Sava there were the last communities persisting in the last cultural manifestations of the Early Iron ht t ps://doi .org /10 . 264 93/2350 -54 43.10 (1)13-22 © aut hor/aut hors st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Age, further to the north, in the Pannonian Ba- sin, there were the communities we describe to- day as the Celts. Carriers of technological and stylistic innovations broadly described as the Late Iron Age – and despite their cultural var- iability, they unified in numerous stylistic and technological aspects a large part of central, east- ern and western Europe. The writers of antiqui- ty, referring to these communities, used differ- ent ethnonyms in describing them. They were subtly imposing that the lack of urbanization and political organization witnessed that they still did not reach the level of civilization of the people surrounding the Mediterranean. Not re- ducing the arguments to the dichotomy and di- visions between the civilized in the barbarians, the authors used an array of subtle gradients to introduce them into the world of antiquity. These communities entered the Mediterranean world and made their debut in history especial- ly at the end of the 5th and beginning of 4th cen- tury BCE during the great shifts of power when ancient Macedonia and Sicilian Syracuse includ- ed them into their economic networks and co- lonial ambitions – in the Greek narratives they were transformed from mythological into his- torical neighbours. As a result, their relation- ships shifted from being mythological to being economic and military, especially the last nar- rative dominated by Celtic migrations and in- vasions as well as the inclusion of Celtic merce- naries in power struggles among Mediterranean centres of power. In the last century archaeology was desper- ate to provide the material evidence for several processes known form history on one and to syn- chronize the existing archaeological data with historical sources on the other side. Of course, the tracing of prehistoric weaponry in the Med- iterranean (Kavur and Blečić Kavur 2014) and of luxury bronze vessels in central and eastern Europe (Blečić Kavur and Kavur 2010) seemed the easiest solution since it was interpreted as the mobility of warriors and as flow of diplomatic gifts connecting social elites on both sides. It was a major departure from the decades-old fascina- tion with the historical events such as the Celtic raid towards Delphi, which dominated the nar- rative (Schönfelder 2007; cf. Szabó 1991). Slow- ly the focus started to move to processes pre- dating the historical events, economic, cultural and religious contacts linking the Mediterrane- an and central Europe before the age of Celtic military invasions (Verger 2003). Beside the fo- cus on massive imports such as pottery and am- phorae, as well as important items, such a bronze vessel, clearly illustrating the networks of con- tacts between social elites, the focus shifted to- wards the circulation of assumable less practi- cal and ideologically invested items – jewellery, trinkets produced in workshops of ancient Mac- edonia and Great Greece. Among them the most prominent, basically due to their large numbers, wide distribution and numerous culturally dif- ferent contexts of discovery, role is played by sim- ple amphoriskos-shaped glass pendants (Rustoiu 2015; Blečić Kavur and Kavur 2016; Kavur 2019). Perhaps the oldest known archaeological discovery, chronologically and from the litera- ture, predating the arrival of the Eastern Celts to the southern part of the Pannonian Basin, but clearly indicating the circulation of prestig- ious items of material culture was unfortunate- ly also mostly ignored. Already in 1902 pub- lished assemblage from Sremska Mitrovica, most probably the remains of a single burial, includ- ed three fibulae and two bracelets made from silver, 74 amber beads, 61 coral beads, 262 am- phoriskos-shaped glass pendants, a single mel- on-shaped glass bead, two elongated black glass beads and, most importantly, the remains of a bronze cup (Brunšmid 1902, 80). Although frag- mented, the remains could be reconstructed as a cup with everted rim, low foot and two handles. Similar finds were in the assemblages from the Athenian Agora dated to the end of the 5th cen- tury BCE (Vocotopoulou 1975, 761–764). To- day, among the most important finds from this context are the amphoriskos-shaped glass beads, numerous times discussed in the scientific lit- erature. They were discovered in numerous dif- ferent cultural contexts demonstrating the en- st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 14 w e’ r e sa m e c o lo u r s, a n d w e’ r e d if fe r en t b r ee d s … 15 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i tanglement of past societies today interpreted in different cultural and chronological contexts and systems. During the last few decades, new interpre- tations, based on concepts of entanglement, ac- ceptance, and rejection, have enabled modern understanding of specific items of Mediterrane- an material culture in prehistoric Iron Age con- texts. They contributed to our understanding of the intercultural nature of the world but focused predominantly on valuables such as vessels dis- playing the prestigious economic status of exclu- Figure 1: Necklace composed from glass beads from Sremska Mitrovica (photo: Boris Kavur). st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 16 sively symbolic significance, such as situlae, cups, and rhyta. They were discussed presenting their typological and stylistic determination and pro- posing their most probable place of production – illustrating the processes of their distributions as indicators of mostly political ambitions. On the other hand, they were also describing the accul- turations of indigenous elites accepting and ma- nipulating these items. By studying the material culture, new ar- chaeological interpretations have altered the discourse on Mediterranean (cultural) coloni- alism by promoting concepts of identity and en- tanglement, acceptance and rejection, acquies- cence, and resistance. This process significantly enriched our understanding of the intercultur- al character of the world in the 5th and 4th cen- turies BCE. Thus archaeology, for decades em- bedded in the historical narratives, became an even more culturally sensitive and anthropo- logically relevant endeavour. Modern studies focusing on culture contact (and culture redis- tribution) studies have transformed the archae- ology of Mediterranean trade into a discipline with transdisciplinary relevance. A widespread critical consciousness about indigenous cultural practices (and material culture production and consumption) surfaced during this (fashion- able) rise of multiculturalism. A leap was made from just talking about things and their physi- cal properties to dealing with societies in terms of abstract processes of ideological manipulation with material culture. Discussion Many papers and authors have discussed am- phoriskos-shaped glass beads in the past two decades from a variety of perspectives, but it was only recently that chemical analyses of the glass contributed to the understanding of their pro- duction and origins. Petar Popović presented the first major publication of them, focusing on finds from the Adriatic and particularly the Central Bal- kan region. He identified the workshops in an- cient Macedonia as the most probable places of their production and noted that despite the pres- ence of multiple finds in Celtic graves, their pro- duction and circulation ceased with the Celt- ic invasion to the south (Popović 1997; Popović 2000, 274–275). On the other side, Stefania Vel- lani presented an overview of their presence on the western Adriatic coast and its hinterland. Demonstrating that a modest amount of such finds was known in the 4th century BCE gen- erally in northern Italy, the most southern find came from a female burial in the hypogeum in Via Molise in Canosa di Puglia where, amongst others, 99 beads were discovered (Vellani 2000, 42–45, Fig. 1). A few years later, Martin Schönfelder in- cluded them into a broader historical picture illuminating their distribution because of the Celtic unsuccessful raid towards Delphi. He as- sumed that their distribution could explain their origins in mainly Greece but perhaps even Italy (Schönfelder 2007, 308–309). Building upon the critique of his approach and new data present- ed, Aurel Rustoiu demonstrated a much more complex situation with numerous previously un- charted finds (Rustoiu 2008, 52–57). Later he elaborated his position by dividing their distri- bution into western and eastern areas, where the western one was further sub-divided into four zones (Rustoiu 2015, 367, Fig. 3). His innovative interpretation proposed that the distribution of amphoriskos-shaped glass beads should be viewed in the context of economic and intercom- munity connections across wide areas and since most of them were discovered in female burials, he assumed that exogamy played an important role in their circulation (Rustoiu 2015, 370–373). Vera Bitrakova Grozdanova focusing on their southern distribution presented that Macedoni- an workshops developed the art of production of light transparent glass in the 4th century BCE and concluded that they were their producer (Bi- trakova Grozdanova 2011, 171). In the latest publications on the distribu- tion of amphoriskos-shaped glass beads, Marti- na Blečić Kavur and Boris Kavur acknowledged the previous discussions about the Danubian st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i w e’ r e sa m e c o lo u r s, a n d w e’ r e d if fe r en t b r ee d s … 17 corridor but focused on the importance of east- ern Adriatic trade routes and regional distribu- tion centres. Based on the association between Macedonian production, the dissemination of such finds in Slovenia, and the large concentra- tion found in central Transdanubia, they con- cluded that amphoriskos-shaped glass beads were the most numerous, but not the only ele- ment found along these pathways (Blečić Kavur and Kavur 2017; Kavur 2019). Such a position was accepted by Attila Horváth, who discovered more than 500 examples on the Celtic cemetery at Csepel Island in Budapest, where beside dif- ferent forms of glass beads, also corals and finger rings coming from the Mediterranean were dis- covered in female graves (Horváth 2017). According to the widespread distribution of amphoriskos-shaped glass beads along the Adriatic coast and southeastern Europe, we can conclude that most of them were discovered in regional settlement centres, which served as im- portant links in chains of long-distance trade and cultural connections, acting as distribution and redistribution centres for prestige items. They were points in a network of interlinked centres of power and trade, in which the redis- tribution and circulation of exotic prestigious goods created individuals accentuating their sta- tus and position with the creation of a cosmo- politan fashion in which the Macedonian prod- ucts played an important role. In the necropolis of the Celtic World, those beads were discovered in female graves demon- strating a higher status of the deceased. Such assemblages were created to clearly exhibit the economic abilities of their owners to enter and perform a crucial role in the long-distance trade with prestigious items. In grave context, from Slovenia to Hungary and beyond, glass am- phoriskos-shaped glass beads were discovered in graves not only displaying opulent grave inven- tories, such as grave number 247 from Csepel Is- land (Horváth 2017), but graves which displayed multiple cultural origins of the grave goods such as the grave number 37 from tumulus VII on Ka- piteljska njiva in Novo mesto where in a modest- ly equipped female grave an amphoriskos-shaped glass bead was discovered together with a fibula of Eastern Celtic origin, regional bracelets and ankle ring as well as glass beads (Križ, Stipančić and Škedelj Petrič 2009, 318, 8.5.5, 320, 8.5.27). By creating such inventories, they substituted their expressions of identity with symbols of their sta- tus, with prestigious items acting as an intercul- tural composition of their attire. These burials included items originating from different sourc- es and cultural backgrounds, indicating that these glass beads were one of the important el- Figure 2: Necklace with two amphoriskos-shaped glass beads and a golden lion-shaped pendant from grave 150 at the necropolis Golem Grad on Lake Prespa (Bitrakova Grozdanova 2011, 168). st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 18 ements of “cosmopolitan fashion” consumed by individuals desiring to accentuate their social status. A diffused distribution pattern was most probably the result of a system of gift exchang- es that accelerated the flow between the vague- ly geographically defined areas from which one was considered a source of prestige and power. Peer-polity interaction and competition stim- ulated the elites to emulate the consumption and display creating several archaeological re- cords. Although trinkets – are hardly recogniz- able outside of close personal interactions, with their visual idioms, they were perceived as ex- otic, and their iconography and raw materials were dramatically different. Small and worn on the body they were not as dramatically exotic as bronze vessels – their semantic message was not directed to a broad audience present on feasting and/or burial rites but limited, individual and Figure 3: Necklace composed from glass beads from Přítluky, Moravia (photo B. Kavur). st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i w e’ r e sa m e c o lo u r s, a n d w e’ r e d if fe r en t b r ee d s … 19 personal. They were prestigious, although they were not on public display – their recognition required personal closeness and admittance into a restricted social circle. Only members of social elites were able to understand activities involv- ing the procurement and redistribution of them as well as the symbolically codified identity of the possessor and his or her role within the so- ciety. They mediated this information through culturally constructed activities that included the formation of obligational relations between participants in the long-distance trade networks (Blečić Kavur and Kavur 2016, 250–252). These beads were holders of information about the so- cial connections of the owner, their relational identities and their social status or statuses in the region. Moreover, it is through the known biog- raphy of the artefacts owned, and their history of circulation that they became links between peo- ple, objects and places creating the enchainment between them (Tilley 1999; Knappett 2011). El- evated into cultural icons, enabling people to identify strongly with them and to rely on these symbols as carriers of information in their every- day lives. Conclusion Cosmopolitanism commenced its life as a pro- ject of participation in which commons exceed- ed the boundaries of their communal specifici- ty and were aspiring to embrace the world as a shared sphere. They were not only replicating their cultural and aesthetic uniformity but or- ganized diversity, the latter being the reflec- tion of an increasing interconnectedness of var- ied local cultures. Ad it was the long-distance trade and interconnectedness of regional com- munities that developed cultural characteris- tics without a clear anchorage in any one terri- tory, without a clear pattern of consumption. Amphoriskos-shaped glass beads were trinkets transgressing cultural boundaries, interpreted, and reinterpreted in different contexts, creating a diversity of practices of their manipulations, and a multitude of appropriations by local com- munities. Flowing across the cultural borders and linking central and southeastern Europe into a network connected with similar symbol- ic perceptions and desires for translucent pres- tigious jewellery. Trinkets were defined as small objects of clearly foreign origin produced from relatively inexpensive materials. They were not locally produced, and not even imitated, small enough to be worn around the neck but their details were only discernible from up close. Its’ form and the material used reinforced its other- ness and rendered it manifestly non-local – the object’s distant origin was essential to its onto- logical status and meaning within the society. It was minor exotica somewhat wondrous and un- usual but somewhat cheap, small but still consid- ered prestigious (Arrington 2016, 2–3). Despite their small size, they were consid- ered items of prestige due to their materiality and distant origin. And prestige was the main asset in the premodern world of the 5th and 4th century BCE – not only reduced to the material manifestation in terms of artefacts but also, and even more intensively in the terms of symbolic capital which could have been converted easily in other forms of capital. The great imperial super- powers of that period, the Macedonian state on one and the Sicilian Syracuse on the other side, were increasing their prestige on the peripheries through direct and indirect promotion. A con- stant flow of artefacts, interpreted as symbolic, has crossed the economic and political bound- aries of empires connected to world economies defined by market trade and their marginal re- gions where redistribution took place linked to territories embedded in subsistence economies lacking the mechanisms of wider integration. The reception of the Mediterranean im- ports in prehistoric contexts remains substan- tially incomplete without an understanding of these prehistoric communities. The presence of imports, impeded considerations of the sites in their regional contexts as loci of cultural inter- actions. The places and mechanisms of origin of these items remain in the narrative as cultur- al fantasies, and the hinterland of the Northern Adriatic acts as an interstitial location, a “non- st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 20 place” between the Mediterranean and prehis- toric times. Within all these relations, amphoriskos- -shaped glass beads served as society’s founda- tional compass points – as anchors of meaning continually referenced in the reproduction of so- cial relations and social roles. In addition, it was the similarity of social relations and social roles that connected different communities, basically different only due to their material culture. They were representative symbols considered wor- thy admirations that people accept as a short- hand to represent important ideas that were otherwise gradually diffused through oral sto- rytelling traditions, common rituals and other means of ideological reproduction. The crux of their iconicity was that they were widely regard- ed as the most compelling symbol of a set of ide- as or values that the societies deemed important (Holt 2004, 1–20). Ideas that actually changed along the long way of the distribution of the am- phoriskos-shaped beads, demonstrating the cos- mopolitanism of the prehistoric communities from the Aegean and Adriatic all the way to cen- tral-eastern Europe. Summary For most of the twentieth century, historiography and archaeology justified the great divide between the an- cient civilizations of the Mediterranean and the cul- tures of prehistoric Europe. Traditionally, the contacts were interpreted as military conflicts and the archaeo- logical finds that crossed the borders on one side, and the other, were interpreted as objects related to these rare contacts of social elites - as military booty or as dip- lomatic gifts. In recent decades, especially the archaeological inter- pretation of the processes of cultural and economic flows and social dynamics at the places of contact has begun to change radically. Analyses of the finds and the contexts of their discoveries on both sides showed that the contacts between the Mediterranean and Europe, based primarily on economic, as well as entirely on re- ligious processes, were a historical constant and not an exception. Above all, it was shown that the flows of in- dividual objects passed between centres of the redis- tribution for which we assumed culturally completely different contexts in our archaeological constructions. Long-distance trade with objects originating from the workshops of Great Greece and Ancient Macedonia connected communities on the periphery of the Med- iterranean world, and the shores of the Adriatic with communities in their hinterland and further on the con- tinent – communities that experienced the end of the Early, or they already formed, culturally, technological- ly and aesthetically the beginning of the Late Iron Age. There are a number of items that mark long-distance trade, including glass pendants in the form of am- phoriskos-shaped glass beads – jewellery trinkets made of monochrome blue glass and especially transparent glass, which represented the latest technological inno- vations of Macedonian workshops. The distribution of these objects along the Adriatic shore, through the central Balkans, and beyond the Black Sea to Panno- nia enables reconstruction of the networks of contacts and, above all, the interpretations, and reinterpretations of the fashion of wearing them in different prehistoric communities. They show us the cosmopolitan spirit of the prehistoric communities of Europe – the economic relations of individuals and communities to exotic im- ports, their inclusion in local aesthetics and, above all, the interpretation and reinterpretation of exotic ob- jects from the Mediterranean workshops that connect- ed prehistoric Europe. Povzetek Večji del dvajsetega stoletja sta zgodovinopisje in arheo- logija utemeljevala veliki razkol med antičnimi civiliza- cijami Sredozemlja ter kulturami prazgodovinske Evro- pe. Tradicionalno so bili stiki interpretirani kot vojaški konflikti. Arheološke najdbe, ki pa so prehajale meje na eni in drugi strani pa so bile interpretirane kot predmeti povezanimi s temi redkimi stiki družbenih elit – kot vo- jaški plen oziroma kot diplomatska darila. V zadnjih desetletjih se je predvsem arheološka inter- pretacija procesov kulturnih in ekonomskih tokov ter družbenih dinamik na prostorih stikov začela radikalno spreminjati. Analize najdb in kontekstov njihovih od- kritij na obeh straneh so pokazale, da so predvsem eko- nomski, kot tudi na popolnoma religioznih procesih utemeljeni stiki med Sredozemljem in Evropo, bili zgo- dovinska stalnica ter ne izjema. Predvsem pa se je poka- st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i w e’ r e sa m e c o lo u r s, a n d w e’ r e d if fe r en t b r ee d s … 21 zalo, da so tokovi posameznih predmetov prehajali med centri redistribucije za katere smo v naših arheoloških konstrukcijah predvidevali kulturno povsem drugačne kontekste. Pokazalo se je, da je trgovina na dolge razda- lje s predmeti, ki so izvirali iz delavnic Velike Grčije in Antične Makedonije povezovala skupnosti na obrobju sredozemskega sveta in na obalah Jadrana s skupnostmi v njihovem zaledju ter dalje na celini – skupnostmi, ki so preživljale konec starejše oziroma so že kulturno, teh- nološko in estetsko tvorile začetek mlajše železne dobe. Med predmeti, ki so zaznamovali trgovino na dolge raz- dalje moramo vsekakor izpostaviti male steklene obeske v obliki amforiskov – nakitne drobnarije iz enobarvnega modrega, predvsem pa prosojnega stekla, ki so predstav- ljale zadnje tehnološke inovacije makedonskih delavnic na področju steklarstva. Opazujoč njihovo distribucijo po obalah Jadrana, preko centralnega Balkana in onkraj obal Črnega morja na prostor Panonije ter dalje, lahko rekonstruiramo omrežja stikov predvsem pa interpre- tacije in reinterpretacije mode njihovega nošenja v raz- ličnih skupnostih prazgodovinske Evrope. Prikazujejo nam kozmopolitski duh prazgodovinskih skupnosti – ekonomske odnose posameznikov in skupnosti do ek- sotičnih importov, njihovo vključitev v lokalno estetiko ter predvsem interpretacijo in reinterpretacijo eksotič- nih predmetov iz sredozemskih delavnic, ki so povezo- vali prazgodovinsko Evropo. References Arrington, N. T. 2016. “Talismani practice at Lefkandi: trinkets, burials and belief in the Early Iron Age”. The Cambridge Classical Journal 62: 1–30. Bitrakova Grozdanova, V. 2011. Golem Grad, Prespa I. Skopje: Dante. Blečić Kavur, M. and B. Kavur 2010. “Grob 22 iz beogradske nekropole Karaburma: retrospektiva i perspektiva”. Starinar 60, 57–84. Blečić Kavur, M. and B. Kavur 2016. “Pars pro toto. A World in a small place – The example of Iron Age grave goods from Vičja luka”. In Funerary practices during the Bronze and Iron Ages in Central and Southeast Europe, edited by Valeriu Sîrbu, Miloš Jevtić, Katarina Dmitrović and Marija Ljuština, 237–256. Beograd: University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy – Čačak: National museum. Blečić Kavur, M. and B. Kavur 2017. “Many shades of translucent: amphoriskos-shaped glass beads from Vičja luka”. Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku 110 (1): 93–112. Brunšmid, J. 1902. “Prethistorijski predmeti iz srijemske županije”. Vjesnik Hrvatskoga arheološkoga društva 6: 68–86. Holt, D. B. 2004. How brands become icons: the principles of cultural branding. Boston: Harvard Business Review Press. Horváth, A. M. 2017. “Beads and Birds. Special finds from the La Tène cemetery at Csepel Island”. Budapest Régiségei 50: 53–67. Kavur, B. 2019. “You are my sunshine … A single glass bead from Momišići”. Nova antička Duklja 10: 7–19. Knappett, C. 2011. An Archaeology of Interaction. Network Perspectives on Material Culture & Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Križ, B., P. Stipančić and A. Škedelj Petrič 2009. Arheološka podoba Dolenjske. Novo mesto: Dolenjski muzej. Popović, P. 1997. “Les perles de verre en forme de vase ou d’amphore sur l’éspace entre la mer Adriatique et le Danube”. Starinar 48: 165–171. Popović, P. 2000. “Le perle di vetro a forma di vaso o di anfora nella regione compresa tra l’Adriatico e il Danubio”. Ocnus 8: 269– 276. Rustoiu, A. 2008. Războinici şi societate în aria celtică transilvăneană: studii pe marginea mormântului cu coif de Ia Ciumeşti, Interferenţe etnice şi culturale în Mileniile I a. Chr. – I p. Chr. 13. Cluj–Nepoca: Editura Mega. Rustoiu, A. 2015. “Amphora-shaped glass and coral beads. Distant cultural connections in the Carpathian Basin at the beginning of the Late Iron Age”. Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 45: 365–377. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 22 Schönfelder, M. 2007. “Zurück aus Griechenland – Spur keltischer Söldner in Mitteleuropa“. Germania 85: 307–328. Szabó, M. 1991. “Il mercenario”. In I Celti, edited by Sabatino Moscati, 333–336. Milano: Bompiani. Tilley, Ch. 1999. Metaphor and Material Culture. Oxford: Blackwell. Vellani, S. 2000. “Perle in vetro anforiforme della penisola Italiana”. In Annales, du 14 Congrès de l’Association Internationale pour l’Histoire du Verre: Venezia – Milano 1998, 42–45. Lochem: AIHV. Verger, S. 2003. “Des objets gaulois dans les sanctuaires archaïques de Grèce, de Sicile et d’Italie”. Comptes-rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres 147 (1): 525–573. Vocotopoulou, J. 1975. “Le trésor de vases de bronze de Votonosi.” Bulletin de la correspondance Hellénique 99 (2): 729–788. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Abstract This paper presents the results of spectrometric analysis of Iron Age glass from Novo Mesto, Lower Carniola, Slovenia. Several different glass types were detected in the assemblage. The results indicate that raw glass was imported to Novo Mesto from eastern Mediterranean centres and corroborate the existence of long-distance trade during the first millennium BCE. Key words: glass, chemical composition, provenance, Iron Age, Novo Mesto Izvleček Članek predstavlja rezultate spektrometričnih analiz stekla z najdišč starejše železne dobe v Novem mestu, Dolenjska, Slovenija. V izbrani skupini je bilo mogoče opredeliti več različnih tipov stekla. Re- zultati kažejo, da je bilo surovo steklo v Novo mesto uvoženo iz središč vzhodnega Sredozemlja in do- kazuje obstoj trgovine na dolge razdalje v času 1. tisočletja pr. n. št. Ključne besede: steklo, kemijska sestava, izvor, železna doba, Novo mesto The spectrometric analysis of Iron Age glass beads from Novo Mesto, Slovenia Spektrometrične analize železnodobnih steklenih jagod iz Novega mesta, Slovenija Ana Franjić,1 Ian C. Freestone1, Borut Križ2 and Petra Stipančić2 1 UCL Institute of Archaeology, London, United Kingdom 2 Dolenjski muzej Novo mesto, Novo mesto, Slovenija ana.franjic.11@ucl.ac.uk i.freestone@ucl.ac.uk borut.kriz@dolenjskimuzej.si petra.stipancic@dolenjskimuzej.si 23 Introduction With its abundant glass bead assem-blage, Novo Mesto is one of the key sites for prehistoric glass studies in Europe. No remains of glass production work- shops have yet been archaeologically confirmed. However, the myriad of glass items, colour and bead type combinations, attested sand sourc- es suitable for glassworking, and documented knowledge of pyrotechnology during the Ear- ly Iron Age (cf. Gabrovec 1987, 93, 95; Haever- nick 1974, 65; Križ 2009, 103; Križ and Guštin 2015, 49-50) have suggested that local glassmak- ing workshops existed in Novo Mesto. In this short paper, we present the first quan- titative trace element data on the Novo Mesto glass assemblage that offers a fresh perspective on the region’s prehistoric glass use and produc- tion. The project set out to define the composi- tional types in Novo Mesto and test the local provenance hypothesis through archaeometry. Analysis The analysed material consists of forty-eight Late Bronze Age to Late Iron Age (ninth– to second–century BCE) glass beads and one Late Iron Age glass bracelet from the Kapiteljska Nji- va and Mestne Njive cemeteries (Figure 1). The analysis was organized by Dr Milko Novič and performed by Professor Detlef Günther at ETH Zurich, using Laser Ablation Inductively Cou- pled Mass Spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS). Several compositional glass groups of dif- ferent origins have been discerned (Figure 2). Only two samples are characterised by elevat- ed magnesia and potash concentrations, which indicate plant ash was used as a flux for low- ht t ps://doi .org /10 . 264 93/2350 -54 43.10 (1)23-29 © aut hor/aut hors st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 24 Figure 1: Samples of Novo Mesto glass included in this study. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i t h e sp ec t ro m et r ic a n a ly si s o f i ro n a g e g la ss b e a d s f ro m n o v o m es to , s lo v en ia 25 ering the high melting temperature of quartz (c.1710°C). The trace elements of these beads re- semble those of Late Bronze Age Mesopotami- an glasses from Nuzi and Tell Brak (Shortland et al. 2007). As this glass type is not frequent in the assemblage, it is likely an heirloom, presumably of Mesopotamian provenance, which remained in circulation. The rest of the assemblage is characterised by low potash and magnesia concentrations, in- dicating that mineral natron was used as a flux. This sodium bicarbonate mineral was the pre- vailing flux in glasses found in the Mediterrane- an and Europe from the first millennium BCE well into the ninth century CE (Phelps et al. 2016; Schlick-Nolte and Werthmann 2003, 29; Shortland et al. 2005, 522). These natron glasses can be further subdi- vided according to their alumina concentrations. As alumina enters the glass batch as an accom- panying element in the silica minerals present in the sand impurities – feldspar and clay – it in- dicates sand origins. The occurrence of glasses with higher and lower alumina concentrations suggests at least two different sources of sand in this compositional glass type. Moreover, the dif- ferences in the amounts of zirconium and stron- tium further corroborate different provenance of the sands used. Zirconium is usually more abundant in inland sands, and strontium is more abundant in marine sands (Degryse et al. 2006, 497; Wedepohl and Baumann 2000, 129). Glasses with lower alumina concentrations have lower strontium and higher zirconium, and most glasses with higher alumina concentra- tions, except for a few outliers, have lower zirco- nium and higher strontium concentrations. The sands used in natron glasses with higher alumi- na have a very similar chemical composition to Levantine sands, which were extensively used in the later, Hellenistic, and Roman glass pro- duction, and are mentioned by Pliny as a good source for glassmaking (NH 36; Eichholz 1962, 151). It appears Levantine glass was traded and produced on a larger scale before the Hellenis- tic period. A smaller subset of this group with el- evated zirconium is possibly Egyptian in origin. The origin of the glass with lower alumina concentrations is ambiguous. According to their trace element pattern, the earliest examples are Figure 2: Main compositional types discerned in the Novo Mesto assemblage. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 26 likely of Mesopotamian origin, while the Ear- ly and Late Iron Age low alumina glasses share similarities with Egyptian sands. Another ex- citing possibility is that the latter could be local Italian production: a recent study of West Med- iterranean sand deposits has shown that beach sands from the northeast part of the Salenti- na peninsula in southern Italy would produce a glass similar to standard natron glass but with lower alumina, which corresponds with these studied examples (Brems et al. 2012, 2902; Brems and Degryse 2014, 117). However, there is no ar- chaeological evidence of the glass industry in the region at this time, and more research is needed before any conclusion can be reached. Finally, four cobalt-blue glass samples, the earliest dated beads in the studied assemblage, contain high alumina and magnesia, indicating the use of a specific colourant which is attributed to cobalt-bearing alums from the western desert of Egypt. This source was first defined by Kacz- marczyk in 1986. The trace elements of these al- um-coloured glasses are affected by the contam- ination of the strong colourant. However, the sediment-related elements somewhat resemble Mesopotamian raw materials, which can be tak- en as a suggestion of their origin. This type of cobalt blue glass appears to occur widely in the tenth-eight centuries BC and has been reported from Iraq (Reade et al. 2005) to France (Gratuze 2009). Regarding the colouration of the beads, opaque colours are more common than translu- cent ones. The most common bead colour is blue, followed by yellow, white, colourless, green, and turquoise, and the most common decoration col- ours are white and yellow. Cobalt, from at least three different sourc- es, was used as the colourant for the blue glasses. Alongside the already mentioned cobalt alum, a second cobalt source is characterised by elevat- ed arsenic and nickel concentrations. Its signa- ture is comparable to the European Erzgebirge Mountain range cobalt ores, as well as some Ira- nian cobalt sources; both were actively exploited during this period of prehistory (Gratuze 2013, 323; Walton et al. 2012). The third cobalt source, defined by elevated copper concentrations, is analogous to the later Roman cobalt sources (Gratuze et al. 2018, 5). One bead was coloured very dark blue/black with the addition of iron. Yellow glass is coloured and opacified with lead antimonate, and white glass with calci- um antimonate; these compounds are typical opacifiers and colourants of the period (Short- land 2002, 519). Only a few samples are colour- less. Most of these are intentionally decolour- ised with antimony, and one sample is naturally translucent and contains slightly elevated Cu concentrations that suggest recycling. The tur- quoise glass was made by adding copper to calci- um antimonate white glass, and green glass was made by adding copper to lead antimonate yel- low glass. In one of the samples, cobalt is pres- ent alongside copper, indicating a possibility that a yet undocumented practice of mixing co- balt blue glass with the lead antimonate yellow glasses to achieve the desired colour. Further- more, another distinct practice – often seen in later workshops producing Roman mosaic ves- sels (Freestone and Stapleton 2015, 70) – of over- laying translucent copper-blue or turquoise glass over the opaque yellow glass to achieve a green hue – was detected in two samples. This sug- gests that the workshop that produced the beads was not colouring the raw glass but just used the available imported materials to produce various colours. Conclusion In conclusion, the presented Novo Mesto data indicates that glass used for bead production was imported. The trace elements of Novo Mes- to glasses show analogies to the already defined glass types provenanced to the eastern Mediter- ranean, and natron, a geographically restricted ingredient, is the source of soda for the most sig- nificant part of the assemblage. At present, there is not much archaeological evidence of natron being traded as a raw ingredient. The results, however, reveal the existence of organised and well-supplied long-distance glass trade between st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i t h e sp ec t ro m et r ic a n a ly si s o f i ro n a g e g la ss b e a d s f ro m n o v o m es to , s lo v en ia 27 the eastern Mediterranean and Lower Carniola during the Iron Age, asserting the strategic geo- graphical position of the Novo Mesto settlement and its active participation in the prehistoric trade networks. Local glassworking workshops remain to be archaeologically confirmed, but the possibility that the glass was imported as ingots and worked locally is likely. The reasons why glass was imported can only be hypothesized. It is likely due to the re- stricted sources of natron, suitable sand of a com- plimentary composition, as well as possibly the lack of specific know-how, but perhaps the inten- tional exclusivity and symbolic significance of the far-derived material was a choice employed to maintain the construction and display of lo- cal elite identities. Hopefully, future research will be able to provide new insights on glass use in Lower Carniola. Summary With its abundant glass bead assemblage, Novo Mesto is one of the key sites for prehistoric glass studies in Eu- rope. No remains of glass production workshops have yet been archaeologically confirmed, but the myriad of glass items has suggested that local glassmaking work- shops existed in Novo Mesto. This report presents the first quantitative trace element data on the Novo Mes- to glass assemblage that offers a fresh perspective on prehistoric glass use and production. The analysed ma- terial consists of forty-eight Late Bronze Age to Late Iron Age glass beads and one Late Iron Age glass brace- let from the Kapiteljska Njiva and Mestne Njive cem- eteries. Several compositional glass groups of differ- ent origins have been discerned. Only two samples are characterised by elevated magnesia and potash con- centrations, which indicate plant ash was used as a flux, and the trace elements of these beads resemble those of Late Bronze Age Mesopotamian glasses. The rest of the assemblage is characterised by low potash and mag- nesia concentrations, indicating that mineral natron was used as a flux. These natron glasses can be further subdivided accord- ing to their alumina concentrations. Cobalt, from at least three different sources, was used as the colour- ant for the blue glasses. The presented Novo Mesto data indicates that glass used for bead production was imported. The trace elements of Novo Mesto glasses show analogies to the already defined glass types prov- enanced to the eastern Mediterranean, and natron, a ge- ographically restricted ingredient, is the source of soda for the most significant part of the assemblage. The re- sults reveal the existence of organised and well-supplied long-distance glass trade between the eastern Mediter- ranean and Lower Carniola during the Iron Age, as- serting the strategic geographical position of the Novo Mesto settlement and its active participation in the pre- historic trade networks. Povzetek Novo mesto je s svojimi bogatimi najdbami steklenih jagod eno najpomembnejših najdišč za študij prazgodo- vinskega stekla v Evropi. Dokazi o lokalni proizvodnji stekla še niso bili arheološko potrjeni, toda izjemna koli- čina steklenega gradiva je spodbudila hipotezo o obsto- ju lokalnih steklarskih delavnic v Novem mestu. V tem članku predstavljamo prve podatke in rezultate nara- voslovnih analiz stekla iz Novega mesta, ki nudijo svež pogled na uporabo in proizvodnjo prazgodovinskega stekla. Analizirano gradivo je obsegalo 48 pozno brona- stodobnih in pozno železnodobnih jagod ter odlomek latenske zapestnice s prazgodovinskih grobišč Kapitelj- ska njiva in Mestne njive. Razločiti je bilo mogoče več skupin glede na sestavo stekla. Samo dva vzorca sta ime- la značilno povečano koncentracijo magnezija in sode, kar pomeni, da so kot topilo uporabili pepel morskih rastlin; elementi v sledovih pri teh jagodah so podob- ni kot pri steklo pozne bronaste dobe v Mezopotami- ji. Ostali vzorci imajo značilno nizko koncentracijo ma- gnezija in sode, kar kaže, da je bil za topilo uporabljen natron. To skupino stekla je mogoče deliti dalje v podskupine glede na koncentracijo aluminija. Kot barvilo za temno modro steklo so uporabljali kobalt, ki kaže na tri različ- ne izvore. Rezultati analiz gradiva iz Novega mesta tako kažejo, da je bilo steklo, uporabljeno za izdelavo jagod, uvoženo. Elementi v sledovih pri steklu iz Novega mes- ta kažejo analogije z že opredeljenimi tipi stekla, ki izvi- rajo iz vzhodnega Sredozemlja, natron, geografsko ozko omejena sestavina, pa je bil vir sode v pretežnem delu analiziranih vzorcev. Rezultati tako kažejo na obstoj or- ganizirane in dobro vzdrževane trgovine na dolge raz- st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 28 dalje med Dolenjsko in vzhodnim Sredozemljem v času železne dobe; hkrati dokazujejo strateško geografsko lego Novega mesta in njegovo aktivno vlogo v širši trgo- vski mreži železne dobe. References Brems, D., P. Degryse, F. Hasendoncks, D. Gimeno, A. Silvestri, E. 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Kaczmarczyck, A. 1986. “The source of cobalt in ancient Egyptian pigments.“ Proceedings ofthe 24th International Symposium on Archaeometry [held at the Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C., from 14 to 18 May 1984], edited by Jacqueline S. Olin: 369–76. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press. Križ, B. 2009. “The Early Iron Age (8th–4th century BC).” In The Archaeological Image ofDolenjska, edited by Borut Križ, Petra Stipančić, and Andreja Škedelj Petrič: 87– 141 Novo Mesto: Dolenjski Muzej, Križ B., and M. Guštin. 2015. “Prehistoric glass from Novo mesto/ Slovenia.” In Annales du 19e Congrès de l’Association internationale pour l’ histoire du verre: Piran 2012,edited by Irena Lazar, 48–54. Koper: AIHV. Phelps, M., I.C. Freestone, Y. Gorin-Rosen, and B. Gratuze. 2016. “Natron glass productionand supply in the late antique and early medieval Near East: The effect of the Byzantine-Islamic transition.” Journal of Archaeological Science 75: 57–71. Pliny The Elder. 1962. Natural History. Books 3-4. Translated by D. E. Eichholz, edited by Rackham, H., W.H.S. Jones, and D.E. Eicholz, 36-37. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, Loeb Classical Library. Reade, W.J., I.C. Freestone, and S.J. Simpson. 2005. “Innovation or continuity? Early first millennium BCE glass in the Near st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i t h e sp ec t ro m et r ic a n a ly si s o f i ro n a g e g la ss b e a d s f ro m n o v o m es to , s lo v en ia 29 East: the cobalt blue glasses from Assyrian Nimrud.” Annales Du 16e Congres de l’Association Internationale Pour l’Histoire Du Verre, London, 2003. Nottingham. AIHV: 23–27. Schlick-Nolte, B., and R. Werthmann. 2003. “Glass Vessels from the Burial of Nesikhons.” Journal of Glass Studies 45: 11–34. Shortland, A. 2002. “The use and origin of antimonate colourants in early Egyptian glass.” Archaeometry 44: 517–530. Shortland, A., L. Schachner, I.C. Freestone, and M.S. Tite. 2005. “Natron as a flux in the early vitreous materials industry: Sources, beginnings and reasons for decline.” Journal of Archaeological Science 33: 521–530. Shortland, A., N. Rogers, and K. Eremin. 2007. “Trace element discriminants between Egyptian and Mesopotamian Late Bronze Age glasses.” Journal of Archaeological Science 34: 781–789. Walton, M., K. Eremin, A. Shortland, P. Degryse, and S. Kirk. 2012. “Analysis of Late Bronze Age glass axes from Nippur- a new cobalt colourant.” Archaeometry 54: 835–852. Wedepohl, K. H., and A. Baumann. 2000. “The Use of Marine Molluscan Shells for Roman Glass and Local Raw Glass Production in the Eifel Area (Western Germany).” Naturwissenschaften 87: 129– 132. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Izvleček Na steklenih posodah lahko prepoznamo različne vrste napisov. Imena mojstrov ali lastnikov delavnic so najbolj znana na v kalup pihanih izdelkih, različne znake in okrajšave imen pa najdemo tudi na pro- stopihanem posodju. Vsi ti podatki nam omogočajo zbrati številne podatke o imenih mojstrov in nji- hovem izvoru, lokalnih delavnicah, razprostranjenosti njihovih izdelkov itd. Članek predstavlja novo najdbo enoročajne čaše, pihane v kalup, ki nosi podpis mojstra Enniona. Gre za prvo tovrstno najdbo v Sloveniji (Romula, Pannonia). Enoročajna čaša iz rumenkastega stekla ima ohranjen napis v kvadrat- nem okvirju, izpisan v grščini. Primerjamo jo lahko s sorodnimi najdbami iz Italije in nedavno odkriti- mi najdbami iz Dalmacije na Hrvaškem. Ključne besede: rimsko steklo, pihanje v kalup, napisi na steklu, Ennion, Romula Abstract Glass vessels constitute a source of inscriptions of various types and groups. The names of artisans or workshop owners, for example, are known from mould-blown vessels and even more so from the base marks on free-blown vessels that appear in great numbers. They allow us to gain important informa- tion on the local workshops and the distribution of their products, on the names of the glass-blowers and their social or national origin. The article presents the first find of a mould-blown beaker signed by Ennion from Slovenia (Romula, Pannonia). On the one-handled beaker is preserved an inscription in a square frame in Greek. The find can be compared with similar finds from Italy and the latest finds dis- covered in Dalmatia in Croatia. Key words: Roman glass, mould-blowing, inscriptions, Ennion, Romula Rimska čaša s podpisom mojstra Enniona – prva najdba, odkrita v Sloveniji Roman beaker signed by Ennion – the first find discovered in Slovenia Irena Lazar UNESCO katedra in Fakulteta za humanistične študije, Univerza na Primorskem, Slovenija irena.lazar@fhs.upr.si 31 Uvod Na steklenih posodah lahko med analizo zasledimo, ne glede na tehniko ali čas izdelave, tudi različne vrste napisov. Iz- delke z napisi lahko delimo v dve večji skupini, vezani na način njihove izdelave. V prvo skupino sodi posodje, izdelano s pihanjem v kalup, v dru- go pa prosto pihani izdelki, ki imajo na dnu odti- se, nastale v enodelnih odprtih kalupih (Nenna, Foy, 2006; Lazar 2006, 245). Naš interes bo tok- rat usmerjen predvsem k prvi skupini. Med izkopavanji rimske naselbine Romula (Ribnica pri Brežicah), ki je ležala ob glavni rim- ski cesti Emona–Neviodunum–Siscia v Panoniji (Lazar 2020, 387), je bila v skupini kakovostnega uvoženega posodja odkrita tudi čaša iz rumen- kasto obarvanega stekla, pihana v kalup. Delno ohranjena čaša z rastlinskim okrasom ima na os- tenju kvadraten napis v grščini, na osnovi kate- rega smo jo lahko opredelili kot izdelek rimske- ga steklarskega mojstra Enniona (Lazar 2004; 2021, 150). Gre za prvo najdbo iz te skupine iz- ht t ps://doi .org /10 . 264 93/2350 -54 4 3.10(1)31-38 © aut hor/aut hors st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 32 delkov v Sloveniji in na širšem območju JV Alp, zato si zasluži nekaj več pozornosti. Razprava Na številnih izdelkih 1. stoletja, ki so nastali s pi- hanjem v večdelne kalupe, zasledimo imena moj- strov ali morda lastnikov delavnic, ki z napisom neposredno sporočajo, kdo je posodo izdelal. V tej skupini najdemo najzgodnejše izdelke, ki so nastali s tehniko pihanja v kalup in jih časovno lahko umestimo od začetka do druge tretjine 1. stoletja. Pihanje v kalup se je razvilo šele po od- kritju prostega pihanja stekla, saj rokovanje s ste- klarsko pipo ob pihanju v kalup zahteva posebno spretnost in izkušnje steklopihača. Napisi na izdelkih, pihanih v kalup, govorijo o mojstrih in spretnih rokodelcih, ki so izdelova- li te bogato okrašene in odlično narejene izdel- ke in so z zapisom svojega imena želeli izpostav- iti svoje mojstrstvo v steklarski obrti, kakovost natančno izdelanih okrasov in kalupov ter s tem posredno tudi svoj umetniški talent (Stern 2010, 25). Razprostranjenost teh skupin izdelkov ali tudi posamičnih najdb nam omogoča slediti tr- govske povezave in mreže posameznih delavnic in njihovih mojstrov, obsežne trgovske poti v steklarski obrti, ki so vodile z vzhoda na zahod in z juga na sever, in s tem tudi izjemno hiter raz- voj in širitev novo odkritih steklarskih tehnik v teku 1. stoletja. Po drugi strani tudi vemo, da je proizvodni proces pihanja v kalup nekoliko zahtevnejši, zato ti izdelki niso najcenejši in tako na voljo povsod in na vsakem tržišču; gre za posodje višjega kak- ovostnega razreda, ki je bilo lahko tudi delano po naročilu in željah posameznega odjemalca. Najd- be teh posod v grobnih ali naselbinskih kontek- stih tako govore tudi o družbenem statusu nji- hovega lastnika oz. kupca in posredno sporočajo o obstoju bogatejšega sloja posameznikov v mes- tu ali naselju, ki si je lahko privoščil izdelke viš- jega kakovostnega razreda. Večinoma je šlo za namizno posodje, s katerim so želeli narediti vtis na svoje goste, včasih pa tudi za spominke, s kat- erimi so privrženci ali podporniki spodbujali svoje izbrance na javnih prireditvah v areni, cirk- usu ali še kje (Foy, Fontaine 2010, 87). Primer slednjega je npr. najdba iz Emone, odlomek cirkuške čaše z upodobitvijo kvadri- ge (Petru 1980, 445, sl. 1). Čaše z imeni zmago- valcev ali tekmovalcev na različnih športnih do- godkih so navadno imenovane cirkuške čaše ali gladiatorske čaše. Z njimi so npr. spodbujali ude- ležence gladiatorskih bojev v arenah ali tekmo- valce v dirkah z vozovi v cirkusu, najdemo jih razprostranjene po vsem zahodnem delu impe- rija. Najdba čaše iz naravno obarvanega stekla iz emonske insule je žal preveč skromno ohranje- na, zato na njej ne moremo prebrati napisa na fri- zu, kot jih npr. poznamo s podobnih čaš (Vale Cresces ali Vale Pinius = Naj živi Cresces oz. Naj živi Pinius). Žal tudi ne vemo, ali je bila ta čaša namenjena tekmovalcu iz Emone ali pa je bila sem prinesena kot spominek. Vemo pa, da so imena nekaterih tekmovalcev, ki se pojavljajo na teh čašah, ohranjena tudi v antičnih virih (npr. Svetonij, Kasij Dion; Stern 1995, 60) in nam tako na neposreden način povezujejo arheološke najd- be z rimskim vsakdanom. Med imeni mojstrov, ki jih lahko preberemo na izdelkih 1. stoletja, brez dvoma najbolj izstopa ime steklarja oz. mojstra Enniona, ki je na svoje izdelke v grščini zapisal, kdo jih je izdelal. V širo- ki skupini v kalup pihanih izdelkov njegovo delo izstopa zaradi natančnosti, jasnega oblikovanja in kakovostnega okrasa, ki je iskalo vzore v isto- časnih izdelkih rimske torevtike. Njegovo delo je bilo inovativno in tehnično dovršeno (Stern 1995, 69; Lehrer 1979; Harden 1935). Zadnji pre- gled njegovih do sedaj poznanih oz. odkritih iz- delkov (v celoti in delno ohranjene posode) z ob- močja rimskega imperija, med katerimi najdemo čaše, vrče, amfore in stekleničke, se je ustavil pri številki 55 (Lightfoot 2015, 39). Zato ne presene- ča, da je vsaka nova najdba z njegovim podpisom vredna dodatne pozornosti; še posebej pa, če gre za območje imperija, kjer njegovi izdelki še niso bili odkriti, kot je npr. najdba iz Ribnice na Do- lenjskem (Romula, Panonija). Še vedno pa kljub pozornosti, ki so je de- ležni ti izdelki rimskega steklarstva, ostaja od- st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i r im sk a č a ša s p o d pi so m m o js t r a e n n io n a – p rv a n a jd ba , o d k r it a v s lo v en ij i 33 prto vprašanje o identiteti, vlogi in aktivnostih tega antičnega umetnika, ki se je na svoje izdel- ke podpisal, da bi zbudil pozornost svojega časa in se nam hkrati zapisal v zgodovino. Razen ime- na vemo o njem zelo malo. Njegovo ime ni grško ali rimsko in ga redko srečamo na ohranjenih na- pisih (Lightfoot 2015, 17). Najprej so raziskoval- ci menili, da gre za Egipčana iz Aleksandrije, že dolgo pa je uveljavljeno mnenje, da naj bi izviral iz Fenicije oz. natančneje iz mesta Sidon (Lehrer 1979, 5; Stern 1995, 69). Drugo pomembno vprašanje je, kaj točno je Ennion delal. Njegovo ime, ki se pojavlja na izdelkih v kvadratnem okvirju ali tabuli ansa- ti, spremlja grški glagol izdelal, naredil, obliko- val (sl. 1; Buljević 2012, 18; 2015, 62). Bil je torej neposredno povezan s proizvodnjo, vprašanje pa je, ali je bil lastnik delavnice, mojster ali le eden od steklopihačev. Če sklepamo po analogijah v proizvodnji fine namizne keramike oz. tere sigi- late, je bil lahko eno in drugo (Lightfoot 2015, 18; Hayes 1997, 41, 52). Bolj zahtevno pa je vprašanje, kje točno je Ennion delal oz. osnoval svojo delavnico. Gle- de na najdbe in tradicijo razvoja novih steklar- skih tehnik je bilo dolgo uveljavljeno mnenje, da je bila njegova delavnica na začetku oz. v prvih desetletjih 1. stoletja osnovana v Sidonu. Števil- ne nove najdbe, posebej v zahodnih provincah imperija in v Italiji, pa so spodbudile nadaljnje hipoteze, in sicer da je svojo delavnico iz Sido- na preselil v Italijo oz. natančneje v Adrio (De Bellis 2004; 2010, 44). Številni to idejo zavra- čajo in opozarjajo, da so ta vprašanja veliko bolj kompleksna; lahko bi npr. v Italijo pošiljali le ka- lupe, razmišljamo lahko tudi o potujočih moj- strih; sicer pa zaenkrat ni arheoloških dokazov oz. delavnic za proizvodnjo stekla ne v Sidonu ne v Adrii (Lightfoot 2015, 20). Tudi razprostranjenost njegovih izdelkov ne pomaga najti odgovora glede lokacije njego- ve proizvodnje. Res je, da je s številom najdenih čaš dolgo prevladovala severna Italija, vendar so se nove najdbe nato pojavile še v Španiji, Grčiji in Franciji (McClellan 1983, 76; Lightfoot 2015, 19, Fig. 4). Novejša odkritja z območja sosednje Hrvaške (najmanj 11 odlomkov čaš, najdenih v Dalmaciji – Narona, Tilurij in Burnum; Bulje- vić 2015, 61), in ne nazadnje tudi najdba iz Slove- nije, pa so pozornost spet preusmerila drugam in odprla so se nova vprašanja. Odlomek ostenja čaše iz Ribnice (sl. 2; pr. ostenja 12,5 cm, PN 4596, S 889) je pripadal eno- ročajni čaši in je bil izdelan iz prosojnega, nežno rumeno obarvanega stekla (Lazar 2004, 53, fig. 17; 2005b, 40). Na ostenju so ohranjeni ostanki pritrditve ročaja. Rastlinski okras na posodi ses- tavljajo stebri, palmete, koncentrični krogi in del Slika 1: Risba plašča čaše iz Narone (Vid pri Metkoviću, Hrvaška) z ohranjenima napisoma v kvadratnem okvirju (po Buljević 2012). st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 34 Slika 2: Odlomek enoročajne čaše mojstra Enniona, Romula (risba Anđelka Fortuna Saje). st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i zvezde. Po primerjavah ga lahko opredelimo kot bližnjevzhodni slog okrasa, kot sta ga je oprede- lila Lehrer in Lightfoot (Lightfoot 2015, 36, fig. 26; Lehrer 1979, Pl. VI: 2). V osrednjem delu je v kvadratnem okvirju ohranjen napis v grščini MNHΘH OAΓO PAZΩN (mnesthe ho agora- zon – Naj se ohrani ime kupca). Drugi napis, ki je bil na teh čašah postavljen na drugi strani os- tenja ENNI / ΩNEΠ / OIHCE N (Ennion me je izdelal) in ga smemo predvideti na osnovi pri- merjav s podobnimi izdelki, v našem primeru žal ni ohranjen. Ohranjeni napis raziskovalci interpretira- jo na več načinov; vsekakor pa pomen, naj ime kupca tega izdelka ostane v spominu oz. se oh- rani, daje blagoslov kupcu oz. uporabniku poso- de in ga lahko razumemo tudi kot neke vrste na- pitnico pri uporabi te čaše. Na drugi strani pa je mogoče tudi povezati oba napisa v celoto in ju razložiti nekoliko drugače, kot sporočilo »Naj si kupec zapomni, da me je izdelal Ennion!« (Li- ghtfoot 2015, 29). Na čaši iz Romule ohranjeni napis lahko skupaj z okrasom opredelimo kot tip J glede na izdelano tipologijo poznanih napisov (Lightfoot 2015, 28). Primerjave najdbi iz Ribnice, glede na napis in okras, najdemo na odlomku čaše iz ze- lenkastega stekla, ki je bil najden v Soluntu (So- luntum / Solanto) v Italiji (hrani jo Regionalni arheološki muzej A. Sallinas v Palermu na Sici- liji; De Bellis 2004, 129–133, figs. 6, 8), in tudi v dvoročajni čaši iz zbirke The Shlomo Moussaie- ff Collection (Lightfoot 2015, 92). Obe omenjeni čaši sta bili pihani v kalup z enakim vzorcem oz. okrasom kot čaša iz Romule, kajti okras, napis v okvirju in ostali detajli so popolnoma enaki (De Bellis 2004, 134). To lahko potrdimo še posebej s primer- javo položaja črk in napisa v okvirju MNE… / OAΓOP / AZΩN; opazimo lahko, da je črka ‚N‘ postavljena nad črko ‹Ω› (ω) v tretji vrstici in ne v četrti (sl. 2), kakor npr. pri ostalih čašah iz te skupine, na primer na čaši iz Narone na Hrva- škem (Buljević 2015, 61, fig. 50: 1). To kaže, da je st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i r im sk a č a ša s p o d pi so m m o js t r a e n n io n a – p rv a n a jd ba , o d k r it a v s lo v en ij i 35 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i 35 obstajala razlika v posamičnih kalupih za isti tip čaše in da je seveda obstajalo več kalupov. Do teh malih razlik je lahko prišlo pri obnovi oz. izdela- vi novih kalupov. Časovno so enoročajne Ennionove čaše umeščene v drugo četrtino 1. stoletja. Redke najdbe iz datiranih kontekstov se pojavljajo v po- znotiberijskih in klavdijskih plasteh (Lightfoot 2015, 26; Price 1991, 65). Najdba iz Romule sodi v kontekst bogatega sklopa steklenih najdb od druge četrtine do konca 1. stoletja (Lazar 2021, 50). Novejše najdbe dokazujejo, da so bili Enni- onovi izdelki široko zastopani po vsem zahod- nem delu imperija, razen v Italiji jih najdemo še v Španiji, Grčiji in Franciji (McClellan 1983, 76; Lihgtfoot 2015, 12-13; Buljević 2015). Široko razprostranjenosti njegovih izdelkov po evrop- skih provincah imperija pa sedaj dopolnjujejo tudi številne najdbe s Hrvaške (Buljević 2004, 188; 2012; 2015, 61, figs. 50, 51) in opisana najd- ba iz Slovenije. rimski mojstri. Vidni so štirje pasovi okrasa, ki so ločeni s horizontalnimi linijami biserov oz. majhnih pik. Dva pasova z rastlinskim okrasom kažeta v spodnjem delu elemente dionizičnega sloga okrasa, ki ga prepoznamo tudi na dvoročaj- nih Ennionovih čašah (Lightfoot 2015, 36, Fig. 27). Zgornji pas okrasa je sestavljen iz stebrov z girlandami. Odlomek zaključujejo pokončne kanelure na zgornjem delu in mrežast vzorec na spodnjem delu čaše, okras, ki ga prepoznamo na izdelkih, ki sta jih lahko podpisala tako Ennion kot Aristeas. Sklep Vsaka nova najdba s podpisom Enniona je vredna dodatne pozornosti; še posebej, če gre za območje imperija, kjer njegovi izdelki še niso bili odkriti. Razprostranjenost njegovih izdelkov, poleg najdi- šč zahodne Evrope s poudarkom na severni Itali- ji, so v zadnjih nekaj letih dopolnile nove najdbe Slika 3: Odlomek v kalup pihane čaše z rastlinskim okrasom, Romula (risba Anđelka Fortuna Saje). Za konec velja omeniti še en odlomek v ka- lup pihane čaše z istega najdišča, ki ima soro- den rastlinski okras kot Ennionovi izdelki (sl. 3). Gre za del ostenja konične čaše, izdelane iz ra- hlo modrikastega, naravno obarvanega stekla vi- soke kakovosti. Na ostenju ni sledov napisa, ok- ras pa kaže številne sorodnosti z izdelki, ki jih je podpisal Ennion in tudi ostali po imenu znani Slika 4: Ennionova čaša iz Ribnice pri Brežicah (Romula), Slovenija (foto Tomaž Lauko). iz Dalmacije v sosednji Hrvaški (Buljević 2012; 2015) in predstavljena čaša iz Slovenije. Skupino obravnavanih izdelkov, ki so za- radi svoje priljubljenosti postali nadregionalni in prisotni v številnih delih rimskega imperija, druži še ena podrobnost; v skoraj vseh primerih gre za namizno posodje visoke kakovosti, ki je bilo izjemno cenjeno in je že samo po sebi lah- ko predstavljalo statusni simbol (Stern 1995, 94). Sodeč po najdbah in priljubljenosti v kalup pi- hanih izdelkov s podpisi rimskih mojstrov lah- st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 36 ko zaključimo, da je bil njihov namen ne le prak- tičen, ampak so z njimi želeli tudi poudariti vtis izobraženosti in kulture lastnika, ki je posodo postavil na mizo. Summary Glass vessels, in addition to other sources, provide var- ious sorts of inscriptions. The various types of mould- blown vessels from the 1st century AD give the names of the artisans or workshop owners, expressly stat- ing and proving the maker of the object. This group is formed by early products, predominantly from the 1st century, that were made by mould-blowing. The names of Roman glass masters are preserved on their products, including one indeed known best, EN- NION. He worked in the Near East, with his work- shops probably operating in Sidon. His products in- clude jugs, amphoras, small angular bottles and several types of beakers. Within the group of mould-blown products, his work stands out due to its precision and clear design, modelled on the contemporary products of Roman toreutics. It was innovative and technically refined. Recent finds in Europe prove that, apart from Italy, his products were also distributed in Spain, Greece, France, Croatia and Slovenia. As for the latter, the site of Ribni- ca near Brežice yielded new finds of imported mould- blown beakers. A partly preserved one-handled beaker signed by Enn- ion discovered in 2003 was made from yellowish glass. The decoration consists of pillars, palmettos, concen- tric circles and a part of a star (?) and can be defined as a Near Eastern style of decoration. In the centre, inside a square frame, there is the inscription in Greek MN- HΘH OAΓO PAZΩN (mnesthe ho agorazon – Let the buyer be remembered!). The second inscription panel ENNI / ΩNEΠ / OIHCE N (Ennion made me), which we can presuppose based on the analogies, is not preserved. The preserved inscription allows comparing this beak- er with a beaker found in Soluntum (Solanto), Italy and with a beaker from The Shlomo Moussaieff Collection. These one-handled beakers were blown into a mould with the same pattern as the one from Ribnica since the decoration, the inscription within the square frame, and other details are identical. Chronologically, one-handled beakers belong to the second quarter of the 1st century. The rare finds from dated contexts occur in late Tiberian or Claudian strata. Povzetek Na steklenih posodah lahko v teku analize zasledimo, ne glede na tehniko ali čas izdelave, tudi različne vrste napisov. Na številnih izdelkih 1. stoletja, ki so nastali s pi- hanjem v večdelne kalupe, beremo imena mojstrov ali morda lastnikov delavnic, ki z napisom neposredno spo- ročajo, kdo je posodo izdelal. Med imeni rimskih mojstrov, ki so se ohranila na njiho- vih izdelkih, najdemo tudi ime Enniona, ki je brez dvo- ma najbolj poznan med vsemi. Deloval je na Bližnjem vzhodu, njegova delavnica je bila najverjetneje locirana v Sidonu. Med njegovimi izdelki najdemo vrče, amfore, majhne stekleničke in več vrst čaš. V skupini v kalup pi- hanih izdelkov njegovo delo posebej izstopa zaradi na- tančnosti in jasnega dizajna, ki se je vzoroval pri sočasnih izdelkih rimske torevtike. Bil je inovativen in tehnično dovršen. Novejše najdbe širom Evrope kažejo, da so bili njegovi izdelki razširjeni ne samo v Italiji, ampak tudi v Špani- ji, Grčiji, Franciji, na Hrvaškem in v Sloveniji. Članek se posveča prav najdbi iz Slovenije, iz Ribnice pri Brežicah, kjer je bila odkrita prva najdbe te vrste. Deloma ohranjena enoročajna čaša iz rumenkasto obarvanega stekla s podpisom Enniona je bila odkri- ta leta 2003. Okras sestavljajo stebri, palmete, koncen- trični krogi in del zvezde ter ga lahko opredelimo kot bližnjevzhodni slog okrasa. V osrednjem delu je znotraj kvadratnega okvirja napis v grščini MNHΘH OAΓO PAZΩN (mnesthe ho agorazon – Naj se ohrani ime kup- ca). Napis na drugi strani, kot ga poznamo iz primer- jav (ENNI / ΩNEΠ / OIHCE N (Ennion me je izde- lal), pa ni ohranjen. Na osnovi ohranjenega napisa lahko čašo primerjamo z najdbo iz Solunta v Italiji in čašo iz zbirke The Shlomo Moussaieff Collection. Vse tri eno- ročajne čaše so bile pihane v enak kalup, saj so okras, na- pis in razporeditev črk v okvirju ter druge podrobnosti povsem enaki. Kronološko lahko enoročajne čaše umestimo v drugo četrtino 1. stoletja. Redke najdbe iz datiranih konteks- tov se pojavljajo v plasteh poznotiberijskega in klavdij- skega obdobja. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i r im sk a č a ša s p o d pi so m m o js t r a e n n io n a – p rv a n a jd ba , o d k r it a v s lo v en ij i 37 Literatura Buljević, Z. 2004. “The Glass.” In The Rise and Fall of an Imperial Shrine. Roman Sculpture from the Augusteum at Narona, Narona VII, edited by Emilio Marin and M. Vickers, 186–209. Split: Archaeological Museum Split. Buljević, Z. 2012. Traces of Ennion and Aristeas in the Roman Province of Dalmatia. Exhibition Catalogue. Split: Archaeological Museum Split. Buljević, Z. 2015. “Ennion and Aristeas Glassware Found in the Roman Province of Dalmatia.” In Ennion: Master of Roman Glass, edited by Christopher Lightfoot. Exhibition catalogue, 61–67. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. M.-D. Nenna and D. Foy (eds.). 2006. Corpus des signatures et marques sur verres antiques, vol. 1- La France. Aix-en- Provence, Lyon : AFAV. De Bellis, M. 2004. “Le coppe da berre di Ennione: Un aggiornamento.” Aquileia nostra 75: 121–190. De Bellis, M. 2010. “Ennion: Maître verrier du 1er siècle apr. J.-C. Ses Coupes, sa vie.” In D’Ennion au Val Saint-Lambert : Le Verre soufflé-moulé, Actes des 23e Rencontre de l’AFAV, edited by Chantal Fontaine- Hodiamnot, 39–44. Brussels: Institut Royal du Patrimoine Artistique. Foy, D. and S. Fontaine. 2010.Verres soufflés dans un moule à décor de scènes de spectacles. Réactualisation de la documentation découverte en France. In D’Ennion au Val Saint-Lambert : Le Verre soufflé-moulé, Actes des 23e Rencontre de l’AFAV, edited by Chantal Fontaine- Hodiamnot, 85–112. Brussels: Institut Royal du Patrimoine Artistique. Harden, D. B. 1935. “Romano-Syrian Glasses with Mould-blown Inscriptions.” Journal of Roman Studies 25: 163–186. Hayes, J. W. 1997. Handbook of Mediterranean Roman Pottery. London: British Musuem Press. Lazar, I. 2004. “Odsevi davnine – Antično steklo v Sloveniji / Spiegelungen der Vorzeit – Antikes Glas in Slowenien.” In Rimljani – steklo, glina, kamen / Die Römer – Glas, Ton, Stein, edited by Irena Lazar, 11–81. Celje-Ptuj-Maribor: Pokrajinski muzej Celje. Lazar, I. 2006. “Vessels with base marks from Slovenia.” In Corpus des signatures et marques sur verres antiques, vol. 2, edited by M.-D. Nenna and D. Foy, 245–272. Lyon: AFAV. Lazar, I. 2020. “Romula – Ribnica.” In Mala naselja rimske dobe v Sloveniji / Minor Roman Settlements in Slovenia, Opera Instituti archaeologici Sloveniae 40, edited by Jana Horvat, Irena Lazar and Andrej Gaspari, 387–402. Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU. Lazar, I. 2021. “New finds of Roman high quality glass from Romula (Pannonia).” In Annales du 21e Congrès de l’AIHV, 149– 160. Istanbul: AIHV. Lehrer, G. 1979. Ennion: A First Century Glassmaker. Exhibition catalogue. Ramat Aviv. Lightfoot, C. 2015. Ennion: Master of Roman Glass. Exhibition catalogue. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. McClellan, M. C., 1983. “Recent Finds from Greece of First-Century A.D. Mold-Blown Glass.” Journal of Glass Studies 25: 71–78. Petru, S. 1980. “Rimska steklena kupa s prizorom cirkuške dirke.” Situla 20/21: 445–448. Ljubljana: Narodni muzej. Price, J. 1991. “Decorated Mould-Blown Tablewares in the First Century AD.” In Roman Glass: Two Centuries of Art and Invention, edited by Martine Newby and Kenneth S. Painter, 56–75. London: Society of Antiquaries of London. Stern, E. M. 1995. Roman Mold-blown Glass, the First through Sixth Centuries. Toledo: Toledo Museum of Art. Stern, E. M. 2010. “Audacis plebeia toreumata vitri. Souffler le verre dans des moules.” In D’Ennion au Val Saint-Lambert : Le Verre st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 38 soufflé-moulé, Actes des 23e Rencontre de l’AFAV, edited by Chantal Fontaine- Hodiamnot, 25-37. Brussels: Institut Royal du Patrimoine Artistique. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Abstract This paper covers the finds dated to Late Antiquity from grave 6 in the Roman necropolis in Trogir’s Dobrić section, which was partially excavated in the 1980s. A portion of the goods from this sporadi- cally excavated necropolis are held in the Archaeological Museum in Split. Documentation is lacking. However, in the case of three items, there is confirmation that they are from grave 6, and they have been dated to the period from the latter half of the 4th to the first half of the 5th century: a ceramic oil-lamp, a glass bottle, and a glass bowl. The small glass bowl with engraved decoration is particularly interesting. It stands out among similar bowls in terms of its decoration and small dimensions. Key words: Roman grave, Trogir, Dobrić, glass, bottle, small bowl, oil-lamp Izvleček Članek predstavlja poznoantične najdbe iz groba 6 z rimske nekropole Trogir-Dobrić, ki je bila deloma raziskana v osemdesetih letih. Del najdb te sporadično raziskane nekropole hrani Arheološki muzej v Splitu. Kljub pomanjkljivi dokumentaciji je mogoče opredeliti najdbe iz groba 6, ki so datirane na ko- nec 4. in v prvo polovico 5. stoletja: oljenka, steklena skodelica in steklenička. Posebej zanimiva je skode- lica z graviranim okrasom, saj izstopa tako zaradi okrasa kot majhnih dimenzij. Ključne besede: rimski grob, Trogir, Dobrić, steklo, steklenica, skodelica, oljenka Grave 6 from Trogir’s Dobrić necropolis Grob 6 z nekropole Dobrić v Trogirju Zrinka Buljević Archaeological Museum in Split, Split, Croatia zrinka.buljevic@armus.hr 39 Introduction Several Roman graves with goods in urns and under tegulae were found in the Do-brić section of Trogir in 1948. Trogir’s honorary conservator, Mirko Slade-Šilović sent written notification thereof to the Archaeolog- ical Museum in Split (AMS). AMS staff exam- ined several more excavated graves at the same site in 1980 and then 1982 (Duplančić 2017, 217, note 42). Some of the goods from this sporadi- cally excavated necropolis are held in the AMS, although documentation is lacking. However, in the case of three items, there is confirmation that they are from grave 6, examined in 1982: a ceramic oil-lamp, a glass bottle and a glass bowl. The finds The small glass bowl with engraved decoration is particularly interesting. The bowl (cat. no. 1, figs. 1 and 2) belongs to a type of hemispherical bowl with a convex, truncated rim, made of free- blown glass with a complex, engraved geometric decoration. Their rims may be convexly everted, some- times flat, with a flat or gently rounded base. The engraving of geometric designs in compositions arranged along horizontal bands cover the entire surface of the bowls, leaving little empty space. ht t ps://doi .org /10 . 264 93/2350 -54 43.10 (1)39-50 © aut hor/aut hors st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Such bowls with facets in bands, made of col- ourless, sometimes green-tinted glass, were fre- quent in the north-western provinces (Foy et al. 2018, 109, IN 107), but they were found through- out the Roman Empire. Among similar bowls, the Trogir example further stands out due to its small dimensions1 and lack of faceted circular or oval patterns, which distinguishes it from most similar examples, even those with more intri- cate geometric decorations (Foy et al. 2018, 109, IN 107). An analogy to the cross-hatched deco- ration in the band can be seen on a shard from Saalburg (Fremersdorf 1967, 85, P. 8. 3) and the shards from Dura-Europos (Clairmont 1963, 72-73, III B 2 g, cat. no. 273, 274, P. VII. 273, XXVII. 273) which are comparable to the Tri- er deep hemispherical bowl on which there is a cross-hatched decoration in arcades (Goeth- ert-Polaschek 1977, form 49a, cat. no. 182, P. 38. 182; Clairmont 1963, 72-73, III B 2 g, P. XXX- VIII. 5208). Such a decoration in the band can also be observed on three bowls from the Corn- 1 Foy et al. 2018, 109, IN 107: the small Gallic bowls are 5.5 to 10 cm high with mouth diameters ranging from 8 to 13 cm; Price and Cottam 1998, 115-117; Cool and Price 1995, 76-79, 218-220, Facet-cut cups and other facet-cut frag- ments, cat. no. 412-425, fig. 13.5, 13.6: the British examples are 7 to 12 cm high, with mouth diameters of 8 to 12 cm. ing Museum (Whitehouse 1997, cat. no. 448, 449, 460), on shards from Milan (Uboldi 2017, 185-186, fig. 2. 4, 5) and on a shard from Genoa (Paolucci 1997, 142). The cross-hatched decora- tion is generaly composed into bands of rhom- buses and so forth (Sánchez de Prado 2018, 264, fig. 172. 9; Foy et al. 2018, 109, IN 107, no. 1, 2, 5, 6; Uboldi 2017, fig. 2. 2; Smith 2014, cat. no. 67, fig. 173f; Arveiller-Dulong and Nenna 2005, 321, cat. no. 932; Price and Cottam 1998, 116, fig. 47b; Whitehouse 1997, cat. no. 447, 451; Rütti 1991, P. 59. 1322, 1323, 1324, P. 61. 1338, 1339; Goethert-Po- laschek 1977, form 49a, fig. 19. 207; Fremersdorf 1967, 81, 83-87, 95, P. 57, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 85; Elbern 1966, fig. 1-4). The closest analogy to the radially engraved bottom of the Trogir bowl can be seen on the bowl from Mainz, dated to the 4th century (Ca- ron 1997, 28-30, cat. no. 6, fig. 28-32). I have not found a decoration analogous to the arcaded, tri- angular composition on the central band of the Trogir bowl. Bowls with simple faceted band decora- tions, generally circular or oval, were produced in a minimum of four workshop centres. How- ever, prevailing circumstances compelled the halt of their production in Dura-Europos, Inter- st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 40 Figure 1: Hemispherical bowl (Archaeological Museum in Split, inv. no. AMS-41272, photo: Tonći Seser). g r av e 6 fr o m t ro g ir ’s d o br ić n ec ro po li s 41 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i cisa and Tanais in roughly the mid-3rd century, but not in Cologne, where it continued during the 4th century with more intricate decorative designs (Foy et al. 2018, 107-108, IN 106; An- tonaras 2017, 61, 174-175, type 12.ii.a.2.; Wein- berg and Stern 2009, 94-96, Zone Facet Cut- ting; Stern 2001, 137). I believe that the Trogir bowl is a western import, probably from one of the Gallic Rhineland workshops of the 4th cen- tury, with the caveat that recent analysis indi- cates Rome as one of the primary production centres (Uboldi 2017, 185). In the Roman prov- ince of Dalmatia, few vessels were found with engraved facets and intricate geometric decora- tions; similar examples are known from Komini, near Pljevlja (Cermanović-Kuzmanović 1971, 297, P. I. 3), Stolac (Paškvalin 1976, 118, grave good, 4th c., cat. no. 37, P. VIII. 3), Narona (Bul- jević 2004, cat. no. 24), Salona (Kirigin 1984, 127-128, form VIII. 2, cat. no. 46),2 Asseria (Ki- rigin 1984, 127, form VIII. 2, cat. no. 43, 2nd c.), from an unknown Dalmatian site (Kirigin 1984, 127-128, form VIII. 2, cat. no. 47, 4th c.), and a 2 A decoration similar to this one was observed on a Saloni- tan shard: Buljević 2019, 92, cat. no. 58. possible shard from Polače on the island of Mljet (Kovačić 2017, 16, fig. 4). The bottle (cat. no. 2, fig. 3) belongs to a type with a gently concave bottom, ribbed spheri- cal body, cylindrical neck with funnel-shaped mouth and no handles, in use throughout the Roman Empire from the late 3rd to the first half of the 5th century AD (Antonaras 2017, 99-100, type 51b; Gallo et al. 2012, 356, P. 1. 11; Arveil- ler-Dulong and Nenna 2005, 359, cat. no. 1056; Mandruzzato and Marcante 2005, cat. no. 128; Israeli 2003, 164, cat. no. 177; Sternini 2001, 30, cat. no. 156; Barkóczi 1996, 91-92, cat. no. 285, 286, P. XXIV, LXIII. 285, 286; Kunina 1997, cat. no. 173, 174; Auth 1976, cat. no. 152; Baluta 1978, 103, fig. 2. 13). They were made by pattern blowing, but there are some in a smooth variant, free-blown (Antonaras 2017, 99-100, tip 51a; Dalmatia: un- known site: Buljević 1994, 259, cat. no. 4; So- lin: Bralić and Šuta 2018, 33-34, Grave 4, inv. no. 4960, 4970; Perović 2015, 322, fig. 2; Buljević 1994, 259, cat. no. 3; Kaštel Sućurac: Kamenjarin 2014, 13, 56-58, 64, Grave 28.7-12, Grave 32.1c; Fadić 1994b, 2, fig. 1; Kijevo: Fadić and Babić 2011, cat. no. 30; Split: Zglav-Martinac 2010, 184, Figure 2: Hemispherical bowl, detail of the decoration (Archaeological Museum in Split, inv. no. AMS-41272, photo: Tonći Seser). st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 42 Figure 3: Spherical bottle (Archaeological Museum in Split, inv. no. AMS-41301, photo: Tonći Seser). st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i fig. 6, 8; Buljević 2010, 178, Grave 23, P. 18, fig. 69; DeMaine 1979, P. 7. A. R 22; Resnik: Fadić 1994a, 159, fig. 3; Trogir – Dobrić: Donelli 1992.). The Cypriot bottles with pinched ribs (Light- foot 2017, cat. no. 204; Vessberg 1952, 133, AIIα, P. VII. 16) are similar. Such smooth bottles are the most numerous vessel type of Late Antiqui- ty in the Archaeological Museum in Split, most- ly from Solin (Salona) and adjacent areas.3 Their 3 Besides published examples (Buljević 2010, 178, Grave 23, P. 18, fig. 69; Buljević 1994, 259, cat. no. 3 and 4), the Ar- chaeological Museum in Split also holds thirty-six more such bottles: one from Lokva Rogoznica (inv. no. AMS- 41479), one from Kamen (inv. no. AMS-42589), nineteen from Solin (inv. no. AMS-G-67, AMS-G-69; AMS-G-70, AMS-G-78, AMS-G-382, AMS-G-383, AMS-G-384, AMS-G-385, AMS-G-389, AMS-G-808, AMS-G-843, AMS-G-921, AMS-G-931, AMS-G-982, AMS-G-1093, AMS-G-1244, AMS-G-1304 (Rižinice), AMS-G-1315, AMS-G-1345), two from Mravinci (inv. no. AMS-G-1786, AMS-G-1787), one from Klis (AMS-G-1346), one from Stobreč (Epetium) (AMS-G-936), three from Muć (Andetrium) (inv. no. AMS-G-1075, AMS-G-1788, AMS-G-1909), two from Žrnovnica (inv. no. AMS-G-1031, AMS-G-1029), two from an unknown Dalmatian site (inv. number and lower-quality craftsmanship indi- cate the possibility that they were made in Salo- na, all the more so since they have been dated to the period when a glass-making workshop was operating there (Auth 1975, 147). Pattern blow- ing is a technique for decorating and shaping an item by first blowing the glass into a patterned mould (Rumyantseva and Belikov 2017, 258, fig. 3), in which the decoration is formed, and then, once the final shape is obtained, it is largely fin- ished by free blowing, which modifies the dec- oration (Stern 2001, 27). The ribbed pattern is vertical or curved. In Dalmatia, there are four such bottles from Solin (Damevski 1976, 66, P. XIII. 4; Buljević 1994, 259, cat. no. 5, 6; Perović 2015, 322, fig. 2, first on lower left, Smiljanovac site), one Salonitan (Buljević 2019, 94, cat. no. no. AMS-42586, AMS-64603); and four more of these bot- tles that thus far do not have invoice numbers: one from Kamen and three from an unknown Dalmatian site, of which two may correspond to the Salonitan bottles inven- toried under numbers AMS-G-68 and AMS-G-1182. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i g r av e 6 fr o m t ro g ir ’s d o br ić n ec ro po li s 4343 The oil-lamp (cat. no. 3, figs. 4 and 5) be- longs among the African oil-lamps of Late An- tiquity. Their name indicates their workshop or- igin: the main centre for oil-lamp production in the northern African provinces in the Roman era and later, in the area of what is today Tunisia (Hayes 1980, 63). These are oil-lamps with an oblong or oval body and discus, with a nozzle and channel that extend from the fuel chamber, without any clear division between them. The handles, general- ly unpierced, are vertical and vertically grooved. The bottoms are gently concave and bordered by grooves, which extend in a decorative pat- tern toward the handle. The discus is smooth or adorned with a motif, generally a Christogram, seashell, rosette or geometric design. The decora- tive repertoire of the shoulder was similarly lim- ited to plant or purely ornamental motifs. The division into four sub-types, A, B, C and D, is based on the shape of the shoulder: the shoul- der of types A and B is convex, but the type A shoulder is decorated with stylized palm fronds, while type B features tendrils in relief; the han- dle on type B is pierced as a rule; the shoulder on type C is flat, while on type D it is not sepa- rated from the discus (Anselmino and Pavolini 1981, 192-198). The Trogir oil-lamp belongs to Atlante form VIII, type A1c, with convex shoul- der adorned with stylized palm fronds, an open channel, a central rosette around the pouring and air hole (Anselmino and Pavolini 1981, 194, CLVII. 2). This type was produced in Tunisia (Bus- sière 2007, 30, type 10 – 4.1.1.1.2.3; Bonifay 2004, 359, type 44), distributed throughout the Med- iterranean and up to the Rhine/Danube border zone and to Portugal, and dated from the lat- ter half of the 4th through the entire 5th centu- ry (Anselmino and Pavolini 1981, 195, 196), the latter of the 4th to the early 5th century (Hayes 1972, 310-313, 313, type IB; Hayes 1980, 63, 66, cat. no. 281, North African lamps, Hayes type far without an inv. no., with notably curved ribs, from an unidentified Dalmatian site; the neck has not been preser- ved, so it may belong to a similar type with a funnel-sha- ped neck. Figure 4: African oil-lamp (Archaeological Museum in Split, inv. no. AMS-41230, photo: Tonći Seser). 95), one shard from Split (DeMaine 1979, Dio- cletian’s Palace, P. 7. A. R 23), seven bottles from Kaštel Sućurac (Bralić and Šuta 2018, 38, 40-41, Grave 7, inv. no. 4966, inv. no. 4963, Grave 9, inv. no. 4962, 4961; Kamenjarin 2014, 36-37, 82, Kr- tine site, Grave 14.10, Grave 47.2; Fadić 1994b, 2, Gojača site, fig. 2), one from Kaštel Lukšić (Žaja 2020, 186, Grave 4, P. 8. 1), one bottle from an unknown site (Buljević 1994, 259, cat. no. 7), possible bottles from Bakar (Volcera), Zadar (Ia- der), Makarska (Muccrum) (Damevski 1976, 66), a possible shard from Srima (Fadić 2005, cat. no. 9), and others.4 4 Six more unpublished bottles are held in the Archaeologi- cal Museum in Split: five with vertical ribs, of which three are from Solin (inv. no. AMS-G-72, AMS-G-380, AMS- G-1896), and two from an unidentified Dalmatian site (inv. no. AMS-42525, one without inv. no.) and one, thus st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 44 I, Pohl type 2, P. 34. 281) and the latter half of the 4th to the first half of the 5th century (Bus- sière 2007, 30, type 10 – 4.1.1.1.2.3; Bonifay 2004, 359, type 44); due to this wide distribution, they are also called Mediterranean oil-lamps, and also Early Christian due to the Christian motifs on them (Vučić 2009, 10, 13, note 23-24, 37; Bubić 2012, 119, note 2, 3). Such Dalmatian oil-lamps with six-petal ro- settes are known from Šolta (Bubić 2012, 120, cat. no. 34, 35, P. IV. 34, 35), from Diocletian’s Palace in Split (Dvoržak Schrunk 1979, 92-94, cat. no. 12) and, with an eight-petal rosette, from Dračevac near Zadar (Vučić 2009, 17, cat. no. 1; Vučić and Giunio, 2009, 9, 11, cat. no. 105). 44 Figure 5: African oil-lamp, bottom (Archaeological Mu- seum in Split, inv. no. AMS-41230, photo: Tonći Seser). st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Catalogue 1. Hemispheric bowl, inv. no. AMS-41272 Material: transparent greenish-tinted glass, shaped by free blowing and decorated by shallow engraving; tiny air bubbles are visible; shattered when photographed, reassembled with adhesive. Description: The rim of the deep hemispherical bowl is slightly convexly everted and truncated straight; the unworked, small bottom is gently concave. It is decorated with imprecisely engraved lines in three horizontal bands: intermittent horizontal lines are etched along the rim, below which there is a band with a cross-hatched engraved decoration; below another band with horizontally etched lines there is a band with irregular, asymmetric arcades and a triangular decoration that form multiple short horizontal and diagonal lines, or rice-like facets; below engraved irregular horizontal lines there is a band with an engraved cross-hatched decoration which is separated by a shallow horizontal line from the bottom with engraved radial lines. Dimensions: ht. 3.2 cm, dia. 5.5 cm, wall thickness 0.2 cm. Dating of type: 3rd-4th c. Typology: Foy et al. 2018, 109, IN 107; Antonaras 2017, 60-62, type 12.ii.a.3; Lazar 2003, 83-84, 2.6.2., fig. 30; Harter 1999, 70-72, form B15b, cat. no. 320-361; Price, Cottam 1998, 115-117, Hemispherical/deep convex bowl with facet-cutting, fig. 47; Whitehouse 1997, 223, 6. Third-Century and Later Objects with Geometric Decoration; Rütti 1991, AR 60.1B; Goethert-Polaschek 1977, form 49a, P. 38. 182; Clairmont 1963, 72-73, III B 2 g, cat. no. 273, 274, P. VII. 273, XXVII. 273; Isings 1957, 114-116, form 96b1. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i g r av e 6 fr o m t ro g ir ’s d o br ić n ec ro po li s 45 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i 2. Spherical bottle, inv. no. AMS-41301 Material: transparent light green glass shaped by pattern blowing into a mould; many air bubbles in the walls. Description: bottle preserved in several pieces: a part of the mouth to the shoulder has been assembled from several shards. Body is partly preserved in two pieces assembled from two or more shards and two unconnected shards, bottom partially preserved in three reassembled shards. Cylindrical neck narrows toward the funnel-shaped mouth with a rounded edge. Spherical body is decorated with curved ribs from the articulated shoulder probably to the bottom. Bottom is gently concave. Dimensions: ht. of upper section 10.05 cm, dia. of mouth 7.5 cm. Dating of type: late 3rd c. – first half of 5th c. AD Typology: Antonaras 2017, 99-100, type 51b; Dévai 2016, 263, fig. 4, Pa1.2b; Lazar 2003, 141-142, 6.2.3., fig. 41; Harter 1999, 147- 148, form G27b, cat. no. 1050-1051; Ružić 1994, 14-15, I/4b, cat. no. 54, 61, 63, P. V. 2, 6; Rütti 1991, AR 148; Šaranović-Svetek 1986, 23, VI.3, cat. no. 91, 92, P. X. 5; Isings 1957, 119-120, form 101. 3. African oil-lamp, inv. no. AMS-41230 Material: ceramic without preserved slip, colour: 2.5 YR 7/8 reddish orange. Description: entirely preserved oil-lamp with open channel. Traces of charring on nozzle, channel and part of shoulder. Discus oval, concave with pouring and air hole in middle, separated from shoulder with bent articulation that continues to end of channel. Discus and shoulder decorated in relief. Discus has six-petal rosette around pouring and air hole. Stylized palm frond motif on shoulder. Handle full (unpierced), flat with vertical groove. Bottom gently concave. Central vertical incision from edge of bottom toward handle, which on both sides has two short vertical and two opposing diagonal incisions with rounded ends along edge of bottom. Dimensions: ht. 5.3 cm, lng. 11.86 cm, wid. 7.8 cm. Dating of type: latter half of 4th c. – first half of 5th c. Typology: Bussière 10 – 4.1.1.1.2.3: Bussière 2007, 30; Bonifay 44: Bonifay 2004, 359; Atlante form VIII, A1c: Anselmino, Pavolini 1981, 192-198; Hayes IB: Hayes 1972, 310-313: Pohl 2d: Pohl 1962; Broneer type XXXI: Broneer 1930, 118-119. Conclusion Several Roman graves with goods in urns and under tegulae were found in the Dobrić section of Trogir in 1948. AMS staff examined several more excavated graves at the same site in 1980 and then 1982. Some of the goods are held in the AMS, although documentation is lacking. However, in the case of three items, there is con- firmation that they are from grave 6, examined in 1982: a ceramic oil-lamp, a glass bottle and a glass bowl. The small glass bowl with convex, truncated rim made of free-blown greenish glass and fea- turing engraved geometric decorations arranged in horizontal bands over the vessel’s entire sur- face is particularly interesting (cat. no. 1, fig. 1, 2). It stands out among similar bowls in terms of its decoration and small dimensions. An analogous example could not be found. There are analogies to the cross-hatched decoration on bowls from Dura-Europos (Clairmont 1963, 72-73, III B 2 g, cat. no. 273, 274, P. VII. 273, XXVII. 273), in the Corning Museum (Whitehouse 1997, cat. no. 448, 449, 460) in Milan (Uboldi 2017, 185-186, fig. 2. 4, 5) and Genoa (Paolucci 1997, 142). The closest analogy to the radially engraved bottom of the Trogir bowl can be seen on the bottom of the bowl from Mainz (Caron 1997, 28-30, cat. no. 6, fig. 28-32). Bowls with simple faceted band decorations, generally circular or oval, were pro- duced in a minimum of four workshop centres. Prevailing circumstances compelled the halt of st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 46 their production in Dura-Europos, Intercisa and Tanais in roughly the mid-3rd century, but not in Cologne, where it continued during the 4th century with more intricate decorative designs (Weinberg and Stern 2009, 94-96). I believe that the Trogir bowl is a western import, proba- bly from one of the Gallic Rhineland workshops of the 4th century. The bottle (cat. no. 2, fig. 3) belongs to a type with a gently concave bottom, ribbed spheri- cal body, cylindrical neck with funnel-shaped mouth and no handles, in use throughout the Roman Empire from the late 3rd to the first half of the 5th century AD, a well-represented type in Dalmatia, mostly in Salona and adjacent areas. The oil-lamp (cat. no. 3, fig. 4, 5) belongs among the African oil-lamps of Late Antiquity with an oval body and discus, a nozzle and chan- nel that extend from the fuel chamber, without any clear division between them. Their name in- dicates their workshop origin. More narrowly, it belongs to a widely distributed type having a convex shoulder decorated with a stylized pal- mette frond motif, an open channel, a central rosette around the pouring and air hole, dated from the latter half of the 4th through the first half of the 5th century. Given this, Grave 6 at the Dobrić necropolis in Trogir has been dated from the latter half of the 4th through the first half of the 5th century. Acknowledgement This work has been fully supported by Croatian Science Foundation under the project IP-2018- 01-4934 „Understanding Roman Borders: the Case of the Eastern Adriatic” (AdriaRom). Summary Several Roman graves were found in the Dobrić section of Trogir in 1948. AMS staff examined several more ex- cavated graves at the same site in 1980 and then 1982. Some of the goods are held in the AMS. The documen- tation is lacking but in the case of three items, there is confirmation that they are from grave 6, excavated in 1982: a ceramic oil-lamp, a glass bottle and a glass bowl. The bowl with convex, truncated rim made of free- blown greenish glass and featuring engraved geomet- ric decorations arranged in horizontal bands over the vessel’s entire surface is particularly interesting. There are analogies to the cross-hatched decoration on bowls from Dura-Europos, in the Corning Museum and Genoa. The closest analogy to the radially engraved bottom of the Trogir bowl can be seen on the bottom of the bowl from Mainz. Bowls with simple faceted band decorations were produced in a minimum of four work- shop centres, in Dura-Europos, Intercisa, Tanais and Cologne. The author believes that the Trogir bowl is a western import, probably from one of the Gallic Rhine- land workshops of the 4t h century. The bottle belongs to a type with a gently concave bottom, ribbed spher- ical body, cylindrical neck with funnel-shaped mouth, in use throughout the Roman Empire from the late 3rd to the first half of the 5th century AD. The oil-lamp be- longs among the African oil-lamps dated from the lat- ter half of the 4t h through the first half of the 5th cen- tury. The grave 6 at the Dobrić necropolis in Trogir can be dated from the latter half of the 4t h through the first half of the 5th century. Povzetek Leta 1948 so na območju Dobrića v Trogirju odkrili več rimskih grobov. Ekipa Arheološkega muzeja Split je na istem najdišču leta 1980 in nato leta 1982 raziskala še več grobov. Del gradiva hrani Arheološki muzej Split. Do- kumentacija je pomanjkljiva, a vseeno je bilo mogoče potrditi, da keramična oljenka, steklenička in steklena skodelica pripadajo grobu 6, odkritem leta 1982. Pose- bej zanimiva je pihana skodela iz zelenkastega stekla, z ravno odrezanim in rahlo navzven nagnjenim ustjem in graviranim geometrijskim okrasom, ki je v vodoravnih trakovih razporejen po vsej površini ostenja. Primerja- ve za soroden okras najdemo na skodelah z najdišč Du- ra-Europos, Genova in v Muzeju stekla Corning. Naj- bližjo primerjavo za radialno gravirano dno skodele iz Trogirja pa najdemo na dnu skodele iz Mainza. Skode- le s preprostim okrasom v trakovih so izdelovali v de- lavnicah najmanj štirih centrov, Dura-Europos, Interci- sa, Tanais in Köln. Avtorica članka meni, da je skodela iz Trogirja uvožena iz ene od galsko-renskih delavnic, ki so delovale v 4 . stoletju. Steklenička z rahlo vboklim dnom, narebrenim kroglastim ostenjem, cilindričnim vratom in lijakasto oblikovanim ustjem sodi med obli- st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i g r av e 6 fr o m t ro g ir ’s d o br ić n ec ro po li s 47 ke, ki so bile razširjene po vsem rimskem imperiju od poznega 3. do prve polovice 5. stoletja. Afriški tip oljen- ke iz groba pa je opredeljen na konec druge polovice 4 . stoletja in prvo polovico 5. stoletja. Grob 6 iz nekropole Dobrić v Trogirju lahko na osnovi tega časovno umesti- mo konec druge polovice 4 . stoletja in v prvo polovico 5. stoletja. References Anselmino, L., and C. Pavolini. 1981. “Terra sigillata: lucerne.” In Atlante delle forme ceramiche I. 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The Eliahu Dobkin Collection and Other Gifts. Jerusalem: The Israel Museum. Kamenjarin, I. 2014. Rimskodobna nekropola krtine u Kaštel Sućurcu. Kaštela: Muzej grada Kaštela. Kirigin, B. 1984. “Roman Glass Bowls from the Archaeological Museum at Split.” Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku 77: 121-131. Kovačić, Lj. 2017. “Primjerak korintske reljefne keramike s Mljeta.” Zbornik Dubrovačkih muzeja 4: 9-19. Kunina, N. 1997. Ancient Glass in the Hermitage collection. St. Petersburg: State Hermitage: ARS Publishers. Lazar, I. 2003. Rimsko steklo Slovenije. The Roman Glass of Slovenia. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. Lightfoot, Ch. S. 2017. The Cesnola Collection of Cypriot Art. Ancient Glass. New York: The metropolitan Museum of Art, print- on-demand edition distributed by Yale University Press. Mandruzzato, L., and A. Marcante. 2005. Vetri Antichi del Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Aquileia. Il vasellame da mensa: Comitato nazionale italiano dell’Association pour l’histoire du verre. 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Belikov. 2017. “Late Roman Glass Workshop at Komarov (Middle Dniester) and the Problem of the Origin of ‘Barbarian’ Facet Cut Beakers.” Annales du 20e Congrès de l’Association Internationale pour l’Histoire du Verre, Fribourg / Romont, 7-11 septembre 2015, 98– 102, Romont: Association Internationale pour l’Histoire du Verre. Rütti, B. 1991. Die römischen Gläser aus Augst und Kaiseraugst. Augst: Römermuseum. Ružić, M. A. 1994. Rimsko staklo u Srbiji. Beograd: Filozofski kakultet, Centar za arheološka istraživanja. Sánchez de Prado, M. D. 2018. La vajilla de vidrio en el ámbito suroriental de la Hispania romana. Comercio y producción entre los siglos I-VII d. C.: Publicacions de la Universitat d’Alacant. Smith, S. L. 2014. “Glass.” In Palatine East Excavations 2. The Finds, edited by Archer. St. Clair, 117–168, Rome: De Luca Editori d’Arte. Stern, E. M. 2001. Roman, Byzantine and Early Medieval Glass, 10 BCE. – 700 CE. Ernesto Wolf Collection, Ostfildern-Ruit: Hatje Cantz. 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Lux in tenebris. Svjetlo u tmini. Antičke svjetiljke u Arheološkom muzeju Zadar. Ancient Lamps in the Archaeological Museum in Zadar. Zadar: Arheološki muzej Zadar. Zglav-Martinac, H. 2010. “Kasnoantički grobovi na lokalitetu Dominikanski samostan u Splitu (Zaštitna iskopavanja 2007. – 2008. godine).” In Scripta Branimiro Gabričević dicata, edited by Josip Dukić, Ante Milošević, Željko Rapanić, 175–197, Pons Tiluri: Kulturno društvo Trilj. Žaja, D. 2020. “Zaštitna istraživanja rimskodobne nekropole u Kaštel Lukšiću.” Okolica Kaštelanskog zaljeva u prošlosti. Znanstveni skup, Kaštela, 2. – 6. listopada 2017., Izdanja Hrvatskog arheološkog društva 33, 181–196, Zagreb: Hrvatsko arheološko društvo. Weinberg, G. D., and E. M. Stern. 2009. The Athenian Agora, Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Volume XXXIV: Vessel Glass, Princeton, New Jersey: The American School of Classical Studies at Athens. Whitehouse, D. 1997. Roman Glass in The Corning Museum of Glass. Volume One, Corning, New York: The Corning Museum of Glass. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i 51 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Abstract An assemblage of more than thirty individual glass vessels was found inside a water well during the 2012 archaeological research of the Western Gate of Serdica site in present day Sofia, Bulgaria. Conical and hemispherical vessels, lamps and jugs/flasks are among the identified shapes. The finds illustrate differ- ent finishing and decorating (both hot- and cold-working) techniques. The well went out of use and was filled with debris in the course of the 5th century. Based on the listed parallels, the glass finds could be dated between the 4th and the 6th centuries. Such relatively long time span could owe to the not entirely certain initial period of using the facility as a dump site and also to the attested building activities in the area during the 6th century, which might have disrupted the deposit’s stratigraphy. Keywords: Serdica, Late Antiquity, glass assemblage, lamps, hemispherical bowls Izvleček Skupina več kot trideset posamičnih steklenih posod je bila odkrita v vodnjaku, ki je bil raziskan leta 2012 ob zahodnih vratih rimskega mesta Serdica, današnja Sofija v Bolgariji. Med gradivom so bile pre- poznane oblike kot so konične in polkroglaste posode, svetilke in stekleničke oz. vrči, ki so bile obde- lane in okrašene v toplem in ohlajenem stanju. Vodnjak je bil opuščen in zapolnjen z odpadom v teku 5. stoletja. Na osnovi primerjav lahko stekleno posodje datiramo v čas med 4. in 6. stoletjem. Relativno ši- rok časovni razpon je posledica nepoznavanja začetnega datuma odlaganja odpadkov in tudi dokumen- tirane gradbene aktivnosti v 6. stoletju, ki je morda poškodovala stratigrafijo najdišča. Ključne besede: Serdica, pozna antika, stekleno gradivo, svetilke, polkroglaste skodele Late antique glass assemblage from Serdica Poznoantično stekleno gradivo iz Serdike Kristina Koseva, PhD Candidate National Archaeological Institute with Museum, Sofia, Bulgaria kristina_koseva@yahoo.com Introduction The archaeological research at the West-ern Gate of Serdica, present-day Sofia, Bulgaria, was carried out in two sepa- rate campaigns, the first between 1974 and 1980 and the second in 2011 – 2014 (Borisova-Katsa- rova and Barfonchovska 2018). As a result, a significant amount of new archaeological data regarding the town’s Roman and Early Byzan- tine fortifications and urban structure has been acquired. A considerable number of glass fragments were discovered in an abandoned well, more than 3 m deep, excavated during the 2012 archae- ological campaign within the studied area (Fig. 1). According to the stratigraphic situation, it is assumed that it went out of use and was filled with debris most likely in the 5th century. Frag- ments of more than thirty individual glass ves- sels were identified, along with window glass, two entirely preserved ceramic jugs, pottery sherds and animal bones (Dr Borisova-Katsaro- va, pers. comm.). This contribution aims to pres- ht t ps://doi .org /10. 264 93/2350 -54 4 3.10(1)51-62 © aut hor/aut hors st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i ent the assemblage and, at the same time, illus- trate some of the commonly used glass vessel shapes during the late antique period in Serdica. The glass assemblage All of the vessels are free-blown. The material’s quality varies from clear gas bubbles and impu- rities with a shiny surface to bubbly, with rough surface and weathering. The range of colours is typical for the period - light blue, light green, yel- low-green and nearly colourless with slight yel- low or green tint (Table I). The decoration is rarely attested, but when present, it is made us- ing both techniques: hot-working – in the form of applied self-coloured, dark blue or dark green glass trails, and on one occasion, cold-working – abraded/engraved geometric motifs. The finds will be presented in several groups, according to their morphology and, when possible to be de- termined, their function. Conical vessels Most of the finds are included in this group (Fig. 2; Table I.1-32). The reconstruction of three ves- sel profiles (Fig. 2.1-3) made it easier for the rest of the fragments (both rims and bases) to be more surely assigned to it (Fig. 2; Table I.1-32). Although morphologically, these glass finds are comparable to Isings form 106b1 (Isings 1957, st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 52 Figure 1: General plan of “The Western Gate of Serdica” site with the exact location of the well highlighted in red (after Borisova-Katsarova and Barfonchovska 2018, modified by the author). la t e a n t iq u e g la ss a ss em bl a g e fr o m s er d ic a 53 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Figure 2: Group of conical vessels (drawings by the author). st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 54 Figure 3: Group of jugs/flasks (drawings by the author). st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i 127), some distinctive features should be point- ed out. According to the techniques of vessel finish- ing, the finds could be divided in two subgroups. The first one comprises one nearly complete ves- sel (Fig. 2.3; Table I.3), along with several rim fragments with fire-rounded edges1 (Fig. 2.5-7; Table I.5-7) and bases with marks on the under- side (Fig. 2.4, 11-19; Table I.4, 11-19) that certainly indicate the use of pontil for their manufacture. The reconstructed shape has a plain, slightly con- cave (sometimes nearly flat) base with a constric- tion of the walls, just above the bottom, cylin- drical lower and conical upper body parts, with out-turned or slightly in-turned rim (Fig. 2.3-7, 11-19). The second subgroup consists of two near- ly complete vessels (Fig. 2.1-2; Table I.1-2), sev- eral cracked-off rim fragments (Fig. 2.8-10; Ta- ble I.8-10) and plain concave bases (Fig. 2.20-32; Table I.20-32), all suggesting that pontil was not involved in the manufacturing process. Charac- teristic of the reconstructed shape are the out- turned or slightly in-turned rims, almost straight sides with slight, less distinctive constriction of the walls above the base and more or less pro- nounced widening towards the rim (Fig. 2.8-10, 1 Although the study includes a selected number of rim frag- ments (both fire-rounded and cracked-off), assigned to the conical vessels, the examples illustrate the variety of the group in terms of finishing and morphological characteris- tics. 20-32). In addition, the particular concave pro- file of some of the bases could be explained using a former (Jennings 2006, 118–119). Jugs and flasks This group comprises five vessels (Fig. 3; Ta- ble I.33-37). One of them is a jug with a double ribbed handle, a plain flaring rim with a round- ed edge and a decoration of self-coloured glass trail in relief, applied just below the edge (Fig. 3.33; Table I.33). The rest of the finds (Fig. 3.34- 37; Table I.34-37) could be collectively referred to as flasks. None of them carries any scars of miss- ing handles on the preserved parts of their bod- ies, and only one (Fig. 3.34) has a self-coloured glass trail in relief applied under the rim, similar- ly to the already described jug (Fig. 3.33). Lamps Five vessels could be surely assigned to the pres- ent group (Fig. 4; Table I.38-42). The first one is identified as a lamp with the base knob, although in this particular case, the knob is missing (Fig. 4.38). A feature worth noting is the pontil scar at the lower part of the preserved glass piece, just above the pointed base. Three fragments from different parts of the body most certainly belong to a single vessel, ac- cording to the characteristics of the glass. A form reconstruction represents a hemispherical cup st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i la t e a n t iq u e g la ss a ss em bl a g e fr o m s er d ic a 55 la t e a n t iq u e g la ss a ss em bl a g e fr o m s er d ic a 55 Varia The remaining finds (Fig. 5.43-46; Table I. 43- 47) – sherds of four vessels and a window pane fragment, are presented here as they cannot be certainly attributed to either of the other groups. Two rim fragments have a fire-rounded rim with dark blue trails applied on edge and be- low it, marvered into the wall (Fig. 5.43; Table I.43). Although the preserved parts cannot give enough evidence for the complete reconstruc- tion of the shape, they most likely belong to the same vessel (a beaker or a lamp).st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i 55 with three vertical suspension handles applied to its body (Fig. 4.39; Table I.39). The last examples included here are lamps with tubular bases or stemmed lamps (Fig. 4.40- 42; Table I.40-42). All three base fragments have marks of pontil attachment, including un- removed glass (Fig. 4.41), indicating that the ves- sels had fire-rounded rims. Unfortunately, none of the preserved rim fragments from the assem- blage could be related to this particular form (Olczak 1995, 51, typ II; Băjenaru, Bâltâc 2000- 2001, Pl. I-III, 497–499; Cholakova, Rehren and Freestone 2016, Fig. 2, 627). Figure 4: Group of lamps (drawings by the author). Figure 5: Varia Group (drawings by the author). st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 56 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i56 The use of coloured glass is attested on an- other fragment – base with an applied ring of dark green glass and no traces of pontil on the glass surface, probably from a cup/beaker (Fig. 5.44; Table I.44). The assemblage also includes four frag- ments – two cracked-off rims, a partially pre- served, slightly concave, nearly flat base, and a wall sherd, that even though not joining, cer- tainly belong to a single vessel and allow identi- fication of the shape – Isings 96/107 (Isings 1957, 114–116, 133). It stands out with its abraded/free- hand engraved decoration arranged in horizon- tal bands of geometric motifs (Fig. 5.45; Table I.45). A fragment of a tubular base ring (formed together with the body) is also included in the present group (Fig. 5.46; Table I.46). Its size and plausible reconstruction make it comparable to form Isings 109a/c (Isings 1957, 136–138). The last find (Table I.47), also the only one of its kind from the assemblage, is a windowpane fragment with preserved part of one of the edg- es (not illustrated). Discussion The identified vessel forms of the Serdica glass assemblage have their close analogies discovered at different archaeological sites. The conical ves- sels (Fig. 2) find similarities in published exam- ples from Nicopolis and Istrum (Shepherd 1999, Fig. 11.16, nos. 555–562, 349–350), “Gradishte- to” near Dichin (Cholakova 2009, cat. nos. 68, 69, 274, tabl. IX/10, 11, 296) and in other pub- lished material (Ružić 1994, 50, tabl. XXXVI- II/1,2,5,7-10; Sternini 2001, 31, Fig. 17, no. 185, 65; Jennings 2006, 118, Fig. 5.32; Leljak 2011, 151, cat. nos. 4-6, 9-12). The finds from the present group have been identified both as beakers and lamps (Lazar 2003, 198–199, Fig. 52, 9.1.3; Leljak 2011, 151, cat. nos. 4-6, 9-12). In this case, it is diffi- cult to determine their exact function, consid- ering only the context of discovery. Therefore, considering different characteristics of vessel finishing (for example, fire-rounded or cracked- off rim edge) or quality of the glass and manu- facture could be helpful as criteria for further interpretation. The jugs/flasks (Fig. 3) resemble typical for the period forms of tableware/containers for cos- metic substances and decoration – applied glass trails. These vessels are comparable to examples from published late antique glass assemblages (Sternini 1989, 106, Fig. 9, 109; Jennings 2006, 110–111, Fig. 5.24; Cholakova 2009, cat. nos. 101, 102, 279-280, tabl. XII/1, 2, 299). Parallels to the first identified type of oil lamp from the assemblage, the one with the base knob (Fig. 4.38), are attested at other ar- chaeological sites and provide good analogies for this example (Sternini 1989, 109, Fig. 7, nos. 36, 37; Ružić 1994, 55-56, tabl. XLIII/5,7-9; Ubol- di 1995, 116–120; Jennings 2006, 137–138, Figs. 6.10.11–14; Cholakova 2009, cat. nos. 91–93, 278, tabl. XI/1-3, 298). The variety of the popular for the period hemispherical cup with the con- cave base that includes applied small loop han- dles (Fig. 4.39) is usually also identified as a type of lighting device (Gomolka 1979, 154, tabl. 61, no. 32; Turno 1989, 166–167, Fig. 2, no. 4; Cher- neva-Tilkian 1995, 77, Fig. II.17; Olczak 1995, 51, typ III; Băjenaru, Bâltâc 2000-2001, 479–483, tabl. X, 506). The lower part of the bodies of the tubular oil lamps (Fig. 4.40-42) makes them easy to be identified and assigned to their actu- al form due to abundant parallels illustrating the slight varieties and details of the shape (Olczak 1995, 51, typ II, 55–58; Băjenaru, Bâltâc 2000- 2001, Pl. I-III, 497–499; Jennings 2006, 142– 143, Fig. 6.16; Cholakova, Rehren and Freestone 2016, Fig. 2, 627). Decoration of applied coloured glass trails can be seen on different vessel forms (both closed and open), and it is quite distinctive of this period’s glass repertoire (Jennings 2006, 155, Figs. 7.1-7.9; Cholakova 2009, tabl. VII, 294). The example described here (Fig. 5.43) is com- parable to similar vessels discovered in well-dat- ed contexts at other archaeological sites, includ- ing from Serdica (Cholakova 2009, tabl. VII.6-9, 294; Cholakova, Rehren 2018, 56, Fig. 3.1). st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i la t e a n t iq u e g la ss a ss em bl a g e fr o m s er d ic a 57 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i la t e a n t iq u e g la ss a ss em bl a g e fr o m s er d ic a 57 the same time, the occurrence of some of the other examples in the assemblage (the tubular oil lamps in particular) is a bit peculiar, consid- ering their later date, based on analogous finds5. A possible explanation for this could be found in the abovementioned construction activities dur- ing the 6th c. Furthermore, digging the trenches for the foundations of the wall in question might have caused later material to enter the deposit. Because of the studied material’s fragmen- tary state, it was impossible for all the finds to be ascribed with certainty to a particular vessel form/type or to a specific function. Nonethe- less, the short review of the present assemblage illustrates well enough some of the glass vessel groups popular during the late antique period in Serdica. Acknowledgments The author would like to thank Dr Iliana Bor- isova-Katsarova, Sofia University, for the oppor- tunity to publish the materials and for all the ad- ditional data provided. The notes on the text and the encouragement of Dr Anastasia Cholakova are truly appreciated. Summary The archaeological research at the Western Gate of Ser- dica, present-day Sofia, Bulgaria, was carried out in two separate campaigns, between 1974 and 1980 and 2011 – 2014 . A deposit comprising a considerable number of glass fragments was discovered inside abandoned water well during the 2012 excavations. Conical vessels, lamps and jugs/flasks are the identified glass vessels’ shapes. The decoration is rarely attested. According to the stratigraphic situation and the finds, the well went out of use and was filled with debris, most likely in the 5th century. However, based on the listed parallels, the glass finds could be dated between the 4t h and the 6th centuries. The earliest vessels in the assem- blage might be related to the initial phase of the well’s repurposing as a dump site or to the possibility that some of them could have been dropped there by accident be- fore it was abandoned. Furthermore, a possible explana- 5 For well-dated examples see Cholakova, Rehren and Free- stone 2016, Fig. 2, 627. Similar (but not identical) to the base with an applied ring of coloured glass trail (Fig. 5.44) are finds from other sites in Serdica, as well as from more distant ones like Beirut (Jennings 2006, 163–165, Figs. 7.8, 7.10; Cholakova, Rehren 2018, 56, Fig. 3.1). The reconstructed cup (Fig. 5.45) is resem- bling partially the decoration on vessels discov- ered, for instance, in Mainz and Bonn (Harter 1999, Taf. 16, no. 348; Fünfschilling 2015, 336, Abb. 425, 3,5), while morphologically it is more closely related to form Isings 96/107 (Isings 1957, 114–116, 133). Assuming that the tubular base fragment (Fig. 5.46) belongs to the widespread form Isings 109a/c, it could be associated with finds from numerous sites2. Conclusion According to the stratigraphic observations of the researchers and preliminary examination of the discovered materials, it is presumed that the well went out of use and was filled with debris, most likely in the 5th century. The attested con- struction activities during the 6th c., when a new building was erected in the area, and the setting of one of its walls over the well, in particular, is considered a definite terminus ante quem for the explo tation of the abandoned facility3. Concerning the chronological distribution of the listed parallels, the vessels from the assem- blage could be broadly dated between the 4th and the 6th century. The conical beakers/lamps, along with the single fragment with tubular base ring and the cup with engraved/abraded decora- tion, could be regarded as some of the earliest ex- amples4. Their presence in the well might be re- lated to the initial phase of its repurposing as a dump site. Of course, there is also the possibili- ty (at least for some of them) of accidental drop- ping while the water facility was still in use. At 2 For a number of analogous finds see Antonaras 2017, 79- 80. 3 Dr. Borisova-Katsarova, pers. comm. 4 For the conical vessels see Antonaras 2017, 77-80; for the cup with abraded/engraved decoration see Harter 1999, 71 and Fünfschilling 2015, 336. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 58 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i58 St. Kliment Ohridski University Press, (in Bulgarian with English summary). Cherneva-Tilkian, S. 1995. “Typologie et chronologie des verres de Philippopolis (Ier – Vie ss.).” Bulletin of the Museums of South Bulgaria 21: 71–82 (in Bulgarian with French summary). Cholakova, A. 2009. Part VI. “Glass vessels from Gradishteto”. In: Dinchev, V. Bulgarian-British Archaeological Excavations of Gradishteto Near the Village of Dichin, Veliko Tarnovo Region, 1996-2003 – the Results of the Bulgarian Team, Archaeological excavations and Research 39, 257–307. Sofia: National Archaeological Institute with museum – BAS (in Bulgarian with English summary). Cholakova, A., Rehren, Th., and Freestone, I., 2016. “Compositional identification of 6th c. AD glass from the Lower Danube.” Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 7: 625–632. Cholakova, A., and Rehren, Th. 2018. “A Late Antique manganese decolourised glass composition: Interpreting patterns and mechanisms of distribution.” In Things that Travelled: Mediterranean Glass in the First Millennium CE, edited by D. Rosenow et al., 46–71. London: UCL Press. Fünfschilling, S. 2015. Die römischen Gläser aus Augst und Kaiseraugst Kommentierter Formenkatalog und ausgewählte Neufunde 1981–2010 aus Augusta Raurica. Forschungen in Augst 51, Augst. Gomolka, G. 1979. “Die spätantiken und frühmittelalterlichen Gläser aus Iatrus.“ In Iatrus-Krivina. Bd. I, 145–166. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag. Harter, G. 1999. Römische Gläser des Landesmuseums Mainz. Wiesbaden: Reichert. Isings, C. 1957. Roman Glass from Dated Finds. Archaeologica Traiectina II. Groningen/ Djakarta: J. B. Wolters. tion for the discovery of the latest glass artefacts in the same complex could owe to a probable disturbance of its stratigraphy due to the construction of a new build- ing in the area during the 6th century. The setting of one of its walls over the well serves as a definite terminus ante quem for the accumulation of the deposit. Povzetek Arheološke raziskave ob zahodnih vratih mesta Serdi- ca, današnje Sofije v Bolgariji, so potekala v dveh kam- panjah, med letoma 1974 in 1980 in med letoma 2011 do 2104 . V opuščenem vodnjaku so med raziskavami leta 2012 odkrili depozit s precejšnjim številom steklenega gradiva. Opredeliti je bilo mogoče oblike kot so konič- ne čaše, svetilke, stekleničke in vrči, posode so bile obde- lane in okrašene v toplem in ohlajenem stanju. Glede na stratigrafijo in odkrito gradivo je bil vodnjak najverjetneje opuščen in napolnjen z odpadom v teku 5. stoletja. Na osnovi primerjav pa lahko stekleno gradi- vo datiramo v čas med 4 . in 6. stoletjem. Starejše gradi- vo je verjetno ostanek zgodnje faze uporabe opuščene- ga vodnjaka kot odpadne jame, najmlajše najdbe pa bi lahko povezali z mešanjem plasti, ki so verjetno posledi- ca gradnje novega objekta na tem območju v 6. stoletju. Postavitev enega od njegovih zidov preko vodnjaka služi kot terminus ante quem za nalaganje depozita. References Antonaras, A. 2017. Glassware and Glassworking in Thessaloniki 1st Century BC – 6th Century AD. Archaeopress Roman Archaeology 27, Oxford: Oxuniprint. Băjenaru, C., and Bâltâc, A. 2001. “Depozitul de candele din sticlă descoperit la basilica episcopală de la Histria”. Pontica 33-34: 469–513. Borisova-Katsarova, I., and Barfonchovska, D. 2018. “The Western Gate of Serdika – archaeological investigations and possibilities of display”. In Stephanos archaeologicos ad 80 annum professoris Ludmili Getov, edited by I. Valchev, Studia Archaeologica Universitatis Serdicensis, Supplementum VI (2018), 449–466. Sofia: st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i la t e a n t iq u e g la ss a ss em bl a g e fr o m s er d ic a 59 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i la t e a n t iq u e g la ss a ss em bl a g e fr o m s er d ic a 59 Committee of the Society of Antiquaries of London 57, 299–378. London. Sternini, M. 1989. “A glass workshop in Rome (4th – 5th centuries A.D.).” Kölner Jahrbuch für Vor- und Frühgeschichte 22: 105–114. Sternini, M. 2001. “Reperti in vetro da un deposito tardoantico sul colle Palatino.” Journal of Glass Studies 43: 21–75. Turno, A. 1989. “Römische und frühbyzantinische Gläser aus Novae in Bulgarien.“ Kölner Jahrbuch für Vor- und Frühgeschichte 22: 163–170. Uboldi, M. 1995. “Diffusione delle lampade vitree in età tardoantica e altomedievale e spunti per una tipologia.” Archeologia Medievale 22: 93–145. Jennings, S. 2006. Vessel Glass from Beirut, BEY 006, 007 and 045. Berytus 48–49, Beirut. Lazar, I. 2003. Rimsko steklo Slovenije / The Roman glass of Slovenia. Inštitut za arheologijo, ZRC SAZU. Ljubljana. Leljak, M. 2011. “Staklene posude sa štrbinačke nekropole.” Zbornik muzeja Đakovštine 10: 145–180. Olczak, J. 1995. “Szkło rzymskie z terenu Komendatury w Novae.” Novensia 8: 15– 86. Ružić, M. 1994. Rimsko staklo u Srbiji. Beograd, Filozofski fakultet. Shepherd, J. D. 1999. “The Glass.” In Nicopolis ad Istrum: A Roman to Early Byzantine City. The pottery and glass, edited by A. Poulter, Reports of the Research Table I: Description of the glass finds. № Form Description Colour and quality of the glass Illustration 1 conical vessel entire profile, rough unfinished cracked-off rim light green glass, small amount of gas bubbles of differ- ent size and shape Fig. 2.1 2 conical vessel entire profile, rough unfinished cracked-off rim nearly colourless glass with slight greenish tint and sig- nificant amount of gas bubbles of different size and shape Fig. 2.2 3 conical vessel entire profile, fire-rounded rim light green glass, small amount of gas bubbles Fig. 2.3 4 conical vessel nearly entire profile, missing rim, probably fire-rounded, con- sidering the pontil mark on the underside yellow-green glass, small amount of elongated gas bub- bles and contamination of a single metal? particle right above the base area Fig. 2.4 5 conical vessel fire-rounded rim fragment nearly colourless glass with slight greenish tint and only a few gas bubbles, contamination due to a couple of tiny metal? particles affecting the colouration of the glass Fig. 2.5 6 conical vessel fire-rounded rim fragment light blue glass with only a few gas bubbles Fig. 2.6 7 conical vessel fire-rounded rim fragment the colour of the glass varies from light green to yel- low-green, small amount of gas bubbles and a tiny metal? particle inclusion Fig. 2.7 8 conical vessel cracked-off rim fragment nearly colourless glass with slight greenish tint and a few gas bubbles Fig. 2.8 9 conical vessel cracked-off rim fragment nearly colourless glass with greenish tint and gas bubbles of different size and shape Fig. 2.9 10 conical vessel cracked-off rim fragment nearly colourless glass with slight greenish tint Fig. 2.10 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 60 № Form Description Colour and quality of the glass Illustration 11 conical vessel the lower part of entirely pre- served slightly concave/almost flat base with pontil scar light blue glass of noticeably good quality, with only a few gas bubbles Fig. 2.11 12 conical vessel the lower part of entirely pre- served slightly concave base with a pontil scar light blue glass of distinctly good quality, with only a few gas bubbles but contaminated due to several metal? par- ticle inclusions (one of them more noticeable) Fig. 2.12 13 conical vessel partly preserved base with pon-til mark nearly colourless glass with yellowish tint Fig. 2.13 14 conical vessel almost entirely preserved base with pontil mark nearly colourless glass with yellowish tint and gas bubbles Fig. 2.14 15 conical vessel partly preserved base, slight- ly concave/ almost flat with pon- til mark nearly colourless glass with greenish tint Fig. 2.15 16 conical vessel the lower part of the body and al- most entirely preserved concave base with pontil mark nearly colourless glass with slight greenish tint, signifi- cant amount of gas bubbles of different size and shape and a metal? particle inclusion Fig. 2.16 17 conical vessel the lower part of the body and en- tirely preserved slightly concave/ almost flat base with unremoved glass from the attachment of the pontil nearly colourless glass with greenish tint Fig. 2.17 18 conical vessel the lower part of the body and en- tirely preserved concave base with a hardly noticeable pontil mark nearly colourless glass with slight yellowish tint and gas bubbles of different size and shape Fig. 2.18 19 conical vessel partly preserved base with pon-til mark? nearly colourless glass with yellowish tint Fig. 2.19 20 conical vessel the lower part of the body and en-tirely preserved concave base nearly colourless glass with greenish tint and gas bub- bles of different size and shape, a couple of metal? parti- cle inclusions Fig. 2.20 21 conical vessel the lower part of the body and en-tirely preserved concave base nearly colourless glass with greenish tint and significant amount of gas bubbles of different size and shape Fig. 2.21 22 conical vessel the lower part of the body and en-tirely preserved concave base nearly colourless glass with greenish tint, gas bubbles and a couple of tiny metal? particle inclusions Fig. 2.22 23 conical vessel the lower part of the body and en-tirely preserved concave base light green glass with gas bubbles of different size and shape Fig. 2.23 24 conical vessel the lower part of the body and al- most entirely preserved slightly concave/flat base nearly colourless glass with slight yellowish tint and sig- nificant amount of gas bubbles of different size and shape Fig. 2.24 25 conical vessel partly preserved base, concave (particular profile probably achieved by the use of a former) light green glass with significant amount of gas bubbles of different size and shape Fig. 2.25 26 conical vessel the lower part of the body and en-tirely preserved concave base nearly colourless glass with greenish tint and significant amount of gas bubbles of different size and shape, a few particle inclusions Fig. 2.26 27 conical vessel partly preserved base, slightly concave/almost flat nearly colourless glass with slight yellowish tint and gas bubbles Fig. 2.27 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i la t e a n t iq u e g la ss a ss em bl a g e fr o m s er d ic a 61 № Form Description Colour and quality of the glass Illustration 28 conical vessel the lower part of the body and partly preserved concave base light green glass with significant amount of gas bubbles of different size and shape and contaminated due to a particle inclusion Fig. 2.28 29 conical vessel the lower part of the body and en-tirely preserved concave base nearly colourless glass with greenish tint and significant amount of gas bubbles of different size and shape Fig. 2.29 30 conical vessel the lower part of the body and a concave base nearly colourless glass with yellowish tint and gas bub- bles of different size and shape Fig. 2.30 31 conical vessel partly preserved base nearly colourless glass with yellowish tint and significant amount of gas bubbles of different size and shape Fig. 2.31 32 conical vessel the lower part of the body and en-tirely preserved concave base light green glass with small amount of gas bubbles Fig. 2.32 33 jug the upper part of the body with double ribbed handle; decoration of self-coloured glass trail in relief applied below the rim and around 1/3 down the neck of the vessel glass of light green colour with multiple gas bubbles and metal? particle inclusions Fig. 3.33 34 flask? rim and neck; decoration of ap- plied self-coloured glass trail in relief, starting below the rim and going down the preserved neck part of the vessel glass of light blue-green colour Fig. 3.34 35 flask? rim and part of the neck nearly colourless glass with slight yellowish tint, small amount of gas bubbles and matt white iridescence Fig. 3.35 36 flask? folded-in rim, neck and partly preserved shoulders nearly colourless glass with yellowish tint and small amount of gas bubbles Fig. 3.36 37 flask? fire-rounded rim and neck light blue-green glass with small amount of gas bubbles Fig. 3.37 38 conical lamp with solid knob the lower part of the body, miss- ing knob; there is a pontil scar on the wall, just above the point- ing base nearly colourless glass with light blue-green tint Fig. 4.38 39 hemispherical cup/lamp three fragments (not joining) – a cracked-off rim, a wall with pre- served loop handle and a base with partially preserved trails of two other handles (missing) nearly colourless glass with greenish tint and significant- ly small amount of gas bubbles Fig. 4.39 40 lamp with tu-bular base the lower part of the body; small pontil mark on the base light yellow-green glass with numerous elongated gas bubbles and yellowish-white iridescence Fig. 4.40 41 lamp with tu-bular base the lower part of the body; unre- moved glass from the attachment of the pontil light yellow-green glass with elongated gas bubbles and yellowish-white iridescence Fig. 4.41 42 lamp with tu-bular base the lower part of the body; small pontil mark on the base light yellow-green glass with elongated gas bubbles and yellowish-white iridescence Fig. 4.42 43 beaker/lamp? two rim fragments (not joining) with dark blue trails, applied di- rectly on the rim and below it, marvered into the wall the vessel is made of nearly colourless glass with slight yellowish tint Fig. 5.43 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 62 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i № Form Description Colour and quality of the glass Illustration 44 cup/beaker? base fragment with not evenly ap-plied ring ring of green glass; the main body of the vessel is made of nearly colourless glass with yellowish-green tint; the green glass trail is full of gas bubbles Fig. 5.44 45 hemispheri-cal cup four fragments (not joining) – a cracked-off, slightly polished rim, two wall fragments and a slight- ly concave, almost flat base; dec- oration of abraded/free-hand engraved lines, circles and grain- shaped facets, forming geomet- ric patterns in horizontally ar- ranged bands nearly colourless glass with a slight yellowish tint Fig. 5.45 46 conical beaker? base fragment with tubular ring light green glass Fig. 5.46 47 window pane fragment with partly preserved side edge green glass with multiple gas bubbles of various size and shape _ st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Abstract The paper presents the glass weights discovered during the excavation between 2009 and 2012, con- textually belonging to the last stage of organized and urban life in Stobi. There are three circular glass weights used for measuring golden coins. The glass weights were discovered in similar contexts chron- ologically: one was discovered in one of the dwellings constructed between the radial and circular walls of the summa cavea of the Theater after it went out of use, the second one in a storage unit that was part of the shops and workshops behind the Semicircular Court, and the third in the Residential and Com- mercial quarter. Key words: Stobi, Roman theater, glass weights, glass exagium, solidi Izvleček Članek predstavlja steklene uteži, ki so bile odkrite med raziskavami mesta Stobi, v obdobju med 2009 in 2012, in sodijo v kontekst zadnjega obdobja organiziranega mestnega življenja. Gre za tri okrogle ste- klene uteži, ki so jih uporabljali za merjenje teže zlatih novcev. Odkrite so bile v sorodnih kronoloških kontekstih. Ena je bila odkrita v poslopju zgrajenem med zidovi summa cavea gledališča Stobi, ko je bilo le-to že opuščeno, druga v skladišču, ki je bilo del trgovin in delavnic za polkrožnim dvoriščem, tretja pa v naselbinski in trgovski četrti. Ključne besede: Stobi, rimsko gledališče, steklene uteži, glass exagium, solidi Glass exagia from Stobi Steklene uteži (exagia) iz Stobija Dimitar Nikolovski National Institution for Management of the Archaeological Site of Stobi – NI Stobi, Republic of North Macedonia dimitar.nikolovski@stobi.mk 63 Introduction The Roman city of Stobi is one of the best-preserved archaeological sites in the Republic of North Macedonia. It is built on the confluence of two rivers: Erigon (Crna) and Axios (Vardar; Livy XXXIX.53.16, Heu- zey 1873). Its strategic position on the main road connecting the Danube and the Aegean had a crucial role in its development as a commercial and administrative centre, covering the period between the 2nd century BC and the early 7th century AD. The city was known as oppidum civium Ro- manorum during the time of Augustus. Lat- er it became a municipium with an established provincial mint under Vespasian. Large pub- lic buildings were built in the early 2nd centu- ry (theatre, building with arches - library?, the temple of Isis, synagogue). During Late Antiq- uity, it became an episcopal seat and the capital of the province Macedonia Secunda, at least be- tween 482 and 535 AD. The city’s urban layout was transformed with the construction of large private residences, public baths and early Chris- tian churches on the middle and upper terraces, organised within the street network. Surviving ht t ps://doi .org /10 . 264 93/2350 -54 43.10 (1)63-7 1 © aut hor/aut hors the earthquakes and barbaric raids during the 6th century, the city was finally abandoned at the end of the 6th or beginning of the 7th cen- tury AD (Papazoglou 1988, 313–323; Wiseman 1984, 289–314; Wiseman 1986, 37-50; Wiseman 2007, 85–110; Blaževska 2021, 189). The Late Antique city is well preserved as a direct conse- quence of the fact that there was no urban occu- pation after it was abandoned (Wiseman 1984, 294). The excavation data shows that during the 6th century, Stobi was still a vibrant city with an active commercial life, visible through the exca- vated shops and workshops along the collonad- ed Via Sacra, leading from the main city gate to the Semicircular court and the Episcopal basil- ica, the presumed centre of the city during this period (Nikolovski 2018, 325). During the excavations between 2009 and 2011, a large portion of the southwestern part of the city was excavated, positioned between the fortification walls and the Semicircular court, named the Residential and Commercial quarter. This quarter consists of modest residential and commercial buildings, representing the last stage of urban life in Stobi from the late 6th and ear- ly 7th century AD (Blaževska 2021). During the same excavations, modest houses dating from the same period were also discovered on top of the summa cavea of the Theater and around the Temple of Isis. st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 64 Figure 1: Stobi ground plan (after Blaževska 2021). st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i g la ss e x a g ia f ro m s to bi 65 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i g la ss e x a g ia f ro m s to bi 65 During the aforementioned excavations an enormous quantity of material was discovered, including various weights and weighing equip- ment. Most of them are still unpublished, with the exception of a few that were uncovered in the excavations at the Semicircular Court in 2012 (Nikolovski 2018, 315–319). The three glass weights that are the focus of this paper were discovered in the context of the last period of urban life in Stobi, in the Res- idential and Commercial quarter, as well as in the dwellings built on top of the Theater. The finds The first sample (СТ-09-69) was discovered in one of the dwellings constructed between the radial and circular walls of the summa cavea of the Theater after it was abandoned and became a quarry for building material. The context in which the exagium was discovered is dated to the second half of the 6th century AD. The glass weight was made of light greenish glass, and has a circular shape (Fig. 2). It has a diameter of 2.1 cm, is 0.5 cm thick and weighs 3.93 g. It is flat and Figure 3: Monogram on the exagium (CT-09-69; NIS archive). Figure 2: Glass exagium with box monogram (CT-09-69; NIS archive). rough on the backside, and has a rolled rim and a stamped box monogram in the central part (Fig. 3), containing the letters Α, Ε, Υ and Ο. The con- text of discovery did not contain other finds re- lated to weighing. The second sample (СТ-12-36) was dis- covered in a closed deposit, on a floor level in Storage room 9 behind the Semicircular court, closely connected to commercial activities. It was made of pale, yellowish glass, and also has a circular shape with a rolled rim and a stamped box monogram in the central part (Fig. 4), con- taining the letters Α, Μ, Ο, Υ and Τ. Like the first sample, its backside is flat and rough. Its monogram is difficult to discern, and I have not identified an analogy. The glass weight has a di- ameter of 2.15 cm, its thickness varying between 0.64 and 0.84 cm, and weighs 4.35 g. There are numerous other finds in this deposit, but I st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 66 will only mention the ones relevant to weigh- ing: a bronze balance with two bronze scale pans, four bronze coin weights, a lead weight with a pyramidal shape with a ring on top and a square bronze lock (Nikolovski 2018, 319). The context in which this glass weight was discov- ered completely follows what a money changer’s kit would contain. They were usually kept in a closed wooden box. Well preserved boxes with weighing equipment have been found mostly in shipwrecks (Pitarakis 2012, 407–410). The lat- est coin discovered in the same deposit is a fol- lis struck in Thessalonica between 583-584 AD, during the first years of the reign of Maurice (Nikolovski 2018, 319). The third glass weight in question (СТ-09- 68) was discovered in the residential and commer- cial quarter, in the yard of an enclosure around one of the towers on the northwestern fortifica- tion wall. In one of the rooms of this enclosure, multiple weights were discovered and a part of a kampanos - a steelyard. The glass weight is cir- cular in shape, with relief decoration, depicting a bust holding an object with its right hand in the air (Fig. 5). Its backside is flat and rough. The let- Figure 4: Glass exagium with box monogram (СТ-12-36; NIS archive). Figure 5: Glass exagium with a bust of an eparch and an inscription (CT-09-68; NIS archive). st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i g la ss e x a g ia f ro m s to bi 67 ters read ΘEΟΔωΡΟΥ. It has a diameter of 2.6 cm, is 0.4 cm thick, and weighs 3.91 g. Two of the Stobi samples (СТ-09-69, СТ- 12-36) belong to the box monogram type, named Type C according to Entwistle, representing the most common form of circular glass weights. Most scholars agree that the box type of glass weights was predominant between 500 and 550 AD, with the cruciform type slowly but surely superseding it through the course of the second half of the century (Entwistle and Meek 2015, 4). This does not mean that the box type glass exagia were not used during the second half of the 6th century AD, as is the case with two Sto- bi examples. The third sample (СТ-09-68) belongs to the type with a bust of an eparch with an inscrip- tion surrounding it. The eparch usually holds a mappa - the linen handkerchief thrown to indi- cate the start of races in the circus games. The inscription reads ΘΕΟΔΩΡΟΥ, probably the name of the eparch that issued the weight. It has been suggested that the person named The- odoros was an official responsible for the roy- al treasury, called comes sacrarum largitionum (Vladimirova-Aladzhova 2008, 248) during the reign of Justin II and whose seals were laid on contemporary silver objects (Dodd 1964, 244). Theophanes also mentioned an eparch named Theodoros, son of Peter, comes sacrarum largitio- num, as well as an additional prefect bearing the same name during the reign of the emperor Jus- tin I. The third person with the name Theodor- os was prefect of Constantinople in 612, during the reign of Heraclius (Vladimirova-Aladzho- va 2008, 245). We have to take into consider- ation that these are only the officials that we know the names of, as opposed to so many that we are unfamiliar within the entirety of the Byz- antine Empire. For this reason, I can not be cer- tain in connecting this glass weights’ inscription to any of the previously mentioned possibilities, although they remain viable options. The type with the bust of an eparch and an inscription belongs to Type B according to En- twistle, and it is dated widely because of the pos- sibilities in comparing the names with officials documented in historical sources. The generally accepted date range for this type is between the reigns of Justin II and Heraklios (Entwistle and Meek 2015, 4). Discussion Glass exagia have been unearthed at various plac- es in the eastern Mediterranean, in Constantino- ple, at other sites in Asia Minor, Egypt, Crete, Cyprus, along the Danube, etc. One shop in commercial contexts in Sardis has yielded three glass weights, stamped with cruciform mono- grams, discovered along other coin weights, a copper alloy steelyard with a lead weight, as well as fragments of balance and pans (Crawford 1990, 86). They were also found in commercial contexts in Israel, notably in Tel Naharon, where there are several sets of weights of glass, bronze, and haematite, as well as at the site of Shiqmona, where three glass weights have been discovered (Entwistle and Meek 2015, 3). Glass weights were found throughout the Balkans: in Bulgaria, at least eleven samples (Vladimirova-Aladzhova 2008); in Serbia, at least two samples (Ivanišević and Jovanović 2018); in North Macedonia, at least four samples - three presented in this paper and an additional one from Heraclea Lyncestis (Lilčić 2001), etc. The appearance of the glass coin weights is strongly connected to the widespread fiscal and administrative reforms initiated by the emperor Anastasius and continued by Justinian I. The re- forms included a revamping of the copper coin- age that saw the introduction of major denomi- nations such as the follis and half follis, and an increase in the number of mints, which subse- quently led to a proliferation in the circulation of the gold coinage, exemplified by increased releases of the nomisma and its divisions, the semissis and tremissis (Grierson 1982, 4). It is through this monetary reform that the initial introduction of glass as a material used for coin- age weights may have taken place (Entwistle and Meek 2015, 1). st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 68 Glass weights vary in color; they are found in shades of blue, brown, red, green, and yellow (Vikan and Nesbitt 1980, 36–37). The advantag- es of glass as a material over the metal have been stated many times, as it is easy to manufacture, it is readily detectable if tampered with and it is not prone to immediate oxidation or corrosion (Entwistle and Meek 2015, 2). This makes it ideal for smaller denomination coin weights. Their precise function has been disputed, but the most likely interpretation is that they were used for weighing gold coins. The state is- sued a gold coin of full weight, as well as frac- tions thereof, one-half and one third. Glass weights obviously did not compete with bronze flat weights, since they were a very specific tool for weighing the full weight or the fractions of a gold coin. They were very useful for small trans- actions and were thus used as a complement to their heavier, metallic counterparts. After an ex- amination of the weights of over two hundred glass weights, the eminent Arab numismatist, George Miles, concluded that glass pieces were used for weighing the solidus weighing around 4.55 grams, the semis, weighing ca. 2.27 grams, and the tremissis, weighing around 1.55 grams. In the Theodosian Code 12.7.1, there is an explanation on how these transactions occurred, and it is explicitly explained how to hold the scales in order to achieve a fair measurement: “when gold is paid, it shall be received with level pans (aequa lance) and equal weights (libramen- tis paribus) in such a fashion, naturally that the end of the cord (summitas lini) is held with two fingers, the remaining three being free and ex- tended toward the tax-receiver (susceptor) so as not to depress the weights (pondera) by restrain- ing either of the pans suspended from the tongue (examen) of the balance, but so as to permit the level and equal movement of the balance (stater)” (Morrisson 2012, 386–387). The actual weighing was done by a state offi- cial called zygostates, “the one who weighs with a balance”. This official not only weighed, but also verified the quality of the gold coins (Morrisson 2002, 913). In the 6th century, during Justinians’ reign, the zygostatai were singled out in one of his aedicts as responsible for changing the purity of gold coins (Kazhdan et al. 1991, 2232). There are many questions related to the identification of the official who was responsi- ble for the emitting of a distinct type of exagia and it is evidenced by the great variety of mon- ograms (Bendall 1996, 60), related to the names of eparches not only in Constantinople but in all provinces of the Byzantine Empire as well (Feis- sel 1986; Bendall 1996). Assumedly, traders acquired glass weights in Constantinople and carried them about in their travels (Vikan and Nesbitt 1980, 37). A hoard of glass weights discovered in Sardis in Asia Minor, challenges this claim however, since Fulghum and Heinz believe that the 21 glass weights bear- ing monograms of Heraclius are local products, based on the imperfect physical appearance and asymmetrical shape (Fulghum and Heintz 1998, 115). As indicated by the numerous inscriptions on surviving exagia, other officials not men- tioned in the imperial legislation also were in- volved in the issuance of weights. In the west- ern provinces, proconsuli, viri laudabiles and viri clarissimi, and anthypatos, comes and epho- ros in the eastern provinces. Chapter 15 of Nov- el (CXXVIII) 128 of Justinian, dated to 545 AD, states that the praetorian prefect of the city was responsible for the commodity weights and the Count of Sacred Largesses (comes sacrarum largitionum, κομες των θείων θησαυρών) as well as coinage weights of gold, silver and bronze. The comes was also responsible for minting all coin- age except silver and gold, and until Justinians’ reign, the procurators of the mints remained in his authority (Morrisson 2002, 911). All weights and measures were now “to be preserved in the most holy church of each city” (Morrisson 2012, 385). The role of the church as a depository and guarantor of weight standards was very impor- tant, and it was closely connected to the influ- ence of bishops as leaders of cities (Paunov 2005, 99). The role of the church in practicing hon- est weighing and assaying is well exemplified by st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i g la ss e x a g ia f ro m s to bi 69 an edict proclaimed in Alexandria by John the Almsgiver, on his accession to the patriarchate in the early seventh century (Morrisson 2012, 385–386). The weight of the glass weights from Sto- bi is 3.93 g and 4.35 g for the box monogram ones, and 3.91 g for the exagium with a bust of an eparch. The 4.35 g exagium is the one closest to the theoretical weight of the solidus, which is 4.55 g. The sample weighing 4.35 g was used for weighing solidi, which is the closest comparison in terms of coin weights. For comparison, there are 5 samples of solidi discovered at Stobi, weigh- ing between 4.38 g and 4.50 g, minted during the reigns of Justinian and Justin II (Radić and Ivanišević 2006). As can be deduced from the information above, the weight of the glass exagi- um from Stobi fits the parameters of the weight of the solidi discovered in the city, with a mini- mal inconsistency. The remaining two samples weigh less than the aforementioned weight for the solidi. There is a possibility that they were used for weighing light-weight solidi. The function of these light weight gold coins still eludes modern scholars, even hough they have gained significant atten- tion in the last few decades (Gökalp and Gan- dilla 2015, 323). Their average weight is difficult to determine precisely, but it is always less than 4.00 g, which contributes toward the determi- nation of the function of the two glass weights from Stobi, weighing 3.93 g and 3.91 g, as weights for light-weight solidi (Adelson 1957; Hendy 1972). Additionally, the five tremissis, discovered along fragmented bronze scale pans in one of the shops behind the Semicircular court in Sto- bi (Nikolovski 2018, 319), all vary in weight min- imally, even though four out of five were part of the same emission, during the reign of Justin II, issued in Constantinople, but they still rep- resent approximately one third of the weight of the solidi. It should be noted that the weight of the tremissis was very small to begin with, and it would have been nearly impossible to notice the weight difference from its theoretical weight. Conclusion Glass weights were used during a short period of time of approximately 150 years in the 6th and the first half of the 7th century AD throughout the Byzantine Empire. In general, the prosopo- graphical evidence for the dating of glass weights ceases at the same time when the glass-produc- ing provinces Syria, Palestine and Egypt were lost to the Arabs, by the middle of the 7th centu- ry AD. The coinciding with the so-called transi- tional series of glass weights from Egypt in the period between 642 and 692 AD, contributes to this idea (Entwistle and Meek 2015, 12; En- twistle 2016, 293). The tradition was continued by their Arabic counterparts, issued in vast num- bers by successive dynasties from the Umayyads to the Ayyūbids (Balog 1976). The presence of glass exagia in Stobi con- tributes greatly toward the general picture of the city at the end of the 6th and the beginning of the 7th century AD. It demonstrates that the city and its inhabitants were commercially ac- tive, even if the city did not live up to its urban- istic peak. Although a small amount, in combi- nation with other finds connected to measuring and weighing, the glass exagia from Stobi offer an insight to the importance of weighing of soli- di, the basis of the monetary system of the Byz- antine Empire. Summary The three glass weights that are the focus of this paper, were discovered in the context of the last period of ur- ban life in Stobi. The first sample (СТ-09-69) was dis- covered in the context dated to the second half of the 6th century AD. The glass weight was made of light greenish glass, has a diameter of 2.1 cm, is 0.5 cm thick and weighs 3.93 g. The second sample (СТ-12-36) was dis- covered in a closed deposit, on a floor level in Storage room 9; it was made of pale, yellowish glass, has a diam- eter of 2.15 cm, its thickness varying between 0.64 and 0.84 cm, and weighs 4 .35 g. The third glass weight is cir- cular in shape, with a relief decoration, depicting a bust with its right hand in the air, holding an object. The let- ters read ΘEΟ∆ωΡΟΥ. It has a diameter of 2.6 cm, its 0.4 cm thick, and weighs 3.91 g. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 70 Glass exagia have been unearthed at various places in the eastern Mediterranean and the Balkans. The ap- pearance of the glass coin weights is strongly connect- ed to the widespread fiscal and administrative reforms initiated by the emperor Anastasius and continued by Justinian I. Glass weights were used during a short peri- od of time of approximately 150 years in the 6th and the first half of the 7th century AD throughout the Byzan- tine Empire. The presence of glass exagia in Stobi con- tributes greatly toward the general picture of the city at the end of the 6th and the beginning of the 7th centu- ry AD. It demonstrates that the city and its inhabitants were still commercially active. Povzetek Članek predstavlja tri steklene uteži, ki so bile najdene v kontekstu zadnjega obdobja urbanega življenja mesta Stobi. Prva najdba (СТ-09-69) izhaja iz konteksta datira- nega v drugo polovico 6. stoletja. Utež je izdelana iz ra- hlo zelenkastega stekla, ima premer 2,1 cm, db. 0,5 cm in težo 3,93 g. Drugi primerek (СТ-12-36) je bil najden v za- prtem kontekstu, na hodni površini skladiščnega pros- tora 9; izdelan je iz stekla rahlo rumenkastega odtenka, ima premer 2,15 cm, db. med 0,64 in 0, 84 cm, teža znaša 4 ,35 g. Tretja utež je kroglaste oblike; ima reliefni okras, ki predstavlja doprsno figuro z dvignjeno desnico, v ka- teri drži predmet. Utež nosi napis ΘEΟ∆ωΡΟΥ. Pre- mer uteži je 2,6 cm, db. 0,4 cm, njena teža je 3,91 g. Steklene uteži so znane z več najdišč vzhodnega Sredo- zemlja in tudi Balkana. Najdbe steklenih uteži za ko- vance so tesno povezane z obsežnimi fiskalnimi in ad- ministrativnimi reformami cesarja Anastazija, ki jih je nadaljeval tudi Justinijan I. Steklene uteži so bile v upo- rabi relativno kratek čas, približno 150 let, in sicer v 6. in prvi polovici 7. stoletja na območju Bizantinskega cesar- stva. Najdbe steklenih uteži (exagia) v mestu Stobi do- kazujejo trgovsko in gospodarsko aktivnost mesta in njegovih prebivalcev in pričajo o njegovem življenju na koncu 6. in v prvi polovici 7. stoletja. References Adelson H. L. 1957. Light weight solidi and Byzantine trade during the sixth and seventh centuries. New York: The American numismatic Society. 70 Balog P. 1976. Umayyad, ‘Ābbasid and Tūlūnid glass weights and vessel stamps. New York: The American Numismatic Society. Bendall S. 1996. Byzantine Weights: An introduction. London: Lennox Gallery. Blaževska S. 2021. “Urban Transformation of Stobi: From Oppidum Civium Romanorum to Capital of Macedonia Secunda.” In Roman Provincial Capitals under Transition, Österreichisches Archäologisches Institut Sonderschriften Band 61, Proceedings of the cInternational Conference held in Plovdiv, November, 4-7, 2019, edited by Milena Rayceva and Martin Steskal, 189–214. Crawford, J. S. 1990. The Byzantine Shops at Sardis. Cambridge. Mass: Harvard University Press. Dodd E.C. 1964. Byzantine Silver Stamps, Supplement I. Dumbarton Oaks Papers 18. Entwistle C. 2002. “Byzantine weights.” In The Economic History of Byzantium: From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century, edited by A. E. Laiou, 611–614. Washington D.C. Entwistle C. 2016. “The Early Byzantine Weights from Kunszentmárton, Hungary.” Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 67: 287–300. Entwistle C., and A. Meek. 2015. “Early Byzantine glass weights: aspects of function, chronology and composition.” British Museum Technical Research Bulletin 9: 1–14. Feissel D. 1986. “Le Préfet de Constantinople, les poids étalons et l’estampillage de l’argenterie au VIe et au VIIe s. Revue numismatique 28: 119–142. Fulghum M. M., and F. Heintz. 1998. “A Hoard of Byzantine Glass Weights from Sardis.” American Journal of Numismatics 10: 105– 120. Grierson P. 1982. Byzantine coins. Berkeley (CA): University of California Press. Gökalp Z. D., and A. Gândilă. 2015. “A Hoard of Sixth-Century Solidi, Light- st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i g la ss e x a g ia f ro m s to bi 71 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i g la ss e x a g ia f ro m s to bi 71 земите по Горна Струма (Roman and Early Byzantine measure weights from the Upper Strouma lands, West Bulgaria).“ Известия на Исторически музей Кюстендил, том XII: 97–112. Pitarakis B. 2012. “Daily Life at the Marketplace in Late Antiquity and Byzantium.” In Trade and Markets in Byzantium, edited by Cecile Morrisson, 399–428. Washington: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Radić, V., and V. Ivanišević. 2006. Vizantijski novac iz Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu. Beograd. Vikan G., and J.W. Nesbitt. 1980. Security in Byzantium: locking, sealing and weighing. Washington (D.C.): Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies. Vladimirova-Aladzhova D. 2008. “About the Early Byzantine Glass Exagia from Bulgaria.” In Miscellanea numismatica Antiquitatis. In honorem septagenarii magistri Virgilii Mihailescu-Birliba oblata, edited by Victor Spinei, Lucian Munteanu, 239–250. Bucureşti: Academiei Române. Wiseman J. 1984. “The City in Macedonia Secunda.” In Villes et peuplement dans l’Illyricum protobyzantin. Actes du colloque organisé par l’École française de Rome (Rome, 12–14 mai 1982), CEFR 77, 289–314. Rome. Wiseman J. 1986. “Archaeology and History at Stobi, Macedonia.” In Rome and the Provinces. Studies in the Transformation of Arts and Architecture in the Mediterranean World, edited by Ch. B. McClendon, 37–50. New Haven. Wiseman J. 2007. “Environmental Deterioration and Human Agency in Ancient Macedonia: A Case Study.” Geoarchaeology 22/1: 85–110. Weight Solidi and Fractions from Gökler (Phrygia).” Revue numismatique, 6e série - Tome 172: 317–335. Hendy, M. F. 1972. “Light weight solidi, tetartera, and the book of the prefect.” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 65: 57–80. Heuzey, L. 1873. Reconnaissance archéologique d’une partie du cours de l’Érigon et des ruines de Stobi ... par M. Léon Heuzey. Paris. Ivanišević, V., and Jovanović, S. 2018. “Stakleni tegovi sa Caričinog Grada (Justiniana Prima).“ Leskovaćki zbornik 58: 43–53. Kazhdan, A. P., Alice-Mary Talbot, Anthony Cutler, Timothy E. Gregory, and N. Patterson Ševčenko. 1991. The Oxford dictionary of Byzantium. New York: Oxford University Press. Lilčić B. 2001. “Exagia Solidi iz teritorije Republike Makedonije.“ Zbornik radova Centra za arheološka raziskovanja Odelenja za arheologiju Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu, posvećen prof. dr. Aleksandrina Cermanović-Kuzmanović, 203–295. Beograd. Morrisson C. 2002. “Byzantine Money: Its Production and Circulation. In The Economic History of Byzantium From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century, vol. 1, edited by A. E. Laiou, 909–966. Washington: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Morrisson C. 2012. “Weighing, Measuring, Paying: Exchanges in the Market and the Marketplace.” In Trade and Markets in Byzantium, edited by Cecile Morrisson, 379–398. Washington: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Nikolovski D. 2018. “Commercial Space at Stobi: The Semicircular Court.” In Studies in the Antiquities of Stobi, vol. 4, edited by Silvana Blaževska, 308–341. Papazoglou F. 1988. Les villes de Macédoine à l’époque romaine. BCH Suppl. 16, Athens. Paunov, E. 2005. “Римски и ранновизантийски мерки за тежест от st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Abstract The Dubrovnik Republic maintained its own glass production in the late Middle Ages, including re- cords of window glass manufacturing. This paper will contribute to the study of stained glass in the Bal- kan region. It will outline late medieval stained-glass fragments (mid-14th to the first half of the 15th century) excavated from the Dubrovnik cathedral during the renewal of the building after a large earth- quake in 1979 and are extremely rare in the Balkan region. Analogous examples of Dubrovnik archae- ological material can be found among Western European stained-glass windows. These finds indicate that Dubrovnik was influenced by Western European technology through trade or that this way of making stained glass began to be applied in local workshops. Key words: Dubrovnik, cathedral, late Middle Ages, stained glass, local production Izvleček Dubrovniška republika je imela v času poznega srednjega veka lastno proizvodnjo stekla, ki je vključe- vala tudi proizvodnjo okenskega stekla. Članek prinaša novosti v študiju vitražev na Balkanu. Predsta- vlja odlomke obarvanega okenskega stekla z vitražev (sredina 14. – prva pol. 15. stoletja), ki so bili odkriti med obnovo dubrovniške katedrale po potresu leta 1979 in predstavljajo redkost med steklenimi najd- bami na Balkanu. Primerjave predstavljenemu gradivu najdemo med najdbami v zahodni Evropi. To kaže na vpliv tehnologije zahodno evropskih delavnic, ki je dosegla Dubrovnik s trgovino ali pa so lo- kalne delavnice v svoji proizvodnji kopirale zahodno tehnologijo. Ključne besede: Dubrovnik, katedrala, pozni srednji vek, vitraži, lokalna proizvodnja Stained glass from the research of the Dubrovnik cathedral Slikano steklo odkrito med raziskavami dubrovniške katedrale Nikolina Topić Independent researcher, Zagreb, Croatia nikolinatopic@gmail.com 73 Introduction The Dubrovnik Republic had a significant influence on trade in the late Middle Ages and early post-medieval times. Its position made it an intermediary for the trade of various goods between the East and West. In addition to various merchandise, they also trad- ed in glassware – buying various items from the Eastern Mediterranean to Western Europe and selling domestic glass products in the Balkan hinterland and throughout the Mediterranean, as the City had its own glass production from the 14th to the 16th centuries (Han 1981). This indicates that Dubrovnik had developed crafts, as well as a high culture of living and extensive trade connections. Earthquakes are frequently recorded in the Dubrovnik area, and this fate befell the cathe- dral as well. These circumstances damaged the cathedral several times, but it was always re- stored. Unfortunately, this beautifully decorated Romanesque building did not survive the Great Earthquake that struck the city in 1667. After ht t ps://doi .org /10 . 264 93/2350 -54 43.10 (1)7 3-87 © aut hor/aut hors st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i that catastrophe, a new Baroque cathedral was erected, which still stands proudly in Dubrovnik today. The last major earthquake that struck the city also dealt damage to the cathedral in 1979 (Horvat-Levaj 2016, 25). This last strong earth- quake was followed by the restoration of many historic buildings in the city, including the ca- thedral, and archaeological excavations were also carried out during this time. The cathedral was explored between 1981 and 1987, and in addi- tion to many fragments of stained glass (Fig 1),1 a number of finds of various types, origins and date were also found (Stošić 1988, 15-36; Stošić 1989, 326-338). Fragments of stained glass from the Dubrovnik cathedral are very rare archaeolog- ical finds of this kind in the Balkans. So far, only a few archaeological excavations in the Bal- kan region have resulted in similar finds: Kralje- va Sutjeska in Bosnia (Anđelić 2004, 228-229; Han 1981, 75), Studenica in Serbia (Stamenković 1 The material presented here is part of the project Discove- ring of old Dubrovnik cathedrals – Research-educational workshops of the Department of Art History, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb and City parish of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary in Du- brovnik. These stained-glass finds will be published as part of a book expected in late 2022. 2015, 369-372, Fig. 6), Brškovo in Montenegro (Živanović 2018, 51-53, Fig. 3), and the island of Mljet in Croatia (Topić et al. 2016, 575, 578, 587, Fig. 1/20; Topić 2017b, 52-53). Stained glass origins and techniques Windowpanes have a long tradition, and their manufacture is believed to have been found in Egypt (Gasparetto 1958, 149). The Romans made windowpanes in the 1st century (Brisac 1986, 7; Gasparetto 1958, 149; Ignatiadou and Antonaras 2011, 57; Kanyak 2009, 26), and glazed windows were already common in not only late antique sacral buildings but also in private houses (Mi- lavec 2015, 79-80, 93). In the Middle East, win- dowpanes were also used in Muslim buildings (Brisac 1986, 7). In Early Byzantine window ar- chitecture, small windowpanes have been doc- umented, made in various techniques (Kanyak 2009, 26, 35, 40). Such windows were used in Western Europe during the Middle Ages. These first stained glass windows probably had a purely decorative function (Brisac 1986, 7). In the 7th century, glass was intentional- ly coloured, and the forerunners of stained glass were developed (Milavec 2015, 81). Stained glass details are made by the process of glass staining, which has been in use since the Early Christian period (Ignatiadou and Antonaras 2011, 26). It is probable that stained glass windows were first painted in Western Europe. Religious de- pictions intended for the education of believ- ers were painted. In the beginning, these were small stained-glass panels because they had to be adapted to the architecture of the time (Bri- sac 1986, 7). The windows of Romanesque build- ings already show the high quality of painting, as well as precision of execution and the elaborate nature of these structures (Brisac 1986, 10-14), which is still much improved in Gothic-Renais- sance stained glass (Brisac 1986, 33-130; Chieffo Raguin 2013, 33-35). Lead cames replaced plas- ter, stucco and wooden armature, which simpli- fied the making of windows because even small- er pieces of glass could be easily inserted (Brisac 1986, 7). st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 74 Figure 1: Archaeological finds of stained glass from the Dubrovnik cathedral, 14th-15th century (all photos by the author). st a in ed g la ss f ro m t h e r es ea rc h o f t h e d u br o v n ik c a t h ed r a l 75 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Monumental churches and cathedrals were built in Europe around 1200, and the size of their windows was particularly pronounced in Gothic cathedrals with finely painted stained glass (Bri- sac 1986, 33-34; Cowen 2008, 9, 11; Gasparet- to 1958, 151-153). Sacral buildings now use large windowpanes to present biblical stories through images, which are understandable to the poor- ly educated and often illiterate believers (Fig. 2). Scenes from everyday life in the late Middle Ages were also created (Brisac 1986, 14; Chieffo Raguin 2013, 29-48; Cowen 2008, 18, 21). If we exclude the cost of construction, stained glass was the most expensive segment of the building and was an important part of window architecture. The masters who paint- ed them were highly respected artists (Raguin 1986, 30). The process of making stained glass re- quired good cooperation between artists and pa- trons, who financed the costs of their production (Chieffo Raguin 2013, 42, 55). However, in ad- dition to sacral structures, secular buildings also had glazed windows, which is especially notice- able in the 14th century in developed areas. In western Europe, window glazing was considered a luxury, so there were special taxes on private window glass (Sarti 2006, 109). Several techniques were used to make win- dowpanes: casting, crown and cylinder. The casting technique was applied in the Roman pe- riod to obtain flat window glass by pouring glass mass on a flat surface or into an open shallow mold (Ignatiadou and Antonaras 2011, 57; Kan- yak 2009, 26-27, Fig. 1; Milavec 2015, 80). How- ever, such glass was often uneven and did not provide the necessary transparency but affect- Figure 2: Stained glass windows, Canterbury cathedral, 13th century. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 76 ed the more beautiful experience of the interi- or of the building (Milavec 2015, 80). The crown glass technique was performed in a way to blow a paraison, which would open and rotate rapid- ly until a glass disc was created under centrifu- gal force. It was primarily used to make circular glass (discs) but could also be cut into rectangu- lar pieces (Brisac 1986, 180-181; Chieffo Raguin 2013, 15; Ignatiadou and Antonaras 2011, 55; Kan- yak 2009, 33-34, Fig. 14). This technique was ap- plied throughout the Roman Empire in the 4th century (Kanyak 2009, 33). The Romans also uti- lized the technique of cylinder blown sheet – a blown glass cylinder is cut along its long side, and such flat sheets of glass are cut into small- er rectangular pieces (Ignatiadou and Antonaras 2011, 104; Kanyak 2009, 38-39, Fig. 25). The cyl- inder technique is characterized by the proce- dures used in free blowing (capturing the glass mass with a blow pipe and blowing the parai- son), but it is also necessary to level the glass on a flat metal surface until the shape of the cylin- der is obtained. This was followed by punching and expanding the top of the cylinder, removing it from the blow pipe, cutting it longitudinally, and reheating and separating the two glass flat sheets (Brisac 1986, 180; Chieffo Raguin 2013, 15; Kanyak 2009, 38-39, Fig. 25). The technique was used from the beginning of the 2nd centu- ry to the beginning of the 19th century (Kan- yak 2009, 38). This is the most common and the most effective technique used in making stained glass. The design of stained-glass depictions was made on a scale of 1:10. The colours of the glass available at the workshop were also selected (Bri- sac 1986, 181). Next, depictions of exact dimen- sions were made on wooden boards and on pa- per (Brisac 1986, 181-182; Chieffo Raguin 2013, 25-26). This was followed by cutting pieces of glass. Glass cutting was a separate craft from glassmaking. Masters who specialized in cut- ting glass knew how to straighten glass mass and cut it into various shapes, as well as join pieces of glass to lead cames (Roller 1951, 137). In the Mid- dle Ages, glass was cut with red-hot iron, requir- ing great skill of a master. However, as early as the end of the Middle Ages, diamond was used to cut glass, which contributed to the result (Bri- sac 1986, 182). After cutting, stained glass was painted, and fired in an oven to solidify the paint (Chieffo Raguin 2013, 26-27). Stained glass can be composed of quadran- gular, circular, or other pieces of glass, which are inserted into a panel using lead cames or plaster (Ignatiadou and Antonaras 2011, 26). There were also masters who framed glass panels into win- dow frames, but they were also engaged in the production of glass (Roller 1951, 138). The win- dows were divided into parts of less than one square meter during construction, and were later joined (Brisac 1986, 16, 185). A detailed description of the making of stained glass can be found in Theophilus (Trea- tise on Diverse Arts / De diversis artibus – The second book, The Art of the Worker in Glass; 12th century), who wrote about the process of glass cutting, painting, casting cames and assem- bling glass (Theophilus, book 2, chapters 17- 29, pages 61-72; Brisac 1986, 186-187; Chieffo Raguin 2013, 16-179. Archival data on window glass and glassmakers in Dubrovnik Dubrovnik churches were already ornamented with stained glass in the 14th century, which can be seen in archival sources (Han 1971, 52). The Franciscan church of the Little Brothers (Mala braća) in Dubrovnik had glazed windows as ear- ly as 1348. It is possible that they were made as a combination of polychrome polygonal glass piec- es and oculi that were embedded in lead cames, or of monochromatic and polychromatic ocu- li. Apse windows of the church of St. Dominic were glazed around 1366 (Han 1979, 457-459). Benedictine monasteries were the primary centres of glass production in the Middle Ages. Although the number of glass workshops affili- ated with monasteries declined considerably in the following centuries, the making of stained glass still took place in such workshops during the 14th and 15th centuries, especially among the st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st a in ed g la ss f ro m t h e r es ea rc h o f t h e d u br o v n ik c a t h ed r a l 77 Franciscans, Dominicans and Jesuits (Han 1981, 47-48, note 17). In the first decades of the 15th century in the western (Pile) and eastern (Ploče) parts of the city, multiple craft workshops could be found, including those that produced glass. In 1418, the Dubrovnik Small Council decided to build a small glass workshop in the Dominican mon- astery, which would house a glassmaker, a Do- minican friar, specialized in stained glass (Han 1981, 46-47). The archival documents list the names of Dubrovnik masters of glassmaking, among which the first known master of stained glass documented was the Dominican monk Pe- tar ( frater Petrus a fenestris, magister vitri, mag- ister vitriorum fenestrarum) (Han 1981, 48-49, 55). Glassmaker Petar Božiković-Natalis from Zadar (Petrus, Piero Boxicchouich-Natalis), who was not a monk, also made windowpanes in Dubrovnik (Han 1981, 49, 65-69). Nikola Pet- rov (Nicola Petri), the son of the glassmaker fri- ar Petar, specialized in making stained glass as well (Han 1981, 55, 69-70). He had the title of magister vitriorum fenestrarum and was accept- ed into municipal service in 1444 (Han 1981, 57). Dubrovnik was a very developed city in both eco- nomic and cultural terms, so it is expected that it had masters specialized in making stained glass. Even in smaller parts of Europe, masters of mak- ing and painting stained glass were very com- mon artisans-artists (Marks 1993, 41). The price of one glazed window in Dubrovnik was 7.5 gold ducats (according to 8 red windows that cost 180 perpers = 60 gold ducats) (Han 1981, 73). Throughout the 15th century, the glazing of windows in Dubrovnik churches continued. The Church of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho) received win- dows in 1440 (Han 1971, 55; Han 1979, 463; Han 1981, 52), and the monastery of St. Claire (St. Klara) was glazed in 1433 (Han 1971, 54; Han 1979, 462-463; Han 1981, 51). In addition to sa- cral structures, secular, and private buildings (houses of nobles and merchants) in Dubrovnik also had glazed windows (Han 1971, 55-56; Han 1979, 463; Han 1981, 67). The Rector’s Palace was glazed with stained glass in 1434, but the win- dows were damaged in 1435 in an explosion and fire, and were rebuilt in 1442 (Han 1971, 55; Han 1979, 463-464; Han 1981, 67-69). It seems that these stained-glass windows did not last long, because as early as 1463, there was an explo- sion of gunpowder in the Palace, which caused great damage to the building and probably the stained-glass windows with it (Han 1979, 464; Han 1981, 68). Archival documents state that masters who painted stained glass also worked in local work- shops. The stained-glass master and painter Ber- nard Nikolin (Bernardus Nicole vitrarii, pictor, magister fenestrarum de vitro), who collaborat- ed with the local painter Vukac Rajanović (Vuc- haz Raianouich), is mentioned. The Dubrovnik school of painting flourished in the third dec- ade of the 15th century, at a time when inten- sive stained-glass production was taking place, so painting and glassmaking likely functioned in a complementary manner (Han 1981, 72, 76). One archival data is particularly interesting regarding the stained glass from the Dubrovnik cathedral: Friar Petar, a Dominican monk in Dubrovnik, is mentioned as a glazier who in 1431 undertook the making of eight high-qual- ity red glass windows with white frames for the cathedral. It is possible that these windows rep- resented red flashed glass. They were made for the dome of the cathedral (Han 1979, 461-462; Han 1981, 50-51, 73), while other polychromatic stained-glass windows from the cathedral were not mentioned in archival documents. According to archival data, some windows of the Dubrovnik cathedral were broken in 1573 and replaced. Their complete destruction oc- curred in 1667, when the cathedral collapsed in the greatest earthquake that struck the city (Han 1979, 462; Han 1981, 51). Finds It is possible that stained glass windows were imported to Dubrovnik from Venice in the 14th century, or that Murano masters came to Dubrovnik to make them (Han 1971, 54; Han 1979, 460). The Venetians made stained glass st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 78 for many Italian cities, and less for Venice itself (Gasparetto 1958, 154-155; Han 1971, 54). How- ever, in the 15th century, domestic glassmakers made windowpanes for Dubrovnik buildings in local workshops (Han 1979, 465), and archival data testify that, at that time, Dubrovnik crafts- men specialized in glassmaking went to Venice to get tools (Han 1981, 57). Dubrovnik developed intensively during the 14th and in the first half of the 15th century, so the number of stone buildings (sacral and sec- ular) increased, which caused a greater demand for glazed windows (Han 1971, 52; Han 1981, 48). It can be assumed that the cathedral, as the most important sacral building, had more luxurious stained-glass windows than other buildings in Dubrovnik. Although glass finds from the re- search of the Dubrovnik cathedral are numerous and of different shapes, they are very fragmented and with modestly preserved paintings. 78 Figure 3: Pieces of red flashed stained glass (H. 5.1 cm; H. 4 .4 cm), Dubrovnik cathedral, 15th century. The finds are of diverse colours: yellow, ochre yellow, red, purple, green, brown violet (Fig. 1, 3-14), cobalt blue, and turquoise (Fig. 15). Among the material, red flashed glass (made of a lower thicker and colourless or yellowish layer of glass, and an upper thinner red layer of much st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Figure 4: Fragments of yellow stained glass with black painting (H. 1.8 cm; H. 2.5 cm), Dubrovnik cathedral, 14th- 15th century. Figure 5: Fragments of yellow stained glass with black painting (H. 4 .9 cm; H. 3.7 cm; H. 3.3 cm), Dubrovnik cathedral, 14th- 15th century. Figure 6: A rectangular piece of yellow stained glass (H. 3.2 cm, W. 6.2 cm), Dubrovnik cathedral, 14th- 15th century. higher density) stands out (Fig. 3, 11-12). Black painting is preserved on several fragments (made of red flashed, yellow, ochre yellow and brown st a in ed g la ss f ro m t h e r es ea rc h o f t h e d u br o v n ik c a t h ed r a l 79 st a in ed g la ss f ro m t h e r es ea rc h o f t h e d u br o v n ik c a t h ed r a l 79 of a larger stained-glass composition. Theophi- lus states that such motifs were painted on yel- low glass (Theophilus, book 2, chapter 21, page 65), which was common on the stained-glass win- dows of many European cathedrals and church- es throughout the 12th and 13th centuries (Bri- sac 1986, 80-81, 91-92, 103; Williamson 2003, 17, 36, 131, 135, Figs. 1, 19). Yellow glass (Fig. 5) was also used to depict hair, hands, feet, wings, and gold. Saintly halos could also be made of red glass (as in the cathedrals of Canterbury, Troyes, Chartres, Auxerre, Saint-Denis, Reims) (Brisac 1986, 12, 37, 57, 91; Chieffo Raguin 2013, 102, Fig. 70; William- son 2003, 20, 25, 27-29, 32-33, 37, 40, 46,132-136, 138, Figs. 4, 9, 11-12, 15-16, 20, 23, 29). Among the finds are two slightly curved pieces made of red flashed glass (Fig. 3), which could have served such a purpose, but could also have formed part of the frame of some iconographic display (like those in French cathedrals through the 12th-14th centu- ries) (Brisac 1986, 12, 57, 66, 88; Chieffo Raguin 2013, 34, Fig. 20; Williamson 2003, 25, 27, 30-36, 44, 133-135, 137, Figs. 9, 11, 13-19, 27). One piece of stained glass is rectangular in shape and made of ochre yellow glass, and probably served as the frame of some depiction (Fig. 6). A smaller num- ber of purple (Fig. 7) and brown violet (Figs. 8, 9) fragments of glass were found, while green glass- es are quite numerous (Fig. 10). These colours of glass were used for various parts of the composi- tion (frame, clothing, decoration, field filling), as evidenced by depictions from Western European cathedrals and churches (Brisac 1986, 12, 14-15, 42, 52-55, 70-71, 96-97; Chieffo Raguin 2013, 30-31, 34, Figs. 18, 20; Williamson 2003, 25, 28, 30-32, 35, 39-40, 43, 136-137, Figs. 9, 12-14, 16, 18, 22-23, 26). Red flashed glass from the Dubrovnik ca- thedral (Fig. 3, 11-12) is made of yellow glass dipped in a pot with red glass using the cylinder blown sheet technique. The layered glass cylinder was then opened and, while it was hot, was cut lengthwise thus obtaining flat sheets of colour- ed glass. When a thick red glass mixture was ap- plied in thin layers to the base glass, a ruby red st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i violet glass – Figs. 4-5, 9, 11), but insufficient- ly to reconstruct its depictions. Lead cames (Fig. 16) in which the cut glass pieces were inlaid, and copper wire mesh remains (for protection of win- dows) were found as well (Fig. 17). Thick mortar lines can be found in some fragments, which re- vealed the way in which the panels were attached to the stone frames (Fig. 14). These finds demon- strate the methods of installation and protec- tion of stained glass in late medieval Dubrovnik, which were the same as in the largest centres of that time. Although the paintings are poorly preserved, based on Philip de Diversis’s allegation that there were depictions of saints on stained glass in the cathedral (De Diversis, part II, chapter 4, page 27; Han 1979, 462), we can assume some simpli- fied iconographic solutions. Some fragments of yellow glass have painted black curved lines that may represent parts of saintly halos (Fig. 4) as part Figure 7: Fragments of purple stained glass, Dubrovnik cathedral (H. 3.7 cm; H. 3.4 cm), 14th- 15th century. Figure 8: A rectangular piece of brown violet stained glass (H. 2.8 cm, W. 6.4 cm), Dubrovnik cathedral, 14th- 15th century. st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 8080 effect was achieved. Otherwise, a very expensive ingredient – gold – was used to make ruby red glass, which made it necessary to invent a cheap- er method of production. This prompted the development of the flashing technique, by ap- plying a layer of thick red paint obtained with copper oxide to the base of the window glass (Kunicki-Goldfinger et al. 2014, 103). Red glass is poorly permeable to light, so it had to be ap- plied in very thin layers on as colourless a base glass substrate as possible (Williamson 2003, 9), so that daylight could effectively reach the inte- rior of the space. Red flashed glass forms part of the stained- glass compositions of Western European cathe- drals, dating from the 12th to the 16th century (England - York Minster, France, the Nether- lands, Germany, Spain). Analysis of this glass showed that a thin layer of glass above the yellow glass was obtained by use of copper oxide, which is represented by 1% in all cases (the red layers have a high-Cu, and the colourless / yellow have low-Cu) (Kunicki-Goldfinger et al. 2014, 89-95, 101). Analysis also showed that it was potassium (forest) glass obtained using wood ash, which is characteristic of Western Europe. Additionally, medieval red flashed glasses are not a homoge- neous group in terms of chemical composition. The layers of colourless and coloured glass differ in composition, indicating that the red glass was not obtained in a simple way – by adding copper to a mass of colourless glass – but that the mass- es were prepared separately (Kunicki-Goldfinger et al. 2014, 98-101). The existence of two basic types (with subtypes) of red glass has been docu- mented: A – a multilayer glass of striated struc- ture with several white and red layers (made be- fore 1400); B – two or three separate layers with only one red (from late 14th century): B-2 – a simple red layer overlying a white base & B-3 – with an additional white layer over the red – the coperta layer (Kunicki-Goldfinger et al. 2014, 93-94, 102-103). The finds from the Dubrovnik cathedral correspond to type B-2. Analyses of medieval red flashed glass from Western Europe revealed that it was stained st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Figure 9: Fragments of brown violet stained glass with black painting, Dubrovnik cathedral (H. 1.8 cm; H. 2 cm; H. 2.1 cm), 14th- 15th century. Figure 11: Pieces of red flashed stained glass with black painting (H. 3.8 cm; H. 2.2 cm; H. 4 .5 cm), Dubrovnik cathedral, 15th century. Figure 10: Fragments of green stained glass (H. 6 cm; H. 4 .4 cm; H. 3.5 cm), Dubrovnik cathedral, 14th- 15th century. with copper nanoparticles, and that gold (com- monly used to obtain a red colour) was not found in the composition. The technology of making flashed glass type A (striated structure), has not been demonstrated from the early 15th st a in ed g la ss f ro m t h e r es ea rc h o f t h e d u br o v n ik c a t h ed r a l 81 st a in ed g la ss f ro m t h e r es ea rc h o f t h e d u br o v n ik c a t h ed r a l 81 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i makers and Western European craftsmen and technologies. It also indicates that Dubrovnik followed the highest technological trends of glassmaking and the use of stained glass in the late Middle Ages. Fragments of red flashed glass from the Dubrovnik cathedral need to be chemi- cally analysed in order to know their origin more reliably. Stained glass finds from the Dubrovnik ca- thedral can be dated from the middle of the 14th century (because they already existed in the lo- cal churches of the begging orders – Francis- can and Dominican – so it is to be expected that to the 20th century, and perhaps until recent- ly, so the archaeometric analysis carried out by J. Kunicki-Goldfinger et al. (2014, 103-104) rep- resent a rediscovery of this forgotten medieval technique. Fragments of stained glass made of two or more layers of red glass were found in the excavations of the Paderborn cathedral as well, and date from the second half of the 12th cen- tury (Lobbedey, Wedepohl, and Kronz 2008, 124). But, flashing technique could have been even more sophisticated as we see in the exam- ple of potassium glass from Carthusian monas- tery at Pavia in the 15th century, which was made of layers of blue and purple, green and colourless, and red and colourless glass (Azzoni et al. 2005, 381-388). According to archival sources, Venetian gla- ziers at the time did not make red transparent window glass, so such an origin can be discard- ed according to current knowledge. In Venice, in the church of San Giovanni e Paolo from the end of the 15th century, fragments of red stained glass were found. Analysis of this glass demon- strated that it is potash glass, i.e. imported from northern Europe (Verità 2013, 532). It is believed that this complex and myste- rious technique of making red glass was limit- ed to a small number of workshops and skilled craftsmen (Kunicki-Goldfinger et al. 2014, 101, 104). The red flashed glass from the Dubrovnik cathedral can be associated with the year 1431, when the glassmaker friar Petar committed to make eight quality windows from red and white glass for the dome of the cathedral (Han 1979, 462; Han 1981, 50-51). This possible production of red flashed glass in a Dubrovnik workshop re- veals excellent contacts between domestic glass- Figure 13: Pieces of stained glass with serrated edges (H. 4 .7 cm; H. 3.5 cm; H. 4 .5 cm), Dubrovnik cathedral, 14th-15th century. Figure 14: Fragments of corroded stained glass with lines of mortar (H. 5.8 cm; H. 4 .3 cm), Dubrovnik cathedral, 14th- 15th century. Figure 12: Fragments of red flashed stained glass (W. 3 cm; W. 2.8 cm), Dubrovnik cathedral, 15th century. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 82 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i82 stone with wine or urine and placed in an iron or lead pot. He also stated that it was necessary to use three shades of colour for highlights on glass (Theophilus, book 2, chapters 19-20, pages 63- 64). Typically, multi-layered coats of paint were applied, and the details were painted at the end. When the painting process was over, the enamel had to be fixed, so the painted stained-glass win- dows were heated in an annealing or cooling fur- nace, at temperatures that had to be significantly lower (approximately 680 °C) than the melting point of the substrate (1300-1500 °C) in order to not melt (Marks 1993, 34, 36; Chieffo Raguin 2013, 14, 26-27; Cowen 2008, 12). A large number of fragments of H-section lead cames were found in the investigation of the cathedral (Fig. 16). This lead armature was prob- ably made by the master friar Petar because he was also engaged in casting lead plates for cov- the most important sacral building in the city also had them (Han 1979, 459-460) until 1440 (when Philip de Diversis mentions the stained glass windows of the cathedral in his book De- scription of the Famous City of Dubrovnik, in which he states that the windows were painted with depictions of saints) (De Diversis, part II, chapter 4, page 27; Han 1979, 462; Han 1981, 51). V. Han (1979, 462) expressed the opinion that the red glass, which was made for the dome of the cathedral in 1431, was probably the final part of the stained glass, and that the other stained- glass windows were installed earlier. Precise dat- ing of the finds via stratigraphy is not possible because they were found in backfilled layers of rubble without accompanying material to date them exactly, but we can rely on the mentioned archival-historical data and analogous examples. Only rare fragments of oculi (15th-16th centu- ry) and early post-medieval glazed pottery were found with the remains of stained glass, which does not coincide with the dating of stained glass. Cobalt blue and turquoise blue fragments (Fig. 15) differ in the type and thickness of the glass, so it is possible that they are not from the same period as other stained glass finds. This is also indicated by the context in which they were found: the northern vaulted room behind the sacristy, with the finds of Italian and Turkish (Iznik style) glazed pottery from the 15th-16th century (Topić 2017a, 59-79). Since the Dubrovnik fragments of stained glass are made of a wide range of vivid colours, they certainly created beautiful scenes, the effec- tiveness of which was contributed to by the de- tails painted in black. After the pieces of glass were arranged in imaginary scenes, it was nec- essary to paint them. The colour applied to the stained-glass windows was dark brown or black and enamel-like. In Theophilus, we find data on the preparation of a painting mixture. First, the copper had to be crushed and burned until it be- came a powder. Then pieces of green and Byzan- tine blue glass had to be ground separately. All three ingredients were then mixed in a ratio of 1/3 each. They were then ground on the same Figure 15: A fragment of blue window glass (H. 3 cm, W. 5.8 cm), Dubrovnik cathedral, 15th- 16th century (?). Figure 16: H-section lead cames (in which the cut glass pieces were inlaid), Dubrovnik cathedral, 14th- 15th century. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st a in ed g la ss f ro m t h e r es ea rc h o f t h e d u br o v n ik c a t h ed r a l 83 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st a in ed g la ss f ro m t h e r es ea rc h o f t h e d u br o v n ik c a t h ed r a l 83 form of stained-glass protection is also found on modern buildings. Stained-glass windows, in addition to dec- orative and educational, had the role of protect- ing the building from external influences, and were constantly exposed to various atmospher- ic changes, UV radiation from the sun, and pol- lution caused by humans and animals (pigeons, bats, different microorganisms – mold, algae). As a result, stained glass windows on both sides were often covered with a thick, sticky layer of dirt (dust, candle soot, glass glue and similar substances), which was sometimes mixed with ering churches (Han 1981, 54), so he could ap- ply this knowledge when assembling glass pan- els. This way of connecting pieces of glass as a whole was much faster and more efficient than wooden frames, because lead is soft and easy to shape, which allowed the masters to more freely create a variety of iconographic scenes. The edges of some pieces have been preserved serrated be- cause they were cut with grozing iron, indicating that these pieces had irregularities that were cor- rected in this way to fit in the provided frames (Fig. 3, 8, 13) (Brisac 1986, 182; Chieffo Raguin 2013, 16, 27). After the fragments were inserted into the lead frames, they were joined as a whole by soldering to reinforce the lead lattice, and the finished glass panels were placed in the groove of the stone window frame. The frames were most- ly made of flat wrought iron bars, but in the Ro- manesque period, wooden frames were some- times used as well. Glass panels were fastened to the stone frames with mortar, and T-bars and clamping wedges were used for the iron win- dow frames (Brisac 1986, 185; Chieffo Ragu- in 2013, 27; Rauch 2004; Marks 1993, 36-37). Finds of fragments of stained glass with thick lines of mortar (Fig. 14) from the Dubrovnik ca- thedral indicate that, in the 14th-15th century in Dubrovnik. the same techniques of installing stained glass were applied as in the largest West- ern European centres. The stained-glass windows had to be wa- terproof, and in order to achieve this, cement or a glazing compound (made of whiting pow- der – calcium carbonate, linseed oil and drying agent) were applied with a brush. It was neces- sary to leave the glass for a few days for the ce- ment to dry (Brisac 1986, 184-185; Chieffo Ragu- in 2013, 27). Fragments of copper wire mesh to protect the outside of the stained glass are also impor- tant finds from the Dubrovnik cathedral (Fig. 17). Copper wire mesh and iron frames are the products of domestic workshops, as evidenced by the Dubrovnik archives (Han 1971, 54-57; Han 1981, 73, 75; Roller 1951, 137-138). Such a Figure 17: Remains of copper wire mesh (for protection of windows), Dubrovnik cathedral, 14th- 15th century. Figure 18: Corrosion on a piece of green stained glass (H. 3.5 cm, W. 7.5 cm), Dubrovnik cathedral, 14th- 15th century. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 84 corroded layers of paint. Such material can be found on fragments of stained glass from the Dubrovnik cathedral. The deterioration of the lead lattice and frame also affected the glass and caused structural damage. Vibrations generat- ed during the use and repair of the building also had a detrimental effect and could cause dam- age and increase corrosion. The glass can some- times be completely affected by corrosion, caus- ing their opacity. The formation of a brown layer due to the oxidation of manganese – browning, is particularly characteristic of glass from the 13th-14th century (Rauch 2004). This phenom- enon is also visible on the Dubrovnik fragments, especially on purple and green glass (Fig. 18). Final remarks These attractive fragments of stained glass from the Dubrovnik cathedral represent very rare finds of this kind in southeast Europe. The glass is made of different colours, and some have black painting. Dubrovnik stained-glass windows were made using the cylinder blown sheet tech- nique, which was more effective than the casting or the crown technique. The glass thus obtained was very suitable for stacking windowpanes and framing. Red flashed glass found demonstrates that Dubrovnik followed the latest trends of Western Europe. Although the origin of the material from the cathedral is not entirely clear, we can as- sume that the stained-glass windows from the Dubrovnik cathedral may have been partially produced in Dubrovnik under Western Europe- an influence (as evidenced by native glass-mak- er friar Petar initiating the creation of eight windows of high-quality glass with red interi- or and white frames for the cathedral in 1431) or imported from western Europe (14th centu- ry stained-glass). The cathedral stained-glass could have been made between the mid-14th century (at which time stained-glass was already in use in the city according to archival documents) and 1440 (when Philip de Diversis mentioned the cathe- dral glass windows with representations of saints in his book). The cathedral windows were dam- aged in 1573, and the 1667 Dubrovnik earth- quake caused their final destruction. The win- dows were of high quality since they lasted for approximately 230 (red flashed glass) or 300 years (other glass). Future chemical analysis will offer more an- swers about these significant finds, and hope- fully will reveal the workshop from which they originate. Dubrovnik was one the most devel- oped cities in the Mediterranean at that time, which was due to its extensive trade and impor- tant geographical position. This enabled the ar- rival of the best products and craft novelties, in- cluding this beautiful polychromatic window glass. Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to Mr. Michel Hulst for advice on red flashed glass finds and for providing me with literature, to Mrs. Milica Križanac for providing me with lit- erature, as well as to Dr. Meredith Olivia Sladic for editing the text. Summary Stained glass windows were an important part of late medieval window architecture, and they had both a dec- orative and educational function. The Dubrovnik Re- public maintained its own glass production in the late Middle Ages, with records of window glass manufactur- ing as well. Dubrovnik developed intensively during the 14t h and in the first half of the 15th century. Fragments of stained glass from the research of the Dubrovnik ca- thedral are numerous and of different shapes, but very fragmented with modestly preserved paintings. The finds are of diverse colours: yellow, ochre yellow, red, purple, green, brown violet, cobalt blue, and tur- quoise. Among the material, red flashed glass (made of a lower thicker and colourless or yellow layer of glass, and an upper thinner red layer) stands out. Black painting is preserved on several fragments, but insufficiently to re- construct its depictions. Lead cames in which the cut glass pieces were inlaid and copper wire mesh remains (for protection of windows) were found as well. Thick mortar lines can be noticed in some fragments, which st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st a in ed g la ss f ro m t h e r es ea rc h o f t h e d u br o v n ik c a t h ed r a l 85 revealed the way in which the panels were attached to the stone frames. These finds demonstrate the methods of installation and protection of stained glass in late me- dieval Dubrovnik, the same as in the largest centres of that time. Since archaeological finds of stained glass are extremely rare in the Balkan region, this is a significant finding. In the Middle Ages, red glass was poorly transparent. To obtain a translucent ruby red colour in glass, the flash- ing technique was applied. Red flashed glass from the Dubrovnik cathedral was made of yellow glass dipped into a pot with red glass by a cylinder blown sheet technique, which was more effective than the casting or crown tech- nique. This yielded a thin red layer on the surface and a thicker yellow layer beneath it. Red flashed glass also tes- tifies that Dubrovnik followed the latest trends of West- ern Europe. Stained glass from the Dubrovnik Cathedral may have been partially produced in Dubrovnik under West- ern European influence or imported from Western Europe. The cathedral’s stained glass could have been made between the mid-14t h century and 14 40 (when Philip de Diversis mentioned the cathedral glass win- dows with representations of saints in his book). The cathedral windows were damaged in 1573, and the 1667 Dubrovnik earthquake caused their final destruction. Povzetek Vitraži so bili pomemben del poznosrednjeveške okenske arhitekture in so imeli tako dekorativno kot iz- obraževalno funkcijo. Dubrovniška republika je imela v poznem srednjem veku lastno proizvodnjo stekla, zabe- leženi so tudi podatki o proizvodnji okenskega stekla. Dubrovnik se je v teku 14 . in v prvi polovici 15. stoletja hitro ra6zvijal. Odlomki vitražev iz raziskav dubrov- niške katedrale so številni in različnih oblik, vendar fra- gmentirani in s skromno ohranjenimi poslikavami. Najdbe stekla so različnih barv: rumena, oker, rdeča, vi- jolična, zelena, rjavo vijolična, kobaltno modra in tur- kizna. Med materialom izstopa rdeče steklo (izdelano iz spodnje debelejše brezbarvne ali rumene plasti stekla ter zgornje tanjše rdeče plasti). Črna poslikava je ohra- njena na več fragmentih, vendar upodobitev ni mogo- če rekonstruirati. Najdeni so bili tudi svinčeni odlomki okvirjev, v katere so bili vstavljeni koščki stekla, in ostan- ki bakrene žice za zaščito oken. Na nekaterih odlomkih je opaziti linije malte, ki kažejo kako so bile plošče pri- trjene na kamnite okvirje. Te najdbe dokazujejo načine vgradnje in zaščite vitražev v poznosrednjeveškem Du- brovniku, enako kot je bilo v navadi v največjih središčih tistega časa. Ker so arheološke najdbe vitražev na obmo- čju Balkana izjemno redke, gre za pomembne najdbe. V srednjem veku rdeče steklo ni bilo povsem prosojno. Za ohranitev prosojne in sijoče rubinasto rdeče barve v steklu je bila uporabljena tehnika flashing. Rdeče stek- lo iz dubrovniške katedrale je bilo izdelano iz rumene- ga stekla, potopljenega v posodo z rdečim steklom s teh- niko pihanja cilindra, ki je bila učinkovitejša od tehnike ulivanja ali krone. To je dalo tanko rdečo plast na površi- ni in debelejšo rumeno plast pod njo. Rdeče steklo tako tudi dokazuje, da je Dubrovnik sledil najnovejšim tren- dom zahodne Evrope. Vitraži iz dubrovniške katedrale je bili morda delno iz- delani v Dubrovniku pod zahodnoevropskim vplivom ali pa uvoženi iz zahodne Evrope. Nastali so verjetno med sredino 14 . stoletja in 14 40 (ko je Philip de Diversis v svoji knjigi omenil steklena okna katedrale s podoba- mi svetnikov). Okna katedrale so bila poškodovana leta 1573, dokončno uničenje pa je povzročil potres leta 1667. References Anđelić, P. 2004. Bobovac i Kraljeva Sutjeska, Stolna mjesta bosanskih vladara u XIV i XV stoljeću. Sarajevo: Sarajevo Publishing. Azzoni, C. B., D. di Martino, V. Marchesi, B. Messiga and M. P. Riccardi. 2005. “Colour Attributes of Medieval Window Panes: Electron Paramagnetic Resonance and Probe Microanalyses on Stained Glass Windows from Pavia Carthusian Monastery.” Archaeometry 47 (2): 381–388. Brisac, C. 1986. A Thousand Years of Stained Glass. New York: Doubleday & Co. Chieffo Raguin, V. 2013. Stained Glass: Radiant Art. Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum. Cowen, P. 2008. English Stained Glass. New York: Thames and Hudson Ltd. De Diversis, P. 2004. Opis slavnoga grada Dubrovnika. Zagreb: Dom i svijet. (Preface, transcription and translation from Latin: Zdenka Janeković-Römer.) st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 86 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Gasparetto, A. 1958. Il vetro di Murano dalle origini ad oggi. Venezia: Neri Pozza Editore. Han, V. 1971. “Arhivske vesti o staklu u Dubrovniku iz XIV i prve polovine XV veka.” Zbornik Muzeja primenjene umetnosti 15: 41-66. (Original title: “Архивске вести о стаклу у Дубровнику из XIV и прве половине XV века.”) Han, V. 1979. “Vitroi u srednjovekovnom Dubrovniku.” Zbornik Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu 9-10: 455-468. (Original title: “Витрои у средњовековном Дубровнику.”) Han, V. 1981. Tri veka dubrovačkog staklarstva (XIV-XVI vek). Beograd: Posebna izdanja Balkanološkog instituta, knjiga 11, Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti. (Original title: Три века дубровачког стакларства (XIV-XVI век.) Horvat-Levaj, K. 2016. “The historic interpretation of the Cathedral.” In The Cathedral of the Assumption of the Virgin in Dubrovnik, edited by Katarina Horvat – Levaj, 25-30. Dubrovnik – Zagreb: Gradska župa Gospe Velike, Institut za povijest umjetnosti. Ignatiadou, D., and A. Antonaras. 2011. Rečnik antičkog i srednjovekovnog staklarstva = Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval Glasswork. Kraljevo: Zavod za zaštitu spomenika kulture. (Translation in Serbian of the Greek original.) Kanyak, S. 2009. Late Roman/Early Byzantine Window Glass from the Marmaray Rescue Excavations at Sirkeci In Late Antique/ Early Byzantine Glass in the Eastern Mediterranean, edited by Ergün Laflı, 25- 47. Izmir: Colloqvia Anatolica et Aegaea, Acta Congressus Communis Omnium Gentium Smyrnae II. Kunicki-Goldfinger, J, I. C. Freestone, I. McDonald, H. Gilderdale-Scott, and T. Ayers. 2014. “Technology, production and chronology of red window glass in the medieval period - rediscovery of a lost technology.” Journal of Archaeological Science 41: 89-105. Lobbedey U., Wedepohl K. H., and A. Kronz. 2008. Neue Untersuchungen an romanischen Glasscheibenfragmenten aus dem Paderborner Dom. In Studien zur Glasproduktion seit dem 12. Jahrhundert im östlichen Westfalen, edited by Rudolf Bergmann, 121-133. Mainz am Rhein: von Zabern. Marks, R. 1993. Stained Glass in England During the Middle Ages. London: Routledge. Milavec, T. 2015. “Late Antique glass from the hilltop settlement of Tonovcov grad near Kobarid.” Arheološki vestnik 66: 79-102. Raguin, V. 1986. “The visual designer in the Middle ages: the case for stained glass.” Journal of Glass Studies 28: 30-39. Rauch, I. 2004. “The Conservation and Restoration of Stained and Painted Glass: An Introduction to the Problems.” Publisher: Deutsche Kunstverlag. Translation by Joseph Spooner. Accessed August 30, 2021. http://www.cvma. ac.uk/conserv/rauch.html. (This article originally appeared as “Konservierung und Restaurierung historischer Glasmalereien. Eine Einführung in die Problematik” in Die Denkmalpflege 62 (2):141-150 and 154 – colour plates, 2004.) Roller, D. 1951. Dubrovački zanati u XV. i XVI. stoljeću. Zagreb: Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti. Sarti, R. 2006. Živjeti u kući. Stanovanje, prehrana i odijevanje u novovjekovnoj Europi (1500. - 1800. Zagreb: Ibis grafika. Stamenković, S. 2015. “Srednjovekovno staklo manastira Studenice.” In Manastir Studenica – arheološka otkrića, edited by M. Popović, 361-377. Beograd: Republički zavod i Arheološki institut. (Original title: “Манастир Студеница – археолошка открића; Средњовековно стакло манастира Студенице.”) st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st a in ed g la ss f ro m t h e r es ea rc h o f t h e d u br o v n ik c a t h ed r a l 87 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st a in ed g la ss f ro m t h e r es ea rc h o f t h e d u br o v n ik c a t h ed r a l 87 Stošić, J. 1988. “Prikaz nalaza ispod Katedrale i Bunićeve poljane u Dubrovniku.” Izdanja Hrvatskog arheološkog društva (Arheološka istraživanja u Dubrovniku i dubrovačkom području) 12: 15-38. Stošić, J. 1989. “Istraživanja, nalazi i problemi prezentacije pod katedralom i Bunićevom poljanom.” In Obnova Dubrovnika 1979-1989, edited by Snješka Knežević, 326-335. Dubrovnik: Zavod za obnovu Dubrovnika. Theophilus Presbyter, 1979. On Diverse Arts – The foremost medieval treatise on painting, glassmaking and metalwork. New York: Dover Publications Inc. The second book, The Art of the Worker in Glass, 45-74. Translation from the Latin with Introduction and Notes by John G. Hawthorne and Cyril Stanley Smith. Topić, N. 2017a. Finalno izvješće – obrada staklenih nalaza iz arheološkog istraživanja dubrovačke katedrale 1981-1987. (listopad 2016. – veljača 2017.). Dubrovnik: Istraživačko-edukacijske radionice Odsjeka za povijest umjetnosti Filozofskog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu i Gradske župe Gospe Velike u Dubrovniku. (Internal publication) Topić, N. 2017b. U traganju za renesansom, Staklo iz arheoloških istraživanja na dubrovačkom području = In search of Renaissance, Glass from the archaeological excavations in the Dubrovnik area. Dubrovnik: Dom Marina Držića. Topić N., Bogdanović Radović I., Fazinić S. and Ž. Skoko. 2016. “Analysis of Medieval and post-Medieval glass fragments from the Dubrovnik region, Croatia.” Archaeometry 58 (4): 574-592. Verità, M. 2013. “6.2 Venetian soda glass.” In Modern methods for analysing archaeological and historical glass, Vol. I, edited by Koen Janssens, 515–536. Chichester: Wiley. Williamson, P. 2003. Mediaeval and Renaissance Stained Glass in the Victoria and Albert Museum. London: V&A Publications. Živanović, M. 2018. “Preliminarni rezultati arheoloških istraživanja srednjovjekovnog brskova na lokalitetu Doganjice u Mojkovcu.” Godišnjak 1 (JU centar za konzervaciju i arheologiju Crne Gore): 49-54. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i Recenzija Review Irena Lazar UNESCO katedra in Fakulteta za humanistične študije, Univerza na Primorskem, Slovenija irena.lazar@fhs.upr.s 89V letu 2021 so kolegi iz Muzeja antičkog stakla v Zadru na Hrvaškem pripravili obsežno dvojezično publikacijo, ki v hr- vaškem in angleškem jeziku predstavlja celoten katalog razstavljenega steklenega gradiva v mu- zeju. Leta 2006 osnovani muzej, ki si je kot temo svojega poslanstva izbral antično steklo, je bil za ogled uradno odprt v letu 2009. Ideja za osno- vanje muzeja, ki jo je muzeološka in strokovna javnost sprejela precej skeptično, je temeljila na veliki količini izkopanega arheološkega gradi- va, s poudarkom na rimskem steklu, s številnih nekropol na območju Zadra in njegove okolice, ki ga, kljub obstoječemu Arheološkemu muzeju v Zadru, zaradi obsega ni bilo mogoče ustrezno prezentirati. Avtorja monografije Anamarija Eterović Borzić in Berislav Štefanac, oba kustosa arheo- loga v muzeju stekla, sta združila moči za pri- pravo obsežnega kataloga, v katerem je na 464 straneh velikega formata objavljenih 1467 ka- taloških enot eksponatov s stalne muzejske po- stavitve, vsi so predstavljeni tudi z barvnimi fotografijami. V Uvodu je naprej predstavljena zgodovi- na ustanovitve in razvoja Muzeja antičnega ste- kla, sledi kratka predstavitev stalne razstave, ki je tematsko razčlenjena v osmih posamičnih sklo- pih oziroma dvoranah, zaključi pa se z opisom arheološkega porekla oziroma najdišč razstavlje- nega steklenega gradiva. Slednje je bilo v največji meri pridobljeno z dolgoletnimi terenskimi razi- skavami Arheološkega muzeja v Zadru, med ka- ht t ps://doi .org /10 . 264 93/2350 -54 43.10 (1)89-91 Anamarija Eterović Borzić in Berislav Štefa- nac, 2021. Antičko staklo. Katalog stalnog postava Muzeja antičkog stakla u Zadru / Ancient Glass. Catalogue of the Permanent Exhibition of the Museum of Ancient Glass in Zadar. Zadar: Muzej antičkog stakla. ISBN 978-953-8320-04-0 © aut hor/aut hors st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 1 0 (2 02 2) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 10 ( 20 22 ), n u m be r 1 90 st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i terimi posebej izstopajo najdišča rimskih nasel- bin in njihovih nekropol, kot so Iader (Zadar), Aenona (Nin), Argyruntum (Starigrad), Asseria (Podgrađe pri Benkovcu) in Burnum (Ivoševci pri Kninu). Kataloški del se začne z dvorano oz. sobo 1, katere tema je odkritje stekla, razvoj steklar- stva, tehnike izdelave in krašenje. Žal ob katalo- ški predstavitvi gradiva pogrešamo vsaj osnovni vsebinski uvod k izbrani temi posamezne dvora- ne in predstavljenim eksponatom, ki bi strokov- njaku, študentu ali laičnemu bralcu z nekaj več besedami kot v uvodnem poglavju predstavil, kaj nam izbrani predmeti ilustrirajo, o kateri temi iz naslova govorijo in zakaj so bili izbrani. Ob branju oz. pregledu kataloga nam takoj umanjkata najmanj opredelitev tehnike izdelave posameznega predmeta in vrsta ali način izved- be okrasa. Če pri nekaterih najdbah oz. kataloš- kih enotah, ki imajo navedeno bibliografijo, to lahko preverimo na drugem mestu, pa je prete- žni del gradiva neobjavljen in bralcu te informa- cijo manjkajo. V pomoč bi bile tudi vsaj osnovne analogije oz. primerjave sorodnega gradiva. Pri dataciji predstavljenega gradiva prav tako ni pov- sem jasno, ali je časovni okvir izbran tipološko ali na osnovi grobne celote oz. datiranih plasti izbranih najdb. Navadno so tovrstne informaci- je podane na začetku, kot spremna informacija h katalogu. Druga dvorana govori o importih, lokalnih delavnicah in reliefnih žigih. Bogat nabor gradi- va nepoučenega ponovno pušča v dvomih, kate- re vrste gradiva lahko pripišemo lokalnim delav- nicam ter zakaj in na osnovi česa je uveljavljeno tako mnenje. Pri importih steklenega posodja, še posebej omenimo kvadratne steklenice (kat. št. 321, 325) in nizke balzamarije s širokim vratom (npr. kat. št. 339, 341, 343, 344, 345 itd.), ki ima- jo na dnu odtis imen in kratic, ali čaše gubanke z odtisom novca (kat. št. 323, 327), bi risba dna in odtisa oz. žiga povedala več kot samo fotografi- ja. Hkrati bi bila pomembna nekoliko širša in- formacija o pomenu tovrstnih žigov in odtisov, še posebej ker vemo, da je muzej tej tematiki leta 2012 namenil posebno monografijo. V uporabljeno terminologijo in poimenova- nje se ne želimo spuščati preveč podrobno, saj iz- razi očitno sledijo publikaciji Terminološki riječ- nik antičkog staklarstva, ki jo je ta muzej izdal leta 2017. Opozoriti pa velja vsaj na eno od neskla- dnost, ki vpliva tudi na prevod v angleški jezik in zaradi tega lahko povzroči precej zmede in ne- razumevanja, v stroki pa tudi upravičeno kriti- ko. Vrčić je izraz, ki ga kolegi v publikaciji upo- rabljajo za kvadratne steklenice in vrče skupaj in prevajajo kot juglet (angl.), kar ni sporno. Ni pa potrebno posebej opozarjati, da za opredelitev vrča in steklenice v stroki veljajo določena pra- vila. Steklenica, cilindrična ali kvadratna (angl. square bottle, cylindrical bottle), s široko stojno ploskvijo, sodi med transportno posodje. Zara- di vsebine in široke distribucije se na kvadratnih steklenicah pojavljajo imena ali kratice izdeloval- cev, lastnikov delavnic ipd. Široka uporaba izraza vrčić oz. juglet (angl.), ki sodi med namizno po- sodje, namenjeno strežbi in serviranju tekočin, je torej neustrezna oz. napačna z več vidikov. Dvorana 3 je namenjena steklenim poso- dam, uporabljenim v kozmetiki, farmaciji in me- dicini. Predstavljen je širok nabor balzamarijev, kroglastih in kvadratnih lončkov, vrčev in ste- klenic. Tudi v tem primeru pogrešamo nekaj uvodnih misli o področjih njihove uporabe ter o izboru in naboru predstavljenega posodja, še po- sebej ker med gradivom najdemo tudi širok na- bor krožnikov, čaš in skodelic. Prav gotovo bi bila zanimiva tudi kaka grobna celota z ene od nekropol. Nekropolam in pogrebnemu ritualu je na- menjena četrta soba. Žal je tudi v tem sklo- pu gradivo predstavljeno tipološko; to je mor- da razumljivo za posamične ali starejše najdbe brez konteksta, ne pa za novo izkopano gradivo. Ustrezen izbor grobnih celot bi brez dvoma pri- čaral drugačno sliko in bolj celosten pogled na izbrano tematiko. V naslednji sobi, dvorani 5, je izbrana tema nakit. Izbrana skupina steklenih prstanov, igel, jagod in diskov preslic lahko služi kot uporab- ne in želene analogije za številne grobne in na- selbinske najdbe. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i r ec en z ij a • r ev ie w 9191 Gospodinjstvu oz. uporabi stekla v hiši in rimskem vsakdanu je namenjena šesta tema. Pester nabor gradiva bi morda lahko bil razde- ljen v podskupine, npr. namizno posodje, shram- beno posodje, seti namiznega posodja, uporabne oblike (lijaki, rog, ampula, črnilnik itd.), zabava (žetoni), in z nekaj uporabnimi informacijami iz rimskega vsakdana in življenja v hiši podal zani- miv vpogled v življenje rimske domus ali celo vo- jaškega tabora. Miniaturne steklene posodice so zbrane v sobi 7. Med njimi so predvsem številni balza- mariji, bolj zanimive pa so miniaturne skodeli- ce, čaše in vrčki, izdelani iz stekla vseh barv, ki pretežno izvirajo iz grobov. Velikokrat jim naj- demo identične vzporednice v enakih oblikah večjih dimenzij, kar poznamo npr. tudi z grobišč rimske Poetovione. O njihovem namenu in po- menu v grobovih bi veljalo posebej razmišljati, predvsem na osnovi primerjav z najdbami osta- lih rimskodobnih najdišč in tudi drugih oz. sta- rejših kultur. Zadnji sklop govori o redkih in izjemnih najdbah (Rariteti i unikati). Izbor je seveda raznolik, verjetno tudi oseben oz. pogojen z mu- zejsko zbirko. Izpostavljeni so izdelki iz mozaič- nega stekla, v kalup pihane posode v obliki ribe, datljev, glave, z napisi v grščini (tu ponovno po- grešamo opredelitev tehnike izdelave, prevod na- pisov), črno steklo, rdeče steklo itd. Večina teh najdb je bila zaradi svojih posebnosti že obravna- vana in objavljena, kar je sicer navedeno v katalo- ški predstavitvi, pa vendar bi navedba nekaterih primerjav in stavek ali dva o tem, zakaj so posa- mezni predmeti unikatni oz. redki, pripomogli k razumevanju izbora. Predstavljeni katalog gradiva iz Muzeja an- tičnega stekla v Zadru je brez dvoma dosežek, kljub izpostavljenim pomanjkljivostim. Z nekaj več ambicije pa bi bil lahko vsebinsko mnogo bo- gatejši in bolj izpoveden, čeprav naj bi bil pred- vsem katalog stalne postavitve. Brez dvoma bo zajetna publikacija tudi zaradi dvojezične obja- ve našla mesto v strokovnih in javnih knjižnicah. Nekateri bomo v njej iskali primerjalno gradivo za svoje študije, drugi pa bodo uživali v oblikah, barvah in krhki lepoti stekla. st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i st ud ia universitatis he re d it at i O reviji Studia universitatis hereditati je humanistična znanstvena revija za raziskave in teorijo kulturne dediščine z mednarodnim uredniškim odborom. Objavlja znanstvene in strokovne članke s širšega področja kulturne dediščine (arheologija, arhitektura, etnologija, jezikoslovje, literarna, kulturna, glasbena, intelektualna, religijska, vojaška zgodovina, zgodovina idej itn.) in pregledne članke ter recenzije tako domačih kot tujih monografij z omenjenih področij. Poglavitni namen revije je prispevati k razvoju raziskav kulturne dediščine v najširšem in k topoglednemu interdisciplinarnemu pristopu k teoretičnim in praktičnim raziskovalnim vprašanjem. Tako revija posebno pozornost namenja razvoju slovenske znanstvene in strokovne terminologije, konceptov in paradigem na področju raziskovanja kulturne dediščine v okviru humanističnih ved. Aims and Scope Studia universitatis hereditati focuses on all branches of research and theory of cultural heritage. Featuring an international editorial board, the journal publishes papers in the broader field of cultural heritage (archaeology, architecture, ethnology, linguistics, literary, cultural, musical, intellectual, religious, military history, history of ideas, etc.) and reviews of domestic as well as foreign monographs related to the above-mentioned fields of research. All papers are double-blind peer-reviewed. The journal is published biannually (in June and December) by the University of Primorska Press on behalf of the Faculty of Humanities. The main purpose of the journal is to contribute to the development of cultural heritage research in the broadest sense of the term and to the interdisciplinary approach to theoretical and practical research issues. The journal thus pays special attention to the development of scientific and professional terminology, concepts and paradigms in the field of cultural heritage research within the field of humanities. Revija izhaja dvakrat letno (junij, december). | The journal is published twice a year (June, Decmber). Uredništvo | Editorial Office Studia universitatis hereditati Fakulteta za humanistične študije Titov trg 5, SI-6000 Koper suh.editor@upr.si Navodila za avtorje Guidelines for authors Norme redazionali Založba Univerze na Primorskem Un i v e r s i t y o f P r i m o r s k a P r e s s www.hippocampus.si i s sn 2350-5443