Crushing the 
Imperial(ist) Eagles: 
Nationalism, 
Ideological Instruction, 
and Adventure in the 
Bulgarian Comics 
about Spartacus –  
the 1980s and Beyond
Miryana Dimitrova*
With his muscular body and determination to fight the Roman 
imperial oppressor, Spartacus became the standard bearer of the 
ideology of class struggle rooted in the nineteenth-century socio-
-political currents in Europe and the US and flourishing in Marxist 
communist thought. Impressed by Appian’s depiction of Spartacus, 
Karl Marx famously praised him as a noble, great general, a true 
hero of the ancient proletariat.1 The Spartacus League, formed and 
led by Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxembourg during World War I, 
fought against the involvement of Germany in the conflict and saw 
revolution as the only way to destroy the capitalist class and empower 
the proletariat. It was precisely the Spartacus League, which after the 
war renamed itself the Communist Party of Germany, that brought 
to post-revolution Soviet Russia the idea of Spartacus as the epitome 
of class struggle. The gladiator was “elected” as a leading ideological 
personality to be praised and employed as a role model for the masses.
As in many other European countries, in Bulgaria too, the figure 
of Spartacus was appropriated and reimagined to reflect and em-
body early twentieth-century socio-political struggles. Communist 
1 Marx and Engels, Collected Works, 265.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.4312/clotho.4.2.101-124
* King’s College London alumna, miryana.dimitrova@gmail.com.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   101 21. 02. 2023   11:16:02
MIRYANA DIMITROVA102
movements were suppressed in the kingdom of Bulgaria until the 
end of World War II, and all manifestations of Marxist ideas in 
culture and art were curbed, including Raffaello Giovagnioli’s book 
Spartacus. Published in 1874 and praised by Garibaldi himself, it 
enjoyed great popularity at the time but was officially condemned 
as subversive reading.2 Nevertheless, the freedom fighter acquired 
prominence in Bulgarian society in the 1920s and 1930s, inspiring 
many artists and intellectuals whose minds and hearts were open 
to communist ideals. Two examples that stand out are the poems 
“Severniat Spartak” [The Northern Spartacus] and “Gladiator” writ-
ten by the celebrated Bulgarian poet Hristo Smirnenski in 1921 and 
1922, respectively. In “Severniat Spartak,” a profound and emotional 
call to arms, expressed in the first person singular, the author likens 
himself to Spartacus, whose righteous revolt against the injustices 
inflicted by the ruling classes on the poor cannot be stopped by the 
Roman legions:
In vain, the legions raise their banners!
In vain, you seek to bar my way!
I throw against your gold cuirasses
My million-strong iron masses,
With burning breast, I join the fray.3
September 1944 saw a sea change – as the Red army made an unopposed 
entry into the country, it overturned the monarchy, paved the way for 
the foundation of the People’s Republic, and brought a new cultural 
and ideological reality in its wake. Bulgaria became one of the most 
devoted Soviet satellites and sustained its close relationship with the 
big Russian brother for decades. Soviet-flavored Spartacus flourished 
in all spheres of public life.
Among the best-known appropriations of the name and the ideal 
it came to represent were the mass sports competitions, the so-called 
republican Spartakiads. Based on the Soviet original, which rose 
as the alternative to the Olympics, condemned as a manifestation 
of the exploiting capitalist forces, these games became an essential 
2 The book is a perennial classic – the first edition currently available at the 
National Library in Sofia was published in 1896; the most recent one is from 
2004.
3 Hristo Smirnenski, Selected Poetry and Prose, translated from Bulgarian by 
Peter Tempest, 59. The poem “Gladiator” can be found in the same volume, 
55–56.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   102 21. 02. 2023   11:16:02
CRUSHING THE IMPERIAL(IST) EAGLES 103
part of Bulgaria’s sports scene for decades.4 The fact that the official 
newspaper of the Bulgarian army reported that a naval Spartakiad 
for cadets took place as recently as August 2021 points to the stability 
of tradition.5 The particularly felicitous amalgam of Spartacus’ good 
physique and gladiatorial and military prowess, on the one hand, and 
his idealistic and humane character, on the other, created an image 
of perfection resonating well with the idea of athletic achievement: 
football clubs (following the Soviet model), gyms, a public swimming 
pool in Sofia, and a security company still proudly bear the name 
Spartak.6 As an echo from the communist days, Spartacus remains 
ingrained in Bulgarian culture.
In his insightful article on the Soviet reception of Spartacus, Oleksii 
Rudenko suggests that the Soviet influence on the countries in the 
Eastern bloc was uniform: “given the same influences of the USSR on 
the Central and Eastern European region, the image of Spartacus had 
become artificially imposed on them. Therefore, the true reception 
in the context of these countries is hardly worth considering: it was 
a constructed image that has quickly disseminated in historiography 
and cultural life.”7 However, taking issue with the suggested uniformity 
of appropriation, I argue for the uniqueness of the Bulgarian adop-
tion of Spartacus based on his undisputed place of origin – ancient 
Thrace – a territory occupied mainly by modern-day Bulgaria and 
thus determining a complex relationship between past and present 
that reaches far beyond Soviet influence.
Bulgarian historical fiction writers reveled in the suggestion made by 
Konrad Ziegler in 1955 that due to the corruption of the text, Plutarch’s 
description of Spartacus as belonging to a nomadic tribe (“nomadikou”) 
should be read as belonging to the Maedi tribe (“maidikou”), known to 
have occupied the lands along the river Strimon (nowadays Struma in 
southwestern Bulgaria).8 This intrinsic geographic connection, accepted 
4 On the historical and ideological foundations of the Spartakiads, see Gounot, 
“Between revolutionary demands and diplomatic necessity,” 197–8; on Bulga-
rian Spartakiads, see Girginov, “Bulgarian sport policy 1945–1989,” 515–538; also 
Information Bulgaria, 572; 589; for examples from across the Eastern Bloc, see 
Strożek, Picturing the Workers’ Olympics and the Spartakiads.
5 “Spartakiada po morski sportive,” available online.
6 Also noteworthy is the name of a notorious gay club – Spartakus – that existed 
in Sofia in the early 2000s.
7 Rudenko, “The Making of a Soviet Hero,” 355–6.
8 Ziegler, “Die Herkunft des Spartacus,” 248–50; for an overview of Ziegler’s 
hypothesis, see Fields, Spartacus and the Slave War 73–72 BC, 28. Ziegler’s theory 
is not accepted unanimously – for example, Keith Bradley prefers the reading 
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   103 21. 02. 2023   11:16:02
MIRYANA DIMITROVA104
by Bulgarian thracologists in the second half of the twentieth century, 
legitimized an elevation of Spartacus into a national icon, an image 
not necessarily replacing that of the Comintern hero but nevertheless 
infusing it with a sense of superiority and pride.
This paper considers a specific strand of the myriad Bulgarian 
literary depictions of Spartacus (there are at least a dozen historical 
novels dating from the 1970s to the present day, many specifically 
focused on the hero’s life in Thrace),9 namely the comic series “Spar-
tak” published in the Daga magazine (1979–1983).10 The plotline and 
characterization of the comics illustrate an appropriation to specific 
cultural ends – to establish the eponymous hero as a role model for 
young Bulgarian readers and a national hero both by embodying the 
proletarian anti-imperialist struggle but also by creating visual and tex-
tu al links between his place of birth in ancient Thrace and modern-day 
Bulgaria. My analysis sets the story within the context of a significant 
cultural event in the country, the celebration of the thirteen centuries 
anniversary of the founding of the Bulgarian state in 1981, and sees it 
as a critical element of national propaganda, skilfully combining the 
didactic and the visually spectacular to reach out to young audiences. 
In the second part of the paper, I compare the narrative in Daga with 
two contemporary Bulgarian comic versions of the story of Spartacus, 
published in 2017 and 2020 (the latter is a new graphic novel based on 
Daga’s story). Examining the main points of similarity (Spartacus as a 
nationalist icon) and difference (Spartacus’ portrayal as an aristocrat 
rather than a proletarian hero), I sketch the current creative tendencies 
of interpreting the subject but also underscore the enduring potential 
of the personality of Spartacus to serve as a well-crafted vessel of ideo-
logical instruction and entertainment.
DAGA AND “SPARTAK”
Daga (the Bulgarian word for rainbow) was launched in 1979 and 
was regularly published until 1992. Its remarkably westernized aes-
thetic greatly impacted an entire generation and still sends ripples of 
“nomadic” when quoting the passage by Plutarch; see Bradley, Slavery and Rebel-
lion in the Roman World, 92.
9 For example, Stajnov and Jankova, Legenda za mladia Spartak.
10 All issues of Daga are available online, “Spartak” can be found in issues 2–11. 
References in this paper follow the original page numbers, corresponding to the 
page numbers of the uploaded scanned magazines. See the bibliography for more 
details.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   104 21. 02. 2023   11:16:02
CRUSHING THE IMPERIAL(IST) EAGLES 105
nostalgia among those who read it as teenagers.11 Even though comic 
strips and cartoons in magazines and newspapers had been much 
loved in Bulgaria for decades, Daga took the Bulgarian comic book 
to a new level of variety and visual sophistication.12 Moreover, it was 
among the first officially endorsed full-scale comic publications after 
decades of rejection of the “Western” genre as incompatible with the 
progressive artistic values of communist society.13 According to Anton 
Staykov, the initial intention of the publishers to find a new propaganda 
instrument, unexpectedly, even to them, led to the generation of huge 
profit; so, after the first few issues, they simply closed their eyes to what 
the creative teams in Daga were doing. This resulted in a more liberal 
stylistic and linguistic expression, the broadening of the genre range, 
and, finally, almost total freedom of scriptwriters and artists, as well 
as a great joy to the readers. 14
Published by the state-owned publishing house Septemvri, the 
magazine boasted impressive circulation. It occupied the shelves of 
the newspaper kiosks and bookshops next to the hit comic magazine 
Pif Gadget (one of the few Western magazines to reach Bulgaria, 
mainly thanks to its ties with the French Communist Party) and 
several children’s magazines imported from the USSR. The sixty-four 
action-packed pages offered the young reader a remarkable selection 
of stories ranging from adaptations of Bulgarian and world classics 
(e.g., Robert Luis Stevenson’s Treasure Island, J. R. R. Tolkien’s Hobbit) 
to specially commissioned sci-fi stories, historical fiction (e.g., series 
about the great geographical discoveries), adaptations of folk and 
fairy tales complete with puzzles, crosswords, origami tutorials and 
letters from devout readers addressed to the editors. Special atten-
tion was paid to Bulgarian history – stories about medieval khans, 
czars, and nobles featured prominently and often included additional 
educational sections on the pages following the given episode – for 
example, illustrations of the elements constituting the typical dress 
11 Its popularity can be attested by a recent documentary featuring interviews with 
writers and artists who have worked for the magazine, and the two collector’s 
edition books (2012 and 2016), featuring specially commissioned stories by the 
authors of Daga.
12 For an excellent introduction to comics in Bulgaria, see Staykov, Kratka Istoria 
na Bulgarskia komiks, 8–17; “Bulgarian comics in the second decade of the new 
century”; and Stefanov, “‘The infantile genre,’” 41–52.
13 Stefanov, “‘The infantile genre,’” 42–3.
14 Staykov, “Daga – detsko-yunosheskiat komiks kult.” Note that unless otherwise 
stated, all translations from Bulgarian and Russian into English are by the 
author. 
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   105 21. 02. 2023   11:16:02
MIRYANA DIMITROVA106
and weaponry in different periods of Bulgarian history.15 This comic 
cornucopia was well-measured in terms of form and content to attract 
different age groups.
“Spartak” was published as a ten-episode series in issues 2–11 of 
Daga (1980–1983). The series was written by Lyubomir Manolov and 
illustrated by Georgi Shumenov, except for the first episode, illustrated 
by Vladimir Konovalov. The introduction of a new illustrator changed 
the visual style of the comic as the finer, more elegant drawings of 
Konovalov were replaced by the more realistic and chiseled bodies of 
Shumenov, allegedly because Shumenov was more skilled in drawing 
horses.16 The first thing that attracts attention when looking at the series 
against the rest of the magazine contents is that “Spartak” is distin-
guished by its monochrome style, while all other stories are drawn in 
full color. As noted by Teodor Manolov, the son of the writer Lyubomir 
Manolov and himself the author of a new comic version of the same 
story to be discussed below, Konovalov was not given enough time to 
color the panels before the publication of the first episode.17 Instead 
of becoming a disadvantage, the black and white layout became a 
trademark as this seemingly more mature look could be seen to match 
the gravity of the subject matter.
The key to understanding the significance of the comic is the 
political and cultural context of the late 1970s. Daga began its life 
in 1979 during a time of significant cultural activity related to the 
celebrations dedicated to the thirteenth centenary of the founding 
of the Bulgarian state in 1981 (counted from the arrival of the proto -
-Bulgarians on the Balkan Peninsula in AD 681). A major cultural 
nationalist project presented the Bulgarian nation as an amalgam 
(very peacefully formed) of three ethnic components – Thracians, 
Slavs, and proto-Bulgarians. As early as 1976, a decree issued by the 
central committee of the Communist Party initiated and funded a 
remarkable array of wide-scale academic, cultural, and media projects 
to celebrate the modern Bulgarian nation.18 Various historical studies 
were commissioned to popularize and commemorate the anniversary 
15 In fact, an earlier 1970s illustrated book series entitled Bulgaria Drevna I Mlada 
[Bulgaria ancient and young] is described by Petar Stefanov as “historical stories 
in pictures” and seen by him as a precursor of the history-themed comics to 
flourish later in Daga; Stefanov, “‘The infantile genre,’” 43.
16 Staykov, Kratka istoria na bulgarskia komiks, 93.
17 Manolov, Spartak, 7.
18 The special committee was headed by no other than Lyudmila Zhivkova, the 
daughter of the dictator Todor Zhivkov. For an analysis of the political dimen-
sions of the celebrations, the use of historicity and the glorification of the past to 
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   106 21. 02. 2023   11:16:02
CRUSHING THE IMPERIAL(IST) EAGLES 107
and demonstrate the critical position of the Bulgarian state on the 
map of Europe despite the Iron Curtain and, importantly, to exemplify 
an ancient nation confidently marching toward the bright future of 
communism. The writer of “Spartak,” Lyubomir Manolov, had even 
worked on a script for a feature film about the gladiator. However, 
his project was sidelined, and priority was given to motion pictures 
dedicated to the proto-Bulgarian arrival in the Balkans and their 
importance in forming the Bulgarian nation.19 Manolov redirected 
his creative energy toward the comic genre, and his project found 
a place in Daga. Since its first issues were strictly programmed to 
include ideologically grounded material before the magazine gained 
relative creative liberty in the late 1980s, Spartacus emerged as a 
crucial nationalist symbol of the same rank as iconic personalities 
whose exploits were celebrated in the pilot issue of Daga. These were 
Czar Simeon (and his victory against the Byzantines at Aheloi in AD 
917) and Vasil Levski, the freedom fighter against Ottoman rule in 
the late nineteenth century.
SPARTACUS THE THRACIAN,  
SPARTACUS THE BULGARIAN
The Thracian provenance is crucial for the depiction of Spartacus. 
Four out of ten episodes of “Spartak” take place in ancient Thrace, 
with the narrative centering on the formative years of the hero and 
the nurturing of his physical prowess and inherent opposition to 
social injustices. The writer of the comic takes the liberty to create 
an original and detailed picture of Spartacus’ early life and to situate 
it within the divided and profoundly corrupt society of the Maedi 
tribe. The story opens with young Spartacus, portrayed as the son 
of the hunter Zoltes, carrying wood. Rhodopis, the daughter of lord 
Remetalk, intrigued by the handsome boy (around the same age as 
the reader of Daga), inquires whether he is a slave. Spartacus proudly 
responds that the blacksmith to whom he is an apprentice is a slave; 
he is an orphan.20
validate the communist doctrine, see Elenkov, “Humanno-klasoviat vtori Zlaten 
vek,” 33–62; Kovachev, “1981.”
19 Manolov, Spartak, 7. The epic film Khan Asparuh, glorifying the proto-Bul-
garian people as founders of the Bulgarian state and allegedly featuring 60.000 
extras, was released in 1981.
20 Manolov and Konovalov, “Spartak,” 3.4. References to all comic books include 
page and panel numbers.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   107 21. 02. 2023   11:16:02
MIRYANA DIMITROVA108
Plutarch’s claim that Spartacus’ wife lived with him in Capua 
and they escaped together (Crass. 8.3) inspired fully-fledged modern 
fictional depictions of the gladiator’s female companions, most nota-
bly by Howard Fast and Raffaello Giovagnoli. Both were popular in 
Bulgaria at the time. Giovagnoli’s novel had been rehabilitated by the 
communist authorities. Fast’s Spartacus, written by a pro-communist 
and blacklisted American author, was endorsed and published in Bul-
garian translation as early as 1954, just three years after its publication 
in the US.21 In light of these popular literary sources, the limited female 
presence in the comic is striking. However, although the young Thracian 
lady Rhodopis makes a much shorter appearance than her non-comic 
counterparts, her role deserves attention as she is designed to provide 
contrasting (more pragmatic) views to Spartacus’ working-class hero’s 
maturing mindset.
The boy is punished for daring to converse with Rhodopis and is 
warned by the blacksmith (his mentor who trains him to fight and 
shoot) that she belongs to the ruling class, the lords. Nevertheless, 
Spartacus, driven by his emotion but also by his still immature un-
derstanding of the world, insists that she is a good person. He also 
asks himself: “Why does her father have the right to beat people?” 
Moreover: “Why does slavery exist?”22 This demonstrates his acute 
sensitivity to social inequality from an early age.
Later in the same episode, Spartacus shows disobedience while 
serving at the lords’ banquet and is banished. He takes to the moun-
tains, where, as the caption on the final panel reads, “people are free.”23 
21 In Fast’s Spartacus, the Thracian meets the German slave girl Varinia at the 
gladiatorial school; the romantic story is made even more central in Kubrick’s 
film as their offspring becomes a symbol of the vitality of Spartacus’ cause over-
coming death. In Giovagnoli’s novel, the strong female presence falls into three 
stereotypes: the filial devotion of Spartacus’ sister, Mirza; the scheming and 
vindictive courtesan who joins Spartacus’ ranks to betray him because he rejects 
her love; the virtuous and passionate Valeria Mesala – trapped in a loveless 
marriage to Sulla – who becomes the mother of Spartacus’ daughter. In Hristo 
Danov’s and Maria Daskalova’s novel, Spartacus’ wife, Fia, after leaving their 
son in Thrace, joins him to fight for their people, is enslaved with Spartacus, and 
stays with him until her death, shortly before the final battle. The other leading 
female character is Sempronia, who is in love with Spartacus but realizes that 
even after his wife’s death, he would never betray his cause and escape with her. 
She begins to hate the regime that destroys Spartacus and the reader learns that 
it is that hatred that would lead her to join Catiline’s conspiracy.
22 Manolov and Konovalov, “Spartak,” 5.2. 
23 Ibid., 8.4.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   108 21. 02. 2023   11:16:02
CRUSHING THE IMPERIAL(IST) EAGLES 109
This is a crucial allusion many Bulgarians would have recognized. 
The communist partisans during World War II were persecuted by 
the monarchy, then allied with Nazi Germany, and took refuge in the 
mountains, conducting guerrilla raids from there.
The idea of class struggle within the Thracian society is made pro-
minent by the portrayal of the ruling Thracian aristocracy as cruelly 
indulging in the mistreatment of the poor peasants and imposing 
restrictions on individual freedom. After eight years of banishment, 
Spartacus happens to save Rhodopis’ life in a dramatic episode in which 
he confronts and slays a bison; this valiant act wins him the favor of 
her father and the nobles. However, soon after that, in episode four, 
Spartacus learns that the fate of Rhodopis is to become a priestess 
of Bendis. Although the girl is unwilling to dedicate her life to the 
Thracian goddess, she must obey the rule. This feels like a pivotal 
moment in the story and has several implications. In a communist 
society, women work shoulder-to-shoulder with men. However, 
ancient Thrace is exposed as a community where women’s rights are 
suppressed, and discrimination transcends class segregation. The fact 
that the girl belongs to the aristocracy does not grant her the luxury 
of choice. Furthermore, the fact that it is the cult of Bendis she must 
serve stands out as an implicit condemnation of religion as interfering 
with personal development and freedom. However, the inescapable 
duty is not the only reason for her failed romance with Spartacus – the 
story indicates that Spartacus and Rhodopis belong to two conflicting 
worlds. Their worldviews clash during a romantic hunting scene, apt-
 ly chosen as Bendis was known as a goddess of the hunt. He claims 
that the world is not set right and is not fair. She responds that this 
is how the world works, and nothing can be done about it. Spartacus 
exclaims: “This is what torments me.”24 Soon, Rhodopis disappears 
from the story, confirming the rigidity of social roles in her world 
and Spartacus’ firm resolve to fight against injustices.
In the following episodes, Spartacus participates in various mis-
sions, including the Mithridatic war – he fights among the ranks of 
the Thracian horsemen opposing Sulla at Chaeronea. Although the 
Pontians are defeated and the Thracians are forced to retreat, he fights 
valiantly and spares the life of the centurion Flaccus, who acknowledges 
Spartacus’ noble nature, even if barbarian. This fictitious inclusion is 
among the many that create the trope of Spartacus’ compassionate 
nature and readiness to help. We see him saving a Thracian shepherd 
boy, saving Rhodopis from the bison (the episode noted above), and 
24 Manolov and Shumenov, “Spartak,” #4, 4.5–6; 5.1.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   109 21. 02. 2023   11:16:02
MIRYANA DIMITROVA110
refusing to kill his opponent later in the arena or during the various 
battles against the Romans after the outbreak of the rebellion. This 
combination of strength, resilience, and ruthlessness toward the 
oppressor, yet benevolence and rejection of pointless violence, con-
tribute to Spartacus’ appeal.
Back in Thrace, Spartacus again runs into trouble while defending 
a group of innocent peasants from the Thracian lord Amadok’s cru-
elty. He is accused of insurrection, sent to prison, and sentenced to 
death; however, as the Thracians begin to befriend the Romans, as 
their natural allies in corruption, the king orders Spartacus to fight 
Amadok in the arena to entertain the Roman envoy. The young man 
wins but, in line with his ethos, spares Amadok’s life; the Roman 
visitor is impressed and asks for Spartacus to be given to him to be 
trained as a gladiator, a request the king is more than happy to grant.
It is worth mentioning that Manolov’s depiction of the events 
leading up to Spartacus becoming a gladiator ignores the hypo-
thesis of the involvement of Spartacus as a mercenary serving in the 
Roman ranks – an event likely related to his arrival at the school of 
Lentulus Batiatus. Ancient sources, notably Appian, Plutarch, and 
Florus, acknowledge that Spartacus came from the Thracian lands 
but offer relatively brief and inconclusive accounts of how he ended 
up at the gladiatorial school in Capua. Appian describes him as a 
Thracian who served with the Romans and became a prisoner and, 
subsequently, a gladiator (B. Civ. 1.116). According to Florus’ impli-
citly hostile depiction, he was a Thracian mercenary who first served 
as a soldier in the (Roman) army, then deserted, and finally became 
a gladiator (Flor. 2.8).25
Bulgarian historians, both during the communist era and in con-
temporary studies, base their accounts of Spartacus’ life on ancient 
sources. For example, in a historical survey published in 1964, Stoil 
Stoilov states that Spartacus’ brilliance as a soldier won him a place 
in Sulla’s army after the Thracians fighting on the side of Mithridates 
were captured; later, he joined Lucullus’ legions and deserted when 
forced to fight against his Thracian people. He was captured and sent 
to the gladiatorial school.26 Such an interpretation of the events does 
not contradict the state-controlled image. However, the comic story 
offers a particular and propagandistic take on this murky period of 
25 For modern discussions of the conjecture of Spartacus’ service in the Roman 
army, see Schiavone, Spartacus, translated by Jeremy Carden, 20–25; Fields, 
Spartacus and the Slave War, 27–30.
26 Stoilov, Spartak, 55–59.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   110 21. 02. 2023   11:16:02
CRUSHING THE IMPERIAL(IST) EAGLES 111
Spartacus’ life – instead of being a prisoner of war, Spartacus, betrayed 
by his tribe, becomes a victim of the oppressive regime of the corrupted 
Thracian lords. This could hark back to the denigrated image of the 
Bulgarian monarchy before the communist coup in 1944 and the 
subsequent conflict between the publicly condemned remnants of the 
degraded bourgeoisie and the virtuous workers and freedom fighters.
Episodes 6–10 depict the better-documented part of Spartacus’ life 
and follow a less idiosyncratic and more mainstream interpretation 
of events. Spartacus becomes a star of the arena of Lentulus Batiatus. 
Unable to endure the prospect of yet another massacre to please the 
Roman perverse addiction to violent spectacles, he decides that the 
time for rebellion is ripe. Even though it is the spur of the moment, 
Spartacus, with the clear vision of a leader, captures the armories and, 
in the later scenes, demonstrates his talent in training and commanding 
the slave army (no doubt innate and not acquired during his service in 
the Roman army). He escapes the blockade at Vesuvius with the help 
of rope ladders made of vines. Manolov’s Spartacus expresses his firm 
conviction that it is his destiny to succeed: “We, the free people, will 
pass.”27 Throughout the various battle scenes, the gladiator remains 
true to his character and lets several captured Romans go free.
Another milestone event that defines Spartacus as a proletarian 
hero is precipitated by strife within his ranks. Spartacus urges his 
men to head north and live free out of reach of the Roman power, 
while his comrade Crixus and others want to march against Rome 
and plunder it – thus enriching themselves and exacting revenge. 
Spartacus agrees against his better judgment.28 Here, the main 
themes – Spartacus’ democratic and compassionate nature and his 
innate qualities as a leader – are underscored and interpreted in the 
light of the ideal figure of class struggle and proletarian virtues. In 
the introduction to the 1983 Bulgarian edition of Giovagnoli’s novel, 
the historian Hristo Danov summarizes what the communist regime 
hailed as characteristic of historical Spartacus, namely his “complete 
disinterest in private property and material riches altogether.”29 Thus, 
when his comrades insist on attacking Rome, Spartacus consents 
27 Manolov and Shumenov, “Spartak,” #9, 6.4.
28 Georgi Markov suggests that the popular perception that Spartacus initially 
opposed the idea to march against Rome but agreed to do it in spite of himself 
might have been influenced by Plutarch’s more sympathetic depiction of the 
gladiator. However, Markov contends, Florus’ view that it was Spartacus’ plan 
to lead his men to Rome, could be equally plausible; Markov, Buntat na Spar-
tak, 133.
29 Giovangnoli, Spartak, translated by Petar Dragoev, 463.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   111 21. 02. 2023   11:16:02
MIRYANA DIMITROVA112
because of his democratic nature – and not because of being tempted 
by the prospect of rich plunder or revenge. The internal strife between 
Spartacus and Crixus highlights the qualities Danov finds in this hero 
of the “ancient proletariat.” Unlike other revolt leaders who “consciously 
fell back on the forms, insignia, and titles typical of the ancient east-
ern and Hellenistic monarchies, Spartacus created and applied […] a 
definitely democratic leadership, clad in the republican form.”30
Following a fierce battle in which Spartacus and his men crush 
the Roman eagles and send Lentulus into flight, the Gauls remain 
resolved to march against Rome. All his attempts to stop them are in 
vain. However, the armies of Crassus and Lucullus block the way to 
Rome while Pompey advances from Spain. Betrayed by the Sicilian 
pirates, Spartacus faces the fateful battle against Crassus’ legions. 
Although he seeks Crassus to fight him in a duel, he is slain before 
he can face the Roman general. Stoil Stoilov aptly describes a meta-
phorical confrontation of Crassus and Spartacus as a conflict of two 
human types, or reality versus dream. “No other social order apart 
from slavery-based society could exist at this stage of the historical 
development of humanity.”31 In an implicit critique of a world in need 
of reform, he concludes that “people like Spartacus are born once in 
a thousand years, while every century has its Crassus.”32
Without dwelling on Spartacus’ psychological state, the comic, 
following the general trend of the period, conveys a sense of ideolo-
gical isolation of the protagonist and his beliefs. Although gathering 
thousands of followers, he struggles to withstand the greed, sava-
gery, and desire for revenge that surrounds him both in Rome and 
within his ranks. Nevertheless, his death is not in vain – it sparks 
what would become the blaze of war against slavery and would blend 
with the proletarian class struggle for a new social order. The sense 
that Spartacus transcends his late-republican world to reach out to 
posterity and instruct modern generations in virtue is powerful and 
visually striking in Daga. It reflects the official appropriation of the 
gladiator as a symbol of proletarian struggle, but also establishes 
explicit connections with contemporary Bulgaria both at the story’s 
beginning and end. The page following the end of the first episode 
transports the reader to contemporary Bulgaria and shows a photo 
30 Giovangnoli, Spartak, translated by Petar Dragoev, 463.
31 Stoilov, Spartak, 77. The trope of the meeting between Crassus and Spartacus in 
a failed attempt to negotiate is widely used (e.g., Giovagnoli, Danov, and Daska-
lova) and has its basis in Appian’s account (B. Civ. 1.14).
32 Ibid.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   112 21. 02. 2023   11:16:02
CRUSHING THE IMPERIAL(IST) EAGLES 113
of Spartacus’ statue in the city of Sandanski, its chiseled monumental 
features reflected in the heroic look of the Daga protagonist.33 The story 
comes full circle with the final image in episode ten. Reassuring the 
reader that the hero’s achievement would be remembered for the years 
to come, the final caption, wrapped around an image of the head of 
Spartacus towering over the mountains, reads:
Thus, in the spring of 71 BC, died Spartacus – the leader of the greatest 
slave rebellion in antiquity. The rebellion failed but shook the very 
foundations of the vast empire spreading its dominion over three 
continents. The leader of the first slave revolt in the history of the 
Roman Empire was Thracian. Today, in the city of Sandanski, the 
statue of Spartacus stands as an expression of our gratitude for the 
immortal achievement of the hero born in these lands, according 
to historians.34
So, back in the late 1970s and early 1980s, Daga offered a remarkably 
colorful mix of Western pop culture visual style and communist, as well 
as nationalist propaganda. Henry Jenkins recalls the notion of reading 
comics (in the West) as the opposite of reading serious, meaningful, 
as it were, literature: “we read in secret – under the covers by flash-
light, hidden in a textbook in class – with the knowledge that there 
was something vaguely oppositional about our practices.”35 Daga was 
different – if your teacher caught you reading these seemingly light, 
superficial stories in pictures, you could point out that it was the story 
of Bulgarian heroes that you were reading.36
Before discussing two contemporary Bulgarian renditions of 
Spartacus’ exploits to underscore the complexity of Daga’s story, I 
will briefly consider a Soviet comic that exemplifies a distinct ideo-
logical take on the subject matter that remains completely alien to 
Bulgarian writers of the period. “Spartak” appeared around the 
same time as the series in Daga, in the April 1980 issue of the chil-
dren’s magazine Vesyolie Kartinki (still in print, unlike Daga, which 
did not survive the post-communism economic crisis in the 1990s). 
33 Manolov and Konovalov, “Spartak,” 9. The statue, erected in 1978, is the work of 
the sculptor Velichko Minekov, author of numerous state-commissioned mo nu-
ments glorifying the Bulgarian past.
34 Manolov and Shumenov,“Spartak,” #11, 9.10.
35 Jenkins, “Introduction,” 1.
36 In fact, scholars recognize that comics, by mixing images and text, can facilitate 
understanding and memorizing of given study material and can thus be used as 
an effective learning tool. Cf. Duncan and Smith, Power of Comics, 278.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   113 21. 02. 2023   11:16:02
MIRYANA DIMITROVA114
The entire issue is dedicated to celebrating Lenin’s birthday and is 
replete with snippets of information about his childhood; on page 
two, there is a poem dedicated to Lenin. The story lends itself well 
to the glorification of the communist luminary. Based on Raffaello 
Giovagnoli’s Spartacus, whose popularity in Bulgaria has already 
been mentioned, the entire story, beginning with a quote by Lenin 
stating that “Spartacus was among the most prominent heroes of one 
of the biggest slave revolts around two thousand years ago,”37 fills only 
three pages. The warrior is taken captive by the Romans and then 
made a gladiator. He cannot endure the humiliation and decides 
to rebel. The highlight of the story is the Vesuvius sequence – after 
descending the mountain slope by makeshift ladders made of vines, 
Spartacus and his men surprise and defeat the Romans, bringing the 
story to an end with a caption reading that “the news of Spartacus’ 
victory roused thousands of slaves to a battle for freedom.”38 Even 
though, admittedly, the format of the magazine entails shorter stories 
oriented toward younger children, it is somewhat surprising how 
schematic and superficial the story appears even when abridged. 
The ending is indicative not only of the children-sensitive editing 
of the contents but also of the selective propagandistic approach; by 
omitting Spartacus’ death, the story negates it, and the hero takes 
one step further toward immortality.
Daga’s comic is not only aimed at older teenage readers. It offers 
more realistic (and therefore credible) character development. In 
addition to the general outline of the events during the slave war, it 
features details drawn from ancient historiography that contribute 
to a more nuanced depiction.39 Moreover, unlike the “Spartak” 
in Vesyolie Kartinki, unabashedly striving to provide historical 
justification for Lenin’s wisdom and guidance – the story seems 
to have been included because of Lenin’s personal admiration for 
Spartacus – “Spartak” in Daga flaunts a very Bulgarian, idiosyncratic 
and nationalist agenda.
37 “Spartak,” 14.1. The author of the text is unknown, but the first panel announces 
that the story is based on Giovagnoli’s novel. The story is illustrated by E. Goro-
hovskii.
38 Ibid., 16.1.
39 For example, Spartacus killing his horse in anticipation of the final battle, to 
demonstrate that there is no way back, can be traced directly to Plutarch, Crass. 
11.6. An exciting explanation is offered by Dimitar Popov, who claims that horse 
sacrifice was common in Thracian ritualistic practice; Popov, Spartak Trakietsat, 
144–5.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   114 21. 02. 2023   11:16:03
CRUSHING THE IMPERIAL(IST) EAGLES 115
POST-COMMUNIST SPARTACUS
His enduring fame attests to the fact that Spartacus was – and re-
mains – a perfect nationalistic role model. His afterlife in democratic 
Bulgaria is rich and replete with his reincarnations in historical fiction 
and comics, bearing the stamp of nationalistic, conservative features 
which replaced the outdated proletarian struggle. The remainder of 
this paper looks at examples of contemporary comics to map out the 
transmutations of the hero to suit the post-communist (and anti-
-communist) ideological agenda and to nurture and empower a new 
generation of Bulgarian teenagers. By tracing the characteristics of 
this departure from the proletarian image, the comparison aims to 
help single out the typical propagandistic traits of the original Daga 
series and elucidate the points of nationalistic propaganda where old 
and new comics overlap.
An important interpretative strand emerges, namely a firm de-
nunciation of Spartacus as a proletarian hero, related to a negation of 
his humble origins lauded by earlier communist-era scholarship and 
promptly reflected in Daga. In his introduction to a study of the life 
of Spartacus, the thracologist Dimitar Popov states the necessity of 
redressing the ideological agenda, especially the view that Spartacus 
created a plan for a full-scale proletarian revolution – not least because 
no proletariat in the modern sense of the term existed in antiquity.40 
Perhaps surprisingly, such critical opinion was expressed (and left 
uncensored) as early as 1977 by a British scholar, J. G. Griffith, who 
participated in a symposium dedicated to Spartacus in Bulgaria. He 
wrote: “I cannot persuade myself that he was a prophet with a social 
message, dying for a cause for which the time was not ripe.”41 Even 
Stoilov, in his markedly propagandistic survey, admits that Spartacus’ 
cause was doomed, but at least the Thracian, “with his iron fist, opened 
the first crack in the granite wall of the Roman supremacy.”42
The notion of the low birth of the hero is also out of vogue. Popov’s 
etymological analysis of the name Spartacus leads him to conclude 
that there is a direct link with the royal line of the Odrysian kingdom, 
thus rejecting the earlier reading that related Spartacus to the Maedi 
40 Popov, Spartak Trakietsat, 8. A similar stance is taken by Bradley: it is “impossi-
ble to view the Spartacan movement as being in any way dominated by abstract 
or ideological imperatives: freedom from slavery was the intent of the fugitives; 
the slavery system itself remained unaffected”; Slavery and Rebellion, 101.
41 Griffith, “Spartacus and the Growth of Historical and Political Legends,” 69.
42 Stoilov, Spartak, 110.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   115 21. 02. 2023   11:16:03
MIRYANA DIMITROVA116
tribe.43 This view harks back to the hypothesis put forward by Theodor 
Mommsen that Spartacus was of noble, even royal lineage.44 However, 
as Popov himself and recently Georgi Markov argued, there are no 
indications that Spartacus belonged to the aristocracy. If that had 
been the case, his noble parentage would not have escaped ancient 
historiographers’ attention.45
Such cautious treatment of the idea of aristocratic Spartacus is not 
endorsed by contemporary comic renditions of the subject, which 
make the hero’s princely pedigree the central theme of the story. 
Spartak: Zashtitnikat na Trakia [Spartacus: The Defender of Thrace] 
and Spartak: Buntat na robite [Spartacus: The Revolt of the Slaves] are 
parts one and two of the story of the Thracian gladiator included in 
a series of comic books on famous Bulgarian historical personalities 
such as proto-Bulgarian khans and medieval rulers. Written by Mi-
roslav Petrov and drawn in monochrome realist aesthetic by Veselin 
Chakarov, the two short, pocket-size comic books were published 
in 2017 by the Vazdigane foundation, an organization that promotes 
patriotic causes. In the book reviewing blog Knizhni Krile, Nenko 
Genov welcomes these comics as more realistic treatments of the story 
of Spartacus and distinguishes them from the propagandistic image 
of the slave leader, an emblem of proletarian struggles in the past.46 
Although tempting to take this laudation with a pinch of salt, such 
opinions indicate the urge to liberate Spartacus from his communist 
past, rediscovering him as a symbol of nationalistic pride. Part Two 
follows the commonly accepted plotline depicting the events from the 
onset of the revolt to Spartacus’ death and does not offer any unusual 
interpretation. However, Part One starkly contrasts the depiction in the 
Daga series and reveals much about Bulgarian society’s reimagining of 
the proletarian hero. Spartacus is now a proud member of the aristo-
cracy – the prince of the Maedi people – who fights to protect his lands 
from the Romans. Among his feats is the mission to liberate Macedonia 
from the Roman invasion. Although this episode might be seen as a 
chronologically plausible fictitious interpretation of historical events in 
the Roman province of Macedonia, the twenty-first-century Bulgarian 
reader can easily relate this to a political sore spot, the ongoing dispute 
43 Popov, Spartak Trakietsat, 79–80; see also Velkova, “Der Name Spartacus,” 
195–99.
44 Mommsen, History of the Roman Republic, 350.
45 Markov, Buntat na Spartak, 64–65; Popov, Spartak Trakietsat, 80–81.
46 Genov, “‘Spartak – Zashtitnikat na Trakia’ I ‘Spartak – Buntat na robite’ ot Vese-
lin Chakarov I Miroslav Petrov.”
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   116 21. 02. 2023   11:16:03
CRUSHING THE IMPERIAL(IST) EAGLES 117
with North Macedonia regarding its language and ethnic and cultural 
profile. By tentatively equating Bulgarian with Thracian, the episode 
could be seen as furthering the nationalist agenda of those political and 
social circles in the country refusing to acknowledge the Macedonian 
language as distinct from Bulgarian and insisting on the common 
Bulgarian origins of people living in the former Yugoslav republic.
In Spartak: Legendata [Spartacus: The Legend], the son of the 
writer of the original series Lyubomir Manolov, Teodor Manolov, 
an art director and artist, (re)created together with his father the 
script of the series in Daga in a project advertised as consisting of 
ten graphic novels. The first one was published in 2020. Featuring 
many guest artists and colorists, this eye-catching volume preserves 
the main plotline of the Daga series but elaborates on story details and 
characterization – for example, Rhodopis is now a prophetess, thus 
evoking the character of Spartacus’ wife in Plutarch, described as a 
bacchante (Crass. 8.3)47 and, it seems, is promised a more substantial 
role in the series. More importantly, the story aims to reconcile the 
different hypotheses about Spartacus’ provenance depicting him in 
contradictory terms, namely that he is a highly educated man and 
an experienced soldier but is also very close to the lower social class. 
Spartak: Legendata discards the proletarian origins of Spartacus, but 
unlike the comic discussed above, it finds the golden mean by pre-
senting him as the son of an impoverished landowner. Becoming an 
orphan at an early age, he is sent to a distant relative, the local ruler 
(paradynast) Remetalk, who, in turn, arranges for his armorer to look 
after the boy and forgets about his existence, hence Spartacus being 
raised as a commoner. The language of the comic abounds in deliberate 
archaisms, which evoke folk tales or narratives from the Bulgarian 
Revival period.48 Subjecting the narrative about ancient Thrace to the 
linguistic expression associated with national folklore tradition gives an 
impetus to the identification process of Spartacus as a Bulgarian hero. 
The fact that the book’s full title includes the description “a graphic 
novel and an encyclopedia of our lands in antiquity” speaks volumes 
47 In Danov’s and Daskalova’s 1977 novel, Spartacus’ wife is also portrayed as some-
one who has the gift of clairvoyance.
48 The Bulgarian national revival period is traditionally framed between the eigh-
teenth and nineteenth centuries and, according to Roumen Daskalov, is cha-
racterized by three major processes: the struggle for the establishment of an 
independent Bulgarian church, education, and literature. The revolutionary 
movement was thus aiming to liberate the country from Ottoman power; Daska-
lov, Making of a Nation in the Balkans; see also Genchev, Bulgarian National 
Revival Period, translated by M. Shipkov.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   117 21. 02. 2023   11:16:03
MIRYANA DIMITROVA118
about the insistence on historicity despite the seeming admission of 
the creative license taken by the authors.
What unites all three comic stories considered in this paper is the 
derision of anything foreign – be it the Roman invader or the Greek 
influence, it is seen as potentially damaging and corrupting, and the 
mission of Spartacus is to spearhead the Thracian opposition to it.
The most striking omission is the suggestion of Spartacus’ mercenary 
service in the Roman army. In both Daga and Zashtitnikat na Trakia, 
and very likely in the forthcoming books of Spartak: Legendata, as an 
heir to the original story in Daga, Spartacus evolves as a commander 
of the slave revolt not because of his previous military experience in 
the Roman army but thanks to his innate talent and charisma which 
enable him to channel his proletarian and nationalistic ideals.49
The notion developed in Daga, of degraded Thracian society that 
sends Spartacus to his fate as a gladiator to please the Roman envoy, 
was already mentioned. The episode of the banquet during which 
Spartacus refuses to obey the Thracian nobles is elaborated in Ma-
nolov Jr.’s version. Spartacus arrives at the mansion and, dazzled by 
Hellenistic luxury and beautiful decorations, observes: “We used to be 
great, independent people, but today we are conquered by the Greeks 
through their settlement in our lands.”50 This may or may not be an 
implicit critique of Plutarch’s depiction of Spartacus as bold, courageous, 
and clever, qualities that align him more with the Greeks than with 
the Thracians (Plut. Crass. 8.2). Inspired by Plutarch’s account Aldo 
Schiavone describes his vision of Spartacus: “In a wholly unexpected 
manner, a more faceted personality takes shape, happily positioned 
between two cultures, if not between two anthropologies – Thracian 
strength and Greek gentleness: a difficult synthesis of unsuspected 
richness.”51 Such an amiable and not entirely implausible picture of a 
multicultural Spartacus is not welcome in Bulgarian popular culture. 
The Thracian warrior’s allegiance to the national cause is clear-cut 
and implicitly xenophobic, although keeping the limits set by political 
correctness in sight.
An exhaustive comparison between the literary depictions of 
Spartacus adherent to the communist ideals and the contemporary 
post-communist, right-wing-leaning views is beyond the scope of this 
49 Thus, Florus’ suggestion that he emulated the Roman custom of giving funeral 
gladiatorial games – in his case, with Roman captives fighting each other (Flor. 
2.9) – finds no place in the comics.
50 Manolov, Spartak, 38.5.
51 Schiavone, Spartacus, 20.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   118 21. 02. 2023   11:16:03
CRUSHING THE IMPERIAL(IST) EAGLES 119
paper. It would necessarily include the numerous works of historical 
fiction that have enjoyed popularity for the past fifty years. Nevertheless, 
the comics, presenting intriguing blends of ancient and contemporary 
theories about Spartacus and by their genre ethos reaching a wide 
readership, especially younger audiences, emerge as the touchstone 
of the cultural currents and didactic agendas. The bottom line of the 
present analysis is that the lack of concrete evidence about Spartacus’ 
life before his arrival at the gladiatorial school ensures a convenient 
malleability of the image of the Thracian hero, shaped to suit desired 
ideological goals. The legendary aura surrounding Spartacus’ prove-
nance is purposefully embellished in Bulgarian popular culture by 
comic authors to create a shimmering image of the Thracian warrior 
who, although at times defending proletarian ideals, remains first and 
foremost a proud Bulgarian.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   119 21. 02. 2023   11:16:03
MIRYANA DIMITROVA120
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bradley, Keith R. Slavery and Rebellion in the Roman World, 140 BC – 70 
BC. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989.
Danov, Hristo and Maria Daskalova. Spartak [Spartacus]. Sofia: Narodna 
prosveta, 1977.
Daskalov, Roumen. The Making of a Nation in the Balkans: Historiography 
of the Bulgarian Revival. Budapest: Central European University 
Press, 2004.
Duncan, Randy, and Matthew J. Smith. The Power of Comics: History, 
Form and Culture. New York: Continuum, 2009.
Elenkov, Ivan. “Humanno-klasoviat vtori Zlaten vek: 1300 godishninata 
ot osnovavaneto na bulgarskata durzhava I istorizirane na ofitsialnata 
kultura v yubileinata deistvitelnost (1976–1981)” [The humanist-class 
second Golden Age: The thirteenth centenary of the foundation of the 
Bulgarian state and the historicization of the official culture within the 
celebratory reality]. Kritika i humanizam 23 (2007): 33–62.
Fields, Nic. Spartacus and the Slave War 73–72 BC: A Gladiator Rebels 
against Rome. Oxford: Osprey, 2009.
Genchev, Nikolai. The Bulgarian National Revival Period. Translated by 
M. Shipkov. Sofia: Sofia Press, 1977.
Genov, Nenko. “‘Spartak – Zashtitnikat na Trakia’ I ‘Spartak – Buntat 
na robite’ ot Veselin Chakarov I Miroslav Petrov” [Spartacus – the De-
fender of Thrace, and Spartacus – the Revolt of the Slaves by Veselin 
Chakarov and Miroslav Petrov]. Knijni Krile, November 24, 2017.
Giovagnoli, Raffaello. Spartak [Spartacus]. Translated by Petar Dragoev, 
7th ed. Sofia: Otechestvo, 1982.
Girginov, Vassil. “Bulgarian Sport Policy 1945–1989: A Strategic Relations 
Approach.” The International Journal of the History of Sport 26, no. 4 
(2009): 515–38.
Gounot, Andre. “Between Revolutionary Demands and Diplomatic Ne-
cessity: The Uneasy Relationship between Soviet Sport and Worker and 
Bourgeois Sport in Europe from 1920 to 1937.” In Sport and International 
Politics: Impact of Fascism and Communism on Sport, edited by Pierre 
Arnaud and Jim Riordan, 184–210. Milton Park: Taylor and Francis, 1998.
Griffith, J. G. “Spartacus and the Growth of Historical and Political Le-
gends.” In Spartacus: Symposium rebus Spartaci gestis dedicatum 2050 
A., edited by Alexander Fol and Hristo Danov, 65–70. Sofia: Bulgarska 
akademia na naukite, 1981.
Information Bulgaria: A Short Encyclopaedia of the People’s Republic of 
Bulgaria. Edited by the Bulgarian Academy of Science; translated by 
Sofia Press Agency. Oxford: Pergamon, 1985.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   120 21. 02. 2023   11:16:03
CRUSHING THE IMPERIAL(IST) EAGLES 121
Jenkins, Henry. “Introduction: Should We Discipline the Reading of Co-
mics?” In Critical Approaches to Comics: Theories and Methods, edited 
by Matthew Smith and Randy Duncan, 1–15. London: Routledge, 2012.
Kovachev, Pencho. “1981: 1300 godini Bulgaria, 70 godini Todor Zhivkov” 
[1981: 1300 years of Bulgarian state, 70 years of Todor Zhivkov]. 24 
Chasa. April 24, 2021.
Manolov, Lyubomir, and Vladimir Konovalov. “Spartak” [Spartacus]. 
Daga #2 (1980), 3–8. Available online, with all the issues that followed, 
at https://issuu.com/razkazivkartinki.
——— , and Georgi Shumenov. “Spartak” [Spartacus]. Daga #3 (1980), 3–15.
——— , and Georgi Shumenov. “Spartak” [Spartacus]. Daga #4 (1981), 3–11.
——— , and Georgi Shumenov. “Spartak” [Spartacus]. Daga #5 (1981), 3–9.
——— , and Georgi Shumenov. “Spartak” [Spartacus]. Daga #6 (1981), 3–11.
——— , and Georgi Shumenov. “Spartak” [Spartacus]. Daga #7 (1981), 3–12.
——— , and Georgi Shumenov. “Spartak” [Spartacus]. Daga # 8 (1982), 3–7.
——— , and Georgi Shumenov. “Spartak” [Spartacus]. Daga #9 (1982), 3–9.
——— , and Georgi Shumenov. “Spartak” [Spartacus]. Daga #10 (1982), 
3–10.
——— , and Georgi Shumenov. “Spartak” [Spartacus]. Daga #11 (1983), 3–9.
Manolov, Teodor. Spartak: Grafichen roman s entsiklopedia na antichnos-
tta po nashite zemi; Kniga 1, Sinat na nepokornite [Spartacus: A graphic 
novel with an encyclopedia of our lands in antiquity; volume 1, The son 
of the disobedient]. Sofia: Istoricheski park, 2020.
Markov, Georgi. Buntat na Spartak [The rebellion of Spartacus]. Sofia: 
Siela, 2017.
Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. Collected Works, translated by Peter 
and Betty Ross, vol. 41. London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1985.
Mommsen, Theodor. The History of the Roman Republic. Abridged from 
the History by Professor Mommsen. New York: Charles Scribner & 
Co., 1911.
Petrov, Miroslav, and Veselin Chakarov. Spartak: Zashtitnikat na Trakia 
[The Defender of Thrace]. Sofia: Fondatsia Vazdigane, 2017.
——— , and Veselin Chakarov. Spartak: Buntat na robite [The Revolt of the 
Slaves]. Sofia: Fondatsia Vazdigane, 2017.
Popov, Dimitar. Spartak Trakietsat [Spartacus the Thracian]. Sofia: Iztok-
-Zapad, 2015.
Rudenko, Oleksii. “The Making of a Soviet Hero: The Case of Spartacus.” 
The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 47 (2020), 333–56.
Schiavone, Aldo. Spartacus. Translated by Jeremy Carden. Cambridge 
MA: Harvard University Press, 2013.
Smirnenski, Hristo. Selected Poetry and Prose. Translated from Bulgarian 
by Peter Tempest. Sofia: Sofia Press, 1980.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   121 21. 02. 2023   11:16:03
MIRYANA DIMITROVA122
“Spartak.” Vesyolie kartinki #4 (1980): 14–16. Available online at  
www.barius.ru/biblioteka/book/1894.
“Spartakiada po morski sportove” [Naval sports Spartakiad]. Bulgarska 
armia. August 8, 2021.
Stajnov, Stojan, and Marija Jankova. Legenda za mladia Spartak [Legend 
of young Spartacus]. Sofia: DVI, 1972
Staykov, Anton. Kratka Istoria na Bulgarskia komiks [A Short history of 
Bulgarian comics]. Sofia: Kibea, 2013.
——— . “Daga – detsko-yunosheskiat komiks kult.” [Daga – the children-
-teenage comic cult]. Egoist, April 10, 2017.
——— . “Bulgarian Comics in the Second Decade of the New Century.” 
Available online at openartfiles.bg.
Stefanov, Petar. “‘The Infantile Genre’ – Between Yesterday and Today 
(Sketches on the History of the Bulgarian Children’s Comics during 
the Past Half-century).” In Comics for Children: Collection of Reports 
of the Round Table, Sliven, 10–12 May 2010: XII national Children’s Book 
Festival, edited by Rostisa Petrova-Vasileva, 41–52. Sliven: Zhazhda, 
2010.
Stoilov, Stoil. Spartak [Spartacus]. Sofia: Durzhavno voenno izdatelstvo, 
1964.
Strożek, Przemysław. Picturing the Workers’ Olympics and the Spartaki-
ads: Modernist and Avant-garde Engagement with Sport in Central 
Europe and the USSR, 1920–1932. London: Routledge, 2022.
Velkova, Zivka. “Der Name Spartacus.” In Spartacus: Symposium rebus 
Spartaci gestis dedicatum 2050 A., edited by Alexander Fol and Hristo 
Danov, 195–99. Sofia: Bulgarska akademia na naukite, 1981.
Ziegler, Konrad. “Die Herkunft des Spartacus.” Hermes 83 (1955): 248–50.
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   122 21. 02. 2023   11:16:03
CRUSHING THE IMPERIAL(IST) EAGLES 123
ABSTRACT
Daga (the Bulgarian word for “rainbow”) was a Bulgarian comic 
magazine launched in 1979 and regularly published until 1992. Its 
remarkably westernized aesthetic greatly impacted an entire ge-
neration of readers. Included in its variety of stories (history, sci-fi, 
literary classics) is an action-packed account of Spartacus’ exploits. 
For ten consecutive issues (1979–1983), the story spanned the hero’s 
life from a more fanciful narrative of his early years in Thrace to the 
better-documented events in Italy and his death. The paper explores 
the plotline, characterization, and visual aspects of “Spartak” to reveal 
the eponymous hero’s significance for young Bulgarian readers in the 
1980s. Drawing on the cultural and historical context, I argue that 
Spartacus was well suited to serve as a role model and a national hero 
by embodying the proletarian anti-imperialist struggle and also, no-
tably, because of his supposed place of birth near the river Strimon in 
modern-day Bulgaria. I also look at examples of contemporary comics, 
including a new graphic novel based on Daga’s story published in 2020, 
and consider the transmutations of the hero to suit the post-communist 
(and anti-communist) ideological agenda, characterized by a departure 
from the proletarian image of Spartacus in favor of more conservative, 
aristocratic features.
kEYWORDS: Daga, Bulgarian comic magazines, Spartakiad, Strimon, 
Thrace
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   123 21. 02. 2023   11:16:03
MIRYANA DIMITROVA124
Razbijanje imperial(istič)nih orlov: Nacionalizem,  
ideološki poduk in pustolovščina v bolgarskih stripih  
o Spartaku v osemdesetih letih in kasneje
IZVLEČEK
Daga (bolgarsko “Mavrica”) je bila bolgarska stripovska revija, ki je 
izhajala med letoma 1979 in 1992. Njena izrazito zahodnjaška estetika 
je močno vplivala na celo generacijo bralcev. Med raznolikimi objavami 
(zgodovina, znanstvena fantastika, literarna klasika) je bil tudi akcijski 
opis Spartakovih podvigov. V desetih zaporednih številkah (1979–1983) je 
zgodba sledila junakovemu življenju od pretežno domišljijske pripovedi 
o njegovih zgodnjih letih v Trakiji do bolje dokumentiranih dogodkov 
v Italiji in njegove smrti. Članek raziskuje zaplete, karakterizacijo in 
vizualne vidike stripa “Spartak” ter prikazuje pomen naslovnega junaka 
za mlade bolgarske bralce v osemdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja. Na 
podlagi kulturnega in zgodovinskega konteksta ugotavlja, da je bil 
Spartak primeren lik vzornika in nacionalnega junaka zato, ker je 
utelešal proletarski protiimperialistični boj, pomembna pa je bila tudi 
domneva o njegovem rojstnem kraju v bližini reke Strimon v današnji 
Bolgariji. Članek raziskuje tudi primere sodobnih stripov, vključno z 
novim grafičnim romanom, ki temelji na zgodbi revije Daga in je izšel 
leta 2020, ter obravnava transmutacije junaka, ki so skušale ustreči 
postkomunistični (in protikomunistični) ideološki agendi, za katero 
je značilen odmik od proletarske podobe Spartaka v prid konserva-
tivnejših, aristokratskih značilnosti.
kLjučNE BESEDE: Daga, bolgarski strip, Spartakiada, Strimon, Trakija
clotho 2022-2, za tisk.indd   124 21. 02. 2023   11:16:03