MUZIKOLOSKI ZBORNIK
MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL
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LJUBLJANA 2006
MUZIKOLOSKI ZBORNIK
MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL
X L I I / 1
ZVEZEK/VOLUME
LJUBLJANA 2006
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Matjaž Barbo (Ljubljana)
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Jernej Weiss (Ljubljana)
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Uredništvo • Editorial Address
Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofska fakulteta Aškerčeva 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: muzikoloski.zbornik@ff.uni-lj.si http://www.ff.uni-lj.si
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Vsebina • Contents
Nico Schüler
Reflections on the History of Computer-Assisted Music Analysis II:
The 1960s
Razmišljanje o zgodovini računalniške analize glasbe II: šestdeseta leta
5
Matjaž Matošec
Razvoj nemškega samospeva med letoma 1782 in 1878: deset uglasbitev Goethejeve balade Erlkönig
The Development of the German Lied between 1782 and 1878: Ten Settings of
Goethe's Ballad Erlkönig 25
Peter Revers
„Ohne Anfang, ohne Ende, ohne Mitte" - Gedanken zum Verhältnis von Sprache und Musik in Hans Zenders Shir hashirim
»Brez začetka, brez konca, brez sredine« - Razmišljanja o odnosu jezika in glasbe v
Shir hashirim Hansa Zenderja 35
Stephen Downes
Modern Musical Waves: Technical and Expressive Aspects of Fin-de-siecle
Form
Moderni glasbeni valovi: tehnični in izrazni vidiki findesieclovske forme
49
Gregor Pompe
Palimpsestna struktura skladbe Tallis Petra Ruzicke ali v kolikšni meri je postmodernizem odvisen od modernizma
Palimpsest Structure of Peter Ruzicka's Composition Tallis or to What Extent Does Postmodernism Depend upon Modernism 73
Christian Bielefeldt Beyond Postmodernism? Prince and Some New Aesthetic Strategies
Onstran postmodernizma? Prince in nekaj novih estetskih strategij
89
Luisa Antoni
Antonio Banfi in njegova smer v sodobni glasbeni estetiki
Antonio Banfi and His School of Thinking in Contemporary Musical Aesthetics
103
Sandra Graham
What's the Score? Interpreting Transcriptions of the Fisk Jubilee Spirituals
Partitura? Interpretacija transkripcij duhovnih pesmi zbora »Fisk Jubilee Singers«
115
Katarina Tomaševic The Contribution of Czech Musicians to the Serbian Music in the 19th
Century
Prispevek čeških glasbenikov srbski glasbi 19. stoletja 127
John Tyrrell Genre in Janacek's operas
Žanr v Janačkovih operah 139
Jernej Weiss
The Transcription of the Correspondence between Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (1868-1940)
Transkripcija korespondence med Leošom Janačkom (1854-1928) in Emerikom Beranom (1868-1940)
147
Po-govori • Post-scripts
Bojan Bujic
When is a musette not a musette? A response to Robert S. Hatten
Kdaj musette ni musette? Odgovor Robertu S. Hattnu 165
Robert S. Hatten A response to Bojan Bujic
Odgovor Bojanu Bujiču 171
Disertacija • Dissertation
175
Imensko kazalo • Index
179
Avtorji • Contributors
192
UDK 78.01:004.4 Nico Schüler
School of Music, Texas State University Fakulteta za glasbo, Državna univerza v Texasu
Reflections on the History of Computer-Assisted Music Analysis II:
The 1960s
Razmišljanje o zgodovini računalniške analize glasbe II: šestdeseta leta
Ključne besede: računalniška analiza glasbe, informacijska teorija, razvoj zgodnjih računalnikov
Izvleček
Drugi v vrsti člankov o zgodovini računalniške analize glasbe se ukvarja z razvojem citirane analize v šestdesetih letih. Medtem ko razpravlja o razvojno pomembnih pristopih in izdajah, članek ugotavlja, da je vse do konca šestdesetih računalniška analiza bila vse prej kot izčrpna, medosebno povezana ter glede svojih vpogledov bogata. Kljub temu pa je prav bogastvo poizkusov računalniške analize v šestdesetih letih zagotovilo podlago za bolj poglobljene načine obdelave v naslednjih desetletjih.
Keywords: computer-assisted music analysis, information theory, development of early computers
Abstract
This article, the second in a series of articles on the history of computer-assisted music analysis, focuses on developments of computer-assisted music analysis during the 1960s. While the most trendsetting approaches and publications are being discussed, this article points out that at least up to the end of the 1960s, computer-assisted analysis of style was anything but comprehensive, interpersonal, and rich in musical insight. Nevertheless, the wealth of attempts to analyze music with the help of computers during the 1960s provided the foundation for the deeper approaches to computer-assisted music analysis of the following decades.
Introduction
This article is the second of a series of articles on the history of computer-assisted music analysis. The introduction of the first "part" of this series (Schüler 2005) pointed out that computer-assisted music analysis, which emerged about 50 years ago, provides analytical tools that help solve problems, some of which may be unsolvable with-
out the assistance of the computer. Unfortunately, most research in the area of computer-assisted music analysis has been carried out, again and again, without any explicit review of preceding attempts and accomplishments. Even the most recent research bears traces of two fundamental flaws that have plagued most research carried out to dates: there is no classification of analytical methods within a comprehensive historical framework, and there is no critical evaluation of those methods.
This series of articles will attempt to solve the main problem related to these flaws: to provide a historical account and framework of methods of computer-assisted music analysis. The source materials for the historical account consist of nearly 2,000 published and unpublished writings, including dissertations and internal research papers from many countries, which were collected and analyzed over many years.
This specific article1 focuses on developments of computer-assisted music analysis during the 1960s, while the first real computer-application date as far back as 1955 (see ibid.): a team around the mathematician Frederick P. Brooks developed an analysis-synthesis-approach, in which Brooks et al. derived the compositional rules automatically. As such, the project by Brooks et al. (1957) was the only completed project of computer-assisted music analysis of the 1950s, although Lejaren Hiller (1962, 1964) developed ideas that gave directions - for several of his students as well as others (see below) - for the more sophisticated approaches to computer-assisted music analysis of the 1960s.
Computers and Computing during the 1960s
Most important for the history of computer-assisted music analysis is the development of computers and computing in general. A few comments on the developments in this area are therefore necessary.
Already soon after World War II, IBM established itself as one of the leading makers of calculators and eventually computers. In the early 1960s, IBM continued with a standardization process to achieve compatibility among all their computer components as well as their software components. The result was their System/360 (1964). However, programming turned out to be more costly than the hardware itself. Further developments were fully integrated circuits, giant number-crunching computers, and time-sharing computer systems (which allowed more than one user to execute programs concurrently).
The US-military had also played an important role in the emerging computer industry since World-War II. For their needs, the idea of real-time computing for a flight simulator at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) was most important. For the purpose of real-time computing, computers with a much higher speed and a much higher reliability were needed than existing technology had to offer. Important developments were the core-memory, printed circuits, mass-storage devices, and CRT-graphi-
Explanations of the basic terminology used in this article and definitions of commonly used terms in this area of methods of computer-assisted music analysis can be found in Schüler 2005.
cal displays. Military projects also provided a 'platform' for further developments in software engineering.
The first large civilian real-time project was the airline reservation system SABRE (Semi-Automatic Business Research Environment) in the 1950s and early 1960s, and the Universal Product Code (UPC) in the early 1970s. First scanners were manufactured by IBM and NCR. These developments were of great economic importance: the whole manufacturing-distribution network became involved in electronic data tracking and automatic ordering, etc.
While in the early 1950s software was still supplied at no additional cost by the computer manufacturer, 'software contracting' soon developed: Corporations, such as the System Development Corporation (SDC), emerged. In the early 1960s, the software industry was booming. However, in the late 1960s, a software crisis emerged because of the much faster growing hardware industry and the incapability of exploiting the new hardware effectively (since large programs were needed). It took many years before programming became a real engineering discipline with its "structured design methodology" and its development model as an organic process which would never really be 'finished'. The concept of 'software packages' emerged in the late 1960s; these packages were much more cost-effective than custom software. At the same time, large computer manufacturers decided to price their software and hardware separately. While computers and computing became an important factor in the industry and in the military, research applications in music were very limited in the 1960s with regard to the availability of computers at large universities and with regard to their limited computing capabilities.
Computer-Assisted Music Analysis in the 1960s
Available hardware severely restricted the computer applications of the 1960s. However, early applications of statistics and of information theory to music analysis -especially in the US - as well as music-philosophical reflections (see Schüler 2005) -especially in Europe -, spurred the boom of computer-assisted methods of music analysis. To show specific tendencies of those methods, some trendsetting applications will be discussed.
In his studio for experimental music at the University of Illinois, Lejaren A. Hiller collaborated in several analytical research projects. Three of these projects are described in Hiller 1964.2 The first project (Bean 1961; see also Hiller and Bean 1966) involved a comparison of four sonata expositions (by Mozart, Beethoven, Hindemith, and Berg), mainly based on first-order entropies of pitches and intervals as well as on the "speed of information" (i.e., of entropy), which was calculated via note density and tempo. But while Bean's project was not computer-assisted, Baker's research (Baker 1963) - the second project mentioned in Hiller 1964 - was partly carried out with the assistance of ILLIAC, the first electronic computer at the University of Illinois.3 Thus,
2	There, Hiller gives the impression that those projects were mainly his own research projects. However, he rather collaborated in the dissertation research of his students Calvert Bean (1961), Robert A. Baker (1963), and Ramon C. Fuller (1965).
3	However, exactly how the computer was used was not described in Baker's dissertation.
this study is the first dissertation project in the area of computer-assisted music analysis. Modulation-free passages of 16 string quartets by Mozart, Haydn, and Beethoven were analyzed with regard to transition probabilities of harmonies and of pitches as well as their relationships.4 Finally, the third project discussed in Hiller 1964 (Fuller 1965; see also Hiller and Fuller 1967) involved the analysis of the first movement of Anton Webern's Symphony op. 21. Here, entropy and redundancy calculations (of higher orders) of pitches and intervals revealed, among others, the formal structure of the piece.
William J. Paisley chose a quite different approach to computer-assisted music analysis. Based on communication theory, Paisley (1964) made a fundamental contribution to identifying authorship (and with it, stylistic characteristics) by exploring "minor encoding habits", i.e. details in works of art (which would be, for instance, too insignificant for imitators to copy).5 To take an example from a different field, master paintings can be distinguished from imitations by examining details like the shapes of fingernails. Similarly, Paisley showed that there are indeed significant minor encoding habits in music. He analyzed note-to-note pitch transitions in the first six notes of each of the 320 themes by Bach, Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven and Brahms. He chose the parameter 'pitch', because pitches can be easily coded for computer processing and because some research on tonal transitions had already been reported.
In his first analysis6, Paisley calculated interval frequencies of up to six semitones within the first 6 notes of two 160-theme-samples. Furthermore, he calculated the Chi Square Test for Goodness of Fit of those interval distributions for the two samples. While these results could not significantly distinguish Haydn, Mozart, and Beethoven, Paisley claimed a successful distinction between these composers with his second analysis, in which he calculated frequencies and chi squares of two-note transitions between the classes tonic, third, fifth, all other diatonic tones and all chromatic tones. In both analyses, the results of the chi square test were then compared with results from "unknown samples" (Mozart, Beethoven, Händel, and Mendelssohn). The results from analyzing themes by Mozart and Beethoven could (in the second analysis) be successfully matched with the "known" Mozart- and Beethoven-samples, while Händel and Mendelssohn were significantly different. But even though only a modest amount of data was involved in this investigation, and even though a reduction of the number of possible intervals to seven (based on inversions as well as on neglecting the direction) seems to be questionable, Paisley's study was well documented and its results were, considering the time of the study, very impressive. Several other authors referred later to Paisley's approach.
In 1969, Stefan M. Kostka wrote a set of FORTRAN-programs7 for analyzing string quartets by Paul Hindemith8, following William J. Paisley's definition of "minor encod-
However, the harmonic analysis itself was done traditionally, not computer-assisted.
For a general discussion on this topic, especially with regard to text analysis, see also Paisley 1969.
Paisley performed the analyses on the Stanford University 7090 computer.
These programs were implemented on a CDC 3600 computer.
The music was coded in ANON, an alphanumeric coding system developed in the course of a seminar at the University of Wisconsin, conducted by Roland Jackson. Since the code originally remained unnamed and untested, Kostka named it for his study. See Kostka 1969, 112 ff.
ing habits". His task was "to test the hypothesis that Hindemith's style shows a consistency in his use of certain 'hidden communicators' of which Hindemith himself may or may not have been aware. On the other hand, since Hindemith's style did not remain unchanged throughout his life, it was considered worthwhile to see if his employment of some of these communicators showed a noticeable and consistent change from the early quartets to those written in the 1940s." (Kostka 1969, 173) Kostka analyzed roots and classes of chords9, treating each vertical event equally (regardless of their duration or regardless of whether they contained non-harmonic tones etc.). In his explanations, Kostka referred to Gabura (1965), who found - analyzing music by Brahms and Bartok - only small differences in the result of weighting chords by frequency as opposed to weighting chords by duration. Kostka tried to verify this for Hindemith's music on the example of the first movement of his Fifth String Quartet10 by letting the computer calculate frequencies and percentages of chords. Other algorithms counted frequencies of all chords (both by treating inversions as independent chords and by dealing with "normal forms") and their harmonic contexts. Finally, in horizontal analyses, various kinds of melodic intervals were calculated11 , and the program searched for melodic patterns that had been defined by the analyst, including permutations. Even though Kostka found stringent regularities in the interval frequencies and frequencies of chord classes in all quartets, one can hardly interpret these distributions as "Hindemith's melodic style" (Kostka 1969, 263); analyses of other genres used by Hindemith or other quartets by other composers would be necessary for a verification. The inconsistencies Kostka found in other analyses (e.g. root movements, tonality, etc.) led to the conclusion that either those characteristics are not important for Hindemith's style or the analytical method would need to be modified.
Kostka's study (1969) also showed a limitation of his computer-aided approach to music analysis: the enormous volume of data (the huge number of punched cards) made it impossible to extract, examine, and compare the data "for every theoretical question that came to mind" (ibid., 250). But Kostka's dissertation is very important in so far as it is based on the study of former approaches as well as on ('traditional') music-theoretical and musicological writings pertaining to the style in the music by Paul Hindemith. Some 'traditional' explorations of Hindemith's style could be verified by Kostka's computer-aided study.
The possibility of quickly processing a large amount of data with new computer techniques was recognized in the 1960's, especially by US-scholars in musicology and music theory. In 1966, Gerald Lefkoff (1967a) and Allen Forte (1967a) addressed this topic at the "West Virginia University Conference on Computer Applications in Music". Forte gave 'good' reasons for applying the computer to music analysis: "The com-
Here, the definition of "roots" and "chords" goes back to Hindemith's theoretical system itself, described in Hindemith 1945, 94 ff. Another system of chord classification, which Kostka applied, was based on the distinction between Intervallic, Tertian, Quartal and Whole-Tone chords.
The number of pieces for such verification remained certainly questionable.
These included: A) every single interval; B) minor with major intervals combined; C) minor with major and their inversions combined (e.g. descending second and ascending seventh); D) all inversions combined: all seconds with all sevenths etc.; E) intervals with their mirror inversions combined (minor seconds up and down, major seconds up and down, etc.); F) all major and minor seconds, all major and minor thirds, etc., combined.
0
puter can be programmed to deal with complex structures - such as musical composition - very rapidly. . . . A second reason for using the computer derives from the requirements of completeness and precision that form the basis of every computer program. . . . The design of an algorithm, the formulation of a decision-structure to solve a problem, the careful checking out of a malfunctioning program - all these activities provide clarifications and insights which would be difficult, perhaps impossible, to obtain otherwise." (Ibid., 33-34.) Without going into details, Forte also described a computer project12 for the (set theoretical) determination of similarities and differences of sets, for the interpretation of those with respect to characteristics of the environments in which they occur, and for the design of a structural model in terms of set-complex theory (ibid., 39).13 Gerald Lefkoff (1967b), on the other hand, described a system "for the study of computer-residing, score-derived musical models" (ibid., 45). Written in FORTRAN, Lefkoff's 'model' saved musical information in time-indexed arrays: pitch, rhythmic values, vocal text, figured bass symbols, dynamics, articulations, and editorial comments. Lefkoff then extracted, along with data relating to other relationships, "a complete list of melodic fragments from a group of compositions, with frequency distribution data for the fragments within each composition and . . . [then] compare[d] the relative frequency of occurrence of each fragment in selected groups of compositions." (Ibid., 55.) The value of Lefkoff's model can be seen in its ability to generalize such analytical procedures and thereby discover stylistic trends. However, Lefkoff did not describe any concrete analyses; and thus, it is questionable if his theoretical model was indeed functioning and reaching the envisioned goals.
Milton Babbitt (1955, 1960, 1961), with his analytical approaches to dodecaphonic and set structures, was of outstanding importance for music theoretical developments in the US. His research provided the basis for the manifold (US-) discussions on the use of logic-mathematical procedures in music analysis (and likewise in composition). Since the mathematical part in set theoretical analyses is very suitable for implementations in computer programs, many computer applications in music theory and musi-cology after the mid 1960s (Babbitt 1965) are related to set theory.
Donald M. Pederson (1968), for instance, described a computer-assisted, analytical project that used set theoretical and statistical approaches. After the transformation of the musical data (contained in the scores) into a suitable code for music analysis14, a program computed subset and superset relations of a given set within the score. All set types found were also examined with regard to interval vector and number of occurrences. Finally, another program computed frequencies of pitch classes and generated graphic displays that showed pitch patterns within specific voices and showed the interaction between them; it also found instances of fixed registration, found other pitch patterns, and displayed the registral use of each pitch-class. Pederson analyzed Anton Webern's string quartet op. 28 in two ways: at first, 'traditionally' "to provide a
12	His set of computer programs was written in MAD.
13	A similar program, written in the computer language SNOBOL 3, was described in Forte 1966.
14	Pederson used the "Ford-Columbia Digital Alternate Representation of Musical Scores" (DARMS), which was developed by Stefan Bauer-Mengelberg. Since this code was not specifically developed for music analytical investigations, Pederson
modified it slightly. See Pederson 1968, especially pp. 5-16.
description of the structure and the use of the twelve-tone set and to establish the formal sectioning of the composition" (ibid., 73), and then, after this contextual analysis, non-traditionally, using a computer-aided analysis of the harmonic content applying the methods described above. Pederson concluded, that "even though the two approaches examine different aspects of the music, the relationship found between sections in the contextual analysis are born out by the result of the computer processing" (ibid., 75). Even though the weaknesses of Pederson's approach were the - more or less unexplained - segmentation of the score by the program (to find subsets or supersets of the one set which was identified by himself) and the use of only very basic statistical measurements, Pederson did not only combine traditional and computer-aided analysis in general, but also set theoretical and statistical approaches.
In 1970, Allen Forte (Forte 1970a, 1970b) described two computer programs: one calculated set complex relations, and the second program calculated set class memberships for arbitrary sets of pitch classes.
A pilot study that began as an attempt to automate the collection of bibliographic data from five percent of the 17th century chanson repertory (about 300 pieces) by Lawrence F. Bernstein and Joseph P. Olive (1969) ended up as a computer-assisted project in stylistic analysis.15 Eleven types of stylistic data were calculated, each falling into one of the three categories: routine analysis, statistical analysis, and numeric representation. While routine analysis included standard harmonic analysis (determination of the roots of all triads)16, measurement of the rate of harmonic rhythm, and determination of the range of the vocal parts, the statistical calculations - also designed to aid in harmonic analysis - were directed at the number of relatively strong or weak root movements, the degree to which inversions were used, the ratio of complete and incomplete chords, and the frequency of recurrent harmonic adjacencies (Bernstein and Olive 1969, 158). Numeric and graphic representation involved ascertaining textural complexity by analyzing the interaction of several (weighted) parameters of style (number of voices, the amount of coordinated rhythmic activity among the voices, the number of separate rhythmic attacks across the polyphony, duration of the notes; ibid., 159). The authors also expressed the need for improving the computer program for further research: The program should determine more than just the roots of complete triads and it should also distinguish between structural and ornamental harmonic motion.
Astonishing for such a project in the 1960s was the (positive) reservation towards the possibilities of using computers for analyzing music: The authors were never "deluded into believing that the computer was in any way capable of analyzing a piece of music. Rather, we used the information made available by the computer as a means of substantiating or explaining the insights into a given composition that we gained by
For the music representation of this project, the Chicago Linear Music Language was developed, which especially takes notational necessities of the 16th century chanson into account. The program was written in FAP for an IBM 7094 computer. "In the performance of harmonic analysis, the chords had to be examined each time a note changed in any of the voices. A chord was rejected for either of the following reasons: (1) if it contained less than three notes; or (2) if it included intervals other than thirds and fifths. If neither of these conditions prevailed, the root of the chord was determined by examining the intervals, concentrating on the interval of the fifth, and designating its lower member the root." Ibid., 159.
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means of a direct confrontation with the music." (Ibid., 160)17 Thus, the analyses were indeed 'only' computer-assisted! The information, which was electronically derived, was only 'helpful' for setting up stylistic profiles of the composers. Even though all analytical operations could have been done without the assistance of a computer, the compilation of the statistical data would have taken too much time to be considered feasible. (See ibid.)
Michael Kassler (1966) developed a special-purpose programming language named MIR - an acronym for "musical information retrieval". Since MIR is both a programming language and a language for musical information retrieval, music theoretical functions are directly expressible within the program; at the same time, the program functions as an evaluation tool. MIR was usually used in connection with the IML (Intermediate Music Language) music code. As such a connection between music code and information retrieval language, the acronym IML-MIR was used.18
Arthur Mendel (1969) applied, together with Lewis Lockwood19, the IML-MIR system to the analysis of the style of Josquin des Prez. This included primarily calculations of frequencies of all simultaneities.20 Using the ratio between the percentages of all the four-part simultaneities that constitute complete triads and the percentages of complete triads, Mendel tried to show that one mass subsection was not composed by Josquin des Prez, as scholars originally assumed. However, the main problem with Mendel's project was the machine-dependent implementation: Because the author had to switch computers, the project could not be continued as planned.
Maurita P. Brender and Ronald F. Brender (1967) developed a program for the transcription and analysis of the Bamberg Codex, notated in Franconian notation. The digital representation of the music included pitch and tone duration. The output of the transcription program, punched cards, was used as input for the analytical pro-grams.21 The analyses focused on occurrences of part or voice crossing22, on melodic intervals in each part, on the "average rate of movement"23, and on vertical intervals occurring in the three positions: strong, weak, and off beats. The output of the program also included a graphic description of the chord usage in every piece. With regard to existing theories of musical practice of the Middle Ages (and specifically, during the time of the Bamberg Codex), Brender and Brender tried to verify traditional assertions, concerning the usage of consonances and dissonances.24 In addi-
17
It continues: "In this way, the data supplied by the computer proved to be very useful in explaining why a particular portion of a chanson generates a sense of tension, while another section of the same piece creates a feeling of rest." Ibid. For a relatively detailed introduction see Robison 1967.
Lockwood already presented a progress report on this project at a "Musicology and the Computer I" conference in 1965 (see Brook 1970a), which was published five years later (Lockwood 1970).
Future plans included calculations of interval frequencies and of correlations between the primary accent of a Latin word and the duration of the note set to the syllable that is immediately following. See Mendel 1969, 51. Bur here, only five motets with Portare tenors from the Bamberg Codex were analyzed.
Thus, parts of the analyses were aimed at the determination "to what extent the motets, tenor, and triplum could be associated with a fixed position in the cord structure" (ibid., 206).
"Each melodic interval is divided by the duration of the first note of each pair and the average taken over the whole melodic line." (Ibid., 206.) A surprising result was that decreasing intervals were used more commonly than increasing intervals, i.e. "that descending lines tend to change or move faster and over larger intervals than ascending lines. The motetus was normally the most negative, followed by the triplum, then the tenor." Ibid.
Even though, the assertions could be verified, "the most general fact . . . is that the number of exceptions is considerable. In particular, the assertion that a consonance should begin every perfection is, at best, true only in a simple majority of cases." Ibid., 207.

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23
tion to the analytical attempts, a formal (context free and only right branching) grammar of Franconian notation was formulated. Successful translations (transcriptions) verified the grammar.
Benjamin Suchoff selected transcriptions of Bartok's Serbo-Croatian Folk Songs (a small collection of 75 women's songs) as a pilot project for lexicographical orderings by computer. After dividing and numbering the melodies in accordance with Bartok's determination of the content structure in every melody section, and after coding25, the computer extracted string interval sequences26 coded as sequences of positive and negative integers, and sorted and compared the derived sequences.27 This made further statistical analyses possible. However, in several short articles (Suchoff 1967a, 1968a, 1968b, 1969, 1970a), the analytical part was mentioned only briefly and only the indexing approach was described in detail. The purpose of using the computer for the analysis remained unclear, at least with regard to the identification of melodic variants, since they were probably realized 'traditionally'. Only in Suchoff's 1968a article, the "machine analysis of a string content for frequency occurrences" (ibid., 6) is mentioned, but without further details. Later, Suchoff (1969) suggested the use of 'skeleton models' in the search for variants and orders. In the explanation of a melodic skeleton, Suchoff referred to Bartok; but it remains unclear in Suchoff's writings if the skeleton models were actually derived with the computer or by hand. In Suchoff 1970a, some analytical results were included, e.g., prevalent types of identical interval sequences, interval frequencies, and frequencies of phrases with a certain interval structure. Suchoff's research certainly provided an important impulse for folksong research on the American continent.
Richard E. Joiner (1969) conducted comparative analyses of eleven Gregorian chants from the early period (approximately 600-1000 A.D.) and twelve from the late period (approximately 1000-1300 A.D.). His analyses were based on frequency counts and relative frequencies of the notes, intervals, and phrases, and on the average length of phrases per chant. The computer program also examined each chant for repeated patterns with the length of two to eight notes. Even though the results - in general formulated by the author himself - 'sounded' characteristic of the music,28 the standard deviations of all results were too large for a computational model of authentication based on the statistical calculations mentioned above. Furthermore, no validity check was described in Joiner's paper.
In Europe, Roland Mix (1967) extended Wilhelm Fuck's methods of entropy analysis (see Schüler 2005). Having chosen the first movement of Haydn's string quartet, op. 76 No. 3, and the first movement of Schoenberg's third string quartet, op. 30, Mix analyzed entropy dependencies of higher orders of pitches, harmonies, dynamics and
The calculations were executed by an IBM 1130 computer (Suchoff 1967a), later by an IBM 360 computer (Suchoff 1968).
Most programs of this project were written in FORTRAN, some in PL/1, and the music was encoded in the Ford-Columbia
code. The indexing system was devised by Harry B. Lincoln (see Lincoln 1967a, 1967b, 1968a, 1968b, 1969a, 1969b).
Repeated notes, interval quality, and rhythmic character were omitted from consideration.
Thus, a melodic section of a Serbo-Croatian folk song could be presented, for instance, as "-2 +2 -2 +2 -2 -2".
"On the basis of this limited study, Early chant as opposed to Late chant can be said to be shorter, have more phrases,
shorter phrases, be more limited in range (of notes), use smaller intervals, and have less shorter repeated patterns but
more longer patterns." Joiner 1969, 213.
25


rhythm. Among others, Mix discovered that the values of entropies of chords and pitches are much higher in Schoenberg's composition than in Haydn's. However, the relative 'contribution' of the rhythm to the total entropy is larger in Haydn's piece than in Schoenberg's. The dependencies among the parts are larger in Haydn's string quartet than in Schoenberg's. In a different experiment, Mix calculated entropies of pitches (up to order six) of the first violins of three Haydn quartets and compared them. But even though Mix's approaches represent great enhancements of information-theoretical analyses in their complex application to several musical parameters, his results were limited by the computer hardware. Methodically, Mix's approaches showed the limits of using only one measurement for comparative analyses. But while Fucks and Reckziegel (see ibid.) focussed on only one voice of multi-voice compositions, Mix had already attempted a 'vertical' analysis.
The East-German Reiner Kluge (1974)29 analyzed similarities among Altmark30 folk songs. More than 130 syntactic characteristics were discovered and then used to determine similarities of pairs of melodies (out of random samples with each about 40 melodies31). Kluge's research was outstanding, because he developed a similarity measurement, based on the formula r = -cos A/N, "whereby A is the number of the coincidences of two elements j, k within N characteristics, relating to the totality of elements"32 (Kluge 1974, 31). Using factor analysis, Kluge identified pseudo-individuals, out of which 12 different types and mixed types were derived. The results of Kluge's analyses were limited in several ways:
-	the hardware available for his research was too limited in speed and memory,
-	the number of musical characteristics was not large enough,
-	the definition of his measurement of similarity was insufficient,
-	the criteria to describe melodic types were insufficient, and
-	the number of random samples was too small.
However, Kluge's work became very valuable for further research in this area, because he found several characteristics and groups of characteristics as suitable for comparative analyses of folk songs.33 Furthermore, Kluge's study showed that a successful comparative analysis is only possible if many musical characteristics are analyzed in relation to each other.
The Major Sources of Computer-Assisted Music Analysis of the 1960s
Besides numerous articles, partly reviewed above, sources of computer-assisted music analysis of the 1960s include also three major publications on the use of com-
Even though his dissertation was published in 1974, the (dissertation) research was conducted between 1965 and 1968, and defended in 1968.
Altmark is an area in Southeastern Germany.
The restrictions to limited samples were necessary because of on the low efficiency of the computer used (ZRA1). ". . . wobei A die Anzahl der Koinzidenzen zweier Individuen j, k in N betrachteten Merkmalen in Bezug auf die betrachtete Individuengesamtheit ist."
Those valuable musical characteristics include, for instance, 'inner melody shape', 'melodic incipits', 'pitch repertory contains the leading tone', 'the lowest pitch occurs after the highest', 'number of changes of melodic direction in the first melodic line', 'unusual melodic intervals', 'unusual transition of tone durations', and 'time signature'. See Kluge 1974, 155-157.
29
30
puters in music research - Heckmann 1967a, Lincoln 1970a, and Brook 1970a - each containing several analytical articles.
Harald Heckmann's book on "Elektronische Datenverarbeitung in der Musikwissenschaft" contained five articles on (computer-assisted) music analysis. George W. Logemann (1967), for instance, described a system for finding the positions in which the second voices of Bach canons from the Musical Offering begin; he tried all possible entry points and matched arising interval structures. Eric Regener (1967) introduced a transcription system as the basis for analytical research34; however, this system was not fully in operation at the time. Tobias D. Robison's (1967) article introduced IML-MIR, but did not include any practical application of MIR. Walter Reckziegel (1967) wrote on the use of measurements for inner tempo and individual tempo35, and Nanna Schiodt and Bjarner Svejgaard (1967) reported an analysis of Byzantine Sticherarion melodies. The latter project is of special importance and will be discussed here in more detail. It is of special importance, because it was, together with the research by Brender and Brender (1967; see above), one of the first projects of computer-assisted music analysis aimed at Medieval music. The task was to find musical formulas in Gregorian chant, whereby neumes were encoded with a special alphanu-merical code. The computer program found all commonly used formulas, whereby the authors verified the results via conventional analytical methods. However, one of the most important results of this study relates to the proportion of expenditure to benefit. In most computer applications to music analysis - to this day - the coding and input process takes much too long, i.e. the proportion of expenditure to benefit is unsatisfactory. On the contrary, the analysis of Byzantine neumes seems to be much faster with the help of a computer: "After half an hour you have learned the code so well that you can type the code symbols a little faster than you can write the neumes out by hand. If you want to study the hymns 'by hand' they have to be written out in different ways in any case. Sometimes you may have to write them out in a new way for each new detail you want to study. Working with the computer you only need to write the hymns out once. Afterwards you put the punched paper tape in the machine and you can ask whatever question concerning the encoded material that might enter your mind. . . ." (ibid., 194.)
Harry B. Lincoln's edition (1970a) of many papers on computer-assisted music analysis36 include several statistical and combinatorial approaches to the analysis of atonal music. Mary E. Fiore (1970), Ramon Fuller (1970), and Roland Jackson (1970) made use of frequency counts of pitches, intervals, types of dissonances, and chord types (with a certain interval structure). Gerald Lefkoff (1970) analyzed twelve tone rows and computed the 48 permutations as well as similar segments within these permutations. A computer program by Ian Morton and John Lofstedt (1970) calculated frequencies of chordal roots (in tonal music) and their relation to certain beats of a measure. Joseph Youngblood (1970) tried to determine whether a composer's style is
34	His system was called SAM, "System for Analysis of Music", and was specifically written for the IBM 7090 computer. The transcription code used was LMT (Linear Music Transcription).
35	Thus, Reckziegel's research included further developments of his measurements; see Schüler 2005.
36	They all used either FORTRAN or SNOBOL as programming languages.
characterized by the distribution of root progressions; mathematical measurements applied were frequency, probability, redundancy, and chi-square probability. However, the most important paper in Lincoln's volume with regard to computer-assisted music analysis was probably the paper on analyzing Javanese music by Fredric Lieberman (1970)37. This research is a classic example of dissatisfaction with results that are only partially acceptable. While the synthesis of Javanese-style melodies on the basis of analytical results retained by a 'nearest-neighbor Markov process' was not completely satisfactory, a complex system of interacting variables was developed, which could characterize Javanese music much better than just Markov chains by themselves. This complex system of variables included, among others, frequencies of pitches, transition frequencies of higher orders, and various (melodic) cadence forms.38
Barry S. Brook's book (1970a) is of importance in so far as it is a collection of papers presented at three Greater New York Chapter meetings39 of the American Musicological Society, two of which were on the topic "Musicology and the Computer". There, Allen Forte, Lewis Lockwood, Barry S. Brook, Murray J. Gould, and many others presented research on new developments in computer-assisted music analy-sis.40 These two conferences as well as the "West Virginia University Conference on Computer Applications in Music" in 1966 (Lefkoff 1967a) were the only conferences in the 1960s specifically on the topic of computer applications in music.
Concluding Remarks
A passage in Jan LaRue's article in the volume "Musicology 1960-2000" (Brook 1970a) represents a common way of thinking during the 1960s in the area of computer-assisted music analysis: "May I recommend the computer to you as an instrument without human prejudices. It has its own prejudices, numerical and procedural. But these often act as stimulants and correctives, as healthy balances and supplements to human attitudes. With this new aid, the coming generation of musicologists should develop a style analysis that is comprehensive rather than selective, broad rather than personal, and rich in musical insight." (LaRue 1970, 197.) LaRue was certainly right in his implication that, at least up to the end of the 1960s, computer-assisted analysis of style was anything but comprehensive and rich in musical insight. Moreover, the goal of a comprehensive and inter-personal, computer-assisted analysis could not even be reached in the following decade.
See also Hood 1967.
Other articles in this volume (Lincoln 1970) referring to computer-assisted music analysis (in one way or the other) are by
Frederick Crane and Judith Fiehler (1970), James Gabura (1970), Barton Hudson (1970), W. Earle Hultberg (1970), Theodore
Karp (1970), and Michael Kassler (1970b).
Two meetings took place in 1965, and the third one in 1966.
This research has been discussed already earlier in this article.
V
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Suchoff, Benjamin. 1967b. "Computer Applications to Bela Bartok's Serbo-Croatian Material," Computers and the Humanities II/2: 88.
Suchoff, Benjamin. 1968a. "Bartok, Ethnomusicology, and the Computer," Institute for Computer Research in the Humanities Newsletter IV/4 (December): 3-6.
Suchoff, Benjamin. 1968b. "Computerized Folk Song Research and the Problem of Variants," Computers and the Humanities II/4 (March): 155-158.
Suchoff, Benjamin. 1969. "Some Problems in Computer-Oriented Bartokian Ethno-musicology," Ethnomusicology XIII/3: 489-497.
Suchoff, Benjamin. 1970a. "Computer-Oriented Comparative Musicology," The Computer and Music, ed. by Harry B. Lincoln. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 193-206.
Suchoff, Benjamin. 1970b. "Studies Rekating to Automation of Bartok Archives," Computers and the Humanities V/2: 110.
Suchoff, Benjamin. 1970c. "Aplicarea calculatorelor elektronice la etnomuzicologia Bartokiana," Musica XI (November): 10-14.
Suchoff, Benjamin. 1970d. "A Bartoki nepzenekutatas es az elektronikus szamito-gepeg," Muzsika XIII (July): 6-8; (August): 4-6.
Suchoff, Benjamin. 1971a. "Studies Relating to Automatization of Bartok Archives," Computers and the Humanities V/5: 309-310.
Suchoff, Benjamin. 1971b. "The Computer and Bartok Research in America," Journal of Research in Music Education XIX/1 (Spring): 3-16.
Youngblood, Joseph E. 1958. "Style as Information." Journal of Music Theory II: 24-35.
Youngblood, Joseph E. 1960. Music and language: some related analytical techniques. Ph.D. thesis, Indiana University.
Youngblood, Joseph E. 1967. "Root Progression and Composer Identification," Computers and the Humanities II/2: 87.
Youngblood, Joseph E. 1970. "Root Progressions and Composer Identification," The Computer and Music, ed. by Harry B. Lincoln. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. pp. 172-178.
PoVZETEK
Gre za drugi v vrsti člankov o zgodovini računalniške analize glasbe. Članek najprej poda kratek pregled razvoja računalništva v šestdesetih letih, pri čemer izpostavlja dejstvo, da je - v nasprotju s pomenom računalnikov in računalništva v industriji in vojski - bila uporaba računalnikov v raziskovalne namene v glasbi v šestdesetih letih zelo omejena tako glede števila računalnikov na velikih univerzah kot tudi zavoljo njihovih tehnološko omejenih zmožnosti. Medtem ko razpravlja o razvojno najpomembnejših pristopih in prispevkih - ki so jih napisali William J. Paisley, Stefan M. Kostka, Donald M. Pederson, Lawrence F. Bernstein in Joseph P. Olive,
Benjamin Suchoff, Maurita P. Brender in Ronald F. Brender, Michael Kassler, Richard E. Joiner, Ian Morton in John Lofstedt, Mary E. Fiore, Ramon Fuller, Roland Jackson, Nanna Schio/ dt in Bjarner Svejgaard, Roland Mix, Reiner Kluge, Gerald Lefkoff, Fredric Lieberman in drugi - članek ugotavlja, da je vse do konca šestdesetih računalniška analiza bila vse prej kot izčrpna, medosebno povezana ter glede svojih vpogledov bogata. Kljub temu pa je prav bogastvo poizkusov računalniške analize v šestdesetih, pri čemer so bile večinoma uporabljene statistične in informacijsko-teore-tične metode za analizo nezahodne in tudi zahodne ljudske in umetne glasbe, zagotovilo podlago za bolj poglobljene načine računalniške analize glasbe v naslednjih desetletjih.
UDK 784.3(430)"17/18" Matjaž Matošec
Vleutenseweg 161 NL-3532 HB Utrecht
Razvoj nemškega samospeva med letoma 1782 in 1878: deset uglasbitev Goethejeve balade Erlkönig
The Development of the German Lied
between 1782 and 1878: Ten Settings of Goethe's Ballad Erlkönig
Ključne besede: nemški samospev, razvoj, 17821878, Johann Wolfgang Goethe, Erlkönig
IzVLEčEK
Goethejev Erlkönig je eno največkrat uglasbljenih necerkvenih besedil v novejši zgodovini zahodne glasbe. Werner-Joachim Düring je naštel 131 uglasbitev pesmi; prva je nastala 1782, zadnja je izšla 1957. Izsledki analize desetih uglasbitev balade, nastalih med letoma 1782 in 1878, so podlaga za oris razvoja nemškega samospeva v obravnavanem obdobju.
Keywords: German lied, development, 17821878, Johann Wolfgang Goethe, Erlkönig
Abstract
Goethe's Erlkönig is one of the most frequently set secular texts to music in modern history of Western music. Werner-Joachim Düring counts 131 settings, the first from 1782, the last one published in 1957. The results of analysis of ten settings of Goethe's ballad created between 1782 and 1878 serve as a basis for describing the development of the German lied during this period.
Časovno opredeljevanje nastanka (in zamrtja) posamezne glasbene zvrsti je lahko razmeroma preprosto, največkrat pa težavno in nehvaležno delo. Če o Perijevi Dafne kot prvi operi skorajda ni dvoma, je razprava o prvem samospevu navidez brezpredmetna. Pa vendar v glasbeni literaturi o 19. oktobru 1814 in 8. septembru 1949 kot datumih, ki časovno zamejujeta obdobje nemškega samospeva, obstaja presenetljivo veliko soglasje.1 Matematično natančna časovna določitev rojstva in zatona samospeva
Datuma sta v različnih virih podana različno. Rojstvo samospeva je v večini primerov natančno datirano, datum zatona zvrsti pa je največkrat izražen implicitno (npr. smrt Straussa); nekateri avtorji ga povezujejo tudi s Štirimi poslednjimi pesmimi, ki jih je Strauss zložil leta 1948.
je seveda le simbolična, saj so skladbe, ki sodijo v to glasbenozvrstno kategorijo, nastajale tako pred dnevom, ko je Franz Schubert pod naslovom Gretchen am Spinnrade uglasbil odlomek iz prvega dela Goethejevega Fausta, kot po smrti Richarda Straussa. Kljub temu obdobje med obema dogodkoma tako zelo povedno opredeljuje zlato dobo nemškega samospeva, da se takšna zamejitev, če je že potrebna, zdi ustrezna.
Schuberta in Straussa med drugim druži obsežen opus samospevov, med katerimi je mnogo uglasbitev pesmi Johanna Wolfganga Goetheja. Prva znamenita glasbena obdelava Goethejevega besedila sega v leto 1782, ko je Corona Schröter za krstno izvedbo mojstrove spevoigre Die Fischerin zvočno upodobila balado Erlkönig, zadnji Straussov samospev na Goethejevo pesem pa je nastal leta 1932. Obe skladbi torej loči natanko poldrugo stoletje - čas, v katerem je nastalo morje uglasbitev pesmi tega velikana evropske in svetovne kulture. Tako dolga in v resnici še daljša aktualnost Gothejeve ustvarjalnosti zgovorno priča o njegovem pomenu za razvoj samospeva in vplivu njegovih del na glasbo minulih dveh stoletij. Skladatelje so najbolj razvnemale in navdihovale pesmi iz Goethejevega viharniškega obdobja, ki je najizraziteje poosebljalo romantično čutenje. Trditev podpira že samo osupljiva množica uglasbitev pesnikove balade Erlkönig, prežete s tedaj tako mikavnim motivom demonskega in pogubnega. Nemški muzikolog Werner-Joachim Düring jih je naštel kar 131.2 Najznamenitejša je Schubertova, nastala leta 1815. Če lahko skladatelja pogojno imenujemo za očeta najintimnejše glasbene zvrsti, lahko njegov opus 1 simbolično razumemo kot »prvi samospev«. Vnet zagovornik točnih zamejitev bi trditvi najbrž ugovarjal, češ da je to v resnici Schubertova Marjetica pri kolovratu; a naj bo tako ali drugače, pod notnim zapisom obeh stoji Goethejeva pesem. Znamenitega Weimerčana torej ni težko razglasiti za botra samospeva. In prav zato je njegova poezija primerno izhodišče za poskus orisa razvoja obravnavane zvrsti.
Med omenjenimi 131 uglasbitvami niso samo skladbe za glas in klavir, temveč to število vključuje kompozicije za najrazličnejše vokalne, vokalno-instrumentalne in instrumentalne zasedbe in raznolikih zvrsti - od krajših klavirskih skladb in samospevov do obsežnejših kantat in del za simfonični orkester.3 Prevladujejo vokalno-instru-mentalne skladbe, veliko pa je tudi njihovih priredb, še posebej za instrumentalne zasedbe.4 Navedeno število ne predstavlja prav toliko izvirnih in dokončanih kompozicij, temveč sleherni poskus uglasbitve Goethejeve pesmi. Tako na primer med 131 skladb sodijo dve Beethovnovi skici, štiri inačice Schubertove uglasbitve ter vrsta njihovih predelav. Med bolj znanimi skladatelji, ki so našli navdih v Erlkönigu ali že obstoječih uglasbitvah pesmi, poleg obeh omenjenih najdemo še imena, kot so: Carl Friedrich Zelter, Louis Spohr, Carl Czerny, Giacomo Meyerbeer, Carl Loewe, Hector Berlioz, Franz Liszt in Hans Pfitzner. Prva izmed 131 skladb je nastala leta 1782, zadnja
Werner-J. Düring. Erlkönig-Vertonungen: Eine historische und systematische Untersuchung. Kölner Beiträge zur Musikforschung 69. Regensburg: Gustav Bosse Verlag, 1972.
Ob prevladujočih uglasbitvah za glas in klavir se pojavljajo še uglasbitve za: sologlas; glas in harfo; glas in kitaro; glas, violino in klavir; glas in godalni kvartet; glas in komorni ansambel; glas in orkester; recitatorja, srednji glas in klavir; 2 glasova in klavir; pevske soliste, mešani/ženski zbor in orkester; pevske soliste in moški zbor (in klavir); mešani/moški zbor; 2 mešana zbora in klavir; zbor in orkester; orkester; salonski orkester; violončelo in klavir; violino in klavir; klavir štiriročno; klavir; violino; šramel. Skupno število vseh priredb je 39.
je izšla leta 1957. Med avtorji uglasbitev je kar nekaj predstavnic nežnega spola. Devet skladateljev je uglasbilo prevode pesmi - štirje v francoščino, trije v angleščino ter po eden v ruščino in švedščino.5
Izmed 15 zbranih partitur uglasbitev Goethejeve balade sem v obravnavo vključil le uglasbitve izvirnika. Končni izbor zajema vse skladbe še danes širše znanih skladateljev ter zanimivejša in medsebojno raznolika dela manj znanih ustvarjalcev. Deset izbranih kompozicij zajema obdobje od leta 1782 do leta 1878 - torej čas, ki se v veliki meri ujema s t. i. zlato dobo nemškega samospeva - in ga predstavlja v razmeroma enakomernih časovnih intervalih. Obravnavane uglasbitve Goethejevega Vilinskega kralja so - razvrščene po letnici nastanka oz. izdaje - zložili: Corona Schröter (1782), Johann Friedrich Reichardt (1793), Gottlob Bachmann (1798), Carl Friedrich Zelter (1807), Franz Schubert (1815), Vaclav Jan Tomašek (med 1815 in 1818), Carl Loewe (1818), Julius Schneider (1828), Louis Spohr (1856) in Louis Schlottmann (1878). Pri analizi skladb so me poleg harmonskih, oblikovnih in melodičnih značilnosti zanimali predvsem razmerje med pevskim in klavirskim partom, motivno delo, glasbena diferenciacija značajev v baladi nastopajočih oseb ter doslednost pri uporabi pesniškega besedila.
Poskus orisa razvoja nemškega samospeva na podlagi analize precej majhnega, a v isti pesmi navdihnjenega izbora skladb, se zdi na prvi pogled zaletav in skorajda utopičen. Če sprejmemo zgodovinsko stališče, da razvoj nemškega romantičnega samospeva ni bil premočrten in ga zato ni mogoče preprosto opisati niti na podlagi neprimerno večjega števila skladb, ter dodamo, da je razvoj glasbenega stavka v 19. stoletju mogoče v veliki meri zvesti tudi na samospev, pa se zastavljeni cilj izkaže za še vedno smelega, a hkrati izpolnljivega. Največja posebnost samospeva je bolj ali manj tesno zlitje pesniškega besedila in glasbe, zato se v njem ne kažejo zgolj posamične glasbene poetike, ampak tudi individualne interpretacije poezije. Od tod izvirajo zelo raznoliki opusi, pogosto tudi pri posameznem ustvarjalcu, saj so nemalokrat povezani z njegovo osebnostno rastjo in posledično drugačnim dojemanjem poezije v različnih obdobjih ustvarjanja. Prav zato je bilo zastavljeni cilj mogoče izpolniti v skoraj tolikšni meri, kot bi ga bilo mogoče znotraj širše obravnave. V izbranih skladbah se kaže večina glavnih tendenc v samospevu 19. stoletja, in to predvsem v širjenju izraznih sredstev, kar je v tesni povezavi z razvojem glasbenega stavka.
Pred pregledom izsledkov velja opozoriti na določeno svojevrstnost umetniškega navdiha obravnavanih skladateljev. Goethejev Erlkönig sodi med balade, ki v samo-spevni literaturi niso prevladovale. V ospredju zanimanja skladateljev so bile lirske pesmi, v katerih so njihovi avtorji večinoma izpovedovali ljubezenska čustva, največkrat v prvi osebi ednine. V nasprotju z njimi so balade pretežno epske, ob tem pa še dramatične in lirične. V Erlkönigu se prepletajo vse ključne značilnosti balade, zato so tudi uglasbitve precej drugačne, kot bi bile, če bi bila pesem lirska. V osemkitični
5 Trenutno obstaja osem različnih prevodov Erlköniga v slovenščino, nobeden pa še ni bil uglasbljen. Slovenski skladatelji so nasploh izjemno redko posegali po poeziji Goetheja in drugih nemških avtorjev. Sodeč po Katalogu komponiranih besedil Glasbene zbirke NUK-a in Katalogu edicij DSS, so Goethejeve pesmi na Slovenskem uglasbili: Josip Ipavec (Wandrers Nachtlied - za glas in klavir), Stanko Premrl (Bolhač - za glas in klavir; prev. Anton Funtek) in Vilko Ukmar (Kjer tih je dol in Po vseh višavah je mir - za ženski zbor; prev. Oton Župančič).
baladi nastopajo štiri osebe: pripovedovalec, oče, njegov sin in vilinski kralj. Prva in zadnja kitica sta dodeljeni pripovedovalcu in sta izrazito epski, v 3. in 5. pa nastopa vilinski kralj, ki s sladkim vabljenem otroka ustvarja izrazito lirično vzdušje. V preostalih kiticah poteka dialog med očetom ali vilinskim kraljem in sinom, kar baladi daje še dramski značaj. Več nastopajočih oseb, objektivizirana pripoved, dialogi in lirični odseki so značilnosti, ki so od skladateljev zahtevale drugačen pristop h komponiranju. Pri tem so uporabljali postopke in izrazna sredstva, ki v uglasbitvah lirskih pesmi niso bili tako pogosti, hkrati pa manj poudarili ali včasih celo opustili katero izmed glavnih značilnosti romantičnega samospeva. Med njimi ima osrednjo vlogo spevna melodija.
V Goethejevo pesem so skladatelji posegali različno, nihče pa se ni temu izognil. Nekatere spremembe so bile verjetno že del vira, v katerem so poiskali navdih, druge so bile samovoljni posegi, ki jih je težko pojasniti, v tretjo skupino pa bi lahko uvrstili tiste, katerim se skladatelji niso mogli ali hoteli izogniti. Sorodne kitice Erlköniga si po številu zlogov niso vedno enake, zato so se skladatelji ob ponovni uporabi že predstavljenega glasbenega gradiva večkrat znašli v zadregi. Glasba je postala ujetnica oblikovne (kitične) zasnove. In ker se ni želela ukloniti, je v vseh primerih, razen pri Schubertu, žrtvovala pesem. Na ta način je prišlo do številnih majhnih sprememb pesniškega besedila, predvsem v obliki dodajanja ali odvzemanja besed, njihovih delov ali črk, s čimer so skladatelji pridobili manjkajoč ali odstranili odvečen zlog. Razlago o utesnjujoči obliki podpira tudi dejstvo, da se nekaj sprememb ponavlja v večini uglasbitev. Poleg že omenjenih lahko vpeljemo še eno skupino sprememb. Uporabil jih je Schubert. Mojster samospeva je pri tem ravnal povsem zavedno, torej tudi samovoljno, vendar pa je njegova ponovitev zadnjega verza 5. kitice umetniško upravičena in smiselna. V ta poseg ga ni silila glasbena oblika, temveč njegovo hotenje, spodbujeno z lastno interpretacijo balade o vilinskem kralju.
Samospev zaradi svojega navadno majhnega obsega ni najprimernejša zvrst za motivno delo. To je nekoliko lažje v običajno daljših baladah, med katere sodi tudi Erlkönig. Goethe je v svoji pesmi le dvakrat - v prvi in zadnji kitici - omenil ježo, medtem ko je omembo konja povsem izpustil. To je eden tistih primerov neizrečenega, ki so ga mnogi skladatelji spretno prelili v glasbo. Tonskemu slikanju dira konja oz. topotanja konjskih kopit sta se od obravnavanih skladateljev popolnoma odpovedala le Schröterjeva in Zelter. Ostali so se ga lotili različno. Reichardt je dir konja prikazal z enakomernim ritmom v 3/8 taktovskem načinu, večina drugih skladateljev z ritmičnim motivom, največkrat v obliki kratkih in/ali punktiranih notnih vrednostih, Schneider z ritmično-melodičnim motivom, ki pa ni prevladujoč. Najučinkovitejša pri glasbenem upodabljanju konja sta bila Schubert in Schlottmann. Schubert se je zelo uspešno preizkusil tudi v tonskem slikanju sunkov vetra oz. šumenja jelševega listja (gl. notni primer 1)6, podobno pa so ravnali še Loewe, Schneider in Spohr. Neenakomerno gibanje so prikazali z ritmičnim motivom, ki pa je večinoma prepoznaven tudi po melodičnem gibanju ali vsaj po smeri intervalnega gibanja.
6 Schubert je dir konja ponazoril ritmično - z osminskimi triolami v klavirski spremljavi. Omenjeno gibanje poteka neprekinjeno od prvega do predpredzadnjega takta skladbe. Glasbeni motiv, ki ponazarja sunke vetra, se pojavlja mestoma in v različnih oblikah. Prepoznaven je po vzpenjajočem se gibanju dveh zaporednih osminskih triol.
Notni primer 1: Franz Schubert: Erlkönig, t. 1-8.
Poskus motivnega dela v pevski liniji je opazen le pri Schneiderju in Spohru. Prvi je začetek in konec skladbe povezal z melodičnim motivom, celoten pevski part pa z intervalom kvarte, s katerim se motiv začenja. Zadnje, vendar v veliko manjši meri, je uporabil tudi Spohr, ki je dečkove nastope začel z intervalom male sekunde, vzetim iz instrumentalnega uvoda skladbe. Motivno povezovanje in/ali členjenje je opaznejše in pomembnejše v uglasbitvah od Schuberta naprej, vendar pa se ne kaže kot razvojna težnja, ki bi vodila k jasnemu cilju.
Najbolj premočrten razvoj je opaziti v širjenju harmonskega prostora. Z njim povezanega tonalnega prostora razen Schuberta nobeden od njegovih predstavljenih sodobnikov in naslednikov ni izrabil v tolikšni meri, kot bi glede na čas nastanka njihovih skladb to pričakovali. Schröterjeva in Reichardt nista zapustila osnovne tonalitete, Bachmann in Zelter sta modulirala le v mediantno oz. dominantno območje. Ostali skladatelji so uporabili več tonalitet, a pri tem ravnali konvencionalno. To gre pripisati ponavljanju glasbenega gradiva, ki je ob odsotnosti sekvenciranja oz. harmonskega stopnjevanja terjalo vračanje v isto tonaliteto in zaradi kratkih prehodnih odsekov onemogočalo modulacije v zelo oddaljene tonovske načine. Drugače je bilo pri Schubertu, ki se je v odprti formi »sprehodil« skozi 13 različnih tonalitet in ob tem 18-krat moduliral. Če bi pogledali nekaj uglasbitev lirskih pesmi, bi ugotovili, da je bil tonalni prostor v nekaterih samospevih na vsebinsko enovitejše pesmi sredi in v drugi polovici 19. stoletja bolje izkoriščen. Literarno pogojeno omejenost v izrabi tonalnega prostora so skladatelji od Schuberta naprej uspeli nadomestiti z drznejšo obravnavo harmonije. Pogosto izmikanje v stranske VII. stopnje in dominante, uporaba neakordnih in alteriranih tonov, kromatike in disonantnih intervalov med pevskim in klavirskim partom so bili postopki, s katerimi so skladatelji uspeli močno razširiti
živopisnost glasbenega stavka in ustvariti številne kontraste, napetosti in njihove razbremenitve. Tako je samospev v harmoniji še najdosledneje sledil splošnim glasbenim trendom 19. stoletja.
Seveda je napredna harmonija odmevala tudi v melodiki. Zaradi že omenjene spe-cifike balade kot pesniške oblike je ta v obravnavanih samospevih manj spevna kot v sočasnih uglasbitvah lirskih pesmi. Pogosti so kratke fraze, recitativna zasnova, ponavljanje tonskih višin na eni in večji intervali na drugi strani ter figurativen obris melodike. Melodioznejši odseki so prisotni predvsem v uglasbitvah Schuberta, Tomaška in Spohra, bolj spevni pa sta tudi skladbi Schröterjeve in Zelterja. V zgodnejših samospevih je melodika še strogo diatonična, pozneje pa vsebuje čedalje več alteriranih tonov in kromatičnih odsekov. Kromatika je na največjem pohodu prav v zadnji obravnavani skladbi - v zaključku 7. kitice Schlottmanovega Erlköniga (gl. notni primer 2).
Notni primer 2: Louis Schlottmann: Erlkönig, t. 150-161.
Podobnosti v oblikovanju melodične linije so opazne le v odsekih vilinskega kralja. Naslovno figuro so, razen Schröterjeve, z drugačno melodiko kot pri ostalih likih izpostavili vsi skladatelji. Schubert, Tomašek in Spohr so to dosegli s spevnejšim in bolj razgibanim potekom, vendar vsak na svoj način. Njihova skupna poteza pri melodičnem karakteriziranju vilinskega kralja je opiranje na manjše intervale. Iz njih sta izhajala tudi Reichardt in Zelter, pri čemer je bil to njun osnovni princip oblikovanja melodike. Prvi je pevsko linijo omejil na en sam ton, iz katerega se je izmaknil le v polkadenci in kadenci, drugi pa je umirjenost vilinskega kralja prikazal s sekundnim gibanjem, ki ga je prekinil ob koncu vsakega odseka. Preostali trije skladatelji so stabilen značaj naslovnega junaka prikazali drugače. Loewe je uporabil tone toničnega trozvoka, Schneider in Schlottmann pa osnovne oz. akordne tone pripadajočih harmonskih stopenj.
Med drugimi izraznimi sredstvi, kot so ritem, metrum, dinamika, agogika, artiku-lacija in tekstura, ni opaziti posebnega napredka skozi čas, saj so se vse naštete prvine glasbenega toka izoblikovale že prej. Njihov morebiten večji učinek je bil povezan zlasti z njihovo hkratno in pogostejšo uporabo. Omeniti velja še večjo zahtevnost pevskega (predvsem v obsegu) in klavirskega parta. Izhaja iz spremenjenega družbenega statusa žanra, ki je v 19. stoletju postal visoko cenjena glasbena zvrst in se iz domačih salonov vedno pogosteje selil na koncertne odre.
Med tendencami v samospevu na prelomu 18. in 19. stoletja sta bili najizrazitejši čedalje večja deskriptivnost glasbe ter vedno pomembnejša in samostojnejša vloga klavirskega parta. Ti težnji sta bili med seboj tesno povezani in sta vplivali na večino ostalih smernic v razvoju glasbenega stavka v samospevu, najočitneje na glasbeno obliko.
Corona Schröter je balado uglasbila kot kitično pesem (gl. notni primer 3). Njena skladba dokazuje, da takšna oblika glasbi ne omogoča, da bi v tako nemirni pesmi, kot je Erlkönig, polno spregovorila. To tudi ni bil njen namen, zato je v eni kitici skušala zajeti duha celotne pesmi. Reichardtov Erlkönig je med obravnavanimi skladbami najboljši primer variirane kitične pesmi. Skladatelj je zložil veliko periodo in na njej zgradil celotno skladbo. Kljub nedotaknjeni harmoniji je s pomočjo maksimalne izrabe majhnega števila izraznih sredstev - drugačnih melodike vilinskega kralja, lege klavirskega in pevskega parta ter dinamike - uspel glasbeno ločiti nastopajoče osebe. Ostali skladatelji so ravnali nekoliko drugače, a z izjemo Schuberta vsi zelo podobno. Zložili so dva sklopa ali več sklopov glasbenega materiala in jih, nespremenjene ali variirane, razvrstili po sorodnih kiticah. Seveda se je znotraj glasbenega stavka od Bachmanna in Zelterja do Spohra in Schlottmanna veliko spremenilo, vendar je bil njihov pristop pri oblikovanju uglasbitev Erlköniga v temeljih enak. Tako zasnovane skladbe so nekje vmes med variirano kitično in preko mponirano pesmijo. Dobro izrabljen, je model lahko zelo učinkovit, saj omogoča jasno diferenciacijo oseb, z variiranjem pa tudi stopnjevanje izraznosti glasbenega toka. Pravo prekomponirano obliko (tj. obliko, v kateri glasba svobodno sledi dogajanju, ne da bi se pri tem morala ozirati na svoje prejšnje »izjave«, čeprav ni nujno, da se temu tudi odreče) je uporabil samo Schubert. Tak pristop se je izkazal za najprimernejšega oz. takšnega, ki skladatelju dopušča največ ustvarjalne svobode. To je bil tudi najpomembnejši prispevek pre-
Notni primer 3: Corona Schröter: Der Erlkönig.
komponirane oblike: razvezala je izrazno omejene kompozicijske vzorce, ki jih je predstavljala (variirana) kitična oblika, in pokazala možnosti, ki so se odprle z neomajno svobodo. V 19. stoletju se namreč ni uveljavila kot prevladujoč način oblikovanja samospevov, saj so motivno bolj enovitim liričnim pesmim ustrezale že kitična, variirana kitična in tridelna pesemska oblika. Prekomponirana oblika je bila velik smerokaz, ki je bolj kot v smeri zveličavnega načina oblikovanja kazal proti bogastvu možnih izraznih sredstev. Odpiranje forme je v prvi vrsti služilo prehodu od besedilu podrejene glasbe do njenega sožitja s poezijo.
Zavezanost berlinski pesemski šoli, katere vzori so bili kitična oblika, primat preproste, ljudske in »naravne« melodike ter enostavna klavirska spremljava, ter njej
sorodnim Goethejevim idejam o samospevu se močno kaže v delih skladateljev, ki so sodelovali z velikim pesnikom. Čeprav sta Reichardt in Zelter v primerjavi s Schröterjevo naredila korak naprej, v njunih uglasbitvah Erlköniga glasba še vedno bolj plemeniti pesem kot pa opisuje dogajanje v njej. Da sta bila omenjena vpliva še kako močna, je razvidno iz Bachmannove skladbe. Od Goetheja in Berlina odmaknjeni ustvarjalec je zložil glasbeno precej bolj povedno delo. Zato lahko skoraj sočasen odhod Goetheja in Zelterja med pokojne razumemo kot simboličen konec obdobja, ki je stremelo po primatu poezije nad glasbo v samospevu. Tej tradiciji se je kot predstavnik tretje generacije berlinske pesemske šole zares zapisal le še njun prijatelj Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy.
Samospev je že pred smrtjo Goetheja in Zelterja postal medij, v katerem sta se glasba in poezija zlili v nerazdružljivo celoto. Prva je v sebi lastnem jeziku slikala drugo, ob tem pa je lahko prikazala tudi tisto, kar je bilo v besedah zgolj nakazano oz. izraženo implicitno. Nove oblikovne rešitve so večjo glasbeno izraznost le omogočale, spojitev besedne in muzične umetnosti pa se je uresničila šele s hotenjem po takšni vlogi glasbe. Paleto izraznih sredstev je bilo potrebno »samo« še vzeti v roke, se jo naučiti uporabljati in jo s primernim združevanjem in sopostavljanjem posameznih izrazil znati obogatiti. Največ možnosti pri tem je ponujal klavir. Njegova vloga v samospevu se je od Schrö-terjeve do Schuberta močno spremenila. Avtorici prve uglasbitve Erlköniga je služil le kot akordna spremljava in nosilec harmonije, ki je istočasno podvajal pevsko linijo. Potem je vedno bolj izstopal, dokler ni pri Schubertu postal enakovreden vokalu. Ne samo, da je klavir uvajal osnovno razpoloženje, zaključil skladbo ter z vmesnimi me-digrami povezoval kontrastne odseke, temveč je kot nosilec glavnega motiva postal povezovalno tkivo celotne kompozicije. Od predstavljenih skladateljev v izrabi klavirskega parta Schuberta nihče ni bistveno presegel. Tako bi lahko sklepali, da se vloga klavirja v samospevu v več kot 60 letih ni niti malo spremenila. Vendar pa bi že kateri od samospevov Roberta Schumanna ali Huga Wolfa, ki je resda začel intenzivneje ustvarjati šele po nastanku Schlottmannove skladbe, pokazal, da temu ni bilo tako. Oba sta namreč bodisi z dolgimi instrumentalnimi uvodi in zaključki bodisi z daljšimi medigrami klavir včasih prignala do solističnega instrumenta in komponirala tako rekoč klavirske skladbe znotraj samospevov. Ob tem ne gre spregledati niti obravnavanega samospeva Spohra, ki je v svojem Erlkönigu uporabil violino. Kot nosilki enega od motivov in prinašalki kontrastnega razpoloženja ji je poveril pomembno vlogo, a zaradi manj izrabljenega klavirja s tem ni ustvaril izstopajoče učinkovite skladbe.
Podoba samospeva se je med letoma 1782 in 1878 torej korenito spremenila. Predstavljene uglasbitve znamenite balade pričajo o veliki glasbeni emancipaciji. Ta se manifestira v kompleksnejši uporabi harmonije in tonalnega prostora, pomembnejši vlogi klavirskega parta, ki postane nepogrešljiv, in samostojnih instrumentalnih odsekih. Glavni nosilec glasbenega izraza v uglasbitvah skladateljev, ki so se odmaknili od vzorov berlinske pesemske šole, ni več le melodija, ki je - potekajoča v izbranih tonaliteti in taktovskem načinu - v zgodnejših uglasbitvah služila zgolj poudarjanju ritmičnih in metričnih lastnosti pesniškega besedila, temveč to postane glasbeni stavek v vsem svojem bogastvu, značilnem za 19. stoletje, seveda znotraj okvirov, ustrezajočih majhni izvajalski zasedbi in obsegu skladb. Želja po večjem glasbenem izrazu - gonilni
sili vseh sprememb - je pripeljala tudi do odmika od »utesnjujoče« kitične oblike, ki so jo nadomestile bolj odprte forme, kot sta variirana kitična in prekomponirana pesem. Vse to je pripomoglo k velikemu preobratu v dojemanju zvrsti oz. k spremembi njenega družbenega statusa. Samospev ni bil namenjen le v domačem krogu muzicirajočim ljubiteljskim glasbenikom, temveč je postal ena najimenitnejših glasbenih zvrsti 19. stoletja.
Summary
The ballad Erlkönig by Johann Wolfgang Goethe is one of the most frequently set secular texts to music in modern history of Western music. Werner-Joachim Düring counts 131 settings to music, the first from 1782 and the last one published in 1957. The author of this article presents the results of analysis of ten compositions of Goethe's ballad written between 1782 and 1878. These results have served as a basis for describing the development of the German lied during this period.
The selection of the songs, however small, clearly shows the tendencies in the development of this musical form in almost 100 years. Most evident are both the increasing musical descriptiveness and the ever more important role of the piano. These tendencies demanded a change from strophic to varied strophic and ultimately to through-composed form. The latter rendered a closer relation between text and music as well as greater musical expression. The most convenient means of expression for the composers, when setting the sense of Goethe's ballad to music, was
to juxtapose and alternate the contrasting sections of the poem which describe its different characters. The specifics of the ballad as a poetic form with lyric, epic and dramatic elements - in comparison with lyric poems - demand a wider diapason of music material. The widening of tonal and harmonic space is the most noticeable in the only through-composed setting by Franz Schubert. Other composers were due to the repetition of the musical material limited, though a certain development is still perceivable, most notably in the greater use of chromatics. The use of motifs on a larger scale first appears with Schubert, mainly in the piano part. We can also notice a more important role of the accompaniment: independent instrumental passages and greater technical demands. It is mainly because of the epic and dramatic elements that the melodic component is less tuneful than in the settings of contemporary lyric poems. It is therefore the recitative and figurative scheme that prevails; however, the strophic song by Corona Schröter is entirely melodious and in the compositions by some other composers it is usually the Erlkönig that has the most melodious sections.
UDK 78:821.09 Peter Revers
Institut für Komposition, Musiktheorie, Musikgeschichte und Dirigieren, Universität für Musik
und darstellende Kunst Graz Inštitut za kompozicijo, glasbeno teorijo, glasbeno zgodovino in dirigiranje, Univerza za glasbo in upodabljajočo umetnost v Gradcu
„Ohne Anfang, ohne Ende, ohne Mitte" - Gedanken zum Verhältnis von Sprache und Musik in Hans Zenders Shir hashirim
„Brez začetka, brez konca, brez sredine" -Razmišljanja o odnosu jezika in glasbe v Shir hashirim Hansa Zenderja
Ključne besede: Zender, visoka pesem, inter-tekstualnost, retorika, branje
IzVLEčEK
Hans Zenderjevo celovečerno delo Shir hashirim lahko označimo kot kompleks vrste izjemno diferenciranih načinov branja Visoke pesmi. Pri tem igra tekstovna in glasbena povezanost (v smislu sintaktičnih in intertekstualnih odnosov) prav tako pomembno vlogo kot njeno razbitje s pomočjo razstavljanja besedil in besed ter ekspo-niranja primarno tonske in jezikovne zvočnosti.
Keywords: Zender, Hohelied, Intertextualität, Rhetorik, lecture
Abstract
Hans Zenders abendfüllendes Werk Shir hashirim lässt sich als ein Komplex mehrerer, außerordentlich differenzierter Lesarten des Hohe-liedes interpretieren. Dabei bilden textliche und musikalische Kohärenz (im Sinne syntaktischer und intertextueller Bezugsfelder) eine ebenso wichtige Rolle wie deren Sprengung durch die Aufsplitterung von Worten und Textteilen und die Exponierung von primär klanglicher und lautsprachlicher Sonanz.
Die Frage, ob das Hohelied eine mehr oder weniger lockere Zusammenstellung von Liebesliedern ohne kohärente Disposition darstelle, oder ob ihr ein übergreifendes Konzept, ja - wie gelegentlich auch reklamiert wurde - eine konzise Dramaturgie zugrunde liege, zählt in der alttestamentlichen Exegese nach wie vor zu den nicht
geklärten Fragen. Hinsichtlich der Personen, der Stimmungen und Landschaften besteht keinerlei Einheitlichkeit. Wiederholungen einerseits, Brüche andererseits, die sich unserem Verständnis von logischer Gedankenentwicklung kaum subsumieren lassen, ja selbst einer durchgängigen personalstilistischen Zuordnung oder gar einer einigermaßen einzuschränkenden Festlegung der Entstehungszeit scheint sich dieser schillernde, buntscheckige und faszinierend offene Text zu entziehen. Zu Recht beschreibt Klaus Reichert das Hohelied als vielstimmigen Klangkörper, „mit Echos von etwas, dessen Herkunft verloren ist" bzw. als „zusammengestückeltes Gefäß, in dem die Bruchstellen sichtbar sind und die fehlenden Scherben besonders vermisst werden." Vielleicht - so resümiert Reichert - „öffnet aber gerade das Nebeneinander weit auseinander liegender, zur Zeit der Niederschrift kaum mehr erreichbarer Orte und die Gleichzeitigkeit verschiedener Zeiten, öffnen die unvermittelten Abbrüche und die ebenso unvermittelten Wiederholungen den Blick für eine andere Lektüre."1 Sein Plädoyer für eine offene, vielfältige Zugänge ermöglichende Lesart entspricht in hohem Maße Zenders eigener Auffassung: „Ein großer Text" - so der Komponist -„lässt sich nicht auf die Auslegung der eigenen Zeit begrenzen, historische Entfernung wiederum ist durch keinerlei Kodifizierung aufzuheben, da sich neben allen Einzelaspekten das rezipierende Bewusstsein unwiderruflich geändert hat."2 Die Differenz unterschiedlicher Lesarten beschränkt sich dabei nicht nur auf die Vielfalt von möglichen Interpretationsansätzen, sondern fungiert auch als kreative Herausforderung. Deutung und Schöpfung werden bei Zender zu einem übergreifenden, eng ineinander verzahnten kompositorischen Akt.
In einem derart komplexen, um den zentralen Gedanken der Liebe kreisenden Textkorpus, kommt der Sprachstruktur naturgemäß besondere Bedeutung zu. Zender selbst - dies sei vorab gesagt - bekennt sich zu einer prädisponierten literarischen Form des Shir hashirim, genauer einem „freien Rondoprinzip", das sich aber dem Verständnis der Strukturen abendländischer klassischer Dichtung entziehe und in einer aus der Chaostheorie entwickelten Form zwischen den Polen freier „spontaner Ausbrüche" einerseits und refrainartigen Teilen andererseits bewege.3 Diese Affinität zum Ungeregelten, Chaotischen ist nicht zuletzt durch den hebräischen Text des Liedes selbst legitimiert. Klaus Reichert hat die „für unvermittelte Erweiterungen"4 offene parataktische Syntax des Shir hashirim betont und in der Überblendung und Vieldeutigkeit mancher Worte gar einen Bezug zu Joyces Finnegan's Wake hergestellt. Demzufolge seien die Wortgrenzen im hebräischen Text offen, entziehen sich oft einer eindeutigen Bestimmung und führen zu einem für das Hohelied signifikanten „Schweben zwischen Bedeutungen"5. Es erscheint mir an dieser Stelle angebracht, einige kurze Gedanken zum Verständnis von Text und seinen Unterschieden in der abendländischen Kultur einerseits und den antiken orientalischen Kulturen andererseits anzuführen. Dabei geht es mir nicht um philologische Details, sondern um
1	Das Hohelied Salomos - übersetzt, transkribiert und kommentiert von Klaus Reichert, Salzburg - Wien 1996, S. 10.
2	Hans Zender, Wir steigen niemals in denselben Fluß, Freiburg/Brsg. 1996, S. 79.
3	Vorwort zu CD: Hans Zender - Shir Hashirim I & II, cpo 999 486 - 2 (1997), S. 3.
4	Reichert, S. 12.
5	Ebda., S. 13.
grundsätzliche Divergenzen, die m.E. in Zenders Hoheliedvertonung in besonderer Weise fruchtbar werden. Das Wort „Text" kommt bekanntlich aus dem Lateinischen: „textus verborum" bedeutet das Gewebe, den Zusammenhang der Wörter und in weiterem Umfang „den Aufbau und die Kohärenz der Rede."6 Dies bildet die wesentliche Voraussetzung für die Entstehung des für das Abendland dominierenden rhetorischen Textverständnisses. In den altorientalischen Sprachen (Hebräisch, Ägyptisch, Akkadisch) gibt es kein Äquivalent für „textus verborum": Der Unterschied zwischen Information und Mitteilung, zwischen der sprachlichen Gestalt und dem Sachverhalt, der vermittelt wird, ist in diesen Sprachen weitgehend bedeutungslos. Dem Wort kommt in den altorientalischen Sprachen also eine hohe Eigenbedeutung zu. Aus der rhetorischen Tradition entspringen letztlich auch unser philologisches Verständnis und alle damit verbundenen Implikationen wie Textkritik, Edition, Kommentar, Exegese, Übersetzung usw. Zu Recht argumentiert etwa Jan Assmann, dass man von philologischer Auslegungskultur vor allem dort spreche, „wo man es mit sprachlichen Äußerungen zu tun hat, deren Verständnis auf Grund hohen Alters oder sonstiger interkultureller Fremdheit problematisch geworden ist, also insbesondere im Umkreis der antiken Texte."7 Jede Übersetzung, und dies gilt selbstverständlich auch für die musikalische Umsetzung, muss also im Grunde beide Seiten des jeweiligen Textverständnisses in Rechnung stellen: unser abendländisches, das auf Zusammenhang und Kontinuität der Gedankenführung ausgerichtet ist; und das orientalische, in dem sich die Eigenbedeutung des Wortes in viel stärkerem Maße dem Primat der Syntax widersetzt. Aufbrechen von uns gewohnter Textkohärenz, der das für die abendländische Sprachkultur Ungeregelte, Chaotische als gleichrangige Möglichkeit zur Seite gestellt wird, ja schließlich die Überwindung des diskursiven Denkens im Koan, dem aus dem japanischen Zen-Buddhismus entlehnten Titel des vorwiegend instrumentalen Binnensatzes zwischen den Teilen 3 und 4 von Zenders Shir hashirim: sie werden zu einem Kanon vielfältiger Erkundungen in den Möglichkeiten und Grenzbereichen von Sprache.
Die für das Hohelied grundsätzliche Offenheit des Textkorpus findet in Zenders Vertonung von Anfang an Niederschlag. Bereits im Teil I, Jishaqueni - Er küsse mich, wird in den kontinuierlichen Textverlauf des 1. Kapitels ein Abschnitt des 8., nämlich die Verse 8,8 - 8,9 einmontiert. Damit stellt er einen dramaturgisch in sich schlüssigen Zusammenhang her, den das Original (^ Hohelied 1, 5-6) entbehrt:
Hl 1, 5: „Schwarz bin ich, doch anmutig! Schwarz bin ich, und so schön! [....]" Hl 1, 6: „Starrt mich nicht an, dass ich so schwarz bin: mich traf ja die aufblitzende Sonne."
Hl. 8,8-9: „Uns gehört eine Schwester - was tun wir mit ihr, kommt sie ins Gerede? Sie hat noch keine Brüste ... Ist sie eine Mauer, bau'n wir eine Silberzinne drauf. Ist sie eine Pforte, bau'n wir eine Zedernplanke davor."
6	Jan Assmann, Religion und kulturelles Gedächtnis, München 2000, S. 124.
7	Ebda., S. 125.
MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL XLII/1 (Forts.
Hl. 1, 6): „Die Söhne meiner Mutter sind wutentbrannt über mich! Sie setzten mich, zu hüten den Weinberg, aber ich, meinen Weinberg, den eigenen, habe ich nicht gehütet."
Die inhaltlichen Bezüge dieser Neuzusammenstellung der Textabschnitte werden vor allem dann verständlich, wenn man sich den Symbolcharakter dieser bildhaften Sprache vor Augen führt: Mauern, Zinnen, Zedernplanken sind hier als Gleichnis zu sehen, in dem es nicht zuletzt um „die Verschlossenheit gegenüber Verführungen" und die Sorge der Brüder um die „Ehre und Keuschheit"8 der Schwester geht. Das nun in der Fortsetzung von Hl 1,6 wesentliche Bild des Weinbergs ist in der Exegese des AT immer wieder in Zusammenhang mit erotischen Assoziationen gebracht worden. Das Geständnis, den „eigenen Weinberg" nicht gehütet zu haben, umgibt sie - wie Othmar Keel meint - mit einem „Hauch von Verruchtheit"9, erklärt also die Wut der um ihre Unberührtheit besorgten Brüder, deren eigentliches Ziel es war, die ethischmoralische Vormundschaft über ihre Schwester zu behaupten.10 Ohne hier zu sehr in exegetische Details zu gehen kann an diesem Beispiel ersehen werden, wie sehr Zenders Disposition durch derartige intertextuelle Vernetzungen um Stringenz der Gedankenführung bemüht ist.
Wesentlich komplizierter stellt sich die Situation in jenen Abschnitten dar, in denen der syntaktische Zusammenhang der Verse selbst aufgebrochen wird, Sätze und Wörter gleichsam in ihre Bestandteile zerlegt und neu angeordnet werden, „Überblendungen von Stimmen" gleichsam, „die sich nicht mehr sinnvoll verstehend trennen lassen"11. Zender hat dies - in Kombination mit einer klangräumlichen Aufspaltung der Instrumental- und Vokalgruppen - vor allem im 3. Satz von Teil III seiner Hohelied-Vertonung unternommen. Die Gründe für diese Verfahrensweise dürften zu einem nicht geringen Teil im Textkorpus selbst begründet sein. Denn die hier vertonte Textstelle (es handelt sich um Hl 6, 4-8) ist - mit Ausnahme des letzten Verses zu großen Teilen mit Hl. 4, 1 -3 identisch. Und auch in Zenders Vertonung finden sich die entsprechenden Verse aus Hl. 4 bereits im 3. Satz von Teil II. Die folgende Übersicht möge zunächst das textuelle Netz der entsprechenden Verse verdeutlichen:
Hl. 1, 15:	Da, du Schöne, meine Freundinj du bist schön, mein Freundin! Deine
Augen: Tauben!
Hl. 4, 1 - 3: Da, du Schöne, Geliebte!]	| Deine Augen. Tauben! |
(Zender II/3) [...]
Deine Haare: eine Ziegenherde, hochkletternd den Berg Gillad! Deine Zähne: eine Herde frisch geschorener Schafe, aufsteigend aus der Schwemme Alle zu zweit! Allein ist keiner!
Deine Lippen, glutrote Bänder! Und dein Schweigen ziert dich! [...] Deine Schläfe hinter dem Vorhang: Ritz des Granatapfels ....
8	Das Hohelied, erklärt von Gerhard Maier, Wuppertaler Studienbibel, Wuppertal 1998 (2. Aufl.), S. 175f.
9	Othmar Keel, Das Hohe Lied (Zürcher Bibelkommentare; AT; 18), Zürich 1992 (2. Aufl.), S. 57.
10	Vgl. hierzu: Das Hohelied, übs. und erklärt von Hans-Peter Müller, Göttingen 1992 (4. Aufl.), S. 87.
11	Reichert, a.a.O., S. 13.
Hl. 6, 4 - 8: Schön bist du, meine Freundin (Zender: III/3) [...]
Deine Haare eine Herde Ziegen, aufwallend aus dem Tal, deine Zähne eine Herde Schafe, aufsteigend aus der Schwemme, alle zu zweit, allein ist keiner ....
deine Schläfe Spalt des Granatapfels, hinter dem Schleier
Textlich geschieht hier nichts Neues, die Notwendigkeit für sprachliches Verstehen hat also keine Priorität. Die Zersplitterung des Sprachduktus wird allerdings kompensiert durch ein hohes Maß an Musikalität der hoquetusartig verzahnten Silben und Wortteile. Dieser Aspekt des Textes wurde z.T. in der Exegese des AT beschrieben. Mit Hinblick auf den Originaltext meint etwa Gerhard Maier: „Es ist, als ob der Dichter alle seltenen und auch weniger seltenen Wörter mit s und sch samt den farbigsten Vokalen aus der hebräischen Sprache herausgesucht hätte."12 Die Klanglichkeit der Sprache verweist hier also in gewisser Weise auf sich selbst. Dabei artikuliert der auf dem Podium befindliche Chor gleichsam die zentrale Aussage („Schön bist Du, Freundin, Geliebte"), während durch die im Zuschauerraum befindlichen Seitenchöre die Aufsplitterung des Sprachsinns in primär klangliche Qualitäten Hand in Hand mit einer - erstmals hier einsetzenden - expliziten Raummusik geht.
Betrachten wir nun die Situation in Teil II / Abschnitt 3 (Hl. 4, 1 - 3) so zeigt sich, dass sie zu dem erwähnten Abschnitt in Teil III manche Parallelen aufweist. Die Basis des Chorsatzes (hier beschränkt auf Tenor und Bass) bildet eine übergreifende, in vier Segmente geteilte, isorhythmische Formel („Da, du Schöne, Geliebte!"), über der im Tenorsolo die bilderreiche Verherrlichung der Geliebten erfolgt. Der Tonvorrat der Chorstimmen bewegt sich dabei innerhalb eines Tritonusrahmens F - H, wobei er sich vom mittleren Ton As aus, symmetrisch nach beiden Seiten hin, d.h. nach oben zum H und nach unten zum F ausweitet. Das Symmetrieprinzip bestimmt in Teil II auch die rhythmische Organisation. Analysiert man daraufhin etwa die ersten 17 Takte von Abschnitt 3, so ergibt sich folgendes Bild:
		Da,	du	Schö -	ne,	Ge ---	lieb --	te!	
T. 4:	9/8-Takt:	2: [5t]	It	2t	31	2t	3t	3/[4/]	(16-20/)
T. 6:	9/8-Takt:	3t	4t	5t	4t	5t	6t	4t[5t]	(31-32/)
T. 9:	9/8-Takt:	51	6t	5t	4t	5t	4t	2t[3t]	(31-32/)
T. 13:	9/8-Takt:	41	3t	2t	3t	2t	lt	2«r[ 3J"]	(16-17/)
T. 15:	9/8-Takt:	2t	lt	2t	3t	2t	3t	3t	(16/)
		Da,	du	Schö -	ne,	Ge ---	lieb --	te!	
12 Siehe Fn. 6, S. 90.
Beispiel 1. Zender, Shir hashirim, Teil II, Abschnitt 3.
du
Beispiel 2. Zender, Shir hashirim, Teil III, Abschnitt 3.
Die beiden Abschnitte II/3 und III/3 sind also, ähnlich der Textstruktur, auf vielfältige Weise miteinander in Beziehung gesetzt: so beruhen die Chorabschnitte auf einer analogen Reihenstruktur und sie artikulieren als gleichsam Unveränderliches die Idee der Schönheit der Geliebten. Deutlich werden anhand dieser Parallelen einerseits die subtilen Vernetzungen zwischen einzelnen Teilen der Komposition, andererseits aber auch der Kontinuität stiftende Prozess einer permanenten Neuordnung und Neuformulierung bereits verwendeter Materialebenen (Zender selbst hat vom „Recycling" einzelner Gestalten in Shir hashirim gesprochen). Gerade durch derartige Verfahren gelingt es, die Mehrdeutigkeit des zugrunde liegenden Textes zwischen Mitteilung, Bilderfülle und primär lautsprachlicher Sonanz hervorzuheben.
Bezüge zwischen verschiedenen Textabschnitten artikulieren sich auch auf der Ebene rhetorischer Figuren. Auffällig sind etwa zahlreiche chromatisch fallende melodische Bewegungen, die häufig mit dem Bild des Hinabsteigens (also im Sinne einer Katabasis) verbunden sind, so gegen Ende des II. Teils, dem als Text der Schluss des 4. Kapitels von Hl. zugrunde liegt, jener Verse, die gemeinhin als deutlichste
Beispiel 3. Zender, Shir hashirim, Teil II, Abschnitt 4, T. 149-156.
Ausprägung der Liebeserfüllung13 beschrieben werden und die auch in Zenders Vertonung in eine klanglich voluminöse, gleichsam apotheotische Emphase münden. Der Text der entsprechenden Stelle lautet: „... der Quell der Gärten, der Brunnen lebendigen Wasser strömt herab vom Libanon — Komm Nord, Wach auf Süd, lass atmen meinen Garten, Es fließe sein Balsam. O kommen soll mein Geliebter in seinen Garten, genießen seine Früchte, überreichlich reich."
Dieser Stelle kommt besondere Bedeutung zu, wenn man sie in einem umfassenderen Zusammenhang betrachtet. Denn nur wenige Verse zuvor, in Hl. 4,12, war vom verschlossenen Garten und vom versperrten Quell die Rede. Garten und Quelle kommt in der Sprache des Hl. eine ausgeprägte Symbolhaftigkeit zu. Der verschlossene Garten etwa, die Vulgata hat ihn mit „hortus conclusus" übersetzt, wurde zum Sinnbild der Jungfräulichkeit Marias. Die Öffnung des Gartens, das Herabfließen des Wassers: dies hat wesentlich erotische Implikationen im Sinne einer ganzheitlichen Glückserfahrung. In ähnlicher Weise begegnet die Katabasis in einem weiteren Gartenbild (Hl. 6,2): „Mein Geliebter ist hinabgestiegen in seinen Garten, auf die Balsamterrasse, zu weiden in den Gründen, zu sammeln Heilkräuter. Mein Geliebter ist mein, und ich bin sein, er, der auf Lotosblumen schwimmt." Zenders Vertonung dieser Stelle, sie findet sich am Ende des 2. Abschnittes von Teil III („Lo Jadatti - Ich erkenne nicht"), unterscheidet sich aber in einem wesentlichen Punkt vom zuvor erwähnten Gartenbild. Die emphatische Schlusssteigerung, Sinnbild der Liebeserfüllung am Ende von Kap. 4 des Hoheliedes, fehlt hier zur Gänze. Die Liebesgewissheit („mein Geliebter ist mein, und ich bin sein") bedarf hier nicht mehr der bekräftigenden Geste. Geradezu paradigmatisch ließe sich Gerhard Maiers Deutung dieses Satzes auf Zenders kompositorische Interpretation übertragen: „Was zunächst trivial klingt, entpuppt sich als Ausdruck totaler Zusammengehörigkeit. Weder Vorzüge noch einzelne Perspektiven kommen hier zur Verhandlung. Der Satz beschränkt sich auf das ,Ich' und das Du und umfasst gerade in dieser Beschränkung alles: jeweils die ganzheitliche Person ohne jeden Abzug."14
Eine m.E. völlig überzeugende Konsequenz dieser gehaltlichen Entwicklung zeichnet sich am Ende des III. Teiles ab. Auch hier wird ein Gartenbild (Hl. 6,11-12), wiederum verbunden mit der Katabasis, aufgegriffen: „In den Nussbaumgarten bin ich hinabgestiegen, zu sehn die Triebe im Talgrund des Baches, die sprossende Rebe, zu sehen die Blüten des Granatapfels ... Ich sehe nicht ... ich erkenne nicht ... lo jadatti." Wenngleich sich diese Verse einer eindeutigen Exegese entziehen, so wurde doch immer wieder ihr nachdenklicher, zum Fragmenthaften tendierender Duktus hervorgehoben. Die Sprache verlässt hier gleichsam die Ebene der Bildhaftigkeit und syntaktischen Geschlossenheit und stellt - wie Gerhard Maier dies formuliert hat - in „ihrer Bruchstückhaftigkeit" eine „monumentale Innenschau der Liebe dar"15. Sie verliert in der zunehmenden Zersplitterung des Satzes in einzelne Wörter ihre Konturen und öffnet sich dem darauf folgenden „Koan", der völligen Überwindung jeglicher rationaler Reflexion als Voraussetzung für unmittelbare ganzheitliche Erfahrung.
13	Othmar Keel etwa fasst die Verse Hl. 4,12 - 5,1 unter dem Titel „Das Paradies der Liebe" zusammen (siehe Fn. 8, S. 156-172).
14	Maier, a.a.O., S. 73.
15	Maier, S. 143.
In den Nuss-bäum-gar-ten hin - ab, hin - ab - ge - stie-gen,	zu sehn die Trie-he im
Beispiel 4. Zender, Shir hashirim, Teil III, Abschnitt 4, T. 170-195.
Den einzigen vokal ausgeführten Passus des zwischen die Teile III und IV gelagerten Abschnitts Koan bilden die bereits am Ende von Teil III erklungenen Verse Hl 6,12: „Ich erkenne nicht, ich sehe nicht, loyadatti", wobei das hebräische Wort (loyadatti) im übertragenen Sinne „ich wusste nicht" meint. In der exegetischen Literatur gilt dieser Satz als besonders problematisch in Bezug auf Deutungsversuche. Für Klaus Reichert etwa ist er „syntaktisch und semantisch dunkel", und es erschiene ihm falsch „einen klaren Sinn herausfiltern zu wollen"16. Auch Gerhard Maier interpretiert diese Stelle als das „Defizit oder besser gesagt die Grenze der Intelligenz" und den „Verzicht auf die Allmacht des Wissens".17 Dass damit eine ausgeprägte Affinität zum Verständnis von Koan im japanischen Zen-Buddhismus der Rinzai-Schule gegeben ist, liegt zunächst auf der Hand. Denn auch im Koan geht es letztendlich um die Zurückweisung der intellektuellen „Haltung des Verstehenwollens" als Voraussetzung der „Verwandlung des Menschen auf dem Weg zur unmittelbaren Erfassung des Undifferenzierten."18 Zenders Betitelung des auf Koan folgenden IV. Teils als Shalom - Ganzheit scheint genau jene umfassende geistige Erfahrung anzusprechen, auf die koan eigentlich abzielt. Diese Durchdringung im Grunde eigenständiger Traditionen des Denkens und Erfahrens wie sie in der Zusammenstellung von Hohelied und Koan auf äußerst plausible Weise erfolgt, repräsentiert - wie ich meine - eine übergeordnete geistige Größe von Zenders Polyphonieverständnis, das Wilfried Gruhn beschrieben hat als ein „Denken in gleichzeitig verlaufenden musikalischen Prozessen, die aufeinander einwirken und aufeinander Bezug nehmen, die aber eine selbständige interne
16	Reichert, S. 118.
17	Maier, S. 143.
18
Toshihiko Izutsu, Philosophie des Zen-Buddhismus, Reinbek bei Hamburg 1979, S. 12.
Beispiel 5. Zender, Shir hashirim, Teil III, Abschnitt 2, T. 105-111.
Organisationsform bewahren."19 Das emphatische Bekenntnis der Geliebten am Ende von Shir hashirim, „da bin ich geworden in seinen Augen zu einer, die erlangt hat Ganzheit" (Hl. 8,10) - dessen Ausdruck nach Zender „mit aller Kraft" erfolgen soll -zeigt ein letztes Mal die Figur der katabasis, aber wiederum in einem neuartigen Kontext. Ihre Aussage ist integriert in einen - so Zender - vom Chor „rituell gesprochenen" hebräischen Text. Kollektives Ritual aber meint Einfügung in eine überpersonale Ordnung: ihr wesentlichstes Charakteristikum ist die gemeinsame Handlung, die über das Ich und seine Grenzen hinausgeht. Betrachtet man die Stationen dieses Weges, die Erfüllung der Liebe am Ende des II. Teiles, die Liebesgewissheit und die Überwindung der sprachlichen Erfassung der Liebe im III., und die Integration der Liebe in eine überpersonale Ordnung am Ende des IV. Teiles, so lassen sich durchaus Stationen erkennen, in denen eine zentrale Idee in immer neuer und anderer Weise Profil gewinnt. Dieses Gemeinsame artikuliert sich - wie ich meine - auch in musikalisch-struktureller Hinsicht, etwa in der Figur der katabasis, die als sinnstiftendes sprachliches Moment in der Fülle der Bilderwelten eines der bewahrenden Elemente bildet, freilich in stets neuen, gewandelten Formen.
19 Wilfried Gruhn, Art. Hans Zender, in: Hanns-Werner Heister / Walter-Wolfgang Sparrer (Hrsg.), Komponisten der Gegenwart, 12. Nlfg, S. 12.
Šha - lom!
Beispiel 6. Zender, Shir hashirim, Teil IV, Abschnitt 4, T. 170ff.
„Ohne Anfang, ohne Ende, ohne Mitte. [...] Mit einer Intensität im Einmaligen, zu der jede Dauer im Widerspruch stünde, nur zusammengehalten durch ein formtreibendes untergründiges Po<chen, einen sozusagen inneren Atem, ein inneres Ohr, den Rausch des Unverhofften"20: mit dieser Worten fasst Klaus Reichert seine Lesart des Hohenliedes zusammen. Während bei ihm „die Autonomie des einzelnen, des Moments, des Plötzlichen" Priorität hat, stellt Zender die Verknüpfungen und Zusammenhänge sowohl hinsichtlich seiner Textkompilation als auch der kompositorischen Gestaltung dem Parataktischen als gleichwertige Alternative gegenüber21. Wie in einem Vexierbild befinden sich in seiner Vertonung diese beiden Arten der ,lecture', Kontinuitätsstiftendes einerseits, das Spontane, Unvorhergesehene andererseits in einem ständigen, sich gegenseitig befruchtenden Wechsel. In Zenders Verfahrensweise scheint mir ein Textverständnis vorzuliegen, das sich vielleicht am ehesten mit dem von Konrad Ehrlich geprägten Begriff der „zerdehnten Situation"22
20	Reichert, S. 13.
21	Ebda.
beschreiben ließe: ein Terminus, der viel mit der Überlieferungsform kultureller Texte zu tun hat. Jan Assmann hat diese beschrieben als „tiefenstrukturelle Bewahrung" und „auffüllende Wiederaufnahme"23. Diese Freiheit in der Wiederaufnahme von Texten, ihre textuelle Beweglichkeit, ist in den altorientalischen aber auch in den biblischen Texten in nicht geringem Maße gegeben. Texte erfahren Umstellungen, Erweiterungen, modernisierende Redaktionen. Tradition wird dadurch zu einem lebendigen Prozess. Der zerdehnten Situation wohnt somit eine ausgeprägte Tendenz zur Variation inne, die umso stärker ausgeprägt ist, je weniger die Texte zum Kernbestand der rituellen, religiösen, rechtlichen oder sozialen Lebensformen gezählt haben (und das Hohelied hat zweifellos nicht zu dieser Textgruppe gezählt). Insofern greift Zenders komponierte Lesart des Shir hashirim nicht nur in besonderer Weise die Text- und Überlieferungsbedingungen eines altorientalischen Textes auf, sondern ruft auch uns heutigen Lesern und Hörern aufs Neue das Abenteuer der Lektüre des Hohenliedes und seine Distanz gegenüber jeglichem Versuch einer dogmatischen Fixierung seiner Form und Aussage ins Bewusstsein.
PüVZETEK
Hans Zenderjevo celovečerno delo za sole, zbor in veliki orkester ter živo elektroniko Shir has-hirim, katerega besedilo sloni na Visoki pesmi (Canticum canticorum) Stare zaveze, je možno razumeti kot kar najbolj diferencirano sklada-teljsko izrabo različnih možnih načinov branja tega odprtega, močno parataktičnega teksta. Razlaganje in ustvarjanje se pri tem prelevita v prekrivajoče se, med seboj tesno vpeto kompozicijsko dejanje, pri čemer Zender razvije cel kanon raznovrstnih pristopov na majnih področjih jezika. Njegova skladateljska »eksegeza« na eni strani osvetljuje množico intertekstualnih zvez, na drugi strani pa Visoki pesmi samolastno muzikalnost jezika ne glede na njegov primarni semantični pomen. Zender sam govori o tem, da gre pri besedilu »za nekakšno kaotično formo«, ki »vedno pozna tudi trenutke svobode: popolnoma spontane izbruhe in potem zopet refrenom podobne dele.« Zahodno razumevanje teksta (naravnano na povezanost in kontinuiteto vodenja misli) in njegova orientalna različica (pri kateri je daleč bolj poudarjen pomen same besede in ki se močno upira primatu sintakse) ustvarjata amalgam, pri katerem sta naši običajni tekstovni sovisnosti postavljena ob bok, in to kot enakovredni možnosti, nenavadno in kaotično. Medtem ko Zender na eni strani s
pomočjo intelektualnih prepletov razmišljanja o izraziti simboličnosti (in simbolnih povezavah) Visoke pesmi, pa na drugi strani razbija povezanost verzov in razstavlja stavke in besede na njihove sestavne dele, pri čemer razkrajanje in prehajanje jezikovnega smisla v primarno zvočne kvalitete gre z roko v roki z izrazito glasbo prostora. Na pomenu pa pridobi tudi nenehno preurejanje in preformuliranje pravkar omenjenih ravni uporabljenega gradiva. V tej zvezi govori Zender o »reciklaži«, s čimer podčrta večpomenskost besedila (med sporočilnostjo, ilustrativ-nostjo in jezikovno zvočnostjo). V okviru sklada-teljske izrabe besedila ima ključni pomen tudi izraba retoričnih figur, ki prav tako razsvetljujejo določene intertekstualne zveze. Mnogovrstne jezikovne (in glasbeno-jezikovne) ravni najdejo svoj višek v Koanu (to je v popolnem preseganju vsakršne racionalne refleksije kot predpogoja za neposredno celovito izkušnjo): Zenderjeva označitev sledečega, IV. dela kot Shalom - Celovitost kaže, da nagovarja prav to duhovno izkušnjo, na katero cilja Koan. Tako se prepletajo v bistvu samostojne tradicije mišljenja in izkušenj, ki ustvarjajo in predstavljajo nadrejeno duhovno razsežnost Zenderjevega polifon-skega razumevanja. Le-to Wilfried Gruhn opisuje kot »mišljenje v okviru glasbenih procesov, ki se odvijajo istočasno, se medsebojno vplivajo in ozi-
22	Konrad Ehlich, Text und sprachliches Handeln. Die Entstehung von Texten aus dem Bedürfnis nach Überlieferung, in: A. und J. Assmann / C. Hardmeier (Hrsg.), Schrift und Gedächtnis, München 1983, S. 24-43.
23	Assmann, S. 144.
rajo, a vendar ohranjajo določeno samostojno interno organizacijsko obliko.« Zenderjevo skla-dateljsko »branje« Visoke pesmi lahko označimo s pojmom »razvlečene situacije«, kakor ga je poimenoval Konrad Ehrlich, to je pri staroorientalnih (in tudi bibličnih) tekstih prisotne tendence prestavljanj, razširitve, prenovljenih redakcij itd., s
katerimi postaja tradicija vedno del živega procesa. Tako se Hans Zenderjev način branja ne naslanja samo na tekstovna izročila starega Orienta, ampak kliče tudi današnjega bralca in poslušalca k novim avanturam pri branju Visoke pesmi, to je stran od kakršnegakoli poizkusa dogmatskega fiksiranja njene oblike in izpovedi.
UDK 78.036 Stephen Downes
School of Music, University of Surrey Fakulteta za glasbo, Univerza v Surreyu
Modern Musical Waves: Technical and Expressive Aspects of Fin-de-siecle Form
Moderni glasbeni valovi: tehnični in izrazni vidiki findesieclovske forme
Ključne besede: val, deformacija, postwagnerjanski
IzVLEčEK
Mahlerjeva Šesta simfonija, Bergova Klavirska sonata, Bartokova Elegija op. 8b št. 1 in Karlo-wiczevi Povratni valovi ilustrirajo zasnove »valovnih« deformacij v postwagnerjanski glasbi. Novi pogledi na formo in vsebino v findesiec-lovski glasbi so prikazani na podlagi interakcij med deformiranimi valovi in vzorci romantičnega oblikoslovja - taktno-sonatne forme.
Keywords: wave, deformation, post-Wagnerian
Abstract
Mahler's Sixth Symphony, Berg's Piano Sonata, Bartok's Elegy Op.8b no.1 and Karlowicz's Returning Waves illustrate concepts of 'wave' deformation in post-Wagnerian music. New insights into form and content in fin-de-siecle music are revealed through consideration of the interaction of deformed waves with designs from romantic Formenlehre - the bar and sonata form.
Writing on the effect of the coda to the first movement of Beethoven's Fifth Symphony E.T.A Hoffmann described an 'irresistible surge - a swelling torrent whose waves break higher and higher'.1 Wagner, in The Art-work of the Future (1849), described Beethoven's music as based on processes of continuous intensification. Writing of the 'Bacchanalian' Seventh Symphony he described the composer as embarking on a stormy voyage with his direction not navigated homeward but toward the beyond, in a testing of limits on the sea of insatiable longing. These famous and influential descriptions by Hoffmann and Wagner allow us to invoke a paradigmatic metaphor in musical romanticism's aesthetics of the sublime: wave forms. In musical waves the
E.T.A. Hoffmann, 'Review of Beethoven's Fifth Symphony', AMZ xii (4 and 11 July) 1810; trans. in Ian Bent (ed.), Music Analysis in the Nineteenth Century: Vol.2 Hermeneutic Approaches (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 152.
height of expression is followed by an end which might be felt as a decline or disintegration as much as a resolution of tension.2 In romantic musical forms the wave is one of several familiar models where the emphasis on the end often coexists with its potential unravelling. Its relationship to Beethovenian and post-Beethovenian end-weighted form, with the coda marked as culmination or apotheosis, after the example of the Eroica, the Fifth Symphony and several late works3 and to narratives of redemption or transfiguration figured in gendered terms4 is clear. The legacy of both these models for Wagner's conception of music and drama is, of course, crucial.5 He also turned the wave form into a metaphor for sublime inspiration and creation. In his famous description of the dream inspiration for the depiction of the waves in the opening of Das Rheingold Wagner transforms the natural image into a metaphor for the creation of the world and the process of evolution.
I sank into a kind of somnambulistic state, in which I suddenly had the feeling of being immersed in rapidly flowing water ... I awoke in sudden terror from this trance, feeling as though the waves were crashing high above my head. I recognized at once that the orchestral prelude to Das Rheingold . had at last been revealed; and I also saw immediately precisely how it was with me: the vital flood would come from within me, and not from without.6
The wave's decline, the falling motive predicting the end of the gods, stands for the corruption of this generative form and process.
As is well known, form conceived as based on notions of becoming, dynamic process and teleology led Ernst Kurth in his writings on Wagner and Bruckner to consider 'intensifying waves' as the 'basic formal principal', generated by dynamic impulses of the will toward motion, the 'internal energetic will of surging undercurrent'.7 Kurth's ideas were part of wider musical 'energetics' and a discourse of dynamism which, as Lee Rothfarb has shown, turned against positivism towards neo-romantic psychologism, considered sensual material as moving into spiritual content, with cultural meaning
For Wagner, Beethoven's anchor, of course, was the word in the finale of the Ninth Symphony, and in Opera and Drama Wagner pursued metaphorical descriptions in which fluid, feminine musical formlessness is redeemed by logical, masculine poetic order.
As Maynard Solomon reminds us, Beethoven was often obsessively preoccupied with revising endings, a creative predicament reflecting his scepticism of monumental, affirmative closure, exposing a contra-teleological impulse, an acknowledgment of non-inevitability, of the existence of multiple possible 'solutions', some unrealised, of perpetual openness. In certain late works there is an especially intense elaboration of multiple images of endings, without permanently assuaging the fear of disintegration; 'Beethoven's Ninth Symphony: The Sense of an Ending', Critical Inquiry 17 (1991), 289-305.
See James Hepokoski's discussion of what he calls the 'Dutchman model', after the structure and expressive content of Wagner's Flying Dutchman overture; 'Masculine-Feminine', Musical Times 135/no.1818 (August 1994), 494-499. On Wagnerian and post-Wagnerian redemptive endings see Hermann Danuser, 'Musical Manifestations of the End in Wagner and in Post-Wagnerian "Weltanschauungsmusik"', 19th-Century Music 18 (1994), 64-82. It was this obsession with redemption (Erlösung), which formed one of the bases of Nietzsche's attack in The Case of Wagner.
Richard Wagner, My Life, trans. Andrew Gray, ed. Mary Whittall (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 499. The account was dictated in 1869; on the problems and interpretative issues raised by Wagner's description see Warren Darcy, 'Creation ex nihilo: The Genesis, Structure, and Meaning of the Rheingold Prelude', 19th-Century Music 13 (1989), 79-100. Ernst Kurth, Romantische Harmonik und ihre Krise in Wagners "Tristan" (Berne: Haupt, 1920); Bruckner (2 vols) (Berlin: Hesse, 1925). For translations of passages from these two works see Lee A. Rothfarb (ed. and trans.), Ernst Kurth: Selected Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); pp.99-147 (Romantische Harmony) and 151-207 (Bruckner).
imparted to natural forms as part of the mediation between inner and outer worlds.8 Hugo Leichtentritt's Musical Form (begun in 1911, but strangely absent from Rothfarb's survey) stated that in the Prelude to Act 1 of Tristan und Isolde 'surging and ebbing motion ... is the real dominating motif of the entire structure, which can be represented by a 'curve of intensity'.9 Example 1, his formal chart for the Tristan Prelude, is a visualization in waves which can clearly be heard not only in Wagner's music, but also in his programme for the concert version. After a summary of the dramatic theme, Wagner presents his characterization of the compositional response:
Here in music's own unrestricted element, the musician who chose this theme for the introduction to his drama of love, could have but one care: how to impose restraint upon himself since exhaustion of the subject is impossible. So just once, in one long-articulated impulse, he let that insatiable longing swell up from the timidest avowal of the most delicate attraction, through anxious sighs, hopes and fears, laments and wishes, raptures and torments, to the mightiest onset and to the most powerful effort to find the breach that will reveal to the infinitely craving heart the path into the sea of love's endless rapture. In vain! Its power spent, the heart sinks back to languish in longing ...10
Example 1. Wagner, Tristan Prelude 'curve of intensity' (Leichtentritt, Musical Form).
The 'waves' which engulf Isolde at the climactic end of her Transfiguration are a musical expression of drowning into the absolute, in 'an intoxicating sea of melody' which submerges her own voice.11 Or they can be heard as the climactic confirmation of the fluidity of libinal desire, familiar, for example, from Lawrence Kramer's analysis.12 The passage inevitably also reminds one of Nietzsche's critique of the aims of 'endless melody': 'One walks into the sea, gradually loses one's secure footing, and finally surrenders oneself to the elements without reservation: one must swim.' In the
See Lee A. Rothfarb, 'Hermeneutics and Energetics: Analytical Alternatives in the Early 1900s', Journal of Music Theory 36 (1992), 43-68; and 'Energetics', in Thomas Christensen (ed.), The Cambridge History of Western Music Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 927-955.
Hugo Leichtentritt, Musical Form (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1951), 357. In a recent analysis Robert P. Morgan identifies cycles of material which generate an 'initial build-up', 'climactic plateau' and 'dissolution' through processes of intensification and overlaps of units; 'Circular Form in the "Tristan" Prelude', Journal of the American Musicological Society 53 (2000), 69-103.
Wagner, programme note for the Prelude (with concert ending), trans. in Robert Bailey (ed.), Wagner; Prelude and
Transfiguration from 'Tristan and Isolde' (New York: Norton, 1985), 47.
See John Deathridge, 'Post-Mortem on Isolde', New German Critique 69 (1996), 106-11.
Lawrence Kramer, 'Musical Form and Fin-de-siecle Sexuality', in Music as Cultural Practice, 1800-1900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 135-175.
kind of movement evoked by these waves Nietzsche argued that Wagner 'overthrew the physiological presupposition of previous music. Swimming, floating - no longer walking and dancing.'13 Post-mortem, the body floats into the oceanic abyss.
The wave form is not, of course, confined to the music of Wagner and Bruckner. Kofi Agawu, writing on Schumann, considered a narrative or dynamic curve structured around a highpoint to be an archetypal pattern, 'the most consistent principle of formal structure in nineteenth-century music'. Agawu describes modifications of the basic model in terms of withholdings, truncations and extensions of the normative curve, which he posits as a 'biological or Darwinian model.'14 But the music of Schumann and Bruckner also can be heard to exemplify the imminant and immanent tendency of waves to collapse, dissolve, degenerate, or disintegrate.15 For Charles Rosen 'the music of Schumann in particular.... comes in a series of waves, and the climax is generally reserved for the moment before exhaustion'16. The energetic highpoint is also the moment of inevitable demise, weakening or structural crumbling. Romantic Utopianism is heard riding the wave toward self-destruction. In the Adagio of Bruckner's Seventh Symphony wave forms promise redemption (Erlosung) through elegiac expression in the 'afterwave' of the composer's foreboding of Wagner's imminent death.17 However, the romantic and modern forms of elegy, while characteristically seeking a 'breakthrough' rather than wave-like 'breakdown', also offer a codification of the breaks and lacunae, disjunctions and elisions, and testings of conventions, of an approach towards silence, absence, and the unspeakable.18 The sinking of the modern wave confirms the problematicization of apotheosis. The many post-1840 statements concerning melancholy in connection with frustrated experiences of the sublime are manifestly related to the susceptibility towards crisis or resignation, expressed in the wave forms found in late romantic symphonic finales.19
As James Hepokoski states, for the modern generation born around 1860 who inherited the 'recently reified or crystallized' Wagnerian musical idiom, a compositional response to this legacy was pursued through 'deformations' of traditional formal structures and narrative processes some of which are already found in the late works of the previous generation.20 Deformations of romantic wave forms are an obvious category
Nietzsche, Nietzsche contra Wagner, in The Portable Nietzsche, trans. Walter Kaufmann (New York: Viking, 1959), 666. Kofi Agawu, 'Structural Highpoints in Schumann's Dichterliebe', Music Analysis 3 (1984), 159.
We can also hear this in Timothy Jackson's identifications of 'crystallization' and its catastrophic double, entropy, in nineteenth-century formal structures with their build up to the highpoint, the sublime, awesome moment succeeded by an attempt at restoring formal equilibrium and ordered representation at the cadence, an ending which may sound either replete or empty: 'Observations on crystallization and entropy in the music of Sibelius and other composers', in Jackson and Viejo Murtomäki (eds.), Sibelius Studies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 176-179. Charles Rosen, The Classical Style (London: Faber, 1971), 453.
Stephen Parkany, 'Kurth's Bruckner and the Adagio of the Seventh Symphony', 19th-century Music 11 (1988), 262-281. W. David Shaw, Elegy and Paradox: Testing the Conventions (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994). The fourth movement of Brahms's Third Symphony is an much discussed example. See Andreas Eichhorn, 'Melancholie und das Monumentale: Zur Krise des symphonischen Finaldenkens im 19. Jahrhundert', Musica 46/1 (1992), 9-12. On the ambiguities in the critique of Beethovenian heroism which the symphony invokes see Susan McClary, 'Narrative Agendas in "Absolute Music": Identity and Difference in Brahms's Third Symphony', in Ruth Solie (ed.), Musicology and Difference (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 326-344.
James Hepokoski, 'Introduction: Sibelius and the problem of "modernism"', in Sibelius: Symphony no.5 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 1-18. See also Warren Darcy, 'Bruckner's sonata deformations', in Timothy L. Jackson and Paul Hawkshaw (eds.), Bruckner Studies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 256-277.
13
14
15
16

18
19
within this modern project, but one that as yet has been little discussed by comparison with analyses of deformations of sonata, rondo or periodic forms. The mid-nineteenth-century rise of the wave form as a 'norm' or archetype is coincident with the 'upsurge' of Formenlehre which, as Joseph Straus has recently highlighted, was contemporaneous with the 'invention' of a modern language for the discussion and definition of norm and abnorm, of physical disability and psychological deviance. The reified musical formal norms were described in terms of 'containment', 'balance', organic growth and vital energy in a theory often derived from illustrations of the 'heroic' music of Beethoven.21 Similarly, the dynamics, energetics and proportions of 'normal' wave forms emerged in the formal theories of the modernist period, with emphasis on post-Darwinian evolutionary notions, on musical form as a metaphor for, or expression of life's struggles to higher, stronger forms. Its 'abnormal' converse, equally reified, evoked physical degeneration and psychological derangement, under the influence of the rise of the sciences of the mind, especially, of course, Freudian psychoanalysis.
Deformed waves are therefore a vital part of the modern generation's aesthetic. Sibelius, for example, pursued such deformations as part of his interrogation of heroic formal paradigms and the post-Kantian Romantic sublime, the resolution of traumatic equilibrium as heard in the heroic-symphonic paradigms of Beethoven and Bruckner.22 In the finale of his First Symphony (1898-9), after the move towards the romantic apotheosis of the lyrical second theme, the sublime experience becomes profoundly problematized. Climactic resolution seems to have been accomplished, but the Symphony's most highly dissonant chord marks a moment of catastrophe from which chromatic sequences precede a plunge into turmoil. It is a move to the 'modern' sublime which for Lyotard is an experience in which the unrepresentable idea of the coincidence of pleasure and pain means that the solace of 'good forms' is denied. This may lead to 'neurosis', masochism', melancholic nostalgia for lost narratives or a futile attempt, 'in spite of everything' to reimpose the strivings of the 'will'.23 The waves of emotion in the climactic recapitulation of the affettuoso theme suggest the approach towards the 'oceanic feeling' of blissful union or Freudian regression to the Mother. But the catastrophe plunges the hero into the dark waters of a turbulent Tuonela, or casts him helpless off the coast of the isle of the dead.24
When considering the relation of the wave form to the designs of Formenlehre sonata form seems to offer the most powerful example, and there have been discussions of nineteenth-century sonatas which suggest this formal confluence. It was noted by William S. Newman that 'one almost accepts as axiomatic the idea that in the ro-
21	Joseph Straus, 'Normalizing the Abnorm: Disability in Music and Music Theory', Journal of the American Musicological Society 59 (2006), 126-136.
22	See Benjamin M. Korstvedt, Bruckner: Symphony no. 8 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 54-67.
23	Jean-Francois Lyotard, 'Reponse a la question: Qu'est-ce que le postmoderne?', Critique 419 (1982), trans. by Regis Durand as 'Answering the Question: What is Postmodernism?', in The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1984), 77-80.
24	See also Stephen Downes, 'Pastoral Idylls, Erotic Anxieties and Heroic Subjectivities in Sibelius's Lemminkainen and the Maidens of the Island and First Two Symphonies', in Daniel Grimley (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Sibelius (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 35-48.
mantic era a complete sonata must describe an over-all curve of force'.25 Leonard B. Meyer's well known discussion of 'emergent structures' based on 'statistical processes' which override the 'syntactic structure' leading to changes in the structure of sonata-form movements also suggests the workings of wave form and energetics.26 Nonetheless, the significance of wave deformations in sonata forms of the modernist period remain little discussed. To begin, though, I will consider a more 'simple' formal context.27 At its most straightforward, the 'normal' wave form is most cogently structured through a succession of materials functioning as presentation, developmental climax and dissolution. In a Wagnerian or post-Wagnerian context this immediately brings to mind Alfred Lorenz's discussion of bar forms, with the Abgesang as an intensification (Steigerung) dynamically generated from the preceding Stollen, and a climax positioned within the form at the turning from Stollen into Abgesang whose close represents a decline in dynamic energy.28 Criticisms of Lorenz have of course been legion,
Allegro moderato. J = 60
Wolrram
Example 2. Wagner, Tannhäuser: opening of Act 2, scene ii.
William S. Newman, The Sonata Since Beethoven (New York: Norton, 1983), 45-46.
Leonard B. Meyer, Style and Music: Theory, History and Ideology (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989), 198.
Wave forms and sonata design are also discussed in Stephen Downes, 'Revitalizing Sonata Form: Structure and Climax in Szymanowski's Op.21', in Maja Trochimczyk (ed.), After Chopin: Essays on Polish Music (Los Angeles: Polish Music Center USC, 2000), 111-141.
Alfred Lorenz, Das Geheimnis der Form bei Richard Wagner [4 vols.] (Berlin: Max Hesse, 1924-1933).

but some are rather telling in the context of this paper: for Rudolf von Tobel, for example, bar form was the 'principal type of dynamic process' and Lorenz's theory is not sufficiently dynamic.29 Adorno takes the bar form at the start of Tannhaüser Act II scene 2 (example 2) and notes that the 'expansive gesture' of the Abgesang has a subsidence 'like the collapse of a wave'. Adorno, of course, considered Wagner's use of wave forms to be failed attempts at resolution or synthesis, as a simulated unity of the internally expressive and externally gestural and a negation of the flow of time.30 I do not intend to scrutinize Adorno's critique here. My intention will be to describe how hierarchically organized wave deformations can be heard in bar and sonata forms of modernist, post-Wagnerian and post-Beethovenian, music. Such effects - tragic modern musical hydraulics if you like - are pervasive in the music of the first decade of the twentieth century. I will consider some interesting and representative case examples: the finale of Mahler's Sixth Symphony (1903-4), Berg's Piano Sonata Op.1 (19078), Bartok's Elegy Op.8b no.1 (1908) and Karlowicz's symphonic poem, Returning Waves, Op.9 (1904).
In the finale of Mahler's Sixth Symphony the second thematic group of the exposition is of dual character. Marked 'Fliessend' (which we might translate as 'flowing'), it begins, to use Adorno's imagery, by 'dancing like an imperilled boat in choppy water' and contains an iridescent shift from an effect of 'careless joy' to a tone of 'surging intoxication.'31 I strongly suspect that Adorno is here alluding to a passage from Schopenhauer's The World as Will and Representation which Nietzsche famously quotes near the beginning of The Birth of Tragedy:
Just as the boat man sits in his little boat, trusting to his fragile craft in a stormy sea which, boundless in every direction, rises and falls in howling, mountainous waves, so in the midst of a world full of suffering the individual man calmly sits, supported by and trusting the principium individuationis.32
Out of this image of the hero's experience of the sublime emerges the famous dualism of the Apolline and Dionysiac. For Nietzsche, of course, Apollo is the divine image of the beautiful dream illusion, the sculptured form of individual unity which is fragmented as man's reason 'seems suspended' and he is gripped by 'dread' and 'blissful ecstasy' in a glimpse of the 'intoxication' of the Dionysian oceanic.33 Schopenhauer's and Nietzsche's images are strikingly recalled in Mahler's characterization of his relationship with Alma Schindler. As he wrote to her on 14 December 1901: 'your sweet breath again convinces me that my ship has weathered every storm and safely reached
Die Formwelt der klassischen Instrumentalmusik (Bern and Leipzig: Paul Haupt, 1935); cited and discussed by Stephen McClatchie, Analyzing Wagner's Operas: Alfred Lorenz and German Nationalist Ideology (Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 1998), 170.
Theodor W. Adorno, In Search of Wagner, trans Rodney Livingston, new ed. with a foreword by Slavoj Žižek (London: Verso, 2005), 29-33.
Theodor W. Adorno, Mahler. A Musical Physiognomy, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1992), 98.
Arthur Schopenhauer, The World as Will and Representation, trans. E. F. Payne (New York: Dover, 1968), vol. 1, 352. Friedrich Nietzsche, The Birth of Tragedy Out of the Spirit of Music, trans. Shaun Whiteside, ed. Michael Tanner (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1993), 14-17.
29
30
31
32
its haven.'34 In the finale of Mahler's Sixth the figure of the redeeming muse lies behind both the graceful dancing figure and the passionate surging swell - through Her he seeks to ride the waves towards reconciliation, via the erotic union of Apolline illusion and the Dionysiac intoxication.35
But this oceanic thematic section occurs within a movement whose overriding tone is one of crushing loss and absence. This character is hinted at in the problematic way in which the exposition of the finale closes after the second theme. Adorno notes that in the finale's exposition 'what is foregone, after the graphic dualism of the first and second themes, is a more extensive closing section or third theme.'36 In Bernd Sponheuer's judicious analysis the peak of the wave of the Abgesang does move into a 'concluding theme'37 which is marked 'Belebend' ('revivifying'; b.217), suggesting the potential for redemption. It is, however, interrupted by return of music from the introduction (fig.120; b.229), with cowbells, music which can be heard as a 'fantasy projection' dividing the second subject group, for after it the intoxicating, surging second part of the theme returns (fig.124; bar 288).38 A more intense build-up follows, over an ecstatic prolongation of the dominant of D. Expectations of a redemptive wave climax are raised, only for this hoped-for field of fulfillment to be transformed by the first hammer blow into a brutally fatalistic tone (example 3a). The cruelty of the effect is generated by deviation from the anticipated continuations of romantic wave form, from the dynamics of the bar form of the thematic material and the formal obligations of the climactic closing dynamics of the sonata exposition.39 The liquidation section of the wave form, in which we may find resolution, is absent. The hammer is also, one might argue, an intrusion of 'real' sound into the ideal romantic orchestral acoustic realm by which the wave's ascent into the spiritual or metaphysical is brought down to earth (the preceding intrusion - the cow bells - has the opposite effect as symbol of the alpine pastoral as the idyllic peak; the hammer bludgeons the hero downwards). In the recapitulation the second subject is again divided. The first part, Grazioso in Bb, moves to a suggestion of apotheosis (bb575-600). The Abgesang does not begin until b.728, marked Bewegter ('turbulent') where the wave peaks and leads to the promise of affirmation and resolution marked Beruhigend ('pacifying'; b.761). But this in turn is interrupted, by a return of the movement's introductory material, but with no pastoral cow bells (b.773). By contrast with the exposition's succeeding
34	Gustav Mahler, Letters to His Wife, ed. Henry-Louis de La Grange and Günther Weiss in collaboration with Knud Martner, trans. Antony Beaumont (London: Faber, 2004), 66.
35	For more on the function of the muse figure in this Symphony see Stephen Downes, The Muse as Eros: Music, Erotic Fantasy and Male Creativity in the Romantic and Modern Imagination (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006).
36	Adorno, Mahler, 98.
37	Bernd Sponheuer, Logik des Zerfalls. Untersuchungen zum Finalproblem in den Symphonien Gustav Mahlers (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1978), 312.
38	I borrow the term 'fantasy projection' from Warren Darcy's analysis of the slow movement: 'Rotational Form, Teleological Genesis, and Fantasy Projection in the Slow Movement of Mahler's Sixth Symphony', 19th-Century Music 25 (2001), 49-74. As La Grange recounts, there has been some dispute as to formal function of material in the finale, a debate focussed on the issue of identifying the start of the development (Durchführung) section. Sponheuer argues that the passage from b.288, the return of the surge of the Abgesang, is the true conclusion of the exposition. Henry-Louis de La Grange, Gustav Mahler Volume 3. Vienna: Triumph and Disillusion (1904-1907) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 829-835.
39	On 'dynamic curves' in the 'subordinate' and closing themes of classical sonata forms see William E. Caplin, Classical Form: A Theory of Formal Functions for the Instrumental Music of Haydn, Mozart, and Beethoven (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 123.
surge to higher peaks, this return of the introduction is now followed by material evoking a mournful chorale, and a section of liquidation (absent from the exposition) of the obligations of the motive to develop. In this formal-expressive position after an unfulfilled wave form the liquidation expresses the obliteration, dissolution, reduction and collapse, a gradual draining away towards the inevitable tragic ending, in the morendo so prevalent in Mahler which raises 'Liquidation als Formprinzip'.40 I have summarized the deformed wave forms in the treatment of the second subject of the finale in example 3b. If we can call this Mahler's 'Tragic' Symphony then this is because the finale is based on the failure of, or loss of faith in, the romantic wave form.
Example 3b. Mahler, Symphony No. 6, Finale: wave deformations.
In Berg's Piano Sonata we can hear pervasive liquidation processes coexisting with reminiscences of the oceanic erotics of Wagner's Tristan. The piece is of course in many ways formally conservative, displaying an arrangement of functional materials and tonal relationships conforming to the 'normal', first-movement sonata requirements as codified in the Formenlehre of A.B. Marx . These materials are saturated with processes of Schoenbergian developing variation and 'evolutionary' subjective connections, but, as Adorno famously stated, abundance coexists in a dialectic with disintegration, with 'permanent dissolution' (Auflösung ), in a 'mediation of oppo-sites' which reinterprets the dynamics of sonata form. Max Paddison has related Berg's dissolutions to Tristan's model of transition, dissolution, and motivic remnants - a model acknowledged in the work's climactic allusions to the 'Tristan chord' and re-
40 See the work of Peter Revers; 'Liquidation als Formprinzip. Die formpragende Bedeutung des Rhythmus fur das Adagio des 9. Symphonie von Gustav Mahler', Osterreichische Musikzeitschrift 33/10 (October 1978), 527-33, and Gustav Mahler:
Untersuchungen zu den spaten Sinfonien (Hamburg: Wagner, 1985).
vealed also by the peak of the wave of the development being rather overtly modelled on the Tristan Prelude's waves of libidinal desire41 - Lawrence Kramer's Lust trope -where the peak is an overlap of contradictory forces of fulfillment and un fulfillment.42 Janet Schmalfeldt has identified the opening phrase as the Sonata's Grundgestalt, and also noted that this is a closing gesture, a lead down to an end, rather than up or away from an originating beginning. (As such it can be heard as an epigraph or motto lying outside the movement proper.) Its 'proper' function as a closing phrase is confirmed in bars 9-11 at the tragic decline of the wave-form processes of intensification which shape the rest of the first subject area43 (example 4). By contrast with Tristan' s open-ended Grundgestalt which in the opening paragraph rises in waves to peak at the well-known interrupted cadence, in Berg's Sonata the basic shape or Idea of the piece is the decline or dissolution of the wave. The initial ascent is either absent or proto-expressionistically compressed. It is instructive to compare Berg with the 'normative' or 'ideal' sonata opening of Beethoven's Op.2 no.1, often raised in theory as an example of how 'forward-striving' energies and collapse from climactic highpoint operates within the sentence (example 5).44 Beethoven's opening gesture is also heard
Example 4. Berg, Piano Sonata Op. 1, opening.
Max Paddison, Adorno's Aesthetics of Music (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 171-173. Kramer, Music as Cultural Practice, 149.
Janet Schmalfeldt, 'Berg's Path to Atonality: The Piano Sonata, Op.1', in David Gable and Robert P. Morgan (eds.), Alban Berg: Historical and Analytical Perspectives (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 90.
See Matthew BaileyShea, 'Beyond the Beethoven Model: Sentence Types and Limits', Current Musicology 77 (2004), 5-33. The 'normative' status of the opening of Beethoven's Op.2 no.1 as archetype of the sentence is familiar from Arnold Schoenberg, Fundamentals of Musical Composition (London: Faber, 1967), 63, and maintained through Erwin Ratz to Caplin, Classical Form, 10.
41
42
43
as open-ended and implicative: as Nicholas Marston argues, the ending of the sonata 'responds directly to an initial premise' which has 'gaps' and implications requiring completion and resolution.45 By contrast, Berg begins his Sonata by emphasizing the liquidation to the cadence, the decline and close of the wave. Only after the opening closed (the apparent paradox here is characteristic of fin-de-siecle pessimism or apocalypticism) phrase do we hear a sentence type thematic structure behind the wave form, with the peak achieved, as in Beethoven, by sequentially ascending abbreviations of the initial idea (which, of course, by contrast with Beethoven's ascendant rockets, is a dying fall into a black hole). But from the opening phase of Berg's sonata we already know the end: the sonata is a dark commentary on the predestinations of teleology.
Allegro J = 116
öli 2	1 i	i»-- ..L		1 3 I •		
p '):, I. L a >		3			3	► «j
		1—f-	i I	4 i -	> "I	
					"SÄ	
0 a, L .T rrii.		3				i« f i»; 2	
^ sf	i-	M	;	3 rf =	H4	ff .	P . „ i P T j
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Example 5. Beethoven, Piano Sonata Op. 2 No. 1, opening.
Elegiac wave form also operates at a larger structural level in the sonata. The exposition is structured around a series of highpoints (Hohepunkt), with the dissolution of the highest peak followed by an expansive and elegiac Abgesang. The peak of the exposition's overarching wave occurs at the tonal clarification of the supertonic seventh chord (b.45), which, in chromatically altered form, was the opening sonority of the piece (example 6). The moment of decline from this peak is also marked by motivic clarification of the tragic b6-5 (G-F#) as a signal of closure (recalling its position and function in the wave of the opening theme), which then forms the motivic basis of the Abgesang, the long, slow, melancholic dissolution of the wave in the exposition's final section. When the opening Grundgesalt returns at the repeat of the exposition it sounds as much as an end to the Abgesang as a re-start. The work is haunted by the wave form
45 Nicholas Marston, '"The sense of an ending": goal-directedness in Beethoven's music', in Glenn Stanley (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Beethoven (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 86-89.
which dies in its opening bars, confirming, as Adorno argued, that by contrast with Wagnerian 'highest joy' (Höchste Lust) there is no ecstatic, glorifying self-extinction, only self-negation, manifesting a 'partiality for the weaker, the defeated'.46 The energetics of the wave form are drained away leaving an elegiac tone. Originally conceived as the first of a multi-movement work, the piece functions in its solitude because it is so obsessed with ending.
Example 6. Berg, Piano Sonata: exposition climax and Abgesang.
46 Adorno, Alban Berg: Master of the Smallest Link, trans. Juliane Brand and Christopher Hailey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 5.
In passing I want to compare the elegiac wave forms of Berg's sonata with Bartok's Elegy Op.8b no.1 (1908). In this context I think it is useful to recall Bela Bälasz's 'Death Aesthetics' (1907) and its emphasis on the immanent demise of every moment, so that death is always a part of life, which is a vital struggle against the final ending. We find something beautiful precisely as we mourn its inevitable loss - the beautiful is the promise of memory, of a mourning that has already begun, its becoming into appearance is bound to its withdrawal, to its absence. These aesthetic-expressive aims are readily identifiable in the opening of Bartok's Elegy, where the paradoxes of wholeness and brokenness, form and moment, regeneration and decadence are stylistically defining. The opening paragraph (example 7) exhibits notable harmonic diversity -chromatic symmetries, diatonic remnants, modal moments suggestive of a lost idyll, quasi-ecstatic whole-tone expansions - all bound within a disguised post-Beethovenian sentence structure. It opens with an idea and its immediate repetition in varied form, followed by development and expansion. Harmonic types in the wave form are in one way comparably with Berg: whole tone harmony is employed at the climactic point
Grave }= 63
Example 7. Bartok, Elegy Op. 8b No. 1, opening.
and leads the dissolution. The chromatic harmony of the Stollen, despite the feints at cadence, is unstable - the moment of modal harmony which follows is a glimpse of the idyllic which induces the ascent to the peak of the wave, after which the whole-tone decline leads to a return to chromaticism reminiscent of the start of the theme. The section ends with liquidation so that only residues are left, in a type of closure which Schoenberg identified as a 'letting-go', a clearing of space for the entry of a new subject.47 As an aesthetic subject the parallel is clear with the elegiac process of mourning in the human subject, with the long wave goodbye (if you'll excuse my pun).
My final example comes from the Polish composer Mieczyslaw Karlowicz, whose work is pervaded by expressions of unfulfilled longing and themes of loss and death. Karlowicz's music is still little known outside Poland, so it requires more extensive introduction than my previous examples. Its profoundly pessimistic world-view relates to one strand of 'Mloda Polska' (Young Poland) modernism. Artists associated with this movement were characteristically obsessed with visions of apocalypse or cataclysm, as the modern crisis of religious and political consciousness was reflected in doubts and disputes over competing claims of resurrection and degeneration, of joyful eschatology and darkest oblivion.48 Wagner, unsurprisingly, was a crucial musical influence. Leszek Polony demonstrates how several of Karlowicz's themes derive from Wagnerian musical symbols of whirling intoxication, madness and frenzy. Polony argues, however, that in Karlowicz's symphonic tragedies the yearning for deindividualization, inseparable from the enthrallment with love's desire and ecstasy, is inevitably condemned to end in fiasco or destruction. Dionysian intoxication - the polar opposite to depressive stagnation - is a transitory, passing moment in the experience of the lyrical subject of Karlowicz's musical poems. Wrapped in mists of nostalgic reminiscence, mired in a melancholic psychological state, his 'returning waves' of images of love's longings and raptures yield to voicings of the eternal song of annihilation.49
Another powerful influence on Karlowicz was Tchaikovsky's Pathetique Symphony no. 6 (1892) whose tragic end is pessimistically foreshadowed by a slow introduction replete with musical symbols of melancholy expressed in wave forms - falling seconds, a lamenting bass descent from E to B, a grief-ridden flat six-five in the final statement of motive of the opening phrase (in the viola, G natural to F# over the dominant of E minor). It is a 'dual subject', a contrapuntal combination of pathos and lament (example 8). It may also be heard as an enervated version of the slow introduction to Beethoven's 'Pathetique' Piano Sonata, Op.13 (example 9). By contrast with the revolutionary, heroic power, elevated and energetic tone, the resistance to suffering, and struggle for mastery over the sighs and sobs in Beethoven's 'Schillerian' pathetic,50 Tchaikovsky's is a tone of mournful introspection, sympathetic sighs, and lin-
Arnold Schoenberg, The Musical Idea and the Logic, Technique, and Art of Its Presentation, ed. Patricia Carpenter and Severine Neff (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 253.
See Wojciech Gutowski, Mit-Eros-Sacrum: Sytuacje mlodopolskie (Bydgoszcz: Homini, 1999).
Leszek Polony, Poetyka Muzyczna Mieczyslawa Karlowicza: Program literacki, ekspresja i symbol wpoemacie symfonicznym (Krakow: PWM, 1986), 20-21.
Elaine Sisman, 'Pathos and the Pathetique': Rhetorical Stance in Beethoven's C-Minor Sonata, Op.13', Beethoven Forum 3 (1994), 94, 102.
47
48
49
gering expressions of grief, with the emphasis on the decline rather than ascent of the wave. In the Tchaikovskian pathetique manner, processes of intensification lead only to collapse into deathly abyss. As influentially formulated by Goethe, Steigerung and polarität are opposite extremes, dual principles which although they 'are attracted to each other, they cannot rest, because the principle of intensification causes all things to strive upward toward higher levels of organisation'. Where this striving fails the 'pathetic' might be evoked. In the slow introduction to Beethoven's Pathetique sonata, for example, phrases climb (Steigen) but fall in the 'pathetic' gesture of the yearning appoggiatura.51 In Beethoven's 'heroic', 'revolutionary' narratives the striving upwards is maintained even as polarities are heightened. Tchaikovsky's negative image of this technique is central to how Karlowicz generates his own pathetique tone. (Through this commentary I don't wish simply to reinforce the myth of Tchaikovsky's 'tragic' Russian soul; only to point out how the pessimistic tone in certain passages of Tchaikovsky's music are achieved, in order to measure their influence.)
Michael Spitzer, Metaphor and Musical Thought (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2004), 294, 296-297.
In Karlowicz's symphonic structures we hear the repeated failure or corruption of the processes of Steigerung. The musical future is just as bleak as the image of returning waves which toss the hero into the abyss and must themselves crash, self-destruc-tively into the rocky coast. There is no beacon of salvation. Karlowicz repeatedly proposes a consistently dark and downward course, a drowning in the modernist maelstrom as the tragically returning waves plunge the subject into the dark abyss. The title of Karlowicz's symphonic poem, Returning Waves refers to the recurring figures which define the nostalgic tone of the work. The work evokes a kind of mental seascape -Karlowicz was fascinated by images of the sea, which he saw as an inspiring combination of the sublime and the tragic in the eternally re-shaping and declining waves.52 Whether appearing as tidal surges, whirlpools, maelstroms or absorbing murmurings, in all their manifestations wave forms are ephemeral, they always die, they always sink into the bottomless abyss of the ocean or crash onto the coast. Karlowicz's preoccupation with such images also recalls the perilous survival of the subject in Schopenhauer's image of the tossing boat on the stormy waters. Karlowicz wrote to Chybinski on the programme: 'Amidst the bitter thoughts of a man who was being preyed upon by his fate and who was drawing to the end of his days, memories suddenly revive of the springtime of his life, irradiated with the sunny smile of happiness. Pictures pass one another. Everything vanishes however and bitterness and sorrow grip the tired soul in their claws.'53 In this scenario death plays no consolatory role. It is, Alistair Wightman suggests, a 'dark, materialistic contrast to earlier eschatological symphonic poems' such as Strauss's Death and Transfiguration (one of Karlowicz's favourite pieces)54 whose wave builds to redemptive apotheosis in the romantic manner. The sublime, which in the Strauss provides a route out of suffering and nostalgia to apotheosis in an after-life of heavenly fulfilment, is in Karlowicz's profoundly nihilistic, godless world-view a totally negative experience.
The pessimistic tone of the opening is generated by two ideas presented over the dominant E: a mournful brass chorale is followed by a yearning, miniature wave-form melody on cellos and horns. The fleeting comforts of the nostalgic images which follow are harmonically based on modal mixture: the major alternative to the minor sixth (F#) is, enharmonically (Gb), the key of the image of 'Her'; the tonic major (A) is the key of the image of the Dionysian as a waltzing dandy. Pessimistic and optimistic narratives coexist, but the bleak outlook of nihilism crushes any hope of a positive outcome. In this scenario wave formal processes of Steigerung to sublime moments play vital roles in the creation of expection and denial, of hope and delusion. The first of these waves is suggested soon after the deeply melancholic opening. The second subject group (bb.21-89), as Polony says, consists of 'two wide arches, expressing feelings that gain then weaken in intensity.'55 At first a miniature surge promises the successful process of Steigerung but leads only to sinking chromaticisms initiated by the tragic F-E relationship which is fundamental to the piece (example 10). Larger waves lead to
52	See Alistair Wightman, Karlowicz, Young Poland and the Musical Fin de siede (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1996), 39-40.
53	Letter of April 20th 1904; quoted in Polony's 'Preface' to the score, Complete Edition, Vol. VI (Krakow: PWM, 1988), xv.
54	Wightman, Karlowicz, 41.
55	Polony, 'Preface', xvii.
p
Example 10. Karlowicz, Returning Waves, bb. 31-40.
further intensification and weakening through more chromatic sinking before a return to the dominant of the home A minor and the opening theme (from b.80). At the next highpoint (b.152; Allegro moderato) with a dominant six-four in F we seem to approach the redemptive or ecstatic, the promised consequence of the line in the programme - 'life erupted in laughter full of strength and gaiety' - the first allusion to Dionysian joys and vitality. But the flat submediant is a doomed key in late nineteenth-century symphonism. The joys and pleasures it promises are unstable and contain the seeds of their own demise.56 The F major predictably subsides via E to A minor and
56 See Susan McClary, 'Pitches, Expression, Ideology: An Exercise in Mediation', Enclitic 7 (1983), 78.
then, more subversively, momentarily further to Ab, a 'shadow' flat tonic more deeply darkened into Ab minor (bb.165-8). At the end of the wave we have sunk to a lower tonal level than where the wave form began. The succeeding amorous music in Gb seeks to raise hopes again, peaking at a climactic six-four which is (of course) a semitone higher than the previous peak in F. Its wave is built on the hopeful major submediant, enharmonically respelt in the erotic six flats signature of Gb.
The work has an all-encompassing wave trajectory - from lament, through preliminary strivings and collapses, to apparently redemptive images of the amorously lyrical and hedonistic dance, leading to crisis, catastrophe and an inevitable return to the lamenting opening. If Karlowicz had lived into full artistic maturity (he died, aged 33, in an avalanche in 1909) one might have heard powerful parallels with Mahlerian cycles of immediacy, collapse and withdrawal, with the intensification of irony through self-creation and self-destruction, the revival of energies under the shadow of the inevitably tragic conclusion, or the unbearable, brutal irony of the hammered crushing of fields of fulfilment in Mahler's Sixth.57 Or perhaps he would have developed his own version of the post-Wagnerian tone which Adorno identified in Berg's music, one which 'arises from nothing and trickles back into nothing' in the musical language of a decadent master of the smallest link, which does not progress towards synthesis but rather to 'permanent dissolution', one whose 'becoming ... is its own negation.' The attractions of a parallel to Bergian musical nihilism invoking the 'death-drive' as a reversal of Schoenbergian developing variation, or of the inversion or dissolution of post-Tristan wave climaxes would surely have been strong.58 Or perhaps he would have maintained a productive relationship with the late nineteenth-century Russian music and literature which he treasured so highly. The avalanche that killed him, the cataclysmic frozen wave that cascaded from the sublimely perilous mountains, leaves us only the consolations of speculation.
In this paper I can only present preliminary observations. Wider issues remain to be considered. These include the musical wave's historical significance at the highest 'moment' of Austro-German music; its relationship with the aesthetics of the Hohepunkt; its expression of nature's power deformed through pessimistic realism and realisation that death lies at the end of all life; its exemplification of how the romantic sublime turns into the modernist version; Nietzsche's diagnosis of romanticism's pessimistic double character in its desire to drown into self-forgetting at the intoxicating highpoint and, by contrast, the coexisting desire for redemptive rest in 'calm seas';59 the preoccupation with the wave form's developmental dynamism in the post-Darwinian evo-
See Stephen Hefling, 'Techniques of Irony in Mahler's Oeuvre', in Gustav Mahler et lironie dans la culture viennoise au tournant du siecle (Montpelier: Climats, 2001), 99-137.
Adorno, 'On the problem of musical analysis', trans. Max Paddison, Music Analysis 1 (1982), 169-87, and Alban Berg: Master of the Smallest Link; both are discussed in Paddison, Adorno's Aesthetics of Music, 171-173.
'What is romanticism? Every art, every philosophy may be viewed as a healing and a helping application in the service of growing, struggling life: they always presuppose suffering and sufferers. But there are two kinds of sufferers: on the one hand, those who suffer from overflowing vitality, who need Dionysian art, and require a tragic view and insight into life; and on the other hand those who suffer from reduced vitality, who seek repose, quietness, calm seas, and deliverance from themselves through art or knowledge, or else intoxication, spasm, bewilderment and madness. All romanticism in art and knowledge responds to the twofold craving of the latter; to them both Schopenhauer as well as Wagner responded (and responds) ...' Nietzsche, Joyful Wisdom, trans. Thomas Common (New York: Frederick Ungar, 1960), section 370, 332-333.

58
lutionary age, as cultural anxieties become manifest in the resistance or desired counterforce to perceived forces of degeneration and stagnation.; or by contrast, the attractions of decay and dissolution in the aesthetics of decadence, art nouveau and Jugendstil; and finally the wake of the wave in the work of the modern forms of elegy, which already shadows romanticism's Utopian illusion. In all these contexts the modern wave deformation is a crucial metaphor, formal model and inspirational image.
PoVZETEK
V Beethovnovi glasbi je Wagner slišal procese nepretrganega stopnjevanja. Ko je pisal o Sedmi simfoniji, je opisal Beethovna kot nekoga, ki se ni podal na pot proti domu ampak »tja onstran« v svojemu preizkušanju meja nanasitnih prostra-nosti hrepenenja. Wagnerjev opis navaja na znano oblikovno metaforo vala. Pri glasbenih valovih višku silovite izraznosti sledi konec, ki ga je čutil kot pojemanje ali razkroj oziroma razrešitev napetosti. Kar pomeni, da slišimo obliko kot posledico procesuiranega nastajanja in teleologije. Znamenita je Kurthova označba Wagner-jeve in Brucknerjeve glasbe kot »notranje, z energijo nabite volje nevidnega toka«, ki v nasprotju s klasičnimi strukturnimi periodami rodi »razvojne valove«, ki postanejo »osnovni oblikovni princip«. Prispodobe so prepričljive, če samo pomislimo, kako je Agawu v svojem razpravljanju o Schuma-nnu trdil, da je arhetipski vzorec pripovednega loka, ki se pne okoli določenega viška, »najbolj konsistenten strukturno-oblikovni princip glasbe devetnajstega stoletja«.
Kot razlaga Hepokoski, je bil odgovor moderne generacije skladateljev, ki so podedovali »pred kratkim konkretiziran oziroma kristaliziran« postwagnerjanski glasbeni jezik, v tem, da so preizkusili to dediščino s pomočjo deformacij podedovanih oblikovnih struktur in pripovednih procesov. To in tako gledanje lahko razširimo na obravnavo deformacij »valovnih« oblik. (Adorno je sledneje pri Wagnerju smatral za ponesrečene
ali simulirane poizkuse razrešitve oziroma sintez.) Take deformacije lahko imamo za vitalni del mo-dernisitčnega preizkušanja heroičnih formalnih paradigem in postkantovsko-romantično sublim-nega glede na to, da so se kulturni strahovi manifestirali kot odpor proti degeneraciji in stagnaciji, ali, nasprotno, kot obsedenost z nazadovanjem in razkrojem estetike dekadence. Študija ilustrira nekatere ključne vidike teh post-wagnerjanskih oblikovnih postopkov s primeri iz del, ki so bila komponirana v prvem desetletju dvajsetega stoletja. V finalu Mahlerjeve Šeste simfonije se »oceanski«, drugi tematski kompleks pojavi znotraj stavka, ki ga preveva občutje uničujoče izgube in zanikanja: »valovna oblika« ostane grobo nepopolna. Bergova Klavirska sonata sloni na dialektiki med posttristanovskimi stopnjevanju k določenemu višku (Höhepunkt) in nečem, kar je Adorno imenoval »permanentno razvezovanje« (Auflösung). Teme simfonične pesnitve Povratni valovi poljskega skladatelja Karlowicza izhajajo iz wagnerjanskih glasbenih simbolov naraščajoče omame, toda te podobe minulega hrepenenja in zamaknjenosti se umaknejo pred večno pesmijo uničenja, pred ponavljajočimi se, neuspešnimi ali gnilimi procesi stopnjevanja (Steigerung) pri Čajkovskega Patetični simfoniji kot ključnemu alternativnemu modelu v razmerju do wagnerjanske dionizičnosti. Glasbena prihodnost je torej enako brezupna, kot je to podoba vračajočih se valov, ki vržejo junaka v prepad, medtem ko se sami morajo samouni-čujoče razbiti na skalnati obali.
UDK 78.038 6Ruzicka Gregor Pompe
Filozofska fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani Philosophical Faculty, University of Ljubljana
Palimpsestna struktura skladbe Tallis Petra Ruzicke ali v kolikšni meri je postmodernizem odvisen od modernizma
Palimpsest Structure of Peter Ruzicka's Composition Tallis or to What Extent Does Postmodernism Depend upon Modernism
Ključne besede: modernizem, postmodernizem, Peter Ruzicka, glasba 20. stoletja
IzVLEčEK
Članek skuša razložiti naravo odnosa med modernizmom in postmodernizmom, pri čemer izpostavlja tisto možnost, po kateri gre v postmoder-nizmu za nadaljevanje in radikalizacijo modernizma. Ta teza je ilustrirana na primeru simfoničnega dela Tallis Petra Ruzicke, ki je zasnovano kot palimpsest.
Keywords: modernism, postmodernism, Peter Ruzicka, 20th century music
Abstract
The article attempts to explain the nature of the relationship between modernism and postmodernism, exposing the possibility of postmodernism being a continuation and radicali-sation of modernism. This thesis is demonstrated by taking as an example Peter Ruzicka's symphonic work Tallis, conceived of as a palimpsest.
Pregled različnih teorij postmodernizma kaže precej nenavadno sliko - ne toliko zato, ker se avtorji o pogledih na glavne značilnosti tega obdobja močno razhajajo, temveč predvsem zato, ker ugotavljajo, da pojem sam morda sploh ni najbolj ustrezen in dovolj premišljeno izbran. Tako Brian McHale, eden izmed vodilnih teoretikov trdi, da ni »[n]ič v zvezi s tem pojmom [...] neproblematičnega, nič na njem ni popolnoma zadovoljujočega«1 in pri tem še dodaja: »Nihče ne mara termina, vendar ga uporabljajo
Brian McHale, Postmodernist Fiction, New York, London, Methnen 1987, str. 3.
raje kot nekatere druge še manj zadovoljive alternative.«2 Še bolj kritičen je Niall Lucy: »Poizkusi definiranja postmodernizma so notorično nezadovoljivi. Tako zelo, da je postala v igri definiranja postmodernizma standardna poteza priznanje, da je njegovo definiranje notorično nezadovoljivo.«3 Tako situacijo je mogoče povezati s prevladujočo metodologijo raziskovanja: avtorji ne raziskujejo »postmodernizma«, temveč obdobje, ki mu na podlagi določenih značilnosti podeljujejo začasno ime »postmodernizem«. Razlogov za zmedo in nejasnosti pa je seveda še veliko več.
Kljub temu se je pojem precej hitro utrdil v vsakodnevni publicistiki, kjer so njegovi obrisi in vsebina postali še bolj izmuzljivi. V številnih časnikarskih prispevkih, ki so bili objavljeni od srede sedemdesetih let 20. stoletja naprej v ameriškem in deloma tudi evropskem tisku, se je postmodernizem pogosto izenačevalo kar z antimoder-nizmom;4 zdelo se je namreč, da nova smer prekinja s hermetizmom modernizma, njegovo zaprtostjo in elitistično-moralno privzdignjenostjo, kar so medijske hiše v dobi razcveta množičnih občil sprejele z odprtimi rokami. Tako je pojem čez noč postal moden; še predno bi bil natančneje določen njegov obseg, so ga široke strukture izobražencev že pričele uporabljati.
Del problematike je gotovo povezan že s samim jezikovnim ustrojem termina, saj imamo opravka s sestavljanko iz jedra (»modernizem«) in predpone (»post«), kar pomeni, da je pojem močno odvisen od našega definiranja modernizma in relacije, ki jo določa predpona - izkaže se, da je na postmodernizem potrebno gledati kot na relacijski pojem in da je vsebina pojma v največji meri odvisna že od našega definiranja modernizma. Mnogo dilem okoli različnih pojmovanj postmodernizma je povezanih prav z relacijsko naravo samega pojma, ki odpira številne raznolike možnosti in soodvisnosti. Tako Janko Kos poudarja, da »analize slovenskega postmodernizma ne bo mogoče zadovoljivo izpeljati, ne da bi zajela zlasti njegovo razmerje do modernizma.«5 Podobno je prepričana tudi velika večina muzikologov, ki se ukvarjajo s postmodernizmom. Helga de la Motte-Haber celo ne vidi osrednjega problema v predponi »post«, temveč v samem razumevanju modernizma, ki je že dovolj raznoliko,6 zato ni čudno, da je R. Feller prepričan, da »obstaja prav toliko tipov postmodernizma kot modernizma.«7 Vprašanje, ali gre pri postmodernizmu za nadaljevanje modernističnega izročila ali njegovo popolno zanikanje - torej dilemo povezano s predpono »post« -, postane v tej luči šele sekundarnega pomena: predpona »post« je odvisna od svojega referenta - brez slednjega, kakor trdi N. Kompridis, ne pove skoraj ničesar.8
2	Prav tam, str. 3-4.
3	Niall Lucy, Postmodern Literary History: An Introduction, Oxford in Malden, Blackwell Publishers 1997, str. 63.
4	Tak tipični »časnikarski« pogled je leta 1969 prinesel Leslie Fiedler, ki je v reviji Playboy objavil članek Cross the Border -Close the Gap. V njem je pozitivno ocenil stapljanje elitne in množične literature, prestopanje med med avtorjem in občinstvom, profesionalizmom in amaterizmom ter visoko umetnostjo in popom. S tem je postavil temelje za tipično »ameriško«, »pozitivno« dojemanje postmodernizma, ki je ideološko v diametralnem nasprotju z evropskim, predvsem nemškim pojmovanjem. Hkrati pa Fiedler razpravlja že tudi o »dvojni strukturi« - v enem samem postmodernističnem delu naj bi bili tako priča spoju fikcije in resničnosti -, s čimer odpira široko polje pluralizma različnih jezikov in modelov.
5	Janko Kos, Na poti v postmoderno, Ljubljana, Literarno-umetniško društvo Literatura 1995, str. 87.
6	Helga de la Motte-Haber, »Postmodernism in Music: Retrospection as Reassessment«, v: Contemporary Music Review 12 (1995), št. 1, str. 78.
7	Ross Feller, »Resistant Strains of Postmodernism: The Music of Helmut Lachenmann and Brian Ferneyhough«, v: Judy Lochhead in Joseph Auner (ur.), Postmodern Music/Postmodern Thought, New York in London, Routledge 2002, str. 250.
8	Nikolai Kompridis, »Learning from Architecture: Music in Aftermath to Postmodernism«, v: Perspectives of New Music 31 (1993), št. 2, str. 7.
Najdlje je šel v takem relacijskem pojmovanju postmodernizma Hermann Danuser, ki je prav zaradi različnega pojmovanja modernizma izpeljal dve različni definiciji post-modernizma.9
Relacijskosti postmodernizma pa ne otežuje samo narava njegove zveze z modernizmom, temveč že sam pojem modernizma, zato je smiselno jasno razločevanje med pojmi »modernost«, »moderna« in »modernizem«: modernost je predvsem ideološko-filozofska drža, za katero je značilno dojemanje pomembnosti inovacije in linearnega življenjskega časa, človekove emancipacije in racionalnosti, moderna je zgodovinska epoha, v kateri se udejani in vlada ideološka modernost, modernizem pa je umetniška smer v obdobju moderne, v kateri so ideje modernosti izživete do svojih skrajnosti, kar pripelje do končnega preloma z obdobjem moderne.
V kolikor postmodernizem razumemo kot enega izmed slogovnih tokov v 20. stoletja, potem je mogoče trditi, da se njegova relacijskost veže na modernizem in ne na modernost ali moderno. Razmerje med postmodernizmom in modernizmom pa seveda določa predpona »post«. Prefiks je mogoče razumeti tako časovno kot vsebinsko. Časovni odnos se razkriva kot neproblematičen - »post« kaže na časovno poznejšost, naknadnost, nasledstvo.10 Veliko več težav predstavlja predpona »post« na vsebinski ravni razumevanja. Med mnogimi možnostmi velja izpostaviti tiste tri, ki se v razpravah o postmodernizmu ponavljajo najpogosteje. Tako naj bi predpona »post« v relaciji do modernizma pomenila:
a)	nadaljevanje in radikalizacijo modernizma,
b)	reakcijo na modernizem in njegovo abruptno prekinitev,
c)	začetek povsem novega obdobja oziroma sloga.
Največ avtorjev izpostavlja prvo možnost (a). Tako opozarjata na tesno navezanost postmodernizma na modernizem Janko Kos in Tomo Virk - v postmodernizmu naj bi šlo samo še za radikalizacijo v modernizmu sproženega metafizičnega nihilizma.11 Podobno je bil prepričan že eden izmed najzgodnejših teoretikov arhitekturnega postmodernizma Charles Jencks, ki je poudarjal, da postmodernistična arhitektura raste iz modernistične,12 da torej ne uveljavlja »revolucionarne« prakse in tako samo nadaljuje modernistično tradicijo, ki pa jo hkrati že tudi presega.13 Med muzikološkimi avtorji razume postmodernizem kot posledico modernizma Wilfried Gruhn,14 navezanost postmodernizma na modernizem pa izpostavlja tudi Thomas Schäfer -razmerje med postmodernizemom in modernizmom zanj ni opozicijsko, temveč dialektično.15 Pojem dialektičnosti je razbrati tudi iz spisov Hermanna Danuserja, ki
9	Prim.: Hermann Danuser, »Zur Kritik der musikalischen Postmoderne«, v: Quo vadis musica?, ur. Detlef Gojowy, Kassel, Bärenreiter 1990, str. 82.
10	Tak tip časovne relacije v bistvu potrjuje tudi Umberto Eco, ki sicer sodi med tiste redke raziskovalce, ki postmodernizem razumejo izrazito ahistorično: tako naj bi bilo mogoče najti v zadnji, sklepni, pozni fazi vsakega zgodovinskega obdobja tudi njegovo »postmodernistično« fazo, v kateri osrednje značilnosti obdobja prerastejo v manieristično šablono brez prave vrednosti. Tudi Eco pa s svojim postmodernizmom poudarja nasledstvenost in poznejšo fazo (Umberto Eco, Ime rože, Ljubljana, Mladinska knjiga 1984).
11	Prim.: Tomo Virk, Strah pred naivnostjo. Poetika postmodernistične proze, Ljubljana, Literatura 2000, str. 38.
12	Prim.: Charles Jencks, Jezik postmoderne arhitekture, Vuk Karadžic, Beograd 1985.
13	Prim.: Aleš Erjavec, Estetika in kritična teorija, Ljubljana, Znanstveno in publicistično središče 1995.
14	Prim.: Wilfried Gruhn, »Postmoderne Musik oder Von neuem Wein in alten Schläuchen uned der Lampe des Diogenes«, v: Isti (ur.), Das Projekt Moderne und die Postmoderne, Regensburg, Gustav Bosse Verlag 1989, str. 5-13.
15	Thomas Schäfer, »Anti-Moderne oder Avantgarde-Konzept? Überlegungen zur musikalischen Postmoderne«, v: International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music 26 (1995), št. 2, str. 224.
postmodernizma prav tako ne razume kot preproste negacije modernizma, temveč vidi med obema obdobjema značilno dialektično razmerje.16 Zelu blizu takemu pojmovanju je tudi Björn Heile, ki isto razmerje obravnava kot dialoško, zato med obema slogoma ne odkriva direktnega antagonizma, kar otežuje jasno kronološko razmejitev.17 Heile postmodernizem razume kot »protipodobo modernizma, ki vključuje vse, kar je modernizem izključil.«18 V vrsto zgornjih avtorjev pa se vključuje tudi Wolfgang Welsch, za katerega postmoderna19 nadaljuje izročilo moderne - osrednje inovacije moderne naj bi bile v postmoderni šele prvič dobro vnovčene in izpeljane.20 Vse, kar je moderna preizkušala specialistično - ezoterično -, naj bi postmoderna realizirala v vsej širini - eksoterično.21 Po Welschu je postmoderna pravzaprav radikalna moderna, ki pa zapušča modernistične ideje stalne inovacije, napredka, enotnosti in totalnosti.
Drugo varianto, po kateri gre postmodernizem razumeti kot reakcijo na modernizem in s tem tudi njegovo zavrnitev (b), je mogoče povezovati s t.i. »časnikarskim« postmodernizmom. Gre za značilno pojmovanje, kakršno se je naselilo predvsem v »lahkotnejšem« revialnem tisku, ki je pozdravil najnovejša dela. Ta naj bi se namreč znebila modernističnega hermetizma in tako spet omogočala dejavno komunikacijo z občinstvom. V središču tako pojmovanega postmodernizma naj bi se zopet znašlo »srce« in njegova iracionalnost, ki naj preglasi racionalne modernistične konstrukte, poljubnost takšnega časnikarskega postmodernizma pa v resnici ni prava pluralnost - za Welscha osrednja značilnost postmoderne -, temveč le nekakšna potpurijska oblika, ki sicer omogoča poudarjeno komunikativnost, po drugi strani pa zapira vsakršno možnost refleksije.22 V Welschevem duhu se proti takšnemu »časnikarskemu« postmodernizmu, ki izrašča iz negativne nastrojenosti do modernizma in ga je zato mogoče razumeti kot antimodernizem, obrača tudi T. Schäfer. Po njem naj bi šlo zgolj za novo fasado v obliki kulturne zamrznitve, v resnici pa »[p]ostmoderna nima veliko skupnega z zgolj iracionalno-eklektično estetiko, z novim historičnim realizmom, tradicionalizmom ali subjektivizmom.«23
Tako nam ostane še možnost, po kateri bi postmodernizem predstavljal povsem nov slog (c), vendar pa je takšno razumevanje predpone »post« zavito v lastno protislovje. Vodilni italijanski filozofski teoretik postmodernizma Gianni Vattimo namreč opozarja, da je dojemanje postmodernizma kot novega obdobja nemogoče oziroma vsaj paradoksno, ker v svoje bistvo vključuje možnost preseganja, razvojnega loka napredka, ki pa naj bi se prav v postmodernizmu izgubil.24 Če naj bi bilo za obdobje
16	Hermann Danuser, »Musikalische Zitat- und Collageverfahren in Lichte der (Post)Moderne- Diskussion«, v: Bayerische Akademie der Schönen Künste: Jahrbuch 4 (1990), str. 397.
17	Björn Heile, »Collage vs. Compositional Control: The Interdependency of Modernist and Postmodernist Approaches in the Work of Mauricio Kagel«, v: Judy Lochhead in Joseph Auner (ur.), Postmodern Music/ Postmodern Thought, New York in London, Routledge 2002, str. 288.
18	Prav tam, str. 287.
19	Welsch uporablja v skladu z nemško tradicijo to izpeljanko in ne pojma postmodernizem.
20	Wolfgang Welsch, Unsere postmoderne Moderne, Weinheim, VCH 31991, str. 185.
21	Prav tam, str. 83.
22	Prav tam, str. 81.
23	T. Schäfer, nav. delo, str. 221.
Gianni Vattimo, Konec moderne, Ljubljana, Literatura 1997, str. 10.
postmodernizma značilno prav preseganje ideje napredka in konstantne inovacije, potem postmodernizem sam ne more biti radikalno nov in inovativen.
Zgornje dileme o naravi relacijskega razmerja med modernizmom in postmoder-nizmom oziroma o modusu odvisnosti postmodernizma od modernizma želim v nadaljevanju prikazati na zgledu kompozicije Tallis. Odsevi za veliki orkester Petra Ruzicke.
Ruzicka se je rodil leta 1948, torej le malo pred tem, ko so bili v Darmstadtu predstavljeni največji prelomi (leta 1951 Boulezov serializem in Cageovo naključje), zato ga lahko postavljamo v drugo povojno generacijo. Pomenljivo je tudi to, da je s študijem pričel leta 1968, torej v času prelomnih študentskih revoltov in praške pomladi, glede na prevratna povojna leta pa je bila odločilno spremenjena tudi slogovna situacija, saj je napočil čas modernističnih sintez (zvočne kompozicije skladateljev poljske šole in G. Ligetija). Vendar pa je zorenje Ruzicke potekalo precej neodvisno tudi od tega kon-teksa, kar gre povezovati z dvema skladateljevima osrednjima specifikama: študiral ni samo glasbe, kot skladatelj pa je vedno ostal avtodidakt.
Ruzicka je tako študiral pravo, organizacijske vede, muzikologijo in teatrologijo. Leta 1977 je celo doktoriral iz prava, nikoli pa ni institucionalno študiral kompozicije. Sam skladatelj je potrebo po tako široki izobrazbi utemeljil z mislijo, da se mu zdi v sodobni družbi kot skladatelju zelo nevarno posedovati zgolj glasbeno-obrtna znanja, zato se je odločil še za pravo, ki je nekakšna socialna disciplina v najširšem pomenu te besede.25 Podobno raznolike kot študij so bile tudi zaposlitve Ruzicke (bil je intendant Nemškega simfoničnega orkestra iz Berlina, intendant Hamburške državne opere, umetniški svetovalec orkestra Concertgebouw, vodja Münchenskega bienala, vodja Salzburškega poletnega festivala in profesor za kulturni menedžment na Visoki šoli za glasbo v Hamburgu, ukvarjal se je z zakoni o avtorskih pravicah, deloval kot redaktor pri glasbeni založbi, dirigent ipd.),26 zato je mogoče odkriti druženje različnih »svetov« že na ravni skladateljeve študijske in življenjske poti.
Značilna razpetost pa je morda tudi posledica skladateljevega samouštva. Tako ne moremo mimo spoznanja, da je Ruzicka pogosto menjal svojo poetiko, medtem ko je njegova estetika ostajala večinoma nespremenjena in povezana z močno refleksijo o glasbi. Ustvarjanje tako pred Ruzicko ne postavlja zgolj obrtniških vprašanj, temveč prave eksistencialne dileme.
Kot edinega kompozicijskega učitelja Ruzicke lahko štejemo H. W. Henzeja -Ruzicka je torej iskal znanje pri v tistem času značilno osamljenem in tradicionalističnem skladatelju, vendar pa se je med letoma 1967 in 1970 otresel učiteljevega zgleda.27 Zavezal se je t.i. »kritični kompoziciji«, prek katere je razkrival dialektiko v pogojih glasbene recepcije in produkcije (skladbo Emanazione za flavto in orkester iz leta 1975 je tako mogoče razumeti kot razpravo o virtuoznosti kot ekstremni utelesitvi
25	Hanspeter Krellmann: »Komposition als Moment der Verweigerung. Gespräch mit dem Komponisten Peter Ruzicka«, v: Musica 30 (1976), št. 2, str. 122.
26	Uwe Sommer, »Peter Ruzicka«, v: Komponisten der Gegenwart, Hanns-Werner Heister in Walter- Wolfgang Sparrer (ur.), München, Edition Text + Kritik 1992, str. 2.
27	Prav tam, str. 3.
emocionalnega izraza in hkrati zgolj navidezni, površniski pozi),28 kar lahko povezujemo s skladateljevimi izkušnjami iz glasbenega menedžmenta. Tak tip glasbe je seveda zelo ozko povezan z razmišljanjem o glasbi - ne samo o njenem kompozicijskem ustroju, temveč o njeni širši vpetosti v kulturo in funkcioniranje družbe nasploh. Zvočnost teh del je trša, eskperimentalna, anarhična, a tudi bolj energična.
Z zelo poudarjeno refleksijo o glasbi pa je povezana tudi naslednja stopnja razvoja glasbenega jezika Ruzicke. V drugi polovici sedemdesetih let je sprejel še radikalnejšo modernistično poetiko, zato se vsako njegovo delo razkriva kot poudarjeno zanikanje starega in iskanje povsem novega, še neznanega glasbenega materiala. To stopnjo je sam skladatelj po Adornovem izrazu poimenoval kot »musica negativa« - kompozicija postane tako v resnici dekompozicija.29 Osrednje značilnosti takšnega glasbenega stavka so povezane s tišino, molkom, prelomom, zlomom in fragmentarno strukturo, o čemer govorijo tudi nekateri naslovi del: Torso, Abbrüche, ...über ein Verschwinden, Gestalt und Abbruch. Tako konsekventno iskanje novih izrazil in še bolj materiala je Ruzicko konec sedemdesetih let (1979-81) vodilo v kompozicijsko krizo in ustvarjalni molk. Skladatelj je namreč spoznal, da ni več mogoče napisati ničesar resnično novega. Zavedal se je, da je »objektivno [...] nemogoče nadaljevati dinamiko evolucije materiala, ki je bila odločilna v preteklih desetletjih«.30 Skladateljevo zaupanje v razvojno moč glasbe je postalo močno omajano: »Zgodovina glasbe dveh dekad po vojni je zaznamovana s konstantnim vpeljevanjem novega, 'neslišanega' materiala. Danes, na začetku sedemdesetih let se je ta proces eksplozije materiala, ta inherentna revolucionarnost Nove glasbe prvič ustavila. Če izhajamo iz tega, da naj danes komponirana glasba ne zadostuje le sama sebi, da naj bi imela svojo lastno kritično ost, potem potrebuje predvsem premislek o prav tej specifični zgodovinski situaciji.«31
Izhod iz skladateljske krize je Ruzicka našel s pomočjo novega koncepta, ki je zopet tesno povezan z refleksijo o glasbi sami. Ruzicka piše tako po letu 1980 glasbo o glasbi, ki se mu zdi »edina preostala možna posledica umetnostno-zgodovinskega razvoja, ki stoji pred priznanjem, da resnično nov glasbeni material ni več na razpolago, da skladateljsko pehanje naprej v neznano Novo deželo ni več mogoče.«32 Glasba o glasbi je komponirana na podlagi in s pomočjo že obstoječega glasbenega dela, zato je Ruzickova tehnika izredno podobna renesančnemu parodiranju.33 Skladatelj se ne distancira več od tradicije, temveč se nanjo celo namerno nanaša - v trenutku, ko ni na razpolago več noben nov material, je mogoče uporabljati tudi starega. Vendar pa ne gre za golo izrabljanje starih izrazil, temveč za poudarjeno refleksivnost glasbe. Citati, aluzije in parafraze že znane, »pretekle« glasbe pridobivajo v novem kontekstu - večkrat značilno modernistični teksturi - povsem nove pomene. Komponiranje s citati postaja tako bolj kot ne komponiranje s semantičnimi potenciali različnih kontekstov: »Citati in aluzije so v večini primerov prevzeli funkcijo reference, kar pomeni,
28	H. Krellmann, nav. delo, str. 125.
29	T. Schäfer, nav. delo, str. 215.
30	H. Krellmann, nav. delo, str. 123.
31	Cit. po: T. Schäfer, nav. delo, str. 214.
32	Cit. po.: prav tam.
33	Prim.: Isti, »Musik über Musik«, v: Musica 48 (1994), št. 6, str. 325.
da Ruzicka s citiranim predtekstom hkrati na produktiven način izkorišča tudi njegovo semantično polje.«34 Pomembno je torej spoznanje, da nanašanje na zgodovinski predtekst ne prinaša le že znanega materiala, temveč dobiva v delu karakter znaka -takšno navezovanje na že obstoječo glasbo preteklosti prinaša najrazličnejše konotacije, ki ustvarjajo močno povednost. Gre za nekakšen »asociativni kontrapunkt«35 med novim in starim tekstom, zato bi lahko govorili celo o značilnem intertekstualnem postopku.
Ruzicka se v delih, ki jih je mogoče postaviti v kontekst pisanja glasbe o glasbi, navezuje na zelo različne skladateljske tradicije (v orkestrski skladbi Annäherung und Stille predstavlja izhodiščni material fragment Schumannovega nedokončenega Klavirskega koncerta v d-molu, Metamorphosen über ein Klangfeld von Joseph Haydn se razvijejo v niz obdelav ene same harmonske sekvence iz Haydnove kantate Sedem poslednjih besed našega Odrešenika na križu, v delu ...das Gesegnete, das Verflüchte... pa skladatelj izkorišča fragmentarne ostanke 17. simfonije, ki jih je našel v zapuščini švedskega skladatelja Allana Petterssona), čeprav ni mogoče prezreti, da stopa največkrat v aktiven dialog z glasbo Gustava Mahlerja - »...fragment...« za godalni kvartet se tako izvije v citat iz Mahlerjevega Adagia iz Desete simfonije, glasba za violo in orkester »...den Impuls zum Weitersprechen erst empfinge« kroži okoli izsekov iz skladateljeve Devete simfonije, kratka misel iz iste simfonije pa se je prikradla tudi v Tretji godalni kvartet z naslovom ...über ein Verschwinden. Da je prav Mahlerjeva ustvarjalnost tista »arhimedova točka«,36 okoli katere kroži Ruzickov opus, pa nenazadnje dokazuje tudi dejstvo, da je prav Ruzicka redigiral in izdal prvi stavek Mahlerjevega fragmentarno ohranjenega Klavirskega kvarteta.
Tipičen primer glasbe o glasbi predstavlja tudi orkestrsko delo Tallis. Odsevi za veliki orkester iz leta 1993. Veliko nam pove že naslov skladbe - Ruzicka namreč glasbeno »razmišlja« o Tallisovem štiridesetglasnem motetu Spem in alium, za katerega se zdi, da tu in tam kot odsev pogleda skozi modernistično teksturo Ruzickove partiture. Takšno približevanje in oddaljevanje od izhodiščnega Tallisovega dela bi lahko razumeli tudi v smislu palimpsesta - skozi porozno modernistično plast proseva na določenih mestih bolj in na drugih spet manj očitno Tallisova renesančna polifonija. Priča smo torej značilnemu druženju dveh svetov: modernističnega in nemodernističnega (Ta-llisovega), vendar pa takšno sopostavljanje ne poteka le na ravni enostavne konfro-natacije različnega. Ob natančnejšem opazovanju partiture dela namreč lahko ugotovimo, da se je Tallisov motet zažrl veliko globlje v strukturo celotne kompozicije in da tako v veliki meri določa celo skladbo in ne zgolj nekaterih izoliranih mest.
Skladba Tallis je napisana kot v enem dihu, vendar se po podrobnejši analizi vendarle izkaže, da jo sestavljajo dva dela in zaključna koda z vmesnimi prehodi, ki skupaj rišejo tipični lok od mirnega k razboritemu in povratku nazaj v umirjeno (gl. prim. 1).
34	Isti, »'Verschwiegene Lieder' - ein instrumentales 'Requiem' für Paul Celan«, v: Die Musikforschung 50 (1997), št. 3, str. 295.
35	Isti, »Musik über Musik«, str. 326.
36	Wulf Konold, »Peter Ruzicka«, v: Peter Ruzicka, Deutscher Musikrat. Edition zeitgenössische Musik, Mainz, Wergo 1993.
1. del	Prehod	2. del	prehod	koda
takt 1-106	takt 107-132	takt 133-169	takt 170-189	takt 190-238
I,37 II, III, IV, V,	XII, XIII, XIV, XV,	XIX, XX, trikrat	XXI + XIX, XX	XXIII, sozvočje e-a,
XXIII, parafraza	XVI, XVII, XVIII +	inverzija para-		osrediščenost okoli
Tallisa (a), VII, VI,	VI, X, XI	fraze Tallisa		tona e
parafraza Tallisa		(h-j) + V		
(b), VIII, X, IX,				
parafraza Tallisa				
(c), citat Tallisa				
(d), XI, parafraza				
Tallisa (e), dva				
štiridesetglasna				
nastopa Tallisa				
(f,g)				
Primer 1. Formalna shema Ruzickove skladbe Tallis.
Formalna enovitost dela izhaja iz krožne napetostne strukture, ki se ob koncu vrača v svoje izhodišče, strukturalna enotnost pa je posledica Ruzickovega značilnega obravnavanja materiala. Celotna skladba je namreč sestavljana iz drobnih materialnih okruškov, ki se ponavljajo in vpenjajo v širši kontekst, med njih pa so vstavljene še bolj ali manj odprte aluzije na Tallisov motet. Odkrijemo lahko vsaj štiriindvajset takih enot
-	drobcev - (gl. prim. 2), za katere pa se ob nadrobnejšem opazovanju izkaže, da so med seboj povezane. Očitno namreč postane, da so izpeljane druga iz druge in da tako tvorijo gosto tematsko mrežo, katere osnovni nosilci so štirje glavni materialni drobci:
-	interval kvinte oz. sozvočje »prazne kvinte« (najbolj jasno ga je ugledati v »drobcu« II);
-	poudarjene repeticije (zaznamujejo vrsto drobcev);
-	interval in sozvočje velike oz. male terce (prvič nastopi na začetku prehoda v drugi del kot drobec XII) ter
-	postop male oziroma velike sekunde (osnovo predstavlja drobec XIV).
37 Zadnja vrstica tabele kaže distribucijo materiala. Rimske številke označujejo materialne drobce - gl. prim. 2, črke pa aluzije na Tallisov motet - gl. prim. 5.
ležeči ton ali prazna kvinta >
Primer 2. Osnovni materialni drobci za Ruzickovo delo Tallis (I-XXIII) glede na vrstni red nastopa.
Iz osnovne ideje sozvočja prazne kvinte (II) so tako izpeljani še - gl. prim. 3 -drobci XVIII, XVII in XX. Iz osnovnih repeticij (XXIII) je razvito največ drobcev, in sicer X, ki s svojimi flažoleti že predstavlja osnovo za I, nato pa še XI, IV, V, III, drobec XV prinaša diminuirane repeticije, ki so v drobcu XVI kombinirane še s pavzami, kar pripelje skupaj z mnogimi menjalnimi notami že do močno »oddaljenih« drobcev XIX, XXI ter VII in VIII (repetirajoči ritmični utrip z razprtimi tonskimi višinami). Drobec XII predstavlja osnovo za drobca XIII (sozvočje velike terce je zamenjano s skokom
velike terce) in VI (namesto skoka velike terce navzgor, imamo malo terco navzdol), medtem ko iz drobca XIV izhaja drobec IX (ta je deloma povezan tudi z idejo repeti-cije).
Primer 3. Mreža povezav med motivičnimi drobci.
Vendar pa se tudi za te osnovne materialne sklope izkaže, da niso plod avtorjeve samostojne invencije, temveč izhajajo iz glavnih značilnosti Tallisovega moteta. Že v samem začetku Tallisove skladbe Spem in alium, ki ga Ruzicka v solističnih godalih celo dobesedno citira (gl. takt 65), bi lahko ugledali izhodišče za štiri glavne materialne drobce (gl. prim. 4): dvoglasje se odpre s prazno kvinto (prim. drobec II), sledi repeticija treh tonov (prim. drobec XXIII), spodnji glas prinaša skok velike terce (f-a; prim. drobca XII in XIII) in zgornji male terce (a- c), v nadaljevanju pa melodični tok zogrnjega glasu zaznamuje še postop e-d, ki ga Ruzicka uporablja v inverziji (postop navzgor; prim. drobec XIV).
prazna kvinta	repeticije	velika terca sekundni postop (inverzija)
Primer 4. Izpeljava glavnih materialnih drobcev iz začetka Tallisove skladbe Spem in alium.
»Vdor« Tallisa v Ruzickovo istoimensko skladbo poteka torej na več ravneh: (1) v obliki semantično poudarjenih aluzij in citatov, (2) v materialni povezanosti ponavljajočih se drobcev z začetkom Tallisove skladbe in (3) celo na ravni oblikovanja teksture - podobno kot v Tallisovem motetu tudi umirjenost Ruzickovega dela prebijajo abruptni izbruhi.38 »TALLIS je parodija in hkrati ni parodija«39 - reminiscence na Tallisovo skladbo so vseskozi prisotne, a nastopajo enkrat v obliki jasnega citata, drugič v obliki aluziji in tretjič kot popolnoma modificirane parafraze. V tej zadnji fazi so spremenjene oz. »potujene« do te mere, da jih ni več mogoče dobro ločiti od tipično modernističnega glasbenega stavka (flažoleti, clustri, poliritmika ipd.) in v tem je posebnost Ruzickovega palimpsesta: obe zgodovinsko povsem različni plasti (v našem primeru tudi slogovna) sta se na mnogih mestih zlili druga v drugo, s čimer sta odprli možnost za široko semantično polje, za refleksijo tako o sodobnem stanju glasbenega materiala kot tudi o odnosu do davno pretekle glasbene tradicije.
In prav v tej sopostavitvi in delni zlitosti različnih slogovnih plasti lahko ugledamo odgovor na naše začetno vprašanje o odvisnosti postmodernizma od modernizma. Gosta mreža povezav med materialnimi drobci, njihova izpeljava iz Tallisovega moteta in premišljena formalna gradnja, ki poteka brez abruptnih prelomov v enemem samem napetostnem loku izkazujejo organsko povezan, homogen glasbeni stavek, ki poteka v znamenju racionalne premišljenosti, urejene kristalne strukture in homogenosti, kar so vse pomembne modernistične značilnosti. Te pravzaprav prevladujejo, čeprav se zde v nenavadnem neskladju s površino skladbe, na kateri lahko v recepcijskem aktu zasledujemu navidez heterogeno palimpsestno igro približevanja in oddaljevanje od Tallisovega moteta. Istočasna homogenost (izpeljevanje iz skupnega jedra, enovit napetostni lok) in heterogenost (modernistične tehnike vs. »vdori« renesanančne polifonije) pričata o sopostavljanju dveh svetov-modernističnega in nemodernističnega -, ki sta vpeta v refleksijo o glasbi sami, kar moramo znova spoznati kot osrednjo značilnosti postmodernistične glasbe.
38	Za zadnje prim. T. Schäfer, »Musik über Musik«, str. 328.
39	Prav tam, str. 327.
Primer 5. Postopno oddaljevanje parafraz od zgleda.
Skladba Tallis se nam tako razkriva kot tipično postmodemistično delo, v katerem smo priča združevanju dveh različnih svetov. Prevladujočega modernističnega lahko ugledamo v harmonskih clustrih, poliritmiki, gosti nemelodični teksturi, ritmični kompleksnosti in formalni enovitosti, ki raste iz racionalno premišljene strukture, tega pa na določenih mestih prebija nemodernistična plast, ki jo prinašajo aluzijski drobci in celo dobesedni citat Tallisovega moteta. Postmodernizem se kaže prav v takšnem druženju in njegovem povednem potencialu: nemodernistični »otočki« pridobijo znotraj modernističnega konteksta izstopajoče mesto in tako tudi asociacijsko semantično vrednost.
Kot je pokazala analiza, je prevladujoči modernistični »ocean« (tak najbolj tipični primer predstavljajo na primer uvodni glissandirajoči poltonski flažoleti v visokem registru deljenih godal) izpeljan iz Tallisovega gradiva, ki ga je mogoče razumeti kot osnovno materialno jedro. Seveda pa je ta material prek mnogih postopkov mestoma modificiran do te mere, da ga je nemogoče povezati s kontekstom renesančne polifonije in se zdi celo tipično modernističen. Posamezne aluzije (a-j; prim. 5) na Tallisovo glasbo so podobno kot iz njih izpeljani materialni drobci ujete v mrežo povezav: bližnjih in bolj oddaljenih (gl. prim. 5 - od parafraze a, b, c in e raste podobnost, nato pa smo od j do i in h spet priča oddaljevanju), zato se postavlja vprašanje - gl. prim. 5 -, kje iskati jasno mejo med modernističnim in nemodernističnim v procesu palimpsestnega oddaljevanje od prvotne plasti, od »izvirnika«. Prav ta izmuzljivost najbolj razkriva odnosno zvezo med modernizmom in postmodernizmom - slednji iz njega izhaja, uporablja njegove tehnike, a jih mestoma prebija z vdori nemodernističnih »otokov«, ki sprožajo poudarjeno semantiko, kar se zdi nasploh osrednja post-modernistična značilnost. Brez jasne zavezanosti modernizmu, ki ponavadi opravlja vlogo prevladujočega zvočnega konteksta, semantika postmodernistične skladbe v resnici ni postmodernistična, temveč je zavezana manierističnemu slogovnem kopiranju, zaradi česar bi ob mnogih sodobnih skladateljskih imenih lažje zapisali, da so
neoromantiki, neoimpresionisti ali neoklasicisti kot postmodernisti - semantika njihove glasbe ne izhaja iz druženja raznolikih svetov (modernističnega in nemodernističnega), temveč iz značilnosti prevzetega slogovnega modela (npr. romantičnega, impresionističnega, klasicističnega). Odvisnost postmodernizma od modernizma je torej ključna.
SüMMARY
Attempts to define postmodernism as a stylistic period have turned out to be facing dilemmas that originate in the linguistic construction of the very concept: in its core (»modernism«) and its prefix (»post«). On the level of content, the prefix »post« renders a number of diverse interpretations possible: it may denote a continuation and radica-lization of modernism, a reaction against modernism as well as its abrupt end, or the beginning of a completely new period or rather style. The article attempts to argue for the first variant, which means that postmodernism is neither an antithetical rejection of modernism nor a completely new style. In this way, postmodernism differs clearly from the so-called »journalistic« postmodernism (W. Welsch) that has been more than enthusiastic about the »high & low genre connection«, while, on the other hand, the notion of postmodernism as a new period seems to be also unacceptable, since it includes the possibility of transcending the evolutionary trend of progress (G. Vattimo) that should have, if ever, vanished in postmodernism. The abovementioned relationship between modernism and postmodernism is the case in point to be proven by the example of Peter Ruzicka's symphonic composition Tallis. In the seventies, Ruzicka adopted the stylistic doc-
trine of modernism which showed itself in so-called "critical composing" and by which the -through musical reception and production conditioned - dialects were brought to light; after which he embraced an even more radical variety of poetics, in keeping with which each and every work was to be considered as an emphatic negation of the old with a view to discovering utterly new, hitherto unknown musical materials. This and such consistent search of new means of expression, and above all of the material, led Ruzicka, towards the end of the seventies, into a compositional crisis and - creative silence. His way out came with the help of the music on music concept, i.e. by composing music on the basis and with the help of an already existing musical work. In this light one can understand the symphonic composition Tallis, which appears to be conceived in a palimpsest manner: allusions to Tallis's motet work their way through a prevailingly modernist texture. The analysis has proven that Ruzicka's compositional procedures are typically modernistic, whereas allusive irruptions of Tallis's music give them a special tinge that represents a contribution to the work's semantic potential, which again seems to be the focal characteristic of postmodernist music. In this light, postmodernist commitment to modernism appears to be of essential importance.
UDK 78.038.6:784.55 Prince Christian Bielefeldt
Institut für Kulturwissenschaft, Universität Lüneburg Inštitut za kulturologijo, Univerza v Lüneburgu
Beyond Postmodernism? Prince and Some New Aesthetic Strategies
Onstran postmodernizma? Prince in nekaj novih estetskih strategij
Ključne besede: Prince, postmodernism, musicology, pop music, aesthetics
IzVLEčEK
Prejšnji Princov postmodernistični album Musicology (2004) ponovno uveljavlja avtorstvo in zgodovino, s tem da oživlja »resnično«, netehno-loško zvrst glasbe na relaciji funka in hip-hopa. Članek odkriva, da gre pri tem za strategijo »refleksivnega modernizma«, za estetiko, ki predstavlja izziv postmodernemu zanikanju ontologije s pomočjo predhodnih - tako tudi označenih -ontologij.
"Unmistakbly Prince"1
Keywords: Prince, postmodernizem, muzikolo-gija, popularna glasba, estetika
Abstract
Former postmodernist Prince's album Musicology (2004) re-occupies authorship and history, evoking a »real«, non-technological kind of music in the line of funk and hip-hop. The article is reading that as a strategy of »reflexive modernism«, an aesthetic challenging the postmodern denial of ontology with interim ontologies marked as such.
In 2000, the Artist known as Prince while noted for producing his music under variable names and symbols returned to his most common brand name. Since 2004 he even reverted to collaborations with major record companies (Sony, Universal) that he emphatically had avoided for years, celebrating his new freedom in 1996 with his first independent NPG-production, a three-CD-box significantly called Emancipation. The result of this comeback as a global superstar are two enormously successful albums until now, Musicology (2004) and 3121 (2006). While the first reached top five in US, UK, Australia, Germany and many other countries, the latter actually became Prince's first #1 on billboard album charts in seventeen years (the 1989 Batman sound-
Gennoe 2004.
track being its predecessor). Interestingly, Musicology was celebrated even as his long expected - and true nostalgic - return to his unmistakably home.2 A notion that must appear surprisingly romantic in the case of Prince, so far dealt as a current example for post-modern practices in popular music.
However, what I want to discuss in this article is not so much Prince's reconciliation with the global music industry sharply rejected before, but the conceptual difference between Musicology and most of his earlier work, including the mainstream crossover records of the eighties and the Warner-releases in the early nineties. The article argues that this difference basically depends on a new relationship to the past, and to pop history in particular: Constructing linear historical references and inscribing itself in a selected stream of pop history, Musicology's association to the past of pop is not, or at least not longer predominantly post-modern. It has to be considered then, in how far this new historiographic Prince, being unmistakable, also affects the question of authorship anew. A crucial question in that Prince is commonly classified as a blueprint of postmodernism's cancellation of the author in the field of popular music.3
The following discussion ties up to this aesthetic debate, suggesting that the historiographical lineament of Musicology cannot, or should not be shortened to the conditions of a major contract in the middle 2000's. Indeed, copying Madonna's Hung up (2005), the appeal of nostalgia is increasingly used as marketing method for aging stars who reject the as-if-I-were-young-attitude of Jagger & co but do offer to be part of a community celebrating a brilliant past. Such economical reasons surely exist, as Christina Aguilera's retro-album Back To Basic (2006) indicates. And I am far from denying them completely in the case of Musicology, given Prince's practice of best-of concerts in the preceding years and also the rumour that his Paisley Park Studio had serious financial problems (Brown 2004). With Sony, Prince could count on global distribution while maintaining copyrights, which he did not keep hold of with Warner. The article yet dissects strategies on the album that advise an aesthetical evaluation: While using them, Musicology is critically reflecting the aesthetical and ideological impacts of nostalgia. To make this apparent as a strategy beyond postmodernism, I will first discuss some aspects of post-modern art and theory in general, facing them with options beyond.
1 Interim ontologies: Postmodernism and beyond
One of the reasons for the persistent success of post-modern theory likely consists in its rejection of linearity as scientific paradigm. Regarding aesthetics, the modern logics of linear progress are replaced by conceptions of spatiality and differentiation, both keywords of postmodernist thinking. The notion of innovation and transgression is redeemed by figures of ramification and recombination (the other keywords I
2	For the US-critics see http://www.metacritic.com/music/artists/prince/musicology.
3	See Hawkins 1992 and Danielsen 1997.
want to pick up here). The advantage of these conceptions consists in the interpretations they deliver of crucial phenomenons of art in the second half of twentieth century. Asynchronism, plurality of material and the re-utilisation of older media-concepts in new contexts have in common that it is hard to grasp them in a modern perspective.
Prince, singer, multi-instrumentalist, composer and producer of many of his songs in personal union, can serve as a prime example for that in the context of popular music. Concerning his music, any valuation in modern categories must fail in so far it is peculiar not in developing new, progressive stylistic means and configurations, but in the play with crossover, the artistic juggling with stylistic standards and role models (Hawkins 1992). In a modern view, the absence of authentic elements as the elaborate recombination of pre-existent styles and the vexing ambiguous exposure to constructions of gender, sexuality and ethnicity must be valuated as merely eclectic, lacking of depth and originality. In contrast, a post-modern view catches this as just his artistic signature, lastly accounting for his dazzling image as a global pop diva (Danielsen 1997). And don't we remember his appropriation, excessive enhancement and at the same time cancellation of African American macho-cliches... They were post-modern however, only because they produced a strategic openness (the fifth and last keyword I will apply here).
What does ,openness' mean? According to Anne Danielsen (Danielsen 1997), it denotes the absence of an expressive centre that characterizes post-modern products (and Prince's music). On albums like Sign'O'The Times (1987), Lovesexy (1988) or Diamond & Pearls (1991), the position of the subject as the authority that produces expression is vacant, or anyway cannot be defined - it is open. To be more precise, authorship is openly replaced with changing symbols, styles, practices and discourses. Thus Prince's music is played from the position of a secondary observer (Luhmann 1999, p. 92-164) who is observing the respective strategies leading to the construction of expression. Might that be a conscious operation, as Hawkins postulates, or, following Danielsen, an unconscious. Definitely it prevents every attempt to perceive Prince's music as an authentic expression of a 'real' person hidden in the dark depth behind the artistic curtains (as Rock or Hip-Hop music normally does). The appropriation of styles, namely of Funk, Disco, Rock, New Wave, Jazz or Hip-Hop and their devolve-ment into the princean sound cosmos is at best transitory, one style replaceable through another or another combination of styles.
And that also defines the relation between Prince's music and history until Musicology. The stylistic allusion on his post-modern albums "does not point backwards" (Danielsen, p. 281), activating a network of historical references. It rather opens a space of signs and symbols on hand, in which concepts of linearity are just irrelevant. Funky elements and shivers of rock, synthetic pop and other popular styles are handled not as links to historical music cultures, but as interchangeable modes of expression. Time as a linear, continuing process thus is overridden - as it is in a imagination frequently evoked in Prince's songs and video clips of the 80s and 90s: An extended party filled with music, love, dance & sex and situated in deterritorialized, phantastically endowed sites shortly before the end of the world. "I'd rather dance my life away"
(Prince: 1999): As a metaphor for satisfied life it appears for the first on 1999 (1983) and can be found on many following albums and videos. Changing only in details, it over and over celebrates a hedonistic, imaginary club-landscape with joyous bands in coloured costumes between glamour and camp, addicted to timeless jam-sessions and altogether "runnin' outta time" (1999). The post-modern aspect here must be seen in the close combination this image contains. The celebration of dancing as the most intense state of life is an even premodern topos not only of popular music. But connected with an explicit concept of temporal spatialisation and exhaustion, facing the end of the world, it is mirroring the post-modern denial of linearity.
This leads us back to a more general level of discussion. It is easy to see that the suspensions of authorship and temporal linearity found in Prince's earlier work correspond with the post-modern challenge of the 'great narratives' of art and music history as sequences of styles and epoches. We have to consider this a while to get the point where options beyond postmodernism open up.
First, it is a critical problem that in the consequence of this challenge postmodernism cannot think its own historicity. As it is defined not only as a final step of, but a step out of history, a spatialisation of history in which every possible differentiation is already included, it is contradictory to reflect postmodernism as a mere historical stage. Evidence for that are rhetoric figures like 'the end of history' and 'the end of art'. Therefore, in a post-modern view, a delineation of aesthetical strategies beyond postmodernism conflicts with its own paradigms and must inevitably arouse suspicions of regression: Could we ask for aesthetics beyond postmodernism despite at least partial abdication of complexity and plurality? And could that be anything else than a retreat to undercomplex or even totalitarian positions? It could, according to the German philosopher Harry Lehmann (Lehmann 2006). I will pick up some of his assumptions here, transferring them to the popular music context.
Facing aging postmodernism and its loss of artistic and social potentialities, Lehmann concedes above all two possible options beyond, calling the first 'naive', the second 'reflexive'. Both are understood as variants of modernism and it is important to see that they initially have one thing in common: a turn from the post-modern aesthetic of material to aesthetics of representation or content. But whereas the naive modernism effectively drops back to banality, sentimentality and in general, spoken with the German sociologist Ulrich Beck, to a "hergestellte, herstellbare Fraglosigkeit. Genauer: Tilgung, Entsorgung der Frage, in die die Moderne zerfällt" (Beck, p. 59),4 the contents of reflexive modernism legitimately abolish the post-modern negation of the representative artwork. While the naive option retires to traditionalisms, remoralisations and simple distinctions, the reflexive modernism openly breaks with a decisive post-modern taboo. However, in recorded popular music with its close standards of song production, technology and distribution the question of the open, self-negating artwork might not be as crucial as in the context of avant-garde music to which Lehmann is referring to. But his basic idea nevertheless seems convincing. Subsequently the critical difference between both options has to be found in the level of
Could be translated as: "to a disposal of the question, in which modernity decays".
reflexivity that is perceivable in - or at least ascripted to - their products. While both reduce complexity to get clear distinctions and representations, the naive modernism is blind for (or even hides) this operation. By contrast, the semantic closures presented by reflexive modernism are at the same time marked as contingent, or, in other words, as interim ontologies (Fuchs 2004). But what could that mean for an album that should arouse musicological interest just with its title?
2 Musicology
As mentioned above, Prince's first major label album after years adopts a flashy new line not only in comparison with the NPG records of the last decade but also the Warner forerunners.5 Indeed the album again circles around the party-metaphor. The programmatic Life'O' The Party inherently demonstrates what the refrain of the title song underlines with an unmistakably imperative: "Keep the party movin' / Just like I told you". But significantly, this party is not longer situated in a timeless room of floating signs and styles. On the contrary, Musicology evokes a clear-cut cultural and stylistic context, framing a destined African American line of tradition that ranges from the funk artist James Brown and his brothers Sly & The Family Stone and Earth, Wind & Fire up to the hip-hop acts Doug E Fresh, Jam Master Jay and Chuck D (all quoted by name in the title song), Missy Elliot (The Marrying Kind), Dr. Dre and at last one experienced member of Prince's bands, the saxophonist Candy Gulfer (Life'O' The Party). Finally, if only by a short ironic remark on his nose, also Michael Jackson is present (Life'O' The Party). With this catalogue of famous black music and musicians Musicol-ogy indeed gets the character of a selected historiography of Funk & Soul (including hip-hop) in which Prince is inscribing himself.
Similarly, the musical elements that reach beyond the funk/hip-hop tradition, as for instance 70's rock guitar playing (Cinnamon Girl) and folk-jazz instrumentation (Reflection), are little distinct in comparison with the leading role of full-funk-band style, p-funk jamming
Musicology
Head about the party now Just east o' Harlem Dougie's gonna b there But u got 2 call him Even the soldiers Need a break sometimes Listen 2 the groove ya'll Let it unwind your mind
No intoxication Unless you see what I see Dancin hot n' sweaty Right in front of me Call it what u like I'm gonna call it how it be This is just another one Of God's gifts Musicology
Chorus: Keep that party movin Just like I told you Kich the old school joint 4 the true funk soldiers Musicology
Wish I had a dollar 4 everytime u say Don't u miss the feeling Music gave ya Back in the day?
Let's Groove
September
Earth, Wind and Fire
Hot Pants by James
Sly's gonna take you higher
Minor keys and drugs
Don't make a rollerskate jam
Take ur pick - turntable or a band?
If it Chuck D
or Jam. Master Jay
Know what?
They re losin
Cause we got a PhD in
Advanced Body Movin,
Chorus
5 As his most successful album since Diamonds & Pearls, Musicology was awarded with a NAACP Image Award (February 2005) and the Vanguard Price and nominated for the best R&B-album-Grammy 2005. In January 2005 it was certified with double platinum (Billboard/USA). 2004 The Rolling Stone readers voted for Prince as best male performer and most welcome comeback.
and R&B-ballad types. There is the programmatic title song with its canny riffs played by guitar and horn section, the very much JB-alike funky arrangement and a singing for which Prince was awarded with the Grammy for Best Traditional R&B Vocal Performance in 2005. In the first shots of the video clip it is encircled by Claire-Fisher-strings, corresponding with the sepia colours of the record shop site and the little boy's afro. There are three love-songs with R&B crooning style singing, slow but bright bass lines and organ and soft background string throw-ins that are much evocative of 70's Bobby Womack or Al Green ballads (A Million Days, Call My Name and the ironic bluesy On The Couch, the leading vocal part sung completely in high falsetto, assisted by male background voices). And there is the mid-tempo funky ballad What Do U Want Me 2 Do with a fine guitar hook and quick riffs of the bass guitar, the souly The Marrying Kind, featuring important roles for organ and lead guitar, the mid-tempo If Eye Was The Man In Ur Life with objections of the full horn section, synthesizer parts and singing in two and more vocal-lines, and the flute and handclaps of Reflection, all the four about living the somehow profane life as a husband. Finally, besides the straight rock guitar epos Cinnamon Girl there is another song engaged with social critic and current political topics (as the second verse of Call My Name is): Dear Mr. Man, characterized by short horn and guitar riffs, organ chords and a descending bass-line unmodified played throughout the song.
Sure these songs feature some characteristic elements of Minneapolis Sound: the dry and highs-orientated sound-mix with less dominance of the bass than in traditional funk; the synthesizer replacing horns and playing rather short accents than extensive background lines; the use of guitar-solos in a rock style, sometimes distorted. But, they are striking less dominant than in most of Prince's former music and overall drowned out by the elements of 70's black music just described, the period when young Prince Rogers Nelson grew up, began to perform and made his first records. However, like a reflection on James Brown's initial irritation about the sampling practices of hip-hop, there is only one song with a valid rap part on the album (Pimp, Illusion, Coma & Circumstance). Facing the respectful reverence to the hip-hop tradition just mentioned, this is striking less than on albums like Emancipation and even Diamond & Pearls. I will suggest an interpretation for this later on.
Interestingly this new relationship to pop history is accompanied by a new position of Prince's voice. Produced noticeably non-varying in comparison to the manifold vocal masquerades on the post-modern albums, his voice recaptures the centre of his music as a sound identity. However, strictly speaking, it is again not the 'real' Prince we are invited to hear. In turn there is no authentic space besides the media product (and this might be a continuity to the post-modern Prince who used to play with these spaces as media effects). Rather, while evoking several R&B vocal styles and sounding old-fashioned 'natural' not only in its registers and timbres but also in its constant place in the acoustic centre, the vocal part concurrently represents the somehow abstract voice of the black music tradition. This becomes obvious also in the clip of the title song, where he dominates the scenery as he wants. Significantly, he is introduced not so much as a person, but, corporating a past of brilliant black music, as a type, the African American soul star representing black power and energy. Dressed
in old time costumes and performing a little in JB-manner, Prince appears as a concept, corporating the history of 'real' black funky music altogether. Thus, adored by the audience in a quasi religious way, the central position of the subject on Musicol-ogy is not only retaken, it is even enlarged to a fetish. The centre of Prince's music is re-occupied, but not by a self-expressing romantic subject, but rather an abstract conception. On Musicology authorship is a matter of ideology.
3 Real music to bring the spirit back
As we have seen, both post-modern criteria mentioned above - the loss of the author and spatialisation of history - are largely absent on Musicology. Hence, as the album is (re)constructing linearity, it might be difficult to value it any longer in the categories of postmodernism. But does that already mean it's adequate to appraise the album as a felicitous traditionalism, in line with international critics?6 Is Musicol-ogy a mere product of naive modernism? I must concede that some reasons vote to confirm this suspicion. A glimpse on the lyrics of the title song is enough to assess that the reminiscence of the funk tradition indeed goes ahead with simple distinctions and a quite strict remoralisation (flags of naive modernism as shown above). According to the crucial position of the formula 'old-school-joint', the distinction between good and evil is not only quite simple, but definitive too: On one side we have the soul survivors, the good and true funk soldiers who don't need any other drugs than old school 'real' music (including the boy playing the hoover-mike in the video), while on the other the bad guys, fallen into the vicious circle of drug abuse and violence. Accordantly, the forth song makes clear that the invitation to party all-night implys a strict assignment from those who don't follow it (and do wrong): "We ain't down with nobody / That don't party like we do / [...] This is the life'o' the party / We gonna do it right".
Furthermore, a second simple (and nostalgic) distinction corroborates this musically. It is drawn with the predominance of acoustic sounds and the abdication of audio-technological effects not only concerning the voice, but nearly all tracks of the album. In fact Musicology appears like a phonographic essay on live-music with predominantly acoustic instruments. Applications of openly computer processed sounds are reduced to a quite small amount, giving place for the electric funk guitar and the organ, horns, piano and other acoustic instruments as for instance the Clare-Fisher-strings earlier spoken to or the flutes in Reflection. And, not least, the stereo sound of most songs on Musicology is arranged as an effigy of a live performing situation, light-years away from the elaborate overlapping of sound planes, voices and tracks that consistently creates and combines artificial spaces for instance on Emancipation (with the significant exception of Pimp, Illusion, Coma and Circumstance I will discuss later on). Prince thereto stated on German TV: "We think of it as trying to bring real music back, real musicians playing real music. A lot of pop music today is computer gener-
6 For the German reviews, s. in addition http://www.purple-net.de/ArtikelMusikology.html.
ated. A lot of the concerts are not even live performances they're prerecorded performances and we just want to kind of bring the spirit back" (Prince 2004).7 An idea that becomes an ideology with the either-or-question in Musicology ("Take ur pick-turntable or a band?") and particularly in Life'O' The Party, suggesting to destroy the hardware of popular music: "Throwin' records out the window / CDs out the door/ Might as well giv'em 2 the milkman / cause we don't want em no more //". Adjacent the next verse specifies sensual body experience as the unique form of musical perception, picking up a prominent 'white' discourse about black music and musicians: "Everybody can smell this funk u'all / Even down in Atlanta, GA."
Even the fundamental marketing idea of Musicology can be taken as an element of this concept. Unlike normal music business, it was focused on the live performance, turning over a record for free to every buyer of a concert ticket (as shown in the Musicology-clip).8 The record and video clips consequently are if not destroyed but getting the status of secondary products, just appended to the live musical performance.
Facing this it seems anything but wrong to state that Musicology primarily reproduces a tradition-bounded African American self-depiction, combining an idea of proper black life with the aesthetic of a live spirited black musical practice. However, the naive aspect here must be seen alone in the fact that after all the 'authentic' sound of the album gets so convincing because of the extensive technological means of the four studios involved and named in the CD-cover, Prince's Paisley Park Studio in Chanhassen, Minneapolis, the canadian Metalworks Studio, Bernie Grundman Mastering and the Hit Factory, New York. Not only that Claire Fisher's string arrangements are digital samples added to the other sequential tracks of the songs (as confirmed in the booklet). On the record, like an ironic comment to the statement just quoted, precisely the very 60's or early 70's funkalike horn section part in the title song is replaced by synthetic computer-generated sounds - a replacement, as mentioned above, known to be a crucial earmark of Prince's Minneapolis Sound since the 80's. And even a 'natural' sound like that of the vocal parts on Musicology, to be sure, nowadays is a artificial and highly technological product, addicted to extensive computer processing simulating a non-computerized recording.
4 Reflexive modernism on Musicology
These incongruencies between concept and product at least question the evaluation of the album as entirely traditionalist and nad've (in terms of Lehmann's modernist options). And, to be precise: for an artist and producer known for the virtual
On his german Musicology-homepage Prince is cited with the subsidiary statement: "Ich bin von Herzen Musiker und Künstler - das ist mein Beruf. ,Musicology' hat keine Grenzen und passt in kein Format. Es ist die ueberfällige Rückkehr zu Musik, Kunst und Handwerk - darum geht es bei diesem Album. Schools in Session!" (http://www.musicology.de/start.htm, visited 20.9.06).
Amongst others, this practice - the ticket thus containing the price of the record - was firmly criticized by the billboard editorial office. But, facing the ideology behind, even the fact gets less asthonishing that the title song was single-published only in Austrialia.
overproducedness of his music, a concept of traditionalist, non-computerized live music indeed would widely challenge his own principles. The extensive jamming often practiced during performances and also on recorded versions of his songs (s. Anna Stesia, as analyzed by Hawkins 1992) has always been only one side of Prince's work, the lavish sound production the other. Accordingly, Musicology's certifications indicate three complete songs and the major part of the rest as played by Prince on its own, continuing his multitracking recording technique established more than 25 years ago. And it is hardly accidental that he released only one live-album during his whole career (One nite alone... live!, 2002) and continued to record without any collaboration after Musicology, as in the case of S.S.T. and the instrumental Brand New Orleans, both produced in the aftermath of the hurricane Katrina demolishing New Orleans, August 2005.
Thus, considering Musicology as the album on which Prince is "proving once again that he's about the only musician who can make a one-man band sound as vibrant as a live nine-piece group" (Erlewine 2004) - in other words, is using production technology as always in a very advanced way - , my doubts are deep. Finishing, I will present few but important media-reflexive, narrative, textual and musical elements on the album that foil or at least reflect its nostalgic touch.
Take for instance the fade-out sequence after the jamming part of the title song, enclosed only in the CD version. We are hearing crackling snippets of music here, including fractions of Prince's 80's hits Kiss (1984), Sign O' The Times (1987) and Little Red Corvette (1982) that are interrupted by pounding bass notes and male talk. Sounding in noisy mono standard, these short fragments commemorate the typical soundscape produced by the switching between stations on an analogue radio set (and every station is playing Prince). Thus reactivating the old technology sound signature, they create an acoustic retrospection with which technology itself becomes nostalgic. Concurrently, the digital imitation of analogue play-back technology marks media technique as a precondition for nostalgia. Records (and radios) thrown out the window or given to the milkman, we wouldn't have even the opportunity to know -let alone hear - the music 'back in the days'. Recordings might be secondary to the intensity of life we feel while dancing at live music parties. But even a live concert tributed to the heroes of real music is senseless without the knowledge about their music. Alone on this account Musicology seems to me a really fitting album title. The album's topic is just not the party for its own, but together the documentation and knowing celebration of the past, reconstructing linearity between today and then (a past to which the song snippets add the 80's story of Prince's outrageous concerts with incredible excessive stage performances). Thus the memento of the radio switching reflects a blind spot of Musicology's nostalgia: the inseparableness of nostalgia and media technique. Or, in the words of the last song on the album, Reflection: "Can U turn up the stereo? / Eye wanna play U this old song / It's about love". In the field of popular music, it is technology that produces the synchronism of distance and reproduction we need to enjoy nostalgia.
Musical hardware becoming an object of desire is also the issue of the second element I want to introduce. It's a short, spoken byplay in the video clip of Musicology
beginning at 2'51", few seconds from the closing jam-part. In his room draped with posters of Sly and other funk artists, the young protagonist gets into trouble with a man, probably his father, about some records. Apparently they belong to daddy (the record above is the Earth, Wind & Fire album Spirit from 1976). Not surprisingly, after some moments the father masters the situation. Snapping up the albums, he ceases the battle with the definite words: "These are my records!" (3'00"). Evidently, he is not feeling up to let his son participate on his musical world, player and records being too precious to share: "Don't touch my stereo!" (2'58"). What in the first example seems to be only a matter of correct handling (adjusting the mono position), then turns into a question of possession, reflecting the ideological character every music ascripted as 'real' and distinct to any other must get. During the fight between son and father the records become a fetish that apparently pertains to the economical category of ownership and not to the social of participation. However, as we know from the lyrics of Musicology, this fetish is a gift of god: "I'm gonna call it how it B / This is just another one / of God's Gifts - Musicology". A second fraction of the clip demonstrates that it's impossible to share this gift without running the risk to loose the cohesion of the community it constitutes.
Arguing not in the register of possession but of space, this subplot demonstrates the traps of a hortus conclusus based on simple distinctions. As an ideological space, the home of 'real' music always is threatened. At 1'33" we see two adolescents trying to get into the concert hall, probably young rappers with a typical, rather easy-going outfit of old school hip-hop (too long t-shirts and sportswear, cap, 70's rayon jacket). It soon becomes clear that they will not succeed, the doorkeeper strictly preventing their entry. Yet in case we suppose lacking tickets as the reason, we are told better only twelve seconds later. The group of smart middle-aged and a bit gangster-like behaving, extremely well dressed blacks appearing at 1'45" also don't show the black ticket we have in mind from the little boy buying it at the outset. As they anyhow get access with a little help of a dollar note, this short scene is adding an unattended critical sight on what's going on. Obviously the discrimination between the inside crew of dancers and those forced to stay outside relies on dubious reasons. Bare money as a criterion conflicts deeply with hip-hop being part of the tradition the song is celebrating. So why aren't the rappers allowed to enter nevertheless? Is it the alterity becoming apparent in their eye-catching dress too different in the domain of the funk soldiers, mirroring the artistic alterity that early hip-hop inserted in the story of 60's and 70's black music? Read that way, the scene could be understand as a reference to the transient blindness of traditional black musicians for the young innovators out of the Bronx, who theirselves but adored their predecessors (and sampled their works over and over again). Furthermore, the album title then could be read also in terms of a privileged knowledge. As the title song says: "If it ain't Chuck D / Or Jam Master Jay / Know what? / They're losin' / cause we got a Ph.D. in / Advanced body movin'", only the true soldiers know about the one and real music you can dance to. But this music then, this is the cue both scenes offers, is no longer a prior hedonistic practice, but a subject of knowledge and possession with regularized access.
It's worth to glance secluding at a third little scene of the video. Meanwhile guarded by heavily armed security men, the singer is throwing another fetish to the audience just before he leaves the hall (beginning at 4'40"). And of course it is the young protagonist who catches the black and white handkerchief, wet by the real sweat of his hero. The point here is not only that the continuousness between the present, celebrating past, and the future therewith seems assured, dignifying the young listener as a privileged member of the funk soldiers community and actually a possible successor of his idol. In so far the enthusiastic boy appears as the little Prince Rogers himself, taking his youth inspirations from the conceptual hero the adult Prince is representing singing Musicology, the scene finally constructs a sort of time-warp in which the observer coincides with his object. The circular structure of this setting is evident. In his two roles Prince corporates past, presence and future of 'real' music, excluding every possibility of alterity. Much in contrast to the open, heterogeneous spaces of decontextualisated symbols and practices the post-modern spatialisation of time produces, Musicology establishes a recontextualisated place with hermetic borders to outside world.
My suggestion is to take these rather unimposing but anyway very significant moments of Musicology as elements of a second observation that observe (or reflect and even criticise) the first observation of black music practice the album and not least Prince's verbal statements are producing. In this view, we can understand Prince's overall surprising pleading for 'real' live music as a part of a basically concept, in which the challenge of the live-ideology is already included. As discussed above, a reflexive, self-challenging use of media and concepts is a truly post-modern strategy. But, in the case of Musicology, the result is not openness, decontextualisation and the disappearance of authorship. The reflexive elements I just introduced are rather little details, probably overheard by the majority of Prince's audience and apparently many critics too. They don't really challenge the abstract authority of traditionalist black music ideology, together documented and embodied by Prince. However, they exist, and in my perspective as elements of reflexive modernism: an aesthetic representing content (the funk tradition, the live-music concept, the current political topics) presented as contingent (reflecting the distinctions and ideological effects underlying). Musi-cology then appears as a sort of test arrangement that shows the achievements but at the same time the artistic and social blindness of a concept with only ears for the past.
"U know what? / Turn the stereo back down / Ain't nothing worse than an ole' worn-out love song" - that's the interesting statement Reflection offers in the end of the album.
Concluding, the question lasts why Pimp, Illusion, Coma & Circumstance is the only song with a veritable rap part and, resembling much more the old pastiche-style of post-modern Prince, detaches from the stylistic continuity of the album. The lyrics of this song discuss the difficulty to decide "who is pimping who" in a case where both have their advantages and "no second chance". Doesn't the song then implicitly reflect the album as a result of circumstances, due to them Prince is in a way 'pimping' for economic reasons (his music fallen into a naive, nostalgic coma, being prepared for global distribution and major label needs)? Anyway, also in this case it should count
for Prince that he did not forget to document and reflect the agility and great merits of black music in a brilliant decade.
But in my view the album does more, demonstrating at least the possibility of aesthetic options beyond postmodernism: non-regressive strategies of content, working with temporary ascriptions and recontextualisations while challenging the postmodern taboos of linearity, meaning and closeness.
In a way, the best argument for my doubts about Prince's live-music-concept may not be found on Musicology itself, but on the following album. Disregarding few songs like the Latin pop trivia Te amoro corazon, style, sound and production aesthetics of 3121 widely revocate the centric idea of the former album. Picking up again the metaphor of the last, grand party ("We gon' party like there ain't gonna be another one", 3121) the acoustic and non-technological sound of 70's black music is largely reduced and, with few exceptions, substituted by just a return of explicit computer generated tracks, elaborately mixed with voice samples, futuristic electronic whimpers and abstract noises. When Musicology (re)constructed the 'nature' and unmistakability of Prince and his cultural home, the home to which 3121 invites us is above all highly artificial. In particular this affects the vocal tracks. Prince's voice is not only producing a much broader variety of registers and vocal sounds. Following the technically alienated voice on 1999 (and the de-gendered on If I Was Your Girlfriend, 1987), just a so-called 'true black' vocal technique as the gospel-melisma is digitally overworked and even audibly screened, demonstrating the artistic fertileness of advanced media technique and the constructedness of every vocal sound and personality (3121). Might Musicology at least partly be a naive, nostalgic "lesson in music" (Lundy 2004) of old times. 3121 then, as rumour has it the number of real Prince Rogers Nelson's villa in Hollywood Hills, definitely sketches another sight: Even Prince's affiliation to the ancient black music practice was a question of temporary ascriptions and interim ontologies.
Then expect the next...
Bibliography
Beck, Ulrich (1987): "Das Zeitalter der Nebenfolgen und die Politisierung der Moderne", in: U. Beck et al (Hg.): Reflexive Modernisierung. Eine Kontroverse, Frankfurt a. J.: Suhrkamp 1996.
Brown, Ethan: "A New Reign. Prince has been disappointing for a decade. But just when expectations could hardly scrape any lower, he has made a great record," (New York Magazine), April 26, 2004 issue) on http://www.newyorkmetro.com/nymetro/ arts/music/pop/reviews/n_0206/ , visited 26.9.06.
Danielsen, Anne (1997): "His name was Prince: A study of Diamonds and pearls", in: Popular Music, Vol. 16; Issue 3; Oct 1997; pp. 275-291.
Erlewine, Stephen Thomas (2004): "Musicology - review", on http://www.allmusic. com/cg/amg.dll?p=amg&sql=10:o047gjqr46ia~T1, visited 19.9.06.
Fuchs, Peter (2004): Der Sinn der Beobachtung. Begriffliche Untersuchungen, 2. Auflage, Weilerswist: Velbrück Wissenschaft.
Gennoe, Dan: "Prince - 'Musicology'", on: http://uk.launch.yahoo.com/040507/33/ 1wms4.html (written Friday May 7, 2004 4:10 PM), visited 29.9.06.
Hawkins, Stan (1992): "Prince: Harmonic analysis of Anna Stesia", in: Popular Music, Vol. 11; Issue 3; Oct 92; pp. 325-335.
Luhmann, Niklas (1999): Die Kunst der Gesellschaft, Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Lundy, Zet: "Musicology - review", on http://www.popmatters.com/music/reviews/ p/prince-musicology.shtml, visited 2.10.06.
Prince (2004): Interview in the German broadcasting "leute heute" (ZDF), 4.5.04.
PüVZETEK
V devetdesetih so o Princu razpravljali kot o primeru postmoderne zvrsti popularne glasbe, pri čemer so izpostavljali njegovo »nabiralniško paberkovanje« različnih stilov in njegovo igranje, večkrat zakrito tako glede spola kot etičnosti. Njegova glasba naj ne bi nudila nobene samolastne »globine«, ki naj bi bila značilnost rock glasbe, ampak naj bi predstavljala poigravanje s stilnimi standardi in modeli različnih vlog. Prav tako so bile uporabljene razne prakse in popularni stili, oboje v smislu zamenljivih načinov izraza. Prin-covo glasbo je označevalo pomanjkanje izhodišča in časovne kontinuitete, ni imela značilnega zvoka, ampak je predstavljala pasticcio različnih zvočnih značilnosti. Princov album Musicology pa se vrti okoli teh postmodernih vrzeli na drugačen način.
Musicology ne upošteva samo določenih korenin, s tem da navaja imena in albume raperjev stare šole ter posamezne ansamble, in uvaja določen subjekt, pevca kot junaka in hkrati kot verodostojen glas črnske tradicije. Album se ukvarja
in ustvarja tudi časovno kontinuiteto med časi stare šole in »resničnimi vojaki« sedanjosti. Ker funk pesmi, ljubezenske balade in pesmi s politično vsebino sekajo določeno tradicijo »črne glasbe«, bi bilo možno označiti album kot produkt »naivnega modernizma« (H. Lehmann 2006), kot nostalgičen in ne nazadnje ideološki korak nazaj h koreninam tako imenovane avtentične, akustične in večinoma netehnološke žive prakse soula & funka sedemdesetih, kakor so izdelke označili mnogi kritiki. V nasprotju s takšnim gledanjem članek zagovarja mnenje, da mnoge podrobnosti albuma kažejo na določeno estetsko strategijo, ki zaobsega in preoblikuje nasprotja med stališči onstran postmodernizma; kaže na »reflektirajoči modernizem«, to je na (za)obrnitev k estetiki vsebine, v nasprotju s postmoderno estetiko gradiva. Videoklip izpostavlja misel, da mora vsaka skupnost oziroma vsak »dom« »resnične« glasbe biti odporen proti novotarijam in spremembam. V tem smislu album »3121« iz leta 2006 gradi Princov »dom« kot popolnoma umeten in visoko tehnološki konstrukt.
UDK 78.01 Banfi Luisa Antoni
Noghere 27/b I-34147 Milje pri Trstu
Antonio Banfi in njegova smer v sodobni glasbeni estetiki
Antonio Banfi and His School of Thinking in Contemporary Musical Aesthetics
Ključne besede: fenomenologija, italijanska muzikologija, estetika glasbe, Antonio Banfi
IzVLEčEK
Italijanski filozof Antonio Banfi (1886-1957) se je v prvi polovici 20. stoletja ukvarjal z raziskovanjem estetike in je v 20. in 30. letih na milanski Univerzi oblikoval svojo šolo razmišljanja. Banfi je vezna točka med evropsko tradicijo ter vplivi Kanta in Hegla po eni strani, po drugi pa strelovod za nove, inovativne misli, ki so preplavljale Evropo (Simmel, Dessoir, Valery in predvsem Husserl). V članku avtorica nakazuje glavne smernice njegove estetike in zasleduje, kako so te smernice vplivale na oblikovanje italijanske glasbene estetike.
Keywords: phenomenology, Italian musicology, aesthetics of music, Antonio Banfi
Abstract
The Italian philosopher Antonio Banfi (18861956) was engaged in aesthetic research in the first half of the 20th century, and in the twenties and thirties founded his own school of thinking at the Milan University. On one hand, Banfi represents a link between European tradition and the influences of Kant and Hegel, and on the other, a »lightning conductor« for new, innovative thoughts that were spreading throughout Europe (Simmel, Dessoir, Valery, and above all Husserl). The paper gives a survey of guidelines of Banfi's aesthetics, tracing their influence upon the formation of Italian musical aesthetics.
»Hostinato rigore«1
Navadno je raziskovanje filozofskih prvin v glasbi in mislih glasbenikov nekaj nenavadnega v filozofiji in celo v sami estetiki: poglabljanje teh pojmov je namreč nekje sredi poti med samim filozofskim razglabljanjem in glasbenim svetom, tako da bi lahko rekli tej stroki, da ni ne tič ne miš, ampak čisto poseben netopir. Verjetno se marsikdo, predvsem iz vrst glasbenikov in muzikologov sprašuje, čemu iskati tega nočnega sramežljivo izogibajočega se netopirja, torej estetsko-filozofski okvir glasbi. Moj odgovor
1 Avtor tega mota je Leonardo, Banfi pa je izpisal te besede na začetku zveščiča, v katerem si je zapisoval svoja razmišljanja v aprilu 1920.
je preprost ali pa tudi ne: človek, umetnik živi v času in prostoru, diha kulturno ozračje okrog sebe in zato obsvetje ne more ne vplivati na njegovo delo: če razumemo oz. bolje spoznamo okvire, v katerih se giblje, nam bodo njegove umetnine in njegova umetniška pot bolj razumljivi in jih bomo po eni strani lahko bolje razlagali in tolmačili tistim, ki se s tem ne ukvarjajo profesionalno in želijo priti do manj površnega razumevanja in podoživljanja umetnosti; po drugi strani pa bomo sami lahko prišli do globljega in popolnejšega razumevanja tistega čuda, ki se vsakič pokaže v umetnosti in se sproti - kot Sfinga - izmika vsakršnemu poskusu definiranja.2 Ker je moje glasbeno raziskovanje od nekdaj razpeto med filozofijo, natančneje fenomenologijo, in muziko-logijo, se mi je poglabljanje filozofije in šole danes manj znanega italijanskega filozofa Antonia Banfija ponudilo tudi kot pravi preizkusni kamen pri iskanju odgovora na vprašanje, ali je glasbena estetika upravičeno del filozofije, saj se celo sama estetika zdi kot neke vrste stranska veja glavne filozofske krošnje. Kar zadeva čas sodi Banfijevo raziskovanje v zahodni kulturnozgodovinski okvir, ki je zelo razgiban. »V prvih desetletjih 20. stoletja se je med starimi modeli, predvsem idealistične narave, v metafizičnih in abstraktno sistemskih teoretiziranjih, pojavil pojem znanost ali splošna teorija umetnosti.«3 Mikel Dufrenne nas še opozarja, da je »v več evropskih državah, kot tudi v ZDA, od leta 1930 dalje estetika videla svoj veliki razvoj ne samo v najuglednejših mojstrih, temveč tudi v odmevnem mrgolenju raziskav in šol«, prej, v prejšnjih desetletjih pa je »tisti, ki se je ukvarjal z estetiko ali zgodovinar, bil veliko bolj doma v renesansi kot v fauvizmu, kubizmu, glasbi Debussyja, Stravinskega ali Schönberga«.4 Če izberemo primer iz prostora in časa, s katerim se ukvarja pričujoči članek, lahko npr. ob prebiranju spisa o kompoziciji, ki ga je objavil Goffredo Petrassi, ugotovimo, da je ena pomembnih smernic takratne glasbe vez med tehniko in estetiko in obenem potreba po posodobitvi načinov, kako priti do umetnosti nasploh.5
V italijanski estetiki je Antonio Banfi vezna točka med evropsko tradicijo ter vplivi Kanta in Hegla po eni strani, po drugi pa strelovod za nove, takrat inovativne misli, ki so prepljavljale Evropo (Simmel, Dessoir, Valery in predvsem Husserl).6 Rodil se je v mestecu Vimercate blizu Milana 30. septembra 1886. Jeseni 1909. je doktoriral, njegov prvi zapis o estetiki sega v leto 1910, prvi zaokrožen spis pa v leto 1920. Po doktoratu se je s štipendijo odpravljal v Berlin; tam je živel od 28. aprila 1910 do marca leta 1911.7 V pismu prijatelju Giovanniju Marii Bertinu je svoje izkušnje opisal takole:
2	Italijanska glasbena estetika je na tej poti storila kak korak več kot slovenska: v preteklosti nem je Enrico Fubini ponudil svojo zgodovino glasbene estetike v dveh knjigah, nedvomno najvidnejši innajpomembnejši dosežek zadnjih let pa je zgodovina, ki jo je objavil Giovanni Guanti. Fubinijeva raziskava sega do 60. let, Guanti pa je pogledal še dlje in jo pravzaprav dopolnil in nadgradil ter nam tako ponudil pomembno oporo. Enrico Fubini, L'estetica musicale dall'antichitäalSettecento in L'estetica musicale dal Settecento a oggi, Torino, Einaudi, 1964; Giovanni Guanti, Estetica musicale: la storia, le fonti, Scandicci, La Nuova Italia, 1999.
3	M. Dufrenne e D. Formaggio, Trattato di estetica, Mondadori, Milano, 1981; str. 5.
4	L'annee 1913, Klincksieck, Pariz, 1971; str. 25-26.
5	Mariateresa Muttoni, La formazione del compositore italano nella seconda metä del Novecento, v La cultura dei musicisti italiani nel Novecento, Guerini, Milano, 2004; str. 77.
6	Eden pomembnejših Banfijevih učencev Enzo Paci je že leta 1957 trdil, da »je Banfijeva filozofija odločilna pot italijanske misli 20. stoletja do vse sodobne filozofije«. Enzo Paci, La filosofia contemporanea, Milano, 1957; str. 49.
7	V arhivu Univerze Friedricha Wilhelmsa obstajajo dokumenti, ki pričajo o vpisu Banfija na filozofsko fakulteto. Formaggio piše, da je Banfi v poletnem semestru 1910 sledil Simmlovim predavanjem; v zimskem semestru pa je sledil predavanjem Riehla (Kant), Lassona (Hegel), Sprangerja, Harnacka, Erdmanna, Dessoirja (Einführung in die Aesthetik und allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft), Müsterberga, Willamowitz-Möllendorffa (Politika v Grčiji) in Simmla. Tako kot tudi pozneje s Husserlom se je njegovo občudovanje Simmla spremenilo tudi v osebno prijateljstvo.
[...] vem, da sem v samem zagovoru [diplomske naloge op.a.] izjavil, da hočem zapustiti zavod, ki me ni mogel ničesar več naučiti: predrzen sem bil, priznam, a iskren. In tudi Italije sem se naveličal: to so bili časi prvih uspehov Croceja in revije La Voce. Oba sta se mi zdela res neznosno in omejeno provincialna. Odšel sem ob prvi priložnosti, tudi iz osebne stiske, in se zatekel v Berlin. Tu sem bil resnično svoboden: niti pomislil nisem, da bi objavil tezo. Spoznati nov svet, novo življenje, nove sloje, živeti pustolovsko, učiti se na pustolovski način. Zatopiti se v glasbo, v Kanta do obisti, z Riehlom, odkriti problem tehnike in sloga v umetnosti z Wölfflinom, dogmatski problem s Harnackom, smisel sveta, ki je zame nov, učiti se antike z Willamowitzem, spet se lotiti Hegla z Lassonom, srečanje z marburškim novokantovstvom in s Cassirerjem in še posebno s Simmlom, z gibljivo in predirljivo bistroumnostjo občutljive in zmeraj pozorne misli. Dessoir mi je predstavil probleme psihologije v novi obliki in mi kazal pot Kunstwissenschafta, Erdmann je razpravljal o logiki, Münster je iz Amerike prinesel duha novega kontinenta. Druge smeri sem spoznal posredno: predvsem šolo filozofije vrednot in potem Fenomenologijo. Po božji volji sem v teh globokih vodah dobro zaplaval.8
Niti mesec ni minil po nastanitvi v Berlinu, ko je Banfi že napisal kratek in sintetični razmislek o problemih estetike in tako začel plodna raziskovanja o umetnosti, ki so se uspešno razvila tudi v pravo šolo razmišljanja. Banfijeva učenca Luciano Anceschi in Dino Formaggio sta razdelila estetsko misel Antonia Banfija na tri obdobja, nimata pa enakega stališča glede dolžine teh obdobij. Anceschi meni, da je trajalo prvo obdobje od začetka do leta 1930, drugo od leta 1930 do konca druge svetovne vojne, tretje pa od leta 1945 do Banfijeve smrti.9 Formaggio je uredil zbirko Banfijevih spisov, ki je zelo podobna Anceschijevi, in tudi razdelil Banfijevo misel na tri obdobja: prvo pomembno obdobje naj bi segalo od leta 1920 do leta 1926, drugo od let 1931-32 do leta 1947, tretje pa naj bi se začelo s potovanjem Banfija na Kitajsko.10 Glavna razlika med tema časovnima opredelitvama je ta, da Anceschijeva interpretacija upošteva vse dobe Banfijevega razvoja, medtem ko Formaggieva pa samo pomembnejše.
Po koncu prve svetovne vojne se je na italijanskem političnem prizorišču uspešno pojavil fašizem: leta 1921 je dobil 30 izvoljenih deputatov v Zbornici , tj. enem najvišjih italijanskih političnih organov, v letu 1922 se je zgodil umor Matteottija, v letu 1925 je režim onemogočil vsak demokratični izraz, njegovi najpomembnejši še živi nasprotniki pa so bili ali v zaporu ali v tujini. Fašistično nasilje se je vtikalo tudi v kulturo in vsiljevalo avtarkično kulturno avtonomijo. Filozof Benedetto Croce, ki je leta 1910 postal senator in bil od junija 1920 do junija 1921 minister za šolstvo, je najprej mislil, da bo mogoče uokvirjati in usmerjati fašizem znotraj liberalnih inštitucij, je po umoru Matteottija javno izrazil svoje nasprotovanje režimu in glasoval proti vsem zakonom, ki so omejevali svobodo. Croce, s katerim fašizem ni upal fizično obračunati, je postal simbol intelektualnega kljubovanja. Režim je takrat uvedel celo vrsto ukrepov, da bi si zagotovil
8	Pismo Giovanniju Marii Bertin je izšlo v reviji AutAut, VII, 1958, 43-44; str. 29-33.
9	Luciano Anceschi, Formazione dell'estetica di Banfi, v I problemi di un'estetica filosofica, Roma, 1962; str. XI.
10	Dino Formaggio, Gli sviluppi dell'estetica di Antonio Banfi, v Filosofia dell'arte, Firenze, 1961; str. 15.
zvestobo državljanov, med temi tudi listino, ki so morali podpisati vsi univerzitetni profesorji. Eden Banfijevih milanskih učencev Remo Cantoni se tako spominja tistih let:
Njemu se moramo zahvaliti, če v tistih težkih in dušečih letih nismo izgubili veselja do intelektualne raziskave in moralne svobode. Banfi je imel zasluge, da je v univerzitetnih učilnicah in pri sebi doma na korzu Magenta zbral okrog sebe zbral boljši del milanske kulture, vse tiste, mlade in manj mlade, ki so se jim intelektualni dogmatizem, zapiranje misli v okvire državnih meja in sektarske ideologije upirali. Milano je bil dolga leta živo središče protifašizma, odprta in univerzalna šola kulture in intelektualna spodbuda je prišla predvsem iz nauka in človeške navzočnosti Antonia Banfija.11
Drugi njegov milanski učenec, Luigi Rognoni, pa se še spominja, kako se je Banfi odločil, da bo »sprejel nevarnosti notranjega odpora in se posvetil nalogi pedagoga in vodje mlajših generacij«.
V Milanu smo v letih 1931-32 dobivali Univerzo, prepojeno z idealistično kulturo. Tistim, ki so se usmerjali k raziskovanju problemov umetnosti in so videli v jeziku poetov, slikarjev in glasbenikov možno obrambo in potrditev civilne družbe, še vredne takega imena, se je zdela Crocejeva estetika edino oporišče; toda ni se več ujemala s 'krizo' kulture in ni bila uporabna za to, da bi z njo razlagali, kaj se je dogajalo v preteklosti in se je še dogajalo v umetnosti, kjer je bil umetnik, potem ko se je otresel idealov in shem, v prisotnosti 'življenja' in v 'življenju' odkritosrčno in svobodno kot nikdar prej. Banfijeva beseda se je takrat pojavljala kot nepričakovana razjasnitev, kot vabilo k podiranju shem in norm ter k prepoznavanju umetniške stvarnosti v vsem njenem življenjskem in polnem bogastvu.12
Tukaj se torej pokaže eden ključnih trenutkov italijanske estetike: pomen in vpliv Croceja je v tem obdobju italijanske zgodovine deloma vezan tudi na njegova protifašistična politična stališča, v katerih so mlajši rodovi - tako kot smo dejali - videli edino možno obrambo civilnih načel, tudi zato ker je bila Crocejeva beseda res vplivna. Kmalu pa so se zavedeli, da jim Crocejeva estetika ne pomaga pri razumevanju sodobnih umetniških tokov, v katerih se je Evropa prebujala. Leta 1963 je Giovanni Giraldi na začetku svoje obravnave italijanske estetike 20. stoletja trdil, da se italijanska estetika sicer ne začenja pri Croceju, da pa je Croce brez dvoma njena osrednja točka.13 Croce
Remo Cantoni, Ricordo di Antonio Banfi, v Antonio Banfi e ilpensiero contemporaneo, La Nuova Italia, Firenze, 1969; str. 11.
Luigi Rognoni, Il pensiero estetico di Banfi e la vita dell'arte, v reviji Aut aut, 1958, str. 49.
Giovanni Giraldi, L'estetica italiana nella prima meta del secolo XX, Naschi-Listri, Pisa, 1963; str. 9. S pomenom Croceja danes so se ukvarjali različni avtorji leta 1998 v reviji Anthropos, med temi tudi Lev Kreft v članku z naslovom Benedetto Croce danes, ki je izšel v reviji Anthropos, 30, št. 4/6 (1998).


je v italijanski estetiki vseskozi navzoč; z njim in z njegovo estetsko mislijo so operirali in se z njo pomerili (bolj ali manj odkrito) vsi misleci, ki sem jih obravnavala. Ne bom pa se lotila primerjalnih analiz, ker sta Croce in njegova estetika navsezadnje predmet številnih poglobljenih samostojnih raziskav.
Lino Rossi v spisu Di alcune tendenze dell'estetica italiana contemporanea14 našteva ob Banfiju še druge pomembne italijanske filozofe, ki ne sodijo v Banfijevo šolo, a so s svojimi deli pripomogli k obnavljanju italijanske estetike (Luigi Pareyson [r. 1918], Rosario Assunto [r. 1915], Nicola Abbagnano [r. 1901], Gillo Dorfles [r. 1910], Guido Morpurgo Tagliabue [r. 1907] in Galvano Della Volpe [r. 1895]). Vendar, če primerjamo letnice njihovega rojstva, lahko ugotovimo, da je bil Banfi najstarejši, zato je seveda oral ledino, na tej poti pa so mu sledili nekaj let pozneje še drugi. To seveda nakazuje na veliko potrebo italijanske estetike po obnavljanju svojih pojmov v nasprotju z idealizmom ali vsaj ne pod njegovim vplivom, torej daleč od Croceja. Fubini v svojem razglabljanju o glasbeni kritiki ugotavlja, da je idealistična metodologija, ki jo je Croce zagovarjal, »najbolj primerno sredstvo za interpretiranje in razumevanje romantične umetnosti«, medtem ko se je Husserlova fenomenologija »pojavila na evropski sceni kot filozofija in estetika bolj primerna za duh avantgard 20. stoletja«.15 Prav v teh besedah se torej pokaže v pravi luči razkorak med obema pojmovanjema umetnosti: Croce izhaja iz paradigme, ki se je že izpela, Banfi pa zastopa novo smer, novo pot, novo paradigmo. Dejansko je Crocejev svet vezan na preteklost, Banfijev pa se odpira sodobnosti. Formaggio je v letih 1985 - 86 v predavanju na milanski Fakulteti za arhitekturo sicer v drugem kontekstu razvil zanimivo idejo, ki je uporabna tudi tu:
Prva točka je ta, da imamo kulturo biti, imenujmo jo tako, lahko za izpeto ali da
se končuje. Vedno bolj se uveljavlja kultura nastajanja, kultura dinamičnosti. [...]
Velika paradigma biti je torej zašla in zdaj na obzorju vzhaja nova izredno revolucionarna, če jo primerjamo s prejšnjo, vodilna ideja, tj. ideja o nastajanju, spreminjanju: »ničesar ni in vse se spreminja«.16
V 30. in 40. letih prejšnjega stoletja sta v bistvu obe paradigmi, ena v crescendu, druga v decrescendu pod trdo roko fašizma, pravzaprav sobivali; šele v povojnem času so nastale spremembe, čeprav je Crocejeva paradigma preživela; »mogočna osebnost Benedetta Croceja je namreč [...] tudi zaradi svojega trdnega nasprotovanja fašizmu postala še pred smrtjo leta 1952 intelektualna legenda«.17
S svojim delom v 30. in 40. letih se je Banfi torej šele lotil estetskega območja; njegovo delo pa je obrodilo prave sadove po drugi svetovni vojni, ko je v Italiji zavladala demokracija, ki ni tako grobo posegala v kulturo in je usmerjala kot fašistična diktatura. Sam Banfi opozarja: »Kdor se je formiral v prvih dveh desetletjih [20. op. a.] stoletja, se
Lino Rossi, Di alcune tendenze dell'estetica italiana contemporanea, v Studi di estetica, CLUEB, Bologna, 1979. Enrico Fubini, Critica ed estetica musicale in Italia tra '800 e '900, v Rivista musicale italiana, 3, 1999; str. 329. Dino Formaggio, Appendice:Mutazioniparadigmatiche, v Problemi di estetica, Aesthetica edizioni, Palermo 1991; str. 222. Lev Kreft, Nastanek, konec in začetek estetike, v Mario Perniola, Estetika 20. stoletja, Znanstvenopublicistično središče, Ljubljana 2000; str. 196.
L4
5
16
je zavedel radikalne, zapletene, konkretne krize kulture. Zavedati pa se je moral tudi, da je lahko koristno ne to, da bi jo zatajili ali pričakovali idealno rešitev, ampak analiza brez vsakršnih predsodkov«.18 Po eni strani je torej Banfi sprejel pojme, ki mu jih je tradicija pustila, tak je bil npr. pojem lepega in lepe umetnosti, ter tako ne nazadnje sprejel tudi nelahko nalogo - primerjanje s Crocejem.19 Po drugi strani pa je na novih temeljih razvil pogled na umetnost, po katerem umetnost ni muzejski eksponat, temveč del sodobnega življenja. Banfijeva estetska misel se je razvijala tako, da se je iz začetnih tradicionalnih spon razvila v sodobnejše pojmovanje. Temelji Banfijevega pojmovanja so: pojmovanje umetnosti kot del sodobnega življenja, avtonomija umetnosti, razlikovanje med estetičnostjo in umetnostjo, vprašanje družbenega pomena in materialnosti v umetnosti, problem zgodovine umetnosti in razlik med posameznimi umetnostmi itd. Zdi pa se mi, da gre v tem bujnem bogastvu in raznolikosti idej Banfija in njegove šole poudariti predvsem eno jedro, ki ni sicer zelo vidno oz. je tako vidno in navzoče, da ga pravzaprav niti ne vidimo več: kot predmet, ki ga imamo vedno pred očmi in se nam zdi sam po sebi umeven. Temelj vsega je človek, subjekt. Brez človeka, ki čuti in zaznava ni sveta, ni umetnosti. Banfi imenuje to očitno »človeškost« humanizem in ga posebej omenja tudi v enem svojih zadnjih spisov.20 Pomen subjekta je v tem, da je začetek in konec interpretacijskega kroga. Tudi Rognoni in Formaggio večkrat poudarjata osrednji pomen človeka. S tem humanizmom pa so povezane še druge dimenzije, taki sta npr. komunikacijska in etična. Predvsem ta je pomembna oz. se vedno konkretneje pojavlja v Banfijevi estetiki in v estetiki njegovih učencev.21 To je razlog, zaradi katerega Rognoni v svojih poznejših muzikoloških spisih zavrača npr. Cagea in aleatoriko, v katerih je vpliv humanosti zelo omejen. O tako pomembni temi je pisal tudi Formaggio, ki je že na začetku svojega uvoda k Banfijevim estetskim spisom kot dejavnik prvega Banfijevega obdobja poudaril »umetnost v splošnem gibanju etičnega duha«.22 Formaggio ugotavlja, da se tu »že orisuje in predoči - za popolno razumevanje umetniške izkušnje - temeljna potreba po tem, kar je pozneje Banfi imenoval humanost umetnosti, tj. širšem umetniškem gibanju v družbi in zgodovini, ki bi ga morali v resnici označiti kot etično, čeprav je ob tem tudi estetično«.23
Ob vsem tem pa nam je Banfi ponudil nedogmatsko raziskovalno metodo kot verjetno najizvirnejši del njegovega filozofskega razglabljanja, ki ga je zapustil svojim učencem in prihodnjim rodovom. Banfi je sicer najbolj vplival na svoje učence predvsem v drugem obdobju svojega razmišljanja. Formaggio v obravnavi učiteljeve misli vidi v tretjem obdobju pravzaprav koherentno razvojno kontinuiteto, v kateri se je veliki preobrat estetike zgodil le delno (dokončanje v višji sintezi filozofije umetnosti je namreč predčasno ustavila smrt), »[...] do tega preobrata morda nismo do zdaj bili dovolj pozorni«.24 Dokaz je vrnitev Banfija in medias res:
Banfi, La mia esperienza filosofica, v La ricerca della realtä, Il Mulino, Bologna 1966; str. 1.
Zanimivo poglabljanje odnosa med Crocejevo in fenomenološko estetiko je razvil Gabriele Scaramuzza v spisu Estetica crociana ed esteticafenomenologica, v Crisi come rinnovamento, Milano, 2000.
Banfi, La mia esperienza filosofica. Tu smo pred novimi razvoji, saj je postal v povojnem času humanizem predmet številnih
filozofskih debat, npr. polemika med Sartrom in Heideggrom.
Antonio Erbetta, Per una lettura di Antonio Banfi, v Cultura e scuola, 1976; str. 105.
Formaggio, Gli sviluppi dell'estetica di Antonio Banfi, v Filosofia dell'arte; str. 11.
Formaggio, Gli sviluppi dell'estetica di Antonio Banfi, str. 11.
18
19
20


[...] ponovna pridobitev neuničljive umetniške funkcionalnosti postane ponovna teoretična pridobitev ene polarnosti, skrajno sodobne in uporabne za vsako in katerokoli umetniško izkušnjo, umetniško funkcionalistično - proti estetiki in proti lepoti - in ponovna socialna in kulturna (a zato ne zunaj -estetska) pridobitev celotnih območij razširjene umetniškosti od vaz do kitajskih ljudskih plesov, hišne opreme, urbanistike in industrijskega oblikovanja.25 [...] Banfi v svojem tretjem obdobju poskuša izpeljati ta 'posel' do konca: od eidetske metode, tj. od ideje estetskoti, se vrne med zapletene skupine konkretne umetniške izkušnje in fenomenološko preizkuša in preizkuša pot dinamične filozofije umetnosti.26
Tu se tudi oblikuje hipoteza o vključevanju nove umetnosti v obnovljeno družbo, obenem pa se pojem umetniškosti preoblikuje tudi v plodnem stiku z zunajevropsko, v tem primeru s kitajsko umetnostjo. Tu se tudi pokaže izjemna sodobnost Banfijeve misli, saj se danes po 50 letih tudi zaradi množičnega izseljevanja preštevilnega naroda kitajska misel in kultura vedno bolj širita tudi v togo zaprto Evropo. Tudi Gentili, čeprav jasno piše, da se to tretje obdobje razvije brez prave kontinuitete z drugim, v nadaljevanju svojega kritičnega pretresa ugotavlja, da se je Banfijeva pozornost »premaknila od čistega metodološkega območja h konkretnemu umetniškemu izkustvu, k strukturni sestavi umetniške stvaritve«.27 Večina Banfijevih učencev je na poznejše zadnje obdobje učiteljevega raziskovanja gledala nekoliko odmaknjeno, ker so se v njem pojavili tudi vplivi bolj ali manj konkretnega političnega delovanja, za katerega so verjetno mislili, da ne sodi v filozofskoestetski okvir.28 Med prvo in drugo svetovno vojno so se na Banfijevih urah srečevali takrat mladi nadebudni misleci, ki so po drugi svetovni vojni usmerjali umetniško dejavnost v Italiji. Eden teh učencev, Giovanni Maria Bertin, se tako spominja svojih kolegov:
V tako živahni skupini je vsak čutil, da je vodja šole; z določenega stališča je bilo to res. V okviru skupne Banfijeve smeri je namreč vsak označil svojo izvirno pot; in od revije »Studi filosofici« - to je bila maestrova revija - so se razvile revije »Pensiero critico«, ki jo je ustanovil Cantoni, »Aut aut«, ki jo je oblikoval Paci, in »Il Verri« Anceschija; ta je bil najsamotnejši od vseh.29
V tej skupini se niso vsi posvetili razmišljanjem o umetnosti. Najprej sta to storila dva filozofa, ki sta pripravila svoji diplomski nalogi pod njegovim mentorstvom: Autonomia ed eteronomia dell'arte Luciana Anceschija in Fenomenologia della tecnica artistica Dina Formaggia;30 ob njiju pa sta še posebno zanimiva Enzo Paci in Luigi
Formaggio, Filosofi dell'arte delNovecento, str. 185. Formaggio, Filosofi dell'arte del Novecento, str. 187. Formaggio, Gli sviluppi dell'estetica di Antonio Banfi, str. 29.
Carlo Gentili, Lineamenti di estetica banfiana, v Nuova fenomenologia critica, Paravia, Torino 1981; str. 114-115. Po vojni, med katero se je Banfi vključil v tajno protifašistično gibanje znotraj univerze, je bil leta 1948 izvoljen kot senator iz vrst takratne italijanske komunistične partije.
Che importa ciparla? ur. Michele Gullinucci, Diabasis, Reggio-Emilia, 1992; str. 27.
Luciano Anceschi, Autonomia ed eteronomia dell'arte, prva izdaja leta 1936, ponatis iz leta 1992 in Dino Formaggio, Fenomenologia della tecnica artistica, prva izaja je iz leta 1953, ponatis iz leta 1978).

Rognoni, ki sta veliko skupno debatirala o estetiki v glasbi. Paci nam je v svojem opusu, ki je tako obsežen in toliko raznolik, da bi potreboval samostojno raziskavo, zapustil nekaj drobnih, a pomembnih spisov, v katerih izrecno piše o glasbi. Luigi Rognoni pa je eden najpomembnejših italijanskih muzikologov, z njegovim delom je Husserlova filozofija v Banfijevi preobleki »sodelovala« pri oblikovanju italijanskih muzikoloških usmeritev v drugi polovici 20. stoletja in mogoče celo pri sami muzikološki stroki v Italiji.
V svoji analizi italijanske povojne estetike iz leta 1958 je Piero Raffa posvetil Banfijevi zapuščini enega od treh poglavij. Naj najprej omenim kot zanimivost dejstvo, da Raffa omenja Banfijeva učenca tudi v glasbeni publicistiki (Rognoni, Gavazzeni), dodal pa je še D'Amica, ki je sicer sodeloval z Rognonijem, ni jih pa uvrstil v Banfijevo poglavje oz. v stik z maestrovo mislijo. To seveda pomeni, da je ta muzikološki razvoj Banfijeve smeri nekoliko v ozadju ter da je zato ta del pričujoče razprave toliko pomembnejši, ker odkriva povoje italijanske muzikologije.31 V poglavju o Banfiju Raffa ugotavlja, da je Banfi malo znan »zaradi dogodkov v zadnjih petdesetih letih zunaj določenega študijskega kroga«, ob tem pa poudarja, da »v dejanju samem, ko je kazal na široko in osupljivo obzorje izkušnje, ni nameraval zapustiti svoje 'goethejevske opazovalne točke na Olimpu' [...]; vabil je k bogastvu, ostal pa je pri čistosti; na stežaj je odprl okno in rekel: 'Glejte, koliko je svet raznolik', ni pa odšel v svet in ga pogledal od blizu«.32
Čeprav je - kot smo že omenili - Banfi v svojem zadnjem obdobju res skušal »pogledati od blizu«, je v resnici najplodnejši in najbolj znan del njegove filozofije prav to teoretično gledanje na snov. Raffovo mnenje je sicer nekoliko preveč shematično, vendar nakazuje določeno smer, stališče, iz katerega je Banfi izhajal. Še enkrat nam Rognoni ponudi zanimivo razlago:
Banfijeva filozofska estetika je pridobila določeno teoretično naravo in ni ostala zgolj preprosta metodološka usmeritev. Gotovo je, potem ko so postavljeni temelji za ustanovitev fenomenološke estetike, treba izdelati še ves tisti sistematski del, ki ga je Banfi zaslutil in nakazal v glavnih obrisih.33
Banfijevi učenci, ki so se ukvarjali z estetiko, so v resnici »šli v svet«. Za Anceschija je bil ta svet pesniški, za Formaggia figurativni, za Rognonija glasbeni. Gentili npr. piše, da je Anceschijeva raziskava »uresničevanje in samosvoje udejanjanje Banfijeve metodologije na ravni zgodovinsko kritične prakse«.34 Predvsem ti trije so se poglobili in medias res s tem, da so pisali o specifičnem področju in gledali nanj iz estetskega zornega kota. Ti teoretični svetovi so še vezani na učiteljev nauk, v njih se zrcalijo, udejanjajo in razvijejo maestrove ideje. Tako imajo njihove človeške in miselne poti skupno izhodišče v predvojnih kulturnih milanskih krogih, predvsem pa v obiskovanju
Da je ta razvoj glasbene fenomenologije še neodkrit, priča tudi novejša knjiga Augusta Mazzonija La musica nell'estetica fenomenologica (Milano, 2004). V svoji raziskavi o fenomenologiji v glasbi ni avtor niti omenil Banfija, medtem ko je podrobno predstavil razvojno vejo, ki pelje od Husserla vse do Ingardna in Zofie Lisse. Piero Raffa, Situazione dell'estetica italiana, v Nuova corrente, 11-12, 1958; str. 24. Rognoni, Ilpensiero estetico di Banfi e la vita dell'arte, str. 54.
34 Gentili, Lineamenti di estetica banfiana, str. 130.
31
Banfijevih predavanj. V povojnih letih - to so bila leta »velikega vključevanja italijanske filozofije v tok svetovne sodobne misli«35 - pa so se njihove poti razšle, Anceschi je odšel v Bologno, Formaggio v Pavio, Rognoni pa v Palermo.36
Nepričakovano se je v tej nalogi ob čisto estetskih pojmih pojavila še druga dimenzija, tj. zgodovinska rekonstrukcija začetkov muzikologije v Italiji. Ugotovila sem, da je Rognoni s svojim delom dejavno spodbujal sodobno glasbeno delovanje in postal eden prvih profesorjev muzikologije v Italiji, to pa pomeni, da so začetki italijanske muzikologije označeni tudi s fenomenološkimi poganjki. Iz zornega kota estetike glasbe se je zaiskrila zelo zanimiva nit, ki vodi od Luigija Rognonija in Enza Pacija k Giovanniju Piani, enemu najživahnejših in najbolj razgledanih raziskovalcev glasbenega danes.
V razglabljanju o glasbenem pa se mi zdi posebno zanimiva ideja, ki sem jo oblikovala v poglavju o Rognoniju, da je veliko sodobnih skladb oblikovanih kot sestavljenka že slišanih in priljubljenih melodičnih, ritmičnih ali harmonskih celic, delčkov: to sestavljenko sem preimenovala v »patchwork«. Ta ideja ni nikakor novost na glasbenem področju, saj se glasba od nekdaj premika med prijetno zabavo in umetniškimi dosežki. S tem mojim interpretacijskim modelom pa je možno razložiti velik del sodobne glasbene ustvarjalnosti in ga umestiti v širši sodobni glasbeni tok. Za te skladbe so značilne všečnost in uporaba, ki se skuša prebiti ven iz ozkega kroga poznavalcev: v tej svoji izbiri postane pa potrošno blago. Če naredimo še nekaj korakov po tej glasbeni poti, se mi zdi, da se tak način umetniškega ustvarjanja lahko razlaga tudi z besedami Leva Krefta:
[...] sprememba umetniškega dela v množično blago je skupaj z nastankom prostega časa in nanj vezane potrošnje odprla polje množične umetniško -kulturne proizvodnje. Tu se je v dvajsetem stoletju razvila kulturna industrija (vključno z zadnjo, postindustrijsko revolucijo), ki nikakor ne pomeni samo uporabe novih tehnoloških možnosti in izumov za umetniški užitek in zabavo, ampak s svojo vsepristonostjo in množičnostjo sama naddoloča, kaj je sploh umetniško, kulturno, zabavno. Avantgardistična zahteva po sestopu in povratku umetnosti v življenje je dobila povsem nepričakovan odgovor, saj je poleg neposredne industrije kulture in zabave vidik lepe oblikovanosti in izgleda postal nujna sestavina vsakega blaga.37
Tako imajo tudi te skladbe patchworks »vidik lepe oblikovanosti«, se poslužujejo tehnoloških dosežkov in so nedvomno širše sprejemljive. Če sledimo Kreftovemu razmišljanju še naprej in na tak način nekoliko presežemo tu izbrane kronološke meje pridemo do presenetljivih in negativnih posledic, ki danes načenjajo estetiko:
Giuseppe Semerari, L'opera e ilpensiero di Enzo Paci, v Rivista critica di storia della filosofia, 1977; str. 86.
Rognoni je na spodbudo Pacija in svojih prijateljev sodeloval na prvem natečaju (in zmagal) za mesto rednega profesorja
muzikologije (»prvo, ki je bilo sploh razpisano v Italiji, kar se spominjamo«). Rognoni je bil namreč zelo v dvomu, naj se
prijavi ali ne, ker ni imel akademskih naslovov.
Lev Kreft, Nastanek, konec in začetek estetike, str. 194.
[...] avtonomije umetnosti, ki je zrasla znotraj te meje [področje etičnega užitka, op. a.], pravzaprav ni več, toda življenje, v katerega se je s tem vrnila, ni več tisto, kar si je predstavljala, ko je sama terjala estetizacijo vsakdana, pa tudi umetnost ni več tisto, kar so hoteli umetniki privesti v življenjsko prakso »nazaj«. Estetike so se ti procesi, ki so se začeli dejansko že sredi prejšnjega stoletja, resneje dotaknili šele sredi dvajsetega. Iz teh sprememb izvedene posledice za teorijo pa so postale širše sprejemljive šele po šestdesetih, torej v obdobju, ki mu rečemo »postmodernizem«.38
Tako kot tukaj sem se pri raziskovanju Banfijeve misli in misli njegovih učencev vedno znova znašala pred številnimi zanimivimi na stežaj odprtimi in vabljivimi vrati. V resnici pa sem želela seči predvsem začetke (pozabljenega) ključnega jedra italijanske estetike, ki je v tem smislu in v teh smernicah del splošne evropske stvarnosti, vpet vanjo tako z zgodovinskimi kot sodobnejšimi vezmi. V teh jedrih sem pravzaprav šele začela odkrivati pravi preobrat v razmišljanju italijanske estetike, ki se je tako popolnoma posvetila sodobnemu in ni več operirala s starimi pojmi. Odkrivala sem same izvire sodobne italijanske fenomenološke estetike in izvire tistega preobrata, sredi katerega smo še danes. To delo je pravzaprav le prvi korak na poti pojasnjevanja in poglabljanja različnih vidikov in številnih novih ugotovitev. Ob tem pa upam, da bo italijanska estetika začela ponovno odkrivati še danes žive dele Banfijeve misli in dosežkov njegove šole, ki so se v zadnjih desetletjih nekoliko porazgubili.
Summary
Banfi was born in the small town of Vimercate near Milan on September 30, 1886. In autumn 1909 he received his PhD, in 1910 noted down his first thoughts on aesthetics, and composed his first rounded-off writing in 1920. After obtaining his doctorate, a scholarship enabled him to leave for Berlin, where he lived from April 28, 1910, to March 1911. Hardly a month after having settled there, Banfi wrote a short synthetic essay on the problems of aesthetics, thus commencing his fruitful research in arts which, eventually, developed into an actual school of thinking. Banfi's pupils Luciano Anceschi and Dino Formaggio have devided Banfi's aesthetic thought into three periods, the main difference between their temporal divisions being that Anceschi's interpretation takes into account Banfi's continual development, whereas Formaggio considers only the more important stages. After World War I Banfi had to work at a time of rising fascism in Italy, which, after 1925, thwarted all democratic endeavours, so that most, still living opponents of
the new regime were either in prison or abroad. Unfortunately, fascist tyranny meddled also in cultural affairs, imposing its own autarkic culture, although Italian aesthetics felt the necessity of renewing its concepts contrary to idealism, or at least not under its influence, i.e. away from Croce. On one hand, Banfi accepted those concepts coming from tradition, such as e.g. the concept of the beautiful and the beaux-arts, which forced him to undertake the demanding task of confronting Croce. On the other, he developed a novel concept of art on new bases, according to which art is not a museum exhibit but rather a component part of contemporary life. Banfi's aesthetic thought developed by way of freeing himself from traditional bonds and heading for more contemporary solutions. The bases of Banfi's thinking are, as follows: the concept of art as part of contemporary life, the autonomy of art, the distinction between aestheticality and art, the question of social importance and materiality in art, the problem of art history and of the differences between individual arts etc. Within the richness and variegatedness of Banfi's ideas and his
38 Lev Kreft, Nastanek, konec in začetek estetike, str. 195.
school the very essence should be emphasized: the basis of everything is man, the subject. Without a man, who feels and perceives, there is no world, no art. The importance of the subject lies in the fact that he/she represents the beginning and the end of the interpretational circle. This very humanism is on the other hand connected with other dimensions, such as those of communication and ethics, the latter of which is of great importance or rather assumes ever more concrete forms in Banfi's aesthetics as well as in that of his pupils.
Banfi's pupils involved in aesthetics were Luciano Anceschi, Dino Formaggio, and Luigi Rognoni. All three delved into »medias res« by writing on a certain field of interest and by observing it from an aesthetic viewpoint (Anceschi was interested in poetry, Formaggio in the figurative world, Rognoni in music). Their theoretical worlds appear to have been linked to Banfi's teaching, their writings mirroring and realizing the maestro's
ideas. Their social and reflective ways had therefore a common point of departure both in the cultural circles of pre-war Milan as well as, and above all, in attending Banfi's lectures. However, after World War II their ways parted: Anceschi left for Bologna, Formaggio for Pavia, and Rognoni for Palermo.
The paper comes to the conclusion that Luigi Rognoni's efforts have stimulated contemporary musical activities, and that by his becoming one of the first professors of musicology in Italy the beginnings of Italian musicology have been characterized also by phenomenological offshoots. Looking from the viewpoint of musical aesthetics, an interesting thread has surfaced, leading from Luigi Rognoni and Enzo Paci (also Banfi's pupil and thinker whose extensive output offers a number of highly interesting writings on music) to Giovanni Piana, one of the most animated as well as learned scholars in contemporary musical studies.
UDK 783.9 Sandra Graham
Department of Music, University of California (Davis) Oddelek za glasbo, Univerza v Kaliforniji (Davis)
What's the Score? Interpreting Transcriptions of the Fisk Jubilee
Spirituals
Partitura? Interpretacija transkripcij duhovnih pesmi zbora »Fisk Jubilee Singers«
Ključne besede: transkripcija, historična etno-muzikologija, črnske duhovne pesmi, Fisk Jubilee Singers
IzVLEčEK
Theodor Sewatdove transkribcije rabijo kot prikaz njegovega šolanja (in domnev v glasbi v okviru tega šolanja) ter kot strateško izhodišče za oblikovanje miselnega koncepta glede duhovnih pesmi, s tem da so nakazane možnosti uporabe citiranih partitur kot vira koristnega etnografskega znanja.
Keywords: transcription, historical ethnomusicology, Negro spirituals, Fisk Jubilee Singers
Abstract
I consider Theodore Seward's transcriptions of the Fisk Jubilee Singers' spirituals as a representation of his training (and the assumptions about music inherent in that training), and as a strategy for creating an ideology about the spirituals, demonstrating ways in which these scores might be repositories of useful ethnographic knowledge.
In early 1872, a slim volume of 24 Negro spirituals was published. Titled Jubilee Songs, as Sung by the Jubilee Singers, it contained transcriptions of spirituals sung by the Jubilee Singers, a group of black students from Fisk University in Nashville, Tennessee, one of the earliest black schools to be founded after the Civil War. At the time of publication the Jubilee Singers were several months into a concert tour of the northern United States in order to raise money for their destitute institution. Those concerts, and the songbooks, initiated the widespread emergence of black spirituals into the public sphere. Later in 1872, a second volume of transcriptions was published, expanded from 24 to 61 songs. Beginning in 1873, these 61 songs were appended to a book-length narrative about the singers. At least 35 editions of the scores were published between 1872 and 1903 (including British publications as well as translations
into Dutch and German), bringing some 125 spirituals to an international, largely white music-buying audience. These scores - some of which have been reprinted in modern editions and others of which are readily found in libraries and used bookstores today - are still widely consulted.1
As is well known by now, the Jubilee Singers sang folk spirituals that were arranged for concert performance by their white director, George White, for the most part in a homophonic texture that recalled European hymns. White's simple arrangements reflected both his limited musical education - he was self-taught - and the repertory he grew up with, in which church hymns figured prominently. White himself never wrote down the spirituals. It seems that he learned the spirituals from his singers orally, arranged them to his liking, and then taught his arrangements to the singers by rote.
For reasons that are lost to history, the task of transcribing the spirituals fell to someone with no connection to Fisk University: Theodore Seward (1835-1902). From a public relations perspective, Seward had a desirable pedigree: He was the great-grandson of Colonel John Seward, an American Revolutionary War leader, and second cousin to William Henry Seward, who had been Abraham Lincoln's Secretary of State (1861-1869). He studied music with Lowell Mason, George Frederick Root, and Thomas Hastings, who were among the most popular American composers of the day. He travelled in Europe, he was editor in the 1860s of both the Musical Pioneer and the Musical Gazette, and when he finally settled down in New Jersey with his family in 1870, he worked as music director of the public schools in East Orange, as well as organist at two churches, and published a variety of song collections designed to musically educate and morally edify. His church credentials made him attractive to the American Missionary Association, which founded Fisk University, and his public profile as an editor gave him a certain prestige among those who would purchase Jubilee Songs. The fact remains, however, that despite this rich musical background, he had no previous knowledge of African American culture or folk music generally. Given this, what can these transcriptions of a southern black folk music by a Northern white church musician with no previous knowledge of spirituals possibly tell us about the music?
In a foreword to Jubilee Songs, American Missionary Association official E. M. Cravath writes that the spirituals "were taken down from [the Singers'] lips by Mr. White, who has had charge of their musical training, and the music was reduced to writing by Theo. F. Seward." Seward, in his preface to the songs, expands on this, assuring the public that "the music herein is entirely correct. It was taken down from the singing of the band, during repeated interviews held for the purpose, and no line or phrase was introduced that did not receive full indorsement from the singers."2 Seward's assertion of accuracy opened the door for criticism by knowledgeable contempora-
1	One reprint edition is J.B.T. Marsh, The Jubilee Singers and Their Songs (1892; Dover Publications, 2003). For a list of original editions see Dena J. Epstein, "The Story of the Jubilee Singers: An Introduction to Its Bibliographic History," in Josephine Wright and Samuel A. Floyd (eds.), New Perspectives on Music: Essays in Honor of Eileen Southern, 151-162 (Warren, Mich.: Harmonie Park Press, 1992); and Sandra Graham, "The Fisk Jubilee Singers and the Concert Spiritual: The Beginnings of an American Tradition," ch. 5 and App. C (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 2001).
2	[Theodore F. Seward], Jubilee Songs: As Sung by the Jubilee Singers of Fisk University, preface signed by Theodore F. Seward (New York: Biglow & Main, 1872).
neous music critics, including one of the Jubilee singers, as well as by modern scholars such as Dena Epstein, all of whom found the transcriptions inaccurate, sometimes grossly so.3
That there were mistakes is not surprising, on many grounds. For example, Seward was an adherent of John Curwen's Tonic-Sol-Fa system, a solmization method popular in Britain, especially in Sunday schools, public schools, and amateur choral societies. Musically illiterate students who learned to sight-read using Tonic-Sol-Fa usually did not bother to learn standard notation. The method stresses tonality, as opposed to a "fixed-do" system. Students first mastered the members of the tonic triad and then progressed to the dominant triad. Rhythm was represented by a system of barlines, colons, and commas that marked strong and weak beats. Silence was indicated not by symbols but by a vacant space that was visually proportionate to the length of silence. Clearly, this method was inadequate for representing melodic and rhythmic nuance. Furthermore, it encouraged adherents to conceive of every song as being in a major or minor key, even if the melody consisted of only four or five different pitches. Seward was a zealous advocate of Tonic-Sol-Fa in America, and he used it at least some of the time to transcribe the initial singing of the Jubilee Singers, which he later translated into conventional notation.4 It is important to keep in mind this invisible translation process when interpreting the reliability of Seward's transcriptions.
Not only was Seward inexperienced with folk music, but he had no great interest in ethnography. Unlike the editors of the first volume of spirituals to be published, Slave Songs of the United States (1867),5 who were trying to preserve these songs through a descriptive score, Seward's goal was to create a prescriptive score that would allow audiences to sing these spirituals at home. Whereas the scores in Slave Songs were frequently accompanied by a description of performance context and the circumstances under which the song was collected, Seward's transcriptions - for the most part - were left to stand on their own.
Even granting the existence of inaccuracies and lack of background information about the individual songs, however, I believe that Seward's transcriptions reveal important clues about the music and its sound. Seward was representative of the Jubilee Singers' white audiences in that he had no extensive experience with African Americans or African American music, he was Protestant, and he supported the emancipation of blacks in America. Also, like most white listeners, his musical frame of reference for the spirituals derived from Western European common practice. This is especially salient in his comments on form in the preface to Jubilee Songs. For example, Seward implies in his preface that the spirituals unfold for the most part in balanced phrases (usually of two or four measures). However, he also writes, "we see few cases
For a summary of these criticisms, see Graham, "Fisk Singers," ch. 5, esp. 164-170. The singer who criticized Seward's transcriptions is Thomas Rutling; I explore his objections in From Slave Song to America's Music: The Popularization of Negro Spirituals (University of Illinois Press, in preparation).
Although it is not certain he did this for the 1872 publications of Jubilee Songs, Fisk singer Ella Sheppard notes in her diary that he used this technique in 1875; Andrew Ward, Dark Midnight When I Rise: The Story of the Jubilee Singers Who Introduced the World to the Music of Black America (NewYork: Straus, Farrar, & Giroux, 2000), 281.
William Francis Allen; Charles Pickard Ware; and Lucy McKim Garrison (eds.), Slave Songs of the United States (1867; reprint, New York: Dover, 1995).
of what theorists call mis-form," which implies that some formal anomalies do occur. Although he fails to provide examples, an examination of the transcriptions yields some possible candidates, one of them being "Oh! Sinner Man."
The chorus begins with a 5-measure phrase complemented by a 4-measure phrase (Figure 1). Since the verse consists of balanced phrases, the asymmetry of the chorus is striking. One could argue that Seward simply made a mistake in his transcription -although if it was a mistake, it was never corrected. Lack of "correction" is not necessarily significant; as I will discuss later, even glaring errors were rarely corrected in later editions. However, asymmetrical forms are common in both black and white American folk music, and the fact that several examples of asymmetry exist in the transcriptions suggests that White's so-called European arrangements of the spirituals did not entirely erase indigenous practice.
Jubilee Songs.	61
	©	M SiniKt in»«.
Oli!	sin - lie	, Oil! gin , aer man, Uli!
1	k 1- -f,-r	tu--1; .-1 5- 4-J j—„—----.
sin - ner, Oh! which way are you going ? 1. Oh come hack, «aa* *——g * - ' -* i * r -----		
	'-a > -----Ü I- _	
kl * k- _L_k „. -J sin - ner, and don't flottiere, Which way are you going? Pot		
AH-J—		r^—f^-tr-n-ft-^i—. : r^
		
hell in deep and ilurfc (lea-pair, (111 wliifth way are you goinsP
31
Figure 1. Asymmetrical phrase structure in "Oh! Sinner Man": The first 9 measures comprise the chorus. Source: Theodore Seward, Jubilee Songs: Complete (New York: Biglow & Main, 1872). Special Collections, University of California Library, Davis.
Another example of folk retentions involves rhythm. Seward notes in his preface that spirituals are differentiated from conventional melodies by their rhythm, "which is often complicated, and sometimes strikingly original." For example, he writes in a footnote to the spiritual "Room Enough": "The peculiar accent here makes the words sound thus: 'rooma nough,'" so that the first syllable of "enough" aurally becomes the second syllable of "room" (Figure 2). In spoken American English, the stress in this phrase would be "room enough"; as set to this melody, however, the stress is instead "roome-nough." Although examples of rhythms that contradict spoken stress are in the minority in the published transcriptions, their presence, and the fact that Seward calls attention to them, is noteworthy. Perhaps such rhythms were more common in these spirituals but were not remembered by the Singers, or were changed by George White, or were incorrectly transcribed by Seward. If the spirituals were originally sung in a dialect or creole, perhaps the rhythms fit the original speech patterns but made less sense when the words were translated into standard English. Whatever the explanation, Seward's commentary on such rhythms in the transcriptions reveals one way in which white listeners found the spirituals to be different, and exotic.
Figure 2. "Room Enough": Notated rhythm contradicts spoken stress at asterisk. Source: Theodore Seward, Jubilee Songs: Complete (New York: Biglow & Main, 1872). Special Collections, University of California Library, Davis.
Seward drew attention in his transcriptions to another aspect of the spirituals: the "run-on" or continuous flow of certain cadences between verse and chorus. On the first page of the transcriptions, he notes: "It will be observed that in most of these songs the first strain is of the nature of a chorus or refrain, which is to be sung after each verse. The return to this chorus should be made without breaking the time." Despite this general instruction, Seward felt the need to underscore it in footnotes to several spirituals. For example, in "Didn't My Lord Deliver Daniel," the final cadence of the first verse ends on an eighth note. Seward footnotes this cadence, writing, "Go on without pause, leaving out two beats of the measure." The term "leaving out" implies that one would "normally" expect a pause between the verse and chorus, and indeed if this were a Protestant hymn, the cadence would likely consist of a dotted half note (Figure 3). In this case, not only does the chorus flow continuously from the verse, but representing this requires that the transcriber "rob" the measure of two beats. To Seward's credit, he did not attempt to "fix" this anomaly but simply noted the characteristic performance practice.
Figure3. Excerpt from "Didn'tMy Lord Deliver Daniel": unusual cadence at end of 6th line. Source: Theodore Seward, Jubilee Songs: Complete (New York: Biglow & Main, 1872). Special Collections, University of California Library, Davis.
References to the so-called European-style harmonizations of the spirituals have become commonplace. Of the 61 spirituals published in the 1872 publications, 22 (about one third) were unharmonized and several more (e.g., "Roll, Jordan, Roll," "Gwine to Ride up in the Chariot," "Go Down, Moses") were mostly unharmonized (with only a few measures of harmonization). We know from the transcriptions themselves as well as from newspaper reviews that the unharmonized spirituals were sung either in group unison or as solos. The remaining spirituals were harmonized in two or four parts. Newspaper reviews also confirm that the spirituals were unaccompanied in performance.
A close examination of the part writing reveals that European hymns were less of a stylistic model for the jubilee songs than it appears at first glance. White's harmonizations show an overwhelming reliance on root-position chords; an almost exclusive reliance on tonic, dominant, and subdominant triads; occasional doses of open fifths and parallel voice leading;6 and an almost complete absence of passing tones. A prime example is "Steal Away," which became the Jubilee Singers' signature spiritual (Figure 4). The part writing and melodic outline relentlessly reiterate the tonic, and yet this spiritual was an immediate favorite with audiences and was used to open almost every concert. The harmonic monotony in the arrangement suggests that the power of this song lay elsewhere, and this is confirmed in firsthand accounts from reviews, diaries, and letters, which describe and extol expressive devices such as absolute rhythmic synchronicity, perfect enunciation, and dramatic dynamic changes that underscore the message of the lyrics (the song begins with a barely audible pianissimo and swells to a grand forte). For example:
The basis of his [George White's] tone coloring was one note, the very first of every concert, the opening whisper of "Steal away to Jesus." Exquisite in quality, full of the deepest feeling, so exceedingly soft that it could hardly be heard, yet because of its absolute purity carrying to the farthest part of any large hall, it commanded the attention of every audience. As the tone floated out a little louder, clearer, rose to the tremendous crescendo of "My Lord Calls Me," and diminished again into exquisite pianissimo sweetness, the most critical enemy was conquered.7
As this description and others make clear, it was not the "song itself" as depicted in the notation but the performance practice that accounted for the song's expressive power.
See, e.g., "A Little More Faith in Jesus" (parallel octaves in the bass and soprano/alto parts), plus "Old Ship of Zion" and "Judgment Day Is Rolling Round" (open fifths).
Mary Spence, "A Character Sketch of George L. White," Fisk University News 2, no. 5 (1911), 4.
Figure 4. "Steal Away." Source: Theodore Seward, Jubilee Songs: Complete (New York: Biglow & Main, 1872). Special Collections, University of California Library, Davis.
The existence of so many editions of jubilee songs invites comparison to see what changes were made in the notation from one to the next. Most changes were innocuous, involving revisions of typography, layout, and lyrics (e.g., the insertion of a double barline to mark the end of a section, or addition of labels like "verse" or "chorus"), whereas more important musical errors, such as a missing or incorrect time signature, remained uncorrected.8
In editions from 1875 onward, however, there are some more substantial revisions in notation that contrast with the cosmetic changes made in earlier editions. The most significant of these occur in "Roll, Jordan, Roll." Figure 5a shows the original arrangement, and Figure 5b shows the revision first printed in Marsh's Story of the Jubilee Singers (1875), which remained in all future editions.9 The differences are striking:
8	For example, "Give Me Jesus" has no time signature. Published in Seward's first Jubilee Songs (1872), it remained the only spiritual without a time signature throughout later editions. "Judgment Day Is Rolling Round," also published in Seward's first Jubilee Songs, has an erroneous time signature of 2/4 instead of 4/4 or 2/2; this also was not subsequently corrected. "I Ain't Going to Die No More," published in Seward's second publication of Jubilee Songs (1872), with a time signature of 2/4, contains an error of note duration in measure 10. For more examples, see Graham, "Fisk Jubilee Singers," 192-195.
9	[J.B.T. Marsh, ed.] The Story of the Jubilee Singers; With Their Songs, 2nd ed. (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1875).
The changes in Marsh's 1875 edition are all characteristic of folk performances of spirituals (as opposed to the more refined concert practice): imprecise pitches (slides), melismas, and changeable texts. Although I have found no evidence to explain why
Seward (1872a)
Marsh (1875)
The chorus begins in unison.	The sopranos and altos begin, followed by the basses (and tenors?) in the second measure, singing a slide from Eb to Db.
There is a fermata in m. 2.	The slide makes the fermata in m. 2 impractical; it is deleted.
In the first measure of the verse, the text setting is syllabic.	In the first measure of the verse, a three-note melisma is written on the word "ought."
Verse 7 begins "Oh, children."
Verse 7 begins "Oh, sisters."
Figure 5a. Earlier version of "Roll, Jordan, Roll." Source: Theodore Seward, Jubilee Songs: Complete (New York: Biglow & Main, 1872). Special Collections, University of California Library, Davis.
Figure 5b. Revised transcription of "Roll, Jordan, Roll." Source: The revised version first appeared in 1875; this score was taken from J.B.T. Marsh, The Story of the Jubilee Singers; with their songs, rev. ed. (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1880). Personal copy.
these changes were made, one logical hypothesis is that new singers entering the troupe brought with them different versions and performance styles that White and Seward found more appealing than the original arrangement. In the case of "Roll, Jordan, Roll" the changes - the roll, in particular - could have been instigated by bass singer Frederick Loudin, who joined the troupe in the fall of 1874. Loudin had a big voice and a commanding stage presence, and he quickly became one of the star performers. Newspaper reviewers frequently commented on the pictorial aspect of the bass roll. The coincidence of Loudin's arrival and the musical revision suggests cause and effect, but no other transcription was revised so significantly. Why would Loudin have had an effect on this one spiritual but not on others? It is possible that he did introduce changes to other spirituals, but that Seward revised only the transcription to "Roll, Jordan, Roll" because of its popularity. For example, a newspaper report about the performance of another spiritual, "I'm a-Rolling," describes Loudin's rolling bass line and arpeggio, but there is no evidence of these in any of the transcriptions.
Another hypothesis is that these changes were made to more accurately reflect a long-established performance practice of this spiritual. For example, melismas had been present in the very earliest transcriptions: In the 1872 publications, 12 of the 61 spirituals had a notated melisma, consisting usually of three or four pitches.10 The presence of these melismas - a clear link to folk performance of the spirituals - suggests that ornamentation was possibly more pervasive in performance than the transcriptions denote.
Conclusion
Do Seward's untutored transcriptions of a black folk tradition that had been altered by a white arranger have any usefulness or applicability some 125 years later? On what basis can we trust Seward's interpretations? Faced with evidence that the transcriptions contain substantial inaccuracies, should we reject them as useless because Seward's training and ideology so clearly prejudice his work? As William Noll points out, primary source materials are always in part products of the imagination.11 To learn something of value from historical transcriptions it is necessary, in Noll's words, to treat them "as a record of the ideologies and concerns of the researchers themselves as well as their time" (p. 173). Examining the ideologies underlying Seward's transcriptions reveals that these anthologies were not only musical records but political documents as well.
The jubilee songs were transcribed and sold for amateur home performance so that people could sing the spirituals in the manner of the Jubilee Singers. Seward's
10	In Seward's first 1872 publication of Jubilee Songs: "I'll Hear the Trumpet Sound," "I've Just Come from the Fountain," "I'm a Trav'ling to the Grave," "I'm a-Rolling." In Seward's second 1872 edition: "Oh! Holy Lord," "He Arose," "These Are My Father's Children," "Reign, Oh! Reign," "I Ain't Going to Die No More," "The General Roll," "Oh! Let Me Get Up," and "Oh! Sinner Man."
11	William Noll, "Selecting Partners: Questions of Personal Choice and Problems of History in Fieldwork and Its Interpretation," in Gregory Barz and Timothy Cooley, Shadows in the Field: New Perspectives for Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology, 163-188 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997); this quotation is on p. 171. My questions are inspired by issues Noll raises.
notes in the transcriptions and revisions to the scores indicate that form, rhythm, and the execution of cadences were likely to have been the most unfamiliar components of the spirituals for a northern white, middle-class audience. By assigning each spiritual a key and a time signature, Seward made these songs seem familiar at the same time that the form, rhythm, and words were exotic. Seward's assertion of their "correctness" reassured home users that any perceived anomalies ultimately conformed to a higher musical law and were thus within the ability of the average user. His remarks underscored the musical differences of the spirituals while proclaiming their commonalities with "cultivated" music. In this way, he put a "stamp of approval" on the spirituals, aligning them with the Victorian cultivated tradition instead of the stereotypical view of African music, which was associated with savagery and loss of sensory control.
Substantive revisions to text and music between editions were few, and seem to have been made only to the most popular spirituals. That mistakes such as incorrect or missing time signatures and incorrect note values persisted throughout 40 years of editions suggests a haphazard approach to publication, a highly constrained time schedule, financial restrictions, or more likely all of these. Although the transcriptions provide the merest skeletal framework for performance, they do shed light on interesting aspects of musical style and thus must be included in any attempt to reconstruct performance practice. Rather than malign them for what they fail to capture, we should treasure them for what they do contribute to the reconstruction of this important tradition of American music.
PoVZETEK
Ena izmed očitanih pasti oziroma zablod v okviru historične etnomuzikologije tiči v opiranju na analizo partitur, ko skušamo dognati, kako je ta glasba v resnici zvenela. To še posebej velja za zgodnje zapise ljudskih duhovnih pesmi v Ameriki, ki so jih često opravili ali amaterski glasbeniki ali pa njihovi šolani kolegi, ki pa niso bili doma v ljudski glasbi. Theodora Sewarda, cerkvenega glasbenika, ki so ga leta 1872 najeli, da zapiše duhovne pesmi, ki in kakor so jih peli Fisk Jubilee Singers (Nashville, Tennessee), so sorodni znanstveniki kritizirali, da ni uspel reproducirati verne
podobe zvoka duhovnih pesmi. Kljub njegovemu neuspehu pa podrobna analiza Sewardowih tran-skribcij kaže na stilistične zveze z ljudsko pesmijo in obenem nudi zanimive podatke o tem, kaj je bilo tisto, kar naj bi takrat, leta 1872, bela publika srednjega meščanskega razreda smatrala za originalno v tej glasbi. Zato Theodore Sewardove transkribcije rabijo kot prikaz njegovega šolanja (in domnev v glasbi v okviru tega šolanja) ter kot strateško izhodišče za oblikovanje mislenega koncepta glede duhovnih pesmi, s tem da so nakazane možnosti uporabe citiranih partitur kot vira koristnega etnografskega znanja.
UDK 78(=162.3):78(497.11)"18" Katarina Tomaševic
Institute of Musicology, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts Inštitut za muzikologijo, Srbska akademija znanosti in umetnosti
Contribution of Czech Musicians to the Serbian Music in the 19th Century*
Prispevek čeških glasbenikov srbski glasbi
19. stoletja
Ključne besede: glasbena migracija, češka glasba, srbska glasba, romantika
IzVLEčEK
Glavni cilj sestavka, ki se posveča prispevku čeških glasbenikov srbski glasbi 19. stoletja, je v osvetlitvi tistih dejstev, ki morejo prispevati k boljšemu razumevanju migracij kot pomembnega kulturnega fenomena. Posebna pozornost se posveča vrsti glasbenikov, ki so biografsko in po svojih delih pomembni.
Key words: music migration, Czech music, Serbian music, Romanticism
Abstract
The main goal of this paper, devoted to the contribution of Czech Musicians to the Serbian Music in the 19th Century is to point out the facts which will contribute to the better understanding of the migration as an important cultural phenomenon. Particular attention will be paid to several musicians whose biographies and achievements are notable.
In the history of music of European nations, the phenomenon of music migration is deeply connected with the history of Czech music and its protagonists. Moreover, the Czech music history represents one of the best examples for the theoretical research into migrations. Various and fertile premises and conclusions about the political, ideological and sociological causes of the musical migrations, as well as about their formal and aesthetical consequences, can be reached by observing the movements of Czech musicians across the map of Europe (and even of the world!), particularly in the 18th and in the 19th centuries.
John Clapham, the author of the entry about the Bohemian and Moravian Art Music in the Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians even gives a periodization where the 18th century is defined as the "Period of migrations".1 It is well known that the huge
* This article is an amended version of the report submitted at the 17th Congress of the International Musicological Society, held in Leuven, Belgium, 2002 (topic V: Musical Migrations, session "Musical migrations in Eastern Europe", chair prof. dr. Aikaterini (Katy) Romanou, University of Athens). See the book of Programme Abstracts, Belgium, Leuven, 228-229.
1 The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians [edited by Stanley Sadie], Vol. 5, London, Washington DC, Hong Kong, 1980, 120.
wave of migrations of Czech musicians in the 18th century started when the Austrian imperial court had been moved from Prague to Vienna; being one of the greatest musical capitals in the whole Europe only a century earlier, the 18th century Prague declined to the level of a provincial city. On the other hand, the production of musicians, composers and performers did not fall - quite contrary! The local music market became too small and saturated by the overproduction of excellent, well-trained musicians who could not find an appropriate and well-paid job in their homeland. Thus, being highly respected for their natural musical gifts, professional skills and artistic achievements, Czechs started one of the best known and most famous music migrations in the history of modern Europe. In the second half of the 18th century, Bohemia got the deserved nickname "The Conservatory of Europe" and its former students took the leading positions in the contemporary music life of late Baroque and of Preclassicism. Today most of them (let us mention only several of the most prominent Czech "music emigrants"!) - members of the families Stamitz2 and Benda3, František (Franz) Xaver Richter (1709-1789), Jan Ladislav Dussek (Vaclav Jan Dusik/Dussek/ Dushek, 1760-1812), Leopold Anotonin Koželuh (1747-1818) and Franz Krommer (František Kramar/Kromer/, 1759-1831) [who both followed W. A. Mozart at the position of the court composer in Vienna], as well as Josef Myslivecek (1737-1781, known in Italy as "Il divino Boemo" and as "Venatorini") and Antonin Reicha (1770-1836) -one of the Paris Conservatoire's most respected professors4 - take the distinguished places in the historical surveys of the European music.
Unlike their famous compatriots, the majority of the Czech musicians who moved from Bohemia, Slovakia and Moravia to the "Serbian" towns in the second half of the 19th century and whose contribution to the development of Serbian music cannot be underestimated will remain always unknown in broader international frames. Our goal in this paper is not to present all of these numerous, diligent musicians by their names and by the facts about their activities. Our goal is to point out the facts, which will contribute to the better understanding of the problems of migration as an important cultural phenomenon in the processes of the transformation of cultural and musical context. However, attention will be paid to several musicians whose biographies and achievements are notable.
It should be emphasized that the migrations, as a phenomena which deeply marked the Serbian national history, determined profoundly the physiognomy of a newer, modern Serbian culture, together with art and music as its parts. During the medieval period, the culture of the Serbian Kingdom belonged entirely to the unique Byzantine world. When Serbs, after the Kosovo battle (1389) lost their state at the beginning of the 15th century, a certain portion of Serbian population immediately abandoned the homeland occupied by Turks and moved to the western and northern neighbouring countries. Among several waves of migrations, the most important for the later
Stamic, Staimiz, Staniz, Steinmetz: Jan Vaclav Antonin (1717-1757); Karel Filip/Carl Philipp (baptizied in 1745-1801); Antonin Tadeas Jan Nepomucky/Anton Thadäus Nepomuk (1750-1796).
František/Franz (1709-1786); Jiri Antonin/Georg/ (1722-1795); Friedrich Ludwig (1752-1792).
Amongst his students were Franz Liszt, Hector Berlioz, Charles Gounod, Louise Farrenc - the first woman to be appointed professor of piano at the Paris Conservatoire - and Cesar-Auguste Franck.
modifications of Serbian cultural physiognomy were "The Great Migration" in 1690, and the second, in 1740, both led by patriarchs.5 Those Serbs who left Turkish lands at the turn of the 17th to the 18th century became the residents of Austria and (from the viewpoint of cultural rights!) found themselves in an almost equal political position like other Slavic national minorities of the Empire.
The 18th century witnessed a slow, long-term process of incorporation of Serbian culture into the cultural context of Central and Western Europe.6 However, the majority of Serbs remained under the Turkish occupation in their former lands south of the Danube. During the 19th century, as the Turkish empire declined, Serbian people managed to build their own state (1830 - autonomy, 1878 - an independent state). The result of this historical migration is obvious: Serbs lived and developed their art both in Oriental and Western cultural systems, i.e. in two different, even opposite civilizations. It was only after World War One, when the new state - Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (later Yugoslavia) - was founded, that the Serbian people gathered again within a single country.
The process of westernization and of "modernization" of the Serbian newer art and music that began in the 18th century became much faster and stronger during the epochs of Classicism and Romanticism, particularly in the multinational and multicultural south-eastern parts of the Austrian empire, inhabited mainly by Serbs. Consequently, those Czech musicians who moved to "Serbian" towns did not need a
See the proceedings from the scientific conference "The Great Migration of Serbs in 1690", held in Belgrade (Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts), in Novi Sad (Matica srpska) and in Sremski Karlovci in 1990, in: Sentandrejski zbornik, 3, SANU, Sentandrejski odbor, [editor Dejan Medakovic], Beograd, 1997. The special attention should be payed to the the texts written by Jovanka Kalic ("Les frontieres Europennes de l'histoire Serbe"), Gordana Tomovic ("Serbs in the Diaspora on the Geographic Maps of XVI to XVIII Centuries"), Vladimir Stojančevic ("Die Grosse Auswanderung 1690 im Historischen Gedächtnis in der Tradition der Bevölkerung Altserbiens"), Nada Miloševic-Dordevic ("Migrations and the Serbian Cultural-historical legends"), Dinko Davidov ("Zographs - Traveling Companions of Migrations"), Božidar Kovaček ("BenHKoe nepeceneHHe h ApceHHö III b 'TparHKOMe^Hfi 9MMaHyHna Ko3aqHHCKoro"), Danica Petrovič ("Les manuscrits cyrilliques a l'usage pour chanter les chants religiex a l'epoque des migrations environ 1690-1737") and Katarina Tomaševic ("The Importance of the Great Migrations for the Development of Music in Serbial Theatrical Forms in XVIII Century"). Further research into the process of giving Serbian culture a European character in the 18th century was greatly contributed to and motivated by historians of visual arts Dejan Medakovic (see e.g. Putevi srpskog baroka, 1971) and Dinko Davidov (e.g. Srpska grafika XVIII veka, 1978) and Milorad Pavic, famous Serbian writer and historian of literature (Istorija srpske književnosti baroknog doba /XVIIIXVIII vek/, 1970). See also the survey articles by these authors in: Istorija srpskog naroda, IV, 2, Beograd, 1986. Stana Djuric-Klajn was among the first Serbian musicologists who explored the Serbian music-history of the 18th century (Tragom muzike u XVIII veku in: Srpska muzika kroz vekove, SANU, Galerija SANU, br. 22, Beograd 1973, 251-275; „Tragom srpske muzike u XVIII veku" in collection of her texts Akordi prošlosti, Beograd, 1981, 7-22). The main contributions to the history of church music of the 18th century are given by Danica Petrovic (Srpsko narodno pojanje i njegovi zapisivači in: Srpska muzika kroz vekove, op. cit., 251-275; Počeci višeglasja u srpskoj muzici, Muzikološki zbornik, XVII/2, Ljubljana 1981, 111-122; Srpska muzika i rusko-srpske kulturne veze u XVIII veku in: Jugoslovenske zemlje i Rusija u XVIII veku (proceedings from the conference), SANU, knj. 32, Odeljenje istorijskih nauka, knj. 8, Beograd, 1986, 303-319; Baroque and Serbian Chant in the 18th Centuries in: Zapadnoevropski barok i vizantijski svet, (proceedings from the conference), SANU, Naučni skupovi, LIX, Odeljenje istorijskih nauka, knj. 18, SANU, Beograd, 1991, 95-102. The contribution to the history of music in Serbian theatrical forms of the 18th century gave Katarina Tomaševic (Pevana poezija u srpskom pozorištu Dositejevog doba, Zbornik Matice srpske za scenske umetnosti i muziku, Novi Sad, 8/9, Novi Sad, 1991, 17-23; Muzička delatnost jezuita u Beogradu i Petrovaradinu tokom XVII i XVIII veka, Zbornik Matice srpske za scenske umetnosti i muziku, 18/19, Novi Sad, 1996, 60-78; Značaj Velike seobe za razvoj muzike u srpskim pozorišnim oblicima XVIII veka in: Sentandrejski zbornik, op. cit., 191-199; Muzička scena baroknog doba, Mokranjac, 2, Negotin, septembar 2000, 2-14; Muzika ipozorišni život Srba u XVIII veku, M.A. thesis, manuscript, 1991. N.B. Two chapters of the book Srpska muzika od naseljavanja slovenskih plemena na Balkansko poluostrvo do kraja XVIII veka by "Roksanda Pejovic and colaborators" (Beograd, Univerzitet umetnosti, 1998), are based on several chapters of K. Tomaševic's M.A. thesis.
"visa" or the "green card" (work permit) to settle down and to start working in the new region: like their compatriots, other Czechs, Slovenians, Croats and Serbs, they were the residents of the same multinational country - Austria-Hungary.7 The establishment of the modern Serbian musical life in that area - in Novi Sad, as well as in smaller Vojvodina towns (Vršac, Kikinda, Subotica, Sombor, Pančevo, Zemun) - was strongly supported by the help of numerous Czech musicians who had moved to these "Austro-Serbian" towns and found their new homeland among Serbian people.
The first bigger wave of Czech music migration started in the 1850s, while the last took place in the 1880s. As time passed, Czech musicians moved further to the south, to Belgrade, Smederevo, Šabac, Požarevac, Niš, Leskovac, Negotin, Mostar (Bosnia), Cetinje (Montenegro), Senj (Croatia) etc. and acquired distinguished positions in the musical life of these regions.
Who were they? Why did they decide to move and how did they contribute to the development of the Serbian music in the 19th century? In spite of the fact that several Serbian musicologists (Stana Djuric-Klajn8, Roksanda Pejovic9, Milica Gajic10) explored the activity of Czech musicians among Serbs, we cannot still give the precise answers to the questions above. We still do not know their exact number (according to the knowledge of Milica Gajic - approximately 250!), nor do we know much about their former biographies. Some research sources are either incomplete or contain wrong information. One of the difficulties for the research is also the fact that Czech musi-
7	On Czech people settling in Banat at the beginning of the 19th century as a result of planned Austrian colonization of deserted southern regions, cf. the article written by Vaclav Štepanek, Počeci češkog naseljavanja južnog Banata, Sveske. Književnost, umetnost, kultura, god. XIII, br. 62-63, Pančevo, mart 2002, 191-197.
8	See: Stana Duric-Klajn, Istorijski razvoj muzičke kulture u Srbiji, Beograd, Pro musica, 1971, 69-75; "Muzički život u Beogradu pre otvaranje Narodnog pozorišta", "Muzičko školovanje u Srbiji do 1914. godine. Pokušaji i ostvarenja u XIX veku", "Orkestri u Srbiji do osnivanja Filharmonije", "Muzička esejistika i publicistika u Srba" in: Akordi prošlosti, op. cit., 36-43, 97-117, 128-154, 189-209.
9	Roksanda Pejovic, Češka muzika i muzičari u Beogradu izmedu dva rata, Zvuk, Sarajevo, 1976, 4, 35-46; Češki hudebnici v Srbsku 19. stoleti, Hudebni veda, 1982, 4, 297-311; Srpska pisana reč u napisima čeških muzičara, Gudalo, 11, Kikinda, 1986, 37-46; Srpsko muzičko izvodjaštvo romantičarskog doba, Beograd, Univerzitet umetnosti, 1991; Češki muzičari u srpskom muzičkom životu (1844-1918), I, Novi Zvuk, 8, Beograd, 1996, 51-58; Češki muzičari u srpskom muzičkom životu (1844-1918), II, Novi Zvuk, 9, Beograd, 1997, 65 - 74. N. B. Roksanda Pejovic wrote the last two mentioned articles with the help of musicologist Milica Gajic.
10	Milica Gajic is the only musicologist in Serbia who is almost completely devoted to the research of Czech legacy in Serbian music. Thanks to the scholarship of the Czech music fund in 1989 she stayed in Prague where through studying the sources in several libraries and archives, she complemented former and acquired completely new data on interactive relations of Serbian and Czech music. Working on her own project titled Biographical Dictionary of Czech Musicians in Serbia she listed as many as 250 Czech authors, some of whom are mentioned for the first time in Serbian music historiography. Here we quote the majority of her published articles: Praške godine Josipa Slavenskog 1920/1923, Medjimurje, 1985,7,109-115; Muzika u Srbiji u gradanskom društvu, Kulturni život u gradovima Srbije, Kragujevac, 1991, II, 76-77; Napisi o srpskom muzičkom folkloru u češkoj muzičkoj periodici Mokranjčevog doba, Novi Zvuk, Beograd, 1993, 1, 139-146; Doprinos čeških muzičara srpskoj muzičkoj sceni do Prvog svetskog rata (sa posebnim osrvtom na kapelnike SNP u Novom Sadu) in: Srpska muzička scena (proceedings from the conference), Muzikološki institut SANU, Beograd, 1995, 114-128; Kontakti Miloja Milojevica sa češkim muzičarima, Novi Zvuk, Beograd, 1996, 7, 63-78; Opera Crnogorci Karela Bendla - poimanje i transpozicija elemenata našeg muzičkog folklora in: Folklor. Muzika. Delo (zbornik radova), Fakultet muzičke umetnosti, Beograd, 1997, 473-490; Vek Opere u Novom Sadu. Anton Tuna-Osvald, dirigent prve operske predstave u Srpskom narodnom pozorištu u Novom Sadu, Pro musica, 1998, 160, 13-14; Crtice iz muzičkog zivota Bele Crkve - Delatnost Martina Novačeka 1856/1875, Mokranjac, 2002, 4, 66-68; Nepoznato delo Ludvika Kube, kompozicija Z luhu slovanskyh i pisne černohorske - kontekst nastanka, Novi Zvuk, 23, Beograd, 2004, 71-83. As an associate on the project Serbian Biography Dictionary (Matica srpska, Novi Sad), M. Gajic has published, edited and prepared a great number of entries about Czech musicians (until 1945).
cians moved frequently and for different reasons tended to change their names.11 However, according to the present state of the research, we can draw quite an objective picture of Czech musicians' various activities in the posts of bandmasters, choir and orchestra conductors, composers, performers and teachers.
It is more than certain that the majority of Czech musicians came to Serbian towns searching for jobs and expecting better careers than in the homeland, but these were certainly not the only reasons for their migration. The majority of them were well-educated musicians, who had studied in Prague, at the Conservatory (Brunetti, Blažek, Josif Svoboda, Tollinger)12 or at the Organ School (Hlavač, Cee, Šistek, Blažek, Vaclav Vedral studied with Dvorak and Knittel!)13. A few of them studied in Vienna (Dragutin Pokorny)14, in Leipzig (Šram)15 and in Budapest (pianist Franja / František Gaal studied with F. Liszt and Erkel!)16...What else made them migrate, take the part and work with great enthusiasm on establishing the fundamental institutions of the young Serbian musical culture? Perhaps they were not first-class musicians whose talent could be compared to that of their famous contemporaries and compatriots Smetana or Dvorak, but their knowledge about music has doubtless outgrown the level of the existing music life in Serbian towns, performing capacities of ensembles and the cultural needs of the milieu.
The second half of the 19th century saw a certain expansion of musical life in "Serbian" towns in Austria-Hungary and in the Principality of Serbia. Many military orchestras which took important part in all cultural events of smaller towns in Vojvodina were founded at that time and the need for educated musicians increased steadily.17 At the same time as in Bohemia18 or in Slovenia, numerous choral societies started their fruitful cultural activities in "Serbian" towns in the southern part of the Austria-Hungarian Empire and in the Principality of Serbia.19
It is unnecessary to point out what a particularly important role these choral societies played in the cultural and political history of Slavic nations that shared their life as minorities in the Empire and that almost simultaneously initiated their national
Milica Gajic's study is expected to solve numerous issues as well as to give a significant contribution to the history of both Serbian and Czech music.
Federico/Fridrich/Brunetti (1837-1917), Dragutin Blažek (1847-1922), Josef Svoboda (1865-1898), Robert Tollinger (18591911). At the Prague Consevartory studied also Emanuel Viktor Nejedly (1854-1885), Antonije Bordevic-Voves (18721913) and Ladislav Nikolaevič Štirsky (who studied at the Opera school, too).
Vojtech Hlavač (1849-1911, Petrograd), Josef Cee (1841-1897), Vojtech Šistek (1864-1925), Dragutin Blažek (1847-1922),
Vaclav Vedral (1879-1953).
Dragutin / František Pokorny (1868-1956).
Stefan Schramm (1853-after 1898).
František Gaal (1860-1906).
See e.g.: Stana Djuric-Klajn, "Orkestri u Srbiji do osnivanja Filharmonije", op. cit.
In Smetana's age in Bohemia there was a rise of numerous choral societies. The first of them was the Prague choral society Hlahol, whose choir was conducted by Smetana himself in 1845-46. The great number of choral societies in Bohemia is confirmed by the fact that as many as 87 choirs participated in the national festival in 1862.
On Serbian choral societies cf. e.g. Roksanda Pejovic, Pevačka društva I, II, op.cit.; Srpska muzika 19. veka (Izvodaštvo. Članci i kritike. Muzička pedagogija), op. cit.. The history of Serbian choral music was specially researeched by Tatjana Markovic, cf. the bibliography of her articles in the book by Roksanda Pejovic, Pisana reč o muzici u Srbiji. Knjige i članci (1945-2003), Beograd, Fakultet muzičke umetnosti, 2003, 273-275. The review of the role of choral societies in the cultural context was contribued by Tatjana Markovic in her book Transfiguracije srpskog muzičkog romantizma - Muzika u kontekstu studija kulture, Univerzitet umetnosti, Beograd, 2005.

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struggle for cultural freedom and formal independence. It is also well-known that the year of 1848 was crucial for all the "small European nations", whereas the migration of the Czech musicians into the southern regions of the Empire during the second half of the 19th century was specially motivated by the period of Bach's absolutism (18511860), which coincided with forced germanization and abolition of political freedom.
The greatest number of Serbian choral societies were founded in Vojvodina, southeastern part of Austria. Like elsewhere, the main aim of the cultural activities of choral societies was to contribute to the battle on the political and ideological fields. One of the strongest musical "weapons" were energetic, march-like choir songs (called "budnice" = "wake-up songs" in Serbian), composed mostly to the lyrics of the famous national poets of Romanticism. Having arrived to "Serbian" towns, Czech composers had already had the complete idea of the musical features of these songs. Actually, when they joined the stage of Serbian music battle for autonomy, they just had to follow the model of patriotic choral pieces widely sung in their homeland. Working as conductors and composers with Serbian choirs, Czechs had to accept the fact that the majority of singers had no formal music education. This was one of the reasonable answers to the question why the texture of their choral pieces had been so simplified and not more polyphonically elaborated.
As the activities of choral societies usually directly reflected the actual political and ideological events in Austria-Hungary, the state authorities and censors did not lose them from the sight and were ready to act energically if necessary. One can easily draw a general parallel between the situation in Czech and in Serbian choral music of the time. Let us recall, for example, familiar moments from Smetana's biography: the composer took part in street fights in Prague in 1848 and at the same time composed March of the National Guards and March of the Students' Legion. When the uprising was suppressed he had to flee from Prague, which coincided with his composing of Solemn Overture, as well as the first song based on Czech lyrics - Kolar's Song of Freedom (one of the first Czech mass songs!).
Another Czech composer and revolutionary, Josef Cee20, whose name cannot be found in international encyclopaedias and lexicons, became hugely popular among Serbs after composing a song in the honour of Svetozar Miletic, a famous fighter for Serbian national rights.21 Josif Cee's song The Eagle Shrieks (Orao klikce) was first sung under the window of the house where Miletic stayed on the night of his arrest and then taken to prison. The song subsequently entered the repertoire of most choirs and was also performed at the foundation ceremony of the United Serbian Youth, held in Novi Sad in 1870.22
20	Josef Cee (1841-1897) finished the Organ School in Prague and was briefly the band-master in Bohemia. In 1869 he moved to "Serbian" towns, where he worked as a choir conductor (Pančevo and Zemun) and a music teacher in Kragujevac.
21	Svetozar Miletic (1826-1901) was a lawyer and journalist who led and represented Serbs in Vojvodina, figting for rights and freedom of Serbian national minority in Austria-Hungary. He was also a fighter for liberal reforms and the founder of Serbian national liberal party in Hungary. He got his Ph.D. in law in Vienna in 1854. As a student he joined the Pan-Slavic youth in Vienna and participated in the 'national' movement of 1848-49. He was arrested on numerous occasions (once even because of alleged treason) and severely fined.
22	Roksanda Pejovic, Češki muzičari u srpskom muzičkom životu (1844-1918), I, op. cit., 65.
One should bear in mind that, at the same time, the Pan-Slavic movement with its idea of the unification of all Slavic nations became stronger all around the Slavic world. The strongest was perhaps in Bohemia (in Prague, where the first Pan-Slavic Congress was held in 1848!) and it was widely spread among Serbs in Austria-Hungary whose additional goal was the unification with the Serbian people living south of the Danube. Czech Pan-Slavism spread so widely that for a period of time young people of Slavic origin were forbidden to study in Prague for fear of spreading political infec-tion.23 According to Dragutin Gostuški, the idea of Pan-Slavism was one of the elements moving and enabling the integration of Czech musicians into the cultural and ideological milieu of Serbian population in Austria-Hungary. It is also worth mentioning that "by arriving in Serbia Czechs experienced a certain feeling of liberation (... ) Their response to the brotherly hospitality and welcome was their great eagerness to learn the language and customs of the new environment and not only to accept its national and patriotic platform but also to streamline it themselves" 24
Thus although the motives of Czech musicians to move to "Serbian" regions were mainly of economic nature, the significance of the political aspects of migrations should not be overlooked. Still we point out that the arrival of Czech musicians cannot be treated as "political migration", as was the obvious case with, for example, the Russian musicians' migrating after the October revolution.25
Czech musicians were so warmly welcomed in Serbian towns that after a certain period everybody referred to them as "our Czechs". Having been the pioneers in almost all fields of musical life, Czech musicians were also among the first composers who wrote down Serbian folk tunes and made harmonization in a romantic manner. By their overall activity during the several decades in "Serbian" towns, they "moved the horizon of the expectation"26 of the music audience a few steps further.
As conductors of several choirs (choral societies) and composers of numerous choral pieces, Vaclav Horejšek (Vaclav Horejšek, 1839-1874), Guido Havlas (Quido Havlasa, 1839-1909), Robert Tollinger (1859-1911) and Dragutin Blažek (1847-1922) e.g., raised the level of choral singing in Vojvodina's towns and, together with Serbian leading musicians Kornelije Stankovic (1831-1865), Josif Marinkovic (1851-1931) and Stevan Stojanovic Mokranjac (1856-1914), laid the foundations for the Serbian rich and fertile choral music tradition.
As mentioned above, orchestral music in the 19th century Serbia could not be imagined without the help of Czechs as orchestra members. Moreover, it became traditional that the bandmasters of military orchestras were almost exclusively Czech musicians. One of the first bandmasters who came to the principality of Serbia in 1862 was,
23	Dragutin Gostuški, Stisak bratske ruke, Muzički talas, 2-3, Beograd, CLIO, 1995, 22.
24	Ibid.
25	On the same session (topic V: Musical Migrations, session "Musical migrations in Eastern Europe", chair prof. dr. Aikaterini (Katy) Romanou (University of Athens), of the 17th Congress of the International Musicological Society (held in Leuven, Belgium, 2002), dr Melita Milin delivered a report on Russian musical emigration. Amended version of the text of her lecture was published as a study: The Russian Musical Emigration in Yugoslavia after 1917, Muzikologija, 3, Belgrade, 2003, 65-79.
26	The term is, obviously, "borrowed" from the H. Robert Jaus's theory of aesthetic reception. See: Robert Jaus, Estetika recepcije. Izbor studija, Beograd, Nolit, 1978.
however, an Italian, Federico Brunetti, who used to work as a music teacher in Prague and was the nephew of the renowned Czech violin player and composer Jan Vaclav Kalivoda (Jan Krtitel Vaclav Kalliwoda, 1801-1866).27
The names of Dragutin Čižek (1831-1913)28 and Dragutin Pokorni (Pokorny, 18681956) are closely connected both with the history of the Belgrade military orchestra and of Belgrade National Theatre, founded in 1868. In Čižek's biography in the National Theatre there is an outstanding concert where his orchestra composition Farewell to Austria (modelled on Abschiedssymphonie by Jozef Haydn) was performed. The composition brought allusions both to the relations between Serbia and Austria and (just as in Haydn's piece!) difficult working conditions of musicians in Belgrade. Despite incurring wrath of the National Theatre's management, Čižek's non-musical "message" was warmly welcomed and supported by "progressive", militant political organization of United Youth of Serbia, whose activities were soon (in 1871) completely prohibited by the authorities.29
In Belgrade, a great contribution to the development of the stage music was given by Dragutin Pokorni, also well known as the conductor at the first performance of Beethoven's Pastoral symphony in Belgrade (May the 25th 1899, National Theatre, Belgrade). Pokorni won praise for excellent performance as well as for the "gigantic efforts" he invested in working with the theatre orchestra; some critics of Pokorni's time even compared the Belgrade music stage to the Viennese one.30
In Novi Sad, where the Serbian National Theatre was established in 1861, Adolf Peter Lifka (1828-1895), Alojzije (Alois Milčinsky, 1847-1903), Hugo Doubek (18521897) and Antonjin Tuna Osvald (Antonin Osvald, 1846-1936), all Czechs, followed one another at the posts of theatre bandmasters from 1861 until 1914. Osvald was the most prominent in the group: he conducted the first performance of the Carl Maria Weber's opera Der Freischütz (1900) and the premiere of the first Serbian national opera - Isidor Bajic's Duke Ivo of Semberija (Knez Ivo od Semberije, 1911). 31
30
27	As stated in Stana Duric-Klajn's article ("Orkestri u Srbiji do osnivanja Filharmonije", op. cit., 132), in the early 1860s, when "Josif Šlezinger (Josif Schlesinger, 1794-1870, the founder and bandmaster of Knjažesko-srpska banda, the first orchestra in Serbia) could no longer perform the duties of conductor and leader of the military orchestra, Prince Mihailo decided to seek help from Bohemia (...) Then from Prague arrived an Italian Federico Brunetti [later called Friedrich], who at the time was a teacher at [Prague] Military Music School (...)." For further details on Brunetti and his treatment of Schlesingers music heritage see in: Ibid., 139.
28	Čižek became the bandmanster of Belgrade military orchestra in 1868 and retired in 1899. He was the author of a great number of occasional music-pieces (e.g. marches), as well as potpourris and phantasies based on Serbian folk tunes. His main contribution to the history of Belgrade military orchestra was the introduction of string instruments, which enabled the performace of important pieces of symphonic literature. Ibid., 141.
29	Ibid., 141-142.
Dragutin Pokorny, working originally as the bandmaster of Belgrade military orchestra, began his career in the National Theatre as Davorin Jenko's assistant. Davorin Jenko (1835-1914) was a famous Slovenian composer and conductor who spent his mature years in Serbia and largely contributed to the development of Serbian musical culture. (Only during his engagement in the National Theatre, Jenko staged about 90 premieres of Singspiels, operettas and extracts from operas!). Cf. Dragotin Cvetko, Davorin Jenko i njegovo doba, Beograd, SAN, 1952; Cf. also Stana Duric-Klajn, "Orkestri...", op. cit., 145. Later on, from 1897 to 1904, and from 1904-1910, Pokorny was posted as the bandmaster of the National Theatre orchestra in Belgrade and prepared and conducted the performances of numerous operettas, Mascagni's opera Cavalleria Rusticana, Leoncavallo's I Pagliacci and Smetana's Bartered Bride... (Cf. Roksanda Pejovic, Češki muzičari u srpskom muzičkom životu..., II, op. cit., 69).
See the article written by Milica Gajic, Doprinos čeških muzičara srpskoj muzičkoj sceni..., op. cit.
Both in Belgrade and in Novi Sad, Czech bandmasters in theatres had difficult tasks of preparing the entire "music production" of the numerous Singspiels and operettas, which were the most popular and dominated the repertoire in the 19th century Serbia. We can conclude that all of these "our, Serbian" Czechs were a kind of universal music artist of their time: they composed original incidental (stage) music, made the arrangements of the existed music composed by other authors, gave music and singing lessons to the gifted actors who represented the first amateur generation of Serbian theatre singers, lead the rehearsals of theatre-choirs and orchestras and, finally, conducted the entire performances.
The majority of all those well educated Czech musicians were good at playing some instrument and performed time after time as soloists or in chamber ensembles. Among them the most distinguished were cellist Robert Tollinger and two excellent pianists: Vojteh Hlavač (Vojtech Hlavač, 1849-1911) and Franja Gal (František Gaal, 1860-1906).
Hlavac's biography is of particular interest for the subject of this article. Having been strongly attracted by the ideas of Pan-Slavism, at the age of sixteen he moved from Prague to Vojvodina and spent six years (1865-1871) successfully working on raising the level of musical life in Orahovica and Vršac (Banat). Hlavač himself contributed a lot to the atmosphere of the political and ideological struggle for national freedom: with the greatest ideological motivation he composed a militant choir song ("budnica") We shall not surrender (Ne dajmo se) that was accepted later as the anthem of the political organization United Serbian Youth (whose work was, as mentioned before, forbidden by both Austrian and Serbian authorities in 1871). When Hlavač declined the invitation to serve in the Austrian army, he fled to Russia and became very famous as a conductor, organ player and as a pianist. Outside Russia, he was renowned in Italy and Germany as a pianist.
One of the curiosities from Hlavač's biography is that Maxim Gorky, famous Russian writer, was the great admirer of Hlavač's conductor's style and concepts, mostly because of Hlavač's great enthusiasm in promoting the music written by the Slavic authors.32 The importance of Hlavač's contribution to the history of Serbian music and its reception in wider, international frames is also evident from the fact that he was among the first internationally renowned authors who were attracted by the beauty of Serbian folk songs. Even when he left Banat, he continued to compose music inspired by the Serbian folk tunes (e.g. Serbian Rhapsody for orchestra) and even succeeded to publish in Russia a collection of the adapted Serbian folk and urban songs (Peasants Songs, CeobCKue xopu). Inspired, on the other side, by the Serbian national history, in Petersburg in 1889 Hlavač composed and performed two choral pieces (Farewell and Anthem) for the festive celebration of the 500 anniversary of the Kosovo battle.
The Kosovo battle, the same historical event which, as time was passing, took on mythical dimensions in the "collective consciousness" of the Serbian people, was in
32 Reviewing in 1896. the concert when Hlavač performed the compositions by Glynka and by Chaikovsky (Overture "1812"), Gorky wrote about Hlavač's "magic wand", about "exquisite artistic sensibility felt in each stroke of his." See: A.M. TopKH, OernTOHtH, CoeemcKaR uys^iKa, 4, 1949, 29. Quoted from: Stana Buric-Klajn, Istorijski razvoj ..., op. cit., p. 71, ref. 156.
the epoch of Romanticism the great inspiration and ideological weapon in the arms of all fighters for national freedom.33 It also inspired another Czech composer, Robert Tollinger, to write the first cantata in the history of Serbian music. Unique in its kind, cantata Kosovka, composed for four soloist (two tenors and two basses), male choir and piano in four hands, shows how a skilful composer in limited performing conditions and with modest means can achieve worthy musical results.
In Serbian musicological literature it is widely confirmed that Tollinger was one of the most gifted Czech musicians who worked among Serbs in the 19th century. After studying at the Conservatory in Prague, he worked for a while in Zagreb National Theatre and in 1886. had moved to Kikinda, where he led all music activities of the choral society Gusle. Tollinger was a pioneer of Serbian musical life wherever he worked: first in Kikinda, later in the south - in Šabac and in Cetinje (Montenegro). Well educated, a gifted conductor, admirer of Richard Wagner, an excellent cello player, Tollinger was one of the rare Czech musicians interested both in instrumental and in vocal field. He is the author of the cycle of nice piano pieces close to the style of Tchaikovsky and of Mendelssohn.34 Inspired by the lyrics of famous Serbian poets of his time, he also contributed to the development of Serbian Lied. Tollinger was the first composer and music writer in Serbian music history who started both the edition of pedagogical music-publications (Rosebuds/Pupoljci, the collection of 30 songs accompanied with the piano) and launched in Kikinda the first musical journal printed in Serbian language - Gudalo. Each of ten issues of the journal, published in 1886-87 included news and articles about current local and international music events.
Like most of the Czechs, Robert Tollinger felt at home among Serbs wherever he lived and worked and shared their enthusiasm in raising the level of the local music life. However, neither Tollinger, nor Hlavač, nor any other Czech musician could match the popularity of the first Serbian educated musicians - pianists Kornelije Stankovic and Jovan Paču (1847-1902) or the opera singer Žarko Savic (1861-1930).35
Czech musicians were the pioneers in the field of chamber music performances, too. Together with Stevan Stojanovic Mokranjac - the most prominent Serbian musician and composer of the epoch of Romanticism - the members of the first "Serbian String Quartet" (founded in 1889) were Czechs Stevan Šram (1853 -?) and Josif Svoboda (Josef Svoboda, 1856-1898). Czech musicians also made the first steps in foundation of music education in Serbia and in Vojvodina. As mentioned above, most of them who led the activities of choral societies taught at the same time at high schools and gave private lessons of music. Karl Reš and Dragutin Blažek were those who introduced the reperesentatives of the next generation of leading Serbian composers -Josif Marinkovic (1851-1931), Stevan Stojanovic Mokranjac and Petar Konjovic (18831970) - into the world of music.
When Stevan Mokranjac succeeded to start the first official governmental music school in Belgrade in 1899, among several employed teachers were Czechs Jovan
33	"Kosovo issue" has a long, complicated and painful role in the history of Balkan peoples and it has not been solved entirely in the contemporary Serbian, European and world politics either.
34	Cf. Stana Duric-Klajn, Istorijski razvoj muzičke kulture u Srbiji, op. cit., 72-74.
35	R. Pejovic, Češki muzičari u srpskom muzičkom životu..., II, op. cit., 67.
Ružička (1876-1945), former concertmaster of the Budapest Opera and Viceslav Rendl (Vitezslav Rendla, 1868-1933), an excellent cello player who used to give concerts in his homeland, in Paris and in America. Working as pedagogues and promoting music through all of their other various music activities, Czech musicians educated generations of future Serbian musicians and music lovers. Without their most generous help, the small number of Serbian musicians of that time could not achieve such results.
In spite of the fact that the creative achievements of Czech composers in Serbia were modest in comparison to the works of their most prominent European colleagues, there is no doubt that their contribution to the history of the Serbian secular music -particularly in the field of choral, orchestral and piano music - was of the greatest importance in the period during which the first generation of Serbian "modern" composers studied abroad (mostly in Prague!) and prepared themselves to take up the leading position in the Serbian musical life of the first part of the 20th century.
The migration of Czech musicians to Serbian towns in the second half of the 19th century did not only give the strong impulses to Serbian music to outgrow its amateur frames and to reach a professional level. The fact that the Serbian music culture of the 20th century belongs entirely to the world and to the context of European music should be considered as the most important contribution and achievement of the diligent Czech musicians.
PoVZETEK
Med fenomeni, ki so globoko zaznamovali srbsko nacionalno zgodovino, so bile migracije tiste, ki so določile fiziognomijo srbske kulture, umetnosti in glasbe. Pred prvo svetovno vojno, ko je nastala nova država - Kraljevina Srbov, Hrvatov in Slovencev (kasneje Jugoslavija), so Srbi živeli in razvijali svojo umetnost v dveh nasprotujočih si civilizacijah in kulturah, vzhodni in zahodni. Proces evropeizacije novejše srbske umetnosti in glasbe, ki se je začel v 18. stoletju v Avstriji, se je pospešeno okrepil v obdobju klasicizma in romantike, še posebej v multinacionalnem in multi-kulturnem jugozahodnem delu avstrijskega cesarstva, kjer je bil sicer v večini srbski živelj. Oblikovanje sodobnega srbskega glasbenega življenja na tem področju - v Novem Sadu, kot tudi številnih manjših mestih (Vršac, Kikinda, Subotica, Pančevo) - je močno podpirala pomoč mnogih čeških glasbenikov, ki so v iskanju zaposlitve zapustili domovino in našli delo med Srbi. Prvi val čeških priseljencev se je začel v petdesetih
letih, medtem ko je do zadnjega prišlo v osemdesetih letih 19. stoletja. Sčasoma so se le ti pomikali vse bolj proti jugu in zasedali ugledna mesta v glasbenem življenju srbskih mest: Beograd, Niš, Leskovac itd. Češki prišleki (npr. V. Hlavač, A. Lifka, R. Tollinger) so bili večinoma dobro izšolani glasbeniki, ki so z velikim entuziazmom polagali temelje glasbenih ustanov, tako da v srbski glasbeni zgodovini zavzemajo pomembno mesto kot zborovski, orkestralni in gledališki dirigenti ter kot izvajalci in glasbeni pedagogi. Bili so prvi zapisovalci srbskih ljudskih melodij, katere so v romantični maniri tudi harmonizirali. Čeprav so bili ustvarjalni dometi čeških skladateljev v Srbiji skromni v primerjavi z dosežki njihovih bolj znamenitih evropskih kolegov, ne more biti nobenega dvoma, da je bil njihov prispevek srbski posvetni glasbi - zlasti na področju zborovske, orkestralne in klavirske glasbe - pomemben, to je v času, ko so prvi srbski »moderni« skladatelji študirali v tujini in se pripravljali, da prevzamejo vodilna mesta srbskega glasbenega življenja in zgodovine 20. stoletja.
UDK 782.1 Janaček John Tyrrell
School of Music, Cardiff University Fakulteta za glasbo, Univerza v Cardiffu
Genre in Janaček's operas
Žanr v Janačkovih operah
Ključne besede: Janaček, opere, žanr, tragiko-medija
Izvleček
Avtor ugovarja Michael Ewansovim opisom Janačkovih oper kot »tragičnim«. Zrelim operam, kot so Jenufa, Lisička zvitorepka, Zadeva Makro-pulos in Iz mrtvega doma, manjka tragične neizbežnosti, kažejo pa tudi žanrske tragikomične poteze (v Lisički in Makropulosu).
Keywords: Janaček, operas, genre, tragicomedy Abstract
The author takes issue with Michael Ewans's description ofJanaček's operas as »tragic«. Among the mature operas, Jenüfa, The Cunning Little Vixen, The Makropulos Affair and From the House of the Dead lack tragic inevitability and exhibit other genre characteristics, such as those of tragicomedy (in The Vixen and Makropulos).
In 1977 Michael Ewans published an influential book entitled Janaček's Tragic Operas.1 The author, with a background in Greek tragedy, presented six of Janaček's operas as if belonging to this tradition. If one takes the central character of Jenüfa [Jeji pastorkyna] as the Kostelnička, it is easy to see her crucial murder of Jenüfa's baby as being an instance of hamartia, the tragic flaw that leads ultimately to the downfall of an otherwise noble character. Her pride or hubris (which she acknowledges in Act 3) brings divine retribution, arousing pity and terror in both bystanders and audience.2 I see two problems with this interpretation. One is that the opera does not end there. What follows (see below) is more important and places the Kostelnička's action into quite another, non-tragic context. Furthermore Janaček's music provides its own non-tragic commentary. Catharsis is achieved, but in a different way from that of Greek tragedy.
The one thing that can be said about Janaček's operas is that, with the exception of Šarka, Kaia Kabanova and possibly Fate [Osud], they are not tragic in any straightforward meaning of the word. That Šdrka is a tragedy is no surprise. It belongs to a pe-
1	EWANS, MICHAEL, Jandček's Tragic Operas, Faber and Faber Ltd, London, 1977.
2	These attributes of tragedy are taken from BALDICK, CHRIS, The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Lierary Terms, Oxford
University Press, Oxford 1990, 226-227.
riod when tragic opera was the mainstay of the operatic stage.3 In Šdrka Ctirad is killed by Šarka who, then has a change of heart and throws herself on to Ctirad's funeral pyre. Hero and heroine die; those that remain mourn. The tragedy of Käfa Kabanovä is more surprising because Janaček's late works appear to inhabit a beyond-tragic world (see below) and his choice of an apparently tragic stage text as the basis for a libretto seems out of character. It is true that some Russian critics did not see Ostrovsky's play this way but instead as a 'positive' protest against the repressive political system of the time.4 However, Janaček made it clear that the Russian background was secondary for him and did all he could to strip the drama down to a straightforward human tragedy of a woman who seeks escape in death from her intolerable life. If such an interpretation seems crude, it is one that Janaček appeared to endorse by thrusting the spotlight on to the evil Kabanicha's crowing over Kat'a's corpse at the end, with repeated hammer blows of 'fate' on the brass and timpani and with Kat'a's offstage 'voices' now menacingly fortissimo.
Janaček did not provide such obvious clues in his most enigmatic work, Fate. Certainly there are tragic incidents: the death of Mila and her Mother at the end of Act 2 is signalled as such with Živny's reaction and the strong orchestral peroration after it. But it is difficult to interpret Act 3, which moves from student high jinks to a long, personal narrative by Živny during which he appears to have some sort of fit as he recalls painful events but - and there are no helpful stage directions to guide us - he then seems to get over whatever the problem was and is still alive as the curtain comes down. The end could in fact be read positively: through his public confession Živny has purged himself of whatever was troubling him and, with his young son Doubek by his side, he will go on to fight another day. Whether through design or his own uncertainties, Janaček's music provides no clear interpretative clues.
One opera, The Beginning of a Romance [Počatek romanu], is 'comic' or at least 'romantic' (according to the designation on the programme at the first performance).5 It is in the tradition of Czech comic one-acters (such as Dvorak's Pigheaded Peasants [Tvrde palice]): there are some overtly comic characters, the central young couple are united at the end and take home a few morals. Poluška fails to hook her aristocratic admirer and has to make do with her humble but loving swain, but all realize that this is for the best.
Brouček as a single excursion (The Excursion of Mr Brouček to the Moon [Vylet pana Broučka do mesice]), was described as a 'burlesque' by Janaček though one tempered by lyrical impulses.6 In many ways the Brouček Moon Excursion has much in common with its predecessor Fate, with its mixture of grotesque comedy, deeply-felt lyrical outbursts, and its disparaging examination of artists in society. Complica-
Even if earlier genre designations of 'tragedia lirica' or 'melodramma tragico', for instance in Verdi's operas had given way to 'melodramma', 'dramma' or merely 'opera'.
MARSH, CYNTHIA, 'Ostrovsky's Play "The Thunderstorm", in John Tyrrell: LeošJajček: Käfa Kabanovä, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1982, 39ff.
SIMEONE, NIGEL, TYRRELL, JOHN and NEMCOVÄ, ALENA: Janaček's Works: a catalogue of the music and writings of Leos Janaček JAWO], Oxford University Press, Oxford 1997, 10.
JANÄČEK, LEOŠ to Karel Kovarovic, 4 June 1916, English translation in Janačeks Operas: a documentary account (Faber & Faber, London, 1992) [JODA], JP114.
tions arose when Janaček sought to couple this excursion with the much more serious Fifteenth-Century Excursion. The result was a mixture that even Janaček wondered whether it held together.7 It is possible to argue that the Fifteenth-Century Excursion has more tragic than comic elements. The elderly, noble Domšik is killed in action, eloquently mourned by his daughter. Brouček himself behaves despicably. If his cowardice is meant to be an object lesson, as Janaček professed,8 then it's one that leaves quite a nasty taste. Musically there are some clues. The thrilling Hussite chorales and the festive victory march proclaim something of heroic dimensions: historical, maybe even 'tragical-historical'. Polonius (in Shakespeare's Hamlet) might have characterized the two excursions together as a fine example of 'tragical-comical-historical-pastoral'.
Having creamed off these five operas, one is then left with four - Jenufa, The Cunning Little Vixen [Prihody lišky Bystroušky], The Makropulos Affair [Vec Makropulos] and From the House of the Dead [Z mrtveho domu] - which belong together even if they resist easy genre categorization. All are serious (though none are without comic elements); there are deaths in all four works, in two of them of the chief characters. And yet it is hard to describe any of them as tragic, for one thing because the music with which Janaček concludes all but the final work is uplifting, for another because positive lessons have been learnt that will change the on-going stories of the characters. This seems to override the notion of tragic inevitability that Michael Ewans identifies in Janaček's operas.
At the end of Jenufa the Kostelnička realizes that her murder of Jenufa's child has not been the self-sacrificing action that she had thought but was committed to satisfy her own pride, while Jenufa herself begins to understand that her stepmother's action came through misguided love for her. Jenufa's forgiveness of the Kostelnička is one of the searingly radiant moments in all opera, its message memorably underlined by Janaček's music. There are few operas that hinge on forgiveness; Jenufa, like Le nozze di Figaro, is one of the few. When the Kostelnička has been led away by the Mayor, leaving the stage empty except for Jenufa and Laca, another small miracle takes place. Jenufa at last understands and accepts Laca's love for her: another moment of sublimity against one of Janaček's cathartic slow waltzes.9 Whatever tragic outcome might have been predicted in the first act of the opera, the ending takes us elsewhere. The conclusion has come about through growth in the chief characters' perceptions and their overcoming of personal limitations. This is something to celebrate and 'tragic' is not the word to describe it.
Janaček's initial vision of The Vixen was as a 'pantomime', i.e. something that involved mime and dance. Long before he wrote a note of the music, Janaček realized that he needed to present the animal world on stage. He did this partly through different voice types, the use of children's voices in particular, but also through movement. Although some of his animals sing, they also express themselves in movement, in dance.
See TYRRELL, JOHN, Janaček: Years of a Life, vol. II: Tsar of the Forests, Faber and Faber, London, forthcoming, chap. 24. JAWO, XV/214; critical edition in JANÄCEK, LEOŠ: Literarni dilo, Editio Janaček, Brno 2003, 431-433.
TYRRELL, JOHN, 'The cathartic slow waltz and other finale conventions in Janaček's operas', Esays on Drama and Music in Honour of Winton Dean, ed. N. Fortune, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1987, 333-352.
The score is peppered with instructions such as 'ballet scene', some of the chorus parts (e.g. Midges, Blue Dragonfly, Squirrels) are designated as 'ballet' rather than singers.
The vocal and mimic aspects of The Vixen nevertheless do not disguise the fact that, in it, as in its immediate successor Makropulos, Janaček had returned to his post-tragedy line of operas about understanding and healing. In these two cases, the central characters come to terms with their mortality. The message of From the House of the Dead is more enigmatic. Certainly the march of the Prisoners at the end leaves a bleak message of prison life continuing. But Janaček insisted that his message was positive:
Why do I go into the dark, frozen cells of criminals with the poet of Crime and Punishment? Into the minds of criminals and there I find a spark of God. You will not wipe away the crimes from their brow, but equally you will not extinguish the spark of God. Into what depths it leads - how much truth there is in his work!
See how the old man slides down from the oven, shuffles to the corpse, makes the sign of the cross over it, and with a rusty voice sobs the words: 'A mother gave birth to him too!'
Those are the bright places in the house of the dead.10
I have suggested elsewhere11 that many Czech nineteenth-century operas, in particular Smetana's, go against mainstream operatic trends of the time. In Smetana's late operas based on librettos by Eliška Krasnohorska there is a preoccupation not with high tragedy or low comedy but with learning, with wisdom, and with coming to terms with problems. All these operas depend for their conclusion on the overcoming of internal obstacles, namely defects of character in the hero or heroine, which need to be remedied by healing journeys of moral re-education. Shakespeare's late romances are a possible influence. Musically, however, this line comes seems to come from Vienna. The fairy-tale play, with its heroes engaged in an educational quest, and with music featuring strongly in the form of inserted numbers and even in stage props, was a well-established Viennese genre at the end of the eighteenth century. Modern audiences are acquainted with its most elevated exemplar, Die Zauberflöte}2
The line that stretches from Tamino's and Pamina's trials of fire and water through late Smetana to the ordeals of Laca and Jenüfa may seem a tenuous one. Nevertheless it is the background to Janaček's consistent line of operas that go beyond tragedy and look instead for healing and reconciliation. Jenüfa is a wonderful example with no fewer than three of its central characters achieving wisdom and understanding. Preissova's libretto is initially responsible for this but the importance that Janaček attached to such aspects can be seen in the way his music bulks out the final scene and draws attention to the healing process that is completed there. Similarly the Game-
10	JANAČEK, LEOŠ (found in the clothes returned from the sanatorium after his death), English translation in JODA, ZD39.
11	TYRRELL, JOHN, Czech Opera, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1984, 166-170, passim.
Ibidem, 166-170.

keeper in (The Vixen) and Emilia Marty (in Makropulos) proclaim their new-found wisdom to some of Janaček's grandest music. In Janaček's final opera, From the House of the Dead, we are not shown any particular reconciliation or wisdom achieved - the work does not operate through time - but instead it is Janaček's compassion that illuminates each grisly story, no better illustrated than by the tender orchestral ritornello that drifts through Šiškov's narration.
Interestingly, Janaček three 'middle works', the succession of Fate, Brouček and Käfa Kabanovä, lie beyond this line. The first two are experimental, with Fate in particular looking beyond the Czech tradition for its models. With Käia Kabanovä the personal impulse that drove it (the Butterfly-Kamila-Kat'a connection) is so strong that Janaček was arguably distracted from his earlier preoccupation. Once he had written his tragic Kamila opera out of his system he was able to return to earlier tendencies.
Tragicomedy in Janaček operas
Of Janaček's late operas the most innovative and intriguing in terms of genre is The Cunning Little Vixen. It is best characterized as a tragicomedy, a mode exemplified in Shakespeare's late romances (The Winter's Tale, Cymbeline, The Tempest) and one seldom encountered in opera. The characteristics of Shakespearean tragicomedy have been reckoned to be:
•	the juxtaposition of contrasting but paradoxically similar worlds, usually focussed on youth and age;
•	a strong sense of ambiguities and therefore uncertainties, usually about identity;
•	a volatile dramatic mode that mixes comedy, pathos and tragedy;
•	moments of dramatic understatement or anti-climax;
•	a recognition but not necessarily an understanding of numinous or supernatural forces benevolently at work in human affairs;
•	a cyclical patterning to life that encompasses death and, necessarily, rebirth.13
All six features of tragicomedy as defined above are present in Janaček's Vixen. An
essential part of the opera is the juxtaposing of the contrasting and 'paradoxically similar' human and animal worlds (with human-animal parallels suggested by the voice-doublings). There is also an emphasis on the contrast of youth and age, no better illustrated than in the final scene with the Gamekeeper (who has just complained of growing old) and the Young Frog. As an anthropomorphic work, the opera trades on ambiguities and uncertainties about identity. Much of the humour arises from animals behaving like humans, but there is also poignancy, for instance in the scene when the Vixen is tied up and, in her dream, appears as a girl as a symbol of liberation; or the lovelorn, and presumably shortsighted Schoolmaster seeing the Vixen as his distant beloved, Terynka. The swift oscillation between comedy and tragedy is particularly evident in Janaček's handling of the death of the Vixen. Janaček himself introduced this element into Tesnohlidek's work (which is unequivocally a comedy) but inserted
DUTTON, RICHARD, Modern Tragicomedy and the British Tradition, Harvester, Brighton 1986, chap. 1, especially 28-53.
13
no prophetic hints of what might happen, no preparation for a tragic denouement. Equally, Janaček underplays what could have been a powerful or sentimental climax. The animals scatter, so there are no sorrowing Fox and Cubs and there is no great orchestral welling up such as the final interlude in Berg's Wozzeck. Instead the scene is notable for its musical and dramatic restraint. There is the noise of gunshot, then silence and a short, subdued orchestral musing on a motif associated with the Vixen.
Furthermore, this is not the tragic end of the act: there is much more action to be presented that will comment on and reinterpret what we have experienced. The Vixen's death is followed by a scene of human regrets: the Priest faraway and said to be lonely, the Schoolmaster shedding a tear at the news of Harašta's marriage to Terynka, the Gamekeeper growing old. Finally there is a scene in which the Gamekeeper shows his recognition both of numinous forces benevolently at work ('a more than earthly joy', as he proclaims in his scena), and of the cyclic pattern of life: death and then rebirth. Here the fact that the composer did not trouble to turn Tesnohlidek's high-flown philosophical sentiments into the Gamekeeper's homely Moravian dialect comes across not as one of Janaček's editorial oversights but as a way of conveying the Gamekeeper's understanding of things beyond himself, a state of mind that is musically underlined by a familiar Janaček finale trope, the cathartic slow waltz. The Vixen is dead, but, as the Gamekeeper awakes from his reverie, he is confronted by another vixen: 'The young Bystrouška, the spitting image of her mother' (Janaček's title for the scene), and there, too, are all the creatures that were present at the beginning of the opera, including the Little Frog, or rather (since this is an opera about renewal) the grandson of the Little Frog seen in Act 1.
The Vixen's death and life are thus not seen as tragically finite but as a contribution to a larger, infinitely-continuing life cycle. The suggestion of the numinous at the end of the opera echoes the framing of the courtship and marriage scene by the offstage, other-worldly 'voice of the forest'. Unlike those forces fatefully and saddeningly at work in the love-lives of the Schoolmaster and the Priest, the numinous is portrayed here as benevolent and joyful. The final event of the opera is a moment of wonder that Janaček described in a letter to Max Brod: 'The Gamekeeper's gun slips from his hand in rapture - a milestone of life - and the Little Frog proclaims his new horizon'.14 The Gamekeeper's last gesture - the gun falling from his hands - is a literal letting go of that instrument that is symbolic of human power, control and destructiveness and a strange, unconscious echo of Prospero's breaking his staff at the end of Shakespeare's The Tempest. But it is also a metaphorical letting go - an involuntary (the libretto says 'absentmindedly') opening up to the numinous power, order and creativity of nature's world.
As he began work on the opera, Janaček described it to Kamila Stösslova as 'A merry thing with a sad end'. Since the Vixen's death is so carefully placed mid-act and its emotional impact muted, this is clearly not the 'sad end'. Janaček's brief description to Kamila continues to explain that this is a personal opera: 'and I am taking up a
14 JANÄCEK, LEOŠ to Max Brod, 26 June 1925, English translation in JODA, LB63.
place at that sad end myself. And so I fit in there!'15 With his new routines in place,16 Janaček knew when he began how long this opera would take to compose and that its first performance would probably fall in the year he turned seventy. Unlike Käfa Kabanovä, written partly as a celebration of his love for Kamila Stösslova, The Cunning Little Vixen was written for himself alone: 'I caught Bystrouška for the forest and the sadness of the late years', as he put it in a letter to Kamila.17 It was a work in which he came to terms with his own mortality.
For all the differences in subject matter, its successor Makropulos is its continuation, its genre adjusted from Čapek's 'comedy' to tragicomedy. Janaček jettisoned Čapek's witty discussion of the advantages and disadvantages of a very long life (including prophetic insights into the problems of the pension industry). He also added the death of the heroine at the end, just as he had made the Vixen die. But in neither case did death mean tragedy. In Makropulos Marty's death and Janaček's musical clues simply reframe the original text and emphasize tragicomic elements already present. Once again there is the juxtaposition of contrasting worlds, focussed on youth (Krista) and age (Marty). There is the sense of ambiguities and uncertainties about identity (Marty's multiple lives). Comedy, pathos and tragedy is mixed in a volatile dramatic mode with Marty's constant debunking of the expectations of her star-struck admirers. And, with his magnificent cathartic-slow-waltz finale including the added offstage voices ('things and shadows'), Janaček stresses something that is lacking in the rational Čapek original: a recognition of numinous forces benevolently at work in human affairs. The cycle of life is completed with Marty, in her dying moments, handing over the Makropulos formula to her young counterpart Krista (Marty 'reborn'). And, since this is also an opera about healing and education, Krista has learnt not to make the same mistake as Marty but instead lets the Makropulos formula and its inherent tragedy be consumed by fire.
To suggest Janaček's final opera From the House of the Dead is a also tragicomedy is a harder claim to sustain. For all its mixture of knockabout comedy and pathos (e.g. in Act 2) it is essentially a darker piece than its predecessors. True, there are crucial moments of dramatic understatement or anti-climax such as the Elderly Prisoner's two crucial responses: his naive question that undercuts the drama of Luka's tale in Act 1 and the humanity that reframes the brutality of Šiškov's tale in Act 3 ('A mother gave birth to him too'). And perhaps the release of the eagle near the end of the opera, its broken wing mended, to triumphant cries from the Prisoners celebrating the Prison Governor's release of Petrovič, counts as a sort of rebirth. But there are no juxtaposed worlds here, no ambiguities, no uncertainties. The prison is the single, real and only world for the Prisoners at the moment, and, apart from the lucky Petrovič, there is no escape from its repetitive routines. Like the world of The Vixen it is cyclical - Janaček makes much of the seasons in both works - but unlike The Vixen the cycle brings no
JAJČEK, LEOŠ to Kamila Stösslova, 10 February 1922, English translation in JODA, LB11.
See TYRRELL, JOHN, 'How Janaček composed operas', Janaček and his World, ed. Michael Beckerman, Princeton University Press, Princeton and Oxford 2003, 55-78.
JANÄČEK, LEOŠ to Kamila Stösslova, English translation in John Tyrrell: Intimate Letters: LeošJanaček to Kamila Stösslovä, Faber and Faber, London 1994, no. 217.
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rebirth, no healing, no hope. Crucially there is no sign of numinous powers benevolently at work, simply Janaček's compassion for the characters. It was a chilling opera with which to end his life work. Sensing the difference in this opera from its predecessors, Janaček's pupils Bakala and Chlubna added an 'optimistic' ending: a repeat of the Prisoner's 'Freedom!' chorus neatly trimmed with a major-key (and horribly portentous) version of the Act 1 motto theme. But Janaček knew exactly what he was doing when he ended his final opera with the grim and repetitive Prisoners' march.
PoVZETEK
Avtor ugovarja Michael Ewansovim opisom Ja-načkovih oper kot »tragičnim«. Tako na primer v Jenufi, pravi Ewans, naj bi Kostelničkino precenjevanje same sebe (ki jo pripelje do umora otroka) povzročilo božje maščevanje, ki vzbuja sočutje in strah - klasičen propad sicer plemenitega človeka. Težava je v tem, da tu še ni konec opere. Kar sledi - Jenufino odpuščanje mačehi in njeno razumevanje Lacove ljubezni - postavlja Kostelničkino dejanje v popolnoma drugačen, netragičen kontekst. Od Janačkovih devetih oper je možno brez vsakeršnega dvoma kot »tragični« označiti zgodnji deli - Šarko in Katjo Kabanovo. Zgodnja opera Začetek ene romance je »komična« in dve eksperimentalni operi skladateljevega srednjega obdobja (Usoda in Izleti gospoda Broučka) sta glede žanra nejasni. Avtor članka meni, da se
Janačkove zadnje tri opere (Lisička zvitorepka, Zadeva Makropulos in Iz mrtvega doma) skupaj z Jenufo odvijajo v drugačnem svetu onstran tragičnega in da dve od njiju, Zvitorepka in Makropulos, kažeta tragikomične poteze, ki in kakor so bile odkrite v Shakespearovih poznih odrskih delih, tako da so ugotovljene poteze naslednje: konfrontacija nepričakovano podobnih svetov, osredotočenih na mladost in starost; močno poudarjen občutek nedoločljivosti in zato negotovosti, večinoma glede identitete; samovoljen način mešanja komedije, patosa in tragedije; trenutki dramatsko pretirane zmernosti ali antikli-maksov; priznanje, a ne vedno tudi nujno razu-mavanje, religioznih ali nadnaravnih sil, ki dobrohotno posegajo v človeško dogajanje; ciklično »krojenje« življenja, ki zaobsega smrt in po potrebi tudi ponovno rojstvo.
UDK 821.162.3-6 Janaček:Beran Jernej Weiss
Filozofska fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani Philosophical Faculty, University of Ljubljana
The Transcription of the Correspondence between Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (1868-1940)
Transkripcija korespondence med Leošom Janačkom (1854-1928) in Emerikom Beranom (1868-1940)
Ključne besede: transkripcija, korespondenca, Leoš Janaček, Emerik Beran
Izvleček
Med 21 ohranjenimi Janačkovimi pismi Beranu, ki so bila napisana med letoma 1890 in 1928 v češkem jeziku je poleg petih uradnih dopisov napisanih za časa Beranovega pedagoškega delovanja na Orglarski šoli v Brnu, ohranjenih 8 Janačkovih pisem in 8 Janačkovih razglednic oziroma dopisnic. Med 21 Beranovimi pismi Ja-načku, nastalih med letoma 1914 in 1928 prav tako v češčini pa najdemo 8 Beranovih pisem in 13 Beranovih razglednic oziroma dopisnic, med njimi 3 takšne, pri katerih kraj ali datum nista natančno določena.
Keywords: transcription, correspondence, Leoš Janaček, Emerik Beran
Abstract
Among the twenty-one preserved letters from Janaček to Beran, written during 1890 and 1928 in Czech, eight of Janaček's letters and eight of Janaček's postcards have been preserved, in addition to five official letters written during Beran's pedagogical work at the Organ School in Brno. Among twenty-one of Beran's letters to Janaček, written during 1914 and 1928 also in Czech, we can find eight of Beran's letters and thirteen of Beran's postcards, where in three of them, the place or time are not exactly given.
Leoš Janaček's correspondence1 with Emerik Beran
Brno, 12th March 1890
The Director's Office of the Organ School in Brno confirms that Mr. Emerik Beran has been appointed an organ teacher as of 1889, and has been performing his job
1 See Beran's estate of the Maribor University Library.
conscientiously and successfully. Brno, 12th March 1890. Leoš Janaček. The Director's Office of the Brno Organ School.2
Brno, 30th March 1893
The Director's Office of the Brno Organ School confirms that Mr. Emerik Beran, born on 17th October 1868 in Brno, was appointed teacher of the Brno Organ School from 1889/90 until this day (1892/93) for the following subjects: 1) Organ, 2) General Bass, 3) Choral Singing, 4) Music History. Mr. Beran is a master of organ literature, both of the great master J. S. Bach and of modern composers (Guilmont and others). He, of course, also masters the comparative material of the entire general bass music theory. He is also acquainted with the choral singing theory in addition to active choral singing, which is appropriate for all ceremonies of the Church year, and also masters the history of music literature. His rich musical knowledge and exceptional musical talent originate from his love for music. He has always endeavoured to clearly arrange the subject to be learned, which students have excelled in with very good results every year. His exemplary behaviour within the school, both towards the teachers and the pupils, has always been appropriate and kind. Brno, 30th March 1893. Leoš Janaček. The Director's Office of the Brno Organ School.3
Brno, date unknown
My dear friend, the concert programme of the Organ School seems too monotonous to me because of a large number of organ compositions. Leoš Janaček.4
Brno, 16th January 1896
Dear Sir, I would like to inform you that as of the 16th of the current month, at your wish, you no longer need to teach the Organ at the Organ School. This change, as well as the change of your salary, will, of course, have to be approved by the Association this week,5 whereof I shall inform you during the week. Yours sincerely, Leoš Janaček.6
2	With the above-mentioned recommendation, Janaček opened the way to the employment by contract to Beran both at the Organ School and at the Czech Male Teacher Training School in Brno a little less than a month later. WEISS, JERNEJ, Emerik Beran in njegov glasbeni opus, Diploma Thesis, Tutor: MATJAŽ BARBO, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, Ljubljana 2004, 16.
3	Janaček undoubtedly saw a capable musician in Beran. As the Organ School's Director, he entrusted several pedagogical obligations at the only higher education institute in Moravia at that time (the Brno Organ School) to Beran after he had completed his musical studies at the age of 22. The trust won by Beran with Janaček through his conscientious performance of pedagogical obligations soon grew into a close friendship. WEISS, JERNEJ, The forgotten correspondence between two friends: Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (1868-1940), Ed. BARBO, MATJAŽ, Muzikološki zbornik XLI (2005) 1, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, 93.
4	Janaček had even consulted Beran in preparing programmes for the Organ School's concerts. Ibidem.
5	The Institute's Supervisory Board consisted of the highest representative of the worldly and church authorities in Brno of that time. WEISS, JERNEJ, Emerik Beran in njegov glasbeni opus, Diploma Thesis, Tutor: MATJAŽ BARBO, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, Ljubljana 2004, 11. See also ŠPENDAL, MANICA, Emerik Beran. Ein Schüler Janačeks aus Brno, Ed. PETER ANDRASCHKE and EDELGARD SPAUDE, Kunst-Gespräche: Musikalische Begegnungen zwischen Ost und West, Rombach Verlag, Freibzrg im Breisgau 1998, 409-414.
6	Beran himself could not do all the pedagogical work, therefore the organ part was taken over by the graduate students of the Brno Organ School, Gustav David (1896-1901) and Max Kobližek (1896-1913). WEISS, JERNEJ, Emerik Beran in njegov glasbeni opus, Diploma Thesis, Tutor: MATJAŽ BARBO, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, Ljubljana 2004, 16. See also TYRRELL, JOHN, Janaček: Years of a Life, The lonely blackbird, Faber and Faber, London 2006, 253, 462.
Brno, 20th January 1896
My dear friend,7 I inform you about the decision of the Association for the Promotion of Church Music in Moravia dated 17th January 1896. The Association accepted your notice of termination regarding organ playing and ordered that the decision from the previous year be carried out simultaneously, according to which you no longer need to teach the Singing Class at the Organ School. I would like to inform you that you no longer have to come to the next singing lesson. The payment for the remaining lessons (Music History 1, General Bass 3) will be fixed to 11 zl., and the Association will kindly prepare the receipt of payment on 16th January 1896. Brno, 20th January 1896. Leoš Janaček, an Organ School professor.
Brno, 19th May 1908
Dear Sir, I wish you and your wife a multitude of happiness. Yours sincerely, Leoš Janaček.
Brno, 6th May 1914
I express to you my sincere condolences. I can still remember your father although many years have passed since then. I send you my regards. Yours sincerely, Leoš Janaček, a Corresponding Member of the Emperor Franz Joseph Czech Academy.8
Brno, 1st January 1915
Dear Mr. Emerik Beran, imperial-royal music teacher and composer in Maribor, Styria. I remember you and wish you a Happy New Year. Yours sincerely, Leoš Janaček, a Corresponding Member of the Emperor Franz Joseph Czech Academy.
Brno, 21st May 1915
My dear friend, I was pleased to receive your letter. I can feel from your letter that you have not lost your Czech soul abroad. Apply with your opera in Plzen, at Mestske divadlo na Kralovskych Vinohradech9, or even in Brno. It could be promised. It is easy for me to believe that you have had enough of teaching at the Teacher Training School. I myself cried with pleasure when I had escaped from this torture chamber. You are still young and still have the time for composing! Regards from your devoted Leoš Janaček.10
Janaček had already begun addressing Beran with »My dear friend« while they were colleagues at the Brno Organ School. WEISS, JERNEJ, The forgotten correspondence between two friends: Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (18681940), Ed. BARBO, MATJAŽ, Muzikološki zbornik XLI (2005) 1, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, 93.
Janaček expressed his condolences to Beran over the death of his father, Vincenc Beran (1833-1914). Ibidem, 94. The theatre was also known as the Vinohrady Theatre. It was the new Czech theatre established in Prague in 1907 in competition with the National Theatre, performing both plays and operas. Janaček submitted his opera »Osud« there. TYRRELL, JOHN, Janaček: Years of a Life, The lonely blackbird, Faber and Faber, London 2006, 672.
Janaček felt Beran's distress, which was a consequence of stronger and stronger pro-German pressures and also of Beran's long-term pedagogical work. Janaček retired in 1904, when he was only 50, and afterwards, in the pedagogical field, dedicated himself solely to teaching at higher schools. Beran was 60 when he returned to the Higher Musical School once more. WEISS, JERNEJ, The forgotten correspondence between two friends: Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (18681940), Ed. BARBO, MATJAŽ, Muzikološki zbornik XLI (2005) 1, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, 95.
Luhačovice, 25th July 1919
My dear friend, I think that by origin you belong to us. The post of a music teacher will be announced at the Teacher Training School in the Old Brno. You have already been there; apply again at once without delay. Is there anything new with you? What is it that you are not satisfied with? Here, especially in Brno, many things have changed. Now, a conservatorium is being opened. Both the Municipal Theatre and the town itself are in our hands.11 May God permit that a new life would develop in peace! I am leaving Luhačovice on Sunday for Brno. Send your application form directly to the Institute's Director's Office. With regards, your devoted Leoš Janaček.12
Brno, 7th July 1920
My highly appreciated friend, It has also been pointed out to me that Mr. Šlais13 and Miss Deyl are also at the Brno Conservatorium, where the requirements for any further teachers is being decided on according to the protocol. Unfortunately, there will be no protocol prior to the holidays, so that it could be newly studied after the holidays. There are different reasons for that. In Prague, everything is namely being done so that the Brno Conservatorium would be made second-class. I have nothing to do with the Conservatorium and have been rapidly losing any contact with it.14 I advise that Miss Deyl submit an application form to the Ministry of Education. It will be discussed if a need arises. I wish Mr. Kotih would take a permanent position. Your devoted Leoš Janaček.
Hukvaldy, 3rd January 1922
My highly estimated friend, I also wish you happiness and good health in the New Year. Years run by so rapidly, so that there is not even time for memories. Your devoted Leoš Janaček.
Brno remained pro-German nearly until the end of World War I. In Moravian towns, the fights between the German majority and the Czech minority were the worst in the towns in Moravia in the nineties of the 19th century. The conflicts were especially grave in Brno where the Germans maintained the strongest influence with a overwhelming majority. In the provincial assembly, it was only in 1905 that the two nations decided on negotiations, which led to a partial settlement (»Ausgleich«) by changing the electoral order and a compromised arrangement on some other disputed issues. LEBL, VLADIMIR, Hudba a společnost, Ed. Üstav hudebni vedy Československe akademie ved, Dejiny česke hudebni kultury 1890/1945, 1, Academia Praha, Praha 1972, 253-260. See also Ed. VILEM and MARGARET TAUSKY, Jandček: leaves from his life, Kahn and Averill, London 1982, 46-49.
Beran did not respond to Janaček's invitation to return to his former post in Brno. He still had to work six years until his retirement and he was already quite of age. He became a citizen of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and continued his employment without any interruption at the State Men's Teacher Training School in Maribor. Practical reasons thus had priority over the mother country's call. WEISS, JERNEJ, The forgotten correspondence between two friends: Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (1868-1940), Ed. BARBO, MATJAŽ, Muzikološki zbornik XLI (2005) 1, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, 96.
Jan Šlais (23rd January 1893, Prague - 14 th June 1975, Brno), the violin pedagogue. After the completion of his study at the Prague Conservatorium (1913), he worked in Slovenia from 1919, first at the Glasbena matica School in Maribor, and after further training with O. Ševčik, in Prague (1920-21) and until 1946, at the Conservatorium or the Music Academy in Ljubljana. His work was a big change for the study of the violin in Slovenia. KLOPČIČ, ROK, »Šlais, Jan«, Ed. VOGLAR, DUŠAN, Enciklopedija Slovenije 13, Založba Mladinska knjiga, Ljubljana 1999, 60-61.
Janaček was so dissatisfied with the poor pedagogical situation at the Conservatorium that he even wrote in his letter to Beran that there was nothing for him to do there. WEISS, JERNEJ, The forgotten correspondence between two friends: Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (1868-1940), Ed. BARBO, MATJAŽ, Muzikološki zbornik XLI (2005) 1, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, 95-96.

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Brno, 9th January 1924
My dear friend, Are you homesick? Here, practically all jobs are occupied although not always with the best capacities. Especially not at this Conservatorium! I assume that you will soon retire. Will you come back then? Come here some time, at least on a holiday journey. I wish you good health in the New Year. I often remember you. Your devoted Leoš Janaček. Brno, 9th January 1924.15
Brno, 4th March 1924
My dear friend, The certificate from the Brno Organ School (with three grades completed) is deemed to be a certificate at the Conservatorium. This certificate also deems to be a diploma at vocational schools and, for the same reasons, the certificate is deemed to be a diploma at the Conservatorium. These are without exception examples of former students of the Brno Organ School who had first studied at vocational schools. With regards, your devoted Leoš Janaček, a professor of the Master Composition School, the Prague State Conservatorium.16
Brno, 26th May 1925
My dear friend, Send the score of your opera directly to Mr. František Neumann17, currently the Director of the Brno Municipal Theatre. I wish to see Venice and I will stop at your place on the way there.18 The journey is quite long. I shall see who else goes there from Prague. In Prague, we have had an international music festival.19 I can say for myself that I like listening to extremes; the others, however, did not like them. I silently yearn for this lively year. After this eventful year I'm already longing for quiet.20 On 3rd June, I am leaving for Luhačovice. Best regards to you and your family. Remain in good health. Yours sincerely, Leoš Janaček.
Brno, 31st August 1925
My dear friend, I am leaving Prague for Venice on 1st September at 10 hours and 15 minutes in the evening. We are going through Maribor with an express train. Check
Janaček's open judgement of some professors of the Brno Conservatorium is interesting. It is obvious that Janaček assessed Beran as more suitable for the pedagogical work there. Ibidem, 96.
This is Janaček's answer to Beran's request: »I turn to you with my request, My famous Sir, so that you would, as my teacher and director, confirm this in a few words on the copy of the German original copy of the certificate (I do not have a copy of the Czech original copy).« See Emerik Beran's correspondence with Leoš Janaček, Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number B 484 (2106 1-2).
František Neumann (16th June 1874, Prerov - 25th February 1929, Brno), a conductor and composer. After completing his studies in 1897 he conducted in Austria, Germany and the border territories of Bohemia. In 1919 Janaček recommended him as director of opera at the National Theatre, Brno. Neumann was an organizer of great energy and raised the standards of the Brno opera company - in status second to that of Prague - to a remarkable degree. ŠTEDRON, BOHUMIR, »Neumann, František«, Ed. GRACIAN ČERNUŠAK, BOHUMIR ŠTEDRON, ZDENKO NOVAČEK, Československy hudebni slovnik osob a instituci, Stätni hudebni vydavatelstvi, Praha 1965, 175.
Between 3rd and 8th October 1925, Janaček attended the third festival ISCM in Venice with his spouse. At the festival, Janaček's string quartet after the Kreutzer Sonata (1923) was also performed with great success. JANAČEK, LEOŠ, Feuilletons aus den »Lidove noviny«, Ed. SPIES, LEO, Breitkopf und Härtel, Leipzig 1959, 137. See also Ed. THEODORA STRAKOVA and EVA DRLI'KOVA, Leoš Janaček: Literarni dilo, 1, Editio Janaček, Brno 2003, 566-570.
This was the orchestral part of that year's ISCM festival, of which the Venice festival that autumn was the chamber part. TYRRELL, JOHN, Janaček: Years of a Life, vol. II: Tsar of the Forests, Faber and Faber, London, forthcoming. Janaček had a very busy time. He was 70 the previous year and there were many concerts he went to - now he wanted peace and quiet. Ibidem.
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when approximately we shall be at your place. If possible, come to the railway station. I also wrote to Mrs. Marija Vidic. Her husband is a friend of the Deputy Director. Be in good health. Leoš Janaček.21
Venice, 5 th September 1925
My dear friend, I shall drop in Maribor on the way back. Make a piano score of your opera and send it here. This is sufficient. I know you orchestrate well.22 I have won recognition here. With regards. Zdenka Janačkova, Leoš Janaček.
Brno, 25th December 1925
My dear friend. Have you already made the piano extract of your opera? This can be easily sent. Do it in this way.23 From Venice, the whole company took the shorter way for Brno.24 I wish good health in the New Year to you and your entire family. Your devoted Leoš Janaček, Zdenka Janačkova.
Brno, 30th December 1926
My dear friend, I wish you a happy New Year. Have you already prepared the piano extract of your opera? Prepare it! With regards to all your family. Your devoted Leoš Janaček.25
Brno, 12th January 1928
My dear friend, How are you? What are your sons doing, and your wife? May all of us be healthy in the New Year. Come to Brno to the 1928 cultural exhibition. I would be pleased to see you. There will be much to see and hear. Yours, Leoš Janaček.26
Brno, autumn 1935
Dear Mr. Emerik Beran, I wish you merry holidays and a happy New Year. Zdenka Janačkova.27
JANÄCEK, LEOŠ, Feuilletons aus den »Lidove noviny«, Ed. SPIES, LEO, Breitkopf und Härtel, Leipzig 1959, 137. See also Ed. THEODORA STRAKOVÄ and EVA DRLl'KOVÄ, Leoš Janaček: Literarni dilo, 1, Editio Janaček, Brno 2003, 566-570. Beran attended the lessons of the orchestration at the Organ School with Janaček, therefore the latter certainly knew Beran's instrumentation capabilities well. WEISS, JERNEJ, Emerik Beran in njegov glasbeni opus, Diploma Thesis, Tutor: MATJAŽ BARBO, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, Ljubljana 2004, 12. It seems that Beran chronically lacked time to compose just due to his too extensive pedagogical obligations. In spite of Janaček's persistent appeals, Beran only completed his piano extract of his only opera Melusine (1896) on 18th November 1928. WEISS, JERNEJ, The forgotten correspondence between two friends: Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (1868-1940), Ed. BARBO, MATJAŽ, Muzikološki zbornik XLI (2005) 1, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakuletete Univerze v Ljubljani, 95.
The Janačeks travelled the »long« (via Ljubljana and Trieste) route on the way there and the »short« (via Treviso) route in company with other Czechs on the way back. Ed. TYRRELL, JOHN, Zdenka Janačkova: My Life with Janaček, Faber and Faber, London 1997, 195.
WEISS, JERNEJ, The forgotten correspondence between two friends: Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (18681940), Ed. BARBO, MATJAŽ, Muzikološki zbornik XLI (2005) 1, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakuletete Univerze v Ljubljani, 95.
Janaček in his reply to Beran, precisely seven months prior to his death, wrote that he would be extremely pleased if he could see him again. Ibidem, 97.
The close friendship between Beran and Janaček is also revealed by the continued correspondence with Janaček's wife in the thirties. Ibidem.
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Emerik Beran's correspondence28 with Leoš Janaček
Maribor, 12th June 1914
My renowned friend, Thank you very much for your kindness. I shall let Dr. Ipavec know that you will be so kind as to mention his work; he will certainly write you himself, too.29 I have the score of the overture to the opera; I must by all means write the voices of the string cast; the other voices are prepared. The scoring is as follows: 2 flutes, 1 alto flute (its part can also be played by the clarinet in A), 2 oboes, 1 english horn, 2 clarinets, 1 bass clarinet, 2 bassoons, 1 counter bassoon, 4 horns, 3 trumpets, 2 tenor trombones, 1 bass trombone, 1 bass tube, 1 timpani, 1 bass drum, 1 harp and the string band in the scope of 10 first, 10 second violins, 6 violas, 5 violoncellos and 4 contrabasses.30 As soon as I write everything, I shall send you the score. I thank you once again for coordinating Dr. Ipavec's and my matters so kindly and willingly. In addition to that, I dared to send you two letters for your consideration that I issued under the pseudonym of Berow.31 »Lotosblume« was sung here at a concert some time ago by an opera singer Jessen from the Graz.32 With deep respect, your devoted and ever grateful Emerik Beran.33
Maribor, 31st December 1914
I send you cordial congratulations at the New Year 1915 with deep respect. Yours sincerely, Emerich Beran.34
Maribor, 17th May 1915
My renowned friend, In the cathedral here, a post of the choirmaster has been announced for the salary of 600 crowns, and most probably a free flat. He would also have the time and the possibility of teaching privately. If you have any pupil at the Organ School (a Czech - the clergy of the cathedral here is Slovene), speaking and writing German well, a good singer and mostly a good organist and if he is prepared to take this post, then please recommend him. The post will be announced around 1st
See Janäcek's archive in Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno.
Beran tried to mediate with Janaček for the premiere staging of the operetta Princesa Vrtoglavka (The Dizzy Princess) by the Slovene composer Josip Ipavec (1873-1921), whose Viennese tutor during 1904 and 1905 was Alexander Zemlinsky. WEISS, JERNEJ, The forgotten correspondence between two friends: Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (18681940), Ed. BARBO, MATJAŽ, Muzikološki zbornik XLI (2005) 1, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakuletete Univerze v Ljubljani, 94. See also FIRKUŠNY, LEOŠ, Dopisy Leoše Janačka z archivu Družstva Närodniho divadla v Brne, Ed. HELFERT, VLADIMIR, Musikologie 1 (1938), Edice Melantrich-Pazdirek, Praha-Brno 1938, 137-138.
The overture to Beran's opera Melusine was published in 1957 with the Slovene Composers' Association. BERAN, EMERIK, Predigra k operi Melusine, Ed. LIPOVŠEK, MARIJAN, št. 1295, Edicije Društva slovenskih skladateljev, Ljubljana 1957. Beran already started to use the nick name Berow, used especially when he published his compositions in Brno. Under the nick name Emerih Berow, he published in Novi akordi, in Josef Höfer's publishing house in Maribor and by himself. In later years, he regretted that he had used the nick name. WEISS, JERNEJ, Emerik Beran in njegov glasbeni opus, Diploma Thesis, Tutor: MATJAŽ BARBO, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, Ljubljana 2004, 36. On 25th May 1893, Beran wrote a solo for alto and the piano, »Die Lotusblume«, on the text of Heinrich Heine and devoted it to his love muse of that time, Roza Stvrtniček. The solo was only first performed on 3rd June 1905 at the concert of the Graz opera singers Hermann Jessen and Karl Koss in Maribor. On 29th September 1907 it was published in the collection »Zwei Lieder für eine Singstimme und Pianoforte«, published by Josef Höfer's publishing house in Maribor. Ibidem, 69. See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 422 (671). See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 3079 (4580).

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June of this year, and he will surely get it. I was asked to turn to you, my renowned Sir, with this request. Here, I also think of the future. The present cathedral organist, Rudolf Wagner35, (a well-known and good composer - a former military and theatre orchestra conductor) is already an old gentleman, so that he could some day take over the post of the auxiliary organist. The organ there is big, modern, pneumatic, about 6 years old. I hope that you will grant my request and send us a capable man.36 I have not sent the overture to the opera because, due to the war, the time was inappropriate to perform it. I would also like to ask you for a kind hint when such an opportunity appears. It is possible that the entire opera would be staged the following year. Here, I have had a lot of success. In the cathedral here, we presented the funeral march for the big orchestra and Cherubini's Requiem in aid of the Red Cross and as homage to the memory of the fallen soldiers. The orchestra consisted of the military band and the best musicians here (an excellent English horn from the Graz). The march, which was called the Symphonic Song in the present news (Grazer Volksblatt, Tagespost and Marburger Zeitung), made a deep impression, similar to the Requiem.37 I conducted the orchestra myself and had immense pleasure with the implementation. A large audience was gathered in the cathedral, the honourable bishop, the clergy, the clerical staff, military officers, and others. Here, we have a very good chamber association. Together, without any efforts, we also play the most technically demanding chamber compositions. We have very good instrumentalists. As soon as I have completed 25 years - I have to teach 23 years at the Teacher Training School - I am going to retire if I get a post where I could work artistically a little and also create something. To maintain the family only with a pension seems nearly impossible nowadays. I have two healthy boys, Jaromir and Igor (brought up, of course, in the Czech manner), for whom I must provide the means.38 If you happen to learn about any post, appropriate for me, please kindly inform me of it, for which I shall be immensely grateful to you. I
Rudolf Wagner (31st August 1851, Vienna - 26th December 1915, Maribor), a composer and choir master. He attended the lower grammar school in Vienna. In 1863-69 he studied composition at the Vienna Conservatorium. He worked as a theatre and military orchestra conductor in Budapest, Olomouc, Bucharest, Mostar and Trieste. In 1881 he came to Maribor, was the theatre orchestra conductor and employed full-time as the organist in the Maribor cathedral. In 1882-85 he taught at the classical grammar school in Maribor and was the conductor of the male singing association Männergesangverein. RICHTER, JAKOB, »Wagner, Rudolf«, Ed. MUNDA, JOŽE, Slovenski biografski leksikon 14, Slovene Academy of Sciences and Arts and Scientific-Research Centre of the SASA, Ljubljana 1986, 658.
Beran searched with Janaček through the final grade of students at the Organ school in Brno for those who would be prepared to work in Maribor several times. Yet, Beran's appeals to Janaček, except for some exceptions, did not bear the desired fruits. The most interesting among them seems to be Beran's study colleague at the Brno Organ School, Cyril Metodej Hrazdira (1868-1926), who conducted at the first performance of Jenufa in the German Opera Theatre in Brno on 21st January 1904. Hrazdira succeeded Vaclav Talich (1883-1961) as the main conductor of the Slovene Philharmonic Society and of the Ljubljana Opera conductor in the 1912/13 season. WEISS, JERNEJ, The forgotten correspondence between two friends: Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (1868-1940), Ed. BARBO, MATJAŽ, Muzikološki zbornik XLI (2005) 1, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, 96-97.
The piano composition Marcia Funebre written in 1881 served the composer as a draft for the composition Grand Marcia Funebre No. I. In concert programmes (Marburger Zeitung, No. 185, 24th November 1914 and Grazer Volksblatt, No. 628, 24th November 1914), the composition is marked as »Trauermarsch für grosses Orchester.« Cecilia's Association had to be very careful not to incur the hatred of the German side, therefore it only printed concert programmes in the German language. WEISS, JERNEJ, Emerik Beran in njegov glasbeni opus, Diploma Thesis, Tutor: MATJAŽ BARBO, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, Ljubljana 2004, 57.
On 7th March 1909, the first son Jaromir was born to Marija and Emerik, who was later a Professor at the Faculty of Law in Ljubljana, and on 12th September, the son Igor, who was later a fighter pilot and a lieutenant of a frigate in Šibenik. Ibidem, 25.
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have enough of jobs at teacher training schools where I have been working from my youth until now and, due to this, my health has also been considerably damaged, and one only lives once. With cordial greetings to you, with my deep respect, your devoted and thankful Emerik Beran.39
Maribor, date unknown
Renowned Sir, The announced post of the cathedral organist also requires a test. The German applications forms should be addressed to: »Das Hochwurdige Ordinariat im Marburg, Steiermark«. If you have a protege qualified for such a post, let him send the application here immediately. With all respect, your devoted Emerik Beran, Maribor, Faibergasse 3.40
Maribor, 20th July 1916
Renowned Sir, The post has not been announced so far; as soon as it happens, I shall let you know. Your writing made me very joyous and I shall never forget my home country. In the cathedral here, we held an excellent performance of Mozart's »Krönungsmesse«.41 It was a great success and now we are again studying one of Mozart's masses. With cordial greetings devoted to you with deep respect, Emerik Beran, a music teacher in Maribor.42
Maribor, 10th July 1919
Renowned Sir, After the mediation of an acquaintance, I have permitted myself to write the following letter, addressed to you, renowned Sir. I am addressing you with a big request. In December 1918, I addressed a letter to the National Committee of the Czechoslovak Republic where I asked them if it was possible for me to begin a job in the Czechoslovak Republic under equal conditions as it depends on this whether my boys Jaromir and Igor will be able to keep the Czechoslovak Republic's citizenship. Until now I have not received an answer to my letter, therefore I would like to kindly ask you, renowned Sir, if you would be so kind and direct my request to some of your deputy friends in order to solve the matter. As you know, renowned Sir, I used to work at the Czech Teacher Training School for more than eight years, therefore I think it would not be impossible for me to come to my home country again.43 I have no one I
See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number B 140 (750 1-2). Beran's letter to Janaček seems to have been written about 1915, when Beran lobbied with Janaček so that the latter would send him an organist, who would succeed Rudolf Wagner in the Maribor cathedral. See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 2408 (3909). See also note 39.
Instrumental music achieved its highest artistic level in the Maribor cathedral during the work of the cathedral orchestra conductor Jožef Trafenik (1913-1926). With the help of the German Philharmonic Association and the Slovene Music Association, numerous Mozart's and Haydn's masses, Cherubini's Requiem and Beran's and Foerster's church compositions were performed under his guidance. BUDKOVIČ, CVETKO, Razvoj Glasbenega šolstva na Slovenskem I, ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana 1992, 302-304.
See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 2481 (3982). Beran started to seriously think about applying for a job at the Brno Conservatorium after the establishment of the first Czechoslovak Republic in 1918 when he was 50. It was especially Janaček, who persistently encouraged him to apply from the very beginning, since especially after the end of the war, he continually complained about the level of the pedagogical work at the Brno Conservatorium. WEISS, JERNEJ, The forgotten correspondence between two friends: Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (1868-1940), Ed. BARBO, MATJAŽ, MuzikološkizbornikXLI(2005) 1, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, 95.
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could turn to concerning this matter; therefore I hope that you will kindly excuse my request. In addition to that, I hope that you and you gracious wife are healthy and that you feel good in our new and free home country. Maribor, Yugoslavia, 10th July 1919. With deep respect, devoted and grateful to you, your former student Emerik Beran, the main music teacher at the Maribor Teacher Training School.44
Maribor, 13th September 1919
Renowned Sir, My cordial thanks for your kind warning. The post at the Teacher Training School in Brno has not been occupied yet. The writing continues. With deep respect, your devoted Emerik Beran, Maribor, Eugenova cesta 7, Yugoslavia.45
Maribor, 31th December 1919
My cordial congratulations at the New Year 1920. With deep respect, your devoted and grateful Emerik Beran.46
Maribor, 30th December 1920
Renowned Sir, At the upcoming New Year, I permit myself to address a cordial greeting to you. With deep respect, your devoted and grateful student, Emerik Beran.47
Maribor, 31st December 1921
I wish you a happy New Year with my deep respect, your devoted and grateful former student, Emerik Beran.48
Maribor, 30th December 1922
Renowned Sir, At the forthcoming New Year, I permit myself to wish you much happiness and health and, in addition to that, a lot of success in the artistic field where you have already given us so many great works. May God keep you for many, many years to be the glory of our nation. With deep respect, devoted to you, Emerik Beran, Maribor, 30th December 1922. A lot of good luck!49
See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 884 (1621 1-2).
See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 2438 (3939).
See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 3044 (4545).
Christmas and New Year greetings then preserve the continuity in their letter contacts until the beginning of year 1924. See
Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 2773 (4274).
See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 1793 (3294).
See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 3261 (4762).
Matej Hubad (28 th August 1866, Povodje - 2nd May 1937, Ljubljana), a composer and music pedagogue. He studied
solosinging and theoretical subjects (A. Bruckner) at the Vienna Conservatorium and completed his studies in 1898. In
1891 he took the post of the teacher for singing, piano and theoretical subjects at the Glasbena matica School in Ljubljana;
at the same time, he was the head of the choir. After the death of Fran Gerbič, he became the school's headmaster. When
the Conservatorium was established with the Glasbena matica in 1919, mostly with his endeavours, he became the headmaster
and taught solosinging there. In 1923-27 he was the Opera's manager. Hubad was the central personality of the Slovene
musical life at the transition from the 19th to the 20th century. SIVEC, JOŽE, »Hubad, Matej«, Ed. JAVORNIK, MARJAN,
Enciklopedija Slovenije 4, Založba Mladinska knjiga, Ljubljana 1990, 84.
Maribor, 26th January 1924
Renowned Sir, As your student, I would like to turn to you concerning a very important issue for me. With us, we have a law now, under which the so-called State music teachers, holding a certificate from the Conservatorium, are classified in the same category as State officials with a university education. Due to that, two teacher candidates will come to our institute. They used to be primary school teachers, who had attended the so-called Conservatorium in Ljubljana for a year or two. Their music capabilities are very modest as the Ljubljana Conservatorium is a young Teacher Training School, and so it the new Conservatorium in the Graz. The Glasbena Matica Music School was once equal to the »Musikverein« here, which without any doubt trains mostly dilettantes even today and will never have the same weight as for example the Conservatorium in Prague or Brno, or our old Organ School, which was taken care of by a gentleman like you and several teachers who used to train and continue to train experts. I know well the students' capabilities at the Ljubljana and Graz Teacher Training School, as I have already been asked several times to take over the theoretical teaching of these two Teacher Training Schools' graduates. In addition to the Singing School (the Director of which is Hubad50) and the Violin Department (with Professors Šlais and Vedral51), everything is only beginning to develop. Thus this is the Music School, boasting the name of a Conservatorium. Thus I sent, for example, my student of the violoncello, Dev52, studying in Ljubljana, to its Conservatorium in order to train further; however, he was not admitted as he knew more than the teacher. The following example: our former pupil today, Osterc, with a composer's talent, received a year of leave as a teacher to study composition in Ljubljana; however, already after one month, he returned and told us that we have known for ages what was taught there.53 And I know of several such cases. Now, I must prove that the Organ School's certificate has the same value and significance as the certificate of the Brno or Prague Conservatorium Organ and Composition Department's graduates. I turn to you with a request, renowned Sir, so that you would, as my teacher and director, confirm this in a few words on the copy of the German original certificate (I do not have a copy of the Czech original copy). Perhaps the Brno Conservatorium Director's Office, which de-
Josip Vedral (15th August 1872, Russia, Stavropol - 20th April 1929, Ljubljana), the violin pedagogue. After the completed study at the Prague Conservatory (1891), he played the violin in the Czech Philharmonic Society. In 1895-1929 he taught at the Glasbena matica School in Ljubljana; among other, he also conducted its choir and the string orchestra, and also taught at other schools. He brought the Czech violin school's achievements. KLOPČIČ, ROK, »Šlais, Jan«, Ed. VOGLAR, DUŠAN, Enciklopedija Slovenije 14, Založba Mladinska knjiga, Ljubljana 1999, 163.
Oskar Dev (2nd December 1868, Postojna, Planina - 3rd August 1932, Maribor), composer. He studied singing and harmony with Matej Hubad, and at the school Ambrosiusverein with J. Böhm in Vienna; there, he was also the choir conductor of the Slovene Singing Association. He completed legal studies and worked as a judge in Škofja Loka, Kranj and Maribor; in 1919 he established the Glasbena matica, a series of choirs and a school. He wrote a series of solos, compositions for male and mixed choirs, harmonized folk songs, especially the Carinthian ones (more than 400). RIJAVEC, ANDREJ, »Dev, Oskar«, Ed. JAVORNIK, MARJAN, Enciklopedija Slovenije 2, Založba Mladinska knjiga, Ljubljana 1988, 241.
Slavko Osterc (17th June 1895, Veržej - 23rd May 1941, Ljubljana), the leading ideologist of the music novelties during both wars in Slovenia. During 1910 and 1914, he received the bases of the music education with Beran at the State Male Teacher Training School in Maribor. Beran also gave music lessons to Osterc outside school lessons and made him self-confident for the future composer's work. Writers of Osterc's biography emphasize the significance of Beran's pedagogical work for Slavko Osterc's initial music development. ŠPENDAL, MANICA, Muzikološki zbornik XXXI (1995), Ed. RIJAVEC, ANDREJ, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, 25-30.
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veloped from our school, could also do this (which can be confirmed on a separate sheet).54
I would like to kindly ask you, renowned Sir, to be so kind and grant my request if this is, of course, possible for you. If you would be so kind and expose this problem at the right place, I will arrange here, at the Conservatorium Director's Office that you will be reimbursed for the entire cost. This matter is of extreme importance for me because if I do not submit this certificate, I shall be included in a lower category, which would present a big financial loss for me and my family.55 Anyway, I have already suffered a loss of nearly 50,000 crowns, consisting of the head teachers' right, obtained in Vienna several months before the »coup d'etat« with great efforts, which was taken from us and we were only left the title of the main teachers. At the same time, other teachers were left with this right. We were degraded to mere teachers of skills. All protests and similar activities were unsuccessful. The salary I receive at this moment is only sufficient for about one third of the month if we live extremely modestly; therefore I have to help myself and also teach elsewhere. In the Music School here, I teach the violoncello, and I also give private lessons (32 hours per week). Even my wife, who used to be a teacher, must help herself with teaching, and all this together, is only enough to maintain myself and my family with the utmost modesty, without any maid, of course. Inns, cafes or entertainments, of course, come in the last place. The biggest mistake was that upon the overthrow I did not personally ask for a post in my home country but only in writing. Our biggest enemies, the Germans, were taken over by the Republic; I myself know of cases where we, good Slavs, are condemned to live abroad. Even now, I would go at once if taken. I am fed up with these eternal fights and the humiliation here.56 I wish that my boys, Jaromir and Igor,
At the graduate's wish, after 1919, a certificate of the equal value of was subsequently written on the diploma in the first Czechoslovak Republic. Thus it was subsequently written on the back side of Beran's certificate from the 1887/88 academic year that, according to the Czechoslovak Constitution, the Organ School's diploma had an equal value as the Prague State Conservatorium's diploma. Beran received the certificate of the equal value of the diploma on 17th March 1924 at the Embassy of the Czech embassy of the Czechoslovak Republic in Ljubljana. WEISS, JERNEJ, Emerik Beran in njegov glasbeni opus, Diploma Thesis, Tutor: MATJAŽ BARBO, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, Ljubljana 2004, 11.
After Janaček's mediation and acquisition of certain documents, Beran was classified on the highest level that could be achieved by secondary school teachers, that is on the fourth level of the first category. University teachers with no less than 20 years of service, directors of national museums, national and university libraries, and central drama and opera theatres in Belgrade, Zagreb and Ljubljana were also classified in this category. Ibidem, 35.
Beran's dissatisfaction, which is most probably due to ever stronger German ideological pressures with regard to »everything of Slav character«. Beran as a decided Panslavist was, in principle, against everything German. In spite of German pressures, he professed his Czech origin and that his ideas had always belonged to the Czech nation. WEISS, JERNEJ, The forgotten correspondence between two friends: Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (1868-1940), Ed. BARBO, MATJAŽ, Muzikološki zbornik XLI (2005) 1, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, 94-95. Beran never renounced his nationality. His son Jaromir thus wrote in his letter dated 24th September 1986 to the editorial board of Enciklopedija Slovenije: »I deem my father to be a Czech composer. He himself never expressed the tendency that he would be deemed to be a Slovene composer.« In 1918 a passport of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was issued for Beran. On 5th March 1926 the Maribor Town Hall awarded him the right of citizenship. Beran was a Member of the Slovene Composers' Club, the predecessor of the Slovene Composers' Association as the Club asks him on 20th May 1931 in its letter to settle the membership for the previous year. WEISS, JERNEJ, Emerik Beran in njegov glasbeni opus, Diploma Thesis, Tutor: MATJAŽ BARBO, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, Ljubljana 2004, 25. Thus it would be difficult to agree with the mark German, whereby Beran is marked by Ludvik Kundera in his book on Janaček's Organ School. KUNDERA, LUDVIK, Janačkova Varhanicka škola, Nakladatelstvi dobre knihy v Olomouci, Velehrad 1948, 83-85.
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good and talented students, who are among the best students of the present grammar school, would keep the Czechoslovak Republic's citizenship. Therefore, renowned Sir, I hope that you will kindly grant my request. I do not want to be immodest, but I can tell you that your pupils have always known more than the Organ Department's graduates from the Prague Conservatorium, which I can easily prove, as a young Prague Conservatorium graduate is employed here. But as we have never caused a disgrace to our teacher and we have always behaved respectfully towards him, my name also has a good reputation. Maribor, 26th January 1924. With deepest respect, your devoted and grateful former student, Emerik Beran. Maribor, Koroščeva ulica 7.57
Maribor, 29th December 1924
Renowned Sir, At the New Year, I permit myself to address my most cordial greetings to you. I have read about celebrations of your 70th birthday in magazines. At the same time, I therefore wish you from the bottom of my heart: »Na mnogaja leta!« (»On many Years!«) With deep respect, your former student, devoted to you, Emerik Beran.58
Celje, 2nd February 1925
Renowned Sir, I permit myself to send you a cordial greeting from the Beethoven solemn concert. I kiss the hand of the gracious wife. With deep respect, your devoted Emerik Beran, conductor, Marija Beranova.59
Maribor, 12th May 1925
Renowned Sir, Forgive me because I have not yet sent you the music. As those are manuscripts, I did not dare to send them by mail, therefore I asked the General Consul, Dr. Beneš, to send the compositions officially through the Ljubljana Consulate. The General Consul said that he would do it with pleasure; however, he cannot guarantee that the Consul's acts would not be lost at the post office; therefore, he did not advise me to send the manuscripts by mail, but to give them to an acquaintance travelling to the republic. Although our people here often travel home and back, I have been waiting for such an opportunity in vain up to now. Renowned Sir, I would like to send you something bigger, namely the opera.60 This score has 900 pages and therefore I must be attentive and take care it will arrive in absolute safety as a lot of work was invested in it. And now, renowned sir, I kindly ask you to kindly inform me when you go to the music festival to Venice through Maribor so that I could be waiting for you and your gracious wife at the railway station. I have been looking forward to you showing us a great honour and to stop with your gracious wife, as you have promised
See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number B 484 (2106 1-2). See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 1087 (2138). See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 3174 (4 6 58). After the composition of his only opera Melusine in 1896, Beran had consistently endeavoured to have it staged and had sent the opera to various addresses, but was refused each time. Beran thus asked Janaček in his letters from that period several times whether a premiere of his opera could be staged in Plzen, where he had achieved great success as a composer during his work in Brno. However, it is not clear from the correspondence whether Beran indeed sent Melusine to Janaček. WEISS, JERNEJ, The forgotten correspondence between two friends: Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (18681940), Ed. BARBO, MATJAŽ, Muzikološki zbornik XLI (2005) 1, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, 94-96.

me. I kiss the hand of the gracious wife, and I sign this letter with deep respect for you, your devoted Emerik Beran.61
Maribor, 8th August 1925
Renowned Sir, I permit myself to point out the following invitation in the event that you know any of our people, who might be interested in this town. Now it is already a little late, but I think that if the request arrives a little later, this cannot do any harm, as I am also myself in the Glasbena Matica's Committee. The session where this matter will be decided on, will be held sometime at the beginning of autumn. I also wrote about this to Director Kunc. The invitation, published in the magazine »Glasbena vzgoja«, reads as follows: »Glasbena Matica in Maribor invites applications for the post of the violin teacher in aid of the School. A completed Conservatorium and teacher's practice is required. Those applicants who are also capable of conducting will have an advantage. The application and the certificate with personal and if possible official annexes must be sent to the Glasbena Matica Committee in Maribor until 14th August this year. The salary shall be assessed in the same manner as that for State officers of the same level with a 10 per cent supplement. The work shall commence on 15th September this year.« I add to all this that an individual may easily make his living with such a salary, if he lives modestly. This year, there were 7 students for playing the violoncello at the Glasbena Matica School where I myself teach, if you wish to know. It was the same in the last school year. Some of them already work with Glasbena Matica's symphonic concerts. At the last symphonic concert, Dvorak's symphony »Z Noveho sveta« (From the New World) I also helped to teach because the Headmaster Topič fell ill. This year, Haydn's »Creation« and Beethoven' »Pastoral« will be performed. From among my former pupils, one is engaged throughout the year as a soloist of the music at Rogaška Slatina and the second as a secondary school leaver at Sušak. The first, the son of the collector and editor of Slovenian folk songs, the court councillor Oskar Dev, desired to further train the violoncello at the Ljubljana Conservatorium, which I myself advised. He was allegedly told at the test that he knew more than the Professor, as Councillor Dev himself informed me. In Ljubljana, there is a shortage of violoncellists and other instrumentalists in general. As the Slovenian composer Adamič62 himself acknowledged to me, the Conservatorium does not nearly do anything in this respect. This is more a school of singing, and playing the piano and the violin where the excellent Professor Šlais teaches. Similarly, the opera, which has four anticipated posts for the violoncello, only has two violoncellists of average quality. I think that the violoncello graduates from the Brno or Prague Conservatorium would easily keep their posts there. As this will certainly be of interest to you, renowned Sir, I enclose the report on the concerts of the pupils of the Ljubljana Conservatorium, as well as the
See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 4001 (6067). Emil Adamič (25th December 1877, Ljubljana, Dobrova - 6th December 1936, Ljubljana), a composer and conductor. He received his music education first at the school of the Ljubljana Glasbena matica and partly by himself, in 1911-12 he studied at the Trieste Conservatorium, and in 1922 passed the State examination at the Conservatorium in Ljubljana. Until his retirement in 1932, he taught music at the Teacher Training School and a the classical grammar school in Ljubljana. Adamič is one of the most important Slovene composers in the first decades of the 20th century. SIVEC, JOŽE, »Adamič, Emil«, Ed. JAVORNIK, MARJAN, Enciklopedija Slovenije 1, Založba Mladinska knjiga, Ljubljana 1987, 7.
final examination programmes of our Teacher Training School from this year and the previous year. I hope that the renowned Sir and his gracious Madam had a good rest in Luhačovice, and we are very sorry that we did not meet on your way to Venice.63 Both my wife and I were looking forward to having the honour to greet you and your gracious wife in Maribor. A bow from my wife. Recently we had a sad loss in our family as my wife's mother died. I kiss the hand of your gracious wife, and I sign this letter with deep respect for you, your devoted Emerik Beran. Maribor, 8 August 1925.64
Maribor, 30th December 1925
Renowned Sir, At the New Year I permit myself to address to you and your gracious wife our most cordial congratulations. May God keep you and your gracious wife healthy and happy for many years to come. In addition to that, I permit myself to cordially congratulate you on your success in Venice and in Brno, and for the order you received, one which you deserve fully with your useful and restless work in the cultural area.65 I would like to thank you very much for the postcard from Venice. We were very sorry that you did not stop here on your way back with your gracious wife. My wife and I, and also Mr. Engineer Vidic were looking forward to that very much. I would like to submit my opera, if possible, without the piano extract, or else I do not know how to complete the matter. Her, I have nearly 35 hours of teaching per week; I did not even have so many hours in Brno; however, this is necessary as it is impossible to maintain the family with the salary I receive at the Teacher Training School, namely 3150 Din per month. In addition to that, also my wife teaches at the craft school. Otherwise we could not manage. At the end, I permit myself, renowned Doctor, to inform you of one other matter. The cathedral office here wishes to sell a choral book from the 16th century, which is in my opinion very precious. This regards one of those huge books from which the entire choir sang, as was common in previous centuries. The book contains masses of Orlando [di Lasso] and others, and in addition, also choral songs and similar, printed in the mensural notation of big notes. I believe that this would be a very interesting item for the Conservatorium archive, universities or for the museum and therefore I permit myself to inform you of this fact. Renowned Sir, please receive congratulations from us at the New Year and our most cordial greetings. I kiss hand of the gracious wife, and my wife kindly greets her. Signed with deep respect, your grateful Emerik Beran.66 With kind regards, Marija Beranova.
Place and date not indicated
Renowned Sir, I permit myself to announce my arrival to Brno and already look forward to being given the opportunity to personally thank you for the great honour
The Janačeks travelled the »long« (via Ljubljana and Trieste) route on the way there but for some reason the plan to meet Beran on his way to Venice went wrong. Maybe Janaček got the time wrong (or that Beran did). It is possible that Janaček's plan went wrong because he insisted on going via Pisek to see Kamila Stösslova and that this was not clear when he told Beran. Ed. TYRRELL, JOHN, Zdenka Janačkova: My Life with Janaček, Faber and Faber, London 1997, 195. See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number D 837 (6101 1-4). Upon the awarding of an honour's doctorate to Janaček, awarded to him on 28th January 1925 by the Masaryk University in Brno, Beran visited Brno on Janaček's invitation for the last time. WEISS, JERNEJ, The forgotten correspondence between two friends: Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (1868-1940), Ed. BARBO, MATJAŽ, Muzikološki zbornik XLI (2005) 1, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, 96.
See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 3988 (6000).
63
you have shown me by inviting me to the promotion. With deep respect, your devoted and grateful Emerik Beran.67
Venice, 24th July 1926
Renowned Sir, We permit ourselves to send you and your gracious wife a cordial greeting from Venice. I have heard and read a lot about Venice, but I can only see now what magnificent ancient culture reigned there. We are all enthusiastic. I am very sorry that I could not go with you to the music festival taking place there. We were on holiday in Koper, and now we have also made a trip here so that our boys would see and know some of the world. We hope that you and your dear wife feel well. We sign with deep respect, your devoted Marija and Emerik Beran.68
Maribor, 30th December 1927
Renowned Sir, At the New Year I permit myself to address my most cordial congratulations to you and your gracious wife. With deep respect, your devoted Emerik Beran and wife. Maribor, 30th December 1927.69
Warszaw, date unknown
I greet you from the Slavonic ground. Emerik Beran.70
Ljubljana, 27th December 1932
Most esteemed gracious Madam, At the New Year we send you our most cordial congratulations. May God keep you in good health and happiness for many years to come. We thank you for your congratulations at birthdays and the New Year, and I would like to ask you to forgive me that I did not write you first as I should have. We are, thank God, healthy, our older son is a graduate of law, and the younger one is a student of the Military Academy in Dubrovnik. I still work at the State Conservatorium and the Glasbena Matica School and if I managed to perform my opera, I would be perfectly satisfied.71 In this respect I spoke to the Director of the opera in Brno, Sachs, and the conductor of the choir, Balatka72. The Director Sachs was very restrained, from
67	The conclusion can be made that this is Beran's answer to Janaček's invitation to attend his awarding of the Honorary Doctor's Degree at the Masaryk University in Brno (awarded to him on 28th January 1925 by the Masaryk University in Brno). That indicates also Janaček's ascribe on the envelope (answered 8.2.1925). See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 1209 (2419 1, 2). See also note 65.
68	See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 1646 (3147).
69	See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 1289 (2570).
70	See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 3285 (4786).
71	In spite of many efforts to stage it, Beran never saw the first performance of his only opera. In fact, the opera has been waiting for more than a century after its creation in the musical archives of the Maribor University Library for its premiere staging. WEISS, JERNEJ, The forgotten correspondence between two friends: Leoš Janaček (1854-1928) and Emerik Beran (1868-1940), Ed. BARBO, MATJAŽ, MuzikološkizbornikXLI(2005) 1, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakuletet Univerze v Ljubljani, 97.
72	Antonin Balatka (27th October 1895, Prague - 25th June 1958, Brno), a conductor, composer, and opera director. After graduation at the Master School of the Prague Conservatorium, he worked as the conductor and director in the Ljubljana Opera House in 1919-29, developed a broad repertoire there, and introduced Czech works. As of 1929, he was the head conductor and as of 1932, also the dramatist of the National Theatre in Brno; in addition to that, he lectured there at the Conservatorium and at Janaček's Academy of Musical Arts. He endeavoured to introduce Yugoslav music theatre works in the Czech Republic. SIVEC, JOŽE, »Balatka, Antonin«, Ed. JAVORNIK, MARJAN, Enciklopedija Slovenije 1, Založba Mladinska knjiga, Ljubljana 1987, 175.
which I assume that my endeavours to perform the opera in Brno would most probably be in vain. However, I still hope for more favourable circumstances - one hopes as long as one lives. As I have found out, the Opera House is currently preparing »Jeji pastorkyna« of my teacher, whom I shall never forget. We all look forward to that. Gracious wife, please receive once more our most cordial congratulations at the New Year. We sign this letter with deep respect, your devoted Marija and Emerik Beran.73
Ljubljana, 22nd December 1936
Most esteemed gracious Madam, We sincerely thank you for your good wishes -please forgive us that you were the first to send them. We too, gracious Madam wish your merry Christmas holidays and a lot of happiness and good health in the New Year. This year, my wife and I are celebrating Christmas alone. Our older son, Jaromir, a graduate in law, is far away at a school for reserve officers in the southern part of the country. Our younger son Igor is a commander of the military navy and also cannot come home. I had to give up the job at the Conservatorium due to illness.74 My opera is still lying in the drawer of the writing table; probably no one will be able to hear it. Perhaps, gracious Madam, it might be of interest to you that a part of my suite (in four movements, lasting nearly 50 minutes) was taken over by »Universal-Edition« in Vienna.75 Now they are transcribing the score of my symphony although I do not know for whom and why. Thus life goes on day after day. The only thing we have here is the excellent drama and a small but good Opera House which also staged Janaček's »Jeji pastorkyna« and »Kat'a Kabanova« two years ago. We hope, gracious Madam, that you feel well. We sign his letter with deep respect, your devoted Marija and Emerik Beran. Ljubljana, 22nd December 1936.76
See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number B 1588 (9733 1, 2). A partial stroke, suffered for the first time towards the end of the 1935/36 academic year and the subsequent worse health and the doctor's prohibition, finally prevented Beran from any further pedagogical activities at both Ljubljana institutes. On 11th October 1936, he addressed a letter to the Glasbena Matica Committee where he wrote: »The school doctor Volovšek prohibited me to perform the job. Please relieve me of the job of a part-time teacher in order to avoid any sick leaves with effect as of 30th September 1936.« BERAN, EMERIK, Ljubljana, 11th October 1936.
On 2nd April 1936, Beran signed the Agreement on printing the Legenda I, the first sentence of the Suite for the symphonic orchestra with the Universal Edition publishing house. The agreement lays down that Beran shall receive 15 % from each sold score and 15 % at each performance of Legenda I. At the end of the agreement, a clause is added that the agreement may be terminated should the work have less than five performances within three years following the receipt of the agreement. On 28th February 1939, Beran received a letter from the Universal-Edition publishing house whereby he was informed that they would terminate the agreement entered into in 1936 as it did not have five performances. The agreement was thus terminated and the composition Legenda I was not printed. WEISS, JERNEJ, Emerik Beran in njegov glasbeni opus, Diploma Thesis, Tutor: MATJAŽ BARBO, Oddelek za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, Ljubljana 2004, 50.
See Oddeleni dejin hudby of Moravske zemske muzeum in Brno, Janaček's archive number A 5418 (9739).
75
76
POVZETEK
Češka in Moravska sta skoraj tri stoletja pošiljali svoje glasbeno nadarjene sinove po svetu ter si s tem prislužili vzdevek konservatorij Evrope. Val čeških glasbenikov je v drugi polovici 19. stoletja segel tudi na Slovensko, kjer so kot glasbeni ustvarjalci, poustvarjalci in pedagogi odločilno prispevali k rasti mlade slovenske glasbene kulture in tako na prehod iz glasbeno-navdahnjene-ga diletantizma v postopen kvalitativen in kvantitativen dvig glasbenega dela na Slovenskem. Med slednje prav gotovo sodi Emerik Beran, ki je tudi po selitvi iz rojstnega Brna v Maribor leta 1898, prek pisemske korespondence privatnega značaja ohranil tesne prijateljske vezi s svojim nekdanjim profesorjem na Orglarski šoli v Brnu Leošom Janačkom.
Med 21 ohranjenimi Janačkovimi pismi Beranu, ki so bila napisana med letoma 1890 in 1928
v češkem jeziku je poleg petih uradnih dopisov napisanih za časa Beranovega pedagoškega delovanja na Orglarski šoli v Brnu, ohranjenih 8 Ja-načkovih pisem in 8 Janačkovih razglednic oziroma dopisnic. Med 21 Beranovimi pismi Janač-ku, nastalih med letoma 1914 in 1928 prav tako v češčini pa najdemo 8 Beranovih pisem in 13 Be-ranovih razglednic oziroma dopisnic, med njimi 3 takšne, pri katerih kraj ali datum nista natančno določena.
Korespodenca med Janačkom in Beranom ponuja dragocen vpogled v njune glasbene ambicije, odnose do drugih kolegov, delovanje tamkajšnjih glasbenih institucij ter kulturno in politično vzdušje časa v katerem sta delovala. Janaček in Beran sta ves čas dopisovanja (od 1890 do 1928) ohranila zelo dober odnos, njuna korespondenca pa navaja več primerov njune medsebojne pomoči pri poklicnih zadevah.
Po-govori • Post-scripts
Bojan Bujic
Magdalen College St. Adlates, University of Oxford Fakulteta Magdalen St. Adlates, Univerza v Oxfordu
When is a musette not a musette? A response to Robert S. Hatten
Kdaj musette ni musette? Odgovor Robertu S. Hattnu
In the Musicological Annual (Muzikološki zbornik) vol. 41, no. 1 (2005), Robert Hatten presented a survey of some salient points in the literature on the semiology of music ("Four Semiotic Approaches to Musical meaning: Markedness, Topics, Tropes and Gesture", [further as Hatten MZ]). Rather than remaining on the level of a bibliographic survey, Hatten offered a challenging account of his own, by now substantial, contribution to this manner of approaching the thorny question of meaning in music. His first music example comes from the finale of Beethoven's Piano Sonata op. 101, and, considering that he had already used this example in his previous writings, it is to be adduced that in the wider scheme of his argument it represents something of an essential test-case, an example so clear and persuasive as to offer to his readers an unequivocal proof of its relevance to the cause he argues.1 One is reminded here of the status the first prelude from Bach's Wohltemperiertes Klavier, or the first eight bars of Mozart's Sonata KV331 have in various accounts of Schenkerian analysis. Hatten's declared aim is to avoid the allegedly hermetic nature of "abstract" methods of analysis and to broaden analytical procedures in order to incorporate into them a wider system of reference; in his own words: "[E]xpressive motivations help explain the function and the coherence of unusual compositional choices by showing how their expressive effects support a plausible dramatic form" (Hatten 1994, p. 92).
Previous discussions of this excerpt from Beethoven's op. 101 are to be found in: Robert Hatten, Musical Meaning in Beethoven (Indiana University Press, Bloomington, Ind., 1994), pp. 92-109 [further as Hatten 1994] and Robert Hatten, 'Metaphor in Music', in E. Tarasti (ed.), Musical Signification. Essays in the Semiotic Theory and Analysis (Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin, 1995), p. 381-385.
His choice of the example from Beethoven's op. 101 is occasioned by his intention to establish the existence of a "dramatic form" by pursuing and mapping what he sees as an interaction of tropes relating to the topics loaded with meaning. As he himself states, the idea of the topics is derived from Leonard Ratner's classification of textural and motivic types in Classical music.2 In Beethoven's op. 101 these topics are thus labelled by Hatten as the "fanfare", "learned style" and "pastoral musette" and are to be found exemplified in bars 33-40 of the last movement.3 The gist of his argument is this: in bars 33-36 we encounter topics of fanfare combined with the learned style, while in bars 37-40 the pastoral musette represents a "topical contrast of the pastoral with the tragic" (Hatten 1994, p. 92). The interchange between the right and left hand of the motifs characterised by the upward run of four semiquavers qualifies the bars in which they appear to be classed as being in the learned style since they presumably suggest an interchange of identical material between polyphonic voices of something resembling an old-fashioned instrumental recercare. I shall go along with this only in order to retain a concept which would help me to link my prose with Hatten's terminology, though I cannot see why I should not propose an alternative and call this an "echo" topic. However, in that case the whole narrative proposed by Hatten would be seriously undermined and the story of Beethoven's putative intentions would have to be re-drafted along different lines.
Hatten's starting topic (which I would prefer to call "domain") is allegedly contrasted by something which is very different from the opening domain, and its associated meaning represented by the learned style: starting in bar 37 (with the upbeat in bar 36), Hatten suggests, we are transported from the world of the quasi-recercare to the world of a quasi-pastoral fragment characterised by a drone suggesting an Arcadian bagpipe, hence his choice of the term "musette". This, I suggest, is difficult to sustain. While a careful scrutiny of the visual elements of the score - the distribution of the motifs in the former case, the calming of the bass line in the latter - might ostensibly link these elements to two different external reference points imagined by an analyst - in reality the flow of music, experienced by both the performer and the listener, strongly stresses the continuity of these areas. Hatten's aim is to supersede the formalist barrenness of a grammatical analysis so that in my attempt to criticise his procedure I am laying myself open to charges of being an unreformed Schenkerian formalist. In order to avoid type-casting, I shall avoid Schenkerian terminology wherever possible while retaining the crucial concept of voice leading.
Whatever the direction of melodic moves on the micro-level, the tendency of the melodic movement in bars 33-36 is a downwards one. This direction is first encountered on the micro-level in the move from the high c-sharp in bar 33 to the b in bar 34, thus initiating a progression resting on the stressed beat of each bar. A pattern is thus established and sequentially repeated, outlining on the medium macro-level a downward progression: c-sharp, b, a, g-sharp, f-sharp (marked 3-2-1-7-6 in my Ex. 1). This is a powerful feature and its individuality (alternatively "its character" or "its identity") is
2	Leonard G. Ratner, 'Topical Content in Mozart's Keyboard Sonatas', Early Music, 19 (1991), pp. 615-619.
3	Hatten uses a different numbering (his bar 11 is my bar 33). I follow the numbering given in Beethoven, Klaviersonaten.
Urtext, ed. B. A. Wallner, Henle Verlag.
stronger than any possible implication of learnedness, which is a descriptive term referring to a context essentially existing quite outside the momentary listening experience. We now come to Hatten's musette: a new identity has to be established and it is sought in the pedal point of the left hand, the reiterated e. Does it mean that our attention is now completely switched from the progress hitherto prevalent in the right hand, and that now, through the engagement of some perceptual filter, we minimize the significance of the continuing movement in the right hand? There is nothing particularly "musettish" in the right hand, bars 36-40, yet in the scheme imposed by Hatten the individuality of the right hand has to be suppressed in order that the feeble reiterated e gains in structural and hence descriptive or denotative importance. This simply cannot stand. Beethoven does indeed play with our expectation and our perception of musical time and space, and gives us in the guise of a developing variation both a development and a variation of the relentless downward progression encountered in bars 33-36. The scale descent from c-sharp (end of bar 36) tof-sharp (beginning of bar 37) presents a promise that the sequential descent will continue. However, Beethoven delays it, suspends the movement of the bass, for which he needs the sustained e in the left hand in order to extend the time through which the f-sharp continues its downward move (achieved through the deceptive upward movement) which is brought to a close in the high f-sharp moving to e, both pitches for that reason marked by pauses in bar 40. The alleged musette is supposed to provide a contrast to the previous learned style but it is a contrast in a specifically rhetorical sense, and founded not on the division but on the continuity of sense which binds bars 33-40 into a whole.
Hatten himself hints at a possibility that the study of gesture may be of help in approaching the issue of musical meaning: "Gestural events are affectively loaded, providing information about the gesturer (whether witting or unwitting) [...]" (Hatten MZ, p. 14). I suggest that if we do need to anchor the material with which Beethoven operates within some wider human experience, then a reference to rhetoric and to the orators as the practitioners of it may come in useful. Orators depended on their mastery of the variation in the speed of delivery, on the use of longer or shorter words, longer or shorter phrases, and I propose that Beethoven treats us to a display of a rhetorical mode of delivery, not a consciously adopted one, but relying on a deep-level interaction of language and music. Rather than accepting labels such as the "learned style" or "musette" I would be tempted to seek parallels in numerous instances from classical as well as later poetic sources where shorter bursts of a word or two lead towards a longer phrase, establishing both a contrast and a continuum, the two in a dialectical relationship with each other. A Renaissance music theorist might have readily resorted to a comparison between poetry and music, and, appearing hopelessly old-fashioned I am tempted to draw attention to Venus's words to Cupid from Virgil, Aeneid I.664-66:
nate, meae vires, mea magna potentia, solus, nate, patris summi qui tela Typhoea temnis, ad te confugio et supplex tua numina posco.4
4 "My son, my sole strength, my effectual might - my son, who scornest the Titan bolts of our sovereign Father - to thee I come for succour, and, suppliant, implore thy deity!" English translation from: Virgil, TheAeneid, tr. John Jackson (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1921), pp. 126-127.
In a miniature we find here a language-based model which finds its echo in Beethoven's procedure: several short invocations (motives in bars 33-36) are contrasted by a sweep in lines 665-66, with only a hint of a break at the end of line 666.
In bars 33-36 the orator Beethoven is addressing his audience in several short bursts, even single words, accompanied no doubt by several short moves of a powerfully clenched fist. Having captured the full attention of his listeners, he can now switch to a smoother clause (bars 37-40), accompanied by a broader, reassuring sweep of the imaginary hand, pausing a moment (bar 40) before returning to a more agitated mode of delivery, with which to bring this particular section of his oration to a close (bars 41-48), but for which there is no direct equivalent in Virgil. Centrally symmetrical pattern is a model of construction less likely to be successful in the discursive medium of language, and therefore less likely to be found as self-sufficient in poetry where the conceptual sense has to be reckoned with in addition to the rhythmic properties of the oratory, whereas in music such repetition is entirely tenable. Virgil needs just the gradual lengthening in order to achieve an effect. Beethoven, on the other hand, dependent on formal procedures which give coherence to a system otherwise lacking referential meaning, is likely to stress the reiterative nature of the opening of our Virgil archetype by returning to its equivalent in bar 41. In terms of the overall musical structure bars 41-48 cannot be left out of the picture, as they seem to have been left by Hatten, since on the macro-level they present the consequent to the antecedent of bars 33-40. In the antecedent (bars 33-40) we witness an ornamented pattern whose contour rests on the segment of a major sixth (c sharp - e, marked 3-2-1-7-6-5! in the music example, bridging the gap forced by Hatten), elaborated through octave displacement, just as in oratory a simple idea is extended through troping or reiteration. In the consequent (bars 41-48, marked 8-7-5-4-3-2-1) a complete octave outline provides a closely related pattern, now firmly anchored between the two appearances of the tonic a: it commences with an upper neighbour-note (b) in bar 41 and settles on a reiterated tonic (a), the latter both in a low and in a high register (bars 46-48).5 If we were consistent with Hatten's proposed model, the reiterated tonic would have to be proclaimed an "inverted musette", since bars 45-48 invert the texture of bars 37-40, though such description would totally obscure the rhetorical process which is much clearer when the account of the structure is freed from the unhelpful imposition of topical labels.
In semiological quarters formal analysis and voice-leading are often charged with the sin of imposing a priori schemes on the music being analyzed, thereby reducing compositional processes containing otherwise unique elements to a universal outline - Schenker's Urlinie, say. I hope I have shown that in spite of retaining a fundamental belief in the directedness of melodic movement one need not become enslaved by any notions of an a priori system, while my rhetorical paradigm allows me to assess formal procedures as if they were language-derived, but without charging them
5 In order not to make this into a prolonged analytical study, I have deliberately skirted round the issue of the status of the third degree (c-sharp) in the descent. Properly speaking, it is deflected into the middle voice and then prolonged (bars 46-48) thus showing a case of skilful variation in the structuring of the consequent, when compared to the voice-leading in the antecedent.
with the task of presenting the content of the narration. Setting out, as Hatten does, to interpret the events in a sonata in terms of topical labels is in itself an instance of an a priori interpretation since it is founded on an analyst's ability to conjure up narrative parallels and project one mode of thinking onto the material which in its actual sounding does not establish any clear semantic rules enabling such interpretation. One would have to be able to form a distinct and strong impression of some "learnedness" emanating as a potent characteristics of a few bars of music and an equally strong, if not even more potent, property of "musettishness" in the bars that follow, acting as a recognizable contrast to each other, in order to endorse Hatten's narrative interpretation.
Rhetoric, on the other hand, is a manner of presenting the flow of the articulating processes within formal patterns, yet without depending on a derivation from the content of the narrative. Rhetoric thus bridges the distinction which otherwise exists between the referential poetry or prose and the non-referential music, it removes the hermetic aura of music and offers a much more promising method of exploring the secrets of musical meaning.
3	2	17
8	7	6	5
, jpttj	•						0. fL									m p	*	
					»									» r r f"				p
. ff Ks. ^																		
Example 1. Beethoven, Piano Sonata op. 101, last movement, bars 32-48.
Robert S. Hatten
School of Music, Indiana University Fakulteta za glasbo, Univerza v Indiani
A response to Bojan Bujic
Odgovor Bojanu Bujicu
I applaud Dr. Bujic's sensitive analysis of the stepwise upper-voice descent that promotes continuity between the contrasting halves and the two phrases of the opening thematic period in the finale of Beethoven's Op. 101, and I am intrigued by his suggestion of a rhetorical and poetic parallel to the discourse of Beethoven's theme. Since it is my attribution of topics that is being strongly challenged by Dr. Bujic, however, I will focus on clarifying why I applied particular topical labels. I will also explain how the interpretation of topics, especially when they creatively interact to produce tropes, provide a starting point for a more nuanced analysis of musical expressive meaning than might be apparent from Dr. Bujic's critique.
To begin, the two topics disputed by Dr. Bujic (the learned style and the musette) are each cued by more than the single feature Dr. Bujic questions. The rationale for the learned style (and the reason I would not consider it merely an "echo" topic) is grounded in the contrapuntal relationship the imitative voices manifest: a 2-3 suspension chain, comprised of the basic pitches of the two-voice descent. This was a point I made later in my book when I returned to a closer interpretation of the theme (1994: 170, "implied 2-3 chain suspensions"), but not in the survey article (2005), since in the latter I only briefly alluded to the example as a case of the tropological interaction of topics. Ratner might have further suggested the "bound style" as a source for this underlying counterpoint, and it is completely compatible with a Schenkerian reductive account. The smoothness implied by the strict, bound style, however, is broken on the surface here by the character of the imitated motive, which suggests a contrasting topic: fanfare. Together, these two topics suggest an "authoritative" (learned style) "heroic victory" (fanfare)-an interpretation that meshes with Beethoven's verbal instruction, "mit Entschlossenheit" (with determination).
That there is a palpable contrast in texture, dynamics, and character created by the second four bars of the theme cannot be aurally disputed. My labeling of musette for these four bars is predicated not merely on the pedal point (note its syncopation, derived, perhaps, from similar syncopations in the first movement), but also on the "flowing sixteenths in simple stepwise motion" (1994: 170). The characteristic performance on these bagpipe-type instruments is of one or more drones accompanying an improvisation in faster note values that often swirl in stepwise arabesques. Whether or not "musette" is an ideal topical label, the simplicity of this passage marks it as generically "pastoral."
Why might Beethoven have composed such an extreme topical contrast in a single theme? One option would be the dialectical theme found so often in Mozart (e.g., the opening theme of his Piano Sonata in C Minor, K. 457, which surely influenced Beethoven in composing the opening theme of his own Piano Sonata in C Minor, Op. 10, no. 1). A stronger interpretation would suggest that an interactive trope is being proposed, as supported by the juxtaposition of topics in a single functional location (this is further supported by Dr. Bujic's analysis of voice-leading continuity that clearly links these two four-bar units into a larger rhetorical statement). Interpreting the trope depends on our having fairly clear expressive correlations for each of the constituent topics.
The learned style is "authoritative" since it alludes to the venerable and strict style of Baroque (and even earlier) counterpoint. We know that Beethoven was intrigued by the possibility of a stylistic trope in his letter proposing a "Kunstvereinigung," or unification of the styles of the "Deutsche Händel und Seb. Bach" with current stylistic practices (see his letter to Prince Rudolph, dated July 29, 1819). And we know that the learned topic is "developed" later in the movement (not only by the development's fugato, but by various imitative treatments of pastoral musette and rustic dance in the exposition). Dr. Bujic notes that the consequent eight-bar phrase of the opening period inverts the texture and continues the voice-leading descent. Had I attempted a complete topical analysis of the finale (not my intent even in the book), I would have noted that the invertible counterpoint (creating a chain of 7-6 suspensions) further supports the learned style labeling, and that the musette is further developed by the introduction of parallel thirds in the swirling sixteenths—parallel thirds being a strong pastoral marker in appropriate contexts.
The fanfare is "heroic" and associated with "victory" when diatonic and forte. The musette, or more generally the pastoral style it references, had in late Beethoven earned a place in all three stylistic registers, from low style "rustic" or "graceless" pastoral, to middle style "graceful" galant simplicity, and ultimately, for late Beethoven, to a high style state of serenity or spiritual "grace" (1994: 80). Beethoven plays with stylistic register throughout this finale—for example, the rustic folk dance in m. 59 (Schenker edition), which combines a pedal bass with offbeat chord accompaniment and imitation of a fragment of the main theme (here, echo imitation would indeed be an appropriate label)—and throughout the sonata (consider the rustic pastoral trio of the march movement, with its own bizarre, canonic imitations; this is a movement that also features the troping of learned style and heroic march).
My argument for high-style pastoral as visionary and spiritual emerges from an interpretation of the entire sonata. Here I will mention only the visionary return of the opening of the first movement, a quintessentially pastoral theme (1994: 97-99), in the transition to the finale. The pastoral expressive genre of this sonata depends on the framing and guiding of pastoral topics that shape its discourse. Suffice it to say that when we hear the "musette" in the latter half of the eight-bar finale theme, we are quite prepared by previous events to interpret it as pastoral, and, I would further claim, as visionary. The trope, then, of the main theme combines "authoritative victory" with "spiritual grace." To verbalize this trope as an "internalized victory of the spirit" (1994:
171), while perhaps too pat, still helps to distinguish the nature of this late-style "victory" from the Promethean victory of the external will that Beethoven employs in some middle style works, such as the Fifth Symphony.
Topics and tropes can guide the hermeneutic interpretation of a work, and one need not succumb to a prescriptive analysis if one carefully analyzes the cues that call forth topical recognition, rather than bluntly applying labels. Furthermore, the hermeneutic readings I propose can readily incorporate the insights of Schenkerian analysis (see, for example, my "model" analysis of the Cavatina from Beethoven's String Quartet in Bb, Op. 130, as Chapter 8 of Musical Meaning in Beethoven); my point in arguing against formalist analysis is that we need not stop with a voice-leading analysis, when there is so much else of interest in the "irreducible significance of the surface" (1994: 160, 278). Topical and tropological analysis can help us understand some (but not all) of the expressive motivations for unusual structures in Beethoven's and many other composers' works.
The alternatives Dr. Bujic proposes may be understood as complementary to my own approaches, rather than mutually exclusive. I invite him to consider the ways in which composers' use of topoi reflects an extensive cultural practice that extends throughout the arts (see, e.g., Monelle 2006; for more on troping of topics, see Hatten 2004).
Bibliography
Hatten, Robert S. 1994. Musical Meaning in Beethoven: Markedness, Correlation, and Interpretation. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Hatten, Robert S. 2004. Interpreting Musical Gestures, Topics, and Tropes: Mozart, Beethoven, Schubert. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Hatten, Robert S. 2005. "Four Semiotic Approaches to Musical Meaning: Markedness, Topics, Tropes, and Gesture," in MuzikološkiZbornik/MusicologicalAnnual40:1, 5-30.
Monelle, Raymond. 2006. The Musical Topic: Hunt, Military and Pastoral. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Disertacija • Dissertation
Gregor Pompe
Povednost glasbenega toka in postmodernizem
Doktorska naloga razpada v tri večja poglavja, pri čemer je v prvih dveh poglavjih najprej ločeno obravnavana problematika povednosti glasbe in glasbenega postmo-dernizma, v sklepnih analizah izbranih del pa sta oba problemska sklopa strnjena v hipotezo, da je osrednja značilnost glasbenega postmodernizma povezana s specifično glasbeno semantičnostjo.
Prerez teorij o glasbeni semiotiki oz. semantiki (V. Karbusicky, E. Tarasti, R. Monelle, J.-J. Nattiez, P. Faltin, T. Kneif, R. S. Hatten, V. K. Agawu, R. Schneider) izdaja značilno razcepljenost med poudarjanje znakovnosti in neznakovnosti glasbe. Za preseganje te dileme razvijam »mrežni« model razumevanja glasbe, v katerega vključujem različne aspekte (semantičnost vs. asemantičnost) in nivoje (produkcija vs. recepcija) dojemanja povednosti glasbe. Prav s takšnim modelom je mogoče razložiti, zakaj se lahko zdi ista glasba enkrat bolj in drugič bistveno manj povedna, s čimer so presežene zgornje metodološke aporije. Razumevanje povednosti glasbe je torej v veliki meri odvisno tudi od sociokulturnega konteksta, sam proces sprejemanja glasbe pa je mogoče razumeti kot križanje avtorjevega in sprejemnikovega semantičnega sistema, pri katerem lahko pride do večjega ali manjšega ujemanja med obema sistemoma.
Semantičnost glasbe je odvisna predvsem od zmožnosti vzpostavljanja asociacijskih vezi z zunajglasbenim svetom, drugače pa je glasba v celoti semiotska - vsaka glasbena enota lahko spleta znotrajglasbene vezi z drugimi glasbenimi enotami (notranje refe-riranje). Semiotskost glasbe je matrica, na katero se lahko v določenih kontekstualnih pogojih oz. v »ugodnem« križanju aspektov in nivojev glasbene semantičnosti »pripnejo« tudi semantični pomeni. Prav zaradi tega sta obe vedi - glasbena semiotika in semantika - relevantni, razlika med njima pa je predvsem ta, da prva išče znanstveno ukrojeni metajezik o glasbi, druga pa glasbeni tok verbalizira s pomočjo besednih asociacij.
Drugo poglavje je posvečeno premisleku o glasbenem postmodernizmu. Vse dileme okoli vsebine pojma so povezane z relacijskostjo pojma samega, za katerega je najprej odločilno, kako definiramo modernizem, in nato še kvalitativni odnos, ki ga določa predpona post-. Tega lahko razumemom najmanj na dva načina: kot nadaljevanje
in radikaliziranje modernističnih tendenc ali kot »negativno« reakcijo na modernizem in abruptno prekinitev z njim. Zadnja varianta se je utrdila v publicistiki in prihaja v ozek stik z značilnostmi sodobne družbe. Sam predlagam jasno delitev na postmoderno in postmodernizem in temu ustrezno na postmodernistično glasbo ter glasbo v post-moderni dobi. Postmoderna je oznaka za sodobno zgodovinsko obdobje, postmoder-nizem pa slogovna oznaka. Le del umetnosti v postmoderni dobi pa je postmoder-nističen.
Po pretresu mnogih teorij glasbenega postmodernizma (H. Danuser, W. Konold, H. de la Motte-Haber, J. Pasler, M. Veselinovic-Hofman) se izkaže, da nobena izmed njih ne prinaša splošno veljavnega kriterija, zato sam kot osrednjo postmodernistično značilnost izpostavljam poudarjeno in specifično povednost glasbenega toka. Ta nastaja s pomočjo druženja raznolikih svetov oz. semantičnih sistemov - največkrat modernističnega in kontrastnega nemodernističnega. V postmodernistični »igri« torej sodeluje več semantičnih sistemov - ne le na ravni producenta in sprejemnika, temveč tudi znotraj dela samega -, kar sproža značilne refleksije in semantične energije.
V zadnjem poglavju sem tak tip semantičnosti potrdil na štirih postmodernističnih skladbah (G. Crumb, Črni angeli, Alfred Šnitke, Tretja simfonija, Peter Ruzicka, Tallis, Lojze Lebič, Glasba za orkester - Cantico), ki so sicer nastale v precej različnem času in različnih kulturnih kontekstih.
Obranjeno 8. junija 2006 na Filozofski fakulteti Univerze v Ljubljani.
The expressivness of musical flow and postmodernism
The dissertation is divided into three sections; the first two separately discuss the expressiveness of music and musical postmodernism, while the concluding analysis of the selected works brings the two together in a hypothesis that the key characteristic of musical postmodernism is related to a specific musical semantics.
A cross-section of theories of musical semiotics and semantics (V. Karbusicky, E. Tarasti, R. Monelle, J.-J. Nattiez, P. Faltin, T. Kneif, R. S. Hatten, V K. Agawu, R. Schneider) displays a typical division between the emphasis on signifying and nonsignifying potential of music. In order to overcome this dilemma, a "network" model of the comprehension of music has been developed in which different aspects (semantics vs. asemantics) and levels of comprehension (production vs. reception) of the expressiveness of music have been included. The model provides the explanation why the same piece of music can seem more expressive on one occasion than on some other, which resolves the methodological aporiae mentioned above. The comprehension of the ex-
pressiveness of music therefore depends greatly on the socio-cultural context, while the process of music reception can be regarded as a mixture of the author's and the recipient's semantic systems which can be compatible to a greater or lesser degree.
The semantics of music mostly depends on the ability to make associative connections with the extramusical world; on the other hand, all music is semiotic as any musical unit can make intramusical connections with other musical units (internal reference). Music semiotics is a matrix onto which semantic "meanings" can be attached in certain contextual conditions or a "favourable" mixture of aspects and levels of musical semantics. This is why semiotics and semantics are both relevant, the main difference between the two is that the former searches a scientifically designed music metalanguage and the latter verbalises musicalflow through word associations.
Section two is dedicated to a reflection on musical postmodernism. All the dilemmas on the subject are related to the relationality of the concept itself, for which it is crucial firstly how modernism is defined and secondly what qualitative relationship is provided by the "post-" prefix. The latter can be understood in at least two ways: as a continuation and radicalisation of modernist tendencies or as a "negative" reaction to modernism and its abrupt end. The second variant has established itself in journalism and in its close contact with the characteristics of the contemporary society. In the dissertation, a clear distinction between the postmodern period and postmodernism, and consequently between music in the postmodern period and postmodernist music, is proposed. While the expression "postmodern" denotes a historical period, postmodernism is a stylistic period. Only a part of art in the postmodern period was really postmodern.
The examination of several theories of musical postmodernism (H. Danuser, W. Konold, H. de la Motte-Haber, J. Pasler, M. Veselinovic-Hofman) shows that none of them provides a widely accepted criterion, which is why an emphasised and specific expressiveness of musicalflow has been chosen as a central postmodernist characteristics in this thesis. It is created by joining two different worlds or semantic systems -usually the modernist world and the contrastive non-modernist one. This means that several semantic systems play a part - not only at producer's and recipient's level but also within the piece itself - which creates specific reflections and semantic relations.
The concluding section of the dissertation confirms this type of semantics in four postmodernist pieces of music (G. Crumb's Black Angels, Alfred Schnittke's Third Symphony, Peter Ruzicka's Tallis, Lojze Lebič's Music for Orchestra - Cantico), which were written in different periods and cultural contexts.
Defended on June 8, 2006, Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana.
MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL XLII/1
Imensko kazalo • Index
Abbagnano, Nicola Adamič, Emil Adorno, Theodor Wiesengrund Agawu, Victor Kofi Aguilera, Christina Allen, Francis William Aneschi, Luciano Assmann, Jan Assunto, Rosario
107
160
55, 56, 60, 63, 70, 71, 78
52, 71, 175, 176
90
117
105, 109-113
37, 47
107
Babitt, Milton Bach, Alexander von Bach, Johann Sebastian Bachmann, Gottlob BaileyShea, Matthew Bajic, Isidor Bakala, Bretislav Baker, Robert Allen Balasz, Bela Balatka, Antonin Baldick, Chris Banfi, Antonio Bartok, Bela Bauer-Mengelberg, Stefan Bean, Calvert Beck, Ulrich Beethoven, Ludwig van
Benda, Franz (František) Benda, Friedrich Ludwig Benda, Georg Anton (Jiri Antonin) Bendl, Karel Beneš, Otokar Beran, Emerik Beran, Igor
10 132
8,	15, 148, 165, 172 27, 29, 31, 33
61 134 146 7
64 162 139 103-113
9,	13, 49, 55, 64 10
7
92
7, 8, 26, 49, 50, 52, 53, 55, 61, 62, 64-67, 71,
159, 160, 165-169, 171-173
128
128
128
130
159
147-164
154, 155, 158, 163
Beran, Jaromir Beran, Marija Beran, Vincenc Berg, Alban Berlioz, Hector Bernstein, Lawrence F. Berow, Emerik gl. Beran, Emerik Bertin, Giovanni Maria Blažek, Dragutin Böhm, Joseph Boulez, Pierre Brahms, Johannes Brender, Maurita P. Brender, Roland F. Brod, Max Brook, Barry Shelley Brooks, Frederick P. Brown, Ethan Brown, James Bruckner, Anton Brunetti, Federico (Fridrich) Budkovič, Cvetko Bujic, Bojan
Cage, John Cantoni, Remo Caplin, William E. Cassirer, Ernst Cee, Josef Celan, Paul Cherubini, Luigi Chlubna, Osvald Chuck D
gl. Ridenhour, Carlton Douglas Chybinski, Adolf (Eustachy) Ciccone, Madonna Louise Veronica Clapham, John Crane, Frederick Croce, Benedetto Crumb, George Curwen, John Cvetko, Dragotin Czerny, Carl
154, 155, 158, 163 154, 159, 161, 162 149
7, 49, 55, 60-64, 70, 71, 144 26, 128 11, 24
104, 105, 109 131, 133, 136 157 77 8
12, 15, 24 12, 15, 24 144
12, 15, 16
6
90
93-95
50, 52, 71, 156 131, 134 155
171-173
77, 108 106, 109 56, 61 105 131, 132 79
154, 155 146
68 90 127 16
105-108, 112 176, 177 117 134 26
Čajkovski, Peter Iljič	65-67, 71, 135, 136
Čapek, Karel	145
Čižek, Dragutin	134
D'Amico, Silvio	110
Danielsen, Anne	90, 91
Danuser, Hermann	50, 75, 76, 176, 177
Darcy, Warren	50, 52, 56
Darwin, Charles	52, 53, 70
David, Gustav	148
Davidov, Dinko	129
Davis, Douglas E.	93
Deathridge, John	51
Debussy, Claude	104
Della Volpe, Galvano	107
Desprez (des Prez), Josquin	12
Dessoir, Max	103-105
Dev, Oskar	157, 160
Deyl	150
Djuric-Klajn, Stana	129-131, 134-136
Dordevič-Voves, Antonije	131
Dorfles, Gillo	107
Doug E. Fresh	
gl. Davis, Douglas E.	
Downes, Stephen	53, 54
Dr. Dre	
gl. Young, Andre Romell	
Drlikovä, Eva	151
Dufrenne, Mikel	104
Dulfer Candy	93
Düring, Werner-Joachim	25, 26, 34
Dusik, Jan Ladislav	
gl. Dussek, Jan Ladislav	
Dussek, Jan Ladislav	128
Dutton, Richard	143
Dvoräk, Antonin	131, 140, 160
Eco, Umberto	75
Ehrlich, Konrad	46-48
Eichhorn, Andreas	52
Elliot, Melissa Arnette	93
Epstein, Dena Julia	116, 117
Erbetta, Antonio	108
Erjavec, Aleš	75
Erkel, Guyla	131
Erlewine, Stephen Thomas	97
Ewans, Michael	139, 141, 146
Faltin, Peter	175, 176
Farrenc, Louise	128
Feller, Ross	74
Ferneyhough, Brian	74
Fiedler, Leslie	74
Fiehler, Judith	16
Fiore, Mary E.	15, 24
Fisher, Clare	94-96
Foerster, Antonin (Anton)	155
Formaggio, Dino	105, 107-113
Forte, Allen	9-11, 16
Franck, Cesar-Auguste	128
Franco iz Kölna	12, 13
Freud, Sigmund	53
Frikušny, Leoš	153
Fubini, Enrico	104, 107
Fuchs, Peter	93
Fucks, Wilhelm	13, 14
Fuller, Ramon Conrad	7, 8, 15, 24
Funtek, Anton	27
Gaal (Gal), František (Franja)	131, 135
Gabura, A. James	9, 16
Gajic, Milica	130, 131, 134
Gavazzeni, Gianandrea	110
Gentili, Carlo	109, 110
Gerbič, Fran	156
Giraldi, Giovanni	106
Glinka, Mihail Ivanovič	135
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang	25-28, 33, 34, 66
Gorki, Maksim	135
Gostuški, Dragutin	133
Gould, Murray J.	16
Gounod, Charles	128
Graham, Sandra	116, 117, 122
Green, Al	94
Gruhn, Wilfried	43, 44, 47, 75
Grundman, Bernie	96
Guanti, Giovanni	104
Guilmont, Alexandre	148
MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL XLII/1 Gutowski, Wojciech 65
Habsburg, Rudolf (Johann Joseph
Rainer)
Händel, Georg Friedrich Harnack, Adolf von Hastings, Thomas Hatten, Robert S.
Havlasa (Havlasa), Quido (Gvido) Hawkins, Stan Haydn, Joseph Heckmann, Harald Hefling, Stephen Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Heidegger, Martin Heile, Björn Heine, Heinrich Henze, Hans Werner Hepokoski, James Hiller, Lejaren Arthur Hindemith, Paul Hlavač, Vojtech Höfer, Josef Hoffmann, Ernst Theodor Wilhelm Hood, Mantle Horejšek, Vaclav Hrazdira, Cyril Metodej Hubad, Matej Hudson, Barton Hultberg, W. Earle Husserl, Edmund
172 8, 172 104, 105 116
165-169, 173, 175, 176 133
90, 91, 97
8, 13, 14 , 134, 155, 160
15 70
103, 104 108
76 153
77
50, 52, 71
6.avg
7.sep
131, 135-137
153 49
16 133
154
156, 157
16
16
103, 104, 107, 110
Ingarden, Roman 110
Ipavec, Josip 27, 153 Izutsu, Toshihiko 43
Jackson, Michael Jackson, Roland Jackson, Timothy L. Jagger, Mick Jam Master Jay gl. Mizell, Jason William Janaček, Leoš Janačkova, Zdenka
93
8, 15, 24
52
90
139-146, 147-156, 158-164 152, 161
Jauss, Hans Robert	133
Jencks, Charles	75
Jenko, Davorin	134
Jessen, Hermann	153
Joiner, Richard E.	13, 24
Joyce, James	36
Kagel, Mauricio	76
Kalic, Jovanka	129
Kalivoda, Jan Vaclav	
gl. Kalliwoda, Jan Krtitel Vaclav	
Kalliwoda, Jan Krtitel Vaclav	134
Kant, Immanuel	53, 103-105
Karbusicky, Vladimir	175, 176
Karlowicz, Mieczyslaw	49, 55, 65, 66, 68-71
Karp, Theodore	16
Kassler, Michael	12, 16, 24
Keel, Othmar	38, 42
Klopčič, Rok	150, 157
Kluge, Reiner	14, 24
Kneif, Tibor	175, 176
Knittl, Karel	131
Kobližek, Max	148
Kollar, Jan	132
Kompridis, Nikolai	74
Konjovic, Petar	136
Konold, Wulf	79, 176, 177
Korstvedt, Benjamin M.	53
Kos, Janko	74, 75
Koss, Karl	153
Kostka, Stephan M.	8, 9, 24
Kotih	150
Kovaček, Božidar	129
Koželuh, Leopold Antonin	128
Kramar, František	
gl. Krommer, Franz	
Kramer, Lawrence	51, 61
Krasnohorska, Eliška	142
Kreft, Lev	106, 107, 111
Krellmann, Hanspeter	77, 78
Krommer, Franz	128
Kuba, Ludvik	130
Kunc, Jan	160
Kundera, Ludvik	158
Kurth, Ernst 50, 71
Lachenmann, Helmut LaRue, Jan Lasso, Orlando di Lasson, Georg Lebič, Lojze Lebl, Vladimir Lefkoff, Gerald Lehmann, Harry Leichtentritt, Hugo Leonardo (da Vinci) Leoncavallo, Ruggiero Lieberman, Fredric Lifka, Adolf Peter Ligeti, György Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln, Harry B. Lissa, Zofia Liszt, Franz Lockwood, Lewis Loewe, Carl Lofstedt, John Logemann, George W. Lorenz, Alfred Loudin, Frederick Lucy, Niall Luhmann, Niklas Lundy, Zet Lyotard, Jean-Frangois
74 16 161
104, 105 176, 177 150
9, 10, 15, 16, 24 92, 96, 101 51 103 134 16, 24 134, 137 77 116 13, 15, 16 110 26, 128, 131 12, 16 26-28, 31 15, 24 15
54, 55 124 74 91 100 53
Madonna
gl. Ciccone, Madonna Louise Veronica Mahler, Alma Maria Mahler, Gustav Maier, Gerhard Marinkovic, Josif Markov, Andrej Andrejevič Markovic, Tatjana Marsh, Cynthia Marsh, J. B. T. Marston, Nicholas Marx, Adolf Bernhard Mascagni, Pietro
55
49, 55, 56, 59, 60, 70, 71, 79 38, 39, 42, 43 133, 136 16 131 140 116, 122, 123 62 60 134
Mason, Lowell	116
Matteotti, Giaccomo	105
Mazzoni, Augusto	110
McClary, Susan	52
McClatchie, Stephen	55
McHale, Brian	73
McKim Garrison, Lucy	117
Medakovic, Dejan	129
Mendel, Arthur	12
Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Felix	8, 33, 136
Meyer, Leonard B.	54
Meyerbeer, Giacomo	26
Milčinsky, Alois (Alojzije)	134
Miletic, Svetozar	132
Milin, Melita	133
Milojevic, Miloje	130
Miloševic-Dorčevic, Nada	129
Missy Elliot	
gl, Elliot, Melissa Arnette	
Mix, Roland	13, 14, 24
Mizell, Jason William	93, 98
Mokranjac, Stevan Stojanovic	130, 133, 136
Monelle, Raymond	173, 175, 176
Morgan, Robert Porter	51
Morpurgo Tagliabue, Guido	107
Morton, Ian A.	15, 24
Motte-Haber, Helga de la	74, 176, 177
Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus	7, 8, 128, 155, 165, 166, 172
Müller, Hans-Peter	38
Münsterberg, Hugo	104, 105
Muttoni, Mariateresa	104
Mysliveček, Josef	128
Nattiez, Jean-Jacques	176
Nejedly, Emanuel Viktor	131
Nelson, Prince Roger	89-97, 99-101
Nemcovä, Alena	140
Neumann, František	151
Newman, William Stein	53, 54
Nietzsche, Frierdich	50, 52, 55, 70
Noll, William	124
Novaček, Martin	130
Obradovic, Dositej	129
Olive, Joseph P.	11, 24
Osterc, Slavko	157 Ostrovski, Aleksander Nikolajevič 140 Ostrovsky
gl. Ostrovski, Aleksander Nikolajevič
Osvald, Antonin Tuna 130, 134
Paci, Enzo	104, 109-111, 113
Paču, Jovan	136
Paddison, Max	60, 70
Paisley, William J.	8, 24
Pareyson, Luigi	107
Parkany, Stephen	52
Pasler, Jann	176, 177
Pavic, Milorad	129
Pederson, Donald Margedo	10, 11, 24
Pejovic, Roksanda	130-132, 134, 136
Peri, Jacopo	25
Petrassi, Goffredo	104
Petrovic, Danica	129
Pettersson, Allan	79
Pfitzner, Hans	26
Piana, Giovanni	111, 113
Pokorny, František (Dragutin)	131, 134
Polony, Leszek	65, 68
Preissova, Gabriela	142
Premrl, Stanko	27
Prince	
gl. Nelson, Prince Roger	
Raffa, Piero	110
Ratner, Leonard	166, 171
Ratz, Erwin	61
Reckziegel, Walter	14, 15
Regener, Eric	15
Reicha, Antonin	128
Reichardt, Johann Friedrich	27-29, 31, 33
Reichert, Klaus	36, 38, 43, 46
Rendla (Rendl), Vitezslav	137
Reš, Karl	136
Revers, Peter	60
Richter, Franz Xaver	128
Richter, Jakob	154
Ridenhour, Carlton Douglas	93, 98
Riehl, Alois Rijavec, Andrej Robison, Brian Robison, Tobias D. Rognoni, Luigi Romanou, Aikaterini (Katy) Root, George Frederick Rosen, Charles Rossi, Lino Rothfarb, Lee A.
Rudolf, nadvojvoda Habsburški gl. Habsburg, Rudolf Johann Joseph
Rainer Rutling, Thomas Ružička, Jovan Ruzicka, Peter
Sachs, Milan Sartre, Jean Paul Savic, Žarko Scaramucca, Gabriele Schäfer, Thomas Schenker, Heinrich Schiller, Johann Christoph Friedrich von Schindler, Alma gl. Mahler, Alma Maria Schirdt, Nanna Schlottmann, Louis Schmalfeldt, Janet Schneider, Julius Schneider, Reinhard Schönberg, Arnold Schopenhauer, Arthur Schramm, Stefan Schröter, Corona Schubert, Franz Schüler, Nico Schumann, Robert Semerari, Giuseppe Seward, John Seward, Theodore Seward, William Henry Shakespeare, William Shaw, W. David
104, 105 157 22 12, 15 106, 108, 110, 111, 113 133 116 52 107 50, 51
117
136, 137
73, 77-80, 83-85, 88, 176, 177
162 108 136 108
75, 76, 78, 85
165, 166, 168, 171-173
65
15, 24
27, 28, 30, 31, 33 61
27-29, 31 175, 176
13, 14 , 60, 61, 65, 70, 104 55, 68, 70 131, 136 26-34
26-31, 33, 34 5-7, 13, 15 33, 52, 71, 79 111 116
115-120, 122-125 116
141-144, 146 52
Sheppard, Ella Sibelius, Jean Simeone, Nigel Simmel, Georg Sisman, Elaine Sivec, Jože Slavenski, Josip Štolcer Sly (Stone) gl. Stewart, Sylvester Smetana, Bedrich Solomon, Maynard Sommer, Uwe Spence, Mary Spitzer, Michael Spohr, Louis (Ludwig) Sponheuer, Bernd Spranger, Eduard Stamic, Jan Vaclav Antonin gl. Stamitz, Johann (Wenzel Anton) Stamitz, Anton (Thadäus Johann Nepomuk) Stamitz, Carl (Philipp) Stamitz, Johann (Wenzel Anton) Stankovic, Kornelije Stewart, Sylvester Stojančevic, Vladimir Stösslova, Kamila Strakova, Theodora Straus, Joseph Strauss, Richard Stravinski, Igor Stvrtniček, Roza Suchoff, Benjamin Svejgaard, Bjarner Svoboda, Josef (Josif) Szymanowski, Karol
117 52, 53 140 103-105 65
156, 160, 162 130
131, 132, 134, 142 50 77 121 66
26-31, 33
56
104
128 128 128
133, 136 93, 98 129
140, 144, 145, 161 151
53
25, 26, 68 104 153 13, 24 15, 24 131, 136
54
Ševčik, Ottokar Šistek, Vojtech Šlais, Jan Šlezinger, Josif Šnitke, Alfred Špendal, Manica Šram, Stefan
150 131
150, 157, 160 134
176, 177 148, 157
gl. Schramm, Stefan
Štedron, Bohumir	151
Štepanek, Vaclav	130
Štirsky, Ladislav Nikolaevič	131
Talich, Väclav Tallis, Thomas Tarasti, Eero Tchaikowsky gl. Čajkovski, Peter Iljič Tesnohlidek, Rudolf Tobel, Rudolf von Tollinger, Robert Tomäšek, Väclav Jan Tomaševic, Katarina Tomovic, Gordana Topič, Fran Trafenik, Jožef Tyrrell, John
154
73, 77, 79, 80, 83-85, 87, 88 175, 176
143 55
131, 133, 135-137 27, 30, 31 129 129 160 155
140, 141, 142, 145, 148, 149, 151, 161
Ukmar, Vilko 27
Valery, Paul Ambroise	103, 104
Vattimo, Gianni	76, 88
Vedral, Josip	157
Vedral, Väclav	131 Vergil
gl. Vergilius Maro, Publius
Vergilius Maro, Publius	167, 168
Veselinovic-Hofman, Mirjana	176, 177
Vidic, Marija	152
Virk, Tomo	75
Wagner, Richard Wagner, Rudolf Ward, Andrew Ware, Charles Pickard Weber, Carl Maria von Webern, Anton Weiss, Jernej Welsch, Wolfgang White, George Wightman, Alistair Wilamowitz-Möllendorff, Ulrich von
49-52, 54, 55, 60, 63, 65, 70, 71, 136 154, 155 117 117 134 8, 10
148-150, 152-155, 158, 159, 161-163 76, 88
116, 118, 119, 121, 124 68
104, 105
Wolf, Hugo	33
Wölfflin, Heinrich	105
Womack, Bobby	94
Young, Andre Romell	93
Youngblood, Joseph E.	15
Zelter, Carl Friedrich	26-31, 33
Zemlinsky, Alexander	153
Zender, Hans	35-44, 46-48
Župančič, Oton	27
MUZIKOLOŠKI ZBORNIK • MUSICOLOGICAL ANNUAL XLII/1
Avtorji • Contributors
Luisa ANTONI (liusa_ant@iol.it) se je po diplomi iz klavirja na tržaškem Konser-vatoriju vpisala na klavičembalo in nato še na kompozicijo. Istočasno je diplomirala iz estetike sodobne glasbe na tržaški Univerzi in magistrirala na ljubljanski Univerzi pri Tinetu Hribarju in Mariji Bergamo. Za diplomsko in magistrsko nalogo je prejela prvo nagrado Visokošolskega sklada S. Tončiča. Po diplomi je dobila štiri mednarodne štipendije v Sloveniji in v ZDA. Poučevala je zgodovino glasbe na šolah Glasbene matice v Trstu in E. Komel v Gorici ter na koprski Umetniški gimnaziji. Že dolgo let je zunanja dopisnica italijanskih in slovenskih programov Radija Koper-Capodistria in Primorskega dnevnika. Bila je urednica za klasično glasbo na tretjem programu italijanske državne radiotelevizije, zdaj pa je zaposlena na tretjem radijskem programu RTV Ljubljana. Doktorsko disertacijo je pripravila pod mentorstvom Leva Krefta (Univerza v Ljubljani) in Giovannija Guantija (Univerza v Rimu). Področji njenega raziskovanja sta estetika glasbe in primorska glasbena zapuščina. Njeni prispevki so izšli samostojno (pri Založbi Mladika sta izšli njena monografija o Danilu Merlaku in zapis o Odmevih opere Črne maske) ali v zbornikih in revijah.
Luisa ANTONI (liusa_ant@iol.it) graduated in piano from the Trieste Conservatoire, after which she studied harpsichord as well as composition. At the same time she graduated in aesthetics of contemporary music at the University of Trieste, and obtained her master's degree with Tine Hribar and Marija Bergamo at the University of Ljubljana. For her diploma and master's theses she was awarded the first prize of the S. Tončič Higher Education Foundation. After graduation she won four international scholarships in Slovenia and the USA. She taught history of music at the Glasbena matica (Queen Bee) Music School in Trieste/Trst and its E. Komel equal in Gorizia/Gorica, as well as at the Artistic Grammar School in Koper/Capodistria. For many years, as external correspondent, she has contributed to Italian and Slovene programmes of Radio Koper/ Capodistria and the Primorski dnevnik (Littoral Daily). She was classical music editor with RAI Radio 3, whereas for the time being she is employed with RTV Ljubljana Radio 3. Mentors in preparing her PhD have been Lev Kreft (University of Ljubljana) and Giovanni Guanti (University of Rome). Areas of her research are aesthetics of music and the littoral musical heritage. Her writings have been printed in authorial publication (the Mladika publishing house has issued her monograph on Danilo Merlak and her study on the Echoes of the Black Masks Opera) or in festschrifts, annuals, and magazines.
Christian BIELEFELDT (Christian.Bielefeldt@uni-lueneburg.de) je študiral muzikologijo, glasbeno pedagogiko in germanistiko v Hamburgu, v letih 1998-2001 je deloval kot štipendist Nemške raziskovalne skupnosti ter istega leta končal doktorsko disertacijo o sodelovanju skladatelja Hansa Wernerja Henzeja z avstrijsko pisateljico Ingeborg Bachmann. Po dveh letih glasbenega učiteljevanja od 2004 dalje deluje na Fakulteti za pedagogiko, kulturo in sociologijo Univerze v Lüneburgu. Osrednji področji njegovega raziskovanja sta sodobna in popularna glasba, zlasti nemške in črnsko-ameriške provenience.
Christian BIELEFELDT (Christian.Bielefeldt@uni-lueneburg.de) studied Musicology, Music Pedagogy and German literature in Hamburg, worked 1998-2001 as a fellow of a DFG-college and finished his dissertation about the cooperation of composer Hans Werner Henze and Austrian writer Ingeborg Bachmann in the same year. After two years working as a school teacher he joined the University of Lüneburg, Faculty of Education, Culture and Sociology in 2004. His main topics are contemporary music and popular music, namely of German and Black US-American provenience.
Stephen DOWNES (S.Downes@surrey.ac.uk) je višji predavatelj glasbe na univerzi okrožja Surrey. Področja njegovega raziskovanja vključujejo glasbeni modernizem Srednje in Vzhodne Evrope, določene vidike teorije in analize (zlasti v zvezi z glasbo poznega 19. in zgodnjega 20. stoletja), estetiko in erotičnost v glasbi od leta 1800 dalje. Objavil je številna besedila o K. Szymanowskem kakor tudi o glasbi Beethovna, Rossinija, Schumanna, Sibeliusa, Mahlerja, Bartoka, Henzeja in Pendereckega. Leta 1989 mu je Univerza Južne Kalifornije podelila Wilkovo nagrado za raziskave poljske glasbe, medtem ko je leta 1999 prejel spominsko medaljo Muza kot Eros: glasba, erotična fantazija in moška ustvarjalnost v romantični in moderni domišljiji (Ashgate, 2006).
Stephen DOWNES (S.Downes@surrey.ac.uk) is senior lecturer in music at the University of Surrey. Research areas include musical modernism in Central and Eastern Europe, aspects of theory and analysis (especially with regard to late 19th and early 20th-century music), aesthetics, and the erotic in music since 1800. He has published widely on the music of Karol Szymanowski and also on Beethoven, Rossini, Schumann, Sibelius, Mahler, Bartok, Henze and Penderecki. In 1989 he won the Wilk Prize for Research in Polish Music from the University of Southern California and in 1999 was awarded the Karol Szymanowski Memorial Medal. His latest book is The Muse as Eros: Music, Erotic Fantasy and Male Creativity in the Romantic and Modern Imagination (Ashgate, 2006).
Sandra GRAHAM (sjgraham@ucdavis.edu) je docentka za glasbo na univerzi Davis v Kaliforniji, kjer je utemeljila program etnomuzikologije. Trenutno pripravlja knjigo Od suženjske pesmi do ameriške glasbe: popularizacija črnskih duhovnih pesmi v izdaji univerze Illinois.
Sandra GRAHAM (sjgraham@ucdavis.edu) is Assistant Professor of Music at University of Davis, California, where she founded the program in ethnomusicology. She is currently preparing a book titled From Slave Song to America's Music: The Popularization of Negro Spirituals, to be published by University of Illinois Press.
Matjaž MATOŠEC (matjaz.matosec@gmail.com) je junija 2006 diplomiral na Oddelku za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, z magistrskim študijem pa nadaljuje na Univerzi v Utrechtu na Nizozemskem. Za diplomsko delo z naslovom »Razvoj nemškega samospeva med letoma 1782 in 1878: deset uglasbitev Goethejeve balade Erlkönig« je prejel fakultetno Prešernovo nagrado. Je prejemnik prestižne štipendije Huygens in štipendist Mestne občine Ljubljana. Redno piše članke, intervjuje, kritike in recenzije za glasbeno revijo Muska, njegova bibliografija pa obsega še objave v reviji Naši zbori, Biltenu Slovenskega muzikološkega društva in časopisu Dnevnik. Poldrugo leto je bil novinar Uredništva oddaj o kulturi na Televiziji Slovenija, od pomladi 2004 pa je sodelavec Uredništva za resno glasbo Radia Slovenija. Njegovi ožji muzikološki interesi so samospev, sociologija glasbe in glasba kot izvedba.
Matjaž MATOŠEC (matjaz.matosec@gmail.com) graduated from musicology at the Philosophical Faculty of the University of Ljubljana in June 2006, and is continuing his studies as a postgraduate student at the Utrecht University in The Netherlands. He received a Prešeren award for his bachelor thesis »Development of the German Lied between 1782 and 1878: ten settings of Goethe's ballad Erlkönig«. He has been awarded the prestigious Huygens scholarship and the City of Ljubljana scholarship. He regularly writes articles, interviews, concert and CD reviews for the Muska musical monthly magazine. His bibliography also contains articles in daily newspapers such as Dnevnik, Naši zbori (Our Choirs) magazine and Slovenian Musicological Society Bulletin. For a year and a half he was a journalist with the Slovenian National Television Cultural Programme and since 2004 he has been a collaborator of the Slovenian National Radio - Programme Ars. He is particularly interested in art song, sociology of music and music as performance.
Dr. Gregor POMPE (gregor.pompe@ff.uni-lj.si) je zaposlen kot asistent na Oddelku za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani. Njegova raziskovanja se dotikajo predvsem sodobne glasbe in njene estetike kot tudi semantike glasbe. Dejaven je tudi kot publicist in skladatelj.
Gregor POMPE (Ph.D.) (gregor.pompe@ff.uni-lj.si) works as an assistant at the Department of Musicology of the Philosophical Faculty of University of Ljubljana. His research is mainly devoted to contemporary music and aesthetics as well as to the semantics of music. He is active also as a journalist and composer.
Peter REVERS (peter.revers@gmx.at) se je rodil leta 1954 v Würzburgu. Študiral je muzikologijo, psihologijo in kompozicijo na univerzah v Salzburgu in na Dunaju kakor tudi na salzburškem »Mozarteumu«. 1981-1996 predavatelj in docent - Univerza za
glasbo na Dunaju, 1993 habilitacija v muzikološki stroki (Univerza v Hamburgu), od 1996 redni profesor muzikologije na Univerzi za glasbo in dramske umetnosti v Gradcu. Od 2001 predsednik Avstrijskega muzikološkega društva. Glavna področja raziskovanja: G. Mahler, W.A. Mozart, J. Sibelius, recepcija daljnovzhodne glasbe v Evropi v poznem 19. in zgodnjem 20. stoletju.
Peter REVERS (peter.revers@gmx.at), born 1954 in Würzburg. Studied Musicology, Psychology and Composition at the Universities of Salzburg and Vienna as well as at the University »Mozarteum« in Salzburg. 1981-1996: Assistant Professor and Lecturer: University of Music in Vienna, 1993 postdoctoral lecturing qualification in Musicology (University of Hamburg), since 1996 Full Professor of Musicology at the University of Music and Dramatic Arts in Graz. Since 2001 President of the Austrian Musicological Society. Main fields of research: Gustav Mahler, W. A. Mozart, Jean Sibelius, reception of Far Eastern music in Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Nico SCHÜLER (nico.schuler@txstate.edu), ki je študiral glasbeno pedagogiko, muzikologijo in glasbeno teorijo, je izredni profesor glasbene teorije in muzikologije ter direktor podiplomskega glasbenega študija na Teksaški državni univerzi. Glavna področja njegovega raziskovalnega zanimanja so: aplikacija računalnikov v glasbi, interdisciplinarni vidiki moderne glasbe, pedagogika glasbene teorije, metodologija glasbenega raziskovanja in svetovna glasba. Je urednik zbirke Metodologija glasbenega raziskovanja (Frankfurt na Majni, New York: Peter Lang) ter referenčne periodične publikacije Južno-osrednjiglasbeni bilten, in avtor oziroma urednik osemnajstih knjig ter pisec več kot 70 člankov. Nico Schüler je bil izbran za naslednjega predsednika južno-osrednje sekcije Univerzitetnega društva za glasbo in je obenem tudi podpredsednik teksaške sekcije Nacionalnega združenja skladateljev ZDA (NACUSA).
Nico SCHÜLER (nico.schuler@txstate.edu), who studied music education, musicology, and music theory, is Associate Professor of Music Theory and Musicology and the Director of Graduate Studies in Music at Texas State University. His main research interests are computer applications in music, interdisciplinary aspects of modern music, music theory pedagogy, methodology of music research, and World Music. He is the editor of the book series Methodology of Music Research (Frankfurt am Main, New York: Peter Lang) and of the refereed journal South Central Music Bulletin, the author or editor of 18 books, and the author of more than 70 articles. Nico Schüler is President Elect of The College Music Society's South Central Chapter and Vice President of the Texas Chapter of the National Association of Composers USA (NACUSA).
Katarina TOMAŠEVIC (kaja.t@EUnet.yu), muzikologinja, doktorica filozofije, raziskovalka na Muzikološkem inštitutu Srbske akademije znanosti in umetnosti v Beogradu ter docentka na Oddelku za muzikologijo in etnomuzikologijo Umetniške akademije v Novem Sadu. Od 2006 je glavna urednica mednarodne revije Musicology (ki jo izdaja Muzikološki inštitut SANU). Glavna področja njenega raziskovanja so:
evropski okviri srbske glasbe, zgodovina odrske glasbe in teorija tradicije, modernizem in avantgarda. Njene številne študije vključujejo: Srbska glasba na križišču Vzhoda in Zahoda?K dialogu med tradicijo in modernizmom v srbski glasbi med obema vojnama (doktorska disertacija, 2004, prihodnja izdaja Muzikološkega inštituta SANU, 2007); Glasba in gledališko življenje Srbov v 18. stoletju (magistrska naloga, 1990, v rokopisu); Srbska glasba po I. svetovni vojni v kontekstu "Nove Evrope" in "Nove glasbe"; "Čas umetnosti" Dragutina Gostuškega v primerjavi s filozofijo in estetiko Etienna Souriauja; Modalitete B. Bartokovega vpliva na srbsko glasbo prve polovice 20. stoletja.
Katarina TOMAŠEVIC (kaja.t@EUnet.yu), musicologist, Ph.D., researcher at the Institute of Musicology of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Belgrade and assistant professor at the Department of Musicology and Ethnomusicology at Academy of Arts in Novi Sad. From 2006 she is Editor-in-Chief of the international journal Musicology (edition of the Institute of Musicology SASA). The main fields of her research are: European frames of Serbian music, the history of stage music and the theory of tradition, modernism and avant-guard. Her numerous studies include: Serbian Music on the Cross-Roads between East and West? On Dialogue between Tradition and Modernism in Serbian Music between Two World Wars (doctoral dissertation, 2004, forthcoming edition of the Institute of Musicology SASA 2007); Music and the Theatrical Life of Serbs in the 18th Century (master's thesis, 1990, in manuscript); Serbian Music after the First World War in the context of "New Europe" and "New Music"; "The Time of Arts" by Dragutin Gostuški in Comparison with Etienne Souriau's Philosophy and Aesthetics; Modalities of Bela Bartok's Influence on Serbian Music in the First Half of the XXth Century.
John TYRRELL (tyrrellj@cardiff.ac.uk) je profesor glasbe na Univerzi v Cardiffu, potem ko je deloval na Univerzi v Nottinghamu (1976-95) in kot vodstveni urednik enciklopedije The New Grove's Dictionary of Music (1996-2000). Njegove samostojne publikacije vključujejo: Češka opera (Cambridge UP, 1988), Janačkove opere: dokumentarna ocena (Faber, 1992) in angleške izdaje spominov Janačkove vdove, Zdenka Janačkova (Moje življenje z Janačkom, Faber, 1998) ter Janačkove korespondence s Kamilo Stösslovo (Intimna pisma, Faber, 1997). Je soavtor kataloga Janačkovih del (Oxford UP, 1997), medtem ko je skupaj s Sir Charlesom Mackerrasom izdal 'brnsko verzijo' (1908) Janačkove opere Jenufa, s čimer se je obnovila Janačkova partitura, preden jo je revidiral in preorkestriral Karel Kovarovic. Leta 2002 mu je Masarykova univerza v Brnu podelila častni doktorat za njegovo delo v zvezi z Janačkom in češko glasbo. Prvi zvezek načrtovane biografije v dveh delih, Jandček: leta nekega življenja, je izšel novembra 2006 (Faber), medtem ko naj bi drugi zvezek izšel novembra 2007.
John TYRRELL (tyrrellj@cardiff.ac.uk) is Professor of Music at Cardiff University, having held posts at Nottingham University (1976-95) and at the New Grove's Dictionary of Music (1996-2000), where he served as Executive Editor. His books include Czech Opera (Cambridge University, 1988), Janaček's Operas: A Documentary
Account (Faber, 1992) and English editions of the memoirs of Janaček's widow, Zdenka Janačkova (My Life with Janaček, Faber, 1998), and Janaček's correspondence with Kamila Stösslova (Intimate Letters, Faber, 1992). He is co-author of the catalogue of Janaček's works (Oxford University Press, 1997), and with Sir Charles Mackerras, he edited the 'Brno 1908' version of Janaček's opera, Jenufa, which restored Janaček's score before its revision and reorchestration by Karel Kovarovic. In 2002 he was awarded an honorary doctorate by the Masaryk University of Brno for his work on Janaček and Czech music. The first volume of his two-volume biography, Jandček: Years of a Life, appeared in November 2006 (Faber); the second volume is due out in November 2007.
Jernej WEISS (jernej.weiss@ff.uni-lj.si) je po študiju na Oddelku za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani (1999-2002) in Inštitutu za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Regensburgu (2002-2003) leta 2004 z odliko diplomiral na Oddelku za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani. Po diplomi se je kot mladi raziskovalec zaposlil na omenjenem oddelku, kjer nadaljuje z doktorskim študijem muzikologije na temo »Vloga češke glasbene imigracije v glasbeni kulturi na Slovenskem med letoma 1861 in 1914.« Leta 2005 je bil izvoljen v naziv asistenta na Oddelku za muzikologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani ter istega leta postal asistent uredništva revije Muzikološki zbornik. Raziskovalno se ukvarja predvsem s preučevanjem glasbe na Slovenskem in v čeških deželah na prehodu iz 19. v 20. stoletje ter obdobja med obema svetovnima vojnama, glasbe in politike ter psihologije glasbe.
Jernej WEISS (jernej.weiss@ff.uni-lj.si) studied at the Department of Musicology of the University of Ljubljana (1999-2002) and spent his senior year in Germany, studying at the Institute of Musicology of the University of Regensburg (2002-2003), working there also as a research fellow. After completing his undergraduate studies with a thesis on the history of Czech musical immigration in Slovenia, he received a research fellowship and an assistantship in the field of musicology at the Philosophical Faculty of the University of Ljubljana, where he is currently continuing his postgraduate studies. The focal point of his Ph.D. research is »The role of Czech musical immigration in Slovenia, between 1861 and 1914.« In 2005 he became an Assistant Editor of the Musicological Annual. His research is mainly devoted to the history of Czech and Slovene music at the turn of the 19th to the 20th century, music between the World Wars, music and politics and psychology of music.
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