HINDU MOTHER-GODDESS CULTS IN THE
CARIBBEAN
Steven Vertovec !
IZVLEČEK
Med indijskimi priseljenci na Trinidadu
so se obdržali trije kuJti »boginje matere«,
poosebljene v boginjah Parmeshwari, Kali in
Sipari. Gre za oblike ljudskega čaščenja, kiimajo
bolj ali manj ekstatičen in personalističen značaj
pomembna pa je zlasti njihova kurativna
funkdja.
ABSTRACT
Hindu migrants in Trinidad have main-
tained three cults of "mother goddesses ",
embodied by the goddesses Parmeshwari, Kali
and Sipari. These are popular forms of devotion
of a more or less ecstatic and personalistic
nature, important above all because of their
healing function.
The North Indian countryside is dotted with shrines and cult centres to minor
goddesses (ultimately conceived to be part of one Mother Goddess) who are usually
associated with particular heaUng abilities. These shrines and cults are maintained by
non-Brahman - often even low caste - religious practitioners. Despite the fact that these
run against the grain of Brahmanic Hinduism, it is not surprising that in India such
phenomena are profuse given their spread over vast regions, the size of low caste
populations therein, and the sheer heterogeneity of ritual traditions among Hindus. Yet
non-Brahmanic shrines and cults devoted to mother goddesses are still to be f oimd among
Hindus in the Caribbean one hundred and fifty years after migration and intervening
sodo-religious processes in which caste identities have largely attenuated and in which a
single, Brahmanic tradition has come to dominate ritual activity.
In order to replace the African slaves who were freed between 1834-8, the Caribbean
witnessed large scale migration of Indiai« imder schemes of indentured labour (see Tinker
1974; Clarke, Peach and Vertovec 1990). A total of 238.909 Indians arrived between 1838-
1917 into what was then British Guiana, 143.939 into Trinidad between 1845-1917, and
34.304 into Surinam or Dutch Guiana between 1873-1916. Jamaica, Grenada, Martinique,
Guadeloupe, and other islands received smaller numbers during the latter half of the
nineteenth century as well. In each case, Hindus formed the overwhelming majority of
migrants (around 85%). Subsequently only between a fifth and a third of these migrants
to the Caribbean returned to India, leaving populations of considerably size especially in
the three southernmost territories.
Between the time of their introduction to the region and today, Hinduism -
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Steven Vertovec
180
hallmarked in India by a tremendous diversity of regionally varying beliefs, rites, deities
and caste-specific traditions - has been transformed into a largely xmiform complex (van
der Veer and Vertovec 1991, Vertovec 1992, in press). This Caribbean Hindu complex is
marked by a limited, "orthodox" corpus of beliefs and activities overseen by Brahmaruc
control of centralized organizations, schools and temples. Yet Hindu traditions outside
of this "official" corpus continue to be practiced, largely because of beliefs surroxmding
their efficacy due to divine intervention. The three mother goddess traditions described
here among Hindus in Trirudad, have been maintained over generations as peripheral,
"non-orthodox", even pubUcly disdained sets of beliefs and rituals which nonetheless
continue to be part of the lives of Hindus.
HINDU MOTHER GODDESSES
Durga is cor\sidered by most Hindus in Trinidad to be the general embodiment of
the Divine Mother, or female aspect of God. Most Hindus harbour vague beliefs about
the relation of Ehirga to other goddesses (maiiJy Lakshmi, Saraswati, and Kali): when
asked, individuals wiU ultimately insist these are aU parts of the same goddess; some
persons can even cite scripture oxPuranic tales with reference to this. For example, when
one Hindu priest had to use a Lakshmi murti to do Saraswatipuja in the local Hindu
school in Trinidad, since a child had brought the wrong one, he shrugged, continued his
ritual procedures and simply remarked "same thing, same thing."
In prayer and ritual practice, however, each goddess is addressed as separate. There
are prayers directed towards all female deities {devis), and one sometimes hears of
devotions to "the nine devis' or "sliaktis" (cosmic energies, associated with the Mother
goddess) or "the nine Lakshmiš'. Beliefs concerning the multiple manifestations of
goddesses characterize the flxiid and indeterminate nature of lay ideology in Trinidad
Hinduism. Though these collective sets of devis are regularly propitiated, rare is the
villager who can name more than a few of them (two pundits, however, list the former
nine as Bhagwati', Bhegla muklii, Bhumawati, Chiti'amasfa, Bharbhee, Tara, Htmeshwari,
Vidya and Mahakali, and the latter as Gaja, Veera, Dhanya, Adhi, Sathana, Vijya, Aiswaiya,
Dhana, and Shri Lakshmi Narayari).
Kali, in particular, has a very ambiguous place: she is sometimes regarded more
importantly as a consort of Shiva than an aspect of Durga. ÄaZr'maintains a somewhat
forbidding reputation in Trinidad, particularly because she is associated with blood
sacrifice. The three traditions described here are locally equated with Kali : although
faithfully engaged in by devotees, these traditions are looked about (upon) by many
Trinidadians - Hindus and non-Hindus alike as strange or sinister due to this Kah
cormection.
PARMESHWARI
Parmeshwari, who is associated with Chamars or tmtouchables, is considered a
"sister" or "manifestation" of Kali. The relation to KaJi is rather vague, however, as are
most shaktioT goddess-related concepts. Klass (1961:172-4) describes Parmeshwari rites
entirely in terms of Kali, but also notes their reference to 'other goddesses - the "seven
Hindu Mother-Goddess cults in the Caribbean
181
Čamar recitira molitve boginji Parmešvari,
medtem ko drugi moški pripravljajo prašiča za
žrtvovanje in ženske čakajo, da pridejo na vrsto
za darovanje. ¦ A Chamar man recites prayers
to the goddess PaiTnesA »vari while other men
prepare a pig for sacrifice and women wait for
their chance to make offerings.
sisters".' Yet Planalp (1956:166-8), who conducted research in a village of Uttar Pradesh,
provides a myth suggesting that Parmeshwari was historically a Chamar girl, devoted
to Parvati {Shiva's consort, and therefore coextensive with Kalizn.a the Mother Goddess)
who was eventually herself deified. Throughout large areas of North India she eventually
became associated with Chamars and their particular form of goddess devotion.
The sacrifices should be conducted annually by a consortium of Chamar families,
and by each separate Chamar family on the occasion of a birth or the marriage of a son. If
of the collective sort, prior to the rites a set of Chamar women go from house to house in
the village, banging a drum and singing a special song while collecting contributions
toward the ritual expenses (the donors - who may all be Chamars - subsequently share in
the goddess's favour).
Parmeshv^rari sacniio can be performed by any man knowledgeable of the rites,
with the assistance of one or more others (especially to hold the massive pig). The sacrifice
should be performed on a boimdary between two plots of land: this is an indication of
the rite's imorthodox and therefore magically powerful nature). But most of the same
items as for a more orthodox Durga Puja are offered: this includes lepsi (a glutinous
paste) and sohari (a type of bread), neem leaves, and dhar (a Kquid mbcture of camphor,
clove, doob grass, hibiscus flowers, sindhus, saffron, neem leaves, sugar rice and water).
Other offerings here include onion, garlic, cumin, and salt - all considered tamasic
substances (that is of the lowest order of the three gunas or universal substances - thereby
further indicating Parmeshwari's lesser status compared to deities of the Sanskritic or
Brahmarüc pantheons). These offerings are set on the ninepaan leaves, representing the
"seats" of the various related goddess manifestations.
After a wooden stake is anointed, the heart of the pig is quickly pierced. Any
participant may then pour dhar on the dead animal's head, and offerings of rum and
Steven Vertovec
cigarettes are set before it. Traditionally at this point the goddess would "possess" or
become present in the pujarioi ritual practitioner, and healing directly at the hands of
the deity could occur. Today this is less a part of the rites, while devotees still engage in
offerings and prayer often with a mind to gain healing for themselves or their loved
ones. The lepsisnA sohari, pork meat, and alcohol are later consumed as holy food in a
feast involving all who contributed, regardless of whether they were present at the sacrifice.
Although many other Hindus and non-Hindus think of Parmeshwarisacn&o as
baleful and ominous, participants in no way see the rites in this way. (Nevertheless, during
the course of one of SMcYvParmeshwaririie, a participant gestured to an "orthodox" Hindu
temple down the road to which all belonged, commenting about the sacrifice and the
temple, "We mustn't mix this and that.")
Chamars believe they have a duty to propitiate Parmeshwari, who they believe to
be their special group deity or kuldevata. It is an essential part of who they are and how
they have descended. "This is the way the old people did things," says one man of the
rites and his forebears, "so this is the way we do it." But by far most active participants
these days are over forty years of age; they lament the fact young people currently have
no desire to maintain these kinds of non-orthodox traditions, and they are fearful of the
eventual loss of Parmeshwari saca^ce in Trinidad.
KALI MAI PUJA
Kali Mai Puja in the Caribbean consists of the most characteristic set of Hindu rites
practiced by South Indian-descended Hindus, caueaMadrassis (after their port of original
embarkation from India, Madras). It is particularly prominent in Guyana, where it has
continually flourished since the days of plantation indenture (see Phillips 1960; Khan
1977; Bassier 1987; Singaravelou 1987, III: 73-83). In Trinidad, however, Madrassi religious
activity of all sorts was selectively suppressed by white colonial authorities and Hindus
themselves: Madrassis' ecstatic rites of spirit possession and firewalking were regarded
as the most extreme forms of heathenisms by the former, while the latter, increasingly
"orthodox" North Indian-descended majority regarded Madrassis' rites of blood sacrifice
as especially "low" religious modes of practice.
Where Madrassis settled individually amongst North Indians, the distinct South
Indian styles of Hinduism gave way to the developing mainstream forms. In Surinam,
this Kali-iocussea tradition never existed in any pervasive form mairüy because the
population lacked South Indians; in Triiudad, it remained only in isolated pockets where
Madrassis had settled in niunber. But in Guyana, Kali Mai puja became a sigiuficant
Hindu tradition parallel to the mainstream. Brahman-dominated one ( this is especially
the case in Demerara, which is home to a large population of South Indian descendants).
In Guyana, Kali worship was increasingly standardized in the 1920s and 1930s
under the direction of one Kistima Naidoo, then the rites apparently waned in the 1940s
and 1950s before imdergoing a significant renewal since the 1960s imder the influence of
pujari]w\es Naidoo. There are now estimated to be some one hxmdred ifai?'"churches"
(koeloos) throughout Guyana, exhibiting a number of variations from the core set of rites
popularized by James Naidoo (Bassier 1987). The Guyana Maha Kali Religious
Organization is one formal body to have been established to oversee activities within
this tradition.
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Hindu Mother-Goddess cults in the Caribbean
183
Only in the few places in Trinidad where a large number of Madrassis settled
together, did socio-religious activities like Kali Mai puja continue in any institutionalized
manner. By the end of the 1960s, such practices were quite rare. In tiie early 1970s, however,
two Madrassi Trinidadians (each of whom had family connections in Guyana)
independently set up ÄaA'Ma/'centres in tiie island (one, in the North, the other in the
South). Both had been disciples of the most prominent Kalipujaris (priests) in Guyana,
James Naidoo. These centres now rival each other; their fotmders are not on good terms.
Meanwhile, anotiier centre of ÄaZr'worship imrelated to either of these men has been
foimded in Central Trinidad; but this is not quite as popular as the other two, for possession
is not as dramatic, nor is blood saaifice conducted.
Every Sunday, people from all over Trinidad come to the two main centres, seeking
help for physical or personal problems (including skin disease, epilepsy, suspected
possession, marital disorder, depression). Specific offerings are made at a nimiber of
murtis, or images of deities. The gods and goddesses represented at Trinidad Kali Mai
centres include a imique combination of "orthodox" (Sanskritic and Brahmanic) deities,
such as Krishna, Hanuman, Ganesha and Durga, and Madrassi deities worshipped no
where else in the island, including KoteriMata, Sangani, Madra Viran, and Munishprem.
Kali Mai {or Badra Kali, her name in an especially fierce form), however is the central
focus of worship. Sangani, Madra Viran and Munishprem all demand rum, blood and
cigarettes as part of theirprasad, while Mother Kah(KaliMai) takes blood. Blood sacrifice
to Kali Mai ohen requires the one she possesses to drink blood directly from the body or
head of a decapitated cock or goat.
The ritual sequence includes a series of offerings and songs to various deities.
Med obredom Kali Maipudja izvajalec obreda, ki ga je obsedla boginja, pije kri z glave žrtvovane
koze. ¦ Ehiring Kali Mai puja, a ritual practitioner who is possessed by the goddess drinks blood
from the head of a sacrificial goat.
Steven Vertovec
climaxing with a rapid succession of cock and/or goat sacrifices (brought as votive
offerings by various participants seeking spiritual help). Possession by one or two lesser
deities (usually KoteriMata and MunishpKtit) as well as by Mother Kali herself ensues,
sending one to three regular pujaris (of either sex) into altered states of consciousness.
The possessed individuals gradually come under control, each subsequently offering
direct consultation, exorcism, or hands-on healing - as a deity incarnate - to any and all
who wish, waiting their turn while standing in a lengthy queue. Much of the advice
supplied by the temporarily present deities concerns devotion to them, fasts, and offerings
the supplicant is reqxiired to make subsequently at home or on the following Simday(s)
at the centre. The tales of miraculous cure, told by participants, are plentiful.
Äai?Ma/centres in Trinidad are anomalies: they grew in popularity precisely at the
time when a unitary "official" Hinduism was rapidly increasing in intensity and activity.
Perhaps these centres represented an outlet for people drawn to ecstatic, personalistic
and miraculous forms of rehgion while other forms of Hinduism were becoming more
methodical, collective, and doctrinal. The fact also remains that the period of growing
popularity of Kali Mai puja was also the time of vast social changes throughout Trinidad:
new relationships, new pressures, new anxieties were part of the coimtry's overnight
"modernization". The availability of the kind of charismatic religion offered to Hindus by
ÄaZ?'Mai centres (as by Christian Pentecostal sects for others) provided the kind of direct,
immediate salvation or cure many people desired - with the particular characteristic of
being within an accessible Hindu context.
Most village Hindus know of the existence of the Kali Mai centres, or perhaps
know someone who has been to one. Many Hindus stay well away from such "dark"
places; nonetheless, they recognize the effectiveness of the shakti supposed to be present
there. Ultimately, they admit that in the case of some incurable ailment or insurmotmtable
personal problem, they, too, would travel across the island to seek help at a Kali Mai
centre.
SIPARI KE MAI
SiparikeMai, most often called simply SipariMai, embodies a source of spiritual-
curative aid in Trirudad much more acceptable to the bulk of Hindus and non-Hindus
(see Comins 1893; Niehoff 1960: 153-156; Clarke 1986: 110-111). hi the market town of
Siparia, an old statue of a black Virgin is found in the Cathohc church of La LDivim Pastora,
which was originally established by Sparüsh Capuchin monks in the 1750s. The exact
origin of the statue is a mystery. Spanish Capuchins venerated La Divina Pastora - the
Virgin Mary as "the Divine Shepherdess" - as well as various black Virgins; it should be
noted, however, that La Divina Pastora, in Spain, is not one of these black Virgins.
Many folk tales abound about how the statue was found by Arawaks or by
indentured Indians, as well as how the statue was known to behave in miraculous ways
("growing" from a small girl each morning to become an old woman by night; leaving the
church at night and walking around the countryside). Nimierous cures as well as grantings
of children to supposedly barren women, have been claims throughout the statue's long
history.
Since the days of plantation indenture, Hindus have made pilgrimage to Siparia to
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Hindu Mother-Goddess cults in the Caribbean
Kip črne Device, ki jo katoličani na Trinidadu častijo kot La Divina Pastora, hindujci pa ji darujejo
kot boginji Sipari ke Mai. * Statue of a black Virgin hailed as La Divina Pastora to Catholics in
Trinidad, but propitiated as the goddess Sipari keMaihy Hindus.
make offerings at the statue (regarded as a murtiox image of a Hindu deity, which in fact
looks remarkably like an Indian woman). Non-Hindu sources have promulgated the idea
that Sipari Mai, for Hindus, is Kali. This somewhat uninformed notion is based on the
superficial observation that Hindus call the statue, these non-Hindus say, "Sipari K. Mai"
- the "K." supposedly standing for "KaH" (this explanation is provided in official pamphlets
sold by the Catholic church). In fact, Hindus are actually saying, in Hindi, "Sipari ke
Mai," or simply "Mother of Siparia." Rather, Sipari Mai is a goddess manifestation imto
herself, bearing the same rather vague relationship to Kahana Durga and Lakslimi- and
to all the other mother goddesses - as does any goddess (just as healing goddesses are
considered ultimately to be aspects of one another in India, yet revered as separate, sacred
personalities). "She is all of these," says one female Hindu devotee regarding Sipari Mai
and her relationship to the other devis. Following this line of thinking, during one period
of Navratri (see below), it was fascinating to observe that someone had placed a small
plastic murtioi LakshmibenedAh the statue in the church, attesting further to the co-
recognition of goddesses.
Throughout the year Hindus and others come to Siparia to offer prayers or
thanksgivings to Sipari Mai, pinning on her long dress a variety of votive offerings (such
as small eyes, limbs, babies made from gold). The church remains the sole place where
many Hindus will bring their children for their first haircut, seeking blessings and
protection for the children by placing the hair (along witi:\ rice and money) at the statue's
feet. Hindus conduct thek offerings and prayers in the church alongside Catholics and
Spiritual Baptist (members of a Trinidad-evolved, Afro-Christian fa'adition).
Each year on the Thursday and Friday before Easter, up to ten thousand Hindus
185
Steven Vertovec
186
make pilgrimage to the church, queuing aU night and day. It is imcertain why these two
days have become institutionalized as the time specifically for Hindus to make pilgrimage
here (Catholics and Spiritual Baptists do so the second Simday after Easter, a date
associated with the Feast of La Divina Pastora). Some local scholars have suggested that
perhaps, since Holy Thursday and Good Friday were major holy days for the
predominantly Catiiolic plantocracy,, tiiese were two of the only days each year when
Indians were allowed off estates. Another possible contributing factor is that the first
Nav ratri (a twice-yearly, nine-day period dedicated to the Motiier Goddess and her
manifestations) of each year takes place around this time (both Nav ratri ma Easter are
astrologically determined, therefore annually co-occurring): therefore, Hindus would be
especially involved in goddess worship at this time of year.
WhUe coimtless beggars receive alms, and transvestite dancers dance with babies -
a mode of blessing imique to Siparia on these days - each person individually files past
the statsxe/murti, to offer gifts and to anoint the forehead of the statue of the Virgin/
Sipari Mai, just as it is done to Hindu images. This period is when most wiU bring their
son or daughter for the first haircut rites; hence, at this time the churchyard is filled with
barbers and bawling children. A piece of the clipped hair is offered to the goddess, just as
in villages of India. Nearby, streets are lined with stalls selling sweets, produce and
religious paraphernalia (appropriate to any of the religions on the island). The vmdertaking
is massive, and the local Catholic priest cxirrently tries his best tot accommodate the
Hindus in their devotions.
As popular as pilgrimage to Sipari Mai/La Divina Pastora is, it is nonetheless
regarded by orthodox Sanatanist leaders as an aberration. This attitude was expressed
in one article in a national newspaper :
' Pimdit Seereram Jadoonanana, spiritual leader of the the Sanatan \^dwad
Vidyalaya of Penal, said: "The La Divina worship is not related to
Hinduism in any way. The Hindus who go to worship the Catholic saint
do so out of superstition, not out of an identity with any Hindu goddess."
He added: "The Hindus who go to worship tiie [sic] La Divina in the Siparia
R.C. Church are not real devotees of Hinduism." (Trinidad Express 5 April
1985, p. 3)
The struggle by some to create or maintain what they cor\sider to be orthodox
norms continues. Because 5//»arz'Ma;'worship is informally centred aroimd what can be
regarded as a minor (though miraailous) goddess manifestation - but more so, perhaps,
because it is conducted without pundits at a Catholic church - it is relegated to a peripheral
position in "orthodox" Hindu practice in Trinidad. Likewise is the case with Kali Mai
puja, since it is closely associated with "low" Madrassi practices, and with Parmeshwari
sacrifice associated with Chamars. These are popular forms of Hinduism, but ones not
integrated into the xmitary brand of the religion advocated by Brahmans in a highly
institutionalized an organized form of Hinduism in Trinidad. Nonetheless, tiiey are forms
which continue to be central to the beUef s and healing techniques of Hindus throughout
the Caribbean, just as in their ancestral villages of India.
Hindu Mother-Goddess cults in the Caribbean
REFERENCES
Bassier, W.M.Z. (1987) "Kali Mai worship: A quest for a new identity," in Indians in the Caribbean,
I.J. Bahadiir Singh (ed.), London: Oriental University Press, pp. 269-93.
Clarke, Colin G. (1986) East Indians in a West Indian Town, London, Allen and Unwin.
Comins, D.W.D. (1893) Note on Emigration Hrom India to Trinidad, Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat.
Khan, Abrahim (1977) "Kali Mai Puja in Guyana", Religion 7: 35-45.
Niehoff, Arthur & Juanita (1960) East Indians in the West Indies, Milwaukee: Milwaukee Public
Museum Publications in Anthropology No 6.
Phillips, Leslie (1960) "Kali-Mai puja", Timehri 39: 37-46.
Planalp, Jack M. (1956) Religious Life and Values in a North Indian Village, unpublished PH. D.
dissertation, Cornell University.
Singaravelou (1987) Les Indiens dela Caraibe, Paris: L'Harmattan.
van der Veer, Peter and Steven Vertovec (1991) "Brahmanism abroad: Caribbean Hinduism as an
ethnie religion". Ethnology "iO: 149-66.
Vertovec, Steven (1992) Hindu Trinidad: Religion, Ethnicity and Socio-Economie Change, London:
MacmUlan.
— (in press) "Official" and "popular" Hinduism in the Caribbean, Contributions to Indian Sociology.
187
HINDUISTIČNI KULTI BOGINJE MATERE
NA KARIBSKIH OTOKIH
188
Steven Vertovec
Sevemoindijsko podeželje je posejano s svetišči in kultnuni središči, posvečenimi
raznim manjšim boginjam materam, ki pa jih verniki dojemajo kot del ene Boginje Matere.
Te hrame, ki naj bi imeU posebne zdravilne sposobnosti, vzdržujejo in kulte ohranjajo
nebrahmanski verniki, pogosto celo pripadniki nižjih kast. Čeprav njihovi kulti močno
odstopajo od brahmaiiskega hinduizma, vendar ne preseneča, da je takih pojavov v Indiji
na pretek. Razširjeni so namreč po prostranih geografskih področjih z velikim deležem
prebivalstva iz nižjih kast. Zavedati se moramo tudi, da med hinduisti vlada takorekoč
popolna heterogenost obredov. Nebrahmanska svetišča in kulte, posvečene boginji materi,
najdemo celo med hinduisti na Karibskih otokih, 150 let po njihovi seUtvi tja. Ohranili so
se kljub družbenemu in verskemu razvoju, ki je močno načel občutek kastne pripadnosti
med priseljenci in kljub temu, da je nad vsem obrednim dogajanjem sčasoma prevladala
ena sama, brahmanska tiadicija.
Da bi zamenjah afriške sužnje, osvobojene v letih 1834-1838, so na Karibske otoke
v okviru programov za pogodbeno delo za določen čas pripeljah množice Indijcev. (Glej
Tmker 1974; Clarke, Peach in Vertovec 1990.) V letih od 1938 do 1917 je v takratiio Britai^ko
Gvajano prispelo skupaj 238.909 hrdijcev, na Trinidad 143.939 (1845-1917) in v Surinam
ali Nizozemsko Gvajano 34.304 (1873-1916). Tudi Jamajka, Grenada, Martinique, Guade-
loupe in drugi otoki so v drugi polovici devebiajstega stoletja sprejeU manjše število
indijskih priseljencev . Večina (okrog 85%) teh priseljencev so bili hinduisti. V Indijo se je
pozneje vrnila samo petina do tretjina njih, tako da so predvsem na tieh najjužnejših
otokih ostale močne indijske oz. hinduistične skupnosti.
V času od njihove selitve na Karibske otoke do danes se je hinduLzem - ki v Indiji
pozna neverjetno raznolikost regionalnih inačic verovanj, obredov, bogov in tradicij,
vezanih na to ali ono kasto - spremenil v pretežno enoten verski sistem (van der Veer in
Vertovec 1991, Vertovec 1992, v tisku). Za karibsko-hinduisticrü verski sistem je značilen
omejen, »ortodoksen« niz verovanj in obrednih postopkov, ki jih stiogo nadzorujejo centra-
lizirane brahmanske organizacije, šole in hrami. Vendar zunaj tega »uradnega« niza še
vedno opravljajo tudi drugačne hinduistične tiadicionalne obrede, predvsem zaradi vere
v njihovo učinkovitost, ki jo pripisujejo božjemu posredovanju. Trije kulti boginje matere
med hinduisti na Trinidadu, ki jih bom tu opisal, so se skozi rodove ohranjaU kot sklopi
verovanj in obredov. Čeprav veljajo za obrobne, »neortodoksne« in jih celo javno zaničujejo,
so še vedno del vsakdanjega življenja mnogih hinduistov.
Hinduistični kulti »boginje matere« na Karibskih otokih
189^
HINDUISTIČNA BOGINJA MATI
Večina hinduistov na Trinidadu ima Durgo za splošno poosebljenje boginje matere
ali za ženski vidik boga. In večina njih tudi neguje meglena verovanja o sorodstvu Dwge
z drugimi boginjami (predvsem z Lakšmi, Sarasvatim Kali). Na bolj specifična vprašanja
o teh odnosih posamezniki na koncu vendarle odgovarjajo, da so vse te boginje del ene
in iste boginje in nekateri v potrditev tega celo navajajo svete spise ali Purane. V bolj
konkretnem primeru se je moral duhovnik v lokalni hinduistični šoli na Trinidadu poslužiti
murti- podobe boginje Lakšmi, da bi opravil pudžo - obred posvečen boginji Sarasvati,
ker je nek otrok prinesel napačno podobo. Skonügnü je z rameni in nadaljeval z obre-
dom, rekoč: »Ista reč, ista reč.«
Pri molitvi in obredih se verniki vendarle obračajo na vsako boginjo posamezno.
Obstajajo tudi molitve, namenjene vsem devi (boginjam) skupaj in ponekod omenjajo
posvetitve »devetim devi» ali »šakti«. (kozmičnim energijam, ki jih povezujejo z boginjo
materjo) aU »devetim Lakšmi«. Prepričanje o mnogovrstnih marufestacijah boginj je
značilno za spremenljivi in nedoločru značaj laične ideologije v trinidadskem hinduizmu.
Čeprav redno spravno darujejo tem kolektivrum devi, jih le redki hinduisti na vasi znajo
vse imenovati (dva pundita - učenjaka - sta kot prvih devet imenovala: Bbagvati, Bhegla
mukhi, Bhumavati, Čitramasta, Bharbhi, Tara, Hunešvari, Vidža in Mahakali ter kot
slednjih devet: Gacž^, Vta, Dlian/a, AdLii, Sathana, Vidžaja,Aišvaija, Dhana in ŠriLakšmi
Narajan).
Predvsem Kali zaseda zelo dvoiunno mesto: včasih jo vidijo bolj kot sprenüjevalko
ÄVekot vidik Durge. Kalivaiva na Trinidadu nekoliko zlovešč sloves, predvsem zato,
ker je povezana s krvavim žrtvovanjem. Vse tri tradicije, ki jih bom tu opisal, povezujejo
s KalL Častilci teh kultov sicer pobožno opravljajo obrede, vendar jih imajo mnogi
Trinidadčani - tako hinduisti kot drugi - za čudne ali zlovešče prav zaradi njihove povezave
z boginjo Kali.
PARMEŠVARI
Parmešvari, ki jo povezujejo predvsem s čamarji, tj. nedotakljivimi, imajo za »sestro«
aU marufestacijo boginje Kali. Sorodstvo s Kalifa je vendar dokaj nedoločeno, kot je to
pri večini šaMali konceptov, povezanih z boginjami. Klass (1961:172-4) v celoti opisuje
Parmešvari obrede kot obrede, posvečene Kali, omenja pa vendar njihovo povezavo z
'drugimi boginjami - »sedmimi sestrami«.' Planalp (1956:166-8), ki je raziskoval v vasi v
Uttar Pradeshu, omenja mit, po katerem naj bi Parmešvari z^oaawinsko bila čamarsko
dekle, vdano /krrao'(spremljevalki Šive, t.j. sobivajoči s KaJi in boginjo materjo), ki je
bila pozneje sama proglašena za boginjo. V zelo prostranih predeUh severne Indije so jo
sčasoma istovetili s čamarji in njihovo posebno obliko čaščenja boginj.
Žrtvovanje boginji Parmešvari mora enkrat letno opraviti združenje čamarskih
družin, vsaka posamezna čamarska družina pa še posebej ob rojstvu ah poroki sina.
Kadar gre za kolektivno inačico žrtvovanja, skupina čamarskih žensk obhodi vse hiše v
vasi. Udarjajo na boben, pojejo posebno pesem in nabirajo prispevke za stroške obredov
(darovalci - ki so včasih izključno čamarji - so potem vsi deležni boginjine naklonjenosti).
Žrtvovanjski obred boginji Parmešvari lahko opravlja katerikoH moški, ki je vešč
obredov. Pri tem mu pomaga eden aH več moških, predvsem zato, da obvladajo težkega
Steven Vertovec
prašiča. Žrtvovanje je treba opraviti na meji med dvema zemljiščema, kar kaže na
neortodoksno in domnevno magično moč obreda. Darujejo pa vendar večinoma iste stvari
kot pri ortodoksnem obredu, imenovanem Durga pudža : 7e/»s/(lepljivo kašo) in sohari
(vrsto kruha), Hste rastline neem ter dhar (tekočo zmes kafre, nageljnovih žbic, trave
doob, slezovih cvetov, sindhusa, žafrana, listov neema, sladkega riža in vode). Drugi
darovi so lahko čebula, česen, kumina in sol, ki jih imajo za tamasi snovi (t.j. iz najnižje
skupine treh gun aH tmiverzalnih snovi - kar še bolj poudarja nižji status boginje
Parmešvariv primerjavi z božanstvi sanskrtskega aH brahmanskega panteona). Darove
polagajo na devet listov rastline paan, ki predstavljajo »sedeže« raznih sorodnih
manifestacij boginje.
Z namazariim kolom prašiču na hifro prebodejo srce. Zatem vsak udeleženec obreda
lahko zlije nekaj dhara po glavi mrtve živaH in postavi rum in cigarete kot darove pred
njeno glavo. Po tradiciji je to trenutek, ko naj bi boginja »obsedla« pudžari {dvihovrnka
oz. izvajalca obreda) aH se v njem javila; tako lahko boginja celo neposredno zdravi. To
danes ni več sestavni del obreda, vendar častilci še vedno pogosto darujejo in moHjo
Pari77esra77'predvsem zato, da bi biH sami aH njihovi bližnji deležni ozdravitve. Lepši,
sohari, svinjino in alkohol pozneje pojedo in popijejo kot sveto hrano na pojedini, ki se je
udeležijo vsi, ki so prispevaH, ne glede na to, aH so biH navzoči pri žrtvovanju.
Čeprav imajo mnogi hinduisti in nehinduisti tovrstno žrtvovanje boginji Parmešvari
za zlovešče in pogubno, so sami udeleženci seveda povsem drugačnega mnenja. (A vendar
je med takim Parmešvari obredom nekdo kazal na bližnje »ortodoksno« hinduistično
svetišče, katerega pripadniki so biH vsi prisotiü, in dejal, da »ne smemo mešati tega tu in
onega tam«.)
Čamarji verjamejo, da je spravno žrtvovanje boginji Parmešvariviiu\awa dolžnost,
ker jo imajo za posebno boginjo svoje skupnosti, t.j. kuldevata. Boginja je sestavni del
njihove identitete in porekla. »Tako so delali že naši predniki, « je rekel nekdo o obredih,
»in zato tudi mi tako delamo.« Vendar so udeleženci teh obredov danes večinoma srednjih
let ali starejši in se pritožujejo, da mladi ne kažejo zanimanja za ohranjanje teh
neortodoksnih običajev. Bojijo se ,da se bo žrtvovanje boginji Parmešvari^ovsem izgubilo.
KALI MAI PUDŽA
Na Karibskih otokih se je kot najbolj značilen niz hinduističmh obredov ohranil
kult Kali Mai pudža. Opravljajo jih priseljenci iz južne Hidije, imenovani madrasovci (po
pristanišču Madras, v katerem so se njihovi predniki vkrcaH na ladje za karibske otoke).
Obred uživa poseben ugled v Gvajani, kjer je cvetel vse od časa pogodbenega dela na
plantažah naprej (glej PhiUips 1960; Khan 1977; Bassier 1987; Singaravelou 1987, EI: 73-
83). Na Trinidadu so tako belci (kolonialna oblast) kot sami hinduisti selektivno preganjaH
vse madraške verske aktivnosti. Njihove ekstatične obrede z duhovno obsedenostjo in
hojo po ognju so belci imeH za najbolj skrajne oblike poganstva, hinduisti s severa pa so
postajah vse bolj ortodokstH in so na madraške krvave žrtvovanjske obrede gledaU kot
na »vulgarne« obHke verske prakse.
Tam, kjer so se madrasovci naseHH posamezno med severnimi Hidijci, so se te izrazito
južnoindijske obHke hinduizma imiakrule razvijajočemu glavnemu toku. V Surinamu ta
tradicija, posvečena boginji AainikoH ni obstajala v neki prodorni obliki, ker pač ni bilo
190
Hinduistični kulti »boginje matere« na Karibskih otokih
dovolj jiižnoindijcev; na Trinidadu se je ohranila samo v manjših izoliranih krajih, kamor
so se madrasovci bolj številno naselili. V Gvajaiü pa je Kali Maipudža postala pomemb-
na hinduistična tradicija ob glavnih, t.j. brahmaiiskih običajih ( to predvsem velja za
Demeraro, kjer živijo številni južnoindijci).
V Gvajani se je čaščenje boginje Kali vse bolj poenotilo v dvajsetih in tridesetih
letih tega stoletja pod vodstvom Kistime Naidooja. V štiridesetih in petdesetih letih so
menda že začeli izginjati, dokler niso od šestdesetih let naprej ponovno zaživeli pod
vplivom pudžah ]amesa Naidooja. Ocenjujejo, da je danes po vsej Gvajani okrog 100
cerkva {koeloos), posvečeriih Kali. V njih opravljajo številne inačice tistega jedra obredov,
ki ga je razširil James Naidoo (Bassier 1987). Ustanovljena je bila Gvajanska verska
organizacija Maha Kaü {The Guyana Maha KaliRehgious Organization) kot formalno
telo za nadzor aktivnosti znotraj tradicije.
Samo v tistih redkih krajih na Trinidadu, kamor se je naselilo večje število
madrasovcev, se družbeno-verske aktivnosti kot Kali Mai pudža ohranjajo v institucio-
nalizirarü obliki. Ob koncu šestdesetih let je opravljanje obredov postalo že zelo redko.
Na začetku sedemdesetih let pa sta dva madraška Trinidadčana (oba imata sorodnike v
Gvajani) neodvisno drug od drugega na otoku ustanovila kultna središča Kali Mai {eno
naje severu, drugo na jugu otoka). Oba slabila učenca nabolj vidnega gvajanskega pudžari
(dxihovriika), Jamesa Naidooja. Središči zdaj tekmujeta med sabo in njima ustanovitelja
nista v dobrih odnosih. Medtem pa so v osrednjem Trinidadu ustanovili še tretje središče,
ki ni povezano ne z enim ne z drugim. Vendar ni tako priljubljeno kot prvi dve, ker v
njem ni tako dramatične obsedenosti niti ne opravljajo krvavih žrtvovanj.
Vsako nedeljo se ljudje z vsega Trinidada zbirajo v obeh središčih v iskanju pomoči
za telesne aH duševne težave (od kožnih bolezni, božjasti, domnevne obsedenosti do
zakonskih sporov in depresij). Polagajo posebne darove pred številne murtijeah podobe
božanstev. Bogovi in boginje, upodobljeni v trinidadskih središčih kulta Kali Mai, so
edinstvena zmes »ortodoksiuh « (sanskrtskih in brahmanskih) božanstev, kot so Krišna,
Hanuman, Ganeša in Durga na eni strani in madraških božanstev, ki jih ne častijo nikjer
drugod na otoku, namreč KoteriMata, Sangani, Madra Viran in Munišprem. Kali Mai
(aH Badra Kali, njeno ime v posebno grozeči obliki), je v središču čaščenja. Sanjam;, Madra
Viran in Munišprem zahtevajo za jcrasac/darovanje ruma, krvi in cigaret, mati Kali (Kali
Mai) pa izključno kri. Pri žrtvovanju boginji KaH mora tisti, ki ga obsede, pogosto piti kri
neposredno s telesa aH glave obglavjenega petelina aH koze.
Zaporedje obredov vključuje vrsto žrtvovanj in petje raznim božanstvmom, vrhunec
pa doseže s hitrim zaporednim žrtvovanjem petelinov in/aH koz (pripeljejo jih udeleženci
obreda kot votivne darove v iskanju duhovne pomoči). Potem eno aH dve manjši božanstvi
(ponavadi KoteriMata in Munišprema) aH pa tudi sama mati ÄaZr'obsede enega do treh
pudžari (obeh spolov), ki doživljajo spremenjena stanja zavesti. Božanstva postopoma
prevzamejo nadzor nad njimi in obsedeni - kot mkarnacije božanstev - ponujajo
neposredno svetovanje, izganjanje hudiča, zdravljenje s polaganjem rok vsem, ki to žeHjo
in v dolgih vrstah čakajo. Mnogo nasvetov, ki jih dajejo začasno navzoča božanstva, je
povezanih s predanostjo njim, s postom in darovi, ki naj jih prosilec daruje naslednjo
nedeljo/naslednje nedelje v svetišču. Udeleženci teh obredov vedo povedati številne
zgodbe o čudežnih ozdravitvah.
Središča KaliMaiso na Trinidadu posebnost: postala so vse bolj priljubljena prav v
času, ko je unitami »uradni« hinduizem hitro in močno širil svoje aktivnosti. Morda so
191
Steven Vertovec
pomeriila izhod tistim, ki so jih bolj privlačile ekstatične, personaUstične in čudežne obUke
vere v času, ko so druge obUke hinduizma postale vse bolj metodične, kolektivne in
doktriname. Dejstvo pa je tudi, da si je Kali Mai toliko privržencev pridobil v dobi vehkih
družbenih sprememb po vsem Trinidadu. Novi odnosi, pritiski in strahovi so bih sestaviu
del modernizacije, ki se je odvila »čez noč«. S tem, da je bila hinduistom v središčih Kali
Mai na voljo tako karizmatična vera (drugim so nekaj podobnega nudile krščanske
binkoštne sekte) je mnogim pomenilo tisto neposredno odrešenje ah ozdravitev, po kateri
so hrepeneU. Posebna prednost kulta pa je bila v tem, da se je vse odvijalo v bolj aH manj
sprejemljivem hinduističnem okviru.
Večina hinduistov na podeželju ve za središča KaJiMaiah pozna nekoga, ki ga je
obiskal. Vendar bodo mnogi naredUi širok ovinek okrog teh »mračnih« krajev. Kljub temu
priznavajo učinkovitost šakti, ki naj bi bile tam navzoče. Konec koncev celo priznavajo,
da bi se v primeru neozdravljive bolezni aH nepremostljivih osebnih težav tudi sami
odpraviH na pot čez otok in iskaH pomoč v središču Kali Mal
SIPARI KE MAI
SiparikeMai, večinoma jo kHčejo kar SipariMai, pooseblja vir duhovne-zdravUne
pomoči, ki je večini hinduistov in drugim na Trinidadu veHko bolj sprejemljiva kot prej
omenjena kulta (glej Comins 1893; Niehoff 1960:153-156; Clarke 1986:110-111). V mestecu
(trgu) Siparia se v katoliški cerkvi La Lovina Pastora, ki so jo španski kapucini ustanoviH
v petdesetih letih osemnajstega stoletja, nahaja kip črne Device. Točni izvor kipa je še
vedno neznan. Španski kapucini so častiH La Divina Pastora - Devico Marijo kot »božansko
pastirico« - skupaj z drugimi črnimi devicami. Vedeti pa je treba, da La Divina Pastora v
Španiji ni istovetaa z nobeno od teh črnih devic.
Obstajajo številne legende o tem, kako so kip našH Aravaki (avtohtoni Indijanci)
aH Indijci na pogodbenem delu in o čudežnem vedenju kipa (ponoči naj bi iz malega
dekleta »zrasel« v staro žensko; prav tako naj bi ponoči odhajal iz cerkve in se sprehajal
po dežeH). V dolgi zgodovini kipa so mu pripisaH številne ozdravitve Hi zanositve
dortmevno neplodiHh žensk.
Od časa pogodbenega dela na plantažah naprej hinduisti romajo v Sipario, da bi
darovaH kipu (ki ga imajo za murtia^ podobo hinduističnega božanstva, kip pa je dejansko
presenetljivo podoben indijski žer\ski). Yui izven hinduističnega okolja so razšHiH misel,
da hinduisti istovetijo Sipari Mai z boginjo Kali. Vendar gre tu za površno znanje in
razumevanje, ki izhaja iz tega, da hinduisti kHčejo kip, tako vsaj pravijo drugi, »Sipari K.
Mai« - in ta »K.« naj bi stal za »KaH«. To pojasnilo šHijo razru uradrH pamfleti, ki jih
prodaja katoHška cerkev. V resiüci pa hinduisti pravijo, v hindujščini, »Sipari ke Mai,« aH
preprosto »Mati Sipari.« Prej drži, da je Sipari Mai sama po sebi božanska manifestacija,
ki je v meglenem sorodstvu s Kali, Durgo in Lakšmi- in tudi z vsemi drugimi boginjami
materami, kot velja za katerokoli boginjo (podobno merüjo v Indiji, da so vse boginje z
zdravikiimi sposobnostmi konec koncev razHčni vidiki ene, vendar vseeno častijo vsako
kot posebno, sveto osebnost). »Ona je vse to« pravi neka hinduistična častilka boginje
Sipari Mai glede njenega sorodstva z drugimi devi. Tako je bilo med praznovanjem Rav
natri (glej spodaj) prav ganljivo, ko je nekdo postavil majhen plastičen murti boginje
Lakšmi h kipu v cerkvi in tako v bistvu potidü skupno priznavanje boginj.
192
Hinduistični kulti »boginje matere« na Karibskih otokih
Hinduisti in drugi vse leto romajo v Sipario, da bi molili h kipu in pripenjali razno-
razne votivne darove na njeno dolgo obleko (majhne oči, ude, dojenčka iz zlata). Cerkev
v Sipariji je za mnoge hinduiste edini kraj, kamor pripeljejo otroke na prvo striženje las in
iščejo blagoslov in zaščito zanje tako, da kipu k nogam polagajo ostrižene lase (skupaj z
rižem in denarjem). Hinduisti opravljajo darovanje in molitve v cerkvi ob katoličanih in
duhovnih baptistih (članih afro-krščanke sekte, ki se je razvila na Trinidadu).
Vsako leto na veliki četrtek in petek roma kakih deset tisoč hinduistov k cerkvi in
pred njo čakajo dan in noč v vrsti. Ni povsem znano, zakaj hinduisti romajo ravno na ta
dva dneva ( katoHčani in duhovni baptisti romajo v cerkev na drugo nedeljo po Veliki
noči, na dan, ki je povezan s praznikom svetaice La Divina Pastora). Nekateri domači
učenjaki menijo, da sta büa veliki četrtek in petek pomembna verska praznika za večinoma
katoliške veleposestnike in zato tudi dva od redkih dni, ko je bilo hinduistom dovoljeno,
da so odšU s plantaž. Drugačno pojasnilo lahko najdemo v dejstvu, da je prvi Navratri
(dvakrat letno je Nav ratri devetdnevnica, posvečena boginji materi in njenim
manifestacijam) vsako leto okrog tega časa (tako Nav ratri kot Veliko noč določajo
astrološko in vsako leto sovpadata). Zato domnevajo, da so se hinduisti prav v tem času
leta posebno posvetih čaščenju boginje.
Medtem ko številni berači dobivajo miloščino in v ženske preoblečeni plesalci plešejo
z dojenčki v naročju - to je način blagoslova, ki ga poznajo izključno ta dva dneva v
Sipariji - se ljudje vrstijo mimo kipa/murti, polagajo darove in Devici Sipari Mai mazilijo
čelo, tako kot to sicer delajo hinduističnim podobam. V tem času večina ljudi pripelje
sina ali hčer na prvo obredno striženje las; dvorišče je polno brivcev in vreščečih otrok.
Boginji darujejo koder odstriženih las, tako kot v mdijskih vaseh. V bližini cerkve so
ceste polne stojnic s sladkarijami, pridelki in verskimi okraski (primernimi za vse religije
na otoku). V cerkvi in njeni okolici se drenjajo množice, pristojni katoHški duhovrük pa
se zelo trudi, da bi hinduistom olajšal opravljanje obredov.
Čeprav je romanje k Sipari Mai/La Divina Pastora še tako priljubljeno, ga imajo
ortodoksni sanatanski duhovni vodje vendarle za blodnjo. Njihovo mnenje izraža članek
v zelo razširjenem časopisu:
»Pundit Seereram Jadoonanana, duhovni vodja penalske Sanatan Vidwad
Vidyalaye, je dejal: »Čaščenje La Divine Pastore nima nič s hinduizmom.
Hinduisti, ki hodijo častit to katoKško svetrüco, to delajo iz praznoverja,
ne pa zato, ker bi bila istovetaa s katerokoli hinduistično boginjo.«
Dodal je : »Hinduisti, ki hodijo častit [sic] La Divino v siparijski
rimskokatoliški cerkvi, rüso pravi, pobožni hinduisti.« {TrinidadExpress
5. aprila 1985, str. 3)
Boj, ki ga nekateri vodijo zato, da bi ustvarjali aH ohranili to, kar imajo sami za
ortodoksne norme, še vedno traja. Ker se čaščenje Sipari Mai odvrja okrog manj pomembne
(čeprav čudodelne) marufestacije boginje - aH morda prej zaradi tega, ker se dogaja v
katoHški cerkvi in brez hinduističrdh duhovrükov - jo ortodoksni hinduisti na Trinidadu
odrivajo na obrobje. Podobno je s Kali Maj pudžo, ker jo istovetijo z »vulgarnimi«
madraškimi obredi in z darovanjem Parmešvari in nedotakljivimi čamarji. Ti kulti so
torej ljudske oblike hinduizma, vendar niso sestavni del tiste unitame verzije vere, ki jo
zagovarjajo brahmani v močno institucionaHzirani in organizh-ani obliki hinduizma na
Trinidadu. Kljub temu so osnovnega pomena za verovanja in zdravilne postopke
hinduistov po vseh Karibskih otokih, podobno kot v vaseh njihovih prednikov v Hidiji.
193
Steven Vertovec
LITERATURA
Bassier, W.M.Z. (1987) »Kali Mai worship: A quest for a new identity,* v Indians in the Caribbean,
I.J. Bahadur Singh (ur.), London: Oriental University Press, str. 269-93.
Clarke, Colin G. (1986) East Indians in a West Indian Town, London, Allen and Unwin.
Comins, D.W.D. (1893) Note on Emigration from India to Trinidad. Calcutta, Bengal Secretariat.
Khan, Abrahim (1977) »KaU Mai Puja in Guyana«, Religion 7: 35-45.
Niehoff, Arthur & Juanita (1960) East Indians in the West Indies. Milwaukee: Milwaukee Public
Museum Publications in Anthropology No 6.
Phillips, LesUe (1960) KaU-Mai puja«, Timehri39: 37-46.
Planalp, Jack M. (1956) Religious Life and Values in a North Indian Village, neobjavljena doktorska
dizertacija, Cornell University.
Singaravelou (1987) Les Indiens de la Caraibe, Paris: L'Harmattan.
van der Veer, Peter and Steven Vertovec (1991) »Brahmanism abroad: Caribbean Hinduism as an
ethnic religion». Ethnology "iQ: 149-66.
Vertovec, Steven (1992) Hindu Trinidad: Religion, Ethnidty andSodo-EconomicChange,London:
MacmUlan.
— (v tisku) »Official« and »populär« Hinduism in the Caribbean, Contributions to Indian Sociology.
Iz angleščine prevedel
Franc Snrrke
BESEDA O AVTORJU
Steven Vertovec. dr., antropolog, je
raziskovalec na Univerzi v Oxfordu. Je avtor
dela Hindu Trinidad (1992, MacmUlan) in
urednik South Asians Overseas (1990) in
Aspects of the South Asian Diaspora (1991,
Oxford University Press).
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Dr. Steven Vertovec is an anthropologist
who is currently Research Fellow at Oxford
University. He is author of Hindu Trinidad
(1992, Macmillan) and editor of South Asians
Overseas (1990, Cambridge University Press)
and Aspects of the South Asian Diaspora (1991,
Oxford Urüversity Press).
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