no. 28, 29/1995
Vladimir BREZAR
Stanovanjska gradnja v Sloveniji včeraj in danes
Housing Construction in Slovenia in the Past and Present
Stanouarysfco gospodarstuo Stanovanjska gradnja Sloveiiya
Avtor opisuje 'Milieu" v preteklosti, ki Je poleg gradnje stanovanjskih sosesk, dopuščal številnim legalnim in nelegalnim samograditeljem gradryo individualnih hiš, neracionalno razpršenih po celi Sloveiiijt Nerešeni problemi stanovwyske gradnje iz preteklosti se. navkljub spremembam na stanovaiy'skem podrogu po letu 1991, kažejo danes v obliki številnih in prepletenih posledicah.
Housing econiomy Housing construction Slovenia
The author discusses the niilieus of the past which, besides housing neigJ-ibourhoods, allowed many legal and illegal self-help housing builders to construct siiìgle-fanùly houses, dispersed all over Slovenia. Notwithstanding the changes introduced in the housing sector after 1991, the wisolved housing construction problems of the past are presently manifested in a variety of interrelated qjlere^ects.
Naš sedanji stanovanjski fond je skupaj s komunalno infrastrukturo največja posamična postavka narodnega premoženja. Stanovanjske in komunalne gradnje so v preteklih desetletjih pomenile eno tretjino vseh investicij. Pridobitev stanovanja zajema sedem do deset let najproduktivnejšega obdobja v življenju povprečnega Slovenca.
Analiza našega stanovanjskega fonda je zahtevna naloga, ker črpa iz različnih virov, ki so med seboj različni, v izhodiščih, metodah In ciljih. Nekaj nam o tem povedo statistični letopisi, nekaj popisi prebivalstva, toda za stroko je to vse premalo. Raziskava,-ki je bila narejena za potrebe vladnega programa v zvezi z energetsko sanacijo stanovanj in stanovanjskih hiš,seje približala realni oceni stanovanjskega fonda glede na tipe zgradb, tipe stanovanj, starosti In tehnične lastnosti.
Ta raziskava sicer potrjuje nekaj, kar na splošno že vemo: da obstajata dve vrsti stanovanjske gradnje, ki sta po drugi svetovni vojni vtisnili pečat slovenski krajini in našemu vsakdanjemu okolju. To sta:
-	družbeno usmerjena (socialna, solidarnostna) množična gradnja večinoma več stanovanjskih objektov in velikih agregatov (sosesk) ter
-	množična enodružinska gradnja, narejena pretežno s samograd-njo
Obe sta enako agresivni, enako se polaščata prostora, tako da izkoriščata bližino, komunalnih naprav (npr. vpadnic) in urbanih središč. Za obe vrsti gradnje je značilno tudi.
Slovenia's present housing stock is. together with the communal infrastructure, the biggest single national asset. Throughout the last decades, housing and communal construction constituted one third of all investments. Securing housing takes between seven to tenyears of the most productive period of the lifetime of an average Slovene.
Analysing our housing stock is a demanding task, since the anatysis draws from various sources which differ from one another fundamentally. methodologically and with respect to Uieii' goals. Some information is available from annual statistics publications and some from population censuses, but this is all too little for professional purposes. Research which was done for the government's energy-saving renewal progi"amme for aparbnents and houses came close to tlie true estimate of tlie housing stock, categorised into building type, type of apartment, housing age and technical properties.
niis reseai'ch confinns what we ge-nei-ally already know i.e.. that there are two types of housing construction which left their mark on the Slovene landscape and on our immediate suiToundings. after tlie Second World War. Hiese are:
-	public (social, solidarity) mass construction, mostly in multi-fa-mily aparbnent blocks and big housing complexes (neighbourhoods), and
-	mass single family housing con-stn.iction mostly of the self-help type.

št. 28, 29/1995
da ne upoštevata nobenega konteksta. Individualizem se kaže v pro-stostoječi enodružinski hiši, v pro-stostoječem bloku ali stolpnici, kot tudi v prostostoječi soseski, ki nima roba, fasade, zaključka - konča se "kar tako". Pri nobeni ni izraženega zunanjega, javnega ali celo urbanega prostora: pri enodružinski gradnji po naravi tipa, pri soseskah zaradi "tehnokratskega" urbanizma, ki ga narekujejo žerjavne proge, osončenje, tehnologija gradnje, normativi, diferenciacija prometa. Za arhitekturo enodružinske gradnje Je značilen princip aplikacije in dekoracije, za arhitekturo sosesk pa velike dimenzije in dispozicije, ki ne upoštevajo človeškega merila,
V Sloveniji se kot v večini držav in režimov neprestano ubadamo z reševanjem stanovanjskega vprašanja. V preteklih desetletjih smo to počeli na dva načina: organizirano in stihijsko.
Povojna načrtna industrializacija dežele, kije povzročila priliv ters tem pritisk (in uvoz) delovne sile v sta asimptotično povečala potrebo po stanovanjih. Prostorska in časovna koncentracija te potrebe je zahtevala učinkovite rešitve. Ti so bili znani že od drugod; množična organizirana gradnja stanovanj po meri povprečne (statistične) delavske družine je znana že iz časov industrijske revolucije, nemških "Siedlungen" (Berlin, Frankfurt) in številna satelitska naselja ob velikih mestih po 2. svetovni vojni ( London, Pariz, Stockholm itd.). Graditev stanovanjskih naselij postane dejavnost, ki traja kar nekaj let; pri gradnji sodeluje obsežen aparat, uporabljajo pa hitre industrijske metode. Na podlagi racionalnega zazidalnega vzorca, tipskih objektov (ali vsaj stopniščnih lamel), tipiziranih elementov zgradb (vhodi, balkoni, okna, vrata...) so v kratkem zgradili naselja za 5,10,15 tisoč ljudi, Enako velika ali manjša lepa stara slovenska mesta so nastajala nekaj stoletij. Gradnjo je pospešilo še sistemsko, načrtno zbiranje sredstev z obveznim prispevkom od osebnih dohodkov. Pri gradnji so bila uspešna le velika podjetja (tako so tudi nastala), ki so zaposlila množico uvoženih (nekvalificiranih) delavcev
Bolh are equally aggressive and equally presumptive in space so as to lake advantage of proximity to communal infrastructure (e.g. roads) and urban centi-es. It is typical of both types not to follow any context.
Individualism is exemplilied in the detached family house, in the detached block or skyscraper, as much as in the detached neighbourhood, lacking an edge, facadc or ending. It ends "just like lhaL\ None of tliem has a defined exterior, public or even urban space. This is due to the nature of housing type, in tlie case of single family constrticUon, and due to "technocratic" urbanism, dictated by crane rails, daylight standards, building technology, stan-dai'ds and ti^affic segregation, in Uie case of neighbourhoods. The principle of application and decoration is chaj-acteristic of tlie aichltecture of single family housing while big size and extensive dispositions that pay no attention to human scale, characterise tlie architecture of neighbourhoods.
In Slovenia, like in the majority of oÜier counti'ies, we have endlessly been stru^ling to solve the housing problem. In past decades, we approached this problem in two ways: organised and i-andomly.
'Ihe planned industrialisation of tlie nation after tlie Second World War, which caused tlie influx and, thus, the pressure and import of the work force into towns, asymptotically increased the need for housing. The concentration of housing need, both in tenns of space and time, demanded effective solutions. Ihese had been already known from other places. Organised mass housing, built to tlie scale of tlie (statistical) average working family, is known from the period of tlie Industrial Revolution, the German "Siedkm-gen" (Berlin, Fr^ikfurt), and several post-war "satellite" settlements near big cities (e.g. London, Paris. Stockholm).
Housing constRiction becomes an activity that lasts several years. Construction consists of an extensive apparatus involving the appli-

no. 28,29/1995
in uporabljale uvoženo tehnologijo, ki temelji predvsem no armiranem betonu. Prišloje do absurdnega položaja: gostujoči delavci potrebujejo stanovanja (imajo velike družine, torej ugoden položaj na prednostni lestvici), tu pa so zato, da gradijo nova stanovanja torej zase. S tem v zvezi je treba poudariti, da je nenadna koncentracija ljudi iz različnih okolij (geografskih in kulturnih) povzročila sociološki šok, ki ga naselje preboli šele čez mnogo let, morda po eni celi generaciji, kozrasejo prvi otroci in prva drevesa (otroci se in-timneje polaščajo okolja, v katerem odraščajo - ga raziskujejo^).
Bivalno kulturo v teh okoljih kritizirajo stanovalci, sociologi, pa tudi arhitekti in urbanisti. O negativnem odnosu do okolja v gosto naseljenih stanovanjskih soseskah doma in po svetu so bile narejene številne raziskave. Osnovne ugotovitve teh raziskav so predvsem: nenamenska raba stanovanjskih prostorov (drugačna od projektirane), prenaseljenost stanovanj (cenzus), nenamenska raba skupnih prostorov (ali celo ne-raba: kolesarnice sušilnice), nenamenska raba skupnih površin (zelenice, parkirišča, igrišča - getoizacija ali coning) in slabo vzdrževanje; pomankanje smisla ali motiva za skupnost in sodelovanje, vandalizem, odmetavanje odpadkov, grafiti, prilaščanje skupnih prostorov in površin... Za te soseske je značilna splošna odtujenost, brezosebnost, pomanjkanje stikov s sosedi; srečanja na stopnišču, v dvigalu, na vhodu Imajo zgolj formalni značaj - ljudje se pozdravijo, ker pač živijo skupaj. Povsem drugače je na deželi ali v okolju z enodružinskimi hišami, kjer lahko vedno skozi okno (tako da smo sami neopaženi) opazujemo sosede pri njihovem vsakdanjem delu, prihajanju domov, kajti dokler vemo, kaj delajo, se počutimo varne. V stolpnici pa nikogar ne vidimo, vse je skrivnostno, zato pa tudi sumljivo.
Tako stanje je seveda tudi eden od razlogov za razcvet drugega, nena-črtnega načina "reševanja stanovanjskega problema". Končni cilj stanovalcev v blokih in stanovanjskih soseskah jè, da bi enkrat v življenju prišli do svoje hiše z vrtom.
calion of fast industrial methods. On tlie basis of a rational .model plan, standardised buildings (or at least the staircase lamellae), stand-aa dised parts of buildings (entrances, balconies, windows, doors, etc.), a settlement for five, ten or fifteen thousand people was constructed in a short time. It took several centuries for equally big or smaller beautiful Slovene towns to develop.
Construction was further accelerated by tlie systemic, planned fimd raising through compulsory contributions deducted from personal income. Only the big building companies were successful in construction (so big companies were created) which employed masses of imported (unskilled) workers and applied imported technology primarily based on the use of reinforced concrete.
An absurd situation soon arose as tlie visiting workers themselves needed housing. Tliey were, therefore, here tobuild new housing (with Uieir big families, they had to be given priority on the waiting list) for Uiemselves. It is necessaiy to emphasise, at this jimcture, that the sudden concentration of people from different environments (geographical and cultural) caused a sociological shock from which any settlement woLild require many years to recover. Tliis may probably talie a whole generation, when the first children and trees grow up (the children cling to tlie environment in which they grow up more intimately. They investigate it).^
ITie Irving traditions in these environments have been criticised by the residents and sociologists, as well as by architects and town planner. Several studies have been done, both at home and abroad, on the negative relationship to the environment in the densely populated housing neighbourhoods. The main revelations from these studies are: the improper use of housing space (different from the planned use), overcrowding (censuses), improper use or even no use at all of common areas (iDicycle storerooms, laundiy diying rooms), improper use of common space (green areas, paiking
št. 28,29/1995
Čeprav je hiša z vrtom želja večine ljudi po vsem svetu, je enodružinska hiša v Sloveniji po 2. svetovni vojni prav poseben pojav. Trdimo lahko, da je pojav množične gradnje enodružinskih hiš in sa mog rad ite Ijst va nekakšno nadomestilo za: sanjsko vilo v vrtu, bivanje, ki bi omogočalo stik z naravo (ki smo ga bili večinoma vajeni iz otroštva zaradi svojega kmečkega porekla), za izgubljeno identiteto, kije bila v obdobju kolektivizma nezaželena in v stanovanjskem bloku nemogoča, za kompetitivno uveljavljane v družbi (status). Ali drugače povedano: okoliščine za takšen pojav so ustvarili različni ekonomski in politični dejavniki, To je dopuščala predvsem država oziroma režim (s svojim popuščanjem pri uresničevanju načel), ker je želela ohraniti socialni in politični mir. Tako je reševala tudi stanovanjsko problematiko; sistem ni dopuščal lastništva, torej tudi ne investiranja v proizvodna sredstva; ljudje so lahko vrednost svojega denarja zaradi velike inflacije ohranjali le tako, da so denar sproti vlagali v zidove lastne hiše; zemljišče je bilo splošna družbena last, torej brez realne cene (renta), zato ni nikogar motila nena(rtna In neracionalna zidava; delovni čas, pri katerem so popoldnevi prosti, omogoča razcvet "nacionalnega športa"- mešanje betona. Vendar ima država, ki vse to dopušča, tudi svojo korist: zas-tonjsko zemljišče obremeni z dajatvami, ravno tolikšnimi, da jih vsak zmore (prispevek za spremembo namembnosti, komunalni prispevek itd.). Urbanistične službe pa pridno parcelirajo teren in rišejo vanj kvadratke (kajti to je tudi zanesljiv In stalen vir dohodka),
Kakšna je slovenska enodružin-ska hiša in zakaj?
Čeprav niti dve hiši nista enaki, lahko govorimo o nekem splošnem tipu, ki ga lahko opišemo takole:
-	to je prostostoječa zgradba sredi parcele;
-	njena tlorisna velikost se giblje od 8 X 8 do 12 X 12 metrov, po obliki tlorisa je ponavadi podobna kvadratu;
-	višina obsega: klet, pritličje, nadstropje- ali (in) podstrešje, pritličje
space, playgrounds, the creation of ghettos or zoning) and iDad maintenance, lack of a sense and motive for community life and co-operation, vandalism, littering, grafiìti, usurping comiiion ai-eas and space, etc. Among the other characteristics of these neighbourhoods, are: general alienation; impersonality; lack of contact with neighboLirs, and meetings in tlie stairway, lift or entrance hall are only of a formal nature. Greetings are exchanged only because people live together. The situation is quite different in the countryside or in single family housing areas where it is always possible to watch (imnoticed, of course) our neighbours at tlieir daily work or. coming home. For we always feel safe as long as we Itnow what tliey are doing. In tlie skyscrapers, on the other hand, we do not see anyone. Eveiything is secret and tlierefore raises suspicion.
ITiis situation is one of the reasons tliat led to the development of another unplanned method for "solving Uie housing problem". The ultimate goal of residents in blocks and housing neighbourhoods is to acquire their own Jiouse wiUi a garden, at one point in their lifetime.
Notwithstanding tlie aspiration of tlie majority of people all over the world to own a house with a garden, the single family house is a special phenomenon in Slovenia. It is possible to state tliat mass single family house building and self-help practice is a substitute for a variety of things. It is a substitute for the dream mansion witli a garden, which would allow us contact with nature (to which we were accustomed in childhood clays in our rural environment). It is also a substitute for tlie lost identity which, during the period of collectivism, was undesirable, and imattainable, in a housing block. It also serves to competitively assert oneself (achieve status) in society. In otlier words, the circiUTistances that led to tliis phenomenon were created by different economic and political factors. niese developments had l^een possible because the state (which was tolerant in the implementation of regulations) was tlius able to

no. 28,29/1995
je navadno kok meter nad ravnjo terena; okna v klet so pomembnejša od stika stanovalcev s terenom, saj bivanje zunaj ni posebej značilno za naše navade, celo na Primorskem ne - klet pa je zelo uporabna dodatna površina, polna šare, ozimnice, delavnic itd.;
- garaža je v objektu (klan(ina v klet) ali posebej kot provizorij itd.
Prostornina teh hišje podobna prostornini kocke, načrtovana je torej skrajno racionalno. Streha je preprosta dvokapnica, kritina je odvisna od cene ali mode (tegola canadese, salonit,..). Okna in vrata so tipska konfekcija. Z ograjo in opaži ter s cokli pa se že kažejo individualna hotenja po identiteti in statusu. Arhitektura to ni, čeprav so projekte podpisali arhitekti. Opozoriti pa je treba na fenomen tipskih projektov in dodatne spremembe pri graditvi. Navsezadnje tudi množica odličnih arhitekturnih objektov ne zagotavlja tudi izredne kakovosti - kar kaže spet na pomen urbanističnega oblikovanja oziroma koncepta zunanjega prostora.^
V	čem je torej ptednost enodružinske hiše? Predvsem v lastništvu in uporabi, ki ju ni, treba deliti z drugimi; parcelo ima tudi druge nebi-valne funkcije (delo na vrtu, parkiranje, prostor za domače živali), hkrati pa se rabi kot nebivalni prostor vrt;enodružinsko hišo lahko v skladu s svojimi potrebami širimo in prilagajamo (gradnja prizidkov in ureditev podstrešij); poleg tega ima tudi veliko stanovanjsko površino (povprečna enodružinska hiša ima 120 - 200 m^ bivalne površine - brez kleti, to pa je 2 do 3 - krat več bivalne površine, kot jo ima stanovanje v bloku).
V	odnosu do drugih oblik bivanja je enodružinska hiša znak, ki izraža lastnikovo Individualnost in prisotnost, celo njegov status (imetje); zunanji prostor je določen samo z zunanjo pojavnostjo, ograjo, urejenim vrtom itd. Enodružinska hiša ne ustvarja in določa zunanjega ali celo urbanega prostora, to ni niti njen namen. To je skrajna oblika indi-vidualzrna, kot protiutež "vsemu ostalemu" (dilavi, družbi), kar je
maintain social and political tranquillity. The housing problem was tackled in a similar manner. Hie system did not allow for ownership, and therefore no investment into the means of production. Due to high inflation, the people tried to maintain the value of their money by investing it into building their own house. Land was public property, Üierefore without true value (rent), and as such nobody was bothered by unplanned and irrational construction. The working time, where the afternoons were free, allowed for tlie spreading of Uie "national sport" of concrete mixing.
By allowing all this to happen, the state too, has its own advantage. It levies tlie "free" land with just as much tax (contribution for change of land use, contribution for communal infrastiTicture, etc.) as everyone can alToixl to pay. On their part, tlie town planning departments diligently parcel out the land and draw plots (as this is also a reliable and constant source of income).
What is the Slovene sin^e family house like and whjr?
Altliough not even two houses are identical, it is possible to identify a common type which may be described as follows:
-	it is a detached building in the middle of tlie parcel,
-	its plan dimensions range between 8x8 m and 12x12 m; the shape of its plan is generally similar to a square,
-	in height, the sti-ucture includes the basement, ground floor, upper floor or (and) the attic. The groLmd floor is generally one metre above the level of the terrain since living outside is not particularly typical of our tradition, not even in the coastal region of the countiy (Primorska). The basement offers veiy useful additional space for stoiing junk, winter stores, as a workshop, etc.
-	tlie garage is in the btiilding itself (accessible by a gradient into the basement), or a free standing makeshift stixicture.

skupno, naše, kolektivno in samoupravno (v drugih okoljih lahko tudi totalitarno, npr. v Afriki...).
št. 28.29/1995
Kakšno vlogo ima pri vsem tem stroko - arhitektura, urbanizem?
Če vleče pri oknih ali puščajo pipe, se stanovalci navadno jezijo na arhitekte; na druge negativne pojave v bivalnem okolju pa se odzivajo bolj podzavestno. Arhitekti se izgovarjajo na urbaniste (žal to že dolgo ni več ena in ista oseba ali celo institucija), ti pa spet na politike...
Tudi v obdobju "modernega" urbanizma je stroka uspela projekte prikazati v najboljši luči, vsaj v okviru konkretnih natečajev. Ljubljanske soseske Imajo - razen morda Savskega naselja - svojo Izrazito fiziog-nomijo, poteze, ki ostanejo v spominu kot predstava o točno določenemu kraju. Pojem ulica seje pojavil že zelo zgodaj: v DGŠN, kjer Je to le ime, a Je v resnici nezaznavna; v soseski pri Ruskem carju je to le glede na dimenzije, a je bolj "ploščad"; v Šiški Je ni niti v konceptu, ker temelji na teoretični zasnovi soseske (delno), v Fužinah je obstajala ulica (Zaloška) že pred njihovo izgradnjo, a jo pozidava popolnoma negira; v Zupan^čevi Jami je ulica res ulica, ki pa nikamor ne pelje...
Vse to govori o tem, da smo že zelo daleč od "heliotropičnega urbanizma" kakega Langenscheidta ali Hil-bersheimerja. Tuji kolegi, ki so si ogledali Ljubljano, trdijo, da je lepa -tudi njen moderni del. Očitno torej nismo dosegli mega-merila predmestij v velikih mestih; ko smo ponavljali napake drugih, smo jih prenesli na naša tla v okviru svojih možnosti in svojega prostora.
Tudi razvojni lok v naslednjem primeru je poučen: v DGŠN lahko še vedno vidimo "bloke sredi zelenja", med objekti so sicer zelenice, toda namenjene so zgolj gledanju. V Zupančičevi Jami so porušeni vsi normativi o zelenih površinah, odmi- kih, igriščih itd., tudi segregacija prometa ni več tako izrazita. DGŠN je agresivni kolos, ki so ga zgradili poleg ob stari vasi brez vsakega pomisleka; Zupančičeva jama se
The shape of these houses is similar to the area of a cube. It is thus planned veiy rationally. The roof is a simple double roof construction, the covering being dependent on the price or fashion ( Tegola Canadese, asbestos cement sheets etc.). The windows and doors are standardised components. Hie fences, panelling, and edges indicate a desire for personal identity and status. Tills is not architecture, although the plans have got an architect's signature on them.
It is also necessaiy to point out the phenomenon of standai'd plans and tlie additional changes that are made on tliem during construction. It must also be admitted Uiat even some of tlie excellent architectural structLires do not provide remai'k-able quality. TTiis, once again, points to tlie importance of town planning and the concept of open space. 2
Wliat then is the advantage of tlie single family house? The main advantage arises from ownei-ship and riglit of use. Tliere is no need to share the property with anyone else. Besides accommodation tlie plot offers other functions too (gai'dening, parking space and room for domestic pets). Tlie single family house may be freely extended to suit our needs (Ijy btiilding extensions and planning tlie attics). On top ofthat, the single family house offers more floor space (the average single family house has 120-200 m^ of living area without Uie basement, which is 2 to 3 times more than the average apaj'tment in a block.
In comparison with other housing types, the single family house is tlie feature that mai'ks the owner's individuality and presence, or even his status (property). The outside is defined only by exterior features, by the fence, the tidy garden, etc. The single family house does not create or detennine tlie exterior or lu-ban space. And nor is this its puipose. Tliis is an extreme type of individualism, contrasting "all tlie rest" (the state, society) that is common, ours, collective and self-managed (possibly totalitarian in other areas, e.g. in Africa).
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skrbno navezuje na obstoječo zazidano strukturo, in sicer s smermi, merilom, profili itd. Seveda pa ni biio mogoče spremeniti sistema, ki je omogočal sredstva in zemljišča, v katerem so načrtovali tako velike agregate, ki so jih nato izvedli v eni sami tehnologiji.
Razvoj urbanistične misli se izraža (tudi) v soseskah, večinoma pa ga pri njihovi gradnji niso upoštevali. Teorija je vedno prehitevala prakso, hkrati pa se je je sproti odrekala. Večina urbanističnih teoretikov seje do sosesk distancirala - delno namenoma, delno pa zato, ker ni bila "kompatibilna" s surovo prakso, ki si je za najpomembnejši cilj postavila racionalizacijo, tehnologija gradnje pa je pri tem postajala sama sebi namen. Pomembnejši od sosesk so zato manjši ansambli, nekateri od njih so postali paradigma in vzorec za mnoge posnemovalce (Ferantov vrt), predvsem pa primeri, ki se odmikajo od tipa bloka in stolpnice (Kotlje, Murgle, Dvori, Črnuška gmajna...). Tu je stroka tako ali drugače pridobila razmeroma večji vpliv (z organizacijo natečajev, delovanjem v institucijah, kot so npr. optimalni tipi stanovanj (OTS) pri Zvezi stanovanjskih skupnosti Slovenije (ZSSS); tako so nastale alternative tako množični (blokovni) kot tudi individualni (razpršeni) gradnji.
Arhitekti so si zelo prizadevali, vendar pa niso nikoli presegli problema prevelike (kritične) količine enakih razpetin, tlorisov, kopalnic, oken itd. Soseska je vedno delo velikih projektantskih skupin - najprej ur-banisti(nih, nato pa skupin, ki objekte projektirajo; navadno je ostalo pri konceptu enega projektanta, ki so ga nato izvajalci do konca ponavljali. Ker je bilo osnovno merilo racionalizacija, je bilo najlažje varčevati že pri zasnovi stanovanjskih objektov: omejene tehnološke možnosti, omejene površine, omejena raven opremljenosti, omejen okvir standardnih funkcij, omejen izbor načinov bivanja (vsaka soba ima dostop iz predprostora) - vse to je privedlo do razmeroma velikega stanovanjskega tlorisa ali vsaj do nekega določenega konsenza v standardnem stanovanju (ki pa sploh ni
What is the role of the profession (architectxire and town planning] inali this?
Residents usually blame the architect for draughty windows or leaking pipes, while their reaction to other negative occurrences in their living environment is more of a subconscious nature. The architects blame the town planners (unfortunately this has long ceased to be one and tlie same pei-son, or institution), while these put the blame on the politicians.
During the period of "modem" ur-banism the profession succeeded in presenting tlie projects in the best possible light, at least within the framework of specific architectural competitions. Apart from. Savsko Estate, Ljubljana's neighbourhoods do have their distinct physiognomy and features that stick to the memory in relation to a specific area. Tlie notion of the street was developed very early, for example: in the Stepansko Housing Estate De-monstraüon Pi'oject (ŠHEDP) where it exists only in name alüiough, im-percepUble in reality: in Ruski Car neighlxiurhood it only exists in terms of size altliough more as a "platform": m Šiška, it is not present even in concept: in Fužine the sti-eet (Zaloška) existed long before the construction of tlie neighbourhood, although the development completely negates it; while in Zupančičeva Jama estate, the street is truty one. which however leads to nowhere.
All Ulis indicates that we have already gone way off tlie "heliotropic urbanism" of Langenscheidt or Hilbersheimer. Colleagues from abroad who have visited Ljubljana say that it is beautiful, the more modem part of it inclusive. We obviously did not go as far as creating mega-size subui-bs in big cities. While repeating the mistakes made by others, we adapted Uiem to the possibiliües and circumstances offered by our space. The development trend in the following example is also indicative: in ŠHEDP we may still see "blocks in tlie middle of green areas", although the green patches between them are meant only for viewing. In Zupančičeva Jama, all standards
bil nizek, če ga primerjamo z razvitejšimi deželami - problem je bil le v prenaseljenosti stanovanj). Manj uspešno je bilo strukturiranje celih objektov in njihovo oblikovanje.
Stroka je ponujala kar nekaj "rešitev": proti monotoniji in ponavljanju seje zoperstavilo z barvanjem fasad, drobljenjem (zamikanjem) gabaritov in izborom različnih variant osnovnih tipov objektov (vrstni bloki, zamikani nizi, terasasti bloki); proti togosti stanovanjskih tlorisnih zasnov pa se je upirala s fleksibilnostjo (najprej v strukturi celega objekta, nato v samem stanovanju: variantne rešitve tipske lamele, nato vzdolžne nosilne stene, Gradisov "prosto oblikovani prostor" itd.). Na koncu pa z uvajanjem arhitekturnih elementov, kot sta dodatek, dekoracija (venci, cokli, rustika, portali, arkade...), prodre tudi najmodernejša, da ne rečemo modno arhitekturno izražanje (novi racionalizem), znova pa se pojavijo nekateri tipi objektov (vila, blok, stolpič).
V zvezi z enodružinsko gradnjo je vloga stroke kompleksnejša in nekoliko manj učinkovita. Urbanizem je bil razpet med dve skrajnosti: na eni strani gre za pritisk morebitnih graditeljev, na drugi strani pa za varovanje kmetijskih zemljišč. Zazidalni načrt je bil - kot posledica nenačrtovane in črne gradnje ter prometa z zemljišči (na podeželju, v predmestjih) - narejen šele kasneje, pravzaprav kot nekakšna legalizacija in sanacija neurejenih razmer. •Le redko je bil presežen princip mrežne parcelacije, kar je tudi neke vrste popuščanje "trgu", torej temu, kar so ljudje želeli in počeli: parcele s površino 400 - 1000 m^, po obliki kvadratne, na njih pa na sredini hiše P + 1, prav tako podobne kvadratu, (Vv zadnjem času je vendar opaziti premik k podolgovatim gabaritom). Določila v lokacijski dokumentaciji so navadno precej natančna (odmiki, višine, smer slemena, toleranca, naklon strehe, kritina...) in upoštevajo določen pro-gramatičnen red. Vendar gre nadaljevanje - življenje samo - po svoje naprej.
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relaüng to green areas, distances between buildings, playgrounds, etc. were violated, and nor is traffic explicitly segregated. ŠHEDP is an aggressive colossus built next to an old settlement without due consi-dei-ation. Zupančičeva Jaina is carefully incorpoi-ated into tlie existing built structure with regard to direc-Uon, scale, size, etc. It, of course, was not possible to change tJie system which provided the funds and land and, thus, allowed for the planning of such huge complexes which were then erected by the application of one single technology.
Tlie development of urban thinking is also expressed in the neighbourhoods alUiough, in most cases, it was not taken into consideration during constmction. Theoiy was always ahead of practice, which it also always rejected. Tlie majority of urban theorists disassociated themselves from the neighbourhoods, partJy on purpose and partly because this was not "compatible" with the raw practice which set rationalisation as tlie most important goal, while building technology was only the means wiüi which to achieve it. More important than the neighbourhoods therefore ai-e, Uie smaller developments, some of which became paradigm and models for many emulators (e.g. Feran-tov Vil). Illese ai'e, above all, examples, which departed from the block and skyscraper types (e.g. Kotlje, Murgle, Dvori, Črnuška Gmajna, etc.). In tliese cases, the profession somehow managed to achieve relatively greater influence (Uirough organising competitions and institutional work). In this way, alternative construction, boUi mass (blocks) and individual (dispereed) was developed.
Naslednja faza je projekt. Na izbiro so tipski projekti v birojih (celo po
Hie architects strove but neyer succeeded in tlieir effort to overcome tlie problem of excessive (critical) amounts of identical spans, plans, bathrooms, windows, etc. The neiglibourhood is always tlie work of big consultant groups, first town planning groups and then architectural groups. In most cases tlie concept of one architect was adopted and this was applied all through the process of realisation. Since ratio-
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katalogih), ki so razmeroma poceni in prilagojeni vsakršnim okoliščinam. torej v resnici pa nobeni. Druga možnost je naročilo pri arhitektu (za 6- do 8- kratno ceno tipskega projekta), ki zaradi določil lokacijske dokumentacije lahko stori le to, da karseda ustreže naročniku glede zasnove zgradbe; seveda so znani tudi primeri, da je LD narejena po idejnem projektu, o rezultat je vseeno neprepričljiv, soj se redke izjeme, delo dobrih arhitektov, izgubijo v množici ostalih kot razstavni unikati.
Sledi faza izvedbe. Ta je najpomembnejša, ker je zanjo značilen največji voluntarizem. Osebno ne poznam hiše, ki bi bila zgrajena dosledno po načrtu. Vzrokov za to je več: tipski projekt je dosegel svoj namen s pridobitvijo gradbenega dovoljenja, investitor pa sam najbolje ve, kaj potrebuje; dialog med njim in projektantom je bil pomanjkljiv (tudi zaradi kratkih rokov, saj se vedno neznansko mudi). Ko zgradba raste, človek vidi tisto, česar si na papirju ni mogel predstavljati. Tudi nasveti prijateljev in "strokovnjakov" imajo svojo vlogo, prav tako razpolodjiva sredstva, modne smernice in reklama (npr. tegola canadese).
Rezultat poznamo. Posebej je treba opozoriti na pravni okvir: urbanistična inšpekcija sicer deluje In sankcionira črne gradnje, toda gradbena inšpekcija pravzaprav ne obstaja. Institucija tehničnega prevzema in uporabnega dovoljenja se izvaja le izjemoma. Skladnost izvedbe s projektom ni "zaščitena", še manj pa avtorstvo (kar velja tudi za bolj legalno večstanovanjsko gradnjo).
Lahko bi torej trdili, da je stroka z dejanskim dogajanjem premalo povezana. Morda je za to kriva tudi sama, saj noče videti tistega, kar ljudje hočejo, temveč jim ponuja svoje predstave o tem, kako naj bi stanovali. Redki poskusi novih oblik organizirane strnjene (enodružinske) gradnje težko uspejo, zlasti zato, ker so organizirani in zato finančno težko dostopni. Stanovanja v bloku niso nič bolj privlačna, če so "fleksibilna" (saj tega dejansko nih-
nalisatlon was the basic factor, the easiest way to achieve this was at the stage of designing the buildings themselves. This called for limiting: the technological requirements, areas, the level of equipment, the framework of standard funcüons, the choice of type of living (every room is accessible from the entrance hall). All this led to a relaüvely big plan of tlie housing unit or at least to a certain consensus on a standard housmg unit This, in comparison with other developed countries, was not at all small. TTie problem was only the overcrowding of tlie housing units. The structuring and design of whole buildings was less successful.
'Hie profession oifered some "solutions". It countered monotony and repetition by painting the facades, breaking heights and through a selection ofvarious basic types of buildings (rows of blocks, indented building lines and terrace blocks). ITie rigid housing plan concepts were coimtered by allowing flexibility, fii-st in llie structure of Uie whole building and tlien in the housing unit itself with the use of variant solutions of typical lamellae, and longitudinal load bearing walls, freely planned space, etc.). With the introduction of architectural elements such as supplements, decorations (cornice, recesses, rustic work, portals, arches, etc.) the most modem architectural expression (new rationalism) ultimately surfaces. New types of biüldings (mansions, blocks and the tower blockj appear.
The role of Üie profession, in relation to single family house building is somewhat more complex and less eifecüve. Town planning was stretched between two extremes. There was the pressure from potential builders on the one hand, and the need to protect agriculti.iral land, on the other. The building plan was (as a consequence of unplanned, squatter bLiilding and informal land transactions in the rtiral and sub-url^an areas), prepared later, in fact as some-sort of legalisation and reorganisation of an unregulated situation. The iron-grid principle of parcelling was rarely applied. This, in a sense, was giving way to the
če ne izkoristi) ali fasade lepo pobarvane. Edino, kar lahko opazimo v zadnjem času, je to, da postaja za ljudi boij privlačno bivanje bliže urbanih središč, v varnih, dobro izvedenih in izoliranih objektih, ki omogočajo parkiranje v kleti (Zupančičeva jama, Kotnikova).
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Kaj se dogaja danes in kakšno bo prihodnost stanovanjske gradnje pri nos?
Trenutno smo v fazi uveljavljanja novega stanovanjskega zakona, čeprav smo odkup stanovanj in registracijo črnih gradenj že izvedli. Toda najpomembnejši izvedbeni akti šele pridejo: kategorizacija stanovanj, zakon o urejanju prostora, metodologija za legalizacijo črnih gradenj, metodologija za zagostitev sedanje razpršene gradnje... V zvezi s prostorskimi dokumenti pričakujemo cel kup novosti, ki bodo zajele celo državo, vse občine. Obenem pa tudi svež investicijski zagon, zlasti kar zadeva najennniška stanovanja. Vse to bomo v novih "kapitalističnih razmerah" skrajno težko uresničili, kajti pojavili se bodo novi (stari) lastniki zemljišč, ki, bodo imeli v zvezi s cenami gradbenih parcel različne interese. Te so se naenkrat zelo povečale,pa še malo jih je. Ravno cene zemljišča (renta) bi lahko zavrle eks-tenzivno urbanizacijo in omogočale racionalno rabo parcel v smislu rentabilnosti, torej kvalitete in ne cenenosti: na veliko parcelo zato spada "bogata" vila òli pa kvalitetna večstanovanjska hiša z udobjem, ki upravičuje visoko ekonomsko najemnino, v katero je vključen tudi dobiček (stimulans);
Stanovanjska gradnja bo - tako kot je bila v preteklosti - še.vedno odvisna od politike, ali drugače povedano, politika se bo še naprej ukvarjala s stanovanjskim vprašanjem. Težko rečemo (glede na sedanje razmere), da bo imela v prihodnosti stroka kaj večji vpliv. Ne glede na tuje vzore (npr. Gradec) in domače znanje, ki smo ga pridobili v zadnjih desetletjih (GCS, Ul, FAGG), se bomo vsi na novo učili urbanizma in gradnje, ki ju zahtevajo kapitalistične tržne razmere. Zelo verjetno pa se bo zgodilo to: ne
"market", to satisfy people's needs and actions. Illese were lots measuring 400-1000 m2, square in shape, in the middle of which stood a one-storey house also in the shape of a squai-e (recent trend indicates a move towards rectangular shapes). Hie requirements of the planning peniiission are nonnally quite precise (sight lines, ridge direcUon, tolerance, roof slope, roof covering, etc.), and lake into consideration a specific progi:ammalic order. From here onwards life, however, takes its own path.
Then follows the phase of the plan. ITiere is a choice of standard plans (even in catalogue fonn) available from ai-chitectLiral consultancies, niese are relatively cheap and adapted to aJl types of situations, Ü1US, to none in reality. The other possibility is to commission a plan wltii an architect (for a price 6-8 times higher than Uie standai-d plan) who in accordance wiUi planning pennission requirements may do his best.to satisfy the needs of his customer with regai'd to tlie concept of tlie building. Cases aie also Imown of, where planning pennission documents were prepared on Uie basis of the preliminaiy sketch drawings of a building. Even in these cases. Uie results are not impressive, since the rare excepUons of good architectural work get lost among the rest as unique exhibition pieces.
ITie consti-uctlon stage then follows. Iliis is the most important because it is here that voluntarism is most rampant. 1. pereonally do not know of any house that was built consistently with tJie plan. There are several reasons for this. The standard plan achieved its purpose the moment it secured the building peniiit At the same time, Uie owner knows best what he wants. The dialogue between Uie clientand architect was inadequate (for, due to Uie short periods set, eveiyUiingis always done in a great hurry). Wlien Uie building stands out in space, one then sees what he was not able to imagine on paper. Tlie advice given by friends and "exjierts", available funds, modem trends and adver-Usements (e.g. Tegola Canadese), also do play a role.
C
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bo več velikih sosesk, sredstev za stanovanjsko gradnjo, ki bi jih zagotavljal sistem, manj bo črnih gradenj; prišlo pa bo do diverzifikacije stanovanjskega standarda, tipov zgradb in zazidalnih vzorcev. Zaenkrat bo prevladala miselnost "small is beautiful", predvsem pa bo gradbena tehnologija spet samo "dekla', ki služi arhitekturi.
prof. dr. Vladimir Brezar, dipl. inž. arh., Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Ljubljana
Opombe
' Zanimiv primer je bilo demonstracijsko gTžidbišče Štepanjsko naselje (CXjSN): v objektili P+4 so bili sami najemniki (večinoma z juga In pode-željžO. v stolpnicah P+12 pa sami etažni lastniki, torej premožnejši srednji sloj. večinoma domači.
^ Primer Harvard: ko je Stirling utemeljeval svoj prizidek t.i. Fogg galerije, je dejal, daje pač 'postavil še eno žival v živalski vrt...
Note
' The Štepanjsko Housing Estate De-monstraüon Project (ŠHEDP) pi^sents an interesting example. The residents of tlie housing units in tlic fo\ir-storey buildings were all tenants (mostly migrants from tlie soutliem parts of tlie former Yugoslavia, and from niral areas, while apartments in tlie twelve-storey blocks were owner occupied by tlie more affluent middle class , mostly local inliabitants.
^ The Harvard example: In jusüfying Iiis extension, to Uie Fogg Gallery, Stirling said that he "only put anotlier animal in the zoo....".
The result is known. There is a need to point out the legal framework in particular. The town plaiinmg inspectorate operates and saiicUons unauthorised housing construction but the building Inspectorale does not exist. The measLire of technical examination and the issuing of the operation pemiit is only rarely effected. Reconciliation of constaic-tion with Uie plan is not "secured", less still are the copyrights protected (which applies even to more legal multi-family construction).
It is therefore possible to state lhat the profession is not sufficiently in touch with real events in practice. May be the profession itself is to be blamed for this since it does not want to recognise what people really want and instead it is oflering them its own view as to how Uiey ought to live. The rare attempts at new forms of organised, compacted (single family) house building can hardly succeed, especially because they are organised and, as such, access to them is financially difTicult. Apartments in blocks are also not more atti-acUve Just because they are "flexible" (since in elTect noÌDody exploits this possibility), or because the facade is beautifully painted. Recently, however, it has been possible to obsei-ve Uiat living neai" urban centres, in safe, well (;onstj-Lic-ted and insulated buildings, with pai-king space in the basement (Zupančičeva Jama and Kotnikova housing estates) is becoming more atti-active.
What is happening today and what is the future of housing construction in Slovenia?
We are presently at Uie stage of implementing the new housing act, although housing privatisation and tlie legalisation of unauUiorised housing have been accomplished. Nonetlieless, the most important implementation provisions (including die categorisation of housing units. Uie physical planning act. methodology for the legalisation of unauthorised housing, methodology for compacting the present dispersed building pattern) are yet to follow. With regard to islaiining documents, a number of new appro-
aches is expected to be introduced over the whole country. At the same time, fresh investments are to be expected, particularly in the field of rented housing.
It wiU be extremely difficult to achieve all this in the new "capitalist circumstances", since the new (old) landowners are going to emerge with quite different interests with respect to the prices of building plots, niese prices have suddenly increased, while tliere are only a few plots available. 'Hie price of land itself (rent) could put a halt to extensive tii-banisation and allow for the rational use of plots in a more profitable way, in favom- of quality instead of low price. A big plot is. Qierefore, appropriate for a "luxu-rioLis" mansion or high standard mulü-family housing olfering comfort which jusUfies the high economic rent, which also includes profit.
Housing construction will, as it has always been, continue to depend on poliücs. To put it another way, politics will have to continue dealing wiUi the housing problem. It is dif-flcult to say (judging from the prevailing situation) whether the profession will have any greater influence in the future. Notwithstanding tlie foreign models (e.g. Graz) and Uie knowledge that we have acqu-iied at home in past decades (the Consù-ucUon Centre of Slovenia, Uie Ui-ban Planning InsUtute of the Republic of Slovenia and the Faculty of Ai-chitecture, Civil Engeneering and Geodesy), all of us wlfl, once again, have to study the urbanism and consti-Liction that will be suitable to Uie demands of the mai-ket economy. It is veiy likely that there will be no more big neighbourhoods, no more public funds for housing construction and less Linauthorised construction. This will lead todiversiflcaUon in housing standards, btiilding types and set-Uement patterns. For Uie Ume being, the noUon "small is beautiful" wifl dominate, while building technology will once again be a "maid" at Uie service of architecture.
Dr. Vladimir Brezar, Professorand Dean of Faculty of Architecture, Ljubljana.