115
The Origins of Contemporary Moral Education 
and Political Ideology in Confucian-Marxist  
Hồ Chí Minh’s Vietnam
Forkan ALI*
Abstract
As an emerging East-Asian country, Vietnam has been influenced by the forces of com-
munism, colonialism and predominantly Confucianism. Though Confucianism has an 
enduring operational history in Vietnam, Singapore, Korea, Japan, Hong Kong and Tai-
wan, after the nineteenth century it takes a different turn and plays an effective role in 
contemporary social, political and cultural milieus in this emerging part of the world. In 
the context of the genealogical ups and downs of Confucianism in East Asian countries 
like Vietnam, this critical analytical essay discusses Confucianism as trans-national phe-
nomena and a certain way of thinking which has been transformed historically across 
generations and influenced moral educational and political ideologies of the peoples of 
Asia. Confucian values have strong practical implications with regard to Asian societies, 
politics, cultures, religions and education systems. In particular, this article attempts to 
demonstrate how Confucianism continues to function despite the influences of Marxism 
and European colonialism in Vietnam, and how it contributed to shaping the present-day 
country. 
Keywords: contemporary Confucianism, Vietnamese Confucianism, Confucianism and 
East Asian Countries, transnational phenomena, political, moral and educational ideology
Izvori sodobne moralne vzgoje in politične ideologije v konfucijansko-
-marksističnem Hošiminhovem Vietnamu
Izvleček
Na Vietnam kot nastajajočo vzhodnoazijsko državo sta vplivala komunizem in kolo-
nializem, v največji meri pa konfucianizem. Čeprav ima konfucianizem v Vietnamu, 
Singapurju, Koreji, na Japonskem, v Hong Kongu in Tajvanu dolgo zgodovino, je po 
devetnajstem stoletju prišlo do obrata, ki je odločilno vplival na sodobno družbo, poli-
tiko in kulturo v tem delu sveta. V okviru genealoških vzponov in padcev konfucianiz-
ma v vzhodnoazijskih državah, vključno z Vietnamom, članek obravnava konfuciani-
zem kot transnacionalni pojav in specifičen način razmišljanja, ki se je skozi generacije 
* Forkan ALI, PhD Candidate, School of Literature, Art and Media, 
 The University of Sydney, Australia.
 Email address: forkanali.ali011@gmail.com
DOI: 10.4312/as.2020.8.2.115-134
116 Forkan aLI: The orIgIns oF ConTemporary moraL eduCaTIon and poLITICaL IdeoLogy...
zgodovinsko spreminjal ter vplival na moralno vzgojo in politične ideologije azijskih 
narodov. Konfucijanske vrednote močno vplivajo na azijske družbe, njihove politike, 
kulture, religije in izobraževalne sisteme. Članek poskuša pokazati, kako konfucianizem 
kljub vplivom marksizma in evropskega kolonializma v Vietnamu še naprej bistveno 
vpliva na oblikovanje današnje države.
Ključne besede: sodobno konfucijanstvo, vietnamsko konfucijanstvo, konfucijanstvo 
in vzhodnoazijske države, transnacionalni pojavi, politična, moralna in izobraževalna 
ideologija
Introduction––Inception of Confucianism in Vietnam
Though it has had to compete with several dissimilar schools of thought, Confu-
cianism1 has never lost its appeal. Ideas derived from Confucius’s philosophy2 
are universal, modern and always relevant, and thus Confucianism is contempo-
rary. Confucianism has influenced Asian culture, society and politics in a signifi-
cant manner, and thus contributed to shaping global history. While Confucianism 
originated in China, its long-lasting cultural, historical and political develop-
ments and features have heavily influenced Asian intellectuals and spread across 
East Asian societies. Though there are some theoretical underpinnings regarding 
Confucianism’s internal and external implications and features in countries like 
China, Japan and Korea (Lai 2018), in Vietnam it takes interesting turns before 
the nineteenth century and after, and dominated 20th-century socio-culture and 
political organization of Vietnam (Whitmore 1984).
Being the easternmost country in the Indochina basin, Vietnam shares borders 
with China, Laos, Cambodia and Thailand. The Vietnamese have strong affin-
ities with Indonesian and Thai ethnic groups, but it was the Viet Tribes who 
established the Kingdom of Van Lang near the Red Delta Sea and in the northern 
part of the country during the seventh century BC (Buttinger 1972, 22; Slote and 
1 Confucianism is designated as a school of thought, a philosophical movement, a religion, a set of 
principles and teachings on life (Cua 2013; Yao and Yao 2000). Confucianism derived from the 
Hundred School of Thought, a school of philosophical thought that arose in the 6th to 3rd centuries 
BC (usually understood as a period in which a hundred (diverse) schools of thought arose, not as a 
single school of thought lasting for a particular period). The philosophers of Spring Autumn Period 
(771 BC–476 BC), Confucius’ (551 BC–479 BC) and Mencius’ (385 BC–303 BC) teachings and 
concepts are popularly known as Ruism or Confucianism (usually Confucianism is broader than 
just the teachings of Confucius and Mencius). 
2 The thoughts and teachings of Confucius, who has long been worshiped by the Chinese people as 
the leading sage and greatest Chinese philosopher, are called Confucianism (Cua 2013; Yao and 
Yao 2000).
117Asian Studies VIII (XXIV), 2 (2020), pp. 115–134
De Vos 1998, Chapter 2). The Kingdom of Van Lang was conquered by other 
tribes from North Vietnam and the Southern part of a Chinese province named 
Guangxi in late third century BC, and they created a new kingdom called Au Lac 
(Slote and De Vos 1998). Late in the second century BC Au Lac was invaded and 
named Nam Viet by the Qin general Trieu Da, a high-ranking officer from the 
Chinese dynasty during the second and third centuries BC. Nam Viet was again 
conquered during the Han dynasty in the early second century BC and ruled till 
938 (AD) (Mok 2014). During this long period of military rule, Confucianism 
was introduced in Nam Viet.
The Chinese rulers generally did not impose their traditions, customs and cultures 
on the Vietnamese. They only controlled territorial issues related to the military 
and the allocation of administrative posts. It was the Han dynasty which divided 
Nam Viet into prefectures (jun) and then into districts (xian), and then the feudal 
lords were appointed as the chiefs of the prefects (ibid.). The organization of 
people and their lifestyles were highly influenced and managed by the Viet tribal 
lords and Viet tribes maintained their own cultures and traditions. 
It was the Chinese officials, settlers and their families who followed and exercised 
Confucius principles in their way of life and moral teachings. Later, the Chinese 
administration adopted the policy of assimilation and spread Confucius’ ideology 
among the Vietnamese people at the dawn of the Christian calendar, especially 
when prefects like Xi Guang and Ren Yan instituted Confucian principles in their 
moral teachings and marriage rituals. Moreover, the Viet people who adopted the 
Chinese customs received financial and social benefits within their districts (Slote 
and De Vos 1998). However, some prefects like To Dinh took strict measures to 
assimilate people to Confucius’ teachings and faced fierce protests, especially by 
female leaders, as Viet tribes were a matriarchal society. Because of such pro-
tests, the Han government replaced the prefect chiefs with Chinese officials and 
instituted an official Chinese assimilation policy in Vietnam, and Confucian prin-
ciples were also imposed on Viet society, particularly regarding family teachings, 
where women played a very crucial role (Wilson 1995). 
Early Transformation of Vietnamese Society and Confucianism
With the transformation of social organization in Vietnam, Confucianism also 
transformed. In Viet tribes, women were the heads of families and therefore there 
were many occasions where women protested against the Chinese government, 
particularly in between the second to sixth centuries. After many unsuccessful 
attempts, the revolution was taken over by the males in the society, and since by 
118 Forkan aLI: The orIgIns oF ConTemporary moraL eduCaTIon and poLITICaL IdeoLogy...
then the traditional matriarchal Viet society was transformed into a patriarchal 
one (Mok 2014; Slote and De Vos 1998). Family teachings, family names, and 
customs were governed by the males, where Confucian principles already played 
a role. In the tenth century, Vietnam achieved independence from Chinese domi-
nation, but Confucianism remained embedded in Viet society and was exercised 
following the principles of male control. What is interesting is that Confucianism 
was not the dominant school of thought in Vietnam during this time. Traditional 
Viet customs and cultures were always maintained. Moreover, along with Confu-
cianism, Chinese officials also instituted Buddhism and Taoism (ibid.). 
Vietnamese Confucians scholars served the Chinese government in many parts of 
China, and were also followers of Buddhism. After the independence of Vietnam, 
these officials returned to Vietnam and were given important positions, although 
they were reluctant to engage in political affairs and instead pursued moral teach-
ings (ibid.). They thus influenced Vietnamese moral, educational and legal af-
fairs and also taught Buddhism and Confucianism to the educated government 
officials and spread the philosophy of Confucianism amongst a new generation. 
Between the eleventh to thirteenth centuries, and especially during the Ly dynasty 
(1054–1072), the influence of Confucianism was increasing, and Buddhism was 
becoming less significant. Under the rule of the Emperors Ly Thanh Tong, Ly 
Nanh Tong and Ly Cao Tong, various initiatives were taken to institutionalize 
Confucian principles, and Confucius temples, Confucius examination systems, 
and educational policies were established. Though Buddhism attempted to be in-
fluential under Tran and Ly rule, Confucianism remained predominant within 
Vietnamese society (Slote and De Vos 1998). People felt more comfortable with 
traditional Confucian teachings and ways of life, where family ties are given high 
value.
The Confucian scholars were able to convince rulers like Tran Du Tong about the 
superstitions and limitations of Buddhism and Taoism, and encouraged them to 
adopt the Chinese institutional practice of Confucianism (Mok 2014). They not 
only rejected the mystical and superstitious features of Buddhism and Taoism, 
but also called for more vigorous moral educational and a better understanding of 
metaphysical principles. Among these scholars, Han Yu and Li Ao were famous 
for bringing something like Neo-Confucianism, which became prominent in the 
Song dynasty (960–1279) and Ming dynasty (1368–1644). Although Taoism and 
Buddhism influenced Confucianism during and after the Han dynasty, by reject-
ing their superstitious elements Neo-Confucianism could offer a more secular 
form of Confucianism (Blocker and Starling 2010, 64). Neo-Confucianism bor-
rowed its framework from Taoism and its core philosophy can be seen as rational 
119Asian Studies VIII (XXIV), 2 (2020), pp. 115–134
and humanistic: the whole universe can be known through reason, and it is pos-
sible to build harmonious relationship between the individual and the universe 
(Craig 1998, 552). However, unlike Buddhism and Taoism, Neo-Confucianism 
emphasized metaphysics as a method of generating a logical ethical philosophy, 
where Buddhists and Taoists used metaphysics as a tool for religious progress, 
enlightenment and morality (de Bary 1989, 94–5). 
There were many ups and downs with social and political issues, but Confucian-
ism continued to be one of the most influential ideologies among the Vietnamese. 
The people from Northern Vietnam, compared to those from Southern Vietnam, 
were more influenced by the practices of Confucian principles and there were 
some problems regarding this until the Nguyen Dynasty reunited the country and 
established a new order in the eighteenth century. During this time Confucianism 
received a new motivation. The rulers of the Nguyen dynasty (1802–1945) mod-
elled Confucianism on the Chinese model, and followed the Chinese institutional 
and legal codes. For example, in the early nineteenth century the Emperors Gia 
Long and Minh Mang constructed their forms of government as per the Chinese 
system. In order to reinforce Confucian morality, Minh Mang instituted ten ar-
ticles of moral conduct to be followed by the entire nation (Woodside 1971). 
Before the French arrived to establish their colony in Vietnam, the people experi-
enced a very concentrated form of Confucianism in many aspects of their private 
and public lives. Though not completely, over hundreds of years of domination 
Chinese cultural, moral, political and social influence introduced to the Vietnam-
ese people Confucian principles and ways of life, and for most of the time Confu-
cianism also remained as a form of a state ideology (ibid.). 
Near the end of the nineteenth century the French colonized Vietnam and started 
to reform the socio-political atmosphere of society. Therefore, Confucianism did 
not work as the state ideology anymore, but was still practiced through people’s 
daily lives. Confucian philosophy continued to be the moral foundation for Vi-
etnamese people in many villages, where Confucian scholars worked as mentors 
in areas such as moral education, marriage and death (Marr 1980). During this 
period of Western influence, particularly in the early twentieth century, a new 
generation of Confucian scholars emerged who challenged the traditional way 
of practicing Confucianism and formed a club named the Self Reliance Pen Club 
(Tu Luc Van Doan). One of the major issues of Confucianism, as practiced tradi-
tionally, is the influence of parents as well as obedience to elders who dominate 
the young. Though they never denied the respect for and importance of parents, 
these young reformers called for more liberty and choice in their personal lives, 
especially in choosing their spouses (Marr 1980; Slote and De Vos 1998). From 
World War I to World War II, Confucianism went through a dramatic change, but 
120 Forkan aLI: The orIgIns oF ConTemporary moraL eduCaTIon and poLITICaL IdeoLogy...
the Vietnamese people never left the core values of Confucius teachings until a 
new ideology, Communism, was introduced (Cooke 1994). 
Introduction of Marxism in Vietnam
After World War II, the global political and social phenomena impacted Viet-
namese society, and eventually after the division of Vietnam in 1954 there were 
moves to form a new society based on Marxism. Studies show that the Viet-
namese people who established the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) in 1930 
were introduced to Marxism through Lenin’s “Theses on National and Colonial 
Questions”:
They were much more attracted by the pragmatic response to colonial 
subjugation that Lenin’s theses and Comintern affiliation provided by 
than by the theorems of dialectical materialism. As member of dissi-
dent elite of a colonized country steeped in a mythology of resistance to 
foreign rule, they could not help but focus on those aspects of doctrine 
which pointed out a road to national liberation and personal power. Flex-
ibility and pragmatism in the choice of means have been hallmarks of 
Vietnamese communism ever since. (Turley 2019, 5–6)
However, to install a revolutionary ideology like Communism into the Vietnam-
ese collective mind, the Communists needed to suppress the dominant Confucian 
principles and scholars who advocated them.3 The Communists first concentrated 
on the family ties that were based on Confucian principles and had been practiced 
over generations. During this period there was an historical process in which the 
Vietnamese fashioned responses out of their own past. The Communist Party 
first undertook this process in their “Vietnamese Communist views of nation’s 
history and of the party’s role … and they have acknowledged local expectations 
and emphasized continuity … and declared that nation and socialism are one” 
(ibid). Once they had introduced communism, the Communist leaders pulled the 
younger generation into their revolution and made them look again at their family 
relations by claiming that Confucianism was a feudal system which was dragging 
the progressive Vietnamese people backward (Huỳnh 1986). The Confucianists 
then started to feel that under the grip of communism they had no future in Vi-
etnam. This atmosphere continued until the revolutionary leader, Hồ Chí Minh, 
came to power. 
3 For more about the long history of Confucian ideology and the inception of Marxism in Vietnam 
see Nguyen Quoc Pham’s “Marxism and Socialist Orientation in Vietnam” (2006, 205–6).
121Asian Studies VIII (XXIV), 2 (2020), pp. 115–134
Hồ Chí Minh’s Embrace of Confucianism and Marxism
Hồ Chí Minh (1890–1969), also known as Nguyễn Tất Thành or Uncle Hồ, was 
a Vietnamese revolutionary who is often called a man of “cultural personality” 
(Brocheux 2007). This section of the essay briefly highlights Hồ Chí Minh’s em-
brace of Confucian values and their influence on the version of communism he 
promoted. Hồ not only ended the rivalry between communism and Confucianism, 
but also transformed Confucian values into his nation’s revolutionary zeal for in-
dependence. He considered Confucian moral virtues as indispensable for the Vi-
etnamese people, and re-instituted those virtues necessary for the revolution and 
the revolutionary context of his country. In his book Let’s Change Our Method of 
Work, written under a pen name XYZ in 1947, he showed how Confucius’ idea of 
the nobleman truly can turn into a revolutionary one (Nam 2018). 
Minh grew up in an environment where Confucian values were given high im-
portance. Though Vietnamese society went through an extensive transformation 
during French colonialism, this was mostly limited to the cities. Villages were not 
completely free from colonial exploitation, but did not relinquish their insights re-
garding social relationships and organized communities (Lê 1989, 259–60; Duik-
er 2018). Minh passed his early life in this atmosphere, where he closely experi-
enced the cultural practices of Vietnamese rural areas that he maintained through-
out his life, even while he was abroad for a long time and exposed to Marxism. 
On one side he was learning and understanding the ideologies of Marx and Lenin, 
while on the other he was following Confucian values, including those of hu-
maneness, knowledge, righteousness and integrity. What is important to note here 
is that the village where Minh grew up, named Kim Lien, was a significant place 
for Confucian studies and popularly known as the “civilized land and the place of 
Shi and Shu” (Lê 1989, 261). Shi and Shu refer to two works called Shijing (Book 
of Odes) and Shujing (Book of Historical Documents) by Confucius. This place 
became a centre for many Confucian scholars who influenced Minh’s growing 
mind and become the backbone of his cultural and intellectual background. His 
family also contributed to this process of development, as his father Ngyen Sinh 
was a Confucian scholar. Moreover, before he left for the West, Minh actively 
studied Confucianism for ten years (ibid.). 
While he was in the West, Minh always introduced himself as a Confucian admir-
er, and the values he learned never disappear during his long introduction to the 
modern West and to Marxism. Rather, he received new ideology (Marxism) and 
used it to help develop his own ideas (Son 2013, 39), as it helped him “objectively 
appraise his own raison d’etre in the new social and political circumstance” of his 
country (Lê 1989, 14). He not only integrated his knowledge of Confucian values 
122 Forkan aLI: The orIgIns oF ConTemporary moraL eduCaTIon and poLITICaL IdeoLogy...
and Marxist ideology in his political practice in Vietnam, but also promoted them 
explicitly through his writings and speeches. When later the Chinese Nationalists 
in Guangxi imprisoned him from 1924 to 1943, Minh wrote extensively in Chi-
nese about his Confucian philosophy, reflecting his knowledge of intrinsic values 
regardless of physical constraint, which is similar to the understanding of ancient 
Chinese and Vietnamese scholars (ibid., 280). 
Minh did not confine his knowledge within a certain boundary. Though there 
might be some similarities, Ho did not follow Confucianism like Neo-Confu-
cians, nor did he take it as a politicized Imperial dogma. Instead, he understood 
“Confucianism as a tradition of Philosophy” (Son 2013, 40), and not a religion 
but a school of thought. Always considering Classical Confucianism as the basis 
of his knowledge, Minh saw the fundamental values of Confucianism as a univer-
sal form of knowledge which, for him, appeared to be continuously meaningful 
for modern Vietnam. The basis of this understanding became even stronger on 
two grounds, especially when he was introduced to Marxist ideology. Initially, he 
understood the essence of Marxist ideology for social harmony and considered 
Confucianism to offer directions for moral cultivation and appropriate inter-per-
sonal relations with an aim of establishing social harmony (ibid.). 
Secondly, communism as a science of ethical experience and rules of conduct 
celebrates the idea of datong, “Great Unity”. The idea of datong, which was intro-
duced by Confucius and promoted by his disciples like Mencius, appeared to be 
a useful condition for appreciating Communist internationalism, and therefore to 
Minh Confucianism was compatible with communism (Lê 1989, 233–34). Minh 
applied both communism and Confucianism in his specific political vision. If 
Marx’s ideas can be based on the history of philosophy of Europe, Minh revised 
them in reference to the history of philosophy of Asia. He considered the basis 
of Confucian tradition in East Asian history, specifically in China and Vietnam. 
This allowed him to find the relevance of classical Confucian values to review 
and reinforce Marxism in the contemporary context of Vietnam. Therefore, more 
dialogues could be initiated to examine the obvious relation between Confucian 
and Marxist institutions and principles.
Marxist Hồ Chí Minh and Confucius Moral Virtues
Soon after WWII, the people of Vietnam fought for their liberty, to free them-
selves from French and Japanese colonialism. Eventually, with the surrender of 
Japan at the end of WWII, Hồ was the leader of the League for the Independence 
of Vietnam (Viet Minh), and under his guidance in 1945 the League announced 
123Asian Studies VIII (XXIV), 2 (2020), pp. 115–134
a new country, called the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DVR). On 2 Sep-
tember 1945 in Hanoi, Hồ declared independence for Vietnam, including in his 
speech Jefferson’s proclamation: “all men are created equal” (ibid., 133). Later in 
1946, Hồ’s DVR were involved in direct clashes with the French colonial powers 
that put all its strength into holding its colony in Vietnam and demanded the DVR 
forces surrender their arms. Hồ rejected the French demand and called for nation-
al resistance against colonial rule, and fought against the French army and a se-
cret mission called Lea Campaign that was initiated to destroy DVR forces. This 
mission failed, and thus Hồ established the basis for a new philosophy—mixing 
Confucian and modernist values together (Brocheux 2007; Nam 2018). 
In the book Let’s Change Our Method of Work, Hồ has a chapter called “Revolu-
tionary Virtues”, where he presented a brief description of the moral values that 
a Party member or cadre should have in order to be a revolutionary person. Hồ 
mentioned five good virtues: 
It is not difficult for a cadre to become a real revolutionary if he wants 
to. Everything depends on his heart-and-mind (lòng mình). If his sole in-
terest is the Party, the country, and his compatriots, he will gradually be-
come just and selfless (chí công vô tư 至公無私). As he has been just and 
selfless, his faults will progressively decrease, and his virtues described 
below will become increasingly apparent each day. In brief, the good 
virtues are five in all: humanity (仁), righteousness (義), knowledge (智), 
courage (勇), and integrity (廉). (Hồ in Nam 2018, 138)
The phrase “totally just and selfless” later became one of the basic moral values 
for a revolutionary as a member of the Vietnamese Communist Party, and these 
moral virtues are the same as the Confucius virtues needed to be a nobleman. 
Moreover, in the first chapter of the book, called “Classic of Loyalty”, Hồ dis-
cusses what he means by loyalty. For him, loyalty is to be “totally just and fair”, 
and also “being whole-hearted” (ibid.). Hồ’s ideas regarding revolutionary vir-
tues are central to being loyal to the country, the Party and the people, and also 
being able to distinguish right from the wrong. 
Hồ Chí Minh’s Forms of Government and Confucianism
Near the end of the twentieth century Hồ Chí Minh became the subject of schol-
arly attention in relation to Confucianism. Scholars divided into two sides: Hồ is 
a critic of Confucius, or Hồ is a person who practiced Confucianism all his life 
and applied many of classical Confucian principles in his forms of government 
124 Forkan aLI: The orIgIns oF ConTemporary moraL eduCaTIon and poLITICaL IdeoLogy...
(Nguyêñ 1974; Brocheux 2007; Son 2013, Nam 2018). Hồ’s idea of good gov-
ernment is an amalgamation of institutional and legal management with moral 
virtues. The French colonialists made every attempt to break the cultural heritage 
of the Vietnamese people, while the Communists tried to suppress the Confucian 
zeal present amongst the people in the towns and villages. As a leader, Hồ Chí 
Minh, in this case, was quite pragmatic and did not make the same mistakes. 
Rather he combined some classical Confucian principles into his vision of gov-
ernment and institutions. 
Vietnamese urban society during Hồ Chí Minh’s time was heavily influenced by 
French colonialism, and Confucianism went through a radical transformation. 
But people from the rural areas were practicing Confucian ideology in their daily 
lives. As mentioned before, Hồ grew up in this rural environment and absorbed 
Confucianism in his young mind, as reflected later in his life, as the values em-
bedded in Vietnamese society for centuries shaped his adult personality (Bro-
cheux 2007). Hồ was introduced to Confucius studies and philosophy by schol-
ars who frequently gathered to discuss the teachings of Confucian virtues. This 
environment enlightened Hồ culturally and intellectually. Being exposed to the 
traditional philosophical teachings of Confucianism from works like the Analects 
of Confucius, which was achieved in its ultimate form during the Han dynasty, 
and the Works of Mencius, Hồ was not influenced by the dialects that politicized 
the doctrines of Confucian principles. Therefore, he supported the fundamental 
virtues and teaching of Confucianism, which he incorporated for the making of 
modern Vietnam. In a discussion with the Russian literary scholar Osip Mandel-
stam, held in 1923, Hồ stated: 
I was born into a Vietnamese Confucian family. ... The youth from those 
families often studied Confucianism. Comrade, you must know that 
Confucianism is not a religion but a science of moral experience and 
conduct. Based on this foundation, one puts forward the notion of the 
“Great Unity”. (Nam 2018, 135)
As we can see, for Hồ Confucianism was not a religion but a school of philosoph-
ical thought which accommodates principles and teachings of moral virtues, as 
well as the way of creating unity and social cohesion. He also revised Marxism 
in relation to its historical basis, incorporating not only European history but also 
that of Asia, where he finds Confucian customs with a basis on East Asian histo-
ry, particularly in respect to China and Vietnam. In this way of consolidating East 
Asian history, Hồ always considered the people as the core of power. He believed 
there is nothing more powerful than the people. Therefore, they should be at the 
centre of any government (ibid.): 
125Asian Studies VIII (XXIV), 2 (2020), pp. 115–134
In the Communist Review of the Third International in May 1921, 
Nguyen Ài Quóc introduced to the West the Confucian concept of 
minben by restating Mencius’ famous restatement:4 “the people are the 
most important element in a nation, the spirits of the land, and grain are 
the next; the sovereign is the lightest”. With that Mencian inspiration, 
one year later Nguyen Ài Quóc chastised Emperor Khài Dinh during 
the imperial visit to the Marseille Exposition in the article entitled “The 
Laments of Trung Trac” published in the L’Humanite on 1 June 1922. 
(Son 2013, 43)
He considered the people as water and the government as fish in it. Hồ advocated 
the Confucian concept of minben, where the people are considered to the basis 
of everything. The concept of minben was practiced in ancient Vietnam, when 
people considered that “a legitimate government must be responsible for the hap-
piness of the people” (Son 2013, 43). The Confucian concept of minben is in 
the centre of Hồ’s vision of government. He respected democracy but his vision 
is more about “for the people” rather than “of the people”. In an article in 1949 
on “Public Relations”, he states that: “our country is a democratic country. All 
benefit is for the people. All power is of the people. Renovation and construction 
are the business of the people” (ibid., 44). For him, independence is meaningless 
without the absolute freedom and happiness of the people. For this to happen, Hồ 
advocated the practice of moral virtue not only in personal life, but also in the 
government. Self-cultivation of individual morality should make a political man 
(Waley 2012). As in Confucius’ Great Learning (Daxue), which is one of the 
four texts of Confucian learning,5 good government is the product of the moral 
cultivation of the political men (Watson 2007). Similar ideas about the learning 
of good government and the morals of the rulers is also present in Spring and 
Autumn Annals, another of the four texts of Confucius (Miller 2015; Milburm 
2016). Hồ also takes this positive view of government, and re-educates the people 
of his government with these moral virtues in which the external arrangements 
of the institutions are less important than the internal moral arrangements of the 
people in the institutions. To re-establish the self-cultivation of the morality of the 
members of the new republic for the people, Hồ advocated following the essential 
Confucian values.
4 For more about Mencius’ statements see James Legge (1960, 483).
5 Technically, it is one of the Four Books canonized in Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism (and not the 
earlier Confucian tradition), to form the core subject matter of the Imperial examination system.
126 Forkan aLI: The orIgIns oF ConTemporary moraL eduCaTIon and poLITICaL IdeoLogy...
Confucian Values and Moral Education in Contemporary East Asia 
The legacy of Confucian thought is active in East Asian countries. Confucian 
influences on East Asian socio-cultural and economic modernization and na-
tion-building are especially noteworthy. Countries like Japan consciously em-
ployed traditional Confucian ideology for nation-building and industrialization. 
The Japanese also strongly maintain religious teachings in relation to the Analects 
of Confucius (Kizo 2018). Therefore, Confucianism turns out to be a pan-Asian 
phenomenon that can accommodate inter-related cultures. In the introduction to 
their edited volume, Roger Ames and Peter Hershock write: 
Over time, this intergenerational embodiment and transmission of an 
aggregating Confucian culture spread throughout the East Asian world 
of Korea, Japan, and Vietnam to become a pan-Asian phenomenon that 
over the centuries has shaped and been shaped by this family of distinc-
tive and yet inter-related cultures. And, the evidence today is that many 
in Asia feel that Confucian culture can make valuable contributions to 
the articulation of a new world cultural order. Enormous resources are 
being invested in China and other Asian cultural spheres to renew tra-
ditional Confucian learning as a repository of values and conceptual re-
sources that can be drawn upon to shape their responses to contemporary 
dynamics. (Ames and Hershock 2018, 5)
Taking Confucianism as a long-lasting, cross-cultural set of values, and seeing 
the efficacy of (some) Confucian teachings and practices, countries like Japan, 
Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea and Singapore were able to achieve both eco-
nomic and social development. These countries have re-studied and adapted the 
traditional values to make them suitable to serve their purposes to build new 
nations. Japan, particularly during the Meiji Reformation and WWII, has used 
Confucian ideas in its educational curriculum and official documents with a view 
to combining industrialization with the traditional Confucian Japanese devotion 
to the family and customs (Du 1996). In much the same way, the Singaporean 
government has used Confucian ideas as a way of bringing modernization and 
political power, in which the importance of family harmony and admiration for 
authority were tactically maintained to achieve consistent social and economic 
stability (ibid.). Using the family as the basic unit of the social structure, like 
Japan and Singapore, Taiwan also connected Confucian ideas to developmental 
strategies and political locality, and proved that maintaining long-term traditional 
family structures brings economic and political success. Ethnic Chinese people 
in Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore have also sustained this ideological ground. 
127Asian Studies VIII (XXIV), 2 (2020), pp. 115–134
The commitment to Confucian values and family ties has been strengthened in 
order for them to be able to survive in challenging atmospheres like Hong Kong 
and South Korea. Along with other East Asian countries, these two societies also 
reinterpreted traditional Confucian ideas and adapted them their modern econom-
ic and social systems. From education to personal lifestyles, Confucianism has 
evolved as a new way of looking at the political and social organization and 
arrangement of institutions (Wang 2008). Perhaps, it is the Confucius zeal that 
leads such countries to combine a democratic educational system with traditional 
values, and allows them to adjust to new political and economic difficulties.
Ideological Dynamics in the Contemporary Vietnamese 
Educational System
From the above discussion, it is evident that the people of Vietnam have experi-
enced the dissimilar forms of social organization and principles of both Confu-
cianism and communism. The people have also experienced different religions, 
including Buddhism, Taoism and Catholicism. Therefore, the educational princi-
ples in contemporary Vietnam have different forms of ideological understanding. 
Moral education is consolidated in the formal education system, which is based 
on personal moral principles, political and citizenship teachings. In all of these 
educational processes not only are Marxist ideology and the thoughts of Hồ Chí 
Minh present, but also Confucian philosophy, although mostly at the primary 
level. Most of these ideologies come under a broad term called moral educa-
tion––traditional Confucian moral education, which mostly developed through 
both an informal method of education, like family or religious education, as well 
as a formal method like Marxist socialist moral education through the national 
curriculum (Nguyen 2004). For example, according to the Ministry of Education 
and Training, primary level students are taught about two different system of 
morality in Vietnamese society, that is traditional and socialist morality.6 At the 
secondary level there is no subject like morality taught, but instead civics, where 
Marxist-Leninist philosophy is predominant. In 2018 the Ministry of Education 
and Training implemented a new national curriculum where morality and civics 
were challenged, although they remain in the system (Viet Nam News 2018). 
However, how moral education is objectively arranged within the emerging and 
changing Vietnamese society is still a matter of contest, especially since the so-
ciety has experienced a long history with the values of Confucianism, Buddhism 
and communism. 
6 See more at the Ministry of Education and Training (Thai 2006). 
128 Forkan aLI: The orIgIns oF ConTemporary moraL eduCaTIon and poLITICaL IdeoLogy...
The formal and informal educational journey for the people of Vietnam has gone 
through different stages, which are directly or indirectly related to national so-
cio-cultural and political history. As mentioned above, Vietnam was under Chi-
nese domination for about a millennium, particularly from the first century BC to 
the tenth century AD. Therefore, the earliest stage of the traditional Vietnamese 
educational system has a Chinese cultural influence. The intellectual and cultural 
organization of Vietnamese society was heavily influenced by Taoism, Buddhism 
and most importantly Confucianism. Therefore, the initial stage of the educa-
tional system was grounded on the principles and teachings of Confucian phi-
losophies, the self-cultivation of morality, social harmony and political virtues. 
The next stage of the educational system, which was during the time of nine-
teenth and twentieth centuries was influenced by French colonial policy which 
was administered through Western Catholic missionaries (Thanh 2010). Though 
this Catholic, Western form of educational management influenced the Vietnam-
ese language and culture, the traditional Vietnamese cultural characteristics and 
Confucian educational zeal continued to be a significant way of learning about 
morality and political ideology. In the twentieth century the educational system 
experienced a new turn, especially under the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, 
when the whole country was fighting for independence from Japanese and then 
French occupation (Nguyen 2004). 
After the separation of the country into two separate parts, North and South Vi-
etnam, the educational policy was also separated into two policies. The socialist 
model of education was implemented in North Vietnam, and a Westernized in 
South Vietnam, under French colonial rule. With the unification of the country 
the educational system was centralized under the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. 
With the economic reforms that began in 1986, the Đổi Mới (revolution) was im-
plemented to serve the country’s developmental needs, and the educational sys-
tem changed into a socialist-oriented market economy (ibid.). Đổi Mới brought 
a radical change in the social, cultural and economic sectors of Vietnam, one 
that required huge public participation from all sphere of life. Therefore, the ed-
ucational system was formally reorganized into five stages: pre-school, primary, 
secondary, higher and postgraduate education. Moral education was incorporated 
as one of the fundamental subjects in every stage of formal education. 
Forms of Moral-Political Education in Vietnam
The Educational Law of 1998 formally adopted moral education in the curric-
ulum at every stage of national learning. In this moral educational curriculum, 
129Asian Studies VIII (XXIV), 2 (2020), pp. 115–134
issues like socialism, loyalty, good citizenship, cultivation of virtues, the natural 
environment, understanding foreign countries, inter-personal relations, appreci-
ation of soldiers and national defenders, and nationality are included but mixed 
in an illogic fashion, which not only hints at the Marxist-Confucianist way of 
teaching, but also incorporates moral and political education. From pre-school to 
postgraduate studies, the aim is to create the next generation of fully developed 
Vietnamese citizens, but knowledge of politics and moral virtues remains inad-
equate (Doan 2005), and little interest in either politics or morality are observed 
by researchers (ibid.). Though the educational system of Vietnam never clarifies 
what it means by moral education (which often seems moral-political education), 
political education is highly emphasized in the forms of moral education where 
not only Marxist-Leninist political objectives are highlighted, but also some Con-
fucianist traditional teachings are carried out.
Vietnam is modernizing and the sense of materiality amongst people is increas-
ing. Due to social media and the growth of technology, Western notions of life-
style are having an ever greater impact. Moreover, scholars claim that traditional 
social values seem to be fading away, as there are no definite moral educational 
aims as in the earlier stage of the educational system. The morality of a person 
and character building are less emphasized in the vague forms of moral-politi-
cal education that now exist. Traditional Vietnamese moral education and vir-
tues, which respect harmony and care, are disappearing in contemporary society 
(Nguyen 2004), with younger people preferring personal benefits over social and 
communal ones. 
There are two forms of moral education prevailing in the Vietnamese educational 
system: traditional morality which has its roots in Confucian philosophy, and 
socialist morality which is based on Marxist-Leninist philosophy (Huong 2004). 
Confucianism advocates human relations, the happiness of people, personal mor-
al cultivation, social order, humaneness, integrity and political virtues. Moreover, 
Confucian ideology emphasizes respect for elders, obedience to parents, and ded-
ication to the development of the community. Though Confucian values, like the 
superiority of elders and men over subjects, juniors and women, have seen some 
revisions in contemporary Vietnam, due to the sense of freedom and personal 
choice that have come into play, younger generations also seek social harmony 
and happiness along with economic growth and career development. Yet these 
young people also have a clear understanding that without family harmony and 
respect there would be an imbalance in life, which would result in dissatisfaction. 
Though religious education is not officially included in the educational system 
of Vietnam, moral values and spiritual lessons are taught through families and 
religious institutions. Scholars claim that traditional Confucian values are more 
130 Forkan aLI: The orIgIns oF ConTemporary moraL eduCaTIon and poLITICaL IdeoLogy...
emphasized and learned through families than schools, as family education had 
worked as the dominant form of learning for a child since the very early in Viet-
nam. There are, however, instances where family relations and teaching are less 
emphasized, especially for the children of nuclear families and in cities, where 
maintaining traditional values is difficult. 
The socialist educational system came into effect with the inception of com-
munism in Vietnam, and continued to be one of the major forces of moral ed-
ucation (Wang and Namh 2019). Socialist moral education puts importance on 
socialist principles and respect for the workers, and highlights individual and 
collective duties towards the state, where the accomplishment of socialism is the 
prime concern. Unlike Confucian values, socialist values are exercised through 
institutions and formal education, which is mandatory. This obligation sometimes 
allows the younger generation to think of personal choices and perspectives, 
where career growth and economic stability have come to play a crucial role. In 
socialist values achievement is collective, which is contrasted with the market 
economy that emphasizes individual choice and satisfaction.
Conclusion––Contemporary Confucianism and Contemporary 
Vietnam 
Confucianism is rational, contemporary and relevant to present-day social, polit-
ical and moral studies. Ideologies like communism, Catholicism and European 
colonialism looks at Confucian values as something outdated and irrational. Con-
fucian ideas emphasize affirmative thinking in relation to established norms and 
values, and connected with institutional arrangements. However, Confucianism 
is also critical, since many scholars argue for an interpretation of Confucianism 
that is opposed to Western philosophies and moralities that place “rationality” in 
the central role.7 For example, in the Analects, in the discussion regarding benev-
olence (ren) which indicates cultivating self through helping others, cultivating 
themselves through learning (xue), Confucius emphasizes:
To love benevolence without loving learning is liable to lead to foolish-
ness (and that) learn widely and be steadfast in your purpose, inquire 
earnestly and reflect on what is at hand and there is no need for you to 
look for benevolence elsewhere. (Confucius 1979, “Benevolence” IV)
7 Being influenced by Neo-Confucianism, New Confucianists in contemporary times take a neo-con-
servative approach to Confucianism and use traditional Confucian ideas like social and political har-
mony for a comparative study with Western ideas like rationalism and humanism (Makeham 2003). 
131Asian Studies VIII (XXIV), 2 (2020), pp. 115–134
Confucius often engages in critical discussions, his way of learning (xue) requires 
involvement in critical conversation that often looks for suggestions from others 
and motivates criticism: “words to gentle advice” (ibid.).
The importance of Confucian thought today has been demonstrated by the em-
ployment and reinvention of Confucian ideas in relation to current socio-eco-
nomic and political developments. East Asian countries have been maintaining 
the Confucian philosophical ideology in their collective and personal life, and 
have now institutionalized Confucian ideas in their national interest and to en-
courage social empathy (Jang 2019). In these societies, the teaching of Confucius 
is exercised through informal institutions like family, as well as formal schooling 
through the national educational curriculum.
From the second century to present-day Vietnam, Confucian values and tradi-
tions are maintained through various religious, institutional and personal arrange-
ments. Like other developing societies, Vietnam is also facing new challenges 
with regard to reaping the benefits of industrialization and political stability. At 
this particular moment, the national educational system requires a holistic trans-
formation to meet the new challenges. Moreover, with the growing tensions of so-
cial and personal problems, like various abuses, divorces, corruption, addiction, 
and moral degradation, people in Vietnam are rethinking the foundation of the 
formal educational system. People are also concerned about declining traditional 
values, virtues and harmony in social relations. There is a growing demand for 
the reconstruction of a moral educational system and clearer moral teaching in 
order to help the development of the Vietnamese people, and Confucian values 
and teachings can play a vital role in this. 
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