Studia mythologica Slavica ISSN 1408-6271 wwwISSN 1581-128x Uredniški svet / Natka Badurina (Università degli Studi di Udine), Nikos Čausidis (Univerzitet Consiglio di redazione / Sv. Kiril i Metodi, Skopje), Larisa Fialkova (University of Haifa), Mare Kôiva Advisory Board (Estonian Institute of Folklore, Tartu), Janina Kursïte (Univerza v Rigi), Nijolè Laurinkienè (Lietuvii^ literaturos ir tautosakos institutas, Vilnius), Miljam Mencej (Univerza v Ljubljani), Vlado Nartnik (Inštitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša, ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana), Andrej Pleterski (Inštitut za arheologijo, ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana), Ljubinko Radenkovic (SANU, Beograd), Svetlana Tolstaja (Institut slavjanovedenija Rossijskoj Akademii Nauk, Moskva) Uredništvo / Monika Kropej Telban (odgovorna urednica/co-direttrice/Editor-in-Chief), ZRC Redazione / SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija/ Editorial Board Slovenia, E-mail: monika@zrc-sazu.si Katja Hrobat Virloget (odgovorna urednica/co-direttrice/Editor-in-Chief), Univerza na Primorskem, Fakulteta za humanistične študije, Inštitut za medkulturne študije, Titov trg 5, 6000 Koper, Slovenija/Slovenia, E-mail: katja.hrobat@fhs.upr.si Roberto Dapit, Università degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Letterature, Comunicazione, Formazione e Società, Via Tarcisio Petracco 8, 33100 Udine, Italija/Italia, E-mail: roberto.dapit@uniud.it Urednica knjižnih ocen / Saša Babič, ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Novi trg 2, 1000 Curatrice delle recensioni/ Ljubljana, Slovenija/Slovenia, E-mail: Sasa.Babic@zrc-sazu.si Book Review Editor Izdajata / Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Inštitut Pubblicato da / za slovensko narodopisje, Ljubljana, Slovenija Published by in / e / and Università degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Letterature Straniere, Udine, Italia Založnik / Casa editrice / Založba ZRC / ZRC Publishing, ZRC SAZU Publishing house Spletna stran / http://sms.zrc-sazu.si/ Sito internet / Website http://ojs.zrc-sazu.si/sms/ Prispevki so recenzirani / Gli articoli sono sottoposti a referaggio / The articles are externally peer-reviewed Izhaja s podporo Agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost RS / Pubblicato con il sostegno finanziario deli' Agenzia per la ricerca scientifica della Repubblica di Slovenia / Published with the support of the Slovenian Research Agency Studia mythologica Slavica is included in the following databases: MLA Bibliography; SCOPUS, Sachkatalog der Bibliothek - RGK des DAI; IBZ; FRANCIS; HJG (The History Journals Guide); OCLE; INTUTE: Arts and Humanities UK, EBSCO, ERIH plus, ANVUR. Slika na ovitku / Fotografia sul copertina / Cover photo: Rezbarija, ki predstavlja štiri postave, katere razlagajo kot človeška bitja, ki se držijo za roke in plešejo. Ciappo delle Conche, Finale area, Italija. Foto: Olcese 2018 / Carving representing four crux-like shapes interpreted like stylized human beings holding hands in a dance. Ciappo delle Conche, Finale area, Italy. Photo: Olcese, 2018. Naklada / Tiratura /Imprint 300 Tisk/Stampato da /Printedby Cicero, Begunje, d. o. o. © ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje U D I A MÍotg?c9 S L A V I C A - 22 - 2019 ZNANSTVENORAZISKOVALNI CENTER SLOVENSKE AKADEMIJE ZNANOSTI IN UMETNOSTI INŠTITUT ZA SLOVENSKO NARODOPISJE, LJUBLJANA, SLOVENIJA UNIVERSITÁ DEGLI STUDI DI UDINE DIPARTIMENTO DI LINGUE E LETTERATURE, COMUNICAZIONE, FORMAZIONE E SOCIETÁ, UDINE, ITALIA Ljubljana 2019 Vsebina / Indice IN MEMORIAM: Zmago Šmitek...............................................................................................................5 9 Razprave Studi Martina Olcese: Towards an Archaeological Approach to Prehistoric Rock Carvings. From Method to Symbolics: the Finale Area (Western Liguria, Italy) as a Case-Study.........11 Roman Zaroff: Rugian Slavic God Sventovit - One More Time........................................................37 Milorad Ivankovic: New Insights on Slavic god Volosb/Velesb from a Vedic Perspective...........55 MapuHa M. BaneHU,oBa: OS apxamecKux nepTax: HapogHoft KyntTypti pycuH boctohhoh CnoBaKHH..........................................................................................................................83 Gregor Pobežin, Igor Grdina: Myth in 300 Strokes.............................................................................107 HpHHa ryceBa, BnagHMHp HBaHOB, Mapua HBaHOBa: B noucKe apxerana: Ot apxerana MaTepu k apxeTHny Ea6bi-Sra........................................................................................................121 Ainur I. Tuzbekov, Ilshat I. Bakhshiev: Reuse of Ancient Sacred Places in South Ural Region -The Case of Emir Edigey's Grave...................................................................................135 KoHCTaHTHH PaxHo: TaHaTonormecKue mothbm «CTpamHoft MecTu» HnKonaa rorona b KoHTeKCTe ^THOKy^tTypH^Ix CBa3eft yKpanHU,eB.......................................................................143 Milena Mileva Blažic: Medkulturnost v pravljicah Dorotheae Viehmann, Laure Gonzenbach in Tine Vajtove ob primeru pravljic o začarani nevesti (ATU 402).................163 175 Onkraj delitve narave in kulture: ontologije in epistemologije Oltre la dicotomia tra la natura e la cultura: ontologie ed epistemologie Monika Kropej Telban: Bees and Beekeeping from the Perspective of the Ontological Turn ...177 205 Razgledi Orizzonti Ilja Popit: Daritvena pogača župnik in Valvasorjev Hausgotze - gospodarček.............................207 221 Recenzije in poročila o knjigah Recensioni di libri Eda Kalmre, What a Wonderful World of Legends! Articles on rumours and legends (Monika Kropej Telban)....................................................................................................................223 UuMa^en Abhhhh, naMm HeSaM i 3aMnen: ^raaactpahomia [Cimafej Avilin, Between the Sky and the Earth: Ethnoastronomy] (Nejc Petrič)................................................................225 Suzana Maqanic, Topoi umjetnosti performansa: lokalna vizura [The topoi of performance art: a local perspective] (Miljam Mencej)..............................................................226 Contents IN MEMORIAM: Zmago Šmitek...............................................................................................................5 9 Articles Martina Olcese: Towards an Archaeological Approach to Prehistoric Rock Carvings. From Method to Symbolics: the Finale Area (Western Liguria, Italy) as a Case-Study.........11 Roman Zaroff: Rugian Slavic God Sventovit - One More Time........................................................37 Milorad Ivankovic: New Insights on Slavic god Volosb/Velesb from a Vedic Perspective...........55 Marina M. Valentsova: On the archaic features of the Ruthenian folk culture in Eastern Slovakia...................................................................................................................................................83 Gregor Pobežin, Igor Grdina: Myth in 300 Strokes.............................................................................107 Irina S. Guseva, Vladimir G. Ivanov, Maria G. Ivanova: In Search of the Archetype: From the Mother Archetype to the Archetype of Baba Yaga.....................................................121 Ainur I. Tuzbekov, Ilshat I. Bakhshiev: Reuse of Ancient Sacred Places in South Ural Region -The Case of Emir Edigey's Grave...................................................................................135 Konstantin Rakhno: The Thanatological Motifs of A Terrible Vengeance Story by Nikolai Gogol in the Context of the Ethnocultural Connections of the Ukrainians...............143 Milena Mileva Blažic: Interculturalism in the Fairy Tales of Dorothea Viehmann, Laura Gonzenbach, and Tyna Wajtawa, Presented on the Example of Folktale Type The Animal Bride (ATU 402)..................................................................................................................163 175 Beyond the Dichotomy of Nature and Culture: Ontologies and Epistemologies Monika Kropej Telban: Bees and Beekeeping from the Perspective of the Ontological Turn ...177 205 Horizons Ilja Popit: The offering bread župnik and Valvasor's Hausgotze - gospodarček..........................207 221 Book reviews Eda Kalmre, What a Wonderful World of Legends! Articles on rumours and legends (Monika Kropej Telban)....................................................................................................................223 UHMa^eft Abhhhh, naMm HeSaM i 3»Mneft: ^THaacTpaHOMia [Cimafej Avilin, Between the Sky and the Earth: Ethnoastronomy] (Nejc Petrič)................................................................225 Suzana Marjanic, Topoi umjetnosti performansa: lokalna vizura [The topoi of performance art: a local perspective] (Miljam Mencej)..............................................................226 22 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2019 - 5 - 7 | DOI: 10.3987/SMS20192200 - IN MEMORIAM ZMAGO ŠMITEK (29.11.1949-15.9.2018) Koper, 2012 In the early autumn, at a time when he usually departed for his yearly journey, Dr Zmago Smitek, professor emeritus at the Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology at the Faculty of Arts in Ljubljana and our dear friend, mentor, co-worker, and lecturer, departed forever. Zmago Smitek is undoubtedly one of the most noted and prolific Slovene ethnologists and cultural anthropologists. Born in Kropa in the region of Gorenjska in 1949, he completed high school in Kranj and enrolled at the Faculty of Arts in Ljubljana, where he studied ethnology and art history. After graduating in 1973, he was employed at the Department of Ethnology, and by 1995 obtained the title of Full Professor of Non-European Ethnology and Anthropology of Religion. Having procured his successors, who took over courses on the ethnology of other continents, he was finally able to focus exclusively on classes in Ethnology of Asia and the Anthropology of Religion. Although retired since the end of 2010, he remained active and continued with his scientific research. 6- IN MEMORIAM Following the publication of his book on the municipality of Kočevje (Občina Kočevje, 1981) and a chapter in the book on ethnological aspects of life in Vitanje (Kruh in politika: Poglavje iz etnologije Vitanja / Bread and Politics: Chapters from the Ethnology of Vitanje, 1987), his main scientific interest turned to contacts of Slovenes with non-European cultures, a theme he followed for many decades. This particular exploration resulted in a series of essays and monographs, including an anthology of Slovene travelogues about non-European topics (Poti do obzorja: Antologija slovenskega potopisa z neevropsko tematiko / The Paths Towards the Horizon: Anthology of Slovene Travelogue with Non-European Thematic, 1988); Slovene encounters with the difference: Slovene experiences of the exotic (Srečevanja z drugačnostjo: Slovenska izkustva ekso-tike, 1995); and Southern Slavs and India Relations in Oral Traditions (2011). His book on encounters of Slovenes with non-European cultures (Klic daljnih svetov: Slovenci in neevropske culture / The Call of Distant Worlds: Slovenes and Non-European Cultures, 1986) received the distinguished Kajuh Award. Although he was also interested in theoretical issues, his particular area of scientific research, especially in more recent years, was Slovene mythology, a subject that also brought him wider recognition. His exploration of mythology was done comparatively, in the context of Slavic and wider Indo-European mythology. After 1997, he published a number of essays and books on mythical notions in Slovene folklore: Kristalna gora: Mitološko izročilo Slovencev (1998); Mitološko izročilo Slovencev: Svetinje preteklosti (2004), for which he received in 2005 the renowned Murko Award; and Poetika in logika slovenskih mitov: Ključi kraljestva (Poetics and Logic of Slovene Myths: The keys to the Kingdoms 2012). In 2016, he published a book on mandalas titled Mandale: tajni vrtovi razsvetljenja (Mandalas: Sacred Gardens of Enlightenment), which was the result of four decades of his travels around Asia. In total, he was the author, co-author and editor or co-editor of almost thirty books and wrote over 130 scientific and professional articles. In addition to his scientific activity, he organized several museum exhibitions, participated in the making of a number of documentaries, and also wrote several booklets on Slovene folklore, intended for children. Dr Šmitek was among the initiators and co-organizers of MESS, the international Mediterranean Ethnological Summer School. Organized by the Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, MESS first took place in 1994 and continued on a yearly basis for sixteen years, always in Piran. For several years Šmitek served as the head of the Department of Ethnology, was a member of a number of editorial boards of ethnological reviews, participated in numerous domestic and international conferences, and similar events. Just a few days before his death, he completed his last book titled Šelest divjine (Rustling of the Wilderness 2019). It is, of course, impossible to fully present his rich bibliography and adequately evaluate his impressive body of work in this limited space, but we can safely say that his scientific achievements are invaluable for our profession. The golden Plaque of the University of Ljubljana for Outstanding Merits, which he received in 1999 for his exceptional merits, and the highest professional award, the 2013 Murko Award for his lifetime achievements in the field of ethnology, were certainly well-deserved. IN MEMORIAM -7 However, to write about Zmago Smitek only as an excellent scholar and university professor would not do him justice - he was so much more than just that. He was a mentor who, even at the very beginning of our professional career, always gave us, his students, the feeling that we were equal, that our ideas mattered, and that our opinion was appreciated. He was a colleague to whom rivalry and desire for power were absolutely alien, and with whom even the most arduous fieldwork seemed like just another fun adventure. He was a friend whose wisdom could dispel any seemingly fatal problem. Above all, he was also an extremely broad-minded man with a sense of humour that could soothe any tense situation. On September 15, 2018, just two months before his sixty-ninth birthday, our respected colleague and friend responded to the call of distant worlds for the last time. His co-workers, students, friends, and readers of his fascinating books shall sorely miss him. Mirjam Mencej Prof. Dr. Mirjam Mencej, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo, Filozofska fakulteta, Univerza v Ljubljani, Zavetiška 5, Ljubljana, Slovenia, Mirjana.Mencej@ff.ini-lj.si ^Razprave Studi ArtiCes 22 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2019 - 11 - 35 | DOI: 10.3987/SMS20192201 - Towards an Archaeological Approach to Prehistoric Rock Carvings. From Method to Symbolics: the Finale Area (Western Liguria, Italy) as a Case-Study — Martina Olcese ■ This article presents an insight into archaeological approach in the study of rock carvings. The first section is mainly methodological and highlights the significant problems within dating this kind of evidence. Furthermore, it delves into the specific contribution of interdisciplinary research in this field. The second section focuses on the Finale area (Liguria, Italy) as a case study, which has not been studied systematically until now. A hypothesis on the dating and significance of carvings from the Finale area is formulated by comparison with two contexts in which rock-carving art has been studied in detail: the Mount Bego area (France) and Valcamonica (Italy). A table as an appendix is made to propose a first chrono-typology of the carvings from the Finale area. KEYWORDS: rock carvings studies; prehistoric art; Finale, Liguria; symbolics INTRODUCTION Studying prehistoric rock carvings entails facing a significant challenge: the absence of relevant archaeological contexts permitting a proper systematic approach. The problem essentially pertains to dating, as currently no evidence (except a few carvings dating to the Paleolithic1) has been found covered by a relevant archaeological deposit that may serve as terminus ante quem. Thus, studying those elements implies going beyond a strictly archaeological approach. This paper aims to illustrate the contribution of different scientific approaches to the study of rock carvings, showing how interdisciplinary research may allow a better contribution to archaeological evidence. Data from the Finale area (Western Liguria, Italy) will be presented as a case-study whose chronology and general interpretation can be proposed by comparison with better-known contexts. These are, in the Alpine arch, Mount Bego (Mecantour National Park, Alpes du Sud, France), and Valcamonica (Bergamo-Brescia, Italy) (fig. 2). 1 See "the horse" carving from Caviglione Cave at Balzi Rossi (Ventimiglia, Italy), dating to Upper Paleolithic: Vicino 1972: 13-15 and pl. III B; about the importance of this evidence in prehistoric rock art: Del Lucchese 1996: 19-20, 50-51, 62-63 and fig. 41. 12- MARTINA OLCESE STUDYING ROCK CARVINGS: QUESTIONS OF METHOD From Technique to Relative chronology The absence of relevant archaeological deposits makes it particularly challenging to obtain an absolute dating of rock carvings. As Odetti and Ravaccia correctly stated (Odetti & Ravaccia 1990: 14-15), one of the significant issues of this kind of investigation is distinguishing ancient carvings from modern evidence. This proves to be a difficult task considering that the conservation of most carvings is likely to be compromised by exposure to rain, temperature change, pollution, and even human action. Nevertheless, as Priuli has demonstrated (Priuli 2006: 19-21)2, typological and technological approaches both concur in establishing a relative chronology of rock carvings.3 Technology, in particular, implies first the identification of the tools used in Prehistory and, second, understanding their use and deterioration conditions (Priuli 2006: 295-296). To perform a thorough survey of rock carvings in the area, the team operating in Valcamonica (Bergamo-Brescia, Italy) first adopted micro-plaster casts and then pho-togrammetry, which is even more efficient (De Marinis & Fossati 2012: 24-25). The combination of these methods called attention to the use of four different techniques4, based on the shape, width, and depth of the grooves (which can be thinner or deeper). The most common techniques are the graffito (Priuli 2006: 22-23) and the stippling (Priuli 2006: 26-27).5 The first consists of severely imprinting a mark on the stone in a single gesture either with a lithic or a metallic tool, while stippling results from the direct percussion of the surface with a small stone. The other two techniques, scratching (Priuli 2006: 24) and engraving (Priuli 2006: 24-26), are rarely used. Scratching requires forcefully scraping the surface with a flat-pointed tool, while engraving means removing a part of the lithic material by cutting the stone in the same and parallel direction. Studies and surveys in the Finale area proved two types of evidence. First, carvings were produced with metal and lithic tools and, second, graffito and stippling techniques were both used (Priuli & Pucci 1994: 37). The latter is much more frequent than graffito, as proven by the only exception of a cave, Arma della Moretta (fig.. 3; fig. 12; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 10). on Rock carvings Interdisciplinary Studies Il simbolo per sua natura, se non accompagnato da una legenda, e intra-ducibileper chiunque non appartenga alla stessa cultura che I'haprodotto, 2 Priuli's assertions are based on Coles' experimental studies theories (Coles 1973). 3 For a recent update of the question: Bianchi 2016: 15-17, 21. The author points out that both technology and typology concur to determine chronological sequence, especially within the study of the overlaps of carvings realized with different techniques. 4 For a general description of these techniques: Priuli 2006: 17-35. 5 See also: Priuli 2006: 295. TOWARDS AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACH TO PREHISTORIC ROCK CARVINGS. FROM ... 13 con il risultato che molti messaggi dipietra, per noi che siamo lontani dal tempo che li ha visti produrre, risultano quasi indecifrabili. (Priuli & Pucci 1994: 7).6 The first descriptions of the signs carved on the rock were greeted with a great deal of disbelief. For instance, at the end of the 18th century, superstitious French traveller Pierre de Montfort interpreted evidence from Mount Bego as the product of some evil spirit's hand.7 At the beginning of the 20th century, geologist Issel was the first to give testimony of carvings from Liguria; though he attributed them to "high antiquity" (Issel 1908: 458, 553), he partially misunderstood their meaning. Indeed, Issel generically interpreted the pictures as a sort of alphabet (Issel 190 8 : 4608). It has been emphasized (Priuli & Pucci 1994: 37, 39 and fig. 83) that the scholar dated to Prehistory a number of undoubtedly modern carvings, in particular regard to the long, tight figure resembling to a "train" in ciappo delle Conche (Issel 1908: 575-476 and fig. 124). Later researchers, such as Bicknell, who conducted the first systematic study of the Mount Bego evidence (Bicknell 1913: 55-57 and pl. XXI), proved that similar (and ancient) figures likely picture ox skins. Issel himself described the "skins" (Issel 1908: 512 and fig. 209). As a matter of fact, more recent research has demonstrated that the shape in ciappo delle Conche overlaps a more ancient one: perhaps, a "ox skin" (Tizzoni 1975: 90). Leale Anfossi (1976) highlights the difficulty in reaching a univocal interpretation of this kind of evidence, observing that their visual perception is affected by the rock morphology and conservation, as well as by the meteorological conditions. Considering these parameters, how is it possible to achieve a complete survey and documentation, allowing a univocal interpretation of the carvings? Sansoni's answer to that question is interdisciplinarity (Sansoni 2012a: 52-53; Sansoni 2012b: 285). As he correctly states, art history, ethnology, and cultural anthropology all enrich archaeological research and contribute towards understanding the meaning of the carvings. Art history surely brings a significant contribution to studies on rock carvings. The first step to understanding its unique input is to assume that the creation of the carvings is strongly related to a proper symbolic system. According to Anati, art assumes a kind of visual language whose elaboration is connected to the evolution of cognitive processes in the human mind (Anati 1990: 34). In this perspective, signs carved on the rocks correspond more to a pure expression of cultural identity than to a mere art form. Understanding what sort of cultural background brought people living in Prehistory to express themselves through signs and figures carved on the rock, implies determining the origin of imagery. Brusa-Zappellini bases her interpretation of the question on cultural anthropology, ethnography and even medicine (Brusa-Zappellini 2012: 306-307). The author establishes 6 "Anybody who does not belong to the same culture who produced a sign can translate it; this is due to the nature of symbolics itself. As a result, far in time as we are, we're unable to decrypt many "stone messages" we haven't seen being produced" (T.o.A.). 7 See Montfort's letter to his wife published in: De Lumley 2003: 23. 8 See also: Graziosi 1973: 154-155. 14- MARTINA OLCESE a connection between rock art and entoptic phenomena such as phosphenes, visual distortions occurring when an optic system is altered (Brusa-Zappellini 2012: 309-311). To illustrate her theory, she quotes South-African archaeologists Lewis-Williams and Dowson's interdisciplinary research, and a study by Austrian anthropologist Reichel Dolmatoff on Tukano Indians (Amazon area) in South America. Both investigations are based on two major enquiries: first, German neurologist Klüver's research (Klüver 1926: 511-513) into "eidetic vision" (mental perception derived from physical stimulation), which produces a number of changes in sensory fields; second, electrical engineer Knoll's experiments on the excitation of a spectrum of subjective abstract light patterns in the human brain, by means of temporal electrodes and pulses (Knoll & Kügler 1956: 1823). In particular, the investigation has proven the resemblance between drawings realised during San (Bushman, Kalahari Desert) and Shoshone Coso (California Great Basin) shamanic rituals, and european rock art. This is the case of zigzag thunder-like figures9, which are both present in San art and Shoshone rock art, but also of the square-like grids10 connotating Shoshone art (fig. 1; Dowson, Williams 1988: 201, 204, 205 and fig. 1). Imputing figures carved on rock to a psycho-physically altered condition seems inappropriate, as the naturalistic character of most figures appearing in rock art should not be forgotten. In fact, they essentially reproduce what the artists could see in everyday life: animals (De Lumley 2003: 49), tools and arms (Vicino 2013: 66), as well as members themselves of the community (Süss 1958: 39, fig. 51). Yet, studies like those by Brusa-Zappellini (2012) point out the symbolic meaning of the carvings as an art form, which attains the level of a cult and religion. ENTOPTIC PHENOMENA SAN ROCK ART coso IMUVIH« FAINT! NOS A 1H m ím 4 * II / if HI III o°o° t Tp i i j. •V-' * IV # i fl V J VI m $ Fig. 1: This schema shows the correspondence between entoptic phenomena studied by electrical engineer Knoll, San art (South Africa) and Shoshone Coso art (California). Dowson, Lewis-Williams 1988: p. 206, fig. 1. 9 For thunder-like pictures in prehistoric carvings: Priuli & Pucci 1994: 38, fig. 82 (Finale area) and De Lumley 2003: 77 (Mount Bego area). 10 On square-like grids figures in prehistoric carvings: Priuli & Pucci 1994: 40, fig. 84; 41, fig. 89, 90 (Finale area) and De Lumley 2003: 82 (Mount Bego area). TOWARDS AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACH TO PREHISTORIC ROCK CARVINGS. FROM ... 15 THE FINALE AREA: A CASE-STUDY General Presentation Liguria represents an exceptional case-study. Indeed, it holds the richest carving heritage in the Alpine arch, after those of Mount Bego (France) and Valcamonica (Bergamo, Brescia, Italy) (fig. 2). Within the Ligurian geographical context, the Finale area is the second in terms of importance after that of Mount Beigua (fig. 2; Savona; Pizzorno-Brusarosco 1990). In this context, Finale has a particular interest, because rock art from this area has never been the object of a systematic analysis aiming to define a proper chrono-typology. Finale is enclosed by Bergeggi territory in the East, Pietra Ligure territory in the West, and by the River Bormida di Mallare in the North-East. The presence of the carvings in this geographical area is connected to local geology, which is widely characterized by the so-called Finale limestone or pietra di Finale. This rock, with colour variations from orange to white, has a very peculiar structure, due to the presence of intense karstic phenomena since its formation between Oligocene and Miocene (11-28 million years ago; Bonci & Firpo 2013a: 5-6; Bonci & Firpo 2013b: 8-9). Long has been debated that this character affected the conservation state of the carvings and impacted the problem of dating.11 The question is not so simple, however. In fact, the red rock facies from Verezzi, which since the Middle Ages has been used for construction works, differs from the clearer facies located in Monte Cucco/Rocca degli Uccelli, Rocca Carpanea and Perti, where most of the carvings are located. On rock outcrops locally referred to as ciappi (fig. 3; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 35), the rock is porous and compact. For this reason, it shows a better resistance to water action and temperature changes. As it is almost impossible to establish the duration of these processes, they cannot be used as a criterion for dating.12 These assertions demonstrate that the corpus of carvings from Finale examined in this work is representative of evidence produced initially in prehistoric times, but also that typological analysis is decisive to determine a relative chronology for them. Rock art from the Finale area was first pointed out by the cleric Amerano and by the naturalist Bicknell at the end of the 19th century, as their correspondence with Issel shows (De Pascale & Vicino 2017: 25-27). Thus, the first publication of this heritage is that of Issel himself, at the beginning of the 20th century (Issel 1908); after his survey, investigations interrupted and restarted in the 1970s (Tizzoni 1975; Leale Anfossi 1976). However, since then, the research has been rather sporadic. In fact, a number of contributions dating to the 1970s and 1980's focus on single sites as ciappo del Sale (fig. 3; Leale Anfossi 1976) and Arma della Moretta (fig. 3; Giuggiola 1982), without attempting an integrated analysis. 11 Graziosi's dating to recent times of Finale carving is precisely due to the feeble resistance of the Pietra: Graziosi 1935: 231-233. For further remarks on this debate: Priuli & Pucci 1994: 37; Prestipino 2007: 35-37; De Pascale & Vicino 2017: 27. 12 I wish to thank Prof. Bonci for her advice on this question. 16- MARTINA OLCESE Very few works have proposed a general, useful updating (Graziosi 1973: 153-157; Graziosi 1974 for Liguria in general). This is especially the case of Odetti and Ravaccia's contribution (Odetti & Ravaccia 1990). Concerning Prestipino's monograph (Prestipino et al. 2007), it must be stressed that he focuses on the description of the ways to get to the carvings, without discussing their dating and cultural origin. Only Tizzoni (Tizzoni 1975), and Priuli and Pucci (Priuli & Pucci 1994: 35-55) attempted to establish a sort of corpus of the carvings from the Finale area, which Vicino and De Pascale usefully updated (Vicino 2013; De Pascale & Vicino 2017). However, in neither of these occurrences has a real chrono-typological analysis been proposed. Interpretation Based on typological studies conducted in Mount Bego and Valcamonica, a relative chronology for the carvings found in the Finale area can be determined. In this context, we should differentiate rock carvings most likely dating to the Bronze Age from those probably dating to the Iron Age. The first group includes pictures such as the only axe (fig. 4) and plough (fig. 6) known in the Finale (Vicino 2013: 66), zigzag lightning-like lines (fig. 22; Tizzoni 1975, 90, 97; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 39, fig. 80 and Fig. 82; Vicino 2013: 66) and bucrania (fig. 18; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 42, fig. 92, Fig. 93 and 51, fig.127; Vicino 2013: 69). These images should date at least to the beginning of the Bronze Age, as they can be compared to Italian evidence likely dating to the Chalcolithic or Early Bronze Age. This is the case of two axes of the same typology carved on the menhir-statue "Bagnolo II" from Valcamonica (fig. 5; Anati 1990: 6013) and of a large number of bucrania from Mount Bego area (De Lumley 2003: 100-101; De Lumley & Echassoux 2011, fig. 16, 176). The case of the plough is peculiar, as it can be compared with ploughing scenes from the Mount Bego area dating to the same period (fig. 7; De Lumley & Echassoux 2011, fig. 244, 1). Another kind of figure that should be dated to the Bronze Age are the square-like grids (fig. 20; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 40, Fig. 84, 41, fig. 89, fig. 90). These should be more properly defined as large, square-like pictures with a surface split into a number of approximately equal-sized squares. These carvings have the same shape as evidence that De Lumley interprets as stylised maps or parcelled fields (De Lumley 2003: 82-83). As most of the time, these figures are associated with bucrania (fig. 21), or axes, we could suggest that the grids from Finale date back to the Bronze Age as well. This interpretation may also be validated by De Marinis and Fossati's assertions on "topographic representations" occurring in Camunian rock art between the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Ages (De Marinis & Fossati 2012: 33 and Fig. 6). We should, finally, mention cupels, like that found in Olle, resembling shovels used in the Bronze Age during incineration rituals (Vicino 2013: 69; De Pascale & Vicino 2017: 30, and fig. 10). The use of this kind of object for the collection of ashes is attested in Northern Italy and Alpine arch in Final Bronze Age. 13 The author proposes a dating to Chalcolithic for this evidence (Anati 1990: 61-62). TOWARDS AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACH TO PREHISTORIC ROCK CARVINGS. FROM ... 17 Fig. 3: Location of the major rock carvings evidences in the Finale area. Olcese, elaboration from Priuli & Pucci 1994: 35, fig. 73. 18- MARTINA OLCESE Fig. 4: Carving representing a axe from Cava dei Fossili, Finale area, Italy (Caprazoppa promontory). Photo: Olcese, 2018. Fig. 7: Carving representing a ploughing scene from Mount Bego area, France (drawing). De Lumley, Echassoux 2011, fig. 244,1. Courtesy of Prof. H. De Lumley. Fig. 5: Carving representing Fig. 6: Carving representing a plough a axe from menhir-statue from Cava dei Fossili, Finale area, "Bagnolo II", Valcamonica, Italy (Caprazoppa promontory). Italy (drawing). Anati 1990: 60. Photo: Olcese, 2018s. Fig. 8: Carving representing four crux-like shapes interpreted like stylized human beings holding hands in a dance. Ciappo delle Conche, Finale area, Italy. Photo: Olcese, 2018. TOWARDS AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACH TO PREHISTORIC ROCK CARVINGS. FROM ... 19 20- MARTINA OLCESE The second group (beginning of the Iron Age/Roman period) includes stylised representations of human beings (fig. 8 - cover photo; fig. 13; Leale Anfossi 1976: 23-24; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 40, 41, Fig. 85, Fig. 86, Fig. 87, Fig. 89; Vicino 2013: 66). It is particularly difficult to propose a dating for these representations, as styles from different areas are quite diverse. Still, they could be connected to the increase of human-stylised figures in Camunian rock art in the Final Bronze Age and Iron Age (De Marinis & Fossati 2012: 30, 34; Bossoni et al. 2014: 65-66). Parallels, which essentially pertain to symbolics, can be drawn with the "initiation dance" carving from Rock 32 in Naquane (fig. 9; Valcamonica, Süss 1958: 39, fig. 51), dating to the Iron Age.14 Figures of buildings from ciappo del Sale (fig. 10) may also be attributed to this epoch (Leale Anfossi 1976: 21-25; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 47, fig. 110). Priuli and Pucci (Priuli & Pucci 1994: 47) assert that these carvings are modern. However, according to Leale Anfossi (1976: 23), the theme and style resemble very much to carvings from Valcamonica that seem to picture huts (fig. 11; Anati 1990: 128). This kind of evidence has been attributed to Camunian style IV, corresponding to the Iron Age (De Marinis Fossati 2012: 36). Savardi does not directly propose a dating for these carvings, but he compares them to hut-like cinerary urns, a very typical burial custom of the Final Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age (Savardi 2012: 13, 134).15 A few considerations can be made on typologies for which it is particularly difficult to propose a dating. The first case concerns crux-like, arrow-like and phi-like figures' linear carvings (fig. 8 -figure on the front page; fig. 12; fig. 22; Tizzoni 1976: 89-90;16 Priuli & Pucci 1994: 43; 46, Fig. 107)17. They form a group that can potentially be attributed to the Iron Age. The major problem in studying this kind of evidence is that they can easily be misinterpreted as stylised representations of human beings. Furthermore, it occurs that Christian cruxes overlap prehistoric symbols (Priuli & Pucci 1994: 44 and fig. 101, fig. 104). In this perspective, Greek Christian cruxes with equal arms, fiercely carved on the rock, should be distinguished from thinner, ancient signs, which look very much like Latin cruxes and possibly human beings.18 The most important evidence in Finale is that of Arma della Moretta (fig. 3; fig. 12). Here, both crux-like, arrow-like and phi-like figures are reported (Isetti 1965: 112-114; Giuggiola 1982: 48-49; Pucci & Priuli, 1994: 53-54, fig. 138-154; Vicino 2013: 66, 69; De Pascale & Vicino 2017: 30). A relative chronology of these carvings was proposed by Isetti, who stated that the graffiti were antecedent to stippled carvings (Isetti 1965: 114). Thus, he suggested dating them all to the "Metal Age", without indicating if he was referring to the Bronze Age or the Iron Age. However, he firmly distinguished the 14 Concerning the hypothesis of dating to Iron Age dance scenes and iterpreteting them as initiation rituals: De Marinis, Fossati 2012: 49. 15 For a general introduction of this funerary custom, which is very typical of Southern Etrury and Latium: Bietti Sestieri 2010: 228-232. 16 The author distinguishes modern cruxes from human-like symbols. 17 The latter evidence published by Priuli and Pucci are Christian greek cruxes. 18 For an interesting comment on the shape of the crux-like carvings: Odetti 1977: 140. TOWARDS AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACH TO PREHISTORIC ROCK CARVINGS. FROM ... 21 signs from the well-known bronze-aged Mount Bego carvings (Isetti 1965: 116). Considering the similarity between this kind of evidence and the stylised human figures, we may propose they date to the Iron Age.19 The second case of figures which are particularly difficult to date is that of carvings that likely evoke the stars (Tizzoni 1976: 89-90; Vicino 2013: 66-68). Small cupels, which Vicino interprets, together, as a representation of the Pleiades cluster, are particularly enigmatic (Vicino 2013: 66, 67). Yet, the case of a stylised human being observed in ciappo dei Ceci B (fig. 3; fig. 13), which Vicino interprets as a priest (Vicino 2013: 68; De Pascale & Vicino 2017: 29), may enrich the enquiry. Here, four cupels below the picture also form a question mark and possibly evoke the Pleiades (Olcese, personal information; fig. 15). Vicino (Vicino 2013: 67; De Pascale & Vicino 2017: 29) compares question-mark cupels from Perti and Vene to a likely representation of the Pleiades on Nebra sky disk dating to 2100-1700 B.C. (Early Bronze Age), just like De Lumley had done for some figures found in the Mount Bego area (fig. 14; De Lumley & Echassoux 2011: 57). Still, Vicino generally dates star representations to Protohistory. The last occurrence that is not simple to date is that of sexual symbols. Round figures, surrounded by several rays, have been interpreted as vulvas (fig. 16; Tizzoni 1976; 86; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 49, fig. 118, fig. 119). The problem with this interpretation is twofold. First, clearer representations of sexual symbols (male and female) in Ligurian rock art found in Grotticella Blanc-Cardini, dating back the Paleolithic (Balzi Rossi, Western Liguria, Vicino 1972: 16-17 and fig. 4),20 have a totally different shape from the Finale ones: they are longer and narrower. Moreover, the shape of the "vulvas" Fig. 12: Carvings representing a phi-like shape and crux-like figures from Arma della Moretta, Finale area, Italy. Photo: Olcese, 2013. Fig. 13: Carving representing a stylized human being from ciappo dei Ceci B, Finale area, Italy. Below the picture, four cupels seem to form a question mark, as if they evoked the Pleiades cluster. Photo: Olcese, 2018. 19 See again the assertions on the increase of human stylized representations in Camunian rock art in Final Bronze age and most of all in Iron age (De Marinis & Fossati 2012: 30, 34; Bossoni et al. 2014: 65-66). 20 For a recent analysis of these carvings: Mussi & Vicino 2012: 491-492, 494, fig. 7 and fig. 9. 22- MARTINA OLCESE » Fig. 14: Carved cupels whose question-mark shape have been interpreted as a representation of the Pleiades. Mount Bego area, France (drawing). De Lumley & Échassoux 2011, Fig. 364, 2b. Courtesy of Prof. H. De Lumley. from Rocca Carpanea resemble very much to evidence from Mount Bego (fig. 17) De Lumley interprets as representations of the sun (De Lumley & Echassoux 2011: 57; 336, 337, fig. 353). It is difficult to understand the exact nature of these figures, which may very likely depict suns instead of female genitals; still, studies on rock art have already proven the specific symbolic function of caves in their association to fertility. Hrobat Virloget (has pointed out that such places, since the beginning of the history of mankind, have been devoted to fertility rites whose significance was also expressed with the use of sexual symbols (Virloget Hrobat 2015).21 Even though its linkage with sexuality is currently impossible to be established, the interpretation of the symbolics of rock carvings from the Finale highlights a particular connection with fertility. The general chronology that has been proposed, which corresponds to the Bronze and Iron Ages, is a key for the interpretation of rock carvings. De Lumley's analysis of rock carvings discovered in the Mount Bego area is very useful within this perspective. The author considers that those images may be related both to the symbolic sphere of fertility and to the cult of cosmos and atmospheric elements. De Lumley's assertions on bucrania (fig. 19) point out the powerful significance of oxen, which could be related both a deity of the earth and to the cosmos (De Lumley 2003: 101). Though extremely rare (Priuli & Pucci 1994: 42, fig. 92, fig. 93; 51, fig. 127; Vicino 2013: 69) in the Finale area, these signs likely bear a deep symbolism. In fact, they can be connected to the "grids" (Priuli & Pucci 1994: 40, fig. 84; 41, fig. 89, fig. 90) that De Lumley interprets as parcelled fields (fig. 21; De Lumley 2003: 82; De Lumley & Echassoux 2011: 79). These assertions allow a better understanding of the close link between the sphere of fertility and the cult of cosmos in the Finale area. Considering that elements such as sun and rain are essential for survival, both aspects melt together. Fig. 15: The Pleiades cluster as it has been photographed by telescope Hubble. De Lumley & Echassoux 2011, Fig. 364,1. 21 The author focuses on the ethnographic example of Triglavca cave in Slovenia (Virloget Hrobat 2015: 158), and points out the similarities between signs recurring in rock art from this region and carvings from Valcamonica (Hrobat Virloget 2015: 159, 160). TOWARDS AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACH TO PREHISTORIC ROCK CARVINGS. FROM ... 23 Fig. 17: Carving representing a round shape which has been interpreted as a sun. From Mount Bego area, France (drawing). De Lumley & Echassoux 2011, fig. 353. Courtesy of Prof. H. De Lumley. Fig. 16: Carving representing a round shape surrounded by several rays from ciappo del Sale, Finale area, Italy. Images of this kind have been interpreted as female genitals. Photo: Olcese, 2018. Fig. 19: Carving representing a bucranium from Mount Bego area, France (drawing). De Lumley & Echassoux 2011, Fig. 176, 16. Courtesy of Prof. H. De Lumley. Fig. 18: Carving representing a bucranium from Arma dei Buoi, Finale area, Italy. Photo: Olcese, 2018. 24- MARTINA OLCESE In this perspective, elements in rock carvings suggesting a possible connection with the observation and the cult of the cosmos should once more be pointed out. The first element to note is that square-like grids (Priuli & Pucci 1994: 40, fig. 84; 41, fig. 89, fig. 90) can also be interpreted as cosmos maps (De Marinis & Fossati 2012: 34). Star-like figures and especially Pleiades-like cupels (fig. 13; Tizzoni 1976: 89-90; Vicino 2013: 66-69) would confirm the general "cosmic" interpretation of rock carvings. This may find an interesting parallel, though merely symbolic, with Hesiod's assertions on the role of the Pleiades for the beginning of the ploughing season (Works and Days, 618-623). Such considerations suggest how deep the link between the observation of the sky and agriculture should have been perceived by the farmers of Protohistory. One last feature concurring to the general "cosmic" interpretation is the parallel between crux-like figures at the top of zig-zag signs (fig. 22; Olcese, personal information for ciappo delle Conche) and proper stylised human beings holding thunder-like objects from Mount Bego (fig. 23; De Lumley 2003: 77). Ciappi or other places where rock art has been discovered could thus be interpreted as open-air sanctuaries, where protohistoric people could have had a cult devoted to deities they identified with sky and water, the very source of fertility (Priuli & Pucci 1994: 36). In this perspective, stylised human beings holding zig-zag lightning-like objects (fig. 22; fig. 23) may also represent a priest making water spring from rocks (De Lumley & Echassoux 2001: 284), while zig-zag lines could ideally evoke natural sources or irrigation channels. Carved rock outcrops like the ciappi (especially ciappo del Sale; fig. 3) deserve specific attention on this matter, as a number of studies suggest their likely functional use as meeting and exchange points. Thus, zig-zag thunder-like carvings (fig. 22) would have functioned as conveyors of rainwater (Leale Anfossi 1976: 23, 26; Priuli & Pucci: 1994: 36; Vicino 2013: 66). The hypothesis is undoubtedly very interesting. Still, one should distinguish between the zig-zag carvings whose shape and disposition seem to suggest their use as conveyors, from those whose use does not seem to have been functional. The first case is that of carvings orientated from top to bottom of the ciappi, and are big enough to evacuate the water. The second is that of zig-zag lines that are realised in the very middle of rock outcrops, not large enough to evacuate the water. In such occurrences, their use seems to have been mostly symbolic. The same can be said for large cupels disposed at the bottom of carved ciappi; one could conjecture they were meant to water the cattle, but smaller cupels must have had a different function. Thus, if it cannot be excluded that some carved ciappi gathered a large number of people, it should be accepted that this cannot have been solely for a commercial purpose. In fact, it seems much more probable that carvings "sacralized" these places that only occasionally gathered large numbers of people, who shared the same purpose. If this theory is correct, those may have been shepherds practising transhumance. Comparison with proper mountain sites like Mount Bego seems to confirm this theory, as most of the carvings from this context have been dated to the Chalcolithic or Early Bronze Age (De Lumley 2003: 110-113). This is exactly the moment when transhumant farming developed in Liguria (Maggi 2013: 6, 8, 10). TOWARDS AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACH TO PREHISTORIC ROCK CARVINGS. FROM ... 25 Fig. 20: Carving representing a square-like grid from ciappo delle Conche, Finale area, Italy. Photo: Olcese, 2018. Fig. 21: Carving representing a squarelike grid and two bucrania from Mount Bergo area, France (drawing). De Lumley & Echassoux 2011, Fig. 84,5. Courtesy of Prof. H. De Lumley. Fig. 22: Carving representing a zigzag thunder-like line from ciappo delle Conche, Finale area, Italy. The presence of a crux-like shape at the top may be interpreted as a stylized human being holding a thunder. Photo: Olcese, 2018. Fig. 23: Carving representing a stylized human being holding a thunder from Mount Bego area, France (drawing). De Lumley 2003: 77. Courtesy of Prof. H. De Lumley. 26- MARTINA OLCESE CONCLUSION This work aimed first to illustrate how complex and interesting studies on rock carving art are, even though they require facing major difficulties regarding dating and interpretation. Enquires in Valcamonica (Bergamo, Brescia, Italy) and the Mount Bego area (France) prove how useful modern technologies in this research field are. Techniques including photogrammetry, laser scanning (Malnati & Keller 2012: 297-298), or electronic microscopy (De Lumley 2003: 34-35), combined with a close topographic approach (Huet 2017), enable detailed surveys, and a better understanding of the overlaps. A relative chronology can then be proposed for such evidence. Furthermore, recent research projects, such as that lead by the Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici, aiming to realise a proper catalogue of the carvings from Valcamonica (Malnati, Keller 2012: 297-298) prove how vital the prospects in rock carvings art research are. This preamble allows a better understanding of the importance of the carvings from the Finale area (Savona, Italy) as a case study. This context would require a complete study with the same methodology used by the Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici in Valcamonica or De Lumley's team in Mount Bego area. This research should include a proper technological analysis and the creation of a detailed catalogue of the carvings. For the time being, the comparison with these better-known contexts only allowed the establishment of a relative chronology of evidence from the Finale area between the Chalcolithic and Iron Ages, and a general interpretation of their symbolism. Just like any form of art, rock carvings resume the cultural identity of the people who created them (Anati 1990: 71). This is why studying them requires an interdisciplinary methodology, in which archaeology, art history and cultural anthropology merge (Bru-sa-Zappellini 2012: 306-307). These assumptions and the comparison with carvings from Mount Bego (De Lumley 2003: 94-98) lead to the conclusion that the evidence from the Finale area may be related to a form of cosmic ritual. This cult would have gathered restrict groups of people in specific occasions, possibly due to the change of lifestyles in Liguria, with particular regard to the appearance of transhumance, between the Chalcolithic and Bronze Ages (Maggi 2013: 6, 8, 10). APPENDIX. TABLE: FINALE ROCK CARVINGS CHRONO-TYPOLOGY: A PROPOSAL This table has been realized by comparison with evidence from the Mount Bego area (Mercantour National Park, France) and Valcamonica (Bergamo, Brescia, Italy). The dating of Mount Bego rock art is based on the work of the French archaeologist De Lumley'. Since 1964, his team combined the use of plaster casts with electronic microscopy, as well as drawing at direct contact with surface, and experimentation (De Lumley 2003: 34-35). Based on the position of the carvings, but also on the shape, width and depth of the figures, De Lumley established an approximate relative chronology of rock art from the Mount Bego area. TOWARDS AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACH TO PREHISTORIC ROCK CARVINGS. FROM ... 27 Typological comparison based on representations of arms offered more specific and complete results. The study of the resemblances between the carvings and arms typical of the Civilisation du Rhône and Polada culture, spreading throughout the Rhône Valley and northern Italy between 1800 and 1500 B.C., established a terminus ante quem to the Medium Bronze age (De Lumley 2003: 112-113, De Lumley & Échassoux 2011: 16-22). Most recent research studies have extended this chronology from Neolithic (5600-3400 B.C. ca.) or even Mesolithic (8000-5600 B.C. ca.) to the Iron Age (900 B.C.-Roman epoch, De Lumley 2003: 116-117). Two elements led to this conclusion: first, a complete revision of archaeological material from the Mount Bego area dating to the Mesolithic (Bianchi 2016: 13); second, the study of a few tree-like carvings that can be compared to evidence dating to the transition between the Bronze and Iron Ages (Bianchi 2016: 23)22. A closer enquiry on the topography of Mount Bego carvings has recently permitted an even better understanding of the overlaps and, consequently, a more complete chronology. In his recent work, Huet has, for instance, pointed out that the representation of some kinds of arms, as the knifes, precede the pictures of axes at the Bronze Age; again, the difference between different "types" of bucrania proves the evolution of this kind of representation between the Copper Age and the Final Bronze age (Huet 201: 157-158). It was the Italian archaeologist Anati who began, in 1964, a systematic study of the carvings in Valcamonica. He combined manual survey (drawing) with an analysis of stylistic evolution.23 He specifically conducted a thematic study of descriptive scenes, which allowed him to propose a dating. Most ancient carvings, which mainly represent abstract forms, would date to the Mesolithic (Proto-camuno style, ca. 8 000-5500 B.C., Anati 1990: 120). Styles I and II, characterised by the presence of stylised human beings praying and geometric forms, would refer to the Neolithic period (ca. 5500-3300 B.C., Anati 1990:122-123; De Marinis & Fossati 2012: 27-27). Between the Chalcolithic and Bronze Ages, rock carvings art is characterized by naturalistic Style III (ca. 3200-1200 B.C., Anati 1990: 124-127; De Marinis & Fossati 2012: 28-29; Bossoni et al. 2014: 62-65). Human representations show ploughing and hunting scenes, "divine" figures associated with the sun, and a large quantity of arms: halberds, swords and daggers. Square-like grids, interpreted as maps, are also present (De Marinis & Fossati 2012: 33 and fig. 6). In the Iron Age (Style IV, ca. 1200 B.C.-Roman epoch/1st century B.C, Anati 1990 128-129; De Marinis & Fossati 2012: 30; Bossoni et al. 2014: 65-66), stylised human representations increase. Mainly duel, hunt, and cult scenes are presented. The Roman (from 1st century A.D.) and Medieval periods (post-Camuno style) are marked by a reworking of more ancient shapes and themes, such as the transformation of bronze-aged phi pictures into Christian cruxes (Bossoni et al. 2014: 69). 22 The author draws a specific parallel with tree-like pictures from Iberian Penisula dating to the transition between the Bronze Age and Iron Age (Coimbra 2013:180, fig. 2). 23 For a comment on Anati's contribution in rock art research field: De Marinis & Fossati 2012: 22. Finale rock carvings chrono-typology : a proposai theme/ site of discovery date proposed scene of the carving details bibliography comparisons (contemporary evidences) Axe Rectangular-blade, long-hilt axe Caprazoppa pro-motory, Cava dei Fossili area Chalcolithic (3400-2200 B.C. ca.) Vicino 2013: 66 The carving found in Caprazoppa promotory can be compared to a stylized human being from Mount Bego (France) holding a axe dating to Bronze age (De Lumley 2003: 77,110-113). A parallel can also be drawn with two axes carved on the menhir-statue Bagnolo II (Valcamonica, Italy) dating to Chalcolithic or Early Bronze age (Anati 1990: 60-62); De Pascale & Vicino 2017: 28 Large, square-like shapes with surface splitted in approxi-maltely equal-sized squares Ciappo delle Conche Priuli & Pucci 1994: 40, fig. 84; 41, fig. 89, 90 A parallel can be drawn with carvings which are, in both cases, intepreted as maps or parcelled fieds, and date to the transition between Grids Ciappo del Sale Leali Anfossi 1976: 24-25 Chalcolithic and Bronze Age. This is the case of a number of "grids" from Mount Bego area (De Lumley 2003: 82-83; De Lumley & Echassoux 2011, fig. 84, 5) and Valcamonica ( De Marinis & Fossati 2012: 33 and fig. 6) Plough The plough share is cleary visible Caprazoppa pro-motory, Cava dei Fossili area Arobba & Caramiello 2013: 86; Vicino 2013, 66 The shape of the carving found in Cava dei Fossili can be compared to a oak tree plough dating to Early Bronze age found in Lavagnone (Garda lake, Brescia, Italy; Arobba & Caramiello 2013: 86). A parallel can also be drawn with ploughing scenes in Mount bego area (De Lumley & Echassoux 2011, fig. 244, 1) Zigzag Sery of large, long channels, Ciappo dei Ceci A/ Brie Spaventaggi area Tizzoni 1975: 92-93; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 43, fig. 98, fig. 99; Vicino 2013: 66 Thunder-like carvings can be compared to stylized human beings holding thunder-like signs from Mount Bego area dating to Early Bronze age (De Lumley 2003: 77, 97-99, 110-113). In one case a crux-like shape lines cupels Ciappo delle Conche Bronze Age (2200-1000 B.C. ca.) Tizzoni 1975: 90; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 38, fig. 80, fig. 82; Vicino 2013: 66 at the top of a zigzag line in ciappo delle Conche may be intepreted as a stylized human being holding a tunder (Olcese, personal information for ciappo delle Conche) Bucrania In Prehistoric times, Arma dei Buoi has been transformed into a sort of structure including vaulted walls, false columns, seats and even wooden covering. The bucranium was located on the internal vaulted wall Arma (cave) dei Buoi not far from ciappo delle Conche Priuli & Pucci 1994: 42, fig. 92, fig. 93 Two parallels can be drawn. First, Priuli and Pucci compare the whole structure of Arma dei Buoi to some Chalcolithic or Early Bronze age funerary hypogea from Sardinia (Priuli & Pucci 1994: 42). Secondly, the bucranium can be compared to a similar carving from Mount Bego likely dating at Bonze Age (De Lumley, 2003: 99-101; De Lumley & Echassoux 2011, fig. 176,16) So-called "Altar" in Val di Nava Val di Nava Priuli & Pucci 51, fig. 127; Vicino 2013: 69; De Pascale & Vicino 2017: 30 The bucranium can be compared to a very similar carving found in Mount Bego De Lumley dates at Bonze Age (De Lumley 2003: 49, 99-101; De Lumley & Echassoux 2011, fig. 176, 10) o r o M Shovel - like cupels The shapes have got a particular shovel-like form Olle Vicino 2013, 69; De Pascale & Vicino 2017: 30 and fig. 10 This shape can be compared to shovels used in Bronze Age during incineration rituals in Final Bronze Age (Vicino 2013, 69; De Pascale & Vicino 2017: 30 and fig. 10) Images interpreted as stylized human figures are most of the times long crux-like figures, a circle representing the head, a thiny bifurcation indicating hands and feet. In one case, people are holding hands, in a sort of dance Ciappo delle Conche Priuli &Pucci 1994: 40, 41, fig. 85, fig. 86, fig. 87, fig. 89; Vicino 2013: 64, 66 Dating these figures is particularly difficult, as styles from different areas are really different. Stil, they can be connected to the increase of human Stylized human beings Two figures with thiny body, curved legs and arms crossed behind the head, stay in front of each other. The scene has been object of two different intepretations. Thus, the characters could be praying or dwelling Ciappo del Sale Final Bronze Age/ Iron Age (1000 B.C. ca.-roman epoch) Leali Anfossi 1976: 23-24; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 45, fig. 103, fig. 104 stylized representations in Camunian rock art in Final Bronze Age and most of all in Iron Age (De Marinis & Fossati 2012: 30, 34; Bossoni et al. 2014: 65-66). Specific parallels can be drawn with the "initiation dance" carving from Rock 32 inNaquane (Valcamonica: Süss 1958: 39, fig. 51) Crux-like, isolated stylized human beings Rocca Carpanea Tizzoni 1976: 87; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 48, fig. 114, fig. 115, fig. 116 Crux-like stylized human being. Below the picture, four cuplels seem to form a question mark Ciappo dei Ceci B Vicino 2013: 68; Olcese, personal information The picture can be connected to the increase of human stylized representations in Camunian rock art in Iron age (De Marinis & Fossati 2012: 30, 34). G. Vicino inteprets the shape as a priest (Vcino 2013: 68; De Pascale & Vicino 2017: 29). The cupels below the picture seem to evoke the Pleiades cluster like he supposes in the case of Rocca di Perti and Vene (Vicino 2013: 66, 69) Building -like figures The figures have the form of stylized huts Ciappo del Sale Leali Anfossi 1976: 21-25; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 47, fig. 110 A. Priuli and I. Pucci (Priuli & Pucci 1994: 47) assert the huts are modern. Still, they resemble to carvings from Valcamonica which likely picture huts (Leali Anfossi 1976: 23; Anati 1990: 128; Süss 1958: 62, fig. 90). Savardi compares these evidences to hut-like cinerary urns, a typical burial custom of Final Bronze Age and beginning of Iron Age (Savardi 2012: 13,134) h o £ o M > M O r o 2 o > r ►a o > o M h O ►a § s H O 2 o & o o W o > & O Crux-like, arrow-like and "phi" figures Arma dei Buoi (ancient and Cristian?) Iron Age? Tizzoni 1976: 91; Odetti 1977: 140 (cruxes) As he tried to propose a precise chronology for carvings from Arma del-la Moretta G. Isetti proposed to date them all to "Metal Age", without indicating if he was referring to Bronze Age, or rather to Iron Age. Yet, he firmly distinguished them from the well-known bronze-aged Mount Bego carvings (Isetti 1965: 116). As a matter of fact, if we consider the similarity between this kind of evidences and stylized human figures, we should propose they date back to Iron Age Arma della Moretta Isetti 1965: 112-114; Giuggiola 1982: 48-49; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 53-54, fig. 138-154; Vicino 2013: 66, 69; De Pascale & Vicino 2017: 30 (crux-like, arrow-like and phi-like figures) Ciappo dei Ceci A/ Brie Spaventag-gi (ancient and Cristian?) Tizzoni 1976: 93; Odetti 1977: 140; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 43 (cruxes) Ciappo delle Conche (ancient and Cristian?) Tizzoni 1976: 89-90; Odetti 1977: 140 (cruxes); Olcese, personal information for phi-figures Ciappo del Sale (ancient and Cristian?) Odetti 1977: 140; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 46, fig. 107 (cruxes) Val di Nava (ancient and Cristian?) Tizzoni 1976: 95-96; Odetti 1977: 140; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 50, fig. 125 (cruxes) and fig. 127 Monte Cucco (ancient and Cristian?) Tizzoni 1976: 88; Odetti 1977: 140 (cruxes) Rocca Carpanea Tizzoni 1976: 86; Odetti 1977: 140; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 49, fig. 118 (cruxes) Simplified representations of the stars Star Ciappo delle Conche Indefinite chronology Tizzoni 1976: 89-90; Vicino 2013: 67 G. Vicino points out that star representations such as that of Ciappo delle Conche, Perti and Vene are known at least from the beginning of Protohistory (Vicino 2013: 66) The 7 cupels seem to picture a crescent, or a question mark Top of the so-called "Rocca di Perti" Vicino 2013:66 These cupels have been intepreted as representations of the Pleiades cluster (Vicino 2013: 66-68; De Pascale & Vicino 2107: 29). A few carvings from Mount Bego would also have the same form (De Lumley & Échassoux 2011: 344-347). They can be compared to Nebra sky disk dating to Early Bronze age (Vicino 2013: 67; De Lumley & Échassoux 2011: 57). Still, G. Vicino generally dates star representations to Protohistory (Vicino 2013: 66-67) Cupels have the same form of a crescent, or a question mark Vene di Rialto Vicino 2013: 66, 69 Sexual Symbols (?) The figures have been interpreted as stylized representations of vulvas. Still, their shape evokes most of all that ofsuns Rocca Carpanea Tizzoni 1976; 86; Priuli & Pucci 1994: 49, fig. 118, fig. 119 Better known representations of sexual symbols from Grotticella Blanc-Cardini (Balzi Rossi, Western Liguria) dating to the Paleolithic (Mussi & Vicino 2012: 491-492, 494, fig. 7 and fig. 9) have a totally different shape. Besides, the "vulvas" figures from Rocca Carpanea could also evoke a sun, as proves a comparison with Mount Bego area (De Lumley & Échassoux 2011: 57; 336, 337, fig. 353) Ciappo del Sale Leali Anfossi 1976: 20, fig. 8 É o r o w TOWARDS AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACH TO PREHISTORIC ROCK CARVINGS. FROM ... 31 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research originated within my internship at the Archaeological Museum of the Finale (Finalborgo, Savona, Italy). Thus, I wish to thank Prof. Daniele Arobba and Dr. Andrea De Pascale (Archaeological Museum of the Finale) for taking part in my training. I am particularly grateful to Prof. Giuliva Odetti (University of Genoa, Italy) for her feedback on this paper. I also express my thanks to Dr. Nicoletta Bianchi (Istituto Italiano per l'Archeologia Sperimentale, Genoa), Prof. Maria Cristina Bonci and Prof. Fabio Negrino (University of Genoa, Italy) for the advice they offered to me; I deeply express my gratitude to my friends Joyce, Paola, and Lucio, for what they shared with me, and to my parents, for their patience. BIBLIOGRAPHY Anati, Emmanuel, 1990: 10000 anni di storia in Valcamonica. Capo di Ponte: edizioni del Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici (Studi Camuni, vol. 8). 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(eds.), Le guide del Museo Archeologico del Finale, il Paleolitico. Finale Ligure: tipografia Bolla, 4-7. Bonci, Maria Cristina; Firpo, Marco, 2013b: La formazione di gotte e caverne. I fenomeni carsici nel Finale. Arobba, Daniele; De Pascale, Andrea; Vicino, G. (eds.), Le guide del Museo Archeologico del Finale, il Paleolitico. Finale Ligure: tipografia Bolla, 8-9. Bossoni, Linda; Montanari, Eleonora; Roncoroni, Francesca, Sigari, Dario, 2014: Valcamonica, quei segni di un tempo lontano. Archeo 350/30, Milano: 60-69. Brusa Zappellini, Gabriella, 2012: Il linguaggio delle immagini. Contributi della linguistica e delle neuroscienze alla comprensione dell'arte delle origini. Carulli, Fabio; Dalmieri, Giampaolo; De Marinis, Raffaele Carlo; Pedrotti, Anna Luisa (eds.), L'artepreistorica in Italia. Atti della 42 ° riunione scientifica dell'Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria, Vol 1. Trento: Museo delle Scienze, 305-312. 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Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana 55, 227-233. Graziosi, Paolo, 1973: L'arte preistorica in Italia. Firenze: Sansoni. Graziosi, Paolo, 1974: Qualche osservazione sulle incisioni rupestri liguri. Frova, Antonio; Lamboglia, Nino; Tinè, Fernanda; Tinè, Santo (eds.). Atti della 16° Riunione Scientifica dell'Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria. Firenze: Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria, 177-190. Hrobat Virloget, Katja, 2015: Caves as entrances to the world beyond, from where fertility is derived. The case of SW Slovenia. Studia Mythologica Slavica 18, Ljubljana, 153-163. Huet, Thomas 2017: Les gravures piquetées du mont Bego (Alpes-Maritimes). Organisation spatiale et sériation (6e - 2e millénaire av. J.-C.). Mémoire de la Société Préhistorique Française 63, Paris: Société Préhistorique Française. Issel, Arturo, 1908: La Liguria preistorica. Genova: Società ligure di storia patria (Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria 40). 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FROM ... -33 Mussi, Margheiita; Vicino, Giuseppe, 2012: Grotticella Blanc-Cardini aux Balzi Rossi (Vintimille, Italie). Clottes, Jean (éd.), L'art pléistocène dans le monde / Pleistocene art of the world /Artepleistoceno en el mundo. Actes du Congrès IFRAO. Tarascon-sur-Ariège: Société préhistorique Ariège-Pyrénées (Préhistoire, art et sociétés: bulletin de la Société préhistorique Ariège - Pyrénées). Odetti, Giuliva, 1977: Nuove incisioni rupestri in Liguria. Bollettino del Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici 16, Capo di Ponte, 140-141. Odetti, Giuliva, Ravaccia, Cecilia, 1990: Aggiomamento sulle incisioni del Finale. Atti del Con-vegno sulle incisioni rupestri in Liguria. Millesimo: Comunità montana alta Val Bormida. Pizzorno Brusarosco, Biancangela, 1990: Le incisioni rupestri dell 'area del Monte Beigua e dell 'alta Valle dell'Orba. Savona: Comunità montana del Giovo. Prestipino, Carmelo (ed.), 2007: Segni nel tempo. Sulle tracce dell'arte rupestre in provincia di Savona. Savona: Provincia. Priuli, Ausilio, 2006: Il linguaggio della preistoria: l'arte preistorica in Italia. Torino: Ananke. Priuli, Ausilio; Pucci, Italo, 1994: Incisioni rupestri e megalitismo in Liguria. Ivrea: Priuli e Verlucca. Reichel Dolmatoff, Geraldo, 1978: Beyond the milky way: hallucinatory imaginary of the Tucano indians. Los Angeles: University of California (UCLA Latin America Studies 42). Sansoni, Umberto, 2012a: Lo stato della ricerca sul contesto rupestre della Valcamonica: sintesi sulle scoperte, gli studi tematici ed i caratteri di zona. Carulli, Fabio; Dalmieri, Giampao-lo; De Marinis, Raffaele Carlo; Pedrotti, Anna Luisa (eds.), L'arte preistorica in Italia, Atti della 42 ° riunione scientifica dell'Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria, Vol 2. Trento: Museo delle Scienze, 45-54. Sansoni, Umberto, 2012b: Epistemologia della ricerca: l'esperienza sul contesto rupestre alpino. Carulli, Fabio; Dalmieri, Giampaolo; De Marinis, Raffaele Carlo; Pedrotti, Anna Luisa (eds.), L'arte preistorica in Italia, Atti della 42 ° riunione scientifica dell'Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria, Vol 1. Trento: Museo delle Scienze, 283-393. Savardi, Enrico, 2012: Simbolo e rito nelle figure di "capanna" in Valcamonica. Carulli, Fabio; Dalmieri, Giampaolo; De Marinis, Raffaele Carlo; Pedrotti, Anna Luisa (eds.), L'arte preistorica in Italia, Atti della 42 ° riunione scientifica dell'Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria, Vol 2. Trento: Museo delle Scienze, 131-134. Süss, Emanuele, 1958: Incisioni rupestri della Valcamonica. Milano: Edizioni del Milione. Tizzoni, Marco, 1975: Incisioni all'aperto nel Finale. Bollettino del Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici 12, Capo di Ponte, 85-102. Vicino, Giuseppe, 2013: Pagine di pietra, incisioni rupestri nel Finale e tracce "megalitiche". Arobba, Daniele; Del Lucchese, Angiolo; De Pascale, Andrea (eds.), Le guide del Museo Archeologico del Finale, Le età dei Metalli. Genova: Erredi grafiche, 64-70. Vicino, Giuseppe, 1972: Scoperta d'incisioni rupestri paleolitiche ai Balzi Rossi. Rivista di Studi Liguri 38, Bordighera, 5-26. 34- MARTINA OLCESE VERSO UN APPROCCIO ARCHEOLOGICO ALLO STUDIO DELLE INCISIONI RUPESTRI PREISTORICHE. DAL METODO ALLA SIMBOLOGIA: IL CASO-STUDIO DEL FINALE (LIGURIA OCCIDENTALE). Martina Olcese ooc> Il presente lavoro intende proporre una riflessione sull'approccio scientifico allo studio delle incisioni rupestri, partendo da una prospettiva archeologica. In tal modo, la prima parte dell'articolo pone in essere le principali proble-matiche inerenti l'indagine su queste testimonianze, fra cui spiccano gli elementi inerenti la datazione e l'interpretazione. Da un lato, la datazione delle incisioni è da sempre confrontata all'assenza di depositi archeologici di riferimento che consentano una cronologia assoluta. Dall'altro, lo studio tecnologico di queste testimonianze, con particolare riferimento al microcalco, alla fotogrammetria e al laser scan, consente di stabilire per esse una cronologia relativa. L'interpretazione delle figure incise sulla pietra, d'altro canto, appare imprescin-dibilmente legata ad una prospettiva interdisciplinare, che trascende l'archeologia per trarre puntualmente spunto dalla storia dell'arte, dall'antropologia culturale e persino dalla medicina. In questo contesto, è fatto riferimento a recenti studi che hanno messo in rilievo come il repertorio iconografico e persino lo stile delle incisioni rupestri preistoriche trovino riscontro in immagini prodotte da menti in stato psicofisico alterato. Tali fenomeni si ascrivono ad esempi etnografici ravvisabili in popolazioni del Sud Africa e del Sud America. Sebbene paia improprio ascrivere sistematicamente a questo tipo di fenomeni la realizzazione dell'arte rupestre, da queste considerazioni si deduce che la pratica di incidere la pietra nel più remoto passato dovesse rientrare in un particolare contesto culturale e simbolico. La seconda sezione del testo propone una prima scansione cronologica delle incisioni rupestri rinvenute nel Finale (Liguria occidentale, Italia), sino ad oggi mai oggetto di uno studio sistematico. A tale scopo, viene intrapreso un riscontro con due contesti particolarmente bene indagati: l'arte rupestre del Monte Bego (Alpes du Sud, Francia) e della Valcamonica (Bergamo-Brescia, Italia). Il risultato di questo primo tentativo è di aver suddiviso le testimonianze rinvenute nel Finale in due gruppi. Il primo e più antico, che include soprattutto i cosiddetti "fulmini", è stato datato tra il Calcolitico e l'antica età del Bronzo. Il secondo, in seno al quale si distinguono alcune figure antropomorfe, risalirebbe invece all'età del Ferro. Sul piano strettamente simbolico, il confronto con la teoria di H. De Lumley sulle testimonianze dal Monte Bego ha consentito di porre i rinvenimenti pro-venienti dal Finale in relazione con una forma di religiosità solare o comunque legata agli elementi atmosferici, i cui richiami all'ambito simbolico della fertilità e della pastorizia sono numerosi. TOWARDS AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL APPROACH TO PREHISTORIC ROCK CARVINGS. FROM ... 35 Al testo è aggiunta un'appendice che illustra brevemente le premesse meto-dologiche su cui si è basata la datazione delle incisioni rupestri del Monte Bego e della Valcamonica, e propone una vera e propria tavola crono-tipologica delle incisioni del Finale. Martina Olcese, Ph.D. student, School of classical and modern cultures and literatures, DIRAAS-University of Genova, Via Balbi 2, 16126 Genova, Italia, martina.olcese6@gmail.com 22 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2019 - 37 - 54 | DOI: 10.3987/SMS20192202 - Rugian Slavic God Sventovit - One More Time — Roman Zaroff ■ This paper critically analyses and discusses two recent re-interpretations of the name of the Slavic god known as Sventovit. This deity was worshipped on Rügen Island, on Wittow Peninsula, at a locality called Arkona. The temple of Sventovit, with his four-headed statue, stood there on the cliff there in the Middle Ages until its destruction by the Danes in 1168/9. The paper explores an article by Michal Luczynski published in the Polish journal Ling Varia in 2015, and a chapter on Sventovit in the book by Judith Kalik and Alexander Uchitel, titled Slavic Gods and Heroes, which was published by Routledge in 2018, in the USA and UK. In his work, Luczynski postulated that root-stem -vit in the name of a deity is, in fact, a suffix -ovit implying its attributive character. The paper argues for a widely accepted explanation that root-stem -vit derives from the Slavic vitgdzb, denoting warrior, hero, freeman, lord, master or ruler. In their book, Kalik and Uchitel argued that the name "Sventovit" was a corrupted form of the name of the Christian Saint Vitus. This article challenges this notion, arguing that the deity's name Sventovit has nothing to do with Saint Vitus. KEYWORDS: Sventovit, Slavic mythology, religion, Polabians, Rugen Island The discourse concerning the name and etymology of the Slavic pre-Christian deity Sventovit, worshipped in Middle Ages on Rügen Island at Arkona, remains active. It is encouraging that the history of the Polabian Slavs and Slavic pre-Christian beliefs are still of interest among many contemporary mediaeval scholars. In recent times, I have encountered two new interpretations concerning the above topic. There was an article by Polish scholar Michal Luczynski "Staropolabskie teonimy *Svqtovitb, *Jarovitb, *Ruje-vitb, *Borovitb: deadiectiva czy composita? ", published in 2015. Another publication was an interpretation by Judith Kalik and Alexander Uchitel in the book titled Slavic Gods and Heroes, which appeared in 2018. The Slavic deity Sventovit, *Svqtovitb in Slavic, was recorded only in Latin transcripts and had various spelling according to the source. This should not be a surprise as none of the chroniclers and annalists were native Slavic speakers. Thus, the name passed on were phonetic recordings of an alien name. They have been recorded in various ways, such as Suantovitu (Saxo, XIV.39), Suantouith, Suantuitho (Saxo, XIV.39), Szuentevi, Suantevit, Zuantevith (Helmold I.52; II.108(12)), 38- ROMAN ZAROFF and Svanteviz (Knytlinga, 122). There is a consensus among most of the scholars that the original Slavonic name of this deity was *Svqtovitb (Luczynski 2015: 110). To be clear, the anglicized form "Sventovit" will be used in this paper. ROMAN ZAROFF'S INTERPRETATION In my article "The Origins of Sventovit of Rügen", published in 2002, in the journal Studia Mythologica Slavica, I presented my interpretation and provided my explanation for the etymology of Sventovit's name. Briefly, it had been postulated that the name is dithematic and comprises two elements to be called root-stem in this work. The first derived from Proto-Slavic *ceAmb (*Svgtb) denoting magic, holy, possessing supernatural properties and also might and power. Hence, in the case of Sventovit, it denotes might, strength, and power (Brückner 1985A: 537; Borys 2006: 623). Over the course of the time, under Christian influence, the term changed its meaning and became synonymous with the noun "saint". The second element, the suffix -vitb, was explained as deriving from an Old Slavonic noun *vit%z,b - meaning a warrior, freeman, lord and/or master. In this context, the etymology of the name Sventovit was postulated to mean a "Strong, Mighty, Lord" (Zaroff 2002: 3). The above etymology and meaning of the name Sventovit has long been accepted by the overwhelming majority of scholars, starting with Josef Dobrovsky in the early 19th century (Niederle: 1916 142n) and by such scholars as Lubor Niederle (Niederle 1916: 142n), Stanislaw Urbanczyk (S. Urbanczyk 1947: 34-35), Rajko Nahtigal (Nahtigal 1956: 1), Leszek Moszynski (Moszynski 1975: 591), Jerzy Strzelczyk (Strzelczyk 1998: 210), Aleksander Gieysztor (Gieysztor 1982: 90-91), Eric Christianson (Christiansen 1984: 836(n477)), Ken Dowden (Dowden 2000: 215), Stanislaw Rosik (Rosik 2000: 128) and Andrzej Szyjewski (Szyjewski 2003: 116) to name but few. Although, as it happens, it is common in the fields of history, linguistics, and etymology, consensus on this issue is not shared by all scholars. The issue that recently reappeared will be addressed and discussed in detail in the course of this paper. MICHAL LUCZYNSKI'S - A NEW LINGUISTIC INTERPRETATION As aforementioned, Slavic names are usually dithematic with two meaningful root-stems. In the case of Sventovit, Luczynski proposed a new etymology for the name of this god. He did not challenge the notion that root-stem svqtb, meaning strong, mighty, powerful, magic, holy, possessing supernatural properties (Luczynski 2015: 110), and that the term acquired its current meaning of something saintly, holy, which became synonymous with saint and sainthood only in Christian times (Brückner 1985A: 537). It should also be noted that a number of Russian scholars who followed the Tartu-Moscow Semiotic School, such as Oleg Trubachev, Vladimir Toporov and Boris Rybakov derived root-stem sv&b from Slavic term denoting light and/or brightness (Trubachev 2003: 418-420; Toporov 2014: 339; Rybakov 1981: 300). RUGIAN SLAVIC GOD SVENTOVIT - ONE MORE TIME 39 However, Luczynski argued that in the name Sventovit's two root-stems are not svqtbo-vitb, but rather svqtb-ovitb. Therefore, he introduced a suffix -ovit instead. An alleged suffix -ovit is supposed to be an adjective serving an attributive and/or possessive function in the name. On its own, the linguistic argument about the suffix -ovit as presented by Luczynski is a well-researched and scholarly presented analysis. For instance, in the Polish language, jad means poison and the verb jadowity means poisonous, or smak - a taste, and smakowity, which means tasty. He concluded that the suffix -ovit meant "one that possesses' a lot of, one who is full of". In this interpretation, the name Sventovit would mean "one that possesses a lot of power, strength" ((Luczynski 2015: 115). It should be noted that previously mentioned followers of the Tartu-Moscow Semiotic School, such as Trubachev, derived root-stem vitb, from an Indo-European *ueik-t or *uik-t denoting vital force, and Rybakov explained -vitb as joy, happiness or abundance (Rybakov, 1981: 300). Lubor Niederle has seen the element vit as of Slavonic origin, although he perceived it as unexplained (Niederle 1916: 142). To best of my knowledge, only the Russian Nataliya Ganina follows Trubachev (Trubachev 2004: 428-429) in support of Luczynski's claim that the suffix -ovit, in the name of Sventovit is a substantive adjective (Ganina 2015: 71). Unfortunately, introducing the suffix -ovitb as a part of Sventovit and to other similar names is not very convincing. Above all, Luczynski's impressive linguistic exercise does not explain the origins of common Slavic names beginning with element vitb-. To name only a few historical figures, we have Vitoslav, and its variants appear in Czech as Vitezslav, and in Croatian and Slovene as Vitislav. Just to mention some historical figures, we have Vitoslav (Vitislan, Vitisla), a Bohemian duke mentioned in the 9th century (Annales Fuldenses, Years 872; 895). In Polish historical sources, a certain Witoslaw (Vitozlaus) is mentioned in a document from 1193 issued by Pope Celestine III (Bull of Celestine III, Celestinus pp. III 1193 Apr. 8). Another Witoslaw (Vitoslaus) appears in a Privilege for the Benedictine monastery at Mogilno in 1143 issued by Mieszko III the Old (Mesco dux Polonie, 1103). There was a certain Witomir (Vithmarus) in another document from 1247 (Fr. Michael Abbas in Paradiso 1247). As previously stated, Slavic names are dithematic but were also abbreviated, shortened, or used in a diminutive form. These applied not only to the common people but also were used in the case of the rulers. For instance, Prince Boleslaw II of Swidnica was often referred to as "Bolko". This must have been a case of an Obodrite duke Witcan of the late 8th century (ARF, 789; 795), whose name begins with the element vitb-. Similarly, a Polish document Ex commisso nobis known as the Bull of Gniezno issued by Pope Innocent II in 1136 mentions Witosza (Vitossa) and Witosz (Vitos) (Bull of Gniezno of 1136). Also, a deputy judge Witek (Vitec) appears at Gniezno in 1247 (Conradus dux Lanchicie, 1247). In the last three Polish examples, it could be argued that the names are Slavicized forms of the Latin name Vitus, derived from Saint Vitus (Sanctus Vitus), but it equally plausible that they are simply just abbreviations of Slavic dithematic names, such as Witoslaw, Witomir, Witomysl, or Vitodrag (Niederle 1916: 142). So, in all probability it is an old Serbian name Vitbko (Nahtigal 1956: 3). Therefore, this clearly indicates that element vit in personal names cannot be an attributive/possessive adjective (Kalik & Uchitel 2018: 54), and existed on its own as a noun. 40- ROMAN ZAROFF Moreover, there a are plethora of place names across the entire Slavdom beginning with Vit, Wit or alike. To cite just a few examples, Polish Witomysl (Vitomisl) mentioned in 1250 (DLW, Doc. 286, year 1250), is evidently a patronymic name. Another example, Witkowo (Vittovo) recorded in 1259 (DLW, Doc. 382, year 1259), or Vitaciv (BrraHiB) in Ukraine (Wqdzki 2008:686-687). Furthermore, an old Slavic settlement of Vityn (Vitin), a tribal centre of the Niditse (Pol. Nidzice) in East Germany (Ger. Witten) was mentioned in 961 (SSS, Vol. 6:504), or the Vitosha Mountains in Bulgaria, which are derived either from the personal name Vitos or the word vitqz-vit. Finally, the Luczynski hypothesis does not explain the name of Wittow Peninsula on Rügen Island, where a Sventovit temple stood and where to these days small village called Witt exists. In addition, the "o" in the name Svent-o-tovit is extremely unlikely to be a part of an alleged suffix -ovit. Examining other Slavonic names, it is abundantly clear that it is simply not so. It should be noted that, for example, the name Gnevomir comprises the root-stem gnevb - the wrath (Borys 2006: 168) and min - meaning respect in this context. Hence the name follows a pattern Gnevo-mir, not a Gnev-omir. Similarly, Gostomys! is a combination of gostb - guest (Borys 2006: 174), and myslb - a thought, thoughtful (Borys 2006: 344 345), but within the name, it means "One that is well disposed to guest; a hospitable one". So, it is Gosto-mys! not Gost-omys!. There are a countless number of other Slavonic names showing the above pattern. Moreover, the personal names containing the element svgtb- such Czech Svatopluk, Svatoslav or Polish Swiqtope!k, Swiqtobor, Swiqtos!awa or Eastern Slavic Svyatoslav (CBAToraaB), or a mythical hero Svyatogor (CBATorop) evidently show the same pattern. The pattern identified in the name's the element svgtb- becomes svgtbO-, where Svento-vit, rather than Svent-ovit fits perfectly. Furthermore, let us examine the Southern Slavic name Ljudevit. It was the name of a Croatian ruler of Southern Pannonia, Duke Ljudevit of Passau, circa 810-823 (ARF, 818). The name contains the Proto-Slavic element *ljudb - meaning people. In the 9th century, the people would be called ljudk (ljudye), similarly to Russian nwdu (Ijudi) or the Polish form ludzie. It has to be considered that, in mediaeval times, the naming of children was of utmost importance and carried significant meaning. Naming children was of a mystical or magic-like ritualized nature ceremony. They were often perceived as assuring their children future characteristics, virtues, prestige and status that they hoped they would possess. As a consequence, it carried an important message of assurance for the future well-being and success of the child. This issue was comprehensively addressed by Bozena Hrynkiewicz-Adamskich in her article published in 2011 (Hrynkiewicz-Adamskich 2011: 177- 196). In this context, it is much more convincing that together with the suffix -vitb as a lord, master, the name Ljudevit would have meant "The lord of the people", as an appropriate given name for a member of the ruling Croatian house, rather than meaning something else. Simply adding the suffix -vit would add to the name much more importance and prestige than an alleged attributive/possessive -evit proposed by Luczynski. As was postulated in my 2002 article, the element vitb is in Slavic names derived from an abbreviated form of Old Slavonic vitqdzb < *vitggb meaning warrior, hero, freeman, lord, master, ruler. It is a common Slavic noun; therefore, it must have proceeded the RUGIAN SLAVIC GOD SVENTOVIT - ONE MORE TIME 41 Slavic migration period of the 5th to 7th centuries C.E. It appears in Czech in the form of vitez,, a victor, in Lusatian Sorbian as witez or wicaz a hero. In the Polish language, witez or wiciqdz, means a warrior, in Russian and Ukrainian eumn3b (witiaz) a warrior, Croatian vitez, Slovene vitez, Bulgarian, Macedonian and in Serbian eume-3 (vitez) - all meaning a knight, warrior or concepts associated with warriors, bravery, lordship, master and power, winner or victor, or a member of the Slavic class of warriors (Vasmer 1986, ed: 322-323; Brückner: 1985A: 658-659; Gieysztor 1982: 90-91; Borys 2006: 747). Hence, all Slavic variants are conceptually cognate. From Slavic languages, the term also entered Hungarian as vitez and Romanian as viteaz, and denotes someone gallant or valiant (S. Urbanczyk 1975: 502). Such an interpretation has a wide consensus among scholars, including Aleksander Brückner (Brückner 1985B: 35), Stanislaw Urbanczyk (S. Urbanczyk 1947: 34-35), Janislaw Osi^glowski (Osi^glowski 1971: 136), Alexander Gieysztor (Gieysztor 1982: 90), Jerzy Strzelczyk (Strzelczyk 1998: 210), Eric Christiansen (Christiansen 1984: 836(n477)), Ken Dowden (Dowden 2000: 215), Stanislaw Rosik (Rosik 2000: 128), or Andrzej Szyjewski (Szyjewski 2003: 116), to cite a few. The origin of the term witiaz/vitgdzb < *vit%gb is not entirely clear. However, most authorities assume that it is a borrowing from Old East Germanic, likely a Gothic-related language, before the Slavic Migration Period. The term also appears in Baltic Old Prussian as witing, to denote native Prussians in military service of Teutonic Knights (Vasmer 1986, ed., Vol I: 322), reinforcing the notion of the early borrowing from the Eastern Germanic language. It should also be noted that in early Slavic borrowings from the Germanic sound "g" tended to change to "z" or "dz". This is demonstrated in the case of kuningaz, to kbnqz,b denoting a prince or ruler (Golqb 1992: 72), and in Old Slavonic niHA3b/niHA^b (pengzb/penggb), to the Polish pieniqdz,, the Czech word peniz, Old Russian neHH3b (penjazb) for money or coin; and derived from an Old Lower German pfenning (Golqb 1992: 381). All this implies that it originated from the term witing, or similar. Unfortunately, this is not attested in any written records. It is likely to be related to the Gothic witan - to keep watch, to guard (Skeat 1868: 273). A similar term is attested in Gothic by weihan/weigan, to fight (Skeat 1868: 267-268; Balg 1889: 540-541; Gol^b 1992: 381-382), or perhaps it shares the origin with later Old Icelandic hvitingr, meaning fair-haired, but also noble, distinguished (Vasmer 1986, ed., Vol I: 323). The term Viking, from Old Norse vikingr, acquired a meaning of sea-farer, pirate, and warrior in later times, may also had derived from this common Old Germanic term witting (S. Urbanczyk 1975: 502). The most plausible explanation is by Zbigniew Gol^b who proposed that witing was likely a term used by the earliest, pre-Gothic, East Germanic migrants, possibly the Germano-Celtic Bastarnae or Germanic Vandals, sometime between as early as the 3rd to 1st centuries BCE, and then entered Proto-Slavic and Proto-Baltic languages (Gol^b 1992: 382). Moreover, the suffix -vitb denoting a lord or master is better suited to the unquestionable military aspects of Sventovit's cult, and other functions of agricultural, vegetative, harvest and prophetic abilities. In other words, in the henotheistic pantheon of the Slavs, Sventovit acquired a leading, if not a supreme role. It should be noted that, in many religions, higher or supreme gods are called "Lord". For instance, the name of the Zoroastrian god Ahura 42- ROMAN ZAROFF Mazda, who is a creator and sole deity, comprises of the word Ahura - mighty and/or lord, and Mazda - wisdom. Thus, the literal meaning of Ahura Mazda is "Wise Lord". The postulated transonimization of an adjective into a proper noun by Luczynski (Luczynski 2015: 111-112), appears to be merely a hypothesis and, in this case, lacks substantial evidence other than a long sequence of speculative arguments. Luczynski argued that there is no clear evidence for the association of the suffix vitb with the noun witiaz, citing doubts expressed by Aleksander Brückner (Luczynski 2015: 110-111). It needs to be acknowledged here that the linguistic and grammatical rules, laws and patterns are powerful and extremely useful tools in scholarly linguistic, philological, and etymological analysis and reconstruction. There is absolutely no doubt about it. However, linguistics is not mathematics, and there cannot be linguistic dogmas. Languages are living social phenomena, and unpredictable, unexpected, unexplainable changes may and do take place. Two simple cases can be presented here. A term for spider in all Slavic languages derives from the common Slavicpauk-like, from Old Slavonicpagkb, while in Polish it ispajqk (Borys 2006: 408), or another common Slavic word medvedb a bear, is niedzwiedz in Polish (Borys 2006: 360). Both these instances and a multitude of other examples defy not only an explanation, but the change often does not follow any linguistic "rule". The linguistics can clearly describe the changes that occurred, but sometimes do not provide the answer as to "why". To conclude this section, although some doubts remain and have to be acknowledged here, the presented argument and cumulative evidence clearly indicates that Luczynski's hypothesis is not very convincing. Therefore, in the name of the Rugian Slavic deity Sventovit, there is no attributive or possessive suffix -ovitb, but there is a commonly accepted suffix -vitb. In all probability, it derives from the Slavonic term witiaz, which denotes a lord, master or someone in a position of authority, and it appeared in an abbreviated form in names. ORIGIN OF SVENTOVIT BY JUDITH KALIK AND ALEXANDER UCHITEL, FROM THE BOOK: SLAVIC GODS AND HEROES A recent book by two scholars, Judith Kalik and Alexander Uchitel, and titled Slavic Gods and Heroes that was published by Routledge in 2018 offers a controversial revision of Pre-Christian Slavic beliefs. A relevant part of the book for the purpose of this paper is a chapter on Sventovit. These scholars postulated that the name Sventovit derives from that of Saint Vitus. The authors claimed that the Ranove (Rani) nominally accepted Christianity in times of Otto I, who was a German king since 936 and Emperor from 962 until his death in 972. Supposedly, the Ranove needed the Empire's support against the Danish threat. Allegedly, not very long after that, the Ranove reverted to their pre-Christian beliefs and began to worship Saint Vitus in a corrupted form, that is, as a deity known as Sventovit (Kalik & Uchitel 2018: 54). At the beginning of the section on Sventovit, the authors cited Helmold of Bossau, who composed his Chronica Sclavorum sometime between 1163 and 1171, describing the RUGIAN SLAVIC GOD SVENTOVIT - ONE MORE TIME 43 events since the time of Charlemagne. According to Helmold, in the times of Louis II the Younger, Holy Roman Emperor 844-876, monks from the Abbey of Corvey underwent a mission to the Ranove of Rügen Island. Consequently, they were converted to Christianity, and an oratory devoted to Saint Vitus was established there. Shortly afterwards, the Ranove reverted to their pre-Christian beliefs and began to worship a misinterpreted Saint Vitus as Sventovit (Helmold I.6). Helmold repeats the story in a similar way in the Second Book of his chronicle, but this time places it in the time of Louis I the Pious, who was Charlemagne's son and Emperor from 814 to 840 (Helmold II.108). They have also cited a fragment from Gesta Danorum composed by a Danish chronicler Saxo Grammaticus. Saxo repeats Helmold's claim, but placed it in the times of Charlemagne's reign of 768 to 814 and their apostasy after his death (Saxo XIV.39). There is strong evidence that Saxo knew Helmold's chronicle (Christiansen 1984:704-705), and his notion about Saint Vitus' origin of Sventovit comes from that source. Saxo was a chaplain of the bishop of Roskilde, and he wrote his Gesta Danorum sometime after 1185. He died around 1204. The chronicle provides a vivid description of the pagan cult there, the temple of the god Sventovit at Arkona, and its destruction in 1168/69 (Saxo XIV.39). A relatively in-depth knowledge and understanding of the contemporary Baltic Slavs and their affairs is visible throughout the chronicle. His account about the pagan temple, idol, and ceremonies held at Arkona are regarded as most trustworthy. He either participated in the 1168/69 expedition or received information from the Danish bishop of Roskilde, Absalon, who led the expedition against the Ranove. The Ranove principality under Slavic prince Tetzlav (Pol. Cieslaw) became a Danish tithe and ecclesiastically under Danish bishopric of Roskilde (Ellis 1978: 2; Slupecki 1994: 33). It should be also noted that church erected by Danes in Rügen Island at Altenkirchen, shortly after 1168/1169 was consecrated to Saint Mary not Saint Vitus (Christiansen 1984: 844). On the basis of the above, it appears that the entire story by Helmold and repeated by Saxo is regarded widely by modern historians as fictitious, not only because of the contradictory time frame, but also as being a much later attempt by Corvey monks to make an ecclesiastic claim of archbishopric of Hamburg-Bremen to Rügen Island. Indeed, a charter to this respect was fabricated around the year 1114, in the times of Emperor's Lothar III's expedition against the Ranove of Rügen. The evidently forged Charter supposedly was issued by East Frankish king Lothair I in 844 (Christiansen 1984: 715). After they cited both Helmold's and Saxo's accounts, the authors stated: Modern scholars rejected this version of the story regarding the origins of Sventovit's cult, because of evidentiary inconsistencies and its anachronistic character. Neither Louis I nor Louis II, to say nothing about Charlemagne, ever conqueredRugen Island. The monks of Corvey[...] likely fabricated the story (Kalik & Uchitel 2018: 53- 54). This implies that they too accept that Helmold's and Saxo's accounts in this respect are not true. Moreover, the political situation in the region does not begin to suggest any serious penetration of the empire and Christianity in the course of the 9th and first half of the 10th centuries. During the 9th century, the Carolingian Empire did not really penetrate Polabian Slavs' territories. From time to time, the Sorbs and Veletians from the Brandenburg region only nominally accepted Imperial authority and occasionally paid a tribute. The heathen 44- ROMAN ZAROFF Slavonic Obodrites were often allied with Charlemagne, first against the heathen Saxons and later against the heathen Danes. The Ranove of Rügen at that time were well beyond the reach of Empire and even more beyond the reach of Christianity (Zaroff 1996; Zaroff 2000). It should be also noted here that a monk, Ansgar, who later became archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen, underwent a mission to Denmark and later to Sweden between 826 and 831, which was described in Vita Ansgari by Rimbert, an archbishop of Hamburg and Bremen between 865 and 888. We read there: The Pope confirmed this, not only by an authoritative decree, but also by the gift of the pallium, in accordance with the custom of his predecessors, and he appointed him as his legate for the time being amongst all the neighbouring races of the Swedes and Danes, also the Slavs and the other races that inhabited the regions of the north (Rimbert XIII). However, the Vita is a classical hagiography, and its claims of a successful mission and the conversion of many Danes and Swedes seem to be a gross exaggeration. Overall, the mission was a failure, as both the Danes and Swedes remained pagan for more than the following century, and there is no evidence that Christianity took a serious foothold there as a result of Ansgar's mission. As for any Slavs, the Vita mentioned them sporadically with no indication about any real conversion success (Rimbert VI-XXXIX; Robinson 1921: 12-16; Hardt 2010: 345-354). The first bishoprics on Polabian Slavic territories were found at Brandenburg and Havelberg (Sorbian-Veletian borderlands) in 948 (Labuda, 1960: III. 183; Hardt 2010: 345-354), and in the North, on Obodrite territory at Oldenburg in 968 (Hardt, 2010: 345-354; Zaroff 1996: 102-103. Kalik and Uchitel do not question the etymology of the root-stem *svqt^, as presented at the beginning of the paper. However, they questioned that of root-stem vit. They argued that: this word is not found in any Slavic language, and is reconstructed solely on the basis of divine and personal names containing this component (Kalik & Uchitel, 2018: 54). Indeed, it is the case, but the reconstruction of this word from witiaz/vitqdzb and its abbreviated form vit, as argued the above, was researched and reconstructed by a great many scholars and accepted by most historians. The authors themselves acknowledged that an overwhelming majority of the scholars accept the root-stem vifo as meaning a lord (Kalik & Uchitel 2018: 54). We have already explored a frequent occurrence of root-stem vifo in multiple, very common personal and geographical names across the entire Slavdom. The term logically fits the reconstruction as lord/master much more convincingly than other investigations, such as that presented in the section discussing Luczynski's paper. We will re-visit this issue later. Following this, Kalik and Uchitel repeated a claim that the Sventovit cult was a corrupted form of veneration of Saint Vitus, this time, approaching the issue from a different perspective. At the same time, they stated that they disregarded the accounts of Helmold and Saxo concerning Sventovit and Saint Vitus; it still needs some consideration, which contradicts their previous acknowledgement that they were not true. The revised argument went as follows. The Ranove assisted Emperor Otto I in conflict with other Slavs, namely the Obodrites, and participated in the Battle of Recknitz (TM, II.12; Widukind, III. 54-55). The authors claimed that the Ranove sided with Otto I, as they were afraid of a Danish threat and needed imperial assistance against them. On that occasion, they also RUGIAN SLAVIC GOD SVENTOVIT - ONE MORE TIME 45 accepted Christianity, albeit nominally. This was followed by the transfer of the Saint Vitus cult to the Rugian principality, as it was popular in parts of the empire due to a transfer of Saint Vitus relics to the Corvey Abbey in 836. When a great Slavic rebellion of the Obodrites and Veletians took place in 983, the Slavs relinquished not only imperial supremacy but also reverted to heathenism (Kalik & Uchitel 2018: 54). A fundamental problem with this claim is that no contemporary sources mention such a conversion of the Ranove prior to the fall of Arkona in 1168/69. Any conversion of pagans in the region was always highlighted by annalists and chroniclers, even if it was only nominal or such people relapsed shortly after. The authors do not provide any explanation why Annales Corbeienses, Annales Hildesheimenses, and all the other contemporary annals are silent about this alleged event. An argument used by authors that Widukind of Corvey, who had written his Gesta between 962 and 973 and during the reign of Otto I, did not mention the conversion of the Ranove simply because he was not interested in Rugen Island (Kalik & Uchitel 2018: 54) does not deserve a comment. However, to clarify this, Widukind was a Saxon of noble birth; he lived and worked at Corvey Abbey and would not miss an opportunity to praise his "beloved" Otto I's achievement in the Christianization of another "bunch" of pagans and uplift the standing of his own Abbey who piously venerated Saint Vitus. Neither can he be accused of ignorance or lack of interest in Imperial, Saxon and regional affairs. Similarly, another contemporary chronicler, Thietmar of Merseburg, is regarded as a relatively reliable source. He was born in the upper-class family of count Siegfried of Walbeck. He received his education at St. John's monastery at Magdeburg and, like Helmold of Bosau, he spoke Slavic. He was consecrated bishop of Merseburg in 1009. His Chronicon, a chronicle of the Saxon dynasty's deeds, was written between 1012 and 1018 (Jedlicki 1953: XIII-XXXV, L-LII). Thus, Thietmar was well informed about Slavonic affairs and provided a long description of the Veletian cult centre devoted to the god Svarozhits (TM, VI. 23-24). It is indicative that Thietmar wrote in detail about the transfer of Saint Vitus relics to Corvey, but in Chronicon he mentioned nothing about the Christianization of the Ranove of Rügen Island and the cult of Saint Vitus there (TM, VII. 13, 53). Furthermore, another chronicler, Adam of Bremen, an author of Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclasiae Pontificum, who was a member of the cathedral chapter at the archbishopric of Hamburg-Bremen is noteworthy. He was born in the first half of the 11th century in southern Germany, probably somewhere around Würtzburg. He came to Saxony and Bremen in the mid-1060s. His chronicle was written in the 1070s-1080s. Adam knew King Sven of Denmark personally, and some of his information came from the monarch. Adams knowledge of Saxon and Danish affairs seems to have extended to the geography and the people of the region (Tschan 1959: XIII-XXIII; AoB, II.XVI(14)-II.XXII(19)), and he mentions Rugiani - the Ranove of Rügen (AoB, XXII(19)). Here again, in Adam's Gesta, we find nothing supporting the alleged claim. It should be noted that the first bishops for Danes were consecrated only in 948 (AoB, II.IV). He explicitly and clearly says that the archbishopric of Magdeburg founded in 968 would have had ecclesiastic jurisdiction over the Slavic people as far as the Peene River and that it divided the archdioceses of Hamburg-Bremen and Magdeburg, but saying nothing about Rügen 46- ROMAN ZAROFF Islands, the Ranove or Saint Vitus (AoB, n.XVI(14)-XVII(15)). Finally, he provides a relatively comprehensive description of the Ranove of Rügen Island, describing their pagan beliefs, customs, military power and regional importance, and their piracy. Here, it is yet another instance in which Adam of Bremen in his Gesta makes no mention of early Christianization or Saint Vitus (AoB, IV.XVIII). Thus, it appears that all the contemporary sources are silent on this matter, simply because such a conversion did not take place. At the risk of repetition, the first bishopric in the north on Polabian Obodrite territory was founded in 968 and lasted until the Great Slavic rebellion in 983 - a mere 15 years. Moreover, Kalik's and Uchitel's treaties misunderstood the political situation in the region around 955. In the middle of the 10th century, the Ranove did not need to ally themselves with the Empire against the Danes, as they were not a threat to each other, and they were not in conflict. There is no evidence for such a conflict in Scandinavian or German sources. At best, the Danes could trade with the Ranove, and may have made sporadic raids against each other if circumstances allowed. This was a usual occurrence in the Baltic basin of that time. As for heathen Denmark, it was in the process of state formation and unification of Jutland by Gorm the Old who reigned between 936 and 958, and the Danes were not in a position to expand beyond Scandinavia (Collins 1991: 333-334; Christiansen 2006: 87-100). With the encroaching Empire and Christianity from the south, Gorm the Old would likely have preferred to be an ally not an enemy of the Ranove. As it happened, the alliance of the Ranove with Otto I was against the Slavic Obodrites. The Obodrite principality bordered mainland territories under the control of the Ranove. The contested territories were roughly between the modern city of Rostock and Ribnitz-Damgarten in Germany. As a result, the Ranove's involvement in 955 in the Battle of Recknitz was prompted by the fact that they saw the Obodrites as a threat to their interests and competitors in the region (Zaroff 2000: 7, 28-31). There was no need for the heathen Ranove to accept Christianity and, as was recorded in the sources, they came to assist the Imperial forces on their own accord. As it happened, it was the Ranove who saved the day at the Battle of Recknitz as they built a bridge across the River Recknitz, which allowed German forces under Gero to escape from their entrapment in the bend of the river and attack unsuspecting Obodrites from behind (Widukind, III. 54-55). As the evidence indicates, Kalik's and Uchitel's claim are indeed devoid of any evidence for the Christianization of the Ranove around 955. Moreover, their research and interpretation of the 955 events lack depth. At this point, it is useful to return to the attempt by the authors to derive the root-stem of -vit in Sventovit's name from Saint Vitus. There are a number of serious problems with this interpretation. Firstly, there is an overwhelming body of evidence that the root-stem vit in Slavic names was very common and widely spread across the entire Slavdom; it cannot be linked with Saint Vitus. The root-stem -vit was a widespread element in Slavic personal names such as Dobrovit, Drogovit, Gosciwit, Ljudevit, Siemowit, Witomysl, Witoslaw, and many others, long before the Christianization of the Slavs. Another example is Dragovit (Dragawit), a Veletian (Wiltzi) "prince", most likely of Brandenburg/ Branibor, who was defeated by the Franks and allied with the Slavic Obodrites in 789 RUGIAN SLAVIC GOD SVENTOVIT - ONE MORE TIME 47 (Einhardi, 789). In Poland, personal names with the root-stem -vitb appear in numerous mediaeval documents. To cite a few: Siemowit (Semovith) from the chronicler Gallus Anonymous, in the early 12th century, who refers to the Polanie's ruler/chieftain of the late 9th or early 10th centuries (Gallus Anonymus, III). A document titled Ex commisso nobis known as the Bull of Gniezno issued by Pope Innocent II in 1136 list a number of people with such a names. The list includes such names like Milowit (Milovit), Rad-owit (Radovit), Siedlewit (Sedlevit), Snowit (Snovid), Witosza (Vitossa), Witosz (Vitos), Wniewit (Vnevit) and Snowit (Snovid) (Bull of Gniezno of 1136). There is also a person called Sdevit recorded in 1285 (Jacobus Archiepiscopus Gneznens. 1285). Another old Slavic name, Uniewit, was attested in 13th-century sources, comprising the root-stem unijb-, meaning better and -vitb (S. Urbanczyk 1977: 265). Besides, there were many people in the sources recorded as Vitus. It is not relevant here to argue whether they bore a Latin name Vitus, or were their names a Latinization of Slavonic names containing the root-stem -vitb. By numbers alone, if not most, some of them must have been Latinization of Slavonic names. The root-stem -vitb also appears in number of aforementioned place names, such as the Vitosha Mountains in Bulgaria, Wittow Peninsula, and Witt settlement on Rügen Island. In my considered opinion, there is no further need to cite further examples in this short paper. The authors did not overlook other Slavonic deities with ending suffix -vit. They stated: [...] it can be observed that the Slavic theonyms with a -vit component (Sventovit, Rugevit, Porevit and Gerovit) were restricted to a tribal territory of the Rani (including the town of Wolgast on the mainland, were Gerovit was worshipped (Kalik & Uchitel 2018: 54). It should be noted that the above passage contradicts their claim of Sventovit being a corrupted, grotesque incarnation of Saint Vitus. Rugevit or Rujevit was a deity worshipped at Gartz (Karenica) on Rügen Island with a large statue with seven faces and seven swords. If we accept our interpretation, it meant "Lord of Rugia". It was an older tribal deity of the Ranove, purely a tribal god, who was overtaken in importance by the supra-tribal Sventovit (Slupecki 1994: 49). This issue will be addressed later. The Saint Vitus interpretation of the Sventovit origin, proposed by Kalik and Uchitel, would produce a truly odd conclusion. The name Rugevit/Rujevit would then mean a "Rugian Saint Vitus". Moreover, a statue of Porevit that had five heads also stood at Gartz. This deity's function and etymology is unclear and a matter of dispute. In literal terms, whatever the case may be, it was not a "Something... Saint Vitus". Finally, there was Gerovit, which most authorities read as Yarovit, and the latter form will be used here. The name Yaro-vit derives from Slavic jarb denoting vitality, strength, might, power, and is a cognate to the noun svgtb. Following Kalik's and Uchitel's interpretation and their consequent paradigm, it would have meant or translated as a "Strong, full of vitality Saint Vitus". In all three instances, it would sound and mean an absurdity. Furthermore, the above cited passage needs more attention. The deity known as Yarovit was indeed worshipped at Wolgast, a Baltic commercial centre (Ebbo III.8; Herbord III.6). The problem is that Wolgast was never subjugated by the Ranove of Rügen. An independent Wolgast controlled a small surrounding area and was likely to have been 48- ROMAN ZAROFF allied with the Veletian Union and, in later times, became subject to Pomeranian dukes (Zaroff 2000: 38). Not to mention, the authors omitted that Yarovit was also worshipped at Havelberg (Ebbo III.3), which is located far inland on the Havel River, in Saxony-An-halt Land of Germany, a long way from Rügen Island. In the Middle Ages the area was inhabited by the Polabian Slavic people and is usually associated with Veletian tribes. The authors also assumed a foreign origin of Sventovit based on other grounds. They articulated it with a vague statement that there is no earlier mention of the Sventovit cult, or other Rugian deities prior to the 10th century and that its elaborated form was unusual among the pagan Slavs (Kalik & Uchitel 2018: 54). It has to be agreed here that this was partially a case as the cult of Sventovit at Arkona on Rügen Island was the most complex and developed pre-Christian Slavonic cult. However, by stating so, the authors have repeatedly overlooked a number of fundamental issues. Above all, any religion is a "living" social phenomenon that undergoes slow but constant changes over time and responds to internal as well as external changes, pressures, and influences. It is noteworthy here the view of Emil Durkheim, the esteemed social and religious theorist, that religion mirrors the society that practices it (Durkheim 1968). The social and political functions of religion reflect the complexity of a society. As small tribal societies, the early Slavs of the Migration Period worshipped various Slavic deities and, in the course of time, various exclusively tribal gods emerged. At the same time, their cults were not very complex and elaborate. During and after the Slavic Migration period, beliefs and cults also diversified, albeit evolving from a common set of Slavic beliefs. In the process, different deities became the main tribal gods. When more complex political, supra-tribal entities appeared, those big tribal gods acquired or absorbed some of the other deity's functions and characteristics, turning into conglomerate of ideas, functions, etc. Consequently, they became supra-tribal syncretic gods (Rosik, 2000: 116, 120, 130-131, 293; Zaroff 2000: 100-147). For example, Perun, originally an atmospheric deity, became a war-like god among the Eastern Slavs, while a military function was incorporated into the cult of Svarozhits among the Veletians - a deity that originally was associated with fire (Zaroff 2000: 126-139). In the case of Sventovit, as described in detail in my publication of 2002, this god from Arkona on Rügen evolved from a Yarilo-like divine being. Initially. it was a Slavic Spring deity, one of vitality, fertility. and renewal of nature. Over the course of time, under new circumstances, in new environments and after encountering the Danes and Saxons, the cult and deity evolved into Yarovit of Wolgast and Havelberg. As it stated before, the terms jarb and svgtb denote the same characteristics and attributes. In the case of Ranove's Sventovit, at some stage, the root-stem jarb must have been replaced by the cognate svgtb (Niederle, 1916: 142n; Brückner 1985A: 46, 128, 247; Slupecki 1994: 49; Strzelczyk 1998: 84). It should be noted, that over the course of time, as a result of frequent conflicts with the Danes and Saxons, and later with the Holy Roman Empire, the Polabian Slavs also incorporated war-like attributes into the cults of Yarovit and Sventovit (Zaroff 2002: 126-139). The issue of complexity and elaboration of the Sventovit cult has two facets. Firstly, the Ranove created a medieval state-like principality that incorporated not only the RUGIAN SLAVIC GOD SVENTOVIT - ONE MORE TIME 49 inhabitants of Rügen Island, but also a large number of other mainland Slavs. At some stage, a tribal cult needed to become one that encompasses more than a single tribe and was an instrument of internal political, social and cultural consolidation and unification. This topic was comprehensively addressed by Przemyslaw Urbanczyk (Urbanczyk, 1995: 168-173). It is noteworthy that Helmold's account itself, in his description of Arkona and the cult of Sventovit, confirms a supra-tribal and multi-functional role of the cult and its recognition beyond the principality of the Ranove (Helmold, II.108). This was not an isolated case. To cite a few examples, Vladimir of Kiev in the 980s created and encouraged the cult of Perun as a part of unification and state-building measures (Zaroff 1999: 47-48). Similarly, among the Polabian Slavs, the Veletian Union tried to unify the tribal confederation around a supra-tribal cult of Svarozhits, at Radegost in modern Brandenburg Land in Germany, between the 10th and 12th centuries (Sulowski 1981: 155- 166; Zol^dz 1981: 217-222). Outside Slavdom, there was an attempt by the Lithuanian Grand Duke Mindaugas, who promoted the cult of Perkünas at Vilnius as a state religion in the mid-13th century (Gimbutas 1963: 202; Puhvel 1974: 78, 83). There were numerous similar developments that occurred across the known world. Secondly, the alleged Christian influence on the cult of Sventovit is a subtle matter that cannot be answered in a single simplified statement. Those who are familiar with Saxo's description of cult and rituals at Arkona, and with some knowledge of the Pre-Christian Slavic beliefs, can recognize that there are no direct borrowings from Christianity and all of them derived from a common Slavic tradition. In contrast, there is no doubt that in some respects it was modelled on Christian worship. They developed a state-oriented cult on the Christian example of elaborate rites and temples. It was an attempt to match the challenges of the new sophisticated religion of outsiders, backed by the political and military might of the Holy Roman Empire. The ancient Slavs worshipped their gods in the open, often in holy groves, in the same way the ancient Germanic and Celtic people did (Slupecki 1994: 125-126). The concept of temples, which was more or less unique to the Polabian Slavs, was no doubt a response to Christianity and ideologically modelled on Christian churches. Moreover, there was the emergence of a clearly defined priesthood at Arkona on Rügen, in Wolgast, Brandenburg, Havelberg, Szczecin (Ger. Sttetin) and Wolin to name but few. It was a response to notable influential, well-organised, and distinguished Christian clergy (Slupecki 1994: 125-126: Rosik 2000: 309). Due to close contacts with Scandinavians, and especially the Danes, some heathen Nordic elements would likely to be found in the Northern Polabian Pre-Christian religion, but this is beyond the scope of this paper. Concluding this section, the notion that Sventovit had nothing to do with Saint Vitus was and is supported by such scholars as again Aleksander Brückner (Brückner 1985B:36), Lubor Niederle (Niederle 1916: 142), Roman Jakobson (Jakobson 1985, ed: 7, Stanislaw Urbanczyk (S. Urbanczyk 1947: 34-35), Rajko Nahtigal (Nahtigal 1956: 1-3), Leszek Moszynski (Moszynski 1975: 591), Aleksander Gieysztor (Gieysztor 1982: 90-92), Eric Christiansen (Christiansen 1984: 715), Jerzy Strzelczyk (Strzelczyk 1998: 210), Ken Dowden (Dowden 2000: 215), Stanislaw Rosik (Rosik 2000: 238-248) and Andrzej Szyjewski (Szyjewski 2003: 116) among others. Neither did any of the Russian 50- ROMAN ZAROFF followers of the Tartu-Moscow Semiotic School who proposed a different etymology for the name Sventovit ever question a Slavic origin of the name (Trubachev, 2003: 418-420; Toporov 2014: 339; Rybakov 1981: 300). Neither did Henryk Lowmiañski, who only accepted a probability of later veneration of Saint Vitus among some Slavs due to the similarity of the name to Sventovit, and other deities whose names also ended with the suffix -vit as well as the root-stem being also common in many Slavic names (Lowmiañski 1986: 190-192). It should be acknowledged and understood that Kalik's and Uchitel's book is a publication which is general in nature as it deals with many Slavonic deities and many aspects of their Pre-Christian religion. However, the interpretation proposed by Kalik, and Uchitel concerning Slavic god Sventovit is highly doubtful, extremely hypothetical and not supported by any reasonable evidence. It lacks a depth of research into sources and literature on the subject. Consequently, their argument is unconvincing and seems to be based on incorrect premises. The notion of Sventovit being a corrupted form of the Saint Vitus cult was once postulated by Franz Miklosich (Miklosich 1886: 393), and never gained much support among historians. Shortly after, it has been rebuked in the early 20th century in a comprehensive analysis by renowned Czech Slavist and historian, Lubor Niederle (Niederle 1916: 140-143). In summation, Kalik's and Uchitel's hypothesis, at least in this instance, gives an impression of some sort of a historical "excavation". ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to express my sincere gratitude and thanks to Dr Tadeusz Cichon (PhD. Political Science & History, University of Tasmania, Hobart, Australia) for substantial linguistic assistance and editing of the following work. 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RUGIJSKI SLOVANSKI BOG SVENTOVIT - PONOVNO Roman Zaroff ooo Avtor izpodbija interpretacijo imena Sventovit poljskega jzikoslovca Michala Luczynskega in sicer predvsem na podlagi primerjalnih argumentov, ter pojasnjuje, da ime rugijskega božanstva verjetno ni kombinacija korena svgtb- (moč, jakost, sila) in pripone -ovitb (tisti, ki poseduje moč, jakost, silo), ki kaže na pridevniško/ svojilno lastnost in kvaliteto in nekoga, ki poseduje moč, jakost in silo, kot to navaja Luczynski. Avtor članka se sicer strinja z etimološkim izvorom korena svqtb-, a obenem predstavi svojo veliko bolj verodostojno interpretacijo, ki jo je podal že v članku iz leta 2002 (gl. Literaturo), kjer navaja, da je ime Sventovit sestavljen iz korenov svgtb- ter -vitb, in ne ovitb, kjer -vitb izhaja iz slovanske besede vitqdzb, ki pomeni bojevnik, vladar ali gospodar. Sventovit naj bi torej po vsej verjetnosti pomenil »mogočen in/ali močen vladar« ali sorodno pomensko zvezo. Judith Kalik in Alexander Uchitel v knjigi Slavic Gods and Heroes (2018) navajata, da je Sventovit izkrivljena oblika imena Sveti Vid, medtem ko pričujoči članek pojasnjuje, da temu ni tako. Poglavje v omenjeni knjigi, ki zadeva Sven-tovita, priča o zelo površnem znanju o srednjeveških Slovanih ter pomanjkljivi analizi pričujočega verskega pojava, hkrati pa nasprotuje odkritjem številnih sodobnih raziskovalcev po vsem svetu. Avtor v tem članku pojasnjuje, da je etimološki izvor imena Sventovit zakoreninjen globoko v slovansko tradicijo, kar dokazujejo primerjalne analize številnih zgodovinskih virov in lingvističnih gradiv. Zaključuje, da je ime Sventovit v slovanskih jezikih pomenilo »»mogočen in/ali močen gospodar«. Roman Zaroff, Ph.D., 4/61 Mimosa Rd., Carnegie, Vic., 3163, Australia, r_zaroff@yahoo.com.au 22 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2019 - 55 - 81 | DOI: 10.3987/SMS20192203 - New Insights on Slavic god Volosbl Velesb from a Vedic Perspective — Milorad Ivankovic In 1973, Ivanov and Toporov developed an attempted reconstruction of the presumably central theme of ancient Slavic mythology, viz. the cosmic battle between the thunder-god Perum, and his adversary Volosb the cattle god, modelled after the analogous examples taken from Baltic folklore and Vedic mythology, whereby the Slavic god Volosb was identified with the Vedic demon, Vala. On the same footing, in 2008, came Katicic with similar results, but he identified the Slavic god Volosb with the Vedic demon Vrtra. However, the evidence from the primary Vedic and Sanskrit sources presented in this treatise soundly disproves the above interpretations and identifications and reveals quite a different image of the Slavic god. KEYWORDS: Volost, oath, waters, wool, world-tree, Vala, Vrtra, Varuna METHODOLOGY Unlike the attempted reconstructions by Ivanov and Toporov (1973) and Katicic (2008), which were founded mostly on conjecture, the comparative method utilized in this treatise relies on a strict comparative analysis of facts gathered from: 1. Authentic Vedic and Sanskrit texts 2. Data on the Slavic god from historical documents 3. Data on the Slavic god from South Slavic folk-poems 4. Data on the Slavic god from South Slavic folk-tales 5. Some data on Old Slavic funerals from the writings of a medieval Arabic traveller 6. Some pertinent accounts on Volost's Baltic correlatives from Lithuanian and Latvian folklore. Presented are the crucial aspects, features, and functions of the Slavic god in parallel with the fully congruent examples from the Indo-Aryan and Baltic mythology. GOD OF OATHS, CONTRACTS, AND PEACE AGREEMENTS The name of the Slavic god Volosb (Velesb) appears in some historical documents. According to records found in the Old Russian Chronicles, King Oleg made a peace agreement 56- MILORAD IVANKOVIC with a Byzantine Emperor in the year 907; likewise, King Igor repeated it in the year 971, by swearing an oath in the names of gods Perunb and Volosb "the cattle god" (Jakobson 1969/1985: 33). Undoubtedly, Volosb was venerated in antiquity together with Perum, the thunder-god, as the supreme god of the Slavs, since they always appear together as a complementary pair (not as adversaries). Therefore, he could not have authentically been a demon. This is confirmed by the fact that Volosb is recorded in the documents literally as bogb viz. 'god', not as demon viz. besb (Jakobson 1969: 34). Thus, the Slavic god Volosb/Velesb appears to be the epitome of Social Order, viz. the one who guaranteed the fulfilment of social obligations (such as oaths, contracts, and agreements), and not a representative of nered viz. "disorder" (as assumed by Katicic, 2008: 144, 193). There are also accounts on "civil" usages of oaths by the Russian non-Christianized folk in the city of Yaroslavl, who bonded themselves in the name of god Volosb, as the subjects of their Christianized ruler to pay tributes and serve him faithfully (Katicic: 2008, 127). On the Vedic side, neither Vala nor Vrtra, but the sovereign god Varuna is the one who performed the same function among the Vedic divinities, as is attested in the Mi-tanni-Hittite treaty of c. 1400 BCE sworn by the names of the gods Mitra, Varuna, and Indra as the guarantors of the agreement on the part of the Mitanni (cf. Fournet: 2010: 36). There were other occasions, like religious rites, during which the Vedic sacrificers used to swear by Varuna, e.g., Satapatha Brahmana, III 8.5.: Verse 10. dhamnodhamno rajamstato varuna no munca yadahuraghnya iti varuneti sapama-he tato varuna no munceti tadenam sarvasmadvarunapasatsarvasmadvarunyatpramuncati (From every precept - therefrom set us free, O king Varuna. That they say, we swear by the "Holy ones [a-ghnyah, literally not-to-be-killed, in-violable, viz. Cows]", by Varuna, therefrom set us free, O Varuna!' Thereby he sets him free from every noose of Varuna, from every [sc. sin] against Varuna.) And Satapatha Brahmana, XII 9.2. (utilized during the avabhrtha viz. sacrificial bath): Verse 4. yad apo aghnya iti varuneti sapamahe tato varuna no munceti varunyad evainam enaso muncaty. (That we swear by the Holy [a-ghnyah as above, here attributed to] Waters, by Varuna, therefrom set us free, O Varuna!' - he thereby sets him free from sin against Varuna.) As Jakobson keenly observed: Both Slavic Volosb and Vedic Varuna act as the guarantors of right and guarantors of human treaties who severely punish the infringement of vows by afflicting the violators with a disease (Jakobson, ibid.: 41). However, the etymology of Velesb and Varuna proposed by him as derived from *vel"to see" (Jakobson, ibid.: 40) is unlikely, since the root is unknown to Indo-Iranian and his name is more convincingly explained, as the Vedic poets and commentators understood it, from var(-u-) "to cover, protect"(West 2007: 146). The Russian-Byzantine treaty of 971 CE specifies a menacing punishment by Volosb to the violators of the oath in the form of a disease formulated da budemb zoloti jako zoloto viz. "may we become golden as gold", viz. jaundice (Jakobson 1969: 35, 38). As for Varuna, he himself bears the epithet hari "gold-hued, golden" (Atharva-Veda V 11.1) and is imagined by the Vedic ritualists (see quotations from the Brahmanas NEW INSIGHTS ON SLAVIC GOD "VOLOSt/VELESt" FROM A VEDIC PERSPECTIVE 57 further below) in a quite similar form, viz. as "a bald-headed man with yellow-eyes" (cf. also Jakobson ibid.: 38). Varuna is said to have inflicted a disease described as drtir na dhmato viz. "swollen like a water bag" denoting oedema or dropsy (an excess of water in the tissue), on Vasistha the seer of the hymn (Rig-Veda VII 89.1-2), due to his moral weakness. A sick person and sinner is also considered Varuna-grhita "seized by Varuna" (Kathaka Samhita X 4). And certainly when the an-rta viz. "dis-order, in-justice, un-right-ness" is being done anrte khalu vai kriyamane Varuna seizes varuno grhnati (Taittirlya Brahmana I 7.2.6). Accordingly, Varuna indeed is considered the "injurer", varuno va arpayita (Satapatha Brahmana IV 5.7.7). NB. There is not a single piece of evidence adduced by Ivanov, Toporov, and Katicic from Aryan history that anyone ever used to swear by the demons Vala or Vrtra or invoke them as the guarantors of oaths, contracts, and peace agreements. Therefore, they apparently never shared this function with Slavic Volosb and Vedic Varuna.1 ASSOCIATED WITH POETRY AND WISDOM Veles-b too, like Varuna, is associated with poetry and wisdom. In the Old Russian epic Slovo opl-bku Igoreve, ("The Lay of Igor") the legendary seer Bojan is called "the grandson of Veles" (Jakobson, ibid: 36). Though some other Vedic god may have been, like Varuna, considered kavitama "the best poet" (Rig-Veda V 85.6), Varuna alone is exclusively described as yasmin visvani kavya cakre nabhiriva srita viz. "the one in whom all Poetry is focused like a nave within a wheel" (Rig-Veda VIII 41.6). Varuna with his power made Vasistha a r?i viz. "seer" (Rig-Veda VII 88.4). In South Slavic folk-tales, Velesb appears as a wise old man named Velimir, a compound meaning "great, famous (-mir < *meros, cf. Skok 1972: 446) in speech (Veli- < veleti to speak) and counselling". Varuna likewise is designated vidvan "one who knows" (Rig-Veda I 24.13), pracetas "attentive, observant, mindful, clever" (ibid. verse 14), and medhira "wise" (Rig-Veda I 25.20) and is explicitly associated with medha "wisdom" (Atharva-Veda V 11.4). NB. Significantly, there is no adduced evidence by Ivanov, Toporov and Katicic that Vala and Vrtra were related to either poetry or wisdom. LORD OF THE WATERS: ASSOCIATED WITH OCEAN/SEA, SHIPS AND WHIRLPOOLS Velest and Varuna are generally associated with waters, hence with rain, sea, ocean, wells, springs, fountains, swamps, etc. The deep swamps as waters in general, are believed in Lithuanian tradition to be the favourite abode of Velinas [Velnias] who easily rides over marshes inaccessible to human beings (Jakobson 1969: 39). 1 It should be admitted, however, that in some of his later articles Toporov parallels Velesb with Varuna (cf. his article titled Varuna In: Mify narodov mira, Toporov 1987: 217-218). 58- MILORAD IVANKOVIC Though Varuna's association with waters is considered by some researchers to be the result of a later development, the adduced quotations (see further below) from the Rig-Veda disproves such assumptions. Hence, Kuiper seems to be perfectly right when he asserts: On the contrary, it must have been the original function of Varuna to represent or impersonate these waters (Kuiper 1979: 27). Furthermore, Kuiper explains it more elaborately, citing the Rig-Veda VIII 69.12 to justify his view.2 Sutherland also argues that In the just and measured regulation of the life-supporting waters, Varuna particularly acquired his reputation as arbiter of cosmic righteousness (Sutherland 1991: 77). Varuna is Lord of Heaven and of Rain (Rig-Veda V 85.3) viz. visvasya bhuvanasya raja "the King over all worlds/beings" yavam na vrstir vyunatti bhuma "who waters earth as the rain [waters] the barley". Varuna is also connected with still (stationary) waters, e.g., Taittiriya Samhita VI 4.2: Verse 3. varunagrhita vai sthavaras (All the stationary [sc. waters] are seized by Varuna.) And Satapatha Brahmana IV 4.5.: Verse 10. ... 'bhyaveyadeta va apam varunagrhita yah (...whatsoever parts of flowing water do not flow, these are seized by Varuna. ) Kuiper further argues that Varuna was also the god of stagnant water because this represents the subterranean waters of Varuna's realm of inertia (Kuiper 1960: 249). The nether abode of Slavic Velesb is especially connected with watery whirlpools (Katicic, 2011: 117ff, 231-232). Katicic asserts: Velesov dom/dvor je u korijenu svijeta, podzemlju, zemlji bogatih zelenih travnjaka. A u proljece, kako su pokazali analizirani stari obredni tekstovi, iz tog svijeta dolazeptice selice. Mjesto iz kojeg dolaze, iz Velesova svijeta, naziva se irij, virij, virj. Taj nazivpovezuje se sa znacenjem vodeni vrtlog, vir...; (Veles' home is at the root of the world, in the nether world, in the land ofgreen pastures. In spring, migratory birds come from there. And this place is called irij, virij, virj. The term is related to vrtlog, vir, viz. watery whirlpool, vortex, etc.). As attested by Satapatha Brahmana XII 9.2. Varuna too is explicitly associated with the whirlpool, Sanskrit a-var-ta viz. "a rapidly rotating current of water, a vortex" which is considered Varuna's son or brother: Verse 4. (continued from above) yo ha va ayam apam avartah sa havabhrthah sa haisa varunasya putro va bhrata. (The bath, verily, is that whirlpool in the water, and that indeed is Varuna's son or brother.) 2 .before Indra's demiurgic act Varuna and the Asuras were the gods of the primordial world which consisted of the waters. After the emergence of the earth floating on the waters and the subsequent creation of the organized world, the waters were thought of being under the earth as its foundation, as well as surrounding it. Varuna's association with the waters, therefore, is due to the fact that the primeval waters along with their lord Varuna, have been incorporated in the cosmos as part of the nether world. Kuiper further maintains: Hence, it is that Varuna is said to dwell amidst his seven sisters and these seven rivers, when they flow from the central mountain over the earth, are said to emerge from the samudra [ocean] in the nether world through Varuna's throat as trough a hollow reed (Kuiper, 1970: 27). NEW INSIGHTS ON SLAVIC GOD "VOLOSt/VELESt" FROM A VEDIC PERSPECTIVE 59 As is evident from the passages quoted, Vedic ritualists associated the very name Varuna by assonance with Sanskrit a-var-ta "whirlpool", since it contains the syllable var (related to water, cf. var "water", van "streams, rivers", etc.). According to Hillebrandt (1929/1980: 225) in the Rig-Veda II 38.8, the term varuna as an appellative means "fish" only, and the word is connected etymologically with var "water". In Czech folklore, Velesb in proverbs commonly appears mostly associated with the sea, his abode being nekam k Velesu za more or nekam Velesu pryc na more "somewhere to Veles beyond or upon the sea" (Jakobson 1969: 36). Moreover, Jakobson argues that the connection of Varuna with the waters could be associated with the aquatic bent of [Lithuanian] Velinas [sc. Velnias] and with the bond between the sea and Veles in Czech sources (Jakobson ibid.: 41, 42). Analogously, the samudra viz. "ocean/sea" is specified as the abode of Varuna (Mahabharata I 19.5, and I 171.24), and full of gambhira avartas viz. "deep whirlpools" (ibid. I 19.8). NB. Note again Varuna's connection with whirlpools. In the Rig-Veda, Varuna himself is spoken of as veda navah "one who knows the ships", and is styled samudriya "pertaining to the ocean/sea" (Rig-Veda I 25.7). Furthermore, Varuna is titled jalesvara, "Lord of the waters" (Mahabharata II 9.7) and apam adhipati "Overlord of the Waters" (Atharva-Veda V 24.4). Incidentally, the identification of Vedic Varuna with Avestan/Vedic Apam Napat as proposed by Boyce (1975: 48) is unfounded, since her proposition also presupposes the identity of the Vedic character of the same name with Varuna himself, which is untenable, as all such attempts to prove it have failed (cf. Hillebrandt ibid.: 6). Furthermore, the Avestan hypothetical form * Vouruna proposed by her is impossible by any phonetic law (see below). Moreover, the name of the latter, viz. napat designates him specifically as "the offspring, viz. son of the Waters", whereas Varuna is "Lord and Overlord of the Waters". Varuna's connection with ships and ocean is vividly described by the seer Vasistha, Rig-Veda VII 88: Verse 3. a yad ruhava varunasca navam pra yat samudramlrayavamadhyam adhi yadapam snubhiscarava pra prenkha inkhayavahai subhe kam (When Varuna and me [sc. Vasistha] embark together and urge our ship into the midst of the sea/ocean, when we two voyage over the ridges of the waters, we will swing with that swing for beauty [sc. of the verses].) Verse 4. vasistham ha varuno navyadhad^ rsim cakara svapa mahobhih (Varuna placed Vasistha on the ship, and skillfully with his might made him a seer.) After the conversion to Christianity, the Slavic god Velesb often appears disguised under the name of his Christian substitute, viz. St. Nicholas (cf. e.g., Uspenskij, 1982, chapter III Nikola i Volos/Veles; cf. also Katicic 2008: 53). In South Slavic folk tradition, Velesb as Nicholas is invariably associated with the sea and ships as his main domain (just like Vedic god Varuna), e.g., an ancient folk-poem from Boka in Montenegro, titled Car Nebeski kadzenjase Sunce viz. Wedding of the Sun (Vrcevic 1883: 71,72; Nodilo 1886: 216) narrates how the Tsar of Heaven invited all the saints to attend the wedding of his son the Sun, and St. Nicholas/Velesb as the bridesman (viz. the best man): 60- MILORAD IVANKOVIC Verse 8: ...starogsvata svetoga Nikolu (the best man St. Nicholas) At the bride's house, the gifts were presented to the saints, fitting to their particular divine domains and functions: Verse 21:.a Nikoli more i brodove (.to Nicholas the sea and the ships). Another folk-poem titled Najveci grijesi viz. The greatest sins (Karadgitch, 1823, Book I, Poem No. 209) adds more elaborate details on the subject, viz. Thunder-god Peru, who, like Veles, appears in Slavic folk-tradition disguised under the name of his Christian substitute St. Elijah (cf. Katicic 2008: 53, 117, 124, 128, 133, 135, 140, 173), invites Nicholas/Velesb to join him in their common divine function, acting as protagonists of the same divine cause, not as antagonists, analogously as the Vedic pair Indra and Varuna. Verses 16-20 ...ta ustani Nikola, da idemo u goru, da pravimo korabe, da vozimo dusice, s ovog sveta na onaj. (...well, get up, Nicholas, that we go into the mountain, that we build the ships, that we carry the souls [of the deceasedy from this world to the other). The last three verses are indicative of his function as King of the netherworld. With regard to the preceding verses, it should be noted that the realm of the dead is called navb in Slavic (the term is related to Sanskrit nauh, navah "ship(s)", Latin navis, navigium "ship, vessel") due to an ancient custom of building a funeral pyre on a ship. The burning of the dead among the Slavs in medieval times (analogous to Hindu custom) is attested by the Arabic explorer Ibn Foslan (cf. Leger 1901: 202). NB. There is no evidence adduced by Ivanov, Toporov, and Katicic that either Vala or Vrtra were associated with the ocean/sea, ships and whirlpools. BLACK WOOL (BLACK FLEECE) BENEATH THE WORLD-TREE SACRED TO GOD In an attempted reconstruction of authentic Slavic ritual formulas, Katicic (2008, 254) adducing various comparative examples from Lithuanian, Latvian, Belarusian, and Russian folklore, the thunder-god Perkunas/Perkons or Perun appears involved in the battle against a serpent or dragon (Slavic parallel of the mythical fight between Vedic Indra against demon Vrtra), extracted presumably a common ancient mythical formulation: A) Perunb btjett zmtjt (viz. Perun smites a dragon). B) Perunb btjett ctrtt (viz. Perun smites a devil). With regard to Katicic's claim that Indra as the name of the thunder-god is not Indo-European (Katicic 2008: 213,214), it should be pointed out that the name "Indra" appears in a sequential relationship with the term bhaga attributively to form a single expression, viz. Indra-bhaga literally "Strong-dealer, i.e. ,Strong-god" ( (cf. Rig-Veda III 30.18, III 36.5, etc.) of which a perfect match in Slavic divine terminology is the name of Jako-bogb, the Vedic term "Indra" having been successfully translated by the Slavic synonymous word expressive of the very essence of its authentic meaning. The Slavic Jako-bog is attested by Orbini: Della religione di questi Anti scriue Geremia Russo ne gli Annali di Moscouia, fra gli altri Dei...e lo chiamauano Iacobog, cioe Dio forte (Orbini NEW INSIGHTS ON SLAVIC GOD "VOLOSt/VELESt" FROM A VEDIC PERSPECTIVE 61 1601: 19). In South Slavic folk-poems, Jakobog appears under his cryptic hypocoristic name Jaksa < jak(ostan) "strong, powerful" (cf. Nodilo 1885: 84). On the Vedic version of the myth, Kuiper remarks It has long been recognized by several students of Vedic mythology that the Rigvedic myth of Indra's combat with the dragon Vrtra has no bearing on natural phenomena such as thunderclouds and rain, but represents an Aryan myth of creation3 ...Indra, while slaying the vrtra- (viz. the power of resistance of the inert Chaos, residing on the primordial hill), at the same time splits the hill (giri-)... and Fire and Water (Agni and Soma) are forced to leave the undifferentiated world of inertia and to join the heavenly gods. Indra further separates Heaven and Earth, by which act a cosmic dualism of upper world (represented by Devas) and nether world (represented by Asuras) is constituted (Kuiper 1960: 218, 219). Katicic assumes the identity between the dragon/devil and the Slavic god Veles. However, there is no adduced evidence, either by Ivanov, Toporov, or Katicic, of the existence of formula Perun smites the god Veles, as the indisputable proof (instead of mere conjecture), which is to be expected by an objective explorer. There is no necessity for further conjecture, since the Veda has preserved intact the authentic story in its pristine form, viz. after killing of Vrtra, Indra invites Varuna to join him in their common divine function, cf. Rig-Veda X 124.: Verse 5. nirmdya u tye dsura abhuvan tvdm ca ma varuna kamdyase riena rajann dnrtam vivincdn mama rastrdsyadhipatyamehi (These Asuras [viz. gods endowed with the power of maya "magic" literally "change'7 have become devoid of maya. But thou O, Varuna [viz. an Asura himself] maystfavor me; discerning the Order [rta] from Dis-Order [an-rta], O, King, come over here [sc. from the nether world to the celestial sphere] and be the overlord of my kingdom.) As Kuiper correctly observed, the demon Vrtra was killed, but Varuna was incorporated among the gods of the upper world viz. celestial sphere (Kuiper 1979: 34), naturally, as the guardian of rta viz. (natural and social) world order. Kuiper maintains that To Varuna, the ancient god of the waters of Chaos, a new function is now assigned as the guardian of the cosmic law (rtd-)...As a result of this process of differentiation, the undifferentiated Chaos now constitutes itself as a nether world in opposition to the upper world (Kuiper 1960: 219). Furthermore, it is specified explicitly in verse 7 that Varuna, not Vrtra, released the Waters: Verse 7. kavih kavitva divi rupdmasajadaprabhuti vdruno nirapdh srjat (The Poet [kavi, sc. Varuna] has put on his form by poetry [kavitva] in heaven: Varuna without predominance let the waters flow.) Analysing various Belarus magic spells, Katicic (2008, 137ff, 153ff) equated god Veles with the serpent lying in the nest of black wool (or: on a black fleece) beneath the World-Tree, even though no single spell ever mentioned the name of Veles. 3 The same view had been expressed earlier by Bal Gangadhar Tilak, a noted Indian scholar, in his book The Arctic Home in the Vedas. Being Also a New Key to the Interpretation of Many Vedic Texts and Legends, published in 1903 (cf. Pleterski 2014: 86, 87). 62- MILORAD IVANKOVIC Veles indeed, like Vedic Varuna, is connected with the World-Tree, but neither as a serpent nor as a dragon. The previously cited folk-poem Najveci grijesi describes this connexion marvellously: Verses 1-5: Raslo drvo sred raja, plemenita dafina, plemenito rodila, zlatne grane spustila, lisce joj je srebrno (There's a tree in the midst of heaven, the noble daphne, it has brought forth noble fruits, bowing down its golden branches, its leaves are silvery). Verses 5-11: Pod njom sveta postelja, svakog cveca nastrta, ponajviše bosiljka, i rumene ružice; na njoj svetacpočiva, sveti otac Nikola; k njem dolazi Ilija... (Beneath is the holy bedding, made offlowers of all kinds, mostly of sweet basil and red roses; a saint rests on it, the holy father Nicholas; to him comes Elijah; afterwards Elijah/Perun invites Nicholas/Veles to join him, just as Indra invited Varuna above). Vedic Varuna is depicted almost identically along with the World-Tree, Rig-Veda I 24.: Verse 7. abudhne raja varuno vanasyordhvam stupam dadate putadaksah nlcina sthur upari budhna (In the baseless space, King Varuna keeps raised the stem of the Tree, He [viz. Varuna] of pure rightness, with those [sc. branches] hanging downwards, and root high above. Verse 8. urum hi raja varunascakara suryaya pdnthamdnvetava u (Wide indeed, King Varuna made a pathway for the sun to go after...) Obviously, the World-Tree is not a concrete earthy tree as it appears to be in the common interpretatio rustica by unlearned village folks, and regrettably by modern scholarly interpreters. This the most ancient of poetic riddles, this Riddle of Riddles, viz. "the Cosmic Tree" stands as the metaphor for the Surya "Sun" (mentioned explicitly in verse 8). Thus, it makes the solar viz. celestial aspect of both Veles and Varuna absolutely undeniable. It is further confirmed by the Kausltaki Brahmana XVIII : Paragraph 9. yo dsau tdpati ...astamyanta... sd va eso apdhpravisya varuno bhavati (He who gives heat [viz. the Sun/...at the setting [sc. in the evening/.having entered the waters becomes Varuna. ) The (subterranean) waters (of the ocean) is the hiding (viz. resting) place of the rta "Cosmic Order" during night-time. This can be inferred from the Rig-Veda V 62. devoted to Varuna and Mitra: Verse 1. rtena riam dpihitam dhruvdm vam suryasya ydtra vimucdnty asvan (By the order of you two [sc. Mitra and Varuna] the hidden Order [rta] is established there where they unloose Surya's horses. ) Moreover, Varuna appears as one of 108 holy names of the Sun in the Mahabharata III 3.24. (On Varuna's solar aspect, cf. also Sutherland 1991: 77; on Veles' solar aspect, cf. Petrovič 1999: 446, 449; on Varuna as celestial deity, cf. Kazanas 2001: 259; for more peculiar views on Varuna, e.g., as the evening star, cf. Simson 1997: 1-35; or on Varuna as the constellation Aquarius, cf. Anghelina 2013: 129, 130). Varuna, like Veles, is also associated with (hairy) bears, in the above mentioned hymn Rig-Veda I 24 immediately after mentioning the World-Tree and the Sun: Verse 10. ami yd rksa nihitasa ucca ndktam dddrsre kuha cid diveyuh adabdhani varunasya vratani NEW INSIGHTS ON SLAVIC GOD "VOLOSt/VELESt" FROM A VEDIC PERSPECTIVE 63 (Those Bears [Rksah viz. 7 stars of the constellation Ursa Major/ that are placed high to be seen at night, they depart somewhere by day. Undeceived are Varuna's ordinances.) Naturally, those Rksah "Bears" are not wild hirsute beasts (as by interpretatio rustica) but the 7 heavenly rsayah "seers", and are associated with the Krttikas "7 stars of the Pleiades" which were considered the wives of the Bears (Satapatha Brahmana II 1.2.4). And again quite expectedly, the Pleiades in Slavic tradition are related to the god Veles whence their name Volosozari, Volosyni, Vlasici, etc. The Russian name [viz. Volosyni/ is connected also with the god Volos whose cult became associated with that of a bear in the Northern parts of Russia and in regions near the Volga. The link between the Pleiades and the cult of the bear and/or the Great Bear may be confirmed by the Old Russian text of Afanasiy Nikitin where both the constellation are mentioned together (Ivanov & Toporov 1973: 25). In 19th-century Serbia, two stars of the Pleiades even bore personal names Vole and Voleta, derived undoubtedly from Volosb. Thus, the Vedic parallels indisputably confirm and give posthumous satisfaction to Nodilo's interpretation of Veles (like Varuna) as a solar/celestial divinity (Nodilo 1887: 145), and at the same time discard unjustifiable criticism against his view by Zivancevic (1963: 54) and by Katicic (2008: 11-35). Furthermore, the association of Veles with "wool" actually confirms his identity with Vedic sovereign god Varuna himself, namely, the black-coloured ram and "wool" are sacred to Varuna, and there is even specified "the woolly navel of Varuna", Satapatha Brahmana II 5.2.: Verse 16. tadyanmesasca mesi ca bhavatah esa vai pratyaksam varunasya pasuryan-mesastatpratyaksam varunapasatprajah pramuncati (The reason that there are a ram and a ewe is that the ram is clearly Varuna's victim, so that he thereby sets free the creatures from Varuna's noose.) and VII 5.2.: Verse 35. imamurnayumityurnavalimityetadvarunasya nabhimiti varuno hyavistvacam (Then that of the sheep, This woolen [viz. urnayum], ' as they say, or 'this woolly [viz. urnavalim],'as they call it - 'navel [viz. nabhim] of Varuna, 'for the sheep is sacred to Varuna.) As for the black colour, it is said that krsnam vaso, viz. "a Black Cloth" is the fee to be given for the oblation offered to Varuna, since tad(d)hi varunam yat krsnam "everything what is Black belongs indeed to Varuna" (Satapatha Brahmana, V 2.5.17). Kathaka Samhita XIII. 2. states explicitly mrtyur vai varunas "Varuna indeed is death" and "the ram which belongs to Varuna" varunam krsnam petvam, is equated with papman "evil", petva "ram" etad vaipapmano rupam "is indeed of evil form", krsna iva papma "for it is Black like Evil". The Vedic demon Vrtra too (just like Varuna himself) is equated with papman viz. "evil, sin, crime, wickedness, evil demon, devil" ( Satapatha Brahmana XI 1.5.7). In Indian mythology, Black is the color of Night, Nirrti [Destruction/, of the Manes and of Rain (Hillebrandt ibid.: 15). Kuiper adds that the identification of Varuna with papman [Evil/ should be noted in the light of the same identification of Nirrti ( Kuiper 1979: 72). Naturally, this is in correlation with Varuna's function as "seizer" and "injurer" who brings destruction to the transgressors of his law. 64- MILORAD IVANKOVIC To the ancient Aryan mind (Hellenic also, cf. Preller, 1868: 313), the ram represented symbolically the fertilizing rain (assigned to Zeus), naturally, since the curled hairs of the sheep resembles visually the waving (viz. whirling, curly) surface of the flowing water. Moreover, this is how it is further associated (through the medium of water as essential natural liquid element) with the divinities of solemn speech and oaths. In the view of the Vedic seers (viz. to their ears), the very name Varuna apparently sounded as if related to urna "wool", which represents the reduced grade (called sampras-arana in Sanskrit) of the root var-. Likewise, Slavic Veles (in its Russian variant Volos) is related to Old Slavic v/ma, Russian volna, "wool, but also wave (of water, indicative of this ancient symbolism)" (cf. Pijovic 2010: 204). NB. Ivanov, Toporov and Katicic were not able to adduce any evidence of the association of Vala and Vrtra with wool and the world-tree, since there is apparently no such association in Vedic and Sanskrit sources. KING OF THE DRAGONS/SERPENTS AND OF THE NETHERWORLD Veles is considered the King/Emperor of the netherworld (Ivanov & Toporov 1973: 16; Katicic 2008: 149) and lord of deceased souls. In some folk tales, Veles is allegedly conceived (though not explicitly specified by name) as "Tsar4 Zmiulan (viz. Emperor of the Dragons/Serpents" (Katicic, 2008: 174-175, 227-230), just like Vedic Varuna who is described as rajan viz. a king sitting in his assembly room sabha, surrounded by many nagas "dragons" and sarpas "serpents" in the Mahabharata epic (II 9.8-11). The samudra "ocean/sea" is the home of both Varuna and the nagas "dragons" (varunasya ca naganam alayam. ibid. I 19.5), abounding with huge aquatic creatures makaras "crocodile-like monsters" (ibid. verse 3) and grahas "seizers" (ibid. verse 4). It is also the abode of subterranean hell known as Patala the asylum of the Asuras (ibid., verse 6) and is considered sarva-bhuta-bhayamkara viz. "the terror to all living beings" (ibid. verse 8). Some critical data on Varuna from the historical point of view are the inscriptions from 11th and 12th c. CE found on the fountain-slabs, called Varuna-deva, in Chamba state, India.5 4 The Slavic term tsar < Latin Caesar viz. "imperator, emperor" was in fact used for translating the Greek term basileus, viz. "king" in Old Church Slavonic and other medieval Slavic texts. Hence, the Slavic term tsar and the Vedic rajan (etymologically related to the Latin rex "king") are identical in meaning (cf. Katicic 2008: 206). 5 As to the origin [and purpose] of these fountain-slabs, the inscriptions leave no doubt ...that they were designed to secure future bliss of the founder and its relatives, e.g., a deceased wife or husband... The slab itself is invariably designated as a Varuna-deva, i.e., "a god Varuna" for the obvious reason that Varuna, the patron of the waters, is usually carved on it. This name is no longer remembered (Vogel 1911: 33)... Sometimes they [sc. fountain-slabs] are connected with the Nagas [viz. dragons]... Those at Trilokanath are locally asserted to have been set up in honor of the Naga. In epigraphs, however, no mention whatever is made of these demi-gods, so prominent in the popular religion of the Hills. Sometimes these huge stones with their quaint figures and mysterious characters - unintelligible even to the learned Pandit - are looked upon with superstitious dread, and the villagers are often reluctant to give information regarding their whereabouts, for fear that some evil may spring from it (ibid. 34). NEW INSIGHTS ON SLAVIC GOD "VOLOSt/VELESt" FROM A VEDIC PERSPECTIVE 65 The above is undoubtedly related to the Latvian terms Velna Acs literally "the Eye of the demon(onized god) Velns", denoting "the part of a swamp clear from moss and vegetation", and Lithuanian vandens akis "ibid.", literally "water's eye" denoting "wellspring" (Ivanov & Toporov 1974: 129, 130). There is an analogous toponym in Croatia called Devil's Eye, derived from the name of a well-spring which Katicic relates to Slavic god Veles (Katicic 2012: 59, 60). However, it has nothing to do with Vala or Vrtra, but with sovereign god Varuna instead, as is perfectly clear from its Indian parallels. Kuiper opines that the well-spring is the place where Man comes in contact with the nether world and, since Rta [Order] resided in these waters, also with Rta itself (Kuiper 1960: 249). The Balto-Slavic Velna Acs and Devil's Eye undoubtedly received in antiquity the same level of honor and veneration as the well-springs devoted to Varuna and the Nagas [Dragons], but unlike their Indian parallels, they were not artificially designed with stones and sacred inscriptions, but rather left intact in its natural estate (On the connection of Varuna with the Nagas and serpents, cf. also Eliade 1978: 199-204). In addition, cf. Atharva-Veda XII. 3. 57, Varuna is closely associated with the prdaku "a viper, adder, serpent": Verse 57. praticyai tva dise varunayadhipataye prdakave raksitre 'nnayesumate (To the western region, to Varuna as Overlord, to Prdaku as Protector...) The connection between Varuna and the serpents and dragons has been noted by several researchers, e.g., Coomaraswamy enumerated the identifications of Varuna and his realm (viz. Varunaloka) with the nagas and their realm (viz. Nagaloka) in various Sanskrit texts (Coomaraswamy 1935: 390, 391), which is also corroborated by the findings of the fountain-slabs in Chamba State devoted to both of them. In the abovementioned verse from the Atharva-Veda, Coomaraswamy even equated Varuna directly with the serpent Prdaku. Earlier, Bergaigne identified the sovereign god Varuna with the serpentine demon Vrtra himself (Bergaigne 1883: 147). Based on the references assembled by Coomaraswamy, Eliade had taken virtually the same standpoint: It is to be noted that his [viz. Varuna's] mode of being - terrible sovereign, magician and master of bonds - admits of a surprising closeness to the dragon Vrtra.What is more, Varuna is assimilated to the serpent Ahi and to Vrtra (Eliade 1978: 202-203). In this connection, Sutherland also maintains: His [sc. Varuna's] punishing, judgmental side is thought to be responsible both for the constriction or "binding" of humans in the bonds (pasa) of sin and for withholding or "binding" of the waters. In this sense, he has been assimilated to the primordial Vedic asura Vrtra, the supreme serpentine power imprisoning the waters (Sutherland 1991: 77); Their names have a common derivation, from the root vr "to cover, conceal, surround, obstruct" (Sutherland 1991: 181). As regards etymology, it should be emphasized here that the name of the other demon Vala as an appellative designates "enclosure" and is derived from the root val ((Monier-Wil-liams 1899: 927; being a variant of vr < VAR cf. Mayrhofer 1996: 524) of which the Zero Grade would read vl, meaning "to cover or enclose or to be covered", being congruous and synonymous with the root vr "to cover, etc." (from which derived both Vrtra and Varuna). Thus, Hillebrandt's remark It is likely that the designation vala has been 66- MILORAD IVANKOVIC borrowed from another dialect... (Hillebrandt ibid.: 153) seems well-founded and quite in place. It should be borne in mind that in Vedic language, both Indo-European sounds r and l often merged together into one indistinctive phoneme r (e.g., Latin sol "the sun", but Vedic svar, sur-ya "the sun"). As for the identity between Varuna and Vrtra, Pleterski also developed a theory that Varuna and Vrtra are one and the same figure, and that the personages can shift or change (cf. Pleterski 2014: 86, 87).6 It should be emphasized here again that the demon Vrtra (just like Varuna himself) is equated withpapman viz. "evil, sin, crime, wickedness, evil demon, devil" (in the Satapa-tha Brahmana XI 1.5.7), thus, it is the Evil, which they share as a common characteristic. However, Kuiper while objecting to Bergaigne's view, argues: Bergaigne, who rightly stated that there was a mythological relationship between Varuna and Vrtra, was wrong in identifying them directly (Kuiper 1979: 34). In point of fact, however, Varuna himself is portrayed by the Vedic ritualists not as a serpent or dragon, or any other aquatic or tellurian (viz. theriomorphic) beast or monster, but rather as a man calledjumbaka, described in the Taittiriya Brahmana III 9.3.15, which represents Varuna's true and awe-inspiring formidable form: Paragraph 15. varuno vai jumbakah antata eva varunam avayajate khalater viklidhasya suklasya pingaksasya murdhan juhoti etad vai varunasya rupam rupena eva varunam avayajate That this is not just one of the many images of the god but the true and most essential and awe-inspiring form of Varuna is confirmed by the quotes from other most significant ritual texts, e.g., almost the same phrasing is found in the Satapatha Brahmana XIII 3.6.: Verse 5. varuno vai jumbakah saksadeva varunamavayajate suklasya khalaterviklidhasya pingaksasya murdhani juhotyetadvai varunasya rupam rupenaiva varunamavayajate (Varuna verily is Jumbaka in person; he [sacrificer] thus redeems himself from Varuna. He offers it on the head of a white-spotted, baldheaded leprous man [or: old man in bodily decay] with yellow eyes; for that is indeed Varuna's form: by that form he [sc. sacrificer] thus redeems himself from Varuna.) The term viklidha is explained variously as dantara "having oversized teeth, bucktoothed" or as viklinnadeha "old man in bodily decay" (cf. Hillebrandt ibid.: 298; Eggeling 1900: 343). Moreover, this is corroborated by the Katyayana Srauta Sutra, which adds that the man representing Varuna in the ritual should receive oblation literally apsu magna viz. "while standing in the water" (Hillebrandt ibid.: 19). 6 Pleterski, argues: Vritra obkroža vode, zmaj leži okrog njih, Vritra jih je ogradil kot drevo... Če je Vptra drevo, to pa postavlja Varuha, če sta oba vladarja istega prostora, če oba nadzorujeta tok vode, je smiselna razlaga da gre za isti lik (Pleterski 2014: 87). NEW INSIGHTS ON SLAVIC GOD "VOLOSt/VELESt" FROM A VEDIC PERSPECTIVE 67 Analogously, Slavic Veles/Volos, like Vedic Varuna, was portrayed rather as a man, sometimes with additional bull horns on his head (but never as a beast), as attested in the records of the destruction of Veles' idols found in Old Russian Chronicles (Leger, 1901: 114, 115; Jakobson ibid.: 34; Katičic, 2008: 124, 129). As for bald(headed)ness, Katičic (2008: 306) brings a bizarre finding about the inhabitants of place Mošcenice in Istria (above which the mount Perun is located, named after Slavic god of thunder) which still maintain the belief in supernatural powers that operate inside a cave called Potuklica on the near-by river Potok. Reportedly, on the Body Day of Roman-Catholic calendar, the devil (whom Katičic identifies with Veles) takes the gold [which is "yellow", the colour of Veles and Varuna] from inside out to the entrance of the cave in order to dry it up in the sunlight. There's a story told by the locals how a man went with his son on that day into the cave searching for gold, but suddenly returned from the cave utterly terrified, and even baldheaded. Katičic wonders how that might happen to them when supposedly Veles je zvijer medvjed, kosmat i bradat, pa bi se očekivalo da se vrate potpuno zarasli u dlake (Veles is a beast, a bear, hirsute and bearded, so one would expect them to return from the cave with fully grown hairs and beards). This story and above mentioned Latvian Velna Acs and Lithuanian vandens akis viz. "bald spots in a swamp" are in fact related to the "bald(headed)ness" of Veles (and Varuna alike) and actually testify of the identity between Veles and Varuna, not Veles and Vala, since the Sanskrit appellative vala means only "enclosure, cave, cavern" (Monier-Williams 1899: 927; Hillebrandt, ibid.: 150, 151), and has nothing to do with baldness. The other Vedic demon, Vrtra, is not identifiable with Veles either. MaitrayanI Sam-hita IV 5. states explicitly: Verse 1. girir vai vrtro (Vrtra indeed is a mountain.) The Satapatha Brahmana repeats three times, cf. III 4.3.13, III 9.4.2 and IV 2.5.15: vrtro vai soma aslt tasyaitacharlram yadgirayo (Soma, indeed was Vrtra, those mountains [girayah] are his body.) Katičic apparently has overlooked the identification of Vrtra with the giri "mountain", when he says: Ali goru na kojoj je ležala zmija Veda ne naziva riječju girih koja je etimološkipodudarna sa slavenskim gora..., nego s njom sinonimnom riječiparvatah (But the mount on which the serpent was lying the Veda does not designate by the word 'girih'akin to Slavic 'gora'but by 'parvatah'Katičic 2008: 214). Katičic as a former pupil of Paul Thieme (to whom he explicitly dedicated the chapter on Veles as Vrtra of his work from 2008: 313, titled "Veles kao Vrtra ispod Plovila kod Novoga Vinodolskog, Dem Andenken an Paul Thieme") has not been able to realize the innate connection of Vrtra and Varuna and to rid himself from the erroneous interpretation of Varuna as "True Speech" developed by his teacher, the theory that has been otherwise demolished by the contributions of many researchers of the Veda from past and present (e.g., Bergaigne, von Bradke, Geldner, Hillebrandt, Coomaraswamy, Eliade, Kuiper, Sutherland, von Simson, Kazanas, Anghelina, etc.). and rejected by most Sanskrit scholars as untenable (e.g., Lommel, Eliade, Kuiper, Sutherland, von Simson, Kazanas, Anghelina, etc.). 68- MILORAD IVANKOVIC Moreover, quite contrary to Katicic's claim, even in the Vedic hymns the mountain on which the Serpent-Demon Vrtra lied is also designated by the term giri (instead of parvata) within the same context, as in the Rig-Veda IV 17: Verse 3. bhinad girim savasa vajram ...vadhid vriram vajrena (Hurling his bolt he [Indra] cleft the mountain [viz. giri]...He [Indra] slaughtered Vrtra with his bolt) And it appears juxtaposed with parvatam as in VIII 64: Verse 5. tyam citparvatam girim ...vi stotrbhyo rurojitha (That hill indeed with rocky heights ...thou [viz. Indra] for thy worshipers brakest through.) On Vrtra as giri "mountain", cf. also Dahlaquist 1977: 124; and Kuiper 1960: 218,219, 251. As Lord of the Netherworld, Varuna is depicted as ruler holding the danda viz. "staff', cf. Manusmrti IX 245: iso dandasya varuno rajam dandadharo hi sah (Varuna is the lord ofpunishment, he indeed holds the staff over the kings) just like Yama, another Vedic god of the dead. In the local legends of the city of Dubrovnik, Slavic Veles (under the guise of his Christian substitute St. Blaise, by then called Sv. Vlasi, viz. the honorific plural of Sv. Vlaho as he is called in Dubrovnik, related to the Old Slavic volhvb "magic" the domain of ancient Veles) appears as a captain, an old man (with grey hair and beard), wielding a staff (just like Varuna) who saves the city with his wise advice to its defenders against the "Smardo-Dassi", viz. "Odorous Spirits" aiming at conquering the city by night. Veles also appears in folk-tales as old wise man called Velimir the Hunter, to be succeeded after his death by the young Veljko Lovic (Nodilo 1885: 86-89), of which the name is just a hypocorism of Velimir Lovac (viz. Hunter), the term being actually congruous with and indicative of the function analogous to that of the gods Varuna viz. "seizer, injurer", and Yama synonymous with (the latter is related to Slovenian terms u-je-ti "to catch", je-ca "prison", pri-jeti "to hold, catch, grab" (Zero Grade of the root yam-), pri-jem "hold", pri-jemati "to hold, catch, grab"; and Croatian kaj-vernacular jam-iti "to catch, seize, snare, take hold, grab, grasp" (Full Grade of the root yam-). NB. The justification for this evidence of the function of Veles as a Hunter comes from the analogous example found in Baltic folklore, since his Lithuanian counterpart Velnias figures as a skilful hunter and sharp-sighted teacher of a chase, who is famous for the wild pursuit ofgame (Jakobson ibid.: 38), which means that this role of his cannot be accidental. It is said that a deceased soul will see both kings, Yama and god Varuna (Rig-Veda X 14.7) when they go forth on the path of the ancient forefathers, and will rest in a place called gav-yuti viz. "pasture-land [literally "cow-land or cattle-place"] replete with adbhih viz. "waters" (Rig-Veda, ibid. verse 9). The association of cattle with the realm of the dead coincides with the function of the Slavic god Veles as skotii bog viz. the cattle god. ... the line between 'the god of the cattle' and the realm of the dead may be explained by the common Indo-European concept of the netherworld as a pasture" (Ivanov & Toporov, 1973: 16). However, it is NEW INSIGHTS ON SLAVIC GOD "VOLOSt/VELESt" FROM A VEDIC PERSPECTIVE 69 the realm of the god Varuna (and Yama as his double), not of the demon Vala. Furthermore, like Veles, Varuna is conceived as protector of cattle, viz. irya go-pa "a strong cow-herd" (Rig-Veda VIII 41.4). Varuna is also given the epithet vrsabha viz. "bull" (Rig-Veda V 63.3). The variant name of Veles, viz. Russian Volos has been drawn into etymological connection by Grzetic (1900, 31, 71) with the Slavic word volb viz. "ox, bull". Analogously, the Lithuanian demon(ized god) Velnias (related to Slavic Veles) is also said to assume the shape of a bull, cattle being protected by him (Jakobson, ibid., 37, 38). Furthermore, Grzetic identifies Slavic Volos with the Avestan gaus-uruuan "soul of the cosmic bull". Significantly, Avestan uruuan viz. "soul/spirit of the dead" has the same meaning as the Lithuanian word vêles viz. "spirits of the dead". The relationship between the Slavic term Velesb (god) and Lithuanian veles (spirit/ soul of the dead) matches exactly the Indo-Aryan Vedic and Iranian Avestan pair, viz. Varuna god vs. Uruuan soul/spirit (of the cosmic bull, described in the Yasna 29). The variant name of the Vedic god Varuna attested in the Mitanni-Hittite treaty of 1400 BCE is spelled in the cuneiform syllabic writing as U-ru-ua-na, is congruent with the Iranian form uruuan, and this could hardly have been accidental. Thus, it can be concluded that the Avestan counterpart of Varuna was authentically Uruuan Spirit/Soul (of which Uruua-na is a dual form, coupled with the preceding Mitra), not those "invented" hypothetical names like *Vouruna (proposed by Boyce, ibid.). As for the hypothetical non-existent * Vouruna, the form vouru is attested in Avestan akin to Sanskrit uru "wide" (Mayhofer 1992: 227); hence, it is phonetically incongruent with and impossible to occur in place of the Sanskrit syllable varu; consequently, it cannot represent the Vedic Varuna. As all the prominent Vedic gods, Varuna, viz. Uruuan, quite expectedly, lost his high status during Zarathusta's religious reform, since in the Avesta, the ancientpre-Iranian mythology has gone through an advanced stage of corruption (Hillebrandt ibid.: 112). The association of Veles and Varuna with the nether world (analogously as the Iranian parallel Uruuan) testify unanimously of their connection with the deceased Souls/Spirits, at least in the mind of the ancient Slavic and Vedic seers, and may well be derived from the root vr "to cover, enclose, bind", since the soul is "covered by the body, enclosed/ imprisoned in the body, or bound/bonded within the body", and is apparently related to Tocharian wal "to die", walu "the dead", the feminine plural (oblique cases) walunt- that coincides with Luwian ulant "ibid." (Ivanov & Toporov 1973: 22). This is further justified by the Baltic parallels, viz. Lithuanian since Vëlinas [sc. Velnias] is primarily the god of the dead, and located below the earth; hence the forest pools are said to be his eyes. His name relates directly to the Vêles, the spirits of the dead (West 2007: 147). For this reason, both the Aryans and ancient Slavs used to burn their deceased in order to set the soul of the deceased person free from the imprisonment of the body and to send him immediately into paradise. NB. There is no evidence adduced by Ivanov, Toporov and Katicic that Vrtra and Vala were considered Kings. 70- MILORAD IVANKOVIC SWEET BASIL (OCIMIUM BASILICUM) As for sweet basil, says Nodilo: Bosiljak, ocimium basilicum ... ima veliku znamenitost sa dvojakog simbolizma: njegov cvijet znači i smrt i ljubav. UIndiji slična bilina, ocimium sanctum, znamenuje isto ovo dvoje... Sto je bosiljkov cvijet sitan i bijel, time označuje boga tvorca, pri sutonu i uranku, a štoje miomirisan, dolikuje ljubaviplodnoga boga (Sweet Basil, Ocimiun Basilicum ... The plant is significant due to its two-sided symbolism, viz. its flower means both death and love. In India 'Ocimium sanctum' has the same significance ... Its tiny white flower symbolizes the creator god at dusk and at dawn, while his sweet scent appropriately indicates love and fecundity of the god; Nodilo 1885: 92). Its symbolic value is congruent with the symbolism of god Varuna (and Veles alike), viz. beside his designation as mrtyu "Death" he is also designated as ayu "Life", since Varuna is samvatsara "Year", and Life is the Year (Satapatha Brahmana IV 1.4.10), for a woman, a cow, or a mare vijdyate samvatsare viz. "bring forth an offspring in a Year's time" (idem. XI 1.6.2). When invoked alone, Varuna represented to the minds of the Vedic seers the unity of opposites all by himself, i.e., the unified wholeness, the totality, like Prajapati "Lord of Progeny" (for Prajapati is the Year, Satapatha Brahmana II 2.2.3-5). Significantly, it is stated explicitly about Varuna in the Rig-Veda I 25.: Verse 8. veda maso dvadasa...veda ya upajayate (he knows 12 months and one being born besides them viz. intercalary one). The 12 months plus one intercalary month undoubtedly represent the Year. Only when invoked in pairs with Indra or Mitra, does Varuna appear as the embodiment of the opposite dark principle to either of them. AQUATIC MONSTER GOD'S VEHICLE In Hindu iconography, Varuna is coupled with an aquatic monster called makara, which is considered the vehicle of the God. It is depicted with the head andforelegs of an antelope or a goat, and body of a fish or crocodile. It is also called jala-rupa "water-form". (Dalal 2010: 224). The term makara denotes: a kind of sea-monster, sometimes confounded with the crocodile, shark, dolphin, etc. (Monier-Williams 1899: 771). The Rupamandana (classic on iconography) describes Varuna the regent of the west as having four arms. In three of his hands, he holds a pasa (noose), a lotus and a jewel box (lower left hand). Furthermore, his lower right hand is bestowing blessings on the devotee. He is riding a crocodile nakra-arudam (Sreenivasa Rao 2012). The Silpa-ratna (classic on fine arts) gives a slightly different picture of Varuna, viz. he is wearing yellow garments [the colour of Veles as well]. Varuna holds a noose (pasa) in each of his two hands and is riding a Makara (Sreenivasa Rao 2012). The association of the god Varuna (and Veles likewise) with aquatic and tellurian monsters was authentically meant to emphasize his power and control exercised over NEW INSIGHTS ON SLAVIC GOD "VOLOSt/VELESt" FROM A VEDIC PERSPECTIVE 71 those dreadful creatures in order to serve him as the instruments for maintaining Natural and Social World Order, viz. for punishing the sinners and violators of the law. There is recorded an analogous belief in pre-Christian Europe among the Mediterranean inhabitants at Malta who regarded the function of the serpents to be the same as that of the gods, viz. as the avengers of sins, e.g., when the apostle Paul landed once on the shore of Malta, the islanders ... built a fire and welcomed us ...Paul gathered a pile of brushwood and, as he put it on the fire, a viper, driven out by the heat, fastened itself on his hand. The islanders concluded that this man must be a murderer; for though he escaped from the sea, the goddess Justice has not allowed him to live (The Holy Bible, Acts, 28:1-6). CONCLUSION After exploring all the existing data, it is difficult to see how it is possible to reconcile all the characteristics of the Slavic god Veles with that of the Vedic demons Vala or Vrtra. In light of the materials presented here from Vedic and Sanskrit sources, only the character of the Vedic sovereign god Varuna appears to be fully congruent with the Slavic god in all his aspects, features and functions. NB. Even Toporov (1987: 218) later realized his error and changed his mind on the subject, for he wrote: CaMO ems BapyHa uccnegoBaTenu conocTaBnsnu c xerrcKHM MopcKHM 6o»ecTBOM ApyHOH [viz. Hittite Aruna], c gpeBHerpe^ecKHM 6oroM He6a YpaHOM [viz. Ancient Greek Ouranos] HaKOHe^ co enaBSHeKHM BonocoM (BenecoM) [viz. Slavic Volos/Veles] jihtobckhm BenHscoM [viz. Lithuanian Velnias] u t. g. ^0^T0My npu coxpaHeHHH psga HescHocTefi HHgoeBponeficKHe napannenu k ^T0My HMeHH HecoMHeHHti. APPENDIX: A COMMON ETYMOLOGY OF THE SLAVIC VELESi AND VEDIC VARUNA The Functions of Varuna and Its Etymology as Explained by Nirukta The foremost Vedic nairukta (viz. etymologist) and the chief authority on Vedic semantics and etymology [viz. the Nighantu and the Nirukta] Yaska (7.c. BCE) declares it categorically in the Nirukta X 3: Varuno vrnoti iti satah tasyaiva bhavati (Sanskrit text, Sarup 1963: 173). (Varuna is so called because he covers "vf; cf. Sarup, English translation, 1966: 154). Yaska justifies his standpoint (on the account that Varuna covers the sky with the clouds), citing Rig-Veda V 85.3-4: nicinabaram varunah kavandham pra sasarja rodasi antariksam tena visvasya bhuvanasya rajayavam na vrstir vy unatti bhuma (Varuna sent forth the cloud, opening downwards, and created heaven, earth and the intermediate space. With it, the King of the entire Universe moistens earth as rain the barley; cf. Sarup, ibid.). 72- MILORAD IVANKOVIC Yaska elaborates further his explanation of Varuna (Nirukta XII 23), citing Rig-Veda I 50.6-7 (which is to prove Varuna's unquestionable Solar aspect) yena pavaka caksasa bhuranyantam janananu tvam varuna pasyasi vi dyamesi rajas prthvaha mimano aktubhih pasyan janmani surya (The eye with which, Opure Varuna, thou seest the active sacrifice among men, with that thou reachest heaven in various ways, measuring the wide region and days with nights, and seeing many generations, O Sun; cf. Sarup 1966: 191). However, after taking into consideration kavandham the key term of the stanza, Sarup's translation of the verb vmoti seems somewhat misleading. Thus, a more detailed clarification is needed in this case. In clarifying the name Varuna, the Nirukta X 3 refers to the Rig-Veda V 85.3 for clarification: nicinabaram varunah kavandhampra sasarja rodasi "Varuna sent forth the kavandham (variant kabandham) literally "big cask". Yaska explains the kavandham as megham "cloud", and identifies it as: kabandham udakam bhavati "kabandha is water". The commentary on Nirukta further clarifies the term: bandhiranibhrtatve viz. bandhih dhatuh anibhrtatve "the root bandh denotes an unfixed state with an opening below, between heaven and earth in the atmosphere"; (cf. Bhadkamkar 1942:957). However, the prior member kad (originally the neuter of the interrogative pronoun ka) of the compound ka-bandha is defined in the Nighantu 3.6. as kad iti sukhasya viz. "kad means happiness, or literally good axle-hole", whence kabandha originally "good-bond, well-bound" as a designation of cloud, since water is bound within. The verb vmoti undoubtedly relates to Varuna's function of binding, here the water in the cask (viz. cloud), which he then releases at will (cf. Bhadkamkar 1942: 955-958; Sarup 1963: (Sanskrit text) 17,173-174; Sarup 1966 (English translation) 153,154). The basic function of Varuna is indicated by the verb bandh "to bind". The verb is applied to the performance of the officiating priest who binds a sacrificial animal for Varuna and loosens what is bound, e.g. pasum badhnami varunaya rajna "I bind this animal for king Varuna"; (cf. Kuiper 1079: 73); baddham ava syati varunapasad evaine muncati "He loosens what is bound; indeed, he releases them from the noose of Varuna" (Taittiriya Samhita VI 2.9.1); varuno va esa durvag ubhayato baddho yad aksah "The axle which is bound on both sides is Varuna of bad voice (viz. sound)" (Taittiriya Samhita VI 2.9.1). Varuna's bandha viz. "bond" is also mentioned: rajno varunasya bandho 'si so 'mum amusyayanam amusyahputram anneprane badhana "King Varuna's bond thou art, do thou bind a descendant of such a one, the son of a good family in breath and in food" (Atharva-Veda X 5.44). In post-Vedic scriptures the verb bandh is utilized in relation to Varuna'spasa "noose or fetters" in two verses of the Manusmrti viz. "Law of Manu": saksye 'nrtam vadanpasair badhyate varunair bhrsam "He who speaks untruth is firmly bonded by Varuna's fetters" (Manusmrti VIII 82); varunena yatha pasair baddha evdbhidrsyate tatha papan nigrhniyad "As one (sc. a liar or sinner) is seen bound with the fetters by Varuna, exactly so let the king punish the wicked" (Manusmrti IX 309). Another aspect of Varuna's function of binding is expressed by the verb muc, muncati "to be released (sc. from Varuna's fetters)" in the Vedic rites which presupposes one's being already "seized, held, or tied by Varuna" (cf. Kuiper 1979:67ff.). This is a common NEW INSIGHTS ON SLAVIC GOD "VOLOSt/VELESt" FROM A VEDIC PERSPECTIVE 73 function of both the Vedic god Varuna and Slavic god Velesb as the gods of oaths, contracts and peace agreements, viz. of social "obligations" (or bindings), which additionally and unquestionably strengthens the identity between them. G. Dumézil accordingly has defined Varuna as "the binder" (cf. Dumézil 1988: 95ff). Besides, the main function of Varuna is frequently expressed by the verb grah (variant grabh) "to seize, grasp, lay hold of, catch, imprison, capture" (analogous to binding), hence the sinners and sick persons alike, are considered Varuna-grhïta "seized by Varuna" (Kuiper 1979: 73). When the law is violated vàruno grhnàti "Varuna seizes" too (Hillebrandt 1929/1980:21), or literally: ânrte khàlu vài kriyàmàne vàruno grhnàti literally "Verily, when àn-ria (viz. dis-order, in-justice, un-lawfulness) is being done Varuna seizes" (Taittirïya Brahmana I 7.2.6). Even the stationary waters are said to be "seized by Varuna" (Hillebrandt ibid.13). In accordance with his fundamental function, various aquatic creatures called gràha "seizers" (viz. crocodiles, sharks, serpents, alligators, etc.) and makara "crocodile-like monster", along with the nàgàs "dragons" and sarpas "serpents" are assigned to Varuna whose abode is said to be the samudra "ocean/ sea". Of the aquatic animals only those called nakra "crocodile" are sacrificed to Varuna (Hillebrandt ibid. 295). In Hindu mythology makara (and sometimes nakra) is considered to be the vehicle on which Varuna rides holding pàsa the "noose" in his hands (cf. Dalal 2010: 224; see also Sreenivasa Rao 2012, part VI, Varuna Iconography). Even makara is the creature with whom god Krsna the "Black one" has identified himself.7 In this regard compare above the term krsna as Varuna's fundamental designation. There's even more than that, since Varuna like Krsna is also styled hari "golden" (Atharva-Veda V 11.1). Needless to repeat, Black (e.g. Black Wool, etc.) is a special characteristic of the Slavic Velest and his Baltic cognates. In this respect compare the Latvian expression melns kà veins "black like Velns" (= Velns). And zoloto "gold" and zoloti "golden" are the preeminent designations of the Slavic god Velest too (Jakobson ibid. 35,38; Katicic 2008: 306). Significantly, Slavic Velest is likewise identified with a crocodile, lizard, dragon, serpent, etc. (Katicic ibid. 206, 207, 243-245), in one word, with the creatures which all belong to the class of gràha "seizers". Besides, the function of seizing or binding performed by Varuna is essentially the same as the role of Slavic Velest (like Lithuanian Vélnias) appearing in folk-tales in the role of a wise old hunter called somewhat cryptically Velimir (the assonance with Velesb being so obvious) who at dying hands over his secrets to his successor a young hunter called Veljko Lovic (Nodilo 1885:86-89) whose first name is actually a hypoco-ristic from Velimir, whereas his surname Lovic is a derivative (viz. patronymic but also diminutive as well, indicative of his youthfulness) from the noun Lovac viz. "Hunter". The stories about Velimir relate to a temporary death of the god and his rebirth in the form of a young hunter. 7 Bhagavad Gita X 31: jhasanam makaras ca asmi "Among the aquatics I am makara". In the Hindu calendar, Makara marks the end of the Winter Solstice (December/January)... it is the birth of time; and the first day of the New Year. Makara is associated with creation-process; thus it symbolizes time and its cyclical nature. Makara is therefore prominently placed in Sun temples (Sreenivasa Rao 2012). 74- MILORAD IVANKOVIC Varuna and Yama This is related further to Yama of whom is said that a deceased soul will see both kings, Yama and god Varuna (Rig-Veda X 14.7) when they go forth on the path of the ancient forefathers (Hillebrandt ibid. 21), and will rest in a place called gav-yuti viz. "pasture-land [literally "cow-land or cattle-place"] replete with adbhih viz. "waters" (Rig-Veda, ibid. verse 9). In an attempted restoration of a common IE concept of the otherworld as a meadow for the deceased souls, Puhvel brought into connection the Greek Elysion pedion "meadowy field" and gavyuti "cow-pasture" the realm of the Vedic god Yama, to which he adduced also Old Russian Volosu (< * Volsu or Velsu < *w°/ lsu/-) 'cattle-god' whose name he explained to mean literally '(deified) pasture' (Puhvel 1969: 66). But he remained completely silent about the fact that the realm of gavyuti belongs equally to lord Varuna as specified explicitly in the Rig-Vedic stanza X 14.7 quoted above. Varuna is closest to Yama in the Veda, both wield the danda "staff", both carry in their hands the pasa "noose" which is the attribute of the night, of the druh (viz. wrong, harm, falsehood), of death (Hillebrandt ibid. 20,21). Semantically, the root grah or grabh (expressive of Varuna's primal function of seizing) is synonymous with the root yam "to hold, keep in, sustain, restrain, curb, subdue, control, etc.". Yama is the god who presides over the Pitris (viz. deceased ancestors) and rules the spirits of the dead (Mon-ier-Williams 1899: 845, 846). Mallory and Adams treated the root *yem as a far eastern Indo-Iranian-Tocharian isogloss, Sanskrit and Avestanyam "hold, sustain", Tocharian B yam "achieve, obtain, reach [< * 'come to hold' or the like]" and separate it from *yemos > Sanskrit yama "twin" related to Latin geminus, and god Yama with a possible Latin cognate of Remus, the brother of Romulus, derived from * yemonos "twin" (Mallory/ Adams 2006: 207, 276, 435). According to Pokorny all these forms are derivatives from Indo-European *iem "halten, zusammenhalten, paaren, bezwingen" including Old Indic Yama-h "twin, hermaphrodite" = Avestan Yimo (Pokorny/Starostin ibid. 1370). In his role as lord of the dead, it is highly unlikely that Yama authentically meant "twin", but rather the term must have indicated the same function of seizing, binding, enclosing, as Varuna himself. Thus undoubtedly Yama by his very name was authentically intended to personify the main function of Varuna as his mythological double. As for his Avestan counterpart Yima who is considered to be the first man, it has no exegetic value since it contradicts the Vedic evidence (besides, in the Avesta, the ancient pre-Iranian mythology has gone through an advanced stage of corruption as stressed by Hillebrandt ibid. 112). It is said precisely in the Veda that Yama was prathamo martyanam "first of the mortals" (notprathamo jananam "first of the humans") which relates equally to gods, since gods also were considered mortals, e.g. the moon is described as a dying god who is always reborn. On the other hand, Veda never refers to Yama as jana or manusya viz. "man, human" (Hillebrandt ibid. 223). This Vedic concept of the first dying god is confirmed by the stories about Velimir the Hunter who dies at the old age but is succeeded by (viz. reborn as) his young double Veljko Lovic (as demonstrated above). NEW INSIGHTS ON SLAVIC GOD "VOLOSt/VELESt" FROM A VEDIC PERSPECTIVE 75 Varuna and Velesi in the Tradition of the Indo-Aryan Puranas In order to better clarify the historical and doctrinal parallelism between Varuna and Velest the ancient Indic tradition as preserved in the Puranas offers even more valuable evidence. In the Veda Varuna seems to be subordinated to Indra who was placed above all other gods, but who in turn later became dethroned himself and allowed to occupy inferior position to that of Hari Krsna. Buddhist tradition made Indra even a worshipper of Buddha (Hillebrandt 1980/1929: 38) On the other hand, in the Buddhist texts Varuna becomes a Nagaraja viz. "King of the Dragons" (Hillebrandt 1980/1927: 248) exactly like Slavic Velest in Russian folklore under the title "Tsar Zmiulan". But, there are some more striking parallels found in those Puranic texts which glorify Hari Krsna. As demonstrated previously above, the terms hari "gold-hued" and krsna "black" are the personal designations of Varuna, expressing the same mythological concept In the Puranas (viz. Harivamsa, Visnupurana, Bhagavatapurana) there is a story of the thunder-god Indra, styled invariably Parjanya (all three texts verify unanimously the identity of Indra and Parjanya, related to the Slavic Perunb, cf. Jezic 2011: 101), how he was defeated by Hari Krsna, who was thus capable of displaying his supremacy over the thunder-god. Since the Hindu god Hari Krsna shares the same epithets hari and krsna with the sovereign Vedic god Varuna who lost temporarily his prabhuti viz. "predominance" (spoken of in Rig-Veda X 124.7) in opposition to Indra8, it becomes clear beyond doubt that Hari Krsna impersonates the character of the Vedic god Varuna in this particular story of his clash with Indra, the story actually narrating how did Varuna regain his lost supremacy over Indra. As is self-evident from the perfectly congruent features of Hari Krsna Varuna and Hari Krsna himself, all their identical characteristics could not have occurred in the Puranas arbitrarily or accidentally, but were the innate constituent elements of their characters within the same mythological context, viz. their opposition to Indra. The story of Krsna's lifting of mount Govardhana in order to protect the cows and the cowherds of Gokula from the lightnings and thunderbolts sent by Indra (being furious because they were invited by Krsna to worship the mount Govardhana and their own cows as their divinity, instead of Indra himself). Following Ivanov, Toporrov and Katicic and their earlier erroneous identification of the Vedic demon Vala with the Slavic god Velesb, M.Jezic came at a markedly erroneous conclusion: according to him the story does reflect the myth of the struggle between the two main divine contenders in the pre-Vedic myth of Indra/Parjanya and Vala, or the Balto-Slavic myth of Perunb and Volosb/Velesb. As is clearly demonstrated above, it was not Vala but Varuna who temporarily lost his supremacy over the thunder-god Indra, nor Vala ever bore the epithets hari and krsna, which only the sovereign god Varuna shares with Hari Krsna. Thus, it is not Vala whom Hari Krsna impersonated in the Puranas, but the sovereign god Varuna, of whom Hari Krsna appears to be a double. It is true that "The correlations 8 The supersession of Varuna by Indra is delineated in the Rig-Veda IV 42 and X 124; cf. Kuiper's remark on it: "Bergaigne and von Bradke had rightly stressed the antagonism between the two gods [sc. between Indra and Varuna]" Kuiper 1979: 22. 76- MILORAD IVANKOVIC in content are strongly corroborated by Indo-European correspondences in expression" (Jezic 2011: 107) but the myth has preserved ancient formulas identifying Hari Krsna, Varuna and Volosb/Velesb (not Veles and Vala) as is perfectly displayed below: 1) Hari Krsna Go-pala (variant Go-vinda) Bhaga-vat 2) Hari Krsna Varuna-Asura Go-pa Deva 3) Zoloti Crbnb Volosb/Velesb Skotijb Bogb Semantically and etymologically all the three formulas are absolutely identical ("Golden Black Cattle-protecting God"), except for the Slavic term skotijb which is fully synonymous with Go-pa/Go-pala, viz. "cattle-protecting" though not of the same etymology. Note that Krsna's title Bhaga-vat comprises in itself the term Bhaga identical with Slavic Bogb. There is only mount Govardhana which resembles Vala, since Vala is identified with mountain in the Rig-Veda VI 39.2: ... pary adrim usra rtadhitibhir rtayugyujanah rujad arugnam vi valasya sanum (...rushing against the rock/mountain [= adri], with the righteous-minded ones, whose yoke is justice, He [sc. Indra] succeeded to break the never-broken ridge of Vala). Moreover, Vala is even in the Rig-Veda X 68.7 specified as parvata "mountain", the term otherwise erroneosly identified by Ivanov, Topotov and Katicic as the etymological source of the Slavic Perunb. These scholars were not able to discern properly the present participle pervant of the IE root *per- vs. IE noun *Perkwunos or *Pergwunos from which actually derived Slavic form (in Slavic the labio-velar appears decomposed and the velar part subject to elision). Therefore, the only possible identity between mountain Go-vardhana (viz. "cow-increase") is with Vala (who is likewise called go-vapus "shaped like a cow", a term synonymous with), but not with Krsna or Slavic Velesb, since neither of them has ever been imagined as an unanimated object like mountain. Mount Govardhana an unanimated object appears a tool in hands of the god in order to fulfill his task. Krsna used mount Govardhana as a shelter for the cows, though the struggle was not between the mountain and Indra, but between lord Hari Krsna impersonating Hari Krsna Varuna (identical with Slavic Velesb) who thus regained his lost supremacy over Indra. The presented parallels between Hari Krsna Varuna and Slavic Velesb additionally confirms the identity of the two gods. There can be no single doubt in their identity. The only problem is to find and decipher a common etymology of the twosome. It is dealt with in the next section devoted solely to. A Quest for the Common Etymology The Baltic viz. Latvian Velns and Lithuanian Velnias cognates of the Slavic Velesb, closely match in forms the Vedic name Varuna. Since Slavic and Baltic forms are considered cognates, and both Baltic forms comprises n-suffix, they have nothing to do with Vala. The Latvian Velns and Velna Acs obviously derived from the earlier forms *Velunas and * Veluna Akis due to the reduction of unaccented short vowels, especially u and i. This phonetic law is well attested in many IE languages, e.g. French/English table < Latin tabula; French/English able < Latin habilis, etc.; it occurs frequently in Slavic languages too, e.g. Old Slavic bbdeti "to watch, stay awake, keep vigil" > modern bdeti, Old Slavic mbneti "to NEW INSIGHTS ON SLAVIC GOD "VOLOSt/VELESt" FROM A VEDIC PERSPECTIVE 77 think" > modern mneti. It is found operating even in non-IE languages, e.g. in Japanese the short unaccented vowels u and i are by the rule elided in speech (Devide 1970: 62; 1976: 8). The Lithuanian Velnias on the other hand corresponds exactly to the Vedic form varunya "pertaining to Varuna" (cf. sarvasmad varunyat "all that comes from Varuna" Satapatha Brahmana V 2.5.16). Both Vedic and Lithuanian forms were made on the model of other Vedic divine names featuring the same suffix -ya, e.g. Sur-ya, Parjan-ya, Nasat-ya, Pusar-ya < *Pusan-ya, etc. The older form Velinas might have well derived from the original * Velunas, since the vowel i historically often stem from u, e.g. Old Latin lubido > Classical Latin libido "desire"; Ancient Greek muthos > Classical mythos > modern Greek pronunciation mithos as in English "myth" etc. Thus, both Latvian and Lithuanian forms originally must have matched the Vedic Varuna. The problem arises with the Slavic forms of the god's name which seemingly do not match the other three. Even there are attested two different variants of the name viz. Volosb and Velesb not only in Old Russian, but also in South Slavic, namely there are two toponyms in Croatia comprising the form Volos instead of usual Veles, one is Voloski kuk viz. "The Hip of Volos" a rock so named at the source of the river Potok in Istria, and within the same area a place called Volosko viz. "The Place of Volos" (Katicic ibid. 306). R. Jakobson assumed the prototype of the Slavic god's name to be * Vel-sb but this is highly improbable, since both variants Volosb and Velesb were authentically three-syllabic forms. Jakobson treated Velesb as an archaic Slavic compound: "The same pair of constituents which serve as two autonomous words in Varuna Asura has merged into one compound in the corresponding Slavic name Velesb. As for the Russian doublet Volosb its most probable prototype had been * Vel-sb..." (Jakobson ibid. 43). However, his analysis was fairly inadequate. As a compound it must have been formed and spelled originally in accord with the Old Slavic phonetic rules, viz. the short vowels u were to be reduced in the prior member of the compound, which would give the 1st variant from PIE *uoluno- > * Volunu > *Volbnb, and the 2nd one from PIE *ueluno- > * Velunu > * Velbnb to which was attached the final member analogous to Indic asu(ra), viz. from PIE *H1ensus > Proto-Slavic *qsu (=ensu) > Old Slavic *qsb and from either PIE *H2nsu(ro) or H2onsu(ro) > Proto-Slavic *gsu (=onsu) > Old Slavic *gsb. In merging both members into a compound *Volbnb + Qsb and *Velbnb + qsb it would give inevitably due to obvious haplology (viz. repetition of syllables with nasals, hence the omission of one of two similar syllables in fluent speech) the forms *VolQsb and *Velqsb. The presumed Old Slavic forms with nasalized vowels naturally have undergone changes (viz. de-nasalization) in modern vernaculars similar to Old Russian Volosb and Velesb with the additional elision of the final stem-vowel -b (e.g. Old Slavic bogb "god" > bog in modern vernaculars), whence the modern forms Veles and Volos. The evidence presented is absolutely sufficient to establish an underlying identity between Vedic Varuna Asura, Lithuanian Velnias, Latvian Velns, and Slavic Volosb/ Velesb, not only in mythological concept but equally by their common etymology. Thus, the Indic and Balto-Slavic forms indisputably represent the ancient common Proto-Indo-European *ueluno- mythologem. 78- MILORAD IVANKOVIC REFERENCES Primary sources Vedic and Sanskrit Atharva-Veda Samhitä (Sanskrit text) Internet: www.titus.uni-frankfurt.de/texte July-August 2018. Käthaka Samhitä (Sanskrit text) Internet: www.titus.uni-frankfurt.de/texte July-August 2018. Das KaushTtaki Brnhmana, 1887. (herg. 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Etymologische Worterbuch des Altindoarischen, BandII, Carl Winter Universitatsverlag, Heidelberg. Ježic, Mislav 2011. Krsna diže goru Govardhanu: pobjeduje li to Veles Peruna u indijskoj predaji? / Krsna lifts up Mount Govardhana: Does Velest defeat Perunt in the indian Purânic trad-tion? In: Pleterski Andrej, Vinščak, Tomo (eds.), Perunovo koplje. (Studia mythologica Slavica - Supplementa, Supplementum 4), Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, 99-107. 80- MILORAD IVANKOVIC Malloiy, J.P., Adams, D.Q. 2006. The Oxford Introduction to the Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Moniei-Williams 1899. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Oxford. Nodilo, Nadko 1885. Religija Srba i Hrvata. Dio I. Sutvid i Vida. Jugoslavenska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti (JAZU), Rad No. 77, Book XII. Zagreb. Nodilo, Nadko 1886. Dio III. Sunce. JAZU, Rad No. 81, Book XIV. Zagreb. Nodilo, Nadko 1887. Dio IV. Sunce dvanaestoliko i gradnja mlade godine. JAZU, Rad No. 84, Book XVI. Zagreb. Orbini, Mavro. 1601. Il Regno de gli Slavi. Appresso Girolamo Concordia, Pesaro. Petrovič, Sreten 1999. Srpska mitologija. Sistem srpske mitologije. I knjiga. Prosveta, Niš. Pijovič, Marko 2010. Nekoliko misli o mogučem podrijetlu naziva Vlah. Studia mythologica Slavica, 13, Ljubljana, 199-209. Pleterski, Andrej 2014. Kulturni genom. Studia mythologica Slavica, Supplementa 10, Ljubljana. Pokorny, Julius, Starostin, George. 2007. Proto-Indo-European Etymological Dictionary. A Revised Edition of Julius Pokorny's Indogermanisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch, Revised and Published by the Dnghu Association. http://dnghu.org Preller, Ludwig 1868. Griechische Mythologie. II Band. Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, Berlin. Puhvel, Jaan 1987. Comparative mythology. The John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore. Sarup, Lakshman (ed.) 1963. The Nighantu and the Nirukta. the Oldest Indian Treatise on Etymology, Philology and Semantics. The Original Text in Sanskrit. Motilal Banarsidas, Delhi. Sarup, Lakshman (ed.) 1966. The Nighantu and the Nirukta. the Oldest Indian Treatise on Etymology, Philology and Semantics. English translation. Motilal Banarsidas, Delhi. Sarup, Lakshman (ed.) 1967. The Nighantu and the Nirukta, the Oldest Indian Treatise on Etymology, Philology and Semantics. English translation. Motilal Banarsidas, Delhi. The Satapatha Brahmana, Part V. 1900. Translated by Julius. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 44, Oxford. Simson, Georg von 1997. Zum Ursprung de Gotter Mitra und Varuna, Indo-Iranian Journal, Brill, Leiden, 40(1); 1- 35. Skok, Petar 1972. Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue croate ou serbe. Tome II. Academie Yougoslavie des sciences et des beaux-arts, Zagreb. Sreenivasa Rao 2012. Varuna Iconography. Internet: https://sreenivasaraos.com (02.08.2018). Sutherland, Gail Hinich 1991. The Disguises of the Demon: The Development of the Yaksa in Hinduism and Buddhism. SUNY Press, New York. Toporov, Vladimir Nikolajevič. 1987. Varuna. In: Mify narodov mira I. Sovetskaja enciklopedija, Moscow, 217-218. Uspenskij, Boris Aleksandrovič 1982. Filologičeskie razyskanija v oblasti slavjanskih drevnostej. Relikty jazyčestva v vostočnoslavjanskom kulb te Nikolaja Mirilikijskogo. Chapter III Nikola i Veles. Moscow State University. Vogel, Jean Philippe 1911. Antiquities of Chamba State. Part I. Inscriptions of the Pre-Muham-madan Period. Archeological Survey of India, Calcutta. West, Martin Litchfield. 2007. Indo-European Poetry and Myth. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Živančevič, Vladimir 1963. Volos-Veles, Slav Divinity of Theriomorphic Origin. Bulletin de musee ethnographique de Belgrade, Tome 26, 39-66, Belgrade. NEW INSIGHTS ON SLAVIC GOD "VOLOSt/VELESt" FROM A VEDIC PERSPECTIVE 81 NOVI UVIDI O STAROSLOVENSKOM BOGU VOLOSU/VELESU IZ VEDSKE PERSPEKTIVE Mllorad Ivankovič ooo Pri pokušaju rekonstruisanja pretpostavljene središnje teme u okviru drevne slovenske mitologije, tj. kosmičke bitke izmedju boga gromovnika Peruna i njegova suprotnika skotjega boga Velesa, filolozi Ivanov i Toporov (1973) oslanjajuci se na primere iz baltičkog folklora i vedske mitologije, poistovetili su staroslovens-koga boga Velesa sa vedskim demonom Valom. Na istom tragu, njihov sledbenik Katičic (2008) došao je do gotovo istovetnih rezultata samo s tom razlikom što je poistovetio staroslovenskoga boga Velesa sa drugim vedskim demonom Vrtrom. Nažalost, dokazi sabrani iz izvornih vedskih i sanskrtskih tekstova, te izloženi u ovoj raspravi, pobijaju i opovrgavaju gore pomenuta tumačenja i poistovecivanja, i otkrivaju sasvim drugo lice staroslovenskoga boga Velesa. Milorad Ivankovic, unaffiliated researcher of Sanskrit, Veda and ancient texts and languages; Indology and Sinology, CDK; Omladinski trg 6/4; SRB-26300 Vrsac (Verschez), Serbia, a.grnivaso@gmail.com 22 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2019 - 83 - 106 | DOI: 10.3987/SMS20192204 - OS apxannecKnx nepTax HapogHoft KyntTypti pycnH BQCTOHHQH CnoBaKnn* MapHHa M. Bane^OBa This article continues the study of Ruthenian spiritual culture and aims at the determination of ancient elements in the selected rituals and their parts in folk meteorology, wedding, funeral and birth ceremonials, and beliefs about animals and birds in the all-Slavic context. It is shown that the traditional Ruthenian culture is very close to the West Ukrainian ones on the one hand and that it has substantive differences, which allow considering Ruthenian tradition a separate East-Slavic tradition with deep historical background. KEYWORDS: Slavic ethnolinguistics, Ruthenian folk culture, archaic features, Slavic Carpathians CTaTta npegcTaBnaeT coSoft npogon^eHne1 n3yneHna pycnHcKoft Tpag^HOHHOH KyntTypti b gnaxpoHHOM acneKTe n nocBa^eHa BtiaBneHnro apxannecKnx nepT b QTgentHtix cerMeHTax HapogHoft KyntTypti. B KanecTBe MaTepnana ncnQnt3QBannci> noneBtie 3anncn, cgenaHHtie c ynacTneM aBTopa cTaTtn b 2014 n 2018 rr.2, a TaK^e onySnnKQBaHHtie nccnegoBaHna n MaTepnanti (Bapxon 1995, Bapxon 2012, XoS3eft, ^cTpeMctKa, Omqbhh n gp. 2013, TyceB 1974, rypa 2012 n gp. ), a TaK^e cnoBapn (Kepna 2007, HnKonaeB, ToncTaa 2001, Siskova 2009 n gp.). KapnaTti - TeppnTopna OTHocnTentHO paHHero 3aceneHna cnaBaHcKnMn nneMeHaMn (Hnnnn-CBnTtin 1960, OyceK 2015), n no MHeHnro Hemroptix nccnegoBaTeneft, cnaBaHe npoBenn 3gect gocTaTOHHO gonroe BpeMa, npe^ge neM gBnHynnct Ha ror, Ha BanKaHti (fflyBanoB 1998: 9). OgHaKO KOHTnHynTeT pycnHcKoro HaceneHna BocTonHoft CnoBaKnn * PaSoTa BtmonHeHa npn noggep^Ke rpaHTa PHO «CnaBaHcKne apxannecKne 3OHti b npocTpaHcTBe EBponti: ^THQnnH^BncTnneKnH nogxog» (N° 17-18-01373, pyKOBognTent - aKag. C.M. ToncTaa). 1 nepBaa cTaTta 06 apxaunecKux nepmax napodnou ^eMOHono^uu pycun Bocmonnou CnoBaKuu Btimna b ^ypHane Studia mythologica Slavica b 2018 rogy. B Heft gaH KpaTKnft ^KCKypc b ncTopnro 3aceneHna pernoHa n nnTepaTypy Bonpoca. 2 B 2014 r. rpynna b cocTaBe M.M. BaneHuoBoft, M.H. ToncToft, K. ^eHroxoBoft paSoTana b cenax ySna, PycKnft rpaSoBeu, PycKa BticTpa. B 2018 r. M.M. BaneHuoBa n M.H. ToncTaa npoBognnn noneBtie nccne-goBaHna b pycnHcKnx cenax: ynnn, PycKn noTOK, BonoBa, PycKn TpaSoBeu, ySna, KneHOBa, GrpnroBue, KanHa Po3TOKa, a TaK^e b r. CHnHa, rge nHTepBtronpoBann nH^opMaHTOK n3 cen ynnncKe KpnBe n HexBant nonaHKa. 84- MAPHHA M. BAttE^OBA npocne^uBaeTca npuMepHO c XIV b., Korga BocroHHBie cnaBaHe 6tinu BOBneneHEi b TaK Ha3tiBaeMyro BanamcKyro KonoHU3a^uro, npogBuraBmyroca Bgont cKnoHOB KapnaT c rora u roro-BocTOKa. HMeHHO b pe3yntTaTe ^T0^0 npo^cca Ha TeppHTopHH coBpeMeH-hoh CnoBaKuu pacnpocrpaHunca pycbKuu (pycuHcKun) a3tiK u noaBunoct 3aMeTHoe KOHHHecTBO HHOH3MHHMX 3aHMcTBOBaHHH, cBH3aHHMX npe^ge Bcero c OTrOHHMM nacTymecTBOM u xo3ancTBeHHOH geaTentHocTtro. PycuHti Boctohhoh CnoBaKuu - caMaa 3anagHaa rpynna boctohhbix cnaBaH, re-HeTHHecKH Hau6onee 6nu3Kaa HaceneHuro 3aKapnaTta, c KOToptiM gnuTentHoe BpeMa cocraBnana egHHoe ^noe. HapogHaa Tpag^M pycHH, 6narogapa reorpa^unecKOMy nono^eHHro (orpaHuHeHHocTt ropHtiMu xpe6TaMu) coxpaHuna pag apxaunecKux nepT, HMeroqix napannenu b nonecte u page gpyrux cnaBaHcKux Tpag^HH, b tom nucne ro^HocnaBaHcKux. C gpyron cropoHti, pycuHcKyro KyntTypy u a3tiK BtigenaroT o6^eKapnaTcKue oco6eHHocTu, TaK^e um cBOHcTBeHHti HeKOToptie 3anagHocnaBaH-cKue nepTti, OTMe^aroTca u ro^HocnaBaHcKue napannenu, aBnaro^ueca pe3yntTaTOM coBMecTHoro npo^uBaHua u KyntTypHoro o6MeHa b paMKax BeHrepcKoro u, no3»e, ABcTpo-BeHrepcKoro rocygapcTBa. noHaTue «apxauKa», «apxau^ecKue nepTti» ucnont3yeTca b cTaTte b mupoKOM 3Ha^eHuu. Apxau^ecKuMu c^uTaroTca Te 3THonuHrBucTunecKue (^aKTti (npegcTaBneHua o Mupe, noBepta, o6pagti u ux TepMuHonorua), KOToptie, KaK u apxau3Mti b a3tiKe, BHmnu u3 aKTuBHoro ynoTpe6neHua unu npegcraBneHti penuKTaMu (^pameHTaMu), pacnpocTpaHeHHHMu He noBceMecTHo; 3Ha^eHue ux 3aTeMHeHO unu BOBce HeacHO. «Bo3pacT» ^Tux apxau3MOB pa3nu^eH; Hau6onee uHTepecHti gpeBHenmue apxau3Mti, BtiaBnaeMtie npu conocTaBneHuu c gaHHtrnu gpyrux cnaBaHcKux Tpagu^uH, a b page cnyqaeB u Tpagu^uH cocegHux HecnaBaHcKux HapogoB, BocnpuHaBmux u coxpaHuBmux gpeBHue cnaBaHcKue HepTti (nogo6HO TOMy, KaK pyMtmcKuH u BeHrepcKun a3tiKu co-xpaHunu gpeBHue cnaBaHcKue neKcu^ecKue u ^OHeTunecKue oco6eHHocTu). ConocraB-neHue u aHanu3 penuKTOB gyxoBHon KyntTypti u3 pa3Htix cnaBaHcKux apeanoB genaeT BO3MO»HOH peKOHcTpy^uro o6paga, npegcTaBneHua, noBepta unu xoTa 6ti ux 6onee nonHoro ^paraeHTa, npoacHeHue ucTopuu u ^TUMono^uu «TeMHoro» KyntTypHoro TepMuHa (o Teopuu u MeTogax ^THonuH^BuCTUHecKOH peKOHcTpy^uu cm.: ToncTtie 2013). K apxau3MaM cnegyeT OTHecTu TaK^e gpeBHue 3auMcTBOBaHua, noaBuBmueca b KapnaTcKOM apeane, b nepByro o^epegt, repMaHcKue, poMaHcKue, BeHrepcKue, KOToptie BocxogaT k goxpucruaHcKon apxauKe caMux Tpagu^uH-goHopoB. Boo6^e roBopa, Bonpoc o KyntTypHtix apxau3Max u KyntTypHtix uHHOBa^uax (KaK u Bonpoc o cTeneHu cnaBaHcKOH KyntTypHOH o6^hoctu) MO^eT 6tiTt pemeH TontKO c npuBne^eHueM ucHepntiBaro^ux ^M^upuHecKux gaHHtix, c^e^uantHOM BHuMaHuu k Tunonoruu u apeanoruu (ToncTaa 2015: 104). OgHaKO b cTaTte cTaBuTca 6onee cKpoM-Haa 3aga^a: yKa3aTt Ha HeKOToptie go^uBmue go Hamux gHen apxau^ecKue nepTti b pycuHcKOH Tpagu^uu He6ontmoro apeana Boctohhoh CnoBaKuu, o6ocHOBtiBaa ^TO gaHHtMu uMero^uxca cnaBucrunecKux uccnegoBaHun. Apxau^ecKue ^neMeHTH npucyTcTByroT bo Bcex c^epax Tpagu^uoHHOH HapogHon KyntTypt. HeKOToptie u3 hux 6ygyT paccMOTpeHH nogpo6Hee, gpyrue - numt ynoMaHyTH. OB APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX: HAPOflHOH KYgBTYPbl PYCHH BOCTO^HOH CgOBAKHH 85 B MeTeopogorugecKux npegcTaBgeHuax u Maruu3 k apxau^ecKuM cgegyeT OTHecTH geñcTBua, HanpaBgeHHtie Ha 0CTaH0BKy rpaga. no paccKa3aM Hamux uH^opMamoB, gga ^T0^0 Btmocugu bo gBop ocrptie MeTaggu^ecKue npegMeTti, KOToptie, KaK c^uTagoct, cnoco6Hti pacce^t rpagoByro ryny - Tonop, MoTtiry; a TaK»e ne^Hyro yTBapt, KoTopaa 6garogapa cBa3u c 3eMHtiM orHeM, npoTuBocToaga He6ecHoñ Bgare u gtgy=rpagy) -xge6Hyro gonaTy ugu Ko^epry: rpad, a 4>ypm ^eapHm, we KaMeHe^ nadamb. 3uanu ^eapmu, we ceKepy, we 6anmy y Hac 3uanu ^eapumb, a6o MomuKy 3uanu euuocumb, 6o we muM, KaMeHe^ Ha myM pa3ouadwyemb, ho... po3ude. fl^e naMunmae, we ...maKaconama 6una, mo do ne^a ca daean xni6, ma momy nonamy daeanu eoHKa, we nomoM nepecmaHe, we cKopeü. ...Oapeóno He (CTpuroB^). Kedb 6ypKa ide, ma 3Me 3uanu -Mamu ueóywm, noMunmaM, we 3uana - eouKaMemamu momy nonamy, aü Konep^a, mo xni6neKnu, mo daeanu xni6 duyKa do ne^a aü ey¿nn o^^pe6anu, ma momy Memanu eouKa. naMunmae, aü onanue coKupy ceM Knana, 6o eudina, hk Mamu Knana coKupy onanue maK, ^pu, 6b cmonna; noynepana, a we 6u ^pa^ ue nadan, a modu ue 6yde nadamb. rocmpoü e^opi, onanue. reü, ma nocmaeumu ua deopi, híhk nodnepmu, 6o eoua 6u ch nepeeepuyna. ...He 6yde moda KaMeub nadamb (ygun KpuBe). Bepa, hto gtiM pa3roHaeT rpo3oBtie rynu, bo BpeMa 6ypu c»uragu b ne^u TpaBti u BeTKu: gga ^Toñ ^gu noBceMecTHo ucnogt3oBaguct ocBa^eHHtie b Bep6Hoe boc-KpeceHte (Keímua uedínn) Bep6oBtie no^Ku (MbbubKu). HanpuMep, b c. CrpuroBne Maxagu BeTKaMu Bep6ti Ha rynu u Moguguct Ha Bce cTopoHti cBeTa: A6o c muMu, e uac ua Keimuy uedinrn MuubKu cnmnmb, a c muMu MuubKaMu 3uanu... mrnmKa 3uana, ua emumKu ceimoeu cmpauu mymo híhk caMonuna... we mymo 6ypKy... we6u ue nadan, we6u ue ^piMuno [OHa umu Maxaga?] reü, maK KpuwoM, we rocnodu, noMunyü - oua maKpo6una ua mumKu ceimu cmpauu (CrpuroB^). AHagoru^Htie MarunecKue geñcTBua coBepmaguct He TogtKo b cocegHux 3anagHoy-KpauHcKux cegax, ho u b gpyrux cgaBaHcKux peruoHax (TogcToñ 1995a), hto roBopuT o6 ux o6^ecgaBaHcKoñ gpeBHocTu. KpoMe Toro, nogo6Htie geñcTBua u3BecTHti pyMtiHaM (cp.: b pyMtmcKux cegax ByKoBuHti Bti6pactiBagu bo gBop Ko^epry u xge6Hyro gona-Ty, BticTaBgagu ge3BueM BBepx Tonop, BTtiKagu b 3eMgro ho», c»uragu ocBa^eHHyro Bep6oByro BeTKy, Maxagu Ha ryny u yrpo»agu en BeTKoñ, ocBa^eHHoñ Ha Tpou^y, u t. n. - Hapagy c Maru^ecKuMu geñcTBuaMu, ucnogHaeMtrnu npo^eccuoHagtHtiM rpa-go6ypHuKoM - ^puH^uHapoM - Moñceñ 2008: 13, 15, 88-92). y^uTBiBaa, hto npaKTuKa rpo3uTt Ty^aM u MaxaTt Ha hux kocoh u cepnoM («pe3aTt» ux) HaxogaT aHagoruu b co^uHeHuax puMcKux aBTopoB I u IV bb. h^. (Moñceñ 2006: 258, cHocKa 3), mo»ho npegnogo»uTt, hto ^Tu o6pagt ugu, no KpañHeñ Mepe, ux nacTt, uMeeT uHgoeBpo-neñcKue KopHu (cp. aHagoru^HHñ BtBog no oTHomeHuro K o6pagy Bt3tBaHua go»ga dodona - TogcToñ, TogcTaa 1995: 79). ^to6bi 6HcTpee npeKpaTuTt rpag, Kugagu rpaguHy 3a na3yxy: Tomo ca 6pano, Ka-Meub... TaK, npecuo. Ea6a rpeü6unKa mopo6una. Memana co6i my 3a mymo. Bua ^oe^o 3 ^Ta TeMa nogpoÓHo paccMaTpuBagact b cTaTtax Hukuth Hgtuna u CBeTgaHH MuxañgoBHH TogcTtix (TogcToñ 1995a, 1995b; TogcTaa 1999; TogcTaa, TogcToñ 2003; TogcToñ 2003 u pag gp.) 86- MAPHHA M. BAttE^OBA Hocuna mymo mina, mo 3a nniuemu Memana. nniuema e maKa 6nw.sKa is ceoe^o no-nomHa... hk npa^eHa, Ha Kawduü deHb ca Hocuno c KypmuMa pyKaeaMu, eumueKa 6una [Hago 6tino, hto6 rpagHHa Btmana CHH3y?] reü, npecHo (y6na). HHorga (KaK u b nonecte) rpagHHy 6pocanu 3a na3yxy pe6eHKy, HTo6ti oHa TaM pacTaana: do nasyxu 3MeMemanu, Kidb nadano, ma dimboM... Mamu do nasyxu daeanuMemam, moMemanu HaM... mo capocmonuno. HH^opMaHTKa He noMHHT, gon^eH nu 6tin 6tiTt ^TO nepBtiH unu nocnegHHH pe6eHOK b ceMte, ho noMHHT, hto MaTt 6pocana rpagHHy 3a na3yxy en, a oHa 6tina nocnegHHM pe6eHKoM (CTpuroB^). nogo6Htie geHcTBua mHpoKo pacnpocrpaHeHti y kkhhx cnaBaH: y 6onrap rpagHHy pacKyctiBan nepBtiH HnH nocnegHHH pe6eHoK b ceMte. y cnoBeH^B nepBtie rpaguHti nn6o cieganu, nn6o coBanu hx 3a muBopoT nog oge^gy. H3BecTHti ^TH npaKTHKH h b nonecte, Ha PoBeH^uHe h ^HToMup^uHe (Toncron, ToncTaa 2003: 135-136, 142-143). Bo BpeMa nepBoro rpoMa npoBognnnct npeBeHTHBHtie ne^e6Htie puryanti: 6pann nepBtiH nonaBmuHca KaMeHt h cnerKa 6nnn ce6a hm no ronoBe c cooTBeTcTByro^HMH npuroBopaMu: mo sHanu ydapumu KaMeHeM no ^onoei, a6u ^onoea He 6onina: «A6u hh ^onoea He 6onuna» (ynun KpuBe). EepeMe KaMeHb a maK do ^onoeu noKoymae, we6u 6una maKa ^onoea sdopoea, hk mom KaMeHb. Kedb nepwu pas uyey, we sa^piMumb. KaMeHb, a maK do eonoeu, no mpupa3 maK nooHadwymb, ma eepm, we 6odaü maKa 6una sdopoea, hk mom KaMeHb. Eodaü hh Hun He 6onino (y6na). Hk nepmuü pas sa^piMuno, ma esHnu KaMeHb, a no ^onoei ca 6unu: «rpiMumb, ^piMumb, e MeHe ^onoea He 6onumb, modu hh 3a6onum, Konu Chuhckuü KaMeHb ceopum» (HexBant üonaHKa), aHanoru^HtiH npuroBop, ho 6e3 6uTta KaMHeM no ronoBe, 3HaroT b c. CrpuroB^: rpiMumb, ^piMumb, e MeHe ^onoea He 6onumb, 6odaü hh modu sa6onina, hk Chuhckuü KaMeHb &opumb. Mu^onorna KaMHa o6mupm, b tom nucne KaMeHt Bonno^aeT u cuMBonroupyeT rpoM u MonHHro (rpoMoBtie crpenti), y^acTByeT b Mu^onoruHecKux cro^eTax o «KaMeHHoM He6e», «KaMeHHoM rpage», a b pycHHcKHx, cnoBa^KHx u pyMtmcKux guaneKTax cnoBo «KaMeHt» aBnaeTca TaK^e o6o3Ha^eHueM rpaga: pycuH. KaMeHei¡, KaMeHb, cnoBan. guan. u nHTep. kamenec; pyMtiH. piatra. B pyMtmcKoH TpagH^HH cnoBo KaMeHt MoTHBHpyeT u Ha3BaHue rpagooTroHHHKa -pietrar. mo^ho roBopuTt o MOTHBa^HH «KaMeHt > rpag» h b repMaHcKux guaneKTax, cp.: steinern 'ugTu (o rpage)', stein(d)eln 'ugeT rpag', cp. TaK^e aHrn. hailstone, stone 'rpaguHa') (nogpo6Hee cm.: MoHceH 2008: 86, 136, 128; BaneH^OBa 2019). Marua Bti3tiBaHua go^ga ocHoBaHa Ha npegcTaBneHuax o cBa3u 3eMHoH u He6ecHoH Bnaru, hto 6e3ycnoBHo aBnaeTca npegcTaBneHueM apxaunecKUM. no coo6^eHuaM hh-^opMaHToB, ecnu gonro He 6tino go^ga, Hago 6tino H3 pacnono^eHHoro HenoganeKy negHHKoBoro o3epa MopcKe oko B3aTt Bogti u BtinuTt noHeMHory b 9 hctohhhkob - Torga BcKope noHgeT go^gt (CrpuroB^). Kedb 6uno cy°xo dywe, ma xodunu... Ha cmyHHuKu, He sHae KynbKo, cím, nu KynbKo? A s hux 6panu mymo, eody 6panu. A He sHae, de uxnnHnu. - Ty do moeo, we Fycmeeoeo cmyÓHuxa, eeü do eHHoeo cmydHuKa. ...Xodunu xnonu, ca nos6epanu, a xodunu HayKono no myoü... mo cymb maKu cmyHHuuKu no nonrn, i s cum cmyHHuKye 6panu my eody, a nomoMy ewe enHnu my do mo^o, my edeH cmydHuK 6bie, rycmme cmydHuK [nene6Htffl pogHHK, Ha3BaHue KoToporo npou3BogHo ot 6one3Hu ^ocme^ 'peBMaTH3M']... (y6na). OB APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX: HAPOflHOH KYgBTYPbl PYCHH BOCTO^HOH CgOBAKHH 87 ApxannecKHM TaK^e npegcTaBnaeTca MarnnecKaa npaKTHKa Bti3tiBaHHa go^ga c noMO^tro 3aKanHBaHHa b 3eMnro «XTOHHHecKHX» ähbgthbix - narymKH, y®a, a^epH^i, HMero^HX B03geäcTBHe Ha He6ecHyro Bnary. B c. CTpnroBne noMHaT o 3aKantiBaHHH paKa pagn Bti3tiBaHHa go^ga: To paKa, iyo6u do^ nadan, paKa 3a6unu, a maK ^opi [3a-Konann], He maK, a maK ^opi, onanHO [to ecTt Ha cnHHe]. B gpyrax o6nacTax yKpaHHti pagn ^T0^0 y6HBann nayKOB Hnn paKa (XMentHHnKaa o6n.), paKa (.HtBOBcKaa o6n.), npaKTHKa H3Becma TaK^e ro^HtiM cnaBaHaM (ToncTaa 1986: 24-25). B pogHHHOH o6pagHocTH coxpaHHnoct gocTaTOHHO MHoro MarnnecKHX 3anpeT0B h npegnncaHHH, H3BecTHtix BceM cnaBaHcKHM TpagH^HaM, HeKOToptie H3 KOToptix co6nrogaroTca go chx nop (HanpHMep, 3anpeT 6epeMeHH0H xogHTt Ha noxopoHti). no 3anncaHHtiM b o6cnegoBaHHtix cenax gaHHHM, nepeeama Ha no^pe6 He mana imu, a hk xone imu, mycumb nepeeHe damu HapyKy nu Ha H0^y (hto6bi pe6eH0K He 6tin 6negHHM, KaK noKOHHHK). BepeMeHHOH Hent3a nepecTynaTt nepe3 BepeBKy - 60 nynonHa mHypa komo wuï ca 3aKpymumb; en cnegGBano ocTeperaTtca, htg6h npn Hcnyre He cxBaTHTtca 3a cBoe Teno - HHane 6ygeT pogHMoe naTHO Ha Tene pe6eHKa. KaK paccKa3ana HH^op-MaHTKa, y ee 6paTa naTHO Ha Hore b BHge orypna - noTOMy hto MaTt, HocHBmaa ero, 3axoTena copBaTt orypen b cocegcKOM oropoge, ho cocegKa yBHgena ^T0 h »eH^HHa, HcnyraBmHct, cxBaTHnact 3a Hory (PycKHH ügtgk). nogo6HHe 3anperti mnpoKG pacnpo-cTpaHeHH b cnaBaHcKOM MHpe (cm. b pycHHcKon Tpagnnnn: MymHHKa 1961: 107). Bce 3TH aeñcTBHa HMeroT xapaKTep oneHt gpeBHeH KGHTarHG3HGH Hnn HMHTaTHBHGH MarHH. 06^ecnaBaHcKHM aBnaeTca h noBepte o tom, hto pe6eH0K, po^geHHtin «b py6am-Ke», 6ygeT cnacTnHBtiM: y Hac ^eapamb, we hk e ninnamu ca Hapoduno ma we momu nmöu cymb ^acnueu. - Ho ma eoHa au 3Hana [t. e. Ta, hto pognnact «b py6amKe», 6tina e^e h 3HaxapK0H, BegyHteH] (CTpnroBne); e ninnami ca Hapodun - we mom dimeaK ^acnueuu (y6na) h gp. B ynnne po^geHHe «b py6amKe» TaK^e OTHTaeTca go6ptiM 3HaK0M: HapodweHuu e nénneKy - we acu do6pe imaHH, do6pi ca mae. reapHm, do6pe ca mae, we ca e nin^ Hapodun. H paccKa3ann cnyqan g tgm, KaK ogHa ^eH^HHa, pogHB gont e ni^y, He GTgana ero gonepH, 3a6pana ce6e, BMecTe co cnacTteM gonepn (we OHa od Heï 63Hna, mo eHa mana ^acmn). ^THM gencTBHeM h o6iacHanH Bce gantHenmne HecnacTta ee gonepn (chh norn6, caMa paHO ocTanact BgoBoH, noTOM OBgoBena h ee gont) h ogHOBpeMeHHO cnacTte h gonronerae caMOH MaTepn (eH y»e 86 neT). PaccKa3HHnti 6tinH yBepeHti b tom, HTO ecnn 6h ^T0T «nenen» MaTt nepegana cBoeH gonepn, »H3Ht nocnegHen cno-»Hnact 6h 6onee cnacTnHBO. ^pyrne 3HaKH, c KOToptiMH po^gannct geTH - 3y6, gnHHHHe BonocH, gBe MaKymKH - HH^opMaHTti oneHHBanH KaK He6narGnpnaTHHe, npegBe^aro^He, htg pe6eHGK 6ygeT BegtMaKOM, «3Haro^HM», BaMnnpoM h T.n. B KpecTHntHHX o6pagax apxannecKGH aBnaeTca npaKTHKa nepegaBaTt GKpe^eHHGro pe6eHKa b goM nepe3 gkhg. Ta 3Hanu we nepe3 okho [nepegaBara]: «3hmu 3me Heeimmm, npuHecnu eam KpecHHmKO» (PycKHH noTOK). AHanorHHHHH npnrGBGp npGH3HGcnnH b c. ynnn: OdHecnu 3me wudyyna, npuHecnu 3me KpecHyyna; a ecnn b ceMte nacTO yMHpann HGBGpG^geHHHe, TG b KyMOBta 6panH nepBHX BcrpeneHHtix, a pe6eHKa nocne Kpe^eHHa 88- MAPHHA M. BAttE^OBA nepegaBanu Hepe3 okho: HaüdeHux KyMye - ude nymey a Ko^o cmpemHem. ^epe.3 o6naK ^o damu... ma 30cmae wumu (ynun). nepega^a nenoBeKa unu npegMeToB nepe3 okho oTHocuTca k gpeBHuM cnoco6aM o6MaHa CMepTH u 6one3Hu. ^epe3 okho nepegaBanu pe6eHKa gna Kpe^eHua unu co-Bepmanu o6pag «Kynnu-npoga^u» pe6eHKa 3a cuMBonunecKyro nnaTy KpecTHoMy, cny^añHoMy npoxo^eMy, HH^eMy (pyc., nonec., KapnaT., ro.-cnaB.) (BuHorpagoBa, .HeBKueBcKaa 2004: 536). B cBage6Hon o6pagHocTu TaK«e oTMe^aeTca MHo^ecTBo apxaHHHMX ^neMeHTOB: peMHHHc^eH^HH Kpa«u u noKynKH HeBecTH, ge^nopa^HH Monogoñ «eHBi He »eHHXüM, a cTapmHM pogcTBeHHHKoM4, KaK ^To mo«ho 3aKnro^uTB no cnoBaM necHH, conpoBo-«garo^eñ mapoeu TaHe^ b koh^ cBagB6Bi: A Monoduü He Mowe, ma ewe dpy^6a noMowe; 3Ha^eHue ^THX cnoB npoacHaeT cToa^uñ pagoM cmapocma, Ha3Hanaro^HH cnegyro^ero TaH^yro^e^o c HeBecToñ, nog aKKoMnaHeMeHT necHH: A nydb dieKa do nona, Kedb mu mpe6axnona... (y6na). Ha Bonpoc, kto nepBBiñ men c HeBecToñ TaH^-BaTB, b Ynune oTBenanu: Cmapocma acu nepmuü eeóe Heeicmy maHb^eamu, a nomoMy hu KpecHuü... ewe naKpoduHa ide, nocmynHe, momapoduHa - mo mumKu udymb 3 Hey maHb^eamu. Mernx nocnidHuü e, naK 6epe a... [yBogHT]. K c^e^H^HHecKOH TepMuHonoruu b pycuHcKoñ cBagB6e paccMaTpuBaeMoñ o6nacTu oTHocuTca Ha3BaHHe o6pagoBoro neHua h caMHX cBage6HBiX neceH: co6upaTenBHoe námKam, námrnHe, rnaron námKamu, cy^ecTBHTenBHoe námrnHKa. HamKaHHH - mo cymb nicHu, hku ca cnieaeymb Ha ceadb6i: Korga Monogaa npo^a-eTca c poguTenaMu u c goMoM (od6épamb ca), Korga Hgyr ot Monogoñ k MonogoMy, namKano ca u b goMe y Monogoro, Korga TaH^yroT mapoeu, co6cTBeHHo, b Te^eHue Bceñ cBagB6n. Ho 6Binu Ha cBagB6e u gpyrue necHH, KoTopBie «naTKaHBeM» He Ha3BiBanucB, noToMy hto HMenu gpyroe cogep«aHue (y6na). HanpuMep, namKanu npu nneTeHuu BeHKoB H3 6apBHHKa gna «eHHXa u HeBecTB (HeXBanB nonaHKa). MmKaHe... ceadb6a, mo namKano, He? cnieaeymb, namKaeymb, ^eü, maK ^eapamb, namKamu mpe6a. To 6unu momu ceamKu, momu namKanu. ffaKonu mo 6uno... (noeT Ha ne^anBHyro Menoguro): nonyd xuwy me^ep^a (2 pa3a) ffecb mo Hama Monodia. BiHoHeKoM o6HaHeHa (2 pa3a) EapeuHóHoK nocbenHeHa... (ynun) Taxu cnieaHKu, maK namKanu, maK - hk imnu 3a Monoó^oy, mo maK cnieanu (Kto?) -Mohu, ceamKbi, podaKbi, poómKbi; Mowe maM cornHKu [KyXapKu] 6unu... Wo coKaHunu a mo maK cnieanu. ... -Rk imnu no 6apemoK, mo maK icmo maK cnieanu, He? -reü, Ha 6apemoK cmapocma imoe c naneHKoy... (ynun). Ha3BaHue neceH o6pa3oBaHo ot o6^ecnaBaHcKoro npogyKTuBHoro KopHa *lad-'nopagoK, cornacue'. B onucaHuu pycuHcKoñ cBagBñrn XIX b. TepMuH 3anucaH c 4 HanpuMep, y yKpauH^B - óxóeü, ópywKoü, cmapmuM ceamoM, cmapocmoü, 6paToM unu OT^OM «eHuXa, My«eM cecTpH unu gpyruMu yHacTHuKaMu cBagtÓBi. PuTyantHHe oTronocKu 3Toro geñcTBua coXpaHunucb TaK«e b cBageÓHHX o6pagaX y cep6oB, cnoBaKoB, nonaKoB (rypa 2012: 526-527). OB APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX: HAPOflHOH KYgBTYPbl PYCHH BOCTO^HOH CgOBAKHH 89 ^THMono^HnecKHM d b KopHe: nadKaHKa b 3HaneHHH «cBage6Haa necHa», «necHa cBa-meK Ha cBagt6e» h nadKarnm «noroT cBage6Htie necHH»; nadKanu npn BHTte BeHKOB H3 6apBHHKa, npn noxoge Ha BeHnaHHe, nocne BeHnaHHa h ganee b TeneHHe cBagt6ti (^C 1891: 145, 146, 147, 148 h ganee). B ogHoM H3 onncaHHH cBagt6ti, y»e cepegHHti XX b., noMe^eHHoM b ,3,yKna, neHHe cBage6Htix neceH TaK^e Ha3BaHo TepMHHoM nammrnmb (MnHHapnn 1954: 68). B MoHorpa^HH o cnaBaHcKoñ cBagt6e AneKcaHgp Bhktopobhh rypa npHBogHT TepMHHonornro c KopHeM nad-, KoTopaa Ha pa3Htix ^Ta^ax cBagt6ti MapKHpyeT go-cTH^eHHe goroBopa, cna^HBaHHa gena, cornacna: b HOMHHa^HH cBaToB - pyc. pa3aH. naduno, opnoB. nadb, naduHb, nocKontKy cBaTti yna^HBann geno (rypa 2012:147); cBaToBcTBa - pyc. opnoB. nad, nadb, nadurni, pyc. Tyn., pa3aH. nadKoeamb (rypa 2012: 385); o6pyneHHa - pyc. apocnaB. cnaweme, opnoB. nad, nadb, naduHb, 6en. 6pecT., BHneH. nad, yKp. poBeH. doóueamb nad (rypa 2012: 407); b Ha3BaHHH goroBopa o npn-gaHoM (na^e Bcero Ha cMoTpHHax, 3anoHHax, o6pyneHHH): Tyn. nada, Kyp. naduHKu, non. nro6nHH. lady, 3aMoñcK. ladzenie (rypa 2012: 324). B 6onrapcKoñ cBagt6e nadou Ha3tiBann ogeTyro b Hapag HeBecTti geBonKy, iMe-ro^yro xkbkx pogmeneñ, KoTopaa npHHocrn Bogy gna 3aMemHBaHHa cBage6Horo KapaBaa (p-H BenorpagnHKa, c.-3. Bonrapna - rypa 2012: 248). y cnoBeH^B KopeHt nad- BcTpenaeTca b Ha3BaHHH pHTyantHtix nepcoHa^eñ - «nagapn^>, KoToptie b boc-KpeceHte nocne HBaHoBa gHa ycTpaHBann cHMBonnnecKyro ivansku svatbu: geBymKH Bti6npanH «»eHHxa» h «HeBecTy», H3o6pa»ann «gpy^eK» «eHHxa h HeBecTti h t. g. (Bena KpaHHa - rypa 2012: 751). TepMHH nadKaHbe /namKaHbe, nadKaHKa / namKaHKa HMeeT orpaHHneHHoe pacnpo-cTpaHeHHe. PaccMaTpHBaeMtie pycHHcKHe o6pagoBtie TepMHHti c KopHeBtiM d nnn m BKnroneHti b pag cnoBapeñ pycuHcKux roBopoB Boctohhoh CnoBaKHH5 c o6^hm 3HaneHHeM 'cBage6Hoe neHHe, cBage6Haa necHa': nadKaHKa f ^th.) - cBage6Haa necHa: cnÍBann go HÓnn; Monogyñ cnÍBánn cnÍBaHKy: nocíana-M KpyTy pyTy b cÍHex Ha noMÓcTi; nádKaHH n - npnroBapHBaHHe, yroBapHBa-HHe; ^th. My3.) «nenantHaa cBage6Haa necHa»; cBage6Haa necHa b tom pacxogmca c npocTtiM neHHeM, nTo ee noroT oco6eHHtiM thxhm h nenantHtiM tohom; nádrnmu (Koró) - npnroBapHBaTt, yroBapHBaTt; ^th. My3.) - neTt cBage6Hyro necHro; cBamKtí 3ánann «gañ, Bó^e, gó6ptiñ nac, // aK y nrogóñ, TaK h b Hac» (Kepna 2007: 463); ladkanka, f - cBage6Haa necHa, nacTo c ^poTHnecKHM cogep^aHHeM; ladkati imp. (~ sokacky) - neTt o6pagoBtie cBage6Htie necHH: svašky vžestali ladkati ^isková 2009: 90); namKamu, namKaM - neTt necHH 6tiToBoro cogep^aHna (nnpTeñ 2001: 184). TepMHH npncyTCTByeT TaK^e b CnoBape yKpaHHcKoro a3tiKa B.,3,. rpHHneHKo: nád-KaHKa - cBage6Haa necHa; nádKaHHH - cBage6Hoe neHHe, a TaK^e h caMH cBage6Htie necHH; nádrnmu - neTt cBage6Htie necHH (rpHHneHKo 1908: 340), ho 6tiTyeT npen-My^ecTBeHHo b 3anagHo-yKpaHHcKHx (ero HeT, HanpHMep, b noneccKHx) gnaneKTax: 3aKapnaTcKHx: látkati: [npn tom 6apBHHKe naTKann, TaKH nicHi cniBann] (HnKona-eB, ToncTaa 2001: 112); nádKaHe - neHHe cBage6Htix neceH bo BpeMa npnroToBneHHa 5 OgHaKo ero He oKa3anoct b cnoBapax: Hnát 2003, flyga 2011, TypnHH 2011. 90- MAPHHA M. BAttE^OBA BeHKOB gna Monogtix, a TaKse 3anneTaHHa MonogoH; nádKamu - neTt cBage6Htie necHH bo BpeMa npnroTOBneHHa BeHKOB gna Monogtix, 3anneTaHHa MonogoH: Kyü nnemym emKbi ma namKaüym (c. Cokhphh^ - Ca6agom 2008: 158); 6ohkobckhx: náÓKaHKa - cBage6Haa necHa; náÓKamu, námKamu - neTt cBage6Htie necHH: hk npuüÍ3Ó'um no Monody, mo ceáx'e námKaüym; idu nammymu - Hgn k nepTy (OHHmKeBHH 1984: 402); námKaHKa, f, ^TH. - cBage6Haa o6pagoBaa necHa. MmKawm námKaHKu mo^^u', Konu e'rnm eínty, ma MonodóMy, ma cmápocmi, ma Kyxáp^, ma ceá-xaM, ma Konu Mono^ó^o 3aeódHm Ha nocád, ma Konu Monoduü npuxódum 3a Monodóe, Konu píwym Kopoeáü, Konu Monoduü 3a6upam Monody; námKaHH n ^TH. - geHcTBHe co 3HaneHHeM námKamu: 3pma námKaHH, a eemu'pu eáüKaHH; námKamu imp. ^TH. - neTt cBage6Htie o6pagoBtie necHH (náTKaHKH): Móh mímKa MápH no ecux eucínHx námKana (MaTiiB 2013: 252); HaggHecTpaHcKHx: námKamu - neTt cBage6Htie necHH (fflnno 2008: 159); ^y^yntcKHx: námKamu o6p. - neTt o6pagoBtie necHH (Hefpnn 2008: 104); náÓKa-mu - neTt cBage6Htie o6pagoBtie necHH (3aKpeBctKa (ed.) 1997: 108); námKamu neTt cBage6Htie necHH: MmKaüme ycípásoM, Ceáxu 3Óupánu do rnnw6y Monodux i námKanu (Xo63eH, ^cTpeMctKa, Címobhh h gp. 2013: 363); námKaH'u - gocBage6HtiH o6pag y MonogoH; námKamu - coBepmaTt o6pag namKaH'u; neTt cBage6Htie necHH (ninam, ranac 2005: 92); 6yKOBHHcKHx: náÓKamu, námKamu, o6p. - neTt cBage6Htie necHH: Konuc eiciné sanmánocH e cy6ómy, 3Óupánucu óieKÚ, wúnu Monodí bíhók i námKanu. Bicine 6yno Mané, hu 6yno HáeiKb Kymy náÓKamu (ryHBaHroK 2005: 249). CnoBO náÓKaHHH 'pa3HOBHgHocTt cBage6Horo neHHa' c noMeToH «^ontKnopHoe», KOTopoe xoTt h He coBceM TonHO, ho b ^noM ygoBneTBopHTentHO OTpasaeT 3HaneHne, BKnroneHO b coBpeMeHHtin cnoBapt yKpaHHcKoro a3tiKa (cnoBO náÓKamu, ogHaKO, nprne-geHO KaK npoH3BogHoe ot nadoHb c 3HaneHneM 'xnonaTt b nagomn') (CyM 1973: 434). 3anagHO-BonHHcKHM roBopaM, pacnpocTpaHeHHtiM k ceBepy ot KapnaT, H3BecTHO cnoBO naóyeáme (pegKo) 'neTt cBage6Htie necHH' (Kop3OHroK 1987: 152). ^Ta ^opMa c a^^HKcoM -yea- (a He -k-) HepegKa h b 3aKapnaTcKHx roBopax, ho c gpyrHM 3Hane-HHeM, cp.: naóyeámu 'roTOBHTt, nogroTaBnnBaTt' (ryHBaHroK 2005: 249), naóyeámu 'roTOBHTt' (fflnno 2008: 158) h gp. KpoMe Toro, Ta se ^opMa c -yea- npegcTaBneHa b 6onrapcKOM: nadyeaM - 1. neTt «oh, Hago, oh, Hago» h 2. oneBaHne Kone^ b necHax nadaHKax; nadyeaHe - 1. ot nadyeaM, 2. o6tinaH b HeKOToptix MecTax, cornacHO KOTopoMy geBymKa nada xogHT 3a BogoH, ogeTaa KaK HeBecTa, b BeHKe h noKptrnane, b OKpyseHnn cBage6Htix cBax h b conpoBOsgeHHH gByx «geBepeH». TaK Ha3tiBaroT h bbihoc «kbhtkh», coBepmaro^nHca paHO yrpoM b BocKpeceHte, nepeg BeHnaHHeM. Oh conpoBOsgaeTca necHaMH, KOToptie noroT no nyrn ot goMa k ncTonHHKy, OKono kotoob c BogoH (ganee npnBognTca TeKcT nadyHKu) (repoB 3: 1). Mop^onornnecKaa napannent Mesgy yKpaHHcKHMH (BontmcKoH h 3aKapnaTcKoH) h 6onrapcKHMH ^opMaMH, a TaKse Hannnne ogHOKopeHHtix TepMHHOB c aHanornnHtiM 3HaneHHeM b pycHHcKHx gnaneKTax aBnaeTca e^e ogHHM yKa3aHHeM Ha cBa3H, cy^e-cTBOBaBmne HeKorga Mesgy yKpaHHcKHMH h 6onrapcKHMH gnaneKTaMH. OE APXAHHECKHX HEPTAX: HAPOflHOH KygETYPbl PYCHH BOCTO^HOH CHOBAKHH 91 TaK»e o6pa^aroT Ha ce6a BHHMaHHe ceMaHTunecKue (co cBage6HtiMH KoHHoTa-^MMH) u Mop^onorunecKue (c cy^^HKcoM -K-) napannenu k 3anagHo-yKpauHcKHM ^opMaM b pyccKHX guaneKTax: nádKuü 'xopomuH, rogHtin', nádvo 'xopomo, noBKo, yga^Ho' (HBaH.), nadKoeámb 'npuMupflTt; cBaTaTt' (p^3.) (CPHr 1980: 235). OopMa pyc. nadKuü mnaeTca npou3BogHon ot *ladb c cy^HKcoM *-bkb, u KpoMe pyccKoro ecTt b cep6oxopBaTcKoM: cTap. nadaK, -TKa, -tko 'matoum, nerKun', hto oTMe^aeTca KaK «nro6ontiTHafl cep6oxopBaTcKo-pyccKaa H3ornocca» ^CC-3 1987: 12). B ceMaHTH^ecKoM oTHomeHHH TepMHH nadKamu / namKamu, npoH3BogHtin ot o6-^ecnaBmcKoro *ladb, 6e3ycnoBHo, ucntiTan Bnumue cnoB *lada u lado, o6o3Ha^aro-^ux nro6uMoro nenoBeKa, cynpyra, cp.: cep6oxopB. lada ». p. '»eHa (cBoeMy My»y)', gp.-pyccK. nada, nada 'nacKaTentHoe Ha3BaHue cynpyra, Bo3nro6neHHoro u cynpyru, Bo3nro6neHHon', pyc. guan. nada ». p. 'cornacue, nonro6oBHaa cgenKa' (BopoH.), nada m. u ». p. 'My», »eHa (o6bihho no oTHomeHuro gpyr K gpyry') (^ontK., apx., 6enoMop., onoH., Bonor., HoBr., KypcK. u gp.), nada, ^ontK. 'My», cynpyr' (Bonor., Bnag., KocTp., apocn.), yKp. nada o6. p., nro6oBHoe Ha3BaHue ogHoro H3 nro6a^uxca unu ogHoro H3 cynpyroB (b ^o^3HH), 6onr. nada ». p. 'geBymKa b cBage6HoM o6traae nagyBaHe' u gp. PCCH 1987: 8-9). OopMantHo MoTHBupyro^uM cBage6Hoe neHue Mor 6bitb npuneB cBage6HBix ne-ceH «Hago, nago!», cp. b cnoBape nontcKux roBopoB npu cnoBe lado: "O Lado, Lado, druzebka z weselem!", "Rozplecze mi, tatuleñku, Oj, ladoj, ladoj, jeszcze z raz!", "Lado!" przyspiew u T.n. (Karlowicz 1903: 60), npu tom hto paccMaTpuBaeMtin TepMHH He 6tin o6Hapy»eH b nontcKux roBopax. B noxopoHHQH o6pagHocTH pycuH TaK»e HaxoguM oneHt gpeBHue aneMeHTti, HanpuMep: nepeKnagtrnaHHe TA»eno yMuparo^ero Ha 3eMnro; 3a»uraHue oKono noKoHHHKa cBe^u; oTKptrnaHue nu^ nepeg noxopoHaMu; ocTaBneHue Ha cTone xne6a, nocne noxopoH -Bogti u nonoTeH^; oxpaHa Tena u 6geHue Hag hhm no Ho^aM; «npo^aHue» noKoHHHKa c goMoM; Bepa b gopory Ha «tot» cBeT u HeKoToptie gpyrue. ^TH o6pagoBtie gencTBM cBugeTentcTByroT o coxpaHeHuu goxpucTuaHcKux npegcTaBneHHH o cMepTH, o gyme u ee nyTemecTBuu b hhoh Mup: noKoHHHK «yxoguT» He cpa3y, cHanana oh HaxoguTca b goMe, Bo3ne Tena u Bce BuguT u cnamuT, ero gyma npo^aeTca c MupoM nocTeneHHo; Ha «tom» cBeTe u no nyTH Tyga oh Hy»gaeTca b tom »e, neM nont3oBanca npu »H3HH - ege, nuTte, MtiTte, cBeTe, a TaK»e oge»ge, geHtrax u t. n. TaK, MynuTentHo yMuparo^ero ('yMupaTt' - 3aMepamb, KOHamb) nepeKnagtrnanu Ha non (PycKHH noToK). Ha 3eMnrn 3Hanu Knacmu - Kedb ewe dofeo ca mpanun, a He yMupae, mo Ha 3eMnrn, Ha ^ony 3eMnrn [Knanu], a [ronoBy] Ha cuneHy momy, mo cu comuna Ha BenuKdeHb, moma xnióyyKa, ma Ha xníóyyKy [can^eTKa, Korapon 3aKptiBanu Kop3HHKy c ocBA^aeMtiMH KymaHtflMu] ca daeano. reapunu, we Ha 3a¿noeKy dywe ca muwKo KOHamb (CTpuroB^). Ha cTone Bce BpeMa, noKa noKoHHHK b goMe, ne»HT xne6 (PycKHH noToK). Xni6 e Ha cmoni, hk yMpe, nonoweHuü, eoda He, a mo naK c muM xnióoM? Cynb He. Boda He. Ha cmyn nonowam xni6, a ee^ Hun (CTpuroB^). Éoü, Ha cmoni e xnu6, u necHoK, u cynb. Kedb doMa e [noKoHHHK] (ynun KpuBe). 92- MAPHHA M. BAttE^OBA OMtrroro noKOHHHKa CHa^ana Knanm Ha gocKH hah Ha naBKy: Ha eucionu a6o Ha do^KU KmanH (Y6na). n0T0M genan® rpo6 (nada), o6HBanH ero 6enBiM nonroTHOM. Ha n^o yMep-mero Knann 6enBin nnaTOK (na meepb daeaiu 6iiuü KanecnuK), kotopbih CHHMann nepeg noxopoHaMH. Ech noKpBiBann Teno TroneM, to oTKpBiBann n^o; b gpyrax MecTax, ecnn He oTKpHBann ronoBy, to b caBaHe, kotopbim 6Bm HaKpBrr noKOHHHK, BBipe3anH oTBepeme gna n^a - we6u eudie6. roBopann, hto raa3 y noKOHHoro oTKpBiBaeTca, ecnn Koro-To HeT goMa. no cnoBaM HH^opMaHTKH, y ee MaTepn raa3 oTKpBmca, noToMy hto ee ctma He 6Bmo b ^TO BpeMa goMa. PaHBme pyKH Knann Bgont Tena, a TenepB CKpemnBaroT Ha rpygn; Korga-To xopoHHn® 6e3 o6yBH, tohbko b qynKax, a TenepB o6yBaroT (CipnroB^). He ocTaBnann MepTBoro ogHoro b KoMHaTe. Oko.o Hero MonnnHCB, Monoge»B nrpana (MonamKu) (PycKHH noToK). Knann noKonHHKy b KapMaH MenKHe geHBrn, ho «6enBie», He «»enTBie» (He Meg-HHe), CHHTanocB, hto 6ygTo 6bi «»enTBie» geHBrn noKonHHK He BHgm: do mo^o Minty do Kimeni, a 6iii. Moemi ne... Ta ^eapamb, we ne eudi woemi. A menepbKa yw ne daeymb. H Korga xopoHHnn, b Mornny 6pocann «6enBie» geHBrn, hto6bi BBiKynHTB ^Ty Mornny: A Kedb ca xoeaio, mo do hmu ca Memaii 6iii Kopynu, we6u omKynuiu mymo MMy. TenepB CBa^eHHHKH He pa3pemaroT ^TO genaTB (CTpnroB^). Emme 3naiu nenem daKonu daeamu, do hmu (PycKHH üotok). «Benme» geHBrn coothocatca c gpeBHHM 6enHM TpaypoM, 6enHM ^eTOM «Toro» CBeTa hhh noTycTopoHHero MHpa (cm. Tohctoh 1995d), cp. TaK»e b pyccKOH CKa3Ke: y nemero, k KOTopoMy nonagaeT repon, goMa «gepeBeHCKaa nocyga, xne6, cepe6panue geHBrn» (EneoHCKaa 1994: 49). npu BHHoce rpo6a Tpn»gBi ygapann o nopor, o6o3Hanaa 3thm nocnegHee npo^aHHe yMepmero: u,es deepu, a na deepnx, na nopyey mpuxpam namiu jiady a maK dypmyiu do nopyea... we maxoühk nociidmpo3jynm, a maK. Ho TenepB non 3anpe^aeT 3to genaTB. ÜTKpHBann Bce gBepn, xneB, hto6h »HBOTHBie nonpo^anncB (hhh: we6u ca ^o^oeala xydo6a, we6u ne nymna 3a muM MepiuM - PycKHH noToK), oTKpBiBann mKa^H h cyH-gyKH, nepeBopaHHBann crynBfl, Ha kotopbix CToan rpo6 (CTpH^OB^e), we6u [cMepTB] ne mna do xuw cidumu (PycKHH noToK). [rpo6oM] mpuKpam do nopo^a 6yxny... Rk c xbiwu neciu (PycKHH noToK). Tpu pa3 muM do nopo^a, nadoy... ne 6yxai... maK - we ca nynumb (Y6na). Hago Tpn»gH ygapHTB rpo6oM o Ka»gHH nopor, nepe3 kotophh bhhoc^t - mo do nopy^y, mo nopMaino, mpu Kpam na Kawduü nopy^, KyibKo e nopy-^oe. TaK 6bK>m mpu Kpam, ^eü. reapamb, we mo domu Mepmuü ememKo nye, mo ca po6um e xuwu. Me nomoM ewe ne [He 6ygeT cnHmaTB] (Y^hh KpHBe). ^TO nocnegHee o6tacHeHHe, CB^3aHHoe c pa3nyneHHeM gymn h Tena (nocKonBKy ^TO gyma b Tene hhh oko.o Tena BHgHT h cnumiT Bce BOKpyr), HMeeT cooTBeTCTBHe b pyccKOH TpagH^HH, rge MOTHBHpoBKa o6pagoBoro CTynaHM rpo6oM o nopor BHpa»eHa ^KC^^H^HTHO h noMHMo ^T0^0 ecTB c^e^Ha^BHHH TepMHH: «CTpaxoM nepeg ocTaBmenca b MepTBOM Tene gymoH o6tacHaeTca o6Braan «BHTpaxHBaTB gymy», T.e. TpacTH noKonHHKa Ha nopore, npn BHHoce H3 xaTH, b ceHax, b BopoTax, b none, npn BHoce b ^epK0BB h npn BHHoce (pyc. CMoneH.) (ToncTaa 1999a: 164). 6 O HeoóxogHMoCTH yMepmHM 3peHHa h CBeTa b 3arpo6HOM, TeMHOM MHpe cm. nogpoÓHee: ToncToH 1995c: 185-205. OE APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX: HAPOflHOH KynBTYPH PYCHH BOCTOTOOH CHOBAKHH 93 Tymo do^Kbi, mo newan Ha hux, mymo maK ^3 okho Menymb, au cMimH, hk 3aMeme no3adMepmeo^o CMimH, ma daxmo nepe3 o6naKMene, a daxmo... daKonu mo 6ujo maK, we cboh poduHa He 3aMimaja, neM daKU HiMuu, mo cy HiMu ... maKU Henompi6Hou, da mo^o KJbKanu xuwy 3aMimamb, a eyH maK cMimmH daKde Hec. A Myu yMep, da h paHo, pbHHHo h no3aMimaja, menep ywe He Kjuny HUKo^o, no3aMimaja-M, ma u... ^eapK, de h MaM mo CMimH? reapu, eep3 nepe3 okho (Ye[hh Kprne). Bti6pactiBaHHe Mycopa nočne yMepmero b okho H3BecTHO h b boctohhbix Hacrax yKpaHHBi (BnHorpagoBa, ■HeBKHeBCKaa 2004: 536). npu npo^aHHH bo gBope goMamHHe He nnaKanu, a npHHHTann - 3aeočbiju u 6icido-eanu Eo^ 3Hae mo He. [npHHHTann?] ffywe. y xbiwu, ane hk ewe 6panu mymy mpyHy, boh imno, we: «Hou» - aouKaju, doMambHi, mombi 6ji3KI (CrpHroB^). flaKonu Kedb xnon yMep a6o weHa - xnonu maK He uouKaju, ane weHbi maK uouKaju, we nydo. TenepbKa ewe He. [KaK ^TO Ha3BiBanoct?] HapeKaHH, HapeKanu (HexBant nonaHKa), HapiKaHHH, daKonu 3Haju 6a6u (ynrn Kprne). Bepnnn, hto noKa nenoBeKa He noxopoMT, gyma e^e b HeM nnn Hag hhm, h Bce cmrnHT h noHHMaeT, TontKo cKa3aTt He Mo^eT. yxogrn oHa y»e nočne noxopoH: fl He 3Haey no KynbKox dHbox, ^eapamb, we dyma... we mou nonoeiK my. noKbHj ^o He noxoeaeymb do 3eMHu, maK ^eapamb, we meH nonoeiK Kedb e Mepmeuu, maK dyma ^e e hk>m e. A we emMamb, we ^e emumKou HaoKono emMamb. Ane yw Kedb, He3HaM, ^ e hkm ^ Had hkm, ane we npocme meH nonoeiK emMamb. A Kedb ca noxoeamb e 3eMi, do enbiHbi, maK npocmeyw nomoM ma dyma odxad3a, a de omxad3a... Hnn: noKa non He npngeT Ha noxopoHti, noKa He nepeSgeT nepe3 nopor, nenoBeK Bce cntimrn: hk nyn npuude xoeamb Ha xoeaHHH, a hk ewe nepeKponumb nopyx, a yw modu yw He nye. TaK xymoHunu, we noKu... we eyH nye emumKou, noKu nyn He npuude xoeamu (CTpnroBne). Monogtix xopoHHnn KaK »eHHxa h HeBecTy, h o6pynanBHBie Kontna Ha nogyme^Ke Hecnn (CTpHroBne). BmemKo maK, hko 6u ca oddaeana (ynHHCKe KpHBe). B Morany cHa^ana 6pocann no ropcTH 3eMnn: ¿nuHy 3Hanu eepcmu. A ^e 3Hanu neHern daeamu - do hmu (PycKHH Hotok). HHTepecHa HHTep^peTa^m noxopoH HeKpe^eHoro MnageH^ b c. CrpuroB^. MepT-Bopo^geHHoro pe6eHKa noxopoHHnn 6e3 nona, Ha Kparo Knag6n^a; MaTt gon^Ha 6Bina ceMt neT He ecTt go cb. ^Ha (HBaHa Kynann) arogH h nonHBaTt MornnKy ocBa^eHHon Ha nacxy Bogofi, a Ha cegtMofi rog gaTt MnageHny hms. KaK 6ygTo noKpecTHna pe6eHKa (CTpnroBne). B nepByro hohb Be^epoM nočne noxopoH cTaBHnn Ha cTon MHCKy c BogoS (HHorga Begpo BogH Ha cTyn) h Knann nonoTeHne - we dyma ca ide Mbimu ^e eenep... no cnoBaM HH^opMaHTKH, Korga yMep ee geg, ^onoTeH^e 6Bino MoKpoe, noToMy hto gyma yMepmero npnxognna omhtbcs (pHHHo ymepaK 6uj MoKpbiu e paHo - we dyma ide ^e ca onucmumb (PycKHH hotok). B nepByro nonHo^t Ha cTone cTaBHnn TapenKy c BogoS, pagoM py^HHK - hto6bi gyma yMHnact. CeMta He cnrn nocne noxopoH go nonHo^H. KaKoS-To cnenHantHoS noMHHantHoS egH He 6nno (y6na). y Hac hk yMpe, mo ca dae maHip Ha cmun upyuHuK. ... flK ewe ^o nyxoeaKmb, meimHmb ^e My ceim-no, Hy a Ha cmun dadymb eody, neHern dadymb, maKu dpi6Hu do eodbi, au pymmiK, 6o ca npbide dyma Mbimu, we6bi Mana noemepamb. Ta eoda Ha maHbepu. Tedb ebinumb 94- MAPHHA M. BAttE^OBA eoHKa (HexBant nonaHKa). H MyKy cBmann, hto6bi yBHgeTt cnegBi yMepmero, Korga oh npngeT yMBiBaTtca b Ty hohe nocne noxopoH: Au eoda ca dae, maK eenyp ywe maK no no^pu6i ca dae eoda au ymepaK. ffo naeopa ane6o do eidpa. npuude, ca Mue. A ^e 3Hanu ^eapmu, we MyKy maK dooKona mo^o, we 6ydy eudumu, we ^u 6yöy dawu mymo cmonu, we mo ^u mo ma dyrna npumna ca Mumu (CTpnroB^). Bepnnn, hto CMepTt HneHa ceMtH b ijenöM 0Ka3BiBaeT He6naronpHaTHoe B03gencTBHe Ha ocTaBmHxca b »hbbix h Bce x03ancTB0. 06bihho 06 ^T0M He paccKa3BiBaroT, ho no onBny, roBopunu HH^opMaHTKH, H3BecTH0, hto ecnu 6an b göMe nöKöHHHK, to hto-hh-6ygt gypHöe ga cnyHHTca: ^u Kypwu nyudymb [nogoxHyT], ^u ManKa, tyi nec (y6na). npncyrcTBHe yMepmero omy^aeTca ^nBin rog. ,3p chx nop co6nrogaeTca 3anpeT 6enHTt b göMe b TeHeHHe roga nocne CMepTH Koro-nn6o H3 HneHOB ceMtn: maK 3Hanu we pyK He 6inumu. He 3Hae noM. A Kedb daxmo xomie we 6inumu, ma numunu oduH maKuu, mpowKy e po3i we He6ineHou, ane noM... To pyK mpe6a 6uno we6u He 6inumu (ynHH KpHBe). 3a piK ce He 6innmb xuwy. Ho mo 3amo we yMep 3 xuwu (HexBant nonaHKa). 3anpeT Ha 6eneHHe co6nroganca bo Bcex cnaBÄHCKHx Tpag^nax pagn Toro, hto6bi He 3aMa3aTt rna3a noKonHHKaM, t. e. hto6bi ohh He ocnennn, a npn Heo6xogn-MöCTH no6enKH ocTaBnann Hego6eneHHBiM yron (TepHOBcKaa 1995: 149). K HHcny apxannecKHx noxopoHHBix o6BiHaeB, coxpaHHBmnxca y pycHH Boctoh-hoh CnöBaKHH, a TaK^e b 3anagH0-yKpaHHCK0H Tpag^HH (cm. .HeBKHeBcKaa 1999) npHHagne^aT urpBi npu noKOHHHKe. O6BiHan 6geHHa Hag yMepmHM H3BecTeH MHorHM HHgoeBponencKHM HapogaM, «npnneM, HanpHMep, h xopBaTCKHe «KapMHHe» h He-Me^KHe Totenwache TaK^e conpoBO^gannct HrpaMH, myTKaMH h 3a6aBaMH» (ryceB 1974: 54). O a3BiHecKHx o6pagax, cBa3aHHBix c TaH^MH, neHHeM h yro^eHHeM npn nöKöHHHKe ynöMHHaeT ^eHeK 3n6pT, npHBoga b goKa3aTentCTBö ^pKOBHBie 3anpeTBi Ha hx HcnonHeHHe HaHHHaa c VIII b.: «3anpe^aeTca Hag MepTBBiMH neTt gtaBontcKHe necHH, BBiTBöpaTt myTKH h TaH^BaTt», Tpe6öBanoct, hto6bi «nöKöHHHK 6Bin nörpe6eH cepte3Hö, c yBa^eHHeM, c 6oa3Htro; HHKöMy He go3Bonanoct neTt necHH gtaBontcKHe, HcnonMTt HrpBi h TaH^i, KöTopBie BBigyManH ä3hhhhkh no Hay^eHHro caTaHBi» (Zfbrt 1895: 11-12). npHBognn 3n6pT h cBHgeTentcTBö apa6cKoro nncaTena XI b. Ant-Ba-KpH (npaBga, 3aHMcTB0BaHH0e hm y gpyrax aBTopoB) o tom, hto cnaBaHe «pagyroTca h BecenaTca npn c^nraHHH yMepmero h yraep^garoT, hto hx pagocTt h hx BecenocTt [npoHcxogHT] ot Toro, hto ero [noKonHHKa] rocnogt c^annnca Hag hhm» ^ht. no: KyHHK, Pö3eH 1878: 55). O6BiHan cnpaBnaTt TpH3Hy b naMaTt 06 yMepmeM gep^annct e^e gonro nocne npHHaraa xpncTHaHcTBa, b tom HHcne y HexoB, cyga no noBTopeHHro 3anpeTöB Ha nrpn^a b XI h XII bb. (Zíbrt 1895: 12-13). Cpegn yKpaHHcKHx Hrp «npn Mep^H» Han6onee apxaHHHH Te, rge caM nöKöHHHK öKa3HBanca 06teKT0M pa3nHHHHx 3a6aB h myTOK - Korga noKöHHHKa geprann, ca^ann, BHHöcnnH, npaTann, no^nnnct Ha ero MecTO h T.n. no MHeHHro BHKTopa EBreHteBHHa ryceBa, b ^T0M «Han6onee HenocpegcTBeHHO BBipa^anoct npegcTaBneHHe o npHHacT-hocth yMepmero k geaHMM »hbhx: oh KaK 6h npogon^an BecenHTtca co BceMH h «myTa» nepecenanca H3 ogHoro MHpa b gpyron». Ho «y®e b 3aKapnaTcKHx noxopoHHHx nrpax k XIX—HaHany XX b. cMex h myTKH nepecTann BBmonHaTt gpeBHenmyro pHTy-antHyro ^yHK^Hro h b co3HaHHH caMHx HcnonHHTenen, no Ha6nrogeHHaM 3. Ky3enn h OB APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX: HAPOflHOH KYgBTYPbl PYCHH BOCTO^HOH CgOBAKHH 95 n. r. BoraTBipeBa, BocnpiHUManucB KaK yBeceneHue npucyTcTByro^ux npu noKoHHiKe, KaK co6cTBeHHö KöMHHecKoe npegcTaBneHie» (ryceB 1974: 54-55). OnucaHiro urp npn noKöHHHKe, Ha3BiBaeMBix nonamKyeannn, nonamKu KöHKpeTHo b peruoHe npameB^uHBi (Bocra^Haa CnoBaKia) nocBa^eHa cTaTBa Hocu^a Bapxona (Bapxon 1995). noMHMo o63opa ony6nuKoBaHHBix cBegeHuñ o6 ^Tux urpax b YropcKon Pycn (cTaTBH AHaTonua Kpanu^KO^o, BnagiMupa rHaTroKa, BnagiMupa fflyxeBina, Mpua ^aTKoBH^a, 3eHoHa Ky3enu) b Heñ npuBogaTca noneBBie MaTepuanBi caMoro aBTopa (34 urpBi), 3anucaHHBie b 70-80-x rogax XX b. b cenax Chhh^uhbi (b oTgenB-hhx cenax HrpH Torga e^e npaKTiKoBanucB), To ecTB b tom caMoM peruoHe, rge mbi no6BiBanu cnycTa no^Ti 30 neT. HrpH npn noKoHHiKe, 3anucaHHBie H. BapxonoM, pa3nunaroTca TeMaTmecKH (urpBi c yragHBaHHeM ygapHBmero, «napoBaHieM», T.e. cocTaBneHueM nap, genoBaHieM, 6opB6oñ u copeBHoBaHHeM) u npaKTH^ecKH He i3o6pa»aroT co6cTBeHHo noKoHHiKa (bo3mo^-ho, noKoHHHK Mor nogpa3yMeBaTBca b urpe «CynB npogaBaTu», unu «CynB TaraTu», cm. Bapxon 1995: 230), He roBopa y»e o6 urpoBBix geñcTBiax c caMiM hokohhhkom. OnucBiBaroTca urpBi c bohckoboh TeMaTUKoñ, c mothbom nogKoBBiBaHia (iMero^iM ^pöTUHecKyro cuMBoniKy, cm. neTpyxiH 2004: 21, AranKiHa, BuHorpagoBa 2004: 423), noMona MyKi Ha MenBHi^ (apoTi^ecKaa cuMBonuKa noMona aHanoru^Ha cuMBonuKe nogKoBHBaHua, cm. neTpyxiH 2004a: 221, CegaKoBa 2004: 224), apMapKu u noKynKi geBig (c apKiMi MaTpiMoHuanBHHMu KoHHoTaguaMi), mothbom MocTa (ciMBona o6pagoBoro nepexoga - cm. BuHorpagoBa 2004), Konog^ (ogHoro i3 cuMBonunecKux KaHanoB nepexoga Ha «tot» cBeT, oco6eHHo b cKa3Kax - cm. BaneH^OBa, BuHorpagoBa 1999). Cpegu apxaunecKux nepcoHa^en b urpax npucyTcTByroT «geg», nacra na^KaBmuH geBymeK ca^en, u «CMepTB» b 6enoñ oge^ge u 3a6eneHHHM MyKoñ nu^OM. Cnegu^uHecKiMu u, BugiMo, Ba^HHMi aneMeHTaMi urp 6Hnu 6iTBe (TaK^e iMero^ee ceKcyanBHHe KOHHOTa^uu) cKpyneHHBiM u nacTo mokphm nonoTeH^M no cniHe, no 3agy, a paHBme - 6iTBe gepeBaHHoñ nonaTKoñ no naTKaM unu no cniHe) u ^noBaHie, npu^eM nacra geBymKu, oTKa3HBaBmueca ^noBaTB napHa, npuHy^ganucB k 3ToMy ygapaMi nonoTeH^. CunBHaa apoTi^ecKaa cocTaBnaro^aa ^OKOHHu^Kux urp y»e oTMe^anacB uccnegoBaTenaMi (ryceB 1974: 52, Bapxon 1995: 217). Bo BpeMa npoBegeHua Hamux noneBHX uccnegoBaHuñ uH^opMaHTH noMHinu o6 urpax npu noKoHHiKe b o6^hx nepTax, ho geTanu u ga^e HeKoTopHe Ha3BaHia urp y®e cTepnucB b naMaTu. rpanu ca, ^pu Kono Mepmeo^o (Ynun KpiBe). ffaKonu ca u 6unu 3 pymHUKOM, He? mo eenyp ca ceimuno? (HexBanB nonaHKa). flonamKu, nonamKoeannn. Kedb ca nrndu cxodwrneanu. Monodi ca 6aeunu. CdeH npunacan Ha 3adoK. flonamKoy. Hago 6Hno yragaTB, kto ygapun. YnacTBoBanu u napHi, u geBymKu. H36a 6Hna ogHa, nony^anocB, hto u urpanu oKono noKoHHiKa, ^nyro hohb (Ynun). Ha no^pi6i daKonu, mon naMnnmaey, hk ca moMy ^eapuno... mo xodunu maKMonodi a maKoü damo. 3HaM we mo^o ManmuKa, hkyMep ix HHHbKo... cmapuü, ma 3Me xodunu maKiMonodi u maM ca... ninoeanu ^enoBanu]... - TaKoü damo capo6uno, maKu cpandu [myTKi], ... cMinnu ca mymo... a momo KnuKanu na Konina a Mae... öieKa xno^a no^noeambi. Xnone^ öiyKy Mae no^noeambi, a ewe c mo^o cMixu, cpandb enoü ^py^oü, a ewe oxa6unu u mymo ne po6binu, ewe poKu (Ynun). 96- MAPHHA M. BAttE^OBA HanpHMep, nrpagn «B cTygHro»: ognH ceg Ha cTyg, a gpyron ceg eMy Ha KogeHH - ^TO 3HaHHT, hto oh ynag b Kogoge^ A TperaH meg «ynaBmero» BtiTacKHBaTt H3 Kogog^, ho nepBtiH ero He nycKag. Korga BtiTaHygn ogHoro, cagngca gpyroH. H® e^e gegagn gepeBaHHyro gonaTKy, 3aBa3tiBagn Boga^eMy rga3a h 6ngn ero no cTynHaM. Hgn 6ngn nogoTeH^M - hto6bi meg BtiTacKHBaTt Toro H3 Kogog^: CdeH coôi eue Ha emone^ a ^eapamb, we menep nadamu do cmydHi 6yde, a... menepbKa dpyzuu ^o iwoehk mmamu i3 cmydHi, we enae do cmydHi, He? Ho a yumHe, a menepbKa meH ci cie. ^py^o^o 3ecb KnuKanu we nadamb do cmydHi. A6o Manu maKy depeebHHy nonamKy, 3po6unu, a moMy, wo cuôie a 3aebH3anu onu, a 6unu zo no cnody, no Ho3i, a menepb Mycie eaôamu, we Kmo ^o 6yxuye. Eue muM depeebHHuM, maKoe nonamKoe, He? A Kidb He, mo Manu pynHuK, a 3aebH3anu maKuu eenuKuu y3en, a mo Kedb ydapunu au no nnenox... [Korga Hrpagn?] Todu hk y Hac newan Mepmeuu. A ^e ca tynoeanu... Kidb He My^ yum^Hymu, Mycue no^noeamu, maK 6uno. A ca Kycanu. Kycanu ca - He no^noeae, ma exycue. Ha3Bagn e^e nrpy «iSpMapoK», ho nogpo6Hee hhkto H3 npncyrcTByro^Hx He cMor BcnoMHHTt, KaK b Hee nrpagn. O tom, hto6bi noKOHHHKa Tmygn 3a pyKH-3a Horn, He noMHaT. Tenept npn noKOHHHKe TogtKO MogaTca. noKOHHHK gBe hohh ge»HT b goMe, OKogo Hero ropaT cBenn, n cngaT go yipa, MogaTca, b KapTti nrparoT. H 3aKyctiBaroT TO»e (CipnroB^). Eunu, 6unu, 6unu, 6unu [nrpti], 3pynHurnM, cKpymunupynHuK, a ^eapamb, we ca Mycm cmaenHn. ffieKa cuMana eu6pamu napo6rn, napo6oK diyKy, a nomoMy ^noeamu, 3a pHdoM ^noeamu. [Korga ^goBaTtca?] Ho Kedb daxmo yMep. A Kem He m'noean, ma pynHurnM 6unu, a pynHuK cKpymunu, ^e u MoKpuu, a 6unu ca no 3adKy. A 3Hanu cu damu dawo do 3adKy, we6u He 6onino... Tenept - TogtKO ceMta cxogmca, y»e He nrparoT. A paHtme cngegn go yipa. Mepno^o He Maeymb oxa6nHmu caMo^o. [KaK 3to Ha3tiBagoct?] ïïonamKa (PycKnH noTOK). «.HonaTKaMn» Ha3tiBagnct n nrpti, n Bect Benep n Hont, Korga grogn cngegn OKogo noKOHHHKa n paccKa3tiBagn cTpamHtie ncTopnn, a cBa^eHHHK nmag Hag yMepmnM. B y6ge BcnoMHngn gBe nrpti, «gonaTKH» n «cTygHro»: Eunu-6unu [nrpti], mo maK, we «Ha nonamKu», Kono Mepmeo^o 6unu «nonamKu». - A mo maK, we edeH cudie, a daxmo npuwoe ... a my dan ^onoey Ha KoniHa... - reu, cie, ma de 6u ^onoey... - madb ^onoey, a 6uno ca. - Ane... u h 3awuna, 6o hh 6unu, au h ^py^o^o 6una, ane mo MycuepynHuK cKpymumu... - Ane Mycuno ca o6epHymu, a pynHuK mom mpemuu cKpymue a mH 6uy no 3ady... - He ^onoey, neM cie, mom cudie, a mom co6i nonpocue... - He-He-He, h cudwrn, a mu npuudew my, a ^onoey daw my, a mymo eucmaeuw, a ^a^amb ca, a xmo ydapue, neM. - fl maK 3Haey, we mom cudie... ciy ane Mycen onu... Heno3epamu, neM Mae a6o 3aebH3aHu, a6o 3anepmu eonu ... Ane Mi ca eudu, we Ha KoniHa cidano... A no nnenox mom 6ue-6ue, ho mom Mycue i3^a^Hymu, we xmo ^o ydapue. ... - A Kedb He y^a^He, ma $ypm ôûe. Monamnu, a naK we wo mo 6uno? - no nnenox 6unu, a iye 3Hanu u HaMonumu pynHuK, a maK ca cKpymumu... Mepmeuu Hun, Mepmeuu maM newan. A ^e nepwe ca Monunu, a aw nomoMy Monodu Moanu mymo mpamu (y6ga). Y gpyrax cgaBaHcxnx HapogoB - y pyccKnx, xopBaTOB, nexoB, cgoBaKOB - nogo6Htie nrpti coxpaHngnct gnmt b Bnge KageHgapHtix ngn cBage6Htix nrp «b noKOHHHKa» (ryceB 1974: 49, 57). y pyccKnx ohh H3BecTHti Ha cBaTKH, MacgeHH^y, a TaK»e Ha nocngegKax, Korga b H36y k geBymKaM BptiBagact ^gaa Togna «hokohhhkob», npn OB APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX: HAPOflHOH KYgBTYPbl PYCHH BOCTO^HOH CgOBAKHH 97 ^xoM «pa«eHtie gep«anu b pyKax xyrue «ryxti, KOToptiMu xnecxanu «npumegmux napHeä H3 ny«ux gepeBeHt u npue3«ux geBu^> (ryceB 1974: 53). npucyxcxByex b pyccKHX cBaxo^Htix Hrpax u HacuntcxBeHHoe ^noBaHue «noKOHHHKa» geBymKaMu, X. e. coxpaHaexca «opoxuneckhh xapaKxep npo^aHta c noKOHHUKOM» (ryceB 1974: 52). Hrpti b «noKOHHHKa» Ha cBagt6e oxMe^aroxca y pyccKHX b ^»eropogcKon o6nacxu, rge «pMdunu ynoKoÜHUKa», xo ecxt pa3tirptiBanH myxo^Htie noxopoHti c oxneBaHHeM «nonoM» u onnaKUBaHueM, a xaK«e b neH3eHcKOM ye3ge. ^poxHHecKyro Hrpy b noKoH-HHKa (na mrtveho) ycxpauBanu u b MopaBcKOM nogny«te (rypa 2012: 541). PycHHcKHe BapuaHXti Hrp npu noKOHHUKe, KaK u aHanoru^Htie 3anagHO-yKpauHcKue, npegcxaBnarox co6oh nepexogHtin xun ox HeKorga cy^ecxBOBaBmux noxopoHHtix Hrp c noKOHHHKOM - nepe3 urpti npn noKOHHUKe - k HrpaM b «noKOHHHKa» (cm. nogpo6Hee onucaHua BapuaHXOB Hrp b: ryceB 1974: 55). OgHaKO u y ro«Htix cnaBaH coxpaHunuct cBugexentcxBa o6 06pag0B0M Becente b cny^ae cMepxn pogcxBeHHHKa, oco6eHHO ecnu pent mna o npecxapentix poguxenax hah HOBopo«geHHOM. Ecnu noxopoHti npuxogunuct Ha BocKpeceHte unu npa3gHHK, My« u «eHa - pogcxBeHHHKH yMepmero mnn b Kono xaH^Baxt, a BepHyBmuct goMOH, ucnonHanu necHro (ToncxoH 1995e: 347). B KaneHgapHOH o6pagHocxu cpegu apxau^ecKux ^neMeHX0B cnegyex ynoMaHyxt puxyan-guanor, ucnonHaeMtin b po«gecxBeHcKUH co^entHUK pagu xopomeH an^HO-ckocxh Kyp: Korga nogMexyx non b goMe, Hgyx BBi6pocuxt Mycop Ha HaBO3Hyro Ky^y (Ha ^Hoü), a BO3Bpa^aact, y OKHa xpu«gti cnpamuBarox xo3aHKy: ra3duHbKo, Hecym ca mu KypKU? - A Mamu U3 oKHa: Hecymb, Hecymb, He nepecmaeymb (CxpuroB^). MarHH pnxyantHoro guanora nocBa^eHa oxgentHaa cxaxta Hhkhxh Hntu^a Ton-cxoro, b KOTopoH oh nHcan, hxo cnaBaHcKUH puxyantHtin guanor «mo«ho cnuxaxt xopomo coxpaHHBmHMca ^pameHXOM npacnaBaHcKoro, Bocxoga^ero k uHgoeBpo-nencKOMy npoxoxHny», nocKontKy «puxyantHtie xeKcxti b cuny cBoen caKpantHocxn 3HaHHxentHO ycxonnuBee u KOHcepBaxHBHee MHorux <^pa3eonoru3MOB u hm nogo6Htix pe^eBHX Knume, hxo genaex hx BectMa ^hhbim hcxohhhkom gna ^XH0^eHexHHecKHX HccnegoBaHHH gpyroro xuna» (ToncxoH 2003a: 313). E^e oguH npegpo«gecxBeHcKUH o6pag - yrpo3a He npuHoca^uM nnogti cagoBHM gepeBtaM: mnu, mo mom wo cmpoM He podumb, 3Mnu coKupKy: «A Ked He 6ydem podu-mu, maK mM 3py6aey». [Kxo ^xo roBopun?] Ho mo mom, ^a.3^a, a Ked Heepodun cmpoM, ho ewe maKUü eenuKuü, a He podun, ^eapumb: «Mycuw podumu, 6o Kem He, maK mM 3omHy», a maK no6yxan-no6yxan (PycKUH noxoK). CmpoMu 3Hanu KopMumu. To ece m KopMuna. Ho a daKonu u eyH 3Han KopMumu, 3 conoMoy. flo Kawdoao cmpoMa 3Me maKy... eüa3Ky 3po6una, dana we6u podunu ... [Kyga ee Knanu?] ho ma de, maM de e Kopu... mo ca KopMuno, ane Ha^py^u CMmu eeuyp, He Ha nepmu, Ha BodoKwi. [KaKue gepeBta «KopMunu»?] Ho oeo%Hi, mku Manu cme nocadweHi doMa. A eopix..., Kedb He podumb ^oe^o..., mpe6a 3o6pamu coKupy u ^eapmu, we: «Kedb He 6ydemb podumu, maK mM 3py6aey», a 6yde podumu ewe naK ^py^u poK. C mo cKop we npayda. Ha mom flpyau cMmu eeuep. [He o6Ba3tiBanu], neM cKpymue my conoMy... eHHy maKy eüa.3Ky, a nxan 3a KoHapb, maK neM... Me6u u bhu Manu, Hem? my eeueprn (ynun KpuBe). 98- MAPHHA M. BAttE^OBA Bonee nonHaa <^opMa o6paga ycTpameHHa nnogoBtix gepeBteB H3 Toro «e peraoHa npHBegeHa b ynoMaHyroñ cTaTte H.H. ToncToro: «y npameBcKHx pycHH (c. Hn«HHe ^a6HHti 3eMnnHHCKoñ «ynti) b Co^entHHK (Ha Cenmuü eeuyp) gBoe My«HHH c Tono-poM Hgyr k HennogoHoca^eMy gepeBy. OgHH H3 hhx 6epeT Tonop b pyKH h roBopHT: fl mo^o cmpoMa 3py6aM (H ^TO gepeBo cpy6nro), a gpyroñ Ha ^TO oTBe^aeT: ffaü My noKi, buh ywe 6yde podumu (OcTaBt ero noKa7, oho 6ygeT nnogoHocrnt). 3aTeM ohh KHyToM 6troT gepeBo, hto6bi oho Hcnyranoct h cTano gaBaTt nnogti». B gpyroM cene, «ropaHH 6nH3 y«ropoga, b Co^entHHK nepeg y«HHoM xo3aHH 6epeT conoMy h Ba«eT ero gepeBta, htü6h 6tin 6oraTtiñ ypo«añ ^pyKTüB. HennogoHocHtie gepeBta npu 3tüm ycTpamaroTca onpegeneHHHM cnoco6oM. Xo3aHH 6epeT Tonop, a xo3añKa 6aH^y (pog nnpora nnn BaTpymKH), h ohh o6a cTaHoBaTca y cTBona gepeBa. Xo3aHH xo^eT cpy6mt gepeBo h yrpo«aeT eMy: Py6arn mn, a xo3añKa yMonaro^HM ronocoM eMy oTBe^aeT: He py6aü üo^o, He py6aü, oho 6yde podumu. 3aTeM Bo3Bpa^aroTca b xaTy, Kyga npHHocaT enKy h 3a«nraroT cBe^KH (ToncToñ 2003 a: 353-354). ^TOT o6pag coBnagaeT no ^opMe h cogep«aHHro y Bcex cnaBaH. E^e ogHoñ apxamecKoñ oco6eHHocTtro po«gecTBeHcKoro y«HHa aBnaeTca pHTy-antHoe npnrnameHHe k cTony. B pa3Htix cnaBaHcKHx Tpag^nax npnrnameHHe Morno oTHocHTtca k yMepmHM npegKaM, gyxaM, npnpogHtiM cthxmm nnn «hbothbim h aBnanoct f^opMoñ 3aga6pHBaHHa, KopMneHHa, «epTBonpHHomeHHa (cm. BHHorpagoBa, ToncTaa 2009). B 3anncaHHoM npHMepe npnrnameHHe gym yMepmnx 3aMeHeHo npnrnameHHeM Ha y«HH b conentHHK Boropog^ti h aHrenoB: ... flneM Kedb üeM 6una caMa, muü dido yMep, 3aKnuKana - Mana-M dei ManKU, ncuHKa, dana-M üum üicmu, npu6i¿nu 3 nueH^u, ^opi cxodaMU, a dana-M üum, Haüinu ca, a n ca cina, noKnanaM ememmü a ^eapw: To-cnodu, npudu Ha eeneprn, MaMKo Mcycoea, npudume Ha eeneprn, ameniKU ememKU mí npudume Ha eeneprn. 3Haeme mo, nepmu pa3, hk eM 6una caMa, ma maKUü eM 6inuü Cnmu eenyp He Mana He pa3. TaK mí npueMHo 6uno, maK mí do6pu 6uno, mom Cnmu eenyp (ynm Kprne). MHoro BectMa apxannecKHx npegcTaBneHHñ, oTpa«aro^nx egHHcTBo h B3aHMoc-Ba3t Bcero «hboto Ha 3eMne, cogep«aT noBepta o «hbothbix h nT^ax. C hx nepBHM noaBneHHeM BecHoñ 6tinH cBa3aHH ragaHHa o «H3HH h cMepTH, o «H3HeHHoñ cune, o 3aMy«ecTBe. Ecnu nenoBeK ycntimHT nepBoe KyKoBaHHe KyKymKH c^ithm h c geHtraMH b KapMaHe, oh Bect rog npoBegeT b gocTaTKe: Kedb 3o3ynn - KyKynKa - we KyKamb, we6bi 6bin cumuü, a me we6u neHern Mae e KimeHU. ... A HeMueaM neHe3U [ecnn HeT geHer], acnoHb weM cumuü. ... 3o3ynn npuxodum cKopo 3npi, hk capo3eueamb 6ynKU, a yxodum - hk 3epHo, Hpe^ [noaBnaeTca], eHa ca modu 3adaeumb (CTpnroB^). Ecnn nenoBeK yBHgrn nepBtiñ pa3 BecHoñ y6HTyro 3Mero, to 6ygeT ^enHñ rog TaKoñ «e 3doxnuü, to ecTt cna6nñ. Ecnn yBHgHT a^epH^y (nmypKy), 6ygeT TaKoñ «e mycTpnñ, KaK a^epH^a (CTpnroB^). Ho a Keü Haüdeme 3^oxno^o [raga nepBtiñ pa3 no BecHe], maK we mo Hedo6pe (ynm KpHBe). 7 CKopee Bcero, «ocTaBt ero (b noKoe)». OB APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX: HAPOflHOH KYgBTYPbl PYCHH BOCTO^HOH GTOBAKHH 99 KaK u y MHorux gpyrux HapogoB, npegBe^aro^UMU cMepTt cnuTanuct kphkh oKono goMa ctina (Keun, unu KeunKa): KeinKa Kedb Kpunum - mo He do6pi. Kedb Kono xuwu npuude. Kpunum: «Kei-Kei-Kei» - mo daxmo epoduni weyMpe. Genu 3aKpunum y Koni6u, mo 3nana Koni6a cxopimu (ynun KpuBe). HepacnneHeHHtie npegciaBneHua o 3Mee, a^epu^, canaMaHgpe, a TaK»e mh^o-norunecKaa (khh»hoto npoucxo»geHua) cBa3t canaMaHgpti c oraeM oipa3unuct b npuroBope, KoToptiS npou3Hocunu npu nepBoS Bcipene BecHoS c a^epu^S (^neda HwypKa): flwneponKo Monoda, / Xpanb mu Mene od ^a^a, / A m me6e 6ydy xpanumu / Od eenuKo^o o^nM. nog «6ontmuM oraeM» noHUManca necHoS no»ap. K co»aneHuro, gpyrux 3anucefi o a^epu^x HaM 3anucaTt He yganoct, ho UH^opMaHTKa oTMeiuna, nTo ecTt u gpyroS Bug - nepHaa a^epu^ c »enTtiMU nonocKaMU, Ha3tiBaeMaa cninu x^yp (ynun). nog ^THM Ha3BaHueM cKptrnaeica orHeHHaa canaMaHgpa, KoTopaa, cornacHo cpegHeBeKoBHM khhkhhm nereHgaM, He ropuT b orHe u Mo»eT ga»e ero noiymuTt (cm. BenoBa 2001: 220). TaKue npegcTaBneHua U3BecTHti b 3aKapnaTte (x^yp woemuu, canaMaHgpa, He ropuT b orHe), y nonaKoB (oHa BticrynaeT KaK o6pa3 oraa), Ha BanKaHax (noBepte o tom, nTo oHa He ropuT b orHe) (rypa 1997: 38, 80, 359). K mupoKo pacnpocTpaHeHHHM y cnaBaH npuHagne»aT noBepta o 3Mee, KoTopaa oceHtro He ymna b 3eMnro; oHa cnuTanact rpemHoS, nocKontKy yKycuna nenoBeKa; ee Hent3a 6tino y6uBaTt, UHane npuMemt ee rpex Ha ce6a (OrpuroB^). OneHt UHTepecHo o6tegHHeHue b co3HaHHU UH^opMaHTKU noHaTUH Hont u 3UMa (Bonno^eHHoM, KcTaTU, b KaneHgapHo-cyronHtix aHanoruax: 3UMa - 3To Hont roga). 3Mea, He cnpaTaBmaaca Ha Hont, TaK »e cnuTanact rpemHoS, KaK u Ta, nTo He «ymna b 3eMnro» Ha 3UMy: 3nanu ^eapmu, ne mpe6a, Kedb ywe maK con^e 3aude, we ^a^a ne mpe6a 3a6umu, 6o eyn ^piwnuu, 3amo eyn ne cxoeae^x do 3eMni, Konu con^ ^pie, 3ocmae, we eyn ^piwnuu, m ne 3nae noM. He mpe6a uo^o 6umu, 6o eon e ^piwnuu. radu cm xoeaeymb, mk ewe menno ne e, ewe xonodno, ne? Ho a Kompuu 3ocmane noeipbx - we on e ^piwnuu... rpix nepeude na nonoerna, ne 3nae, ^ mo npayda (ynun KpuBe). ^pyroe noBepte - o tom, nTo nepByro 3Mero, yBugeHHyro BecHoS, Hago y6uTt, TaK-»e mupoKo pacnpocTpaHeHo y cnaBaH, ogHaKo MoTHBHpoBKa, U3BecTHaa pycuHaM, He xapaKTepHa gna BocTonHtix cnaBaH, ho BcTpenaeTca y ro»Htix u 3anagHtix: nepByro BcTpeneHHyro BecHoS 3Mero nonaranoct y6uTt, npuroBapuBaa: ffaeau cuny na.3ad, daeau cuny, daeau cuny! rada Kedb nepwo^o yeuduw, mo mpe6a 3a6umu, we6u cuny ne 3a6pae nonoeiKoei. ... A «daeau cuny», we 3a6umu, we6u m Mana cuny, ne eyn 6u od Mene cuny 3a6pae (CrpuroB^). reapamb, we nepwy [3Mero], Kedb eudum, maK mpe6a 3a6umu 6o ena cuny 6epe ...aw nepwy eudume, ma mpe6a 3a6umu... cuny eo3bMe (Py-ckhS noioK). Ta ^eapamb, we Kedb nepwu pa3 yeudumb, mo mpe6a 3a6umu, 6o cuny om n&o 3a6epeme. - Ho ma cuny 6u May 3a6pamu ne ^a^, a nonoeiK, wo 3a6ue. reu, wo 3a6ue nepwo^o ^a^a (ynun KpuBe). nonTU ugeHTunHtie noBepta 3a$HKcupoBaHti y ro»Htix cnaBaH: ecnu He y6temt 3Mero, KoTopyro nepByro pa3 Bugumt BecHoS, oHa oi6epeT TBoro cuny (6ocHuScKHe MycyntMaHe p-Ha .H^e, E3epo), oTHUMeT nonoBUHy TBoeS cunn (BocHua u Tep^ro-BUHa), Bo3tMeT cunn c MH3HHe^ (BocaHcKa KpauHa); Hao6opoT, y Toro, kto y6teT ee, 100- MAPHHA M. BAttE^OBA Bect rog 6ygeT cnopuTtca paôoTa (Cep6ua, rp6ant) (rypa 1997: 335)8. B panoHe M0paBCK0-cn0Ba^K0^0 norpaHuHta cnuTaroT, htô tôt, kto yBHgHT 3Mero go MpteBa gHa (23.IV), gon»eH y6uTt ee, uHane oHa yHeceT c co6on ero cnacTte u ygany (ujde so st'astim) (o6nacTt TopH^Ko). AHanoruHHoe noBepte BcTpenaeTca u y ro^Htix cnaBaH: ecnu He OTpe^emt ronoBy 3Mee, yBugeHHOH go ^To^o gHa, oHa «y»anuT» TBoe cnacTte u Bect rog 6ygemt HecnacTnuB (.uena BHHa). Tôt »e, kto y6teT 3Mero go ^TOH gara (gHa cb. Bo^exa, 23.IV), cTaHeT, no npegcTaBneHuro nonaKOB, TaKHM cuntHtiM, htô hhkto He cMO»eT c hhm cnpaBuTtca (®uBe^KUH noBaT, .HaxoBu^) (Typa 1997: 335). EgHHHHHocTt ^T0^0 noBepta y 3anagHtix cnaBaH mô»hô o6iacHuTt Mu^pa^ueH b bôc-TOHHyro MopaBuro pycHHcKoro HaceneHua y»e b XIX b. ApxaroMti b a3tiKe u o6pagoBofi KyntType pycuH ganeKO He ucHepntiBaroTca cro»e-TaMH, pac cMOTpeHHtiMH b cTaTte. PycHHcKaa Tpagu^ua geficTBHTentHO aBnaeTca ogHofi H3 apxaunecKux cnaBaHcKux Tpagu^uH, royneHue KOToptix cnegoBano 6ti npogon»aTt. npogon»aTt mô»hô u noneBtie HccnegoBaHHa, b pe3yntTaTe KOToptix npoucxoguT HaKonneHHe ^M^upuHecKux gaHHtix, nocKontKy nrogu Bce e^e MHoro noMHaT, a ^H-Ty3uacra u3 cpegHero noKoneHua 3anuctiBaroT ot cTapuKOB cnoBa, noBepta, necHu u gpyrue HHTepecHtie gaHHtie b c^e^uantHBie TeTpagKu. npogon»aTt Heo6xoguM0 u cucTeMaTU3a^uro u ocMticneHue co6paHHoro MaTepuana c gantHenmuM BKnroneHueM ero b o6^ecnaBaHcKue cpaBHuTentHtie u conocraBuTentHtie uccnegoBaHua. HHTEPATyPA Hnat, Andrej, 2003: Kratky rusinsky slovnik. Trebišov, http://lemko.org. Karlowicz, Jan, 1903: Slownik gwar polskich. T. 3. Krakow: Akademia Umiej^tnosci. Šiškova, Ružena, 2009: Arealova studie slovni zasoby rusinskych nareči vychodniho Slovenska. Diferenčni slovnik. K vydani pripravila R. Šiškova. Praha: Slovansky ustav AV ČR, Eu-roslavica. Zibrt, Čenek, 1895: Jak se kdy v Cechach tancovalo. V Praze: F. Šimaček. AranKHHa, TaitAHa A.; BuHorpagoBa, .HrogMHna H., 2005: Hora // CnaBnHcme dpeBHoemu. 3mnonumBucmmecKuu cnoBapb. nog oS^eft peg. H.H. ToncToro. T. 3. M.: MeKgyHapogHtie oTHomeHH», 422-427. [Agapkina, Tat'yana A.; Vinogradova, Lyudmila N., 2005: Noga // Slavyanskie drevnosti. Etnolingvisticheskiy slovar'. Pod obshchej red. N.I. Tolstogo. T. 3. M.: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 422-427] BenoBa, Ontra B., 2001: CnaenHCKuu 6ecmuapuu. M.: HHgpHK. [Belova, Ol'ga V., 2001: Slavy-anskij bestiarij. M.: Indrik]. BaneH^DBa, MapHHa M., 2019: OS ogHoft apxaHHecKoft MH^onoreMe rpaga. CnaBnucKoe u danKaucKoen3UK03uauue. M. (b nena™). [Valentsova, Marina M., 2019: Ob odnoj arkha-icheskoj mifologeme grada. Slavyanskoe i balkanskoeyazykoznanie. M., 2019 (in print)]. BaneHU,oBa, MapuHa M.; BuHorpagoBa, ^MflMHna H., 1999: Konogeu,. CnaenHCKue dpeemcmu. 3mnonumBucmmecKuu cnoBapb. nog oS^eft peg. H.H. ToncToro. T. 2. M.: MeKgyHapogHtie 8 BtiTaruBaHue 3Meež cunti, ho He y HenoBeKa, a y conH^, npegcTaBneHO b ManonontcKOM noBepte : conH^ nepecTano 6ti cBeTuTt, ecnu 6ti 3Mea (ragroKa) cMOTpena Ha Hero, n0T0My htô cbôumu rna3aMu OHa cnocoÔHa BHTaHyTt u3 Hero Bcro cuny (p-H TapHo6»era u Huckô - rypa 1997: 284). OB APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX: HAPOflHOH KYgBTYPbl PYCHH BOCTO^HOH GTOBAKHH -101 oTHomeHua, 536-541. [Valentsova, Marina M.; Vinogradova, Lyudmila N., 1999: Kolodets. Slavyanskie drevnosti. Etnolingvisticheskij slovar'. Pod obshhej red. N.I. Tolstogo. T. 2. M.: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 536-541]. 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ToncToft, HHKHTa H., 2003: E^e pa3 o ieMe «iyHH - roBsga, go^gt - MonoKo». Toncmou HuKuma M. OnepKu cnaBMHcKoeo n3unecmBa. M.: HHgpHK, 253-266. [Tolstoj, Nikita I., 2003: Eshche raz o teme «tuchi - govyada, dozhd' - moloko». Tolstoj Nikita I. Ocherki slavyanskogo yazychestva. M.: Indrik, 253-266]. ToncToft, HHKHTa H., 2003a: Apxau^ecKuft pHTyan-guanor. Toncmou HuKuma M. OnepKu cnaBHHcKoaon3unecmBa. M.: HHgpHK, 313 - 409. [Tolstoj, Nikita I., 2003a: Arkhaicheskij ritual-dialog. Tolstoj Nikita I. Ocherki slavyanskogo yazychestva. M.: Indrik, 313 - 409]. ToncToft, HHKHTa H.; Toncias, CBeTnaHa M., 1995: BtBtmaHHe go^gs. Toncmou, HuKuma M. %3biK u HapodHan Kynbmypa. OnepKu no cnaBimcmu Muftonozuu u ^mHonuH^BUcmuKe. M.: HHgpHK, 78-90. [Tolstoj, Nikita I.; Tolstaya, Svetlana M., 1995: Vyzyvanie dozhdya. Tolstoj, Nikita I. Yazyk i narodnaya kultura. Ocherki po slavyanskoj mifologii i ehtnoling-vistike. M.: Indrik, 78-90]. ToncToft, HHKHTa H.; Toncias, CBeTnaHa M., 2003: Bti3MBaHHe go^gs y Konogqa, 75 - 88; Bti3MBaHHe go^gs b nonecte, 89 - 125; rpoM u rpag b nonecte, 126 - 161; 3arnuia oi rpaga b flpara^eBe h gpyrux cepScKux 3oHax, 162 - 252. Toncioft, HuKHia H. OnepKu cnaBnHCKo^o n3unecmBa. M.: HHgpuK. [Tolstoj, Nikita I.; Tolstaya, Svetlana M., 2003: Vyzyvanie dozhdya u kolodtsa, 75 - 88; Vyzyvanie dozhdya v Poles'e, 89 - 125; Grom i OB APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX: HAPOflHOH KYgBTYPbl PYCHH BOCTO^HOH GTOBAKHH 105 grad v Poles'e, 126 - 161; Zashshita ot grada v Dragacheve i drugikh serbskikh zonakh, 162 - 252. Tolstoj, Nikita I. Ocherki slavyanskogo yazychestva. M.: Indrik]. ToncTtie, HuKHTa H. u CBemaHa M., 2013: CnaBHHCKcm ^mHonuH^BUcmuKa. Bonpocu meopuu. M.: HHCTHTyT cnaBaHoBegeHua PAH. [Tolstye, Nikita I. i Svetlana M., 2013: Slavyanskaya ehtnolingvistika. Voprosy teorii. M.: Institut slavyanovedeniya RAN]. TypnuH, CBreHia, 2011: Cmobhuk cena Tunm Ha fleMKiBUjum. BignoBigantHHH pegaKTop r.B. BopoHun. .tBiB: yKpaiHCtKa aKageMia gpyKapcTBa. [Turchyn, Yevgeniya, 2011: Slovnyk sela Tylych na Lemkivshhyni. Vidpovidal'nyj redaktor G.V. Voronych. L'viv: Ukrains'ka akademiya drukarstva]. OyceK, raSpron, 2015: ffpeBuee cnaBnucme uaceneuue ua meppumopuu CnoBaKuu. Stratum plus, N°5, 2015, 151-162. [Fusek, Gabriehl, 2015: Drevnee slavyanskoe naselenie na territorii Slovakii. Stratum plus, N°5, 2015, 151-162]. Xo63efi, HaTania; _HcTpeMCtKa, TeTaHa; Cimobhh, OKcaHa; ^uguK-Meym, raHHa, 2013: ryuynbCbKi CBimu. fleKcuKou. .HtBiB: IHCTHTyT yKpaiH03HaBCTBa iM. I. Kpun'aKeBma HAH yKpaiHH. [Xobzej, Nataliya; Yastrems'ka, Tetyana; Simovych, Oksana; Dydyk-Meush, Ganna, 2013: Gutsul's'ki svity. Leksykon. L'viv: Instytut ukrainoznavstva im. I. Kryp'yakevycha NAN Ukrainy]. ffluno, raBpuno, 2008: HadduicmpnucbKuüpefiouanbuuü cnoBuuK. .tBiB - Htro-HopK: IHCTHTyT yKpaiH03HaBCTBa iM. I. Kpun'aKeBuna HAH yKpaiHH. [Shylo, Gavrylo, 2008: Naddnistry-ans'kyj regionalnyj slovnyk. L'viv - N'yu-Jork: Instytut ukrainoznavstva im. I. Kryp'yakevycha NAN Ukrainy]. fflyBanoB, neTp B., 1998: npoHHKHOBeHue cnaBaH Ha EanKaHti. Ocuoeu cnaenucKoao H3biK03uauun. fl3biKu öanKaucKoeopeeuoua. 2 (cnaBaHCKue a3tiKu). nog peg. A.B. ^ecHHUKOH u H.H. ToncToro. Cn6.: HayKa, 5-28. [Shuvalov, Petr V., 1998: Proniknovenie slavyan na Balka-ny. Osnovy slavyanskogo yazykoznaniya. Yazyki balkanskogo regiona. Ch. 2 (slavyanskie yazyki). Pod red. A.V. Desnitskoj i N.I. Tolstogo. SPb.: Nauka, 5-28]. ^CC-2 1987 - ^muMono^u^ecKUü cnoBapb cnaBnucmx m3ukob. npacnaBnucmü neKcmecKuü $ouö. Btm. 14. nog peg. O.H. Tpyßa^eBa. M.: HayKa. [ESSYa 1987 - Etimologicheskij slovar'slavyanskikh yazykov. Praslavyanskij leksicheskij fond. Vyp. 14. Pod red. O.N. Trubacheva. M.: Nauka]. ON THE ARCHAIC FEATURES OF THE RUTHENIAN FOLK CULTURE IN EASTERN SLOVAKIA Marina M. Valentsova ooo Due to rather long existence apart from the west-Ukrainian mother ethnos, the Ruthenians formed a specific ethnic group with a specific culture and language. The linguists speak about the preservation of a great amount of archaisms in their dialects. The present study, based on the field materials from Snina region of Eastern Slovakia, shows that it is true also in relation to the traditional culture of the Ruthenians. 106- MAPHHA M. BAttE^OBA In the meteorological magic practices against hail were performed (throwing firing utensils and sharp tools into the yard during hail, firing blessed herbs or a candle, etc.), which were known in nearly all Slavic traditions, as well as in Romania. The specific details (threatening with an axe, waving with a scythe) were even mentioned in the writings of the ancient Roman authors. This fact gives a possibility to think about an Indo-European origin of such Slavic practices. Other ritual activities against hail, as well as the magic of providing rain - based on the connection of the earthly and heavenly waters - have ancient origins. In the birth rituals, there is a lot of ancient elements, based on the contact and contagious magic of similarity, the beliefs about a child, born "with a caul" (=under a lucky star), magic against the death of a newly born child. In the wedding rituals, there had been preserved the elements reminding of the stealing of the bride, the defloration of the bride by somebody else but the bridegroom, etc. In the field of lexics, a special term has to be mentioned, lad-kanka, latkan'e, ladkane, latkati, which means "ritual song at a wedding" and "singing such songs". Though the base of the word lad- is widely known in all Slavic languages, this concrete term with its special meaning is presented only in Ruthenian and west-Ukrainian dialects. Some related forms are known to Russian and Bulgarian dialects. In the funeral rituals of the Ruthenians, there are many actions with ancient background: moving of the decedent on the ground in case that he could not die; lighting candles or light by the decedent; wake by the decedent; the belief that his soul will come to wash itself, etc. They are based on the beliefs in life after death, where the decedent will need all the things which he had in his earthly life. That is why the special ritual games by (and earlier - with) the decedent, which had to gladden the decedent, to make him joyous while moving to the "other" world, endured nearly to the end of the 20th century in Ruthenian and western Ukrainian traditions. In the calendar rites the most archaic rituals include the so-called "ritual dialogue" (when the host and the hostess of the house perform small prosperative dialogues for the fertility of the garden and poultry), then the invitation of the dead souls or saints to the Christmas dinner. Archaic beliefs, reflecting the unity and connection of everything living on the earth are contained in the beliefs about animals and birds. By their first appearance, their sounds, etc., people told fortunes. A lot of such beliefs are known to Southern Slavs. These selected examples indicate the necessity of the further study of the archaic Ruthenian tradition and enclosing it into the all-Slavic comparative studies. Dr. Marina M. Valentsova, CSc, Senior Research Advisor, Department of Ethnolinguistics and Folklore, Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Leninsky prospect, 32A, B, mvalent@mail.ru 22 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2019 - 107 - 119 | DOI: 10.3987/SMS20192205 - Myth in 300 Strokes = Gregor Pobezin, Igor Grdina This paper aims to explore the phenomenon of the opera minute which emerged from the avant-garde experimentalism after WWI; its beginner and one of the foremost masters, the French composer Darius Milhaud put three short, eight-minute operas on stage in 1927. Others soon followed, among them the Slovenian composer Slavko Osterc who composed the opera-minute "Medea" in 1932. This paper is the first to transcribe in length the manuscript of Osterc's "Medea", comparing it to Euripides' original. Furthermore, the article aims to establish the fine similarities and distinctions between the approach regular opera took towards myth and that of the avant-garde opera-minute. KEYWORDS: Miniature opera, Darius Milhaud, Slavko Osterc, Medea, myth, avant-garde INTRODUCTION While opera took shape in the late 16th century in a coincidental manner - so to speak - as a historical adaptation of the ancient tragedy, its one-minute version, the miniature opera,1 emerged after WWI from the spirit of the avant-garde experimentalism; the first impulse of its birth came from the desire to shock. Darius Milhaud who first mastered the one-minute opera wrote in his memoirs entitled Ma vie heureuse: "Between 1922 and 1932, Paul Hindemith was organizing concerts of contemporary music, first at Donaueschingen under the patronage of the Prince of Furstenberg, and then in Baden-Baden under the auspices of the municipal authorities, and finally in 1930 in Berlin. Hindemith was absolutely his own master, and tried out all kinds of musical experiments. In 1927 he asked me to compose an opera, which had to be as short as possible." (Milhaud 1995: 153) Milhaud's solution to Hindemith's friendly task was an extremely compressed opera; its libretto was provided by the man from the diplomatic "literary island", Henri Hoppenot (Milhaud 1995: 153) - the contemporary of Alexis Leger, Jean Giraudoux, Paul Morand and 1 We will favour the French term l'opera minute in the following pages. 108- GREGOR POBEZIN, IGOR GRDINA Paul Claudel. This bears some significance for the outline of the text which aims to tickle the senses of artistically ambitious connoisseurs. The musical experimentalism which projected the moment when it would be accessible to everyone2 shook hands with literary elitism. AN OPERA THAT LASTS ONLY NINE MINUTES... However, the definitive birth of this new form was another step away: the French master tackled the matter as a unique problem. Milhaud's short opera L'enlèvement d'Europe posed a significant problem for the publishing industry which was itself dependent of its stage cousin. Neither had the capacity for this formally non-standard oeuvre. The solution was provided by the director of the Viennese musical publishing company Universal Edition, Emil Hertzka whom Milhaud paid a visit in the spring of 1927 (Milhaud 1995: 153). This esteemed music merchant had immense experience with artistic innovators - and a fine ear for their market value;3 he then told the composer of L'enlèvement d' Europe: "What an idea, an opera that only lasts nine minutes! [...] Now, [...] if you would only write me a trilogy ..." (Milhaud, My Happy Life 153) With the help of Hoppenot Milhaud responded to the later reiterated enticement (formulated, as it were, in the head of another man) by composing the - opera minute! The first three oeuvres of this new genre - L'enlèvement d'Europe (op. 94), L'abandon d'Ariane (op. 98) and La délivrance de Thésée (op. 99) - were first put on stage before a public audience in Baden-Baden Festival immediately after their composing in July 1927 or April 1928, respectively (Milhaud 1995: 263-264; cf. Rostand, Stevens 1951: 26). The very phenomenon of the opera minute reveals that this was an innovation closely related to a tradition whose vestiges are traceable not only in the adherence to the original frame of the opera and the relevant dramaturgical forms (the L'enlèvement d'Europe comprises eight scenes (Milhaud 1963b), the L'abandon d'Ariane five scenes (Milhaud 1963 a) and the La délivrance de Thésée six scenes (Milhaud 1994) - all three oeuvres were written for a classical ensemble i.e. soloists, chorus and orchestra) but also in thematised myths, to which we will pay more attention below. The miniature opera never sought to forge new relationships between the human voice and the instrumental sound, which was so energetically strived for in the expressionist monodrama, e.g. Schonberg's Erwartung (op. 17),4 nor it created its own tradition in the 2 Experimentalism which flourished after WWI tried to avoid the fate ofutopianism, which is why the advocates of this musique nouvelle established their own international society and systematically endeavoured to promote their works which would eventually influence the widest taste. However, the time of non-specialized concerts and opera stages which favoured up-to-date productions came to its end - much to the surprise of adherents to the new music who could thereafter stage their oeuvres mainly in the specialized concerts performed by their own societies. 3 Ernst Krenek doubted whether Hertzka really knew music technically; however, he acknowledged his proficiency as a publisher (Krenek 1999: 220-1). 4 Anton von Webern particularly pointed out the outstanding feature of this oeuvre composed by Schonberg in 1909 to the text of Elsa Pappenheim, i.e. its brevity. He wrote: "The work lasts approximately one-half hour. What brevity here, even in a theatre work!" (Frisch 1999: 227) MYTH IN 300 STROKES -109 sense of Borges' maxim that artisans create their own predecessors (Zmegac 2003: 220). This is how Milhaud and his librettist Hoppenot saw the whole history of the modern musical theatre and the literary cannon of the West in which the classical Greek culture holds a pivotal role; they refused to create their own predecessors. In essence, the opera minute was a turn within a well-established paradigm. While the opera sought to affirmatively invoke the (temporally) distant traditions, its one-minute cousin parodied the relationship between the original and the adapted form by causing "short circuits" in the authorship and reception, however, it never lost sight of the live tradition with which it tried to stay in close touch. The way it caused these "short circuits" never left the form epitomised in the motto Epater la bourgeoisie! which was so well established by the time the miniature opera saw the light of day; it certainly served well the motley crew of decadents, new romantics, naturalists and the advocates of the revolutionary art in the social Darwinist struggle for the spotlight "in the fair" (if we may invoke the term from Romain Rolland's once popular novel Jean-Christophe, denoting the meeting point of music traders and consumers). In relation to the opera minute the avant-garde turn (regarding both the ancient classical traditions as well the early modern theatre at the end of the 16th century) affected primarily the relationship with the mythical matter and its reception. It radically shifted the idea as to what can and cannot be done with classical traditions: the criterion of decency ceased to exist. Still, the avant-garde turn wasn't total in this respect: it didn't erase the very edges of permissible. No stranger to parody, irony does indeed demolish myth by degrading it, while holding on to it as a background referential point - it does not proceed in the direction of its annihilation, quite the opposite, it requires recipient's good knowledge. Deeply influenced by Milhaud, Slavko Osterc wrote three miniature operas himself;5 in the first presentation of this new artistic form in Ljubljana in 1932 he emphasised: "The essence of the opera minute is the scantiness of text. [...] The principle of the orchestra is mainly transparent instrumentation, there are no longer passages for singers nor the chorus. In Milhaud's "Europe Taken" a singer interrupts his partner in the middle of a story by uttering the words: 'Don't! I know this already.' The words entail the audience's knowledge about the Greek mythology and history." (Osterc 1932: 4) It is also worth pointing out that avant-garde opera minute wasn't the first to treat myth in such a fashion; the 19th century operetta which saw its peak in the Second Empire approached classical themes in an equally ironizing manner. Jacques Offenbach made little effort to recreate mythical stories but rather mobilised their heroes and sujets to allude to the present, often making travesties of them by placing them in contemporary contexts, thus testing the reach of their instructiveness within le genreprimitif et gai (Kracauer 1994: 159). He quite similarly approached fairy tales, sagas and legends (Klotz 1997: 152-154), as well as the modern sanctuaries of the belief in the progress and technology - such as 5 Slavko Osterc's miniature operas have sparked interest before: cf. P. Andrascke 1992 and Kuret 2015. 110- GREGOR POBEZIN, IGOR GRDINA train stations (Benjamin 2004: 153, 886). Myth (decidedly religious and educational in the Greco-Roman antiquity - which is not to say that it wasn't open for irony) descended to the non-holy ground of ubiquitous fun for everyone. The novelty of the opera minute was that it transported this innovation from the well-established (and rather industrialized) art form into the elite circles which expressed interest in this "new music". It is quite meaningful that no turn occurred in the attitude towards operetta whose use of myth the miniature opera obviously tried to evade, but could not deny it completely. Operetta was very much alive after WWI, not only reception wise but also in the creational respect, particularly in Mitteleuropa. Its shift from comedy satire towards sentimentalism did not occur entirely due to the "ageing" of the "young Vienna" but primarily due to its completely altered referential frame after the cruelties that came to pass between 1914 and 1918; operetta came to be much more like a canonized romantic opera in a process marked by democratization and other expressions of the revitalized bourgeois epoch. This shift was epitomized by the premiere of Lehar's Giuditte in the Vienna State Opera on January 20th 1934 (Endler 1998: 236-239; Traubner 1989: 262). Modernist avant-gar-dists obviously did not want to acknowledge operetta since they showed no interest in it - not even by opposing it,6 deeming it a genre that lost its flare - and, consequently, its independence; it died away when the environment "stopped being operetta-like".7 Opera minute established a parodying attitude towards operetta in a completely indirect manner; it evoked operetta and its traditions only from the moment when it transcended its original forms with dramatic sentiments, thus obliterating its genre specifics. Operetta was actually quite close to the "Boulevard Mozart" Offenbach - however, it never strived for such referential value. MILHAUD AND OSTERC The fate of Milhaud's invention of the miniature opera was that of a typical avant-garde innovation: creators' focus on the never-before-seen or heard prevented this new form to become a mainstream tradition. The advocates of the "new music" busied themselves with the endeavour to forge their own solutions for the separation from the old traditions, while the more conservative composers expressed their scepticism over its emphasised modernism. Much later - when the waves of modernism had already subsided - opera minute became one of those art forms worth looking into from a perspective other than Milhaud's; the 2014 Zagreb Music Biennale Zagreb tender in the section of five-minute opera attracted a plethora of very diverse composers ten of whom made it to the finals.8 6 Ernst Krenek was one of those avant-gardists who exhibited interest in operetta - however, his creative attempt at operetta ended less than well. He tried to maintain his innovative trait in this stage genre the same way he did in his greatest opera hit Jonny spielt auf- by introducing elements of jazz into the musical body (Krenek 1999: 585-598). 7 Siegfried Kracauer wrote: "Die Operette konnte entstehen, weil die Gesellschaft, in der sie entstand, operettenhaft war." (Willms 1988: 388) This is also quite true of the decline of operetta. 8 Information available at the webpage of the Music Biennale Zagreb: http://www.mbz.hr/index.php?op-t=news&act=listcat&categoryID=1&lang=en (last consulted: January 8th 2016). MYTH IN 300 STROKES 111 Immediately after Milhaud had produced the three mythically inspired one-act pieces, the opera minute inspired similar works. The Slovenian composer Slavko Osterc (1895-1941) created his own miniature trilogy as early as 1930. Having completed his studies in the Prague conservatory (1925-1927) he became one of the most fervent advocates of the "new music" in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (or Yugoslavia); he was a member of the International Society for Contemporary Music (ISCM) whose festivals in Florence (1934), Prague (1936), London (1938) and Warsaw (1939) featured his works too (Rijavec 1979: 198-199). Having returned from Prague, Osterc became acquainted with the avant-garde explorations - one of his teachers was, importantly, Alois Hâba - and continued to spread the "new music" which he felt to be an apostle's task. He distanced himself even from his own early endeavours (which were close to the romantic tradition) despite the fact that he had written after WWI a series of solos, a piece for a string quartet, a symphony, a ballet, and three operas (Rijavec 1979: 207). His next five works - three of which were miniature operas - were an expression of his advocacy for the asceticism of the "new reality" and "objective melodic"; in the situation of his time this was seen as a sign of "extreme leftism". His music was supposed to tie the ear to the mind instead of the heart, relinquishing all effects stirring the emotions of the crowd (Anonymous 1932: 1-2). Osterc, a regular guest of the stage of the Ljubljana National Theatre, felt obliged to present an art form which would stir the audience; upon the premiere of his two opera minutes (accompanied by the premiere of his ballet pantomime The Masque of the Red Death) he wrote about his works committed to this art form: "They came as a sort of a reaction to the immensely lengthy romantic operas, but also as a practical consequence of the modern stage outline which allows for quick scenery rearrangement, which means shorter breaks after each opera minute. [...] Darius Milhaud was the first to have composed these opera-minutes; piano excerpts of his three opera minutes were published in the edition Universal. [...] They were all performed in Germany. [...] Longer one-act pieces were later also treated as opera minutes, e.g. Hindemith's sketch 'There and Back Again' and even Toch's opera 'The Princess and the Pea' which lasts 45 minutes." (Osterc 1932: 2-3) Osterc came up with virtually the same "genealogy" of the miniature opera as Milhaud (Milhaud 1995: 153) - which means that he was completely up to date with what was happening in the community of the avant-garde composers after his schooling in Prague, which can also be recognized from his correspondence (Cvetko 1988). Meaningfully enough, his history of the opera minute lacks any mention of his own half-hour sketch entitled From the Opéra comique (Slov. Iz komične opere) which was premiered November 9th 1928 in Ljubljana; this piece which played upon the form of the opéra comique lasted some 30 minutes. 112- GREGOR POBEZIN, IGOR GRDINA THE SHORTEST MEDEA The audience that came to the premiere of his two opera minutes, i.e. the Medea and Dandin in Purgatory (Slov. Dandin v vicah) in 1932, was carefully prepared by Osterc for the artistic novelty - he wrote about this new form especially for this purpose. Without this sort of heads-up, the composer might have easily been completely and undeservedly misunderstood, even though he composed for an environment where opera had no profound tradition.9 Osterc wrote at the occasion: "The opera minute is not about the characterization of the protagonists nor the characterization of the situation; it is rather about the fastest possible display of events which pass as quickly as if the protagonists spoke in prose. However, this does not exclude the possibility of a reiterated sentence or a word should this affect the display of events. Clearly, there are little protagonists in the opera minute. Milhaud even prescribed a reduced chorus of no more than 6 or 8 singers - and even the four-voice polyphony is reduced to two or three voices. Chorus is therefore fittingly discreet which is less than ordinary in large operas. The opera minute is, for its sheer brevity, such that it has to limit romantic effects and completely negate the pathetic ones. According to its discreetness and length it should be deemed suitable more for chamber theatres than large institutions." (Osterc 1932) Osterc indeed left out his part in the history of opera minute, as we have shown above (this shows that that he perceived his own sketch from 1928 in which he followed the opus of Henri Murger as an independent response to the challenge of the late-romantic musical drama10); he later recognized his debt to Milhaud, yet his chosen art form which Milhaud invented was not entirely copied. The Slovene composer indeed saw the brevity and textual scarceness as two definitive characteristics of the miniature opera, but not also its irony, even though he noticed it and commented upon it in his analysis of Milhaud's L'enlèvement d'Europe, as we have shown above. For Osterc the essential thing in opera minute was its opposition to the lengthy late-romantic musical drama. This is very much evident in his approach to myth in his Medea, a highly compressed version of Euripides' tragedy which did not want to distance itself from the original by means of parody or travesty. It maintained the same degree of respect for the classical tradition as Josip Stritar's long monologue poem (some 100 verses) about the princess from Colchis (Stritar 1953: 367-370). Osterc was literature-savvy, so he wrote his own libretto; no stranger to satire, Osterc purposefully abstained from irony in Medea - but it is quite meaningful that Milhaud, too, couldn't manage the same kind of distance for 9 The first opera composed to a Slovene text took shape in the late 18th century, whereas professional ensembles have performed on stage in Slovene since 1892. 10 Osterc received good critics for his From the Opéra comique from the much revered critic Anton Lajovic, deemed the greatest musical authority among the Slovenes in 1930 (Lajovic 1929). MYTH IN 300 STROKES 113 this theme (so intimate in its core) as he did in his approach to myth in his opera-minutes. His one-act piece Medee (op. 191) from 1938 (Milhaud 1995: 266), whose libretto based on Euripides, Seneca and Corneille was written by his wife (Milhaud 1995: 193; cf. Nichols 1996), is very close to the ancient mythological version in its tragic capacity. Only the composer's typical musical talk maintains contact with his approach to mythical material from when he planned his opera minutes; however, even though Medea lasts about an hour, it is very close to the discipline his of brevity in the opera minutes (Lang, Frankenstein 1963: 515). The libretto for Osterc's Medea deserves to be fully expanded here;11 even though textual economy is, as we have noted above, of utmost importance for the effectiveness of the opera-minute, there are several instances of reiterated text - which is entirely in sync with what Osterc wrote in the 1932 playbill quoted in extenso above: "... this does not exclude the possibility of a reiterated sentence or a word, should this affect the display of events." Medea:12 O, come, blessed Death! I cannot bear my shame anymore! I cannot bear my shame anymore! My unfaithful husband was enchanted by the king's daughter. Why? Why? Why? Why? [Kreon comes from the palace in the company of armed guards.] Kreon: I decree that Medea abandons the country forthwith. She is a threat to myself and to Jason's bride, my daughter. Medea: Mercy, king! What have I done so terrible that I must leave Corinth? My fate is chasing me that is all. [Medea falls to her knees before Kreon.] Let me at least stay one day so that I may prepare for the journey. [Kreon thinks.] Why did I leave my home? Why did I follow a stranger? Why? Why? Why? Chorus: Why did you leave your home? Why did you follow a stranger? Thou have been cast away into misery and shame . o Medea, thou have been cast away. [Jason comes from the palace.] Jason: You could stay in the country ... I come to offer help - help for you and the children, because the misery and want abroad -Medea: - shut your mouth! But no, it is a good thing that you came, I want to tell you this: I have saved you on the ship Argo, I have slain the dragon that kept the Golden Fleece. I left my home, my father, and in Iolcus I murdered Pelias the king - he was slain by his own blood! All this for you! But you have betrayed me, you have betrayed the children when you married another. I want no charity from your hands! 11 Osterc's text is only extant in manuscript; the authors made it an effort to transcribe it (his handwriting was quite exquisite); this is, as will be shown below, quite important because it seems the composer had different versions of the ending in mind. The chart numbers 29 pages altogether, but there are two sets of pages 22-23 with alternative plots. 12 Text translated by authors. 114- GREGOR POBEZIN, IGOR GRDINA Jason: Is this how ... [Upon the king's signal two boxers appear.] Kreon: Right then! [Kreon leaves for the palace.] Medea: O holy vengeance! I swear upon Hecate! O holy ... o holy ... o holy ... o holy ... o holy ... Jason: I leave now. Medea: Yes, go! For too long you have left your bride alone. [Enter king Aegeus and his company from the right, all dressed in travelling attire.] Medea: Hail Aegeus, son of wise Pandion! Chorus: Hail! Medea: Where from you come? Aegeus: I come from Delphi. I asked the oracle how I might produce offspring -1 have no children. I am on my way to Troezen to king Pittheus. And you? Medea: I am to be banished, cast away by my husband. He married Kreon's daughter. Aegeus: Come live in my land, for you be wise and know your magic potions - maybe you can teach me how to become a father! Medea: And so it shall happen. I will follow you to Athens - but not before I do what must be done. Aegeus: Farewell, Medea! [Aegeus and his entourage leave.] May Hermes the messenger of gods be at your side and let all your wishes come true! Medea: Maid! [A servant appears.] Medea: Call Jason! [The servant nods and leaves.] Medea: Careful now! Chorus: Careful now! Careful now! Careful now! Careful now! [Jason appears.] Jason: You summoned me -1 am here. Medea: Forgive, oh Jason, my wretched self! I insulted you with no proper cause. I thought it over and came to realise: you act prudently ... [Jason isn't convinced; he summons for children and a servant brings them. Medea lifts them up and kisses them.] Jason: This is how a wise woman acts! [to children] I made arrangements for you with the help of gods. Medea: Jason! Not for me -1 ask you for the children, don't let Kreon banish them! I ask ofyou to convince the king; I ask your wife ... [to the servants] Quick! Bring thejewellery which I give to Kreon's daughter, the wedding gift! [Servants leave and quickly reappear with the jewellery and the clothes.] MYTH IN 300 STROKES 115 Medea: There is a saying that even the gods can be convinced by gold - and more so than with a thousand good arguments. Let her take this gift from my own hands so that she may be nice to you. [Jason and the children leave for the palace.] Medea: [to herself] The jewellery is poisonous and so are the clothes! Even he who touches the person wearing them is doomed to die. Chorus: Oh you worthless groom, the king's son in law! Your bride and your father in law are doomed to die - the children will die too. Medea, she is vengeful and jealous - she conceived a sacrilege which is already under way. [The nurse brings children from the palace.] Nurse: The king's daughter gladly took your gifts! Medea: [to children] Poor me! An exile I must leave for foreign countries -1 know not what becomes of you. Should I leave you exposed to my foe's vengeance? No! No! Just for a moment I must forget that I'm a mother; I will do what I decided to do. [A messenger arrives.]13 Messenger: Medea, flee! Dead is the king's daughter; dead is Kreon from your poison! Medea: Oh, sweet report! Messenger: What say you? Medea: I wish you described the death of them both. But don't -1 know the effects of poison all too well. [She leaves for the palace, the messenger follows.] Chorus: Alas! Her thirst for vengeance is not yet satisfied. She wants to desecrate her hands with the blood of her own body's fruit - her own body's fruit. Oh the suffering that comes from the vengeful passion of love! Soprano:14 ... the vengeful passion of love ... [Jason rushes from the palace in the company of servants.] Jason: Where is Medea? I have no wish for vengeance - but I am worriedfor my children - the king's vengeance might be upon them for their mother's crime. Chorus: The children - gone! The children - gone! You will see what she did to them. Jason: Servants, undo the bolt! Chorus: The children - gone! The children - gone! [The gates open. Medea with dead children on a chariot pulled by two winged dragons.] Medea: Helios, my father's father, sent this chariot for me - so that I be safe from your vengeance! 13 At this point there seems to be an alternative version which ends with the short line sung by soprano. For the purpose of transcription, we have joined both versions because the sequence makes sense from the contents point of view. 14 This particular point marks the end of what might be considered the end of the "alternative version". 116- GREGOR POBEZIN, IGOR GRDINA Jason: You wretched woman! Leave my children here so that I may bury them. Medea: Never! I will bury them myself in the Hera's sacred grove ... Then I will go to Athens where I will live with Aegeus, son of Pandion. But you will die a death that you deserve . [Curtain.] There seems to be, as we have already mentioned, an alternative ending although this might not be the case; as we have already noted, the document has 29 numbered pages altogether (the composer carefully marked each page), but the text ends on page 25 and page 29 contains almost nothing but scribbles. Interestingly enough there are two sets of pages 22-23; it seems unlikely Osterc made that kind of mistake but we should allow for that possibility since, as already noted, contents-wise it makes sense to merge both sets of pages 22-23. However, another interesting point is that the "alternative ending" introduces a "soprano" at the very end reiterating the line "the vengeful passion of love". Both "versions" are equally long. The "alternative version", if we may call it that, is also the one that contains the most Milhaud-like moment which Osterc wrote about: "in Milhaud's 'Europe Taken' a singer interrupts his partner in the middle of the story by uttering the words: 'Don't! I know this already.' The words entail the audience's knowledge about the Greek mythology and history." (Osterc 1932: 4) In his Medea there is the finest example of avant-garde respect for myth by omission, presupposing audience's knowledge; Medea's words that she "knows the effects of poison all too well" are a fine example of a lengthy original passage (Eur. Medea, messenger's report, v. 1136-1230) substituted for a short, intellectually packed sentence, which only an educated audience could properly absorb. MYTH DISPLACED? A primordial tattoo on the back of civilization, myth has been the artistic vantage point for many cultures since the earliest beginnings of their cultural endeavours. Greek tragedy, with all its stylistic conventions, is justifiably deemed to be a document of "contemporary attitudes toward authority in the domestic, military, or civic sphere" (Gregory 2002: 147). Just as myth was a story told from a time other than the present one, Greek tragedy, too, was a world other than the one lived - even in the 5th century BC; however, this very anachronistic distance is exactly what insures the perennial modernity of both tragedy -and myth. The very essence of myth is the distance within which it takes shape (Vernant 1984: 113), i.e. the distance from the explainable rationale. Myths revived thus offer a chance to address the Thucydidean ever-present situations (xa asl napovxa), so to speak; the opera, on the other hand, was occasionally seen as anachronistic and forcibly traditional due to its "iron repertoire" (Kotnik 2004: 198). It is easy to see why the avant-garde composers Milhaud and Osterc chose mythological matter for their miniature oeuvres. The Ljubljana Opera dignified Osterc's affirmative approach to myth by putting its best ensemble together for the 1932 premiere. The role of Jason was played by the tenor MYTH IN 300 STROKES 117 Josip Gostič who made a name for himself in many productions under the legendary conductor Karl Böhm. Osterc did, however, remain faithful to Milhaud's irony towards ancient traditions in his minute opera Salome which hasn't been performed on stage yet: the princess dances her way to getting John the Baptist's head by incessantly annoying Herod who simply wants some peace and quiet for a nap. He grants her wish out of sheer pragmatism. Osterc designed his third opera-minute, i.e. Dandin in Purgatory, as a comedy inspired by Moliere's motif of the punished husband and Hans Sachs' carnival play. During the Ljubljana premiere in 1932 it was performed last, which means that the same sequence was tried as in Puccini's one-act pieces in the Il triticco. It is therefore safe to say that Osterc somewhat broadened Milhaud's idea of the opera-minute - regardless the omitted irony; consequently, this new form became possible in the affirmative relationship with the tragic as well. On the other hand Osterc's creative process significantly extended the possibilities for the motifs of the opera-minute: from then on even generally known drama themes could provide substance for it - if the librettist and the composer did not use them, they were confined, so to speak, to sketches, anecdotes and general situations due to the sheer brevity of the oeuvre. This is why the opera-minute had the capacity for any expression of the tragic or comic genre. Due to the compressed subject matter it generally stayed attached to themes that were deeply rooted in the audience's conscience (there was otherwise no room for a deeper evolving of characters' actions), which is precisely what fortified myth's foundations in the opera-minute. BIBLIOGRAPHY Andrascke, Peter, 1992: Minutna opera 'Saloma' Slavka Osterca - Die Minutenoper 'Salome' von Slavko Osterc. Kuret, Primož (ed.), Slovenska glasba v preteklosti in sedanjosti - Slowenische Musik in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart. Ljubljana: Kres, 204-15. Anonymous, 1932: Slavko Osterc. Opera. Gledališki list narodnega gledališča v Ljubljani. Medea. Maska rdeče smrti. Dandin v vicah. Premijera 27. februarja 1932. Ljubljana: Narodno gledališče v Ljubljani. Benjamin, Walter, 2004: The Arcades Project. Cambridge (Mass.), London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Cvetko, Dragotin, 1988: Fragment glasbene moderne. Iz pisem Slavku Ostercu, Ljubljana: Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti. Endler, Franz, 1998: Immer nur lächeln ... Franz Lehär. Sein Leben - Sein Werk. München: Wilhelm Heyne Verlag. Frisch, Walter (ed.), 1999: Schönberg and His World. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Gregory, Justina, 2002: Euripides as Social Critic. Greece and Rome 49/2, Cambridge, 145-162. Klotz, Volker, 1997: Operette. Porträt und Handbuch einer unerhörten Kunst. München: Piper Verlag. Kotnik, Vlado, 2004: Operna kolonizacija antike. Senegačnik, Brane, Sunčič, Maja (eds.), Antika za tretje tisočletje. Ljubljana: Društvo za antične in humanistične študije. Kracauer, Siegfried, 1994: Jacques Offenbach und das Paris seiner Zeit. Frankfurt am Main: Surhkampf. 118- GREGOR POBEZIN, IGOR GRDINA Krenek, Ernst, 1999: Im Atem der Zeit. Erinnerungen an die Moderne. München: Diana Verlag. Kuret, Primož, Barbo, Matjaž, 2015: Slavko Osterc: Minutenopern. Primož Kuret: ambasador slovenske glasbe (tematska številka) 22, Ljubljana, 274-278. Lajovic, Anton, 1929: Slavko Osterc: Iz komične opere. Ljubljanski zvon 49/1, Ljubljana, 60-61. Lang, Paul H., Frankenstein, Alfred, 1963: Current Chronicle. The Musical Quarterly 49/4, Oxford, 510-517. Milhaud, Darius, 1963: L'Abandon d'Ariane. Opéra-minute en cinq scènes. Partition pour chant et piano UE 8972. Wien: Universal Edition. Milhaud, Darius, 1963: L'Enlèvement d'Europe. Opéra-minute en huit scènes. Partition pour chant et piano UE 8898. Wien: Universal Edition. Milhaud, Darius, 1994: La délivrance de Thésée. Opéra-minute en six scènes. Partition pour chant et piano UE 8978. Wien: Universal Edition. Milhaud, Darius 1995: My Happy Life. An Autobiography. London, New York: Marion Boyars. Nichols, Roger, 1996. Conversations with Madeleine Milhaud. London: Faber&Faber. Osterc, Slavko, 1932: Minutne opere. Opera. Gledališki list narodnega gledališča v Ljubljani. Medea. Maska rdeče smrti. Dandin v vicah. Premijera 27. februarja 1932. Ljubljana: Narodno gledališče v Ljubljani. Rijavec, Andrej, 1979: Slovenska glasbena dela. Ljubljana: Državna založba Slovenije. Rostand, Claude, Stevens, Denis, 1951: The Operas of Darius Milhaud. Tempo 19, Cambridge, 23-28. Stritar, Josip, 1953: Zbrano delo. Prva knjiga. Ljubljana: Državna založba Slovenije. Traubner, Richard, 1989: Operretta. A Theatrical History. New York, London: Oxford University Press. Vernant, Jean-Pierre, 1984: The Origins of Greek Thought. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. Willms, Johannes, 1988: Paris. Haupstadt Europas 1789-1914. München: Beck. Žmegač, Viktor, 2003: Književnost i glazba. Intermedijalne studije. Zagreb: Matica hrvatska. MYTH IN 300 STROKES 119 MIT V 300 TAKTIH Gregor Pobežin, Igor Grdina ooo Pričujoči članek naslavlja dve temi, in sicer fenomen t.i. miniaturnih oper Slavka Osterca s poudarkom na primerjavi njegove Medeje. Miniaturna opera po Oster-čevih besedah ne služi karakterizaciji protagonistov ali karakterizaciji okoliščin, pač pa čim hitrejši izmenjavi prizorov, ki morajo miniti čim hitreje, kakor da bi protagonisti govorili v prozi. Osterčeve miniaturne opere časovno niso veliko zaostajale za deli francoskega inovatorja Dariusa Milhauda, ki je prve tri miniaturne opere uprizoril leta 1927; Osterc je svojo Medejo zložil leta 1932, še istega leta pa jo je ljubljanska Opera uprizorila s svojim najboljšim ansamblom. Pričujoči članek prinaša transkripcijo Osterčeve Medeje in primerjavo z Evripidovo tragiško predlogo. Osterc, dober poznavalec antične tragedije, se je priredbe Evripidove predloge za libreto lotil z veliko mero spoštljivosti do izvirnega besedila - brez ironije, s katero se je denimo lotil Salome. Libreto, ki obstaja zgolj v rokopisu, šteje 29 strani, dva kompleta strani 22-23 pa kažeta, da je imel avtor morda v mislih dva različna zaključka. Associate Prof. Dr. Gregor Pobežin, University of Primorska, Faculty of Humanities, Titov trg 5, SI-6000 Koper-Capodistria & Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts; Novi trg 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana; gregor.pobezin@fhs.upr.si. Prof. Ddr. Igor Grdina, Scientific Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Novi trg 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana; igor.grdina@zrc-sazu.si. 22 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2019 - 121 - 133 | DOI: 10.3987/SMS20192206 - B nOHCKE APXETHnA: OT APXETHnA MATEPH K APXETHnY BABbl-^rH = HpiHa ryceBa, BnagiMip HBaHOB, Mapua HBaHOBa = Archetypes express themselves in various forms and sources, but many of them can be traced in folk tales. This article describes the most significant symbols and images that reveal the deepest meaning and significance of the Mother archetype in Russian folk culture. KEYWORDS: archetype, Russian culture, mother, Baba Yaga ^Ta cTaTta, nocBa^eHHaa aHani3y apxeTina MaTepu (Ha npHMepe pyccKHX HapogHtix CKa30K), ocHOBaHa Ha o6^en MeTogonoriu iccnegoBaHia 3HaK0Btix apxeTiniHecKix ciMBonoB (HBaHoBa, 2017: 126-146) b paMKax 0TgentH0H KyntTypti. mi^h, cKa3KH, 6tiniHH, nereHgti i t. n. - Bce ^T0 mo^ho Ha3BaTt xpaHiTenaMi apxeTHnoB KyntTypti, ho «KaK cn0»H00praHi30BaHHtie (^eHoMeHti, apxeTinH He cpa3y noggaroTca noriHecKoMy aHani3y, ohi «npaHyrca» 3a pa3niHHtie MeTa^opti, hto6h Hame HecoBepmeHHoe co3HaHie He ucKa3ino ux cyTi. H3ynaa icTopiro, KaK BceMipHyro, TaK u Hamy niHHyro, mh Mo^eM o6Hapy»iTt HeKie o6^ue 3aKoHoMepHocTi. H TaKiM o6pa3oM BtigeniTt HeKoTopHe apxeTinH» (Bana6aeBa, 2016: 7). To ecTt apxeTinH mo^ho Ha3BaTt coBoKynHocTtro Hau6onee ^hhoto HenoBeHecKoro ontiTa, b BHcmen cTeneHi rny6iHHoro no cBoen npupoge (Ko3noB, 1996: 194). CMticnoBaa cICTeMaTI3a^Ia Mi^onoriHecKix apxeTinoB, ux reHe3ic u Knacci^u-Kanua, nontiTKa co3gaHia noriHecKix Mogenen nocnegoBaTentHtix ^a3 (^opMipoBaHia apxeTinoB (^,enaH0BcKaa, 2011: 273), a TaK^e pa3pa6oTKa MeTogonoriHecKix cTaH-gapToB npiMeHeHia apxeTiniHecKoro nogxoga i «ciMBoniHecKoro 3HaHia c no3^ii Mi^onoriHecKoro MHmneHU KaK ijeHHocTHo-cMHcnoBoH peantHocTi» (^enaHoBcKaa, 2011: 273), cTanu TeMoH paga uccnegoBaHiH no ^inoco^ui. mi^h i cKa3Ki, KaK HociTenu apxeTiniHecKoro, aBnaroTca npegMeToM paga y»e i3BecTHHx uccnegoBaHiH (b HacTHocTi, b pa6oTax Op^3epa (Op^3ep, 2001: 528), W. ,roMe3ina (fl,roMe3inb, 1968: 234), B.H. TonopoBa (TonopoB, 1967: 87-100), H.M. ,ta-KoHoBa (,taK0H0B, 1990: 246; ,taK0H0B, 1994: 382), A.H. A^aHacteBa (A^aHacteB, 1957), B.A. Pti6aK0Ba (Pti6aK0B, 1984: 240; Pti6aK0B, 2004: 448), A. TonaHa (TonaH, 1993: 375)), b HacTHocTi no cpaBHiTentHon ^THorpa$II (b pa6oTax ^. B. TaHnopa 122- HPHHA ryCEBA, B^AflHMHP HBAHOB, MAPHH HBAHOBA (Tannop, 1989: 573), B. ManuHOBCKoro (ManuHOBCKun, 2004: 959), K. .HeBu-CTpocca (.HeBu CTpocc, 1970: 152-164) u gp. aBTopoB). ABTopti CTaTtu uccnegyroT Mu^onorunecKue u CKa3OHHtie o6pa3ti, onucaHHtie b pa6üTax E.M. MeneTuHCKoro (MeneTuHCKun, 1994: 159-167; MeneTuHCKun, 2006: 2006; MeneTHHCKHH, 1973: 385-394), M.C. CTenaHOBa u B.^. nponna, a TaK^e aHanu3upyroT A3tiK pyCCKHX HapogHtix CKa3OK, ocHOBtiBaact Ha pa6oTax ^. Cenupa, A. Be»6u^K0H u gp. OTgentHoro ynoMuHaHua 3acny»uBaeT pa6oTa ,3.a. raBpunoBa, b KOTopon co-gep^HTCa onncaHHe 0C06eHH0CTeH Tpagu^u0HH0H Kyntrypti, a TaK^e cy^ecTByro^ux napannenen Me^gy cnaBmcKuMu, repMaHCKHMH u aHTuHHtiMu BO33peHMMu Ha ocHOBe aHTponoMop^Htix mh^ob, uccnegoBaHue b ^Tux KyntTypax apxeTHnoB cuntí, BpeMeHu, npocTpaHCTBa, cygt6ti u T.n. (raBpunoB, 2006: 272). Cy^ecTByro^ue Ha cerogMmHun geHt MeTogti uccnegoBaHua apXeTunoB mo^ho ycnoBHo pa3genuTt Ha HecKontKo rpynn: reHeTunecKun MeTog (b 3aga^u KOToporo BXoguT u3y^eHue npoucxo^geHM apxeTunu^ecKux o6pa3OB u cuMBonoB KyntTypti); HCTopHKo-peTpocneKTHBHtiH MeTog (uccnegyro^un pa3BHTue apxeranunecKux o6pa3OB u cuMBonoB bo BpeMeHu); ^unonorunecKun (ocHOBaHHtin Ha uccnegoBaHue nepBOHa-nantHoro 3Ha^eHM 3HaKOB u cuMBonoB, Btipa^aro^ux 3Ha^uMtie apxeTunti Kyntrypti) u ^unoco^CKun (npegnonararo^un cuHTe3 BtimeHa3BaHHtix nogXogoB). BtigenaroT TaK^e repMeHeBTHqecKuñ MeTog, CTpyKTypHtin aHanu3, cpaBHHTentHo-TunonorHqecKun nogXog u gp. Mti npugep^uBaeMCA b nepByro onepegt (^unoco^CKoro nogXoga, oTMenaa npu 3tom ucKnronuTentHyro Ba^HoCTt uccnegoBaHua A3tiKa. B naeTHoeTu, u3yneHue npoucxo^geHM cnoB KaK o6teKTOB C0^u0KyntTypH0^0 Mupa, ux 3TuMonoru^ecKoe pogcTBo, gaeT B03M0»H0CTt gna 6onee rny6uHHoro noHuMaHua uckohhhx o6pa3OB cnoB, KOToptie cerogHa 3anacTyro ynoTpe6naroTca 6ontme ^opMantHo. ApxeTunune-ckumu no CBoen npupoge mnaroTCA caMu KopHu npaa3tiKOB, CTaBmue ^yHgaMeHTOM gna coBpeMeHHtx cnoBecHtix ^opMyn, «gaBmue «u3Ht ^ntiM BeTBaM noMTun» (Hn-nu^-CBuTtra, 1971: 84). ^3hk, KaK u yHuBepcantHtie o6pa3ti u cro^eTti Mu^onoruu, Mo^eT npu6nu3uTt Hac k noHuMaHuro apxeTunoB KyntTypti. CornacHo K.r. MHry, apxeTunti ne^aT b ocHOBaHuu 3Ha^uMtix o6^e^enoBe^ecKux cuMBonoB, mu^ob, CKa3OK, (^aHTa3un u np. npu ^T0M uMeHHo b CKa3Kax Hau6onee nonHo oTpa^aroTca apxeTunti oTgentHtix HapogoB, KaK onucaTentHtie Mogenu o6^e^enoBe-necKoro pa3BuTua, ho b KOHTeKCTe oTgentHon KyntTypti. C ^03u^uH aHanuTu^ecKon ncuxonoruu rnaBHoe Ha3Ha^eHue CKa3Ku - cuMBonu^ecKoe onucaHue apxeTunnqecKoro npo^cca gocTu^eHua nu^HoCTHon ^nocTHocra, Tex 3TanoB u TpygHoCTen, KOToptie o^ugaroT Ha 3tom nym npegcTaBuTena toh unu uhoh KyntTypti. Ü03T0My repou u cro^eT CKa3Ku oTpa^aroT npo^cc BHyrpeHHen TpaHC^opMa^uu, a TaK^e Heo6xoguMtie puTyanti u uHu^ua^uu, KOToptie 3toh TpaHC^opMa^uu conyTCTByroT: «^puH^ (repon) - co3HaHue - u^eT repouHro - aHuMy, «eHCKoe Habano - u b npo^cc BOBne^eHti ero co6cTBeHHaa MygpocTt (necHon CTapunoK-coBeT^uK), cnenaa arpeccua (gpaKOH)» (ConH^eBa, Bo6ypoBa, 2009: 77-78) u TaK ganee. CKa3OHHtie cuMBont uMeroT Ba^Hoe 3HaneHue He TontKo gna uccnegoBaHua Ha-^u0HantH0^0 gyxa onpegeneHHoro Hapoga, ho u gna noHuMaHua MexaHu3MOB ncuxo-norunecKoro pa3pemeHua Kpu3ucHtx cuTya^uH, npuMTtix b toh unu uhoh KyntType. B nOHCKE APXETHnA: OT APXETHnA MATEPH K APXETHny BABM-^rH -123 «AHanronpya CKa3Ky, oneHB 6ah3ko nogxogHM k pa3o6naneHHro TaKHX noHaTHH, KaK cygB6a, KapMa, poK h T.g. 06neKaacB b ^opMy nrpBi B006pa»eHHa, CKa3Ka cnoco6Ha npoHHKHyTt oneHB rny6oKo h 0Tpa3HTB, aKo6Bi b BBiMBimneHHBix o6pa3ax h nepcoHa»ax, caMBie TaHHtie npy^HHBi ncnxHKH nonaBmero b 3aTpygHeHHe nenoBeKa» (Ko3noB, 2010). npu ^T0M cKa3Ka He tüabkü onncBiBaeT rny6HHHBiñ onBrr nepe^HBaHHa ^M0^H0Ha^BH0 3HanHMBix gna ^TH0ca h ee npegcTaBHTeneñ cro»eT0B, ho h ocy^ecTBnaeT cü^Ha^BHyro o6ynaromyro ^yH^nro, no3Bonaro^yro pacno3HaBaTB «npaBHnBHoe h ocy»gaeMoe» noBegeHHe (o6pa3Bi cKa3KH cnoBHO «BKnronaroT» rny6HHHBie MexaHH3MBi 6ecco3Ha-TenBHoro npn noMO^H nognac HenpHBBinHBix gna Hac apxeTHnnnecKHx aneMeHTOB). npo^cc TpaHc$opMa^HH rnaBHoro repoa cKa3KH mo»ho Ha3BaTB «HcTopHeñ o ero B3pocneHHH», ^Bonro^HeH hah nepexogoM HHgHBHgyanBHoro co3HaHHa üt HH3mHX k BHcmiM ^opMaM, nTo oneHB Xopomo onncBiBaeTca b ncnxoaHanHTHKe nepe3 npo^cc HHgHBHgyanHH. npn ^T0M cKa3Ka cHMBonHnecKH 0Tpa»aeT He «noB3pocneHHe» B006^e, a ogHy H3 ero cragHH, Ha KOTopoñ y»e c^opMHpoBaBmeeca co3HaHHe (b o6pa3e raaBHoro repoa) r0T0B0 BcrpeTHTBca co cBoeñ nogco3HaTenBHoñ ochoboh (cro^eTOM cKa3KH) gna Toro, nTo6Bi o6pecTH gocTyn k cbohm 6onee rny6HHHBiM pecypcaM h 3HaHHaM (B03Harpa»geHHe, KOTopoe repon nonynaeT b koh^ noBecTBOBaHHa) (MHr, 1991: 86). CKa3Ky mo»ho paccMaTpHBaTB KaK yHHKanBHoe KynBTypHoe aBneHHe, cogep^a^ee b ce6e onncaHHe nHnHocTHoñ TpaHc^opMa^HH, gocTynHoñ gna nro6oro npegcTaBHTe-na onpegeneHHoñ KynBTypBi. HMeHHO n03T0My nccnegoBaTenn o6Hapy»HBaroT cBa3B cKa30HHMX cro^eTOB c o6pagoBoñ h pHTyanBHOH geaTenBHocTBro, conpoBO^gaBmeñ «H3HeHHHe ^HK^[BI HamiX npegKOB. noaTOMy cKa3onHBie mothbbi He MoryT yTpaTHTB cBoeñ npHBneKaTenBHocTH h aKTyanBHocTH, TeM 6onee, nTo 3anacryro ohh coxpaHaroT b ce6e OTpa^eHHe nepBHnHBix apxeTHnoB KynBTypBi (3HHKeBHn-EBcTHraeeBa, 2012: 220) h He noTüMy nn ohh ocTaroTca ^hhbimh h ^M0^H0HanBH0 6hh3khmh y»e MHorHM gecaTKaM noKoneHHH nrogeñ onpegeneHHoñ KynBTypBi. BMecTe c TeM HeKOTopBie yneHBie HacTaHBaroT Ha onpegeneHHH cKa3KH KaK Bcero nnmB BBMBcna (H.C. AKcaKOB (AKcaKOB, 2008), A.H. A^aHacBeB (A^aHacBeB, 2013) h gp.). Ho ^T0 yrBep^geHHe nogBeprnocB KpHTHKe co cropoHBi, HanpHMep, B.n. AHHKHHa (Ahhkhh, 1977), H.A. ,3,o6ponro6oBa (,3,o6ponro6oB, 1975) h gpyrHX nccnegoBaTeneñ, KüTopBe cnHTaroT, nTo caM ^aKT BepB Hapoga b onncaHHBie b cKa3KaX co6BiTHa y»e aBnaeTca g0Ka3aTenBcTB0M hx rny6nHB h chabi BnnaHHa Ha co3HaHHe nrogeñ. «Bbiao BpeMa, Korga b ncTHHy cKa3onHBx noBecTBOBaHHH BepnnH TaK »e Hen0K0ne6HM0, KaK mb BepuM cerogHa HcT0pHK0-g0KyMeHTanBH0My paccKa3y hah onepKy» (Ahhkhh, 1984: 21). npH 3tom, KaK tohko nogMenaeT npo^eccop B.B. Kü3aob, «b yHHBepcanBHocTH cogep^aHHa cKa30K (npHMeHHMocTH gna nro6oro h Ka»goro) - MygpocTB cKa3KH. Ho He KOHKpeTHaa MygpocTB, KOTopoñ He cy^ecTByeT, a MygpocTB MeTa^opBi: "cKa3Ka - no»B, ga b Heñ HaMeK_". MygpocTB, npHBneKaTenBHocTB, mo»ho cKa3aTB, cnna cKa3KH b ee MeTa^opnnHocTH. A HcnonB30BaHHe MeTa^op aBnaeTca ogHHM H3 ochobhbx cpegcTB ncnxoaHanH3a. nosTOMy cKa3Ky HcnonB3yroT KaK apxeTHnnnecKyro MeTa^opy, b ^enax ncHxogHaraocTHKH (npoeKTHBHaa gnarHocTHKa, onncBBaro^aa ^enocTHyro KapTHHy nnnHocTH, ee npo6neMHBe h pecypcHBie ^neMeHTB), ^cHX0K0ppeK^HH (pa3BHTHe Kpea-thbhocth nHHHocTH KaK pacmnpeHHe cneKTpa anBTepHaTHBHBx pemeHHñ), ncnxoTepanHH 124- HPHHA ryCEBA, B^AflHMHP HBAHOB, MAPHH HBAHOBA h ncnxonorHHecKoro KoHcyntTHpoBaHHa (n^eneHHe c noMo^tro cKa3KH)» (Ko3noB, 2010). Bonee Toro, cKa3oHHtie o6pa3ti nerKo 3anoMHHaroTca, npeBpa^aroTca co3HaHHeM b ygo6Htie KyntTypHtie MapKepti h BnocnegcTBHH MoryT cny»HTt gna npegcTaBHTenen ogHon KyntTypti o6o3Ha^eHHeM onpegeneHHtix TeM. Bo3HHKaeT cBoero poga «HHgn-BHgyantHaa MH^onoraa» (CoKonoB, 2001). Hccnegya KoHKpeTHtie o6pa3ti h cHMBonti pyccKHX HapogHtix cKa3oK, oTMeTHM, hto aHanroy Ka»goro H3 hhx (6ygt to Bonme6Htie npegMert, noMo^HHKH Hnn caMH cKa3o^HHe repon) nocBa^eHo HeMano pa6oT. KaK y»e oTMe^anoct, MHoroe H3 Toro, hto OTHTaeTca b cKa3Kax bkmhchom, «Bonme6HtiMH aBneHHaMH», HaxogHT orpa»e-HHe b peantHtix o6pagax h o6traaax Hapoga. HanpHMep, o tom, hto nponcxo»geHHe mothbob Bonme6Htix cKa3oK o6iacHaeTca hx o6pagoBocTtro, nncan h B.H. nponn (nponn, 1986: 23), goKa3aBmnn pnryantHoe h o6pagoBoe nponcxo»geHHe onncaHHtix b cKa3Kax «Bonme6HHX geñcTBHH», «Bonme6Htix cnoB», npegMeToB, o6nagaro^HX cBepxiecTecTBeHHHMH cBoncTBaMH, «H3neneHHH qygecHHM cnoco6oM», cnoco6HocTH »hbbix cy^ecTB npeBpa^aTtca b Bonme6Htie npegMeTti h T.n. CnegyeT oTMeTHTt, hto B.^. nponn ocy^ecTBHn ogHo H3 caMtix MacmTa6Htix hc-cnegoBaHHH pyccKHX cKa3oK h b cBoen H3BecTHon MoHorpa^HH «Mop^onorna 0Ka3KH» (nponn, 2001: 144) HccnegoBan cKa3Ky c ^03H^HH cTpyKTypHoro aHanH3a. Mo»ho BnonHe onpegeneHHo yrBep»gaTt, hto BtiBogti B.^. nponna Ha HecKontKo gecamnerañ npegBocxHTHnn ngen .eBH-Crpocca o cTpyKTypHoM aHanroe MH^a. TaK, B.^. nponn npnxogHT k noHHMaHHro Toro, ^ro, HecMoTpa Ha pa3Hoo6pa3He h npegcTaBneHHoe mho-»ecTBo cKa3oHHtix nepcoHa»en, «Ha cno»HocTt $a6ynHHecKHX HHTpnr, 3aroBopoB h Boo6^e gHHaMHKH cKa3o^Horo geñcTBHa, bo Bcex cKa3Kax Heu3MeHHo Bo3HHKaroT ogHH h Te »e noBToparo^Heca ^yHKnHH» (nponn, 2000). OyHKnnn cKa3KH y B.H. nponna - ^T0 KnroneBon KoH^nT, BKnronaro^nn b ce6a ranti geñcTBHH, coBepmaeMtix cKa3onHtiMH repoaMH, onpegenaeMtie KpHTepneM hx 3HaHHMocTH gna pa3BHTHa co6hthh b cKa3Ke, HanpHMep, «h $ea, Hapa»aro^aa 3onymKy Ha 6an, h MepTBe^ KoToptiH gapHT HBaHy Men, - BtmonHaroT ogHy h Ty »e ^yH^nro ,3,apHTena» (nponn, 2001). B.^. nponn npoaHann3npoBan 6onee cTa pyccKHX cKa3oK, Ha ocHoBaHHH qero Btigenna h onncan Han6onee nacTo noBToparo^Hnca Ha6op ponen gencTByro^HX nn^ ^peBHa, oTnpaBHTent, repon, no»Htn repon, aHTaroHHcT, gapHTent, noMo^HHK (Bo6ypoBa, 2011: 12-13). npn ^T0M (^yHKqHH b cKa3Kax (cornacHo B.H. nponny, Bcero 31 ^yHKnna) nocToaHHH h ycTonHHBt, ohh He 3aBHcaT ot hmSh h nepcoHa»en, hx BtmonHaro^HX, 3gect Ba»HHM cTaHoBHTca caMo 3Ha^eHHe nocTynKa Toro Hnn HHoro nepcoHa»a, a He ero aBTopcTBo (nponn, 2001). OaKTHHecKH HccnegoBaHHa h cTpyKTypHtn aHanH3 nponna, cgenaHHtie hm BtBogt 3aKpennaroT h pacmnparoT roHrnaHcKyro aHannTnqecKyro K0H^e^^Hro, yrny6naroT noHHMa-HHe apxeTHnHHecKoñ peantHocTH, cToa^eñ 3a cro»eTaMH h MoTHBaMH HapogHHX cKa3oK. PaccMoTpHM ogHH H3 apxeTHnoB cnaBaHcKon KyntTypH Ha npHMepe cKa3oK. TaK, Han6onee 3HaHHMtM apxeTHnoM y nro6oro Hapoga c^KTaeTca apxeTHn MaTepn Hnn Ma-TepHHcKoro Habana. K.r. MHr o6o3Hannn 3tot apxeTHn KaK o6pa3 «BenHKon MaTepn» (MHr, 1996: 211-249). THnHHHtiMH ^opMaMH npoaBneHHa apxeTHna MaTepn b pa3HHX KyntTypax aBnaroTca: 6orHHa, MaTept Bo»ta, geBa; pogoHaHanBHH^a, KopMHn^a, B nOHCKE APXETHnA: OT APXETHnA MATEPH K APXETHny BABM-^rH -125 KOHKpeTHaa MaTB - repOUHa, o6pa3 KOTOpOH CXaHOBUTCfl HOMUHanBHtlM. flaHHBIH apxeTun Mor 6bitb h Bonno^eHueM HeKoero noucKa paa ^apcxBo Bo«Be, He6ecHBin HepycanuM), b npegMexHOM cMBicne ^xo Mornu 6bitb ^pKOBB, ropog, 3eMna, Mope, nec unu, HanpuMep, gepeBo (KaK cuMBon ^peBa ^h3hh) h T.g. Cxoux oxMexuxB 6uHapHocxB apxeTuna Maxepu, Koxopaa BBipa«aexca b o6pa3ax «nro6a^en unu y«acHöH MaTepu» (MHr, 1996: 37-45). «^BynuKGCTB» apxeTuna MaTepu b pyccKOH xpagH^HH BBipa«aexca b npoTUBonocxaBneHUH MaTepu u Ma^exu, npu ^xoM o6pa3 Ma^exu (cuMBon pa3pymeHua), Ha Ham B3rnag, b pyccKux cKa3Kax npegcxaBneH 6onee apKo u nogpo6Ho, b to BpeMa KaK o6pa3 MaTepu, ecnu u npucyTCTByeT, to oneHB 6neKno, onucaH ^pameHxapHo (KaK npaBuno, MaxB 6narocnoBnaex repoa Ha onacHBin nyTB b Hakane cKa3Ku u ^xHM eë ponB b cro«exe orpaHUHUBaexca). C gpyroH cropöHBi, TaKaa guxoTöMua TeMHöH u cBeTnoH cropöHBi MaTepu cTaHöBurca Konai6enBro gna pocxa u pa3Buxua rnaBHoro repoa cKa3Ku. no cyxu, noKa3tiBaexca, nxo co3ugaHue u pa3pymeHue - ^xo gBe cxopoHti ogHoro npo^cca, Koxoptin mh BuguM Ha npuMepe npupogti, Koxopaa cHuxaexca KaK 6h xëMHOH cxopoHoH Mupa, xaoxuHHon u He nogBnacxHOH nenoBeKy. Ho OHa «e Bticxynaex u KaK co3HaxenBHaa cuna, TBopa^aa h 6narocnoBnaro^aa Bcë «UBoe. OgHaKo xaKaa gBoncxBeHHocxB cBoncxBeHHa He xonBKo onucaHuro gyxoBHax unu HagnuHHocxHax cun, OHa aBnaex ce6a b cro«exax gpeBHux mh^ob h cKa3OK, b o6pa3e flpeBHerpenecKGH 6oruHu nöfl3eMHörö Mupa nepce^öHti, 6öruHu u3 hhahhckhx anocoB Kanu, gpeBHeerunexcKOH 6oruHu Cexex u x.n. CKa3OHHHe nepcoHa«u Marepu xaK«e UMerox 6onBmoe cuMBonunecKoe 3Ha^eHue - ohh, k npuMepy, 6onee 3nti unu go6pti, neM 3eMHae «eH^UHti. ^xo cBa3aHo KaK pa3 c xeM, Hxo b cKa3Kax Btipa«aex ce6a He BHemHaa, a BHyTpeHHaa peanBHocxB, Bonno^a-ro^aa rny6uHHtie nepe«uBaHua npegcxaBuxenen ^xH0ca Ha ^xy xeMy. XoxenocB 6h oxMexuxB, nxo, cornacHo aHanuxu^ecKon ncuxonoruu, npoaBneHue cBexnoH unu xëMHOH cropoHH Marepu cBa3aHo c noaBneHueM b Mu^e unu cKa3Ke apxexuna ^uxaxu (KoxopaH u ecxB cuMBonunecKoe oxpa«eHue cKa3o^Horo rnaBHoro repoa). Pe6ëHOK, KaK cuMBon uHguBugyanBHoro co3HaHua, cxaHOBuxca xeM ^neMeHX0M, noaBneHue Köxöpörö npuBöflux apxexun BenuKOH Marepu b flBu»eHue, u u3 nepBöucxöH-HUKa «h3hh h 6narogeHcxBua MaxB Bgpyr nepeBonno^aexca b o6pa3H xaoca, poKa, 3noH cygB6ti: ^xo «.. .guKaa npupoga, KongyHBa, KpoBB, cMepxB; Ha^uHaexca 6ercxBo ox Marepu u conpoxuBneHue en» (MenexuHCKuH, 1994: 6). B pyccKux cKa3OHHax cro«exax 3TOT MöxuB BHpa«aexca ö6pa3aMu 3nöH Marepu, Ma^exu, BegBMa, KöngyHBu (Ba6ti-Hra). OxMexuM, Hxo b 3anagHHX cKa3Kax apxexun Marepu npegcxaBneH cbohmh, xapaKxep-hhmh gna gaHHOH xpagH^HH o6pa3aMu: «y«acHaa MaxB, peBHUBaa Ma^exa, MaxB, npe-Bpa^aro^aaca b «hbgxhhx, GrHeHHaa MaxB, KGnayHBa-xropeM^u^, 6e3pa3nu^Haa MaxB, MaxB KaK cygB6a, npupöfla-MaxB, TpaHc^opMupyro^aa MaxB, BenuKaa MaxB» (BupKXöH3ep, 2GG6). OflHaKG o6pa3ti apxexuna Marepu b pyccKGH KynBxype UMerox cbgh öGö6eHHöGXH. Begy^UM mothbom apxexuna Marepu y pyccKoro Hapoga mo«ho Ha3BaxB o6pa3 Boropogu^i (bo3mo«ho, ^o^xoMy b cKa3Kax o6pa3 MaTepu xaK«e noaBnaexca He na-cxo, KaK o6pa3 BHcmero, gyxoBHoro Havana). Boropogu^ cHMBonH3upyex Bceo6^ee MaxepuHCTBo, npu ^xoM b pyccKOH KynBxype MaxepB Bo«ua cnoBHo c6nH«aexca unu 126- HPHHA ryCEBA, B^AflHMHP HBAHOB, MAPHH HBAHOBA noHHoCTBro enuBaeTca c MaTepBro-CBipon 3eMnen. no MHeHuro A.,3,. CuHaBCKoro, «... nonHoro oTo»gecTBneHHa, pa3yMeeTca, He npouexoguT, nocKonBKy MaTB-CBipa 3eMna -3TO BCe-TaKH MHp HH»HHH, 3eMHOH, a Boropüflu^-MHp BepxHHH, He6eCHHH. Ho B 3TOM coeeflCTBe KaKue-To KanecTBa BoropoflunBi nepeHoeaTca u Ha MaTB-CBipyro 3eMnro. B pe3ynBTaTe a3BiHecKun b ocHOBe o6pa3 MaTepu-CBipon 3eMnu xpucTuaHu3upyeTca, HanonHaeTca huctotoh u CBaToCTBro. H6o MaTB-CBipa 3eMna - ^T0 To»e Hama 3aeryn-Hu^ u KOpMun^a» (CHHaBCKHH, 2001: 97). HHTepeCHO OTMeTHTB, HTO B HeKOTOpBix ^onBKnopHHx HCTOHHHKax MaTB-3eMna npegcTaBnaeTca, Hao6opoT, b o6pa3e Ma^exu, hto, b HaeTHoeTu, ..B. MunoB CBa3BiBaeT e TpygHoCTaMu BBi»uBaHua nrofleñ b eypoBBix npupogHBix yenoBuax. Mo»ho CKa3aTB, hto Bo»Ba MaTepB BHCTynaeT b Ka^ecTBe euMBona 6naroenoBe-HHa u 3a^HTH Bcero HenoBenecTBa, a MaTB-CBipa 3eMna - ^T0 euMBon MonuTBeHHoro o6pa^eHHa k TBop^y c npocB6oH o npeo6pa3OBaHuu Ha 3eMne. C gpyroH CTopoHBi, ey^ecrayeT MHeHue, hto apxeTun MaTepu Heo6xoguMo noHHMaTB b eaMOH ero npocTon ^opMe, 6e3 neuxonoruHecKoro eogep»aHua. TaK, B.A. PBi6aKOB pegy^upyeT apxeTun BenuKon MaTepu go HCKnronHTenBHo HaTypanucTuHecKux o6pa-3OB u CHMBonoB, nonaraa, hto b pyecKOH Tpagu^uu BenuKaa MaTB ^T0, npe»ge Bcero, «oHeHB gpeBHee 3eMnegenBHecKoe 6o»ecTBo», «MaTepB ypo»aa», 6orHHa »u3HeHHBix 6nar u u3o6unua (PBi6aKOB, 1981: 379-392). CoraacHo B.A. PBi6aKOBy, apxeTHn MaTepu TecHHM o6pa3OM CBa3aH y pyecKux c o6pa3OM 3eMnu u c TaKHMH nenoBenecKEMH KanecTBaMH, KaK cnoeo6HoCTB k eonepe»uBaHuro, eoHyBCTBuro. Begy^uMu MOTuBaMu apxeTuna CTaHOBurea MaTepuHCKaa 3a6oTnuBaa nro6oBB (K0T0paa npoTuBonocTaBnaeTca, HanpuMep, 6e3pa3nunuro Ma^exu), 6e3onacHoCTB, 3a^uTa, 6naroenoBeHue u He3puMaa noggep»Ka. HegapoM b pyecKOH Tpagu^uu 6naroenoBeHue MaTepu eTaBuTea Ha ogHy Hamy BeeoB e noggep»Kon CBepxtecTBeHHBix eun. Ha Ham B3rnag, apxeTun MaTepu ga»e b CBoeH HaTypanucTuHecKon ^opMe He orpaHu^uBaeTca cumbo.om 3eMnu. B 6onee mupoKOM CMBiene oh eoeguHeH e cumbo-naMu PoguHH, a TaK»e yHuBepeanBHHMu eunaMu nnogopogua, KpaeoTH, 3a^uTBi. ,3,o Kpe^eHua 3eMnegenue Ha Pyeu eooTHoeunocB e PogoM u 6o»ecTBeHHBiMu eunaMu KaK npapoguTenaMu 3eMnu u Bcero »uBoro (MygpoBa, et al, 2010). Mo»ho 3aMeTuTB, hto apxeTun MaTepu eoflep»aTenBHo HanonHeH eaMHMu pa3HHMu CMHraaMu. Ochobhhmu ero MOTuBaMu CTaHOBaTca - noKpoBuTenBCTBo, 6naroenoBeHue u CTapmuHCTBO. «^BoñHoe n^o» apxeTuna MaTepu b pyccKOH KynBType apKo npoaBnaeTca b o6pa3e CKa3OHHoro nepeoHa»a - Ba6n-^ru, KOTopaa pagoM ucenegoBaTenen o6o3Ha^aeTca KaK repon-aHTaroHucT, unu nepeoHa», npoTuBoCToa^un raaBHOMy reporo (CepreeBa, 2016). TeM He MeHee, Ha Ham B3raag, Ba6a-^ra, xoTa ^opManBHo oHa u aBnaeTca aHTa-roHucTOM raaBHoro repoa CKa3Ku, ^aKTunecKu Bee »e aBnaeTca HoeuTeneM apxeTuna MygpocTu u TpaHC^opMa^uu. CaM o6pa3 Ba6H-^ru oTnunaeTca MHoro3HanHoCTBro. C ogHoñ CTopoHH, 3TO «ypognuBaa, 3naa u KOBapHaa CTapyxa, o6nagaro^aa 6onBmon KongoBCKon eunoH» (CTenaHOB, 2004: 855), oHa nuTaeTca HenoBe^uHon, Mo»eT HacHnaTB nop^y u T.n. Bee ^T0 o^u^eTBopaeT TeMHyro CTopoHy Ba6n-^ru. C gpyron CTopoHH, b Ba6e-^re HeTKo B nOHCKE APXETHnA: OT APXETHnA MATEPH K APXETHny BABM-^rH -127 npocMaTpHBaeTca n Henro cBeTgoe. no MHeHnro E..H. SKoBgeBoñ, Ba6a-Sra - ^T0 gpeBHaa 3HannMaa 6ornM, ho ee «caKpagBHoe 3HaneHne HecKogBKo pa3 TpaHc^opMnpoBagocB» (SKoBgeBa, 2014: 839), n noToMy b cKa3Kax He Bcerga HaxognT oTpa^eHne yKa3aHHBiñ acneKT. OgHaKo HeKoTopBie nccgegoBaTegn y6egrnegBHo noKa3BiBaroT, hto b o6pa3e pyccKoñ Ba6Bi-Sra HaxogaT oTpa«eHHe gpeBHne apxannecKne o6pagBi: o6pagBi HHH^H-annn (nocBa^eHHe orHeM), o6pagBi 3axopoHeHM n np. (nponn, 1986; TonopoB, 1963). Pag nccgegoBaTegeñ npoBognT napaggegB Me«gy nepcoHa^eM Ba6Bi-Srn n o6-pa3aMH gpeBHeHHgHHcKoro 6ora Sm^i, gpeBHepHMcKoro 6ora SHyca, Scohom h T.n. (CTenaHoB, 2004: 858-860), hto mo«ho cooTHecTH c cngaMn «cMepra» n «Bo3po«ge-hm», npoBogHHKoM KoTopBix BBicTynaeT Ba6a-Sra. Homhmo cba3h 3Toro nepcoHa^a c MHpoM MepTBBX, o6pa3 Ba6Bi-Srn mg^eTca TaK«e n chmboaom He6ecHoro - KaK MeTa^opH gyxoBHoñ cngBi, cnoco6cTByro^eñ reporo b TpaHc^opMannn, nepexogy b HHoe KanecTBo n cTaTyc. ^To nognepKHBaeTca n KocBeHHBiMH aTpn6yraMn Ba6Bi-Srn. TaK, ee ro6ymKa na^e Bcero ctoht b rgyxoM gecy gn6o Ha rpaHnne c «TpngeBATBiM napcTBoM» (to ecTB, Ha rpaHHne Me«gy «HamHM» MHpoM n TeM, Kyga reporo npegcronT oTnpaBHTBca). npnneM npoHTH «ncnBiTaHne Ba6oñ-Sroñ» o3HanaeT bo3mo«hoctb «npoñra gagBme», noToMy hto toabko Ba6a-Sra Mo«eT yKa3aTB BepHBiñ nyTB, a Bcex jioxhhx repoeB oHa, Hao6o-poT, 3anyTHBaeT, oTKa3BiBaeT hm b noMo^n. npHMe^aTegBHo h to, hto Ba6a-Sra HagegeHa nygecHBiMH cngaMn - oHa cnoco6Ha noHHMaTB A3BiK 3Bepeñ H nTHn, pa3gHHHBIñ cTHxHH H Bogme6HHx cy^ecTB, KoTopBie npn tom nacTo HaxogaTca y Hee Ha cgy«6e. Ba6a-Sra Mo«eT H3gennBaTB TpaBaMH, yMeeT nepeMe^aTBca no Bo3gyxy b cBoeñ cTyne, cTaHoBHTBca HeBngnMoñ. y Hee ecTB Bogme6HBie npegMeTBi (cKaTepTB-caMo6paHKa, canorn-cKopoxogBi, KoBep-caMogeT h T.n.). npn 3tom Ba6a Sra BBicTynaeT ogHoBpeMeHHo h xpaHHTegBHnneñ geca, 3a^n-^aro^eñ ero o6rnaTegeñ ot BcaKoro poga 6eg h HanacTeñ. 06pa3 Ba6Bi-Srn gocTaranHo Mo3anneH h «BKgronaeT b ce6a MaTpnapxagBHBie, naTpnapxanBHBie, maMaHcKHe, aMHncTnnecKne, ToTeMncTnnecKne ageMeHTBi» (Skob-geBa, 2014: 839). E.M. MegHTHHcKHH oTMenaeT, nTo Ba6a-Sra cnMBognnecKH Bongo^aeT b ce6e o6pa3 BegnKoñ MaTepn, npeBpa^eHHoñ b BegBMy (MegeTHHcKnñ, 1994: 7), h ^0^T0My HecMo-Tpa Ha to, hto oHa BBicTynaeT, KaK npaBHgo, b KanecTBe BTopocTeneHHoro nepcoHa^a, ee ^yHKnnn aBgaroTca oneHB Ba*HHMi: HanpHMep, gapnTegBHnnBi, noxnTHTegBHnnBi, BoHTegBHHnBi (nponn, 1998). BBigegaroT e^e ogHy ee ^yHKnnro: «Ba6a-Sra nrpaeT no oTHomeHHro k gpyraM pogB BocnnTaTega, opraHH3ya npoxo^geHne ncnHTaHHH b ycgoBMx phckob h Henpeg-cKa3yeMocTH. HecgynañHo Sry cnHTaroT BgoxHoBHTegeM BegHKHx geg ny«oñ cygB6H» (SKoBgeBa, 2014: 841) (HegapoM, MHorne repon cKa3oK o6pa^aroTca k Heñ gacKoBo - «6a6ymKa», ^«SrnmHa» n T.n.). Ba«Ho h to, KaKHM o6pa3oM repoñ cKa3Kn o6pa^aeTca k Ba6e-Sre. 3a ycgoBHo npaBngBHoe o6pa^eHne («noKgoHngacB eñ geBnna HH3exoHBKo, paccKa3aga eñ Bce cKpoMHexoHBKo» (üepHmKo ®HHncTa ScHa CoKoga 1978: 13) rgaBHHñ repoñ nogynaeT noMo^B Ba6H-Srn. 128- HPHHA ryCEBA, B^AflHMHP HBAHOB, MAPHH HBAHOBA KaK mbi y«e oTMerann, Ba6a-^ra npegcTaBnaeT apxeTHn Mygpocra, HageneHHtin aTpn6yraMH Bnacra h chhbi ^tot nepcoHa« BnageeT Bonme6HtiMH npegMeTaMH, en noBHHyroTca Bonme6Htie «HBOTHtie h T.n.). MygpocTB peanroyeTca 3gecB TaK«e Hepe3 ee (^yH^HH (coo6^aeT reporo Ba^Htie cBegeHHa, gaeT Mygptin coBeT, Mo6nnH3yeT repoa Ha onpegeneHHtie gencTBHa, ogapHBaeT Bonme6HtiMH npegMeTaMH hhh «hbothbimh) (CepreeBa, 2016). HenB3a He oTMeTHTB h TaKHe Ka^ecTBa ^T0^0 nepcoHa«a, KaK xh-TpocTB, cKptnyro BnacTB, yMeHHe ogep^HBaTB no6egy «ny^HMH pyKaMH» (b HacTHocTH, Korga oHa KocBeHHo noMoraeT raaBHOMy reporo ogoneTB cBoero gaBHero conepHHKa Ka^ea) (Kapn^eHKo, 2013). Xo^eTca oTMeTHTB, hto HepegKo h gpyrne repoHHH cKa3oK (Bacranca, EneHa npeMygpaa) gencTByroT TaK «e, KaK h Ba6a-Hra, - «3agaroT reporo TpygHtie 3aga^H, cHa6«aroT ero BonmeñHtiMH cpegcTBaMH, HaKa3tiBaroT iokhhx repoeB», ho, b oraHHHe ot Ba6ti-.SrH, hx «aBTopHTapH3M oneHHBaeTca ogHO3Ha^Ho nono^HTenBHo» (Kapn^eHKo, 2013), h6o HMeHHo k hhm ycTpeMneHti HcTHHHtie repon, hx ohh cnacaroT h 3aBoeBtiBaroT. KpoMe MygpocTH, yMa h npoHHnaTenBHocTH, Ba6a-^ra o6nagaeT pagoM npHBne-KaTenBHHX gna pyccKoro Hapoga HpaBcTBeHHtix Ka^ecTB. Ba6y-^ry mo«ho no npaBy cHHTaTB ogHHM H3 «eHcKHX o6pa3oB - apxeTHnoB, coBMecTHBmHM b ce6e MygpocTB, noKnagHcTocTB h cBoeHpaBHocTB, go6poTy h TeaTpanBHocTB, HrnyHTHBHocTB, cMenocTB, cMeKanKy h np. HegapoM ^TOT o6pa3 aBnanca hctohhhkom BgoxHoBeHHa gna MHorax pyccKHX geaTenen HcKyccTBa: A.C. nymKHHa, B.A. ®yKOBcKoro, A. ToncToro, B. BacHenoBa, n. ^anKOBcKoro h gpyrax. B nenoM caKpanBHaa apxeTHnHHHocTB o6pa3a Ba6H-^rn, Ha Ham B3raag, o6nagaeT oco6bim 3HaneHHeM gna pyccKOH MeHTanBHocra. ^o6aBHM ga«e, hto Ba6y-Hry 6e3 HaTa^KH mo«ho 6tmo 6h Ha3BaTB apKHM nepcoHa«eM nHTepaTypti ^^oxH nocTMogepHH3Ma! Paccy^geHHa o6 o6pa3e Ba6ti-.SrH Mo«eT 6htb 6ecKOHeHHtiM, o HeM mo«ho roBo-pHTB c ^o^THHecKHM ynoeHHeM, nocKonBKy oh coBepmeHHo HeogHO3Ha^eH h MHoro-rpaHeH, h ^TO Mo«eT cTaTB npegMeToM oTgenBHoro paccMoTpeHHa b Hamnx 6ygy^HX HccnegoBaHHax. nogBoga HTor, mo«ho cKa3aTB, hto Ba6a-Hra - ^TO cno^HococTaBHon nepcoHa«, b ogHon HnocTacn - ^TO chmboh 3non ch^bi h cMepra, b gpyroH - 6orHHa HcneneHHa, «o6nagaro^aa «H3HeHHon craon» hhh, 6yKBanBHo, «B^HBaro^aa «H3HeHHyro cray» b raaBHoro repoa cKa3KH (CTenaHoB, 2004: 857). HMeHHo Ba6a-Hra noMoraeT raaBHoMy reporo npoHTH HcntrraHHa h cTaTB nHHHocTBro b nognHHHOM cMHcne 3Toro cnoBa. Mo«ho cKa3aTB, hto Ba6a-^ra - ^TO MaTB, KoTopaa npHTBopnnacB 3noñ h nyraro^eñ, hto6h noMo^B reporo npoHTH nyTB B3pocneHHa h cTaHOBneHHa. Heo6xogHMocTB HHHnnanHH repoa h cBa3aHHBH c ^THM otphb ot Bcero npHBBHHoro, 3HaKOMoro, HanpHMep, ot nacKOBOH h go6poñ MaTymKH, caMH no ce6e aBnaroTca Heo6xogHMHM apxeTHnHHecKHM cro«eTOM hhh ^Ta^OM ero gyxoBHoro pocTa. OaKTHHecKH Ba6a-^ra BocnpHHHMaeTca KaK negaror, noMoraro^HH raaBHOMy reporo npaBH^BHo BHnonHHTB cToamyro nepeg hhm 3aga^y, a ee cTpamHHH - Ha nepBtin B3raag! - o6hhk - ^TO ramB e^e ogHo HcntiTaHHe gna repoa, npoxoga KOTopoe, oh o6peTaeT b nnne Ba6H-^rn HOBoro coro3HHKa. HHHnHanna repoa h npoxo^geHHe hm HcnHTaHHH bo MHoroM 3aBHcHT ot Toro, nony^HTca hh y Hero cHHcKaTB noggep«Ky B nOHCKE APXETHnA: OT APXETHnA MATEPH K APXETHny BABM-^rH -129 BaÔH-^rn. KpoMe Toro, Ba6a-^ra npoBepaeT HpaBCTBeHHtie Ka^ecTBa h gpyrux nep-coHa^eñ CKa3KH, hto no3BonaeT h reporo h HaM otahhhtb go^Horo repoa ot noggHH-Horo. A He ^To ah h ecTt Ta caMaa rgaBHaa 3aga^a pa3gegeHM ,3,o6pa h 3ga, pemeHHro KoTopoñ cgy^HT ncKyccTBo, b HameM cgyqae AHTepaTypa, ot rgy6oKoñ gpeBHocTH go e^ë He HacTynHBmero 6ygy^ero? .HHTEPATyPA ÀKcaKOB, HBaH CepreeBM, 2008: Hawe 3HaMn - pyccKan HapodHocmb. MocKBa: HHCTrnyr pyCCKOH U,HBunu3aU,HH. [Aksakov, Ivan Sergeevich, 2008: Nashe znamja - russkaja narodnost'. Moskva: Institut russkoj civilizacii.] Ahhkhh, BnagHMup npoKonteBm, 1977: PyccKan HapodHan cKa3Ka: nocoôue dnn yuumeneu. MocKBa: npocBem,eHue. [Anikin, Vladimir Prokopievich, 1977: Russkaja narodnaja skazka: Posobie dlja uchitelej. Moskva: Prosveshhenie.] ^mkohob, Hropt MuxafinoBm, 1990: Apxamecme mu$u BocmoKa u 3anada. MocKBa. [D'jakonov, Igor Mikhailovich, 1990: Arhaicheskie mify Vostoka i Zapada. Moskva.] A^aHacteB, AneKcaHgp HuKonaeBm, 1982: ffpeBo xu3Hu. MocKBa: CoBpeMeHHuK. [Afanas'ev, Alexander Nikolaevich, 1982: Drevo zhizni. Moskva: Sovremennik.] A^aHacteB, AneKcaHgp HrnonaeBMH, 1957: HapodmiepyccKue cmsm. Tom 1-3. MocKBa: rocnrnragaT. [Afanas'ev, Alexander Nikolaevich, 1957: Narodnyerusskieskazki. Vol. 1-3. Moskva: Goslitizdat.] A^aHacteB, AneKcaHgp HuKonaeBm, 2013: ^o^mu^ecKue Bo33peHun cnaBnH Ha npupody. T. 3. MocKBa: KHura no TpeSoBaHuro. [Afanas'ev, Alexander Nikolaevich, 2013: Pojeticheskie vozzrenija slavjan na prirodu. V 3. Moskva: Kniga po trebovaniju.] BanaSaeBa, .Hapuca BacunteBHa, 2016: npomneHue apxeTHnmecKoro b cKa3Kax. Symbolic and archetypic in culture and social relations: materials of the V international scientific conference on March 5-6, 2016. Prague: Sociosfera-CZ, 5-1. [Balabaeva, Larisa Vasil'evna, 2016: Projavlenie arhetipicheskogo v skazkah. Symbolic and archetypic in culture and social relations: materials of the V international scientific conference on March 5-6, 2016. 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Ivanova ooc> The archetypes can be distinguished as universal (generic), common to every culture, and these similarities can also be traced in particular national archetypes. The article analyses one of the universal archetypes - the Mother archetype. However, the authors aim to research the basic concepts and characters of this archetype within the Slavic culture. In this case, features of the Mother archetype in Russian culture are revealed mainly in the material of Russian folk tales. The main research value of folk tales is explained by the fact that they contain the first historical "prints" of the archetypal consciousness of our ancestors. Even though the tales were passed through generations orally and therefore were often changed due to the historical and social contexts of the narrators and listeners, the general plot lines, characters, and hero trials have undergone just slight changes (this fact B nOHCKE APXETHnA: OT APXETHnA MATEPH K APXETHny BABM-^rH -133 is confirmed in the article based on the wide array of researches of many Russian linguists and philosophers). Also, for the analysis of the archetypes of the culture, folk tales have become indispensable material, revealing psychological and emotional themes of nations and ethnic groups. Thus, according to Karl Jung, a tale, like a myth, reveals the psychological mechanism of self-development or the way in which a representative of a specific culture passes the initiation on the path of self-development. So, the process of individuation, which is associated generally with emotional crises and requires a transformation of human consciousness from lower to higher levels, is also reflected in a tale as a symbolic passing of the trials and tests by a character. The Mother archetype has its own unique images in Russian fairy tales and is presented both with its bright and dark sides. If the light side of the mother is reflected in its blessing power, the dark side, in contrast, symbolically prevents the hero in his quests and achievements. Most clearly, the two-faced nature of the Mother archetype manifested in the form of Baba Yaga. The character of Baba Yaga is at once intimidating and attractive. The special charm of Baba Yaga is that she always supports the good and punishes the evil, but she does it with specific, unique methods. Etymologically, the word "Baba Yaga" has affinities with the characters in the folklore of other Indo-European languages - deities of death Yama and Janus. This confirms the link of the image of Baba Yaga with the views of the Slavs on the other world. No wonder Baba Yaga lives on the border of the two kingdoms ("ours" and "far, far away"), she tells the hero the right path, and sends false heroes in the wrong direction. The article points to other features of this character and offers them psychological interpretation and meaning for the individual consciousness of a representative of Russian culture. The image of Baba Yaga was the inspiration for many famous Russian writers, musicians, and poets that proves the deep connection of this character with archetypes of culture. Irina S. Guseva, Associate Professor of the Department of Russian language of the Faculty of Russian Language and General Educational Disciplines of the Peoples' Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University), Miklukho-Maklaya str. 6, 117198, Moscow, Russia, guseva_is@pfur.ru Dr. Vladimir G. Ivanov, Associate Professor of The Department of Comparative Politics, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Peoples' Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University), Miklukho-Maklaya str. 6, 117198, Moscow, Russia ivanov_vg@pfur.ru Dr. Maria G. Ivanova, Assistant Professor of The Department of Political Analysis and Management, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Peoples' Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University), Miklukho--Maklaya str. 6, 117198, Moscow, Russia, ivanova_mg@pfur.ru 22 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2019 - 135 - 141 | DOI: 10.3987/SMS20192207 - Reuse of Ancient Sacred Places in South Ural Region - The Case of Emir Edigey's Grave Ainur I. Tuzbekov, Ilshat I. Bakhshiev — The processes of the sacralization of archaeological sites in the South Urals are analysed in the context of Emir Edigey's Grave. The history of the archaeological study of the subject is considered in detail. The works of domestic and foreign authors, electronic publications, and internet video resources are being analysed. Based on personal field research held in May 2015 within the Russian Foundation for Humanities's grant for "Islam in the South Urals geographical information system", the chronology of the formation of the sacred space on the territory of historical and cultural heritage is being restored. In conclusion, the modern sacralization processes taking place on the significant site under consideration and throughout the whole South Urals are characterized. KEYWORDS: archaeological site, sacralization, saint (awliya), holy place, Emir Edigey's Grave INTRODUCTION Archaeological sites are truly organic elements of the natural and cultural landscapes and up to the present day continue to take a vital place in ritual and spiritual practices of the population of the South Ural region. Moreover, the sites as before endowed with various forms of sacralization and belonged to a group of ritual markers. Information about traditions, legends and rituals associated with the objects of the archaeological heritage is fragmented and not systematized. Some of the aspects of sites sacralization process in South Ural region are covered in books, review articles, and abstracts (Aminev, Yamaeva 2009; Garustovich 2013: 141-142; Savelev 2012: 160-161;Tuzbekov, Bahshiev 2013: 99-102;Kupriyanova 2014: 22-29; Yunusova 2015: 106-115; Shnirelman 2015: 53-65), but the question of formation and transformation of this phenomenon, has not become the subject of a separate study. Meanwhile, there have been increasing archaeological stories in the formation of new sacred spaces and sites on the territory of the Republic of Bashkortostan in recent years, although the "archaeological" factor of this phenomenon has not been defined, but is only one of its components. Let us give an example. Near Ilchigulovo village (Miyaki district Republic of Bashkortostan) on the top of the high syrt, there is a well-known medieval necropolis - Ilchigulovo IV (Emir Edigey's Grave), the stone walls of which have now become the object of worship and the epicentre of the formation of new sacred spaces. 136- AINUR I. TUZBEKOV, ILSHAT I. BAKHSHIEV ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXT The very first archaeological research near Ilchigulovo village was conducted in the 19th century by the anthropologist Maliev. To the southeast of the village, he studied an abandoned cemetery, which people know as nogayskoe. On the burial site, the researcher found several levelled-down burial mounts, some of which were surrounded with stones. According to Maliev's description, there were several Muslim burials sites dating back to the period of the Golden Horde, which had been researched. The author mentions that local Bashkirs prevented further excavations. In 1986 during an archaeological exploration, Garustovich found seven new mounds in the same area, the mounds belonging to various eras, including a necropolis Ilchigulovo IV which residents call as "cemetery of saints" or Edigey's Grave. The burial consisted of two stone lay outs located in 400-500 meter from each other. Round in shape, the lay outs were of stones. During the thorough study of the significant site, it was found that the border Ml was empty, whereas under border N°2 there was a burial of a male warrior with traces of chopped wounds. The buried man was lying on his back, laid on his right side, in a wooden coffin with his head to the west. The skull was turned to the right side and was lying on the temple. Clothes were absent. The scientist referred the burial to late Turkic-speaking nomads (cumans) and dated it to 14th or 15th centuries (Fig.1-2) (Garustovich 1987: 37-39). The researcher attributes the studied complexes with inventory burials of the Ilchigulovo barrow, which had been previously studied by Maliev. Also, he concludes that the studied fences were built of stones taken from the destroyed mounds of the cemetery and were built not earlier than 19th century which later became "a sacred place" (Garustovich 2013: 142). An indirect confirmation of the data mentioned above is the storyline of the Bashkir epic "Idukay (Edigey) and Muradym (Nurraddin)" dated the end of the 14th-beginning the 15th centuries, where the area adjacent to the mountain Narys-Tau is defined as the burial place of the Fig L Borders m_2 and burialplans of ne_ protagonists. cropolis Ilchigulovo IV (G. Garustovich 1986). REUSE OF ANCIENT SACRED PLACES IN SOUTH URAL REGION - THE CASE OF EMIR 137 Fig. 2. Necropolis Ilchigulovo IV and new cult objects. "Ending finally the war Sword he wiped, his face washed Once again he stayed at those places Where the Grave of Idukay (Emir Edigey) and Ynye (Edigey's son Nurraddin) Was located at Mount Narys" (Zaripov 1999: 186) According to local residents, as well as data contained in Garustovich's scientific report, a few pilgrims were observed, who would come to the borders and to the "sacred". In subsequent years, the site was probably losing its importance as, according to his observations, in the survey area the "holy spring" was used for cooling milk (Garustovich 1987: 37). There was no information at all on the likely Sahabah (Companions of the Prophet) burial. How, then, has the structure of the sacred object changed? Let us try to trace the chronology of the events. THE MYTH CONSTRUCTION The beginning of the active search for the graves of the faithful companions of the Prophet in the Volga-Ural region goes back to the last decades of the 20th century. It is associated not only with the growth of religious identity but also with popular abd controversial ideas of Khisam ad-Din Ibn Sharaf ud-Din al-Bulgari Muslim and Taj ad-Din Yalsygul al-Bashkurdimn whose works were sharply criticized by non-traditionalists Mardzhani and Fakhretdinov as well as Usmanov. (Usmanov 1972: 134-166). The next stage is connected with the visit in 2010 of a Sufi delegation from Bashkortostan, when they visited Sheikh of Sufi Order Naqshbandi Muhammad Nazim Adil al-Haqqani al-Qubrusi (residing in Turkish Republic - Northern Cyprus). During the 138- AINUR I. TUZBEKOV, ILSHAT I. BAKHSHIEV meeting, he was shown some photographs of alleged Sahabah burial sites within the territory of the Republic. Having examined all the photos, sheikh pointed to mountain Narys-Tauas the burial place of the Prophet's Companions (Mehmet Shk 2012). After the return of the delegation of the Sufis, several articles appeared in some national media about the discovery of Sahabah burial site and an active construction activity started within the cemetery Ilchigulovo IV borders. In 2011, on the ground of border N°1, there were build a monument with the names of the two of the Prophet's companions, Zubair ibn Zait and Abdurrakhman ibn Zubair, and a dome-shaped structure, whereas on the ground of border N°2 there was only a dome-shaped structure (Fig. 3-4). In 2012, at the foot of the mountain, they started to build a mosque, timed to the monument (Fig.2). Additional impetus and "legitimation" the object received in 2013 after accompanied by representatives of the local religious leaders' visit of Muhammad (Mehmet) Adil Haqqani al-Qubrusi, the son and power recipient of Muhammad Nasim Haqqani. Mehmet Adil's annual tour (2013 2015) of the "holy places" includes such archaeological sites as stone fences of burial Ilchigulovo IV, Hussain Bek and Bendebike mausoleums, among other. It was the day of his visit to the "holy places" when one could watch more than 1000 pilgrims wishing to honour the shrine. The zealous pilgrims do not limit themselves to visiting "Sahabah grave" and bathing in the "holy spring". Trying to expand the boundaries of sacred spaces, they include in it more new objects. For example, employees of Institute of Ethnological Studies Ufa Scientific Center, Russian Academy of Sciences during the expedition trip in May 2015 recorded the inclusion into the complex Narys-Tau: 1) An artificial mound formed, most likely as a result of construction work - the so-called "Mound" located 40 meters from the fence to the north-east from border N°2, which possibly emerged due to the construction works around border N° 2 in 2011. Some pilgrims bypass the object for seven times, assuming that "Awliya" is also buried there. 2) Two stone outlines of a rounded shape with a diameter of 0.5 m and 0.7 m composed within 320 meters to the southeast of the border N°1 on a cusp-shaped syrt. Between the stones were detected pieces of thread, material, and crow feathers vertically stuck in the ground. The absence of moss and turf signify that stone throwings appeared relatively recently in the last 5-10 years. Thus, by this example archaeological site, we can trace one of the models of the formation of contemporary sacred spaces and objects: the design of a completely artificial conceptualization supported by the official Muslim clergy as well as by the authorities at the local level. In this case, this model became the foundation for the promotion of Naqshbandi Sufi Order ideas in the region. REUSE OF ANCIENT SACRED PLACES IN SOUTH URAL REGION - THE CASE OF EMIR 139 Fig. 4. Border N°2 (Awliya Grave) (photo by A. Tuzbekov, May 2015). 140- AINUR I. TUZBEKOV, ILSHAT I. BAKHSHIEV CONCLUSION Today, there are more than hundreds of archaeological sites, in the South Urals exposed to sacralization. Representatives of various religious movements and sects, including prohibited ones, attract their new members using the traditional for Bashkirs worshipping the saints (awliya). This explains the significant increase in "places of worship" generated primarily owing to the relief expressing some burial mounds, stone fences, borders, insulated stones, caves, etc. Most of these spontaneous processes occur in the Urals densely inhabited by Bashkirs. These observations are not unique and virtually similar examples have been recorded in other regions of Russia, CIS countries (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan), Western Europe, China and others. This phenomenon, of course, requires further investigation, and the similarity of the processes occurring in the archaeological sites spread all around the world, shows the global crisis of traditional spiritual values, which made people search for new or revive some old religious systems that could provide answers to the challenges of the modern world. BIBLIOGRAPHY Aminev, Z. G.; Yamaeva, l. A. 2009: Regionalnye osobennosti islama u bashkir. Ufa: Dizayn-Pol-igraf Servis. Garustovich, G. N. 1987: Otchet ob arheologicheskih rabotah v Meleuzovskom, Kugarchinskom, Chishminskom, Miyakinskom, Bizhbulyakskom i Zianchurinskom rajonah Bashkirskoj ASSRpo otkrytomu listu formy Ml za MM406 i 407, v 1986 godu. Ufa: Lichniy arhiv. Garustovich, G. N. 2013: Osobennosti rasprostraneniya islama sredi bashkir v ehpohu sredneve- kovya.Ufimskiy arheologicheskiy vestnik 13: 137-143. Kupriyanova, E.V. 2014: Zapovednik «Arkaim» i problemy populyarizacii arheologii na Yuzhnom Urale. Vestnik Chelyabinskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 12 (341): 22-29. Mehmet Shk, 2012: Svyatoy Sheyh Abdurafik iz Bashkirii (sufizm). Online: http://www.youtube. com/watch?v=SMJHSa_iD_Y (5.6.2015). Savelev, N. S. 2012: Malye kultovye obekty Yuzhnogo Urala: ot arheologii k ehtnograficheskoy sovremennosti. Dokumenty i materialy po istorii bashkirskogo naroda (s drevnejshih vremen do serediny XVI v.). Ufa: 128-166. Shnirelman, V. A. 2015: Konstruirovanie istoricheskogo naslediya sluchay Arkaima. Sibirskie istoricheskie issledovaniya 2: 53-65. Tuzbekov, A. I.; Bahshiev I. I. 2013: Obekty arheologicheskogo naslediya Bashkirskogo Zauralya v sovremennoy ritualnoy praktike yugo-vostochnyh Bashkir. Islam i gosudarstva v Rossii: Sbornik materialov Mezhdunarodnoj nauchno-prakticheskoj konferencii, posvyashchen-noy 225-letiyu Centralnogo duhovnogo upravleniya musulman Rossii - Orenburgskogo magometanskogo duhovnogo sobraniya. Ufa: 99-102. Usmanov, M. A. 1972: Tatarskie istoricheskie istochniki XVII—XVIII vv.: «Sbornik letopisey», «Daftar-i Chingiz-name», «Tavarih-i Bulgariya». Tatarskie shadzhara. Kazan: Kazanskiy gosudarstvenny universitet. REUSE OF ANCIENT SACRED PLACES IN SOUTH URAL REGION - THE CASE OF EMIR 141 Yunusova, A. B. 2015: Mobilizovanniy arhaizm: novye tendencii v tradicionnoy religioznoy praktike pokloneniya bashkirskih musulmán. Izvestiya Ufimskogo nauchnogo centra RAN 3: 106-115. Zaripov, N. T. (eds). 1999: Idukay i Muradym. Bashkirskoe narodnoe tvorchestvo. Istoricheskiy ehpos. Ufa: Kitap. nOBTOPHAS CAKPA.^H3A^H£ ^PEBHHX CBSTMHb HA ro^HOM yPAHE (nPHMEP MOrHHW ^MHPA E^HrES) Ahhyp H. Ty3bekob, HnmAT H. Baxoheb ooo B xoge peanH3a^HH npoeKTa «^e0HH$0pMa^H0HHaa CHCTeMa «HcnaM Ha ro»-hom ypane» HccnegoBaTenaMH HHCTHTyTa ^THono^HHecKHx HccnegoBaHHH im. P.r. Ky3eeBa y®HU, PAH 6tmn H3y^eHBi h KapTorpa^npoBaHBi cBaTBie MecTa, nowraeMBie HaceneHHeM pernoHa. B xoge geTantHoro roy^eHHa o6teKroB 6Bina BBiaBneHa TeHgeHnna coBpeMeHHoñ aKryanroanHH caKpantHBix npegcraBneHHH o paHee H3BecTHBix naMaTHHKax. OTgentHBie hhhhocth hhh penHrHü3HBie rpynnH b nocnegHHe rogH nepe3 CMH, HHTepHeT hhh i^HantHBie ceTH Ha^anH aKTHBHo pacnpocrpaHaTt HH^opMa^Hro o cb^thx MecTax, hx 3HaneHHH h T.g. 3anacryro o6ieKTH, BocnpHHHMaeMHe HaceneHHeM b npomnoM KaK MecTa 3axopoHeHHa nereHgapHHx nHHHoereH, gyxoBeHcTBa, npaBHTenen, bohhob, Ha^ann npenogHo-cHTtca coBpeMeHHHKaM KaK MornnH cbatbix nrogeñ. OgHHM H3 TaKHx o6ieKToB aBnaeTca Morana Egnrea (Hnt^nrynoBo IV, KypraHHBiH MorantHHK). B cTaTte nogpo6Ho paccMarprnaeTca HcTopna apxeonora^ecKoro H3yqeHHa o6ieKTa. Ha ocHoBe apxHBHHx MaTepnanoB aBTop ycTaHaBnHBaeT gaTHpoBKy naMaTHHKa h ero HcTopHKo-KyntTypHyro npHHagne^HocTt. Hcnont3ya gaHHHx co6paHHBie b xoge noneBHx HccnegoBaHHH, aHanroa ne^aTHBix CMH h HHTepHeT H3gaHHH BoccTaHaBnHBaeTca xpoHonorna nepe^opMarapoBaHHa o6teKTa HCTopHKo-Kynt-TypHoro Hacnegna b caKpantHoe npocTpaHcTBo. B 3aKnro^eHHH nogBogaTca htoth HccnegoBaHHa, xapaKTeproyroTca coBpeMeHHHe npo^ccBi caKpa^H3a^HH, nponcxoga^ne KaK Ha paccMoTpeHHoM naMaTHHKe, TaK h Ha Bcen TeppHTopHH ro»Horo ypana b ^noM. Ainur I. Tuzbekov, research fellow R.G. Kuzeev Institute for Ethnological Studies - Subdivision of the Ufa Federal Research Centre of the Russian Academy of Sciences, K. Marx st, 6, Ufa, the Republic of Bashkortostan, Russia, tuzbek.80@mail.ru Ilshat I. Bakhshiev, research fellow R.G. Kuzeev Institute for Ethnological Studies - Subdivision of the Ufa Federal Research Centre of the Russian Academy of Sciences, K. Marx st, 6, Ufa, the Republic of Bashkortostan, Russia, E-mail: ibahsh@gmail.com 22 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2019 - 143 - 161 | DOI: 10.3987/SMS20192208 - TaHaTO.norHHecKHe mothbhi «OrpamHOH MecTH» HnKonaa rorona B KoHTeKCTe 3THoKyntTypHtix CB^3eH yKpaHH^B KoHCTaHTHH PaxHo This article deals with the description of the posthumous destiny of the dead in the horror story A Terrible Vengeance by Mykola Gogol. It describes the patrimonial cemetery of the sorcerer, where all his ancestors were buried. Their corpses rise from their graves, but the first local dead man, the largest of them, cannot rise, and his movements cause earthquakes. These images can be fully understood only in comparison with Chuvash beliefs about the first buried dead person as the cemetery master and also with Zoroastrian and Ossetian mythological concepts. The Chuvashes and the Iranian-speaking nations, primarily the Ossetians, have parallels to the plot about a father coveting his daughter and killing his grandchild, the soul's wanderings during sleep, and other related motifs. Thus, the folkloric motifs on which the story is constructed help to reveal the ethnocultural connections of the early Ukrainians. KEYWORDS: Mykola Gogol, thanatological motives, ethnology, literary studies, Ukraine, A Terrible Vengeance no^TH Bee kphthkh egHHogymHti b tom, hto «CTpamHaa MecTt» HnKonaa rorona, ko-Topaa b nepBoM H3gaHHH 6tina gononHeHa nog3aronoBKoM «CTapHHHaa 6tint», - ogHa H3 caMtix cnntHtix h Han6onee noara^Htix ero noBecTeS. ^TO Hpe3BtraaHHo cno^Hoe h kpenko ckomnohobahhoe nporobegehhe, b npmygnhbo 3akognpobahhtix mh^onora-necKHX CTpyKTypax KoToporo aBTop ntiTaeTca npoacHHTt npHHHHti ynagKa Ko3anKoS yKpaHHH. B Hen ycTaHaBnHBaroTca ocHoBHtie MH^onorH^ecKHe onno3Hnm, KoToptie KacaroTca Bcex coHHHeHHH rorona Ha yKpaHHcKyro TeMaTHKy, a caM aBTop npoaBnaeT rny6oKoe noHHMaHHe KyntTypti h hctophh cBoero Hapoga (rpa6oBHH 1994, 137-140). ^aBHo o6pa^eHo BHHMaHHe Ha to, hto «CTpamHaa MecTt», nepeKnHKaact c gpyrHMH noBecTaMH «Be^epoB Ha xyrope 6nro ^HKaHtKH» h «Mupropoga», nocTpoeHa Ha 3HaHHH roroneM cTapHHti h HapogHoro 6tiTa (ffleHpoK 1893, 54-68). Te HccnegoBaTenn, kto nonaran, hto b ocHoBe ne^aT yKpaHHcKHe BapnaHTti 6pogannx cro^eToB, HacTan-Bann, hto ohh o6cTaBneHti y rorona nogpo6HocTaMH H3 yKpaHHcKoS HapogHoS »H3HH h no33HH (neTpoB 1902, 66-67). BepHo h HcTopmecKH tohho nncaTent nepegaBan gyx Ko3anKoS anoxn (KaMaHHH 1902, 102, 105, 107-108, 114-115, 128). XoTa 3By^ano MHeHHe, hto BnnaHHe yKpaHHcKHx HapogHtix cKa3aHHH h nereHg Ha ^aHTacTH^ecKyro 144- KOHCTAHTHH PAXHO TeMaTHKy «CTpamHGH MecTH» ciegyeT npu3HaTB MaiGcy^ecTBeHHaM u noHTu cniomB HegGCTGBepHMM (^ep«aBHH 1927, 331), TeM He MeHee, k Ka«goMy H3 mgthbgb noBecTu mo«ho HaHTH cooTBeTCTBHe b yKpaHHCKOM ^oiBKiope (HeBipoBa 1909, 41). Hcciego-BaHua yKpaHHCKHx (^GiBKiopHax KopHeH «CrpamHGH MecTH» npGflGi«aroTca (C^roK 2004, 147; HBaHoB 2006). CiegyeT o6paTHTB BHHMaHue, hto b «CrpamHOH MecTH», B03gBHrayron, KaK u 60iBmuHCTB0 npou3BegeHHH BeiHKoro nucaTena, Ha pogHOM eMy yKpaHHCKOM 6aTe u cKa3aHuax, onucaBaeTca pogoBoe Kiag6u^e KOigyHa - o^a KaTepuHa, Ha KOTopoM BCTaroT u3 Morui MepTBe^i, ero gega u npagega: «Ha 6epery BugHeiGCB Knafl6u^e: BeTxue Kpecra TGinuiucB b KyHKy. Hu KaiuHa He pacTeT Me« humu, hu TpaBa He 3eieHeeT, toibko Meca^ rpeeT ux c He6ecH0H BHmuHH. - CiamuTe jiu, xnonnti, KpuKu? Ktg-tg 3gböt Hac Ha ügmg^b! - cKa3ai naH ^aHuno, o6opoTacB k rpe6^M cboum. - Ma ciamuM KpuKu, u Ka«eTca, c toh cTopoHa, - pa30M cKa3aiu xnon^i, yKa-3HBaa Ha Kiag6u^e. Ho Bcë ctuxio. .ogKa noBopoTuia u cTaia oru6aTB BagaBmunca 6eper. Bgpyr rpe6^i onycTuiu Becia u HegBu«H0 ycTaBuiu ohu. OcTaHOBuica u naH ^aHuno: cTpax u xoiog npope3aica b K03a^KHe «uiti. KpecT Ha Moruie 3amaTanca, u Tuxo nogHaica u3 Heë BacoxmuH MepTBe^ Bopoga go noaca; Ha naiB^x KorTu giuHHae, e^e giuHHee caMax naiB^B. Tuxo nogHai oh pyKu BBepx. .H^o Bcë 3a-gpo«ano y Hero u noKpuBuiocB. CrpamHyro MyKy, BugHO, Tepnei oh. «^ymHO MHe! gymHo!» npocTGHan oh aukum, He HeiGBeHBuM roiGCGM. Toioc ero, 6ygrG hg«, napanan cepg^, u MepTBe^ Bgpyr ymei nog 3eMiro. 3amaTaica gpyroH KpecT, u onaTB Bamen MepTBe^ e^ë crpamHee, e^ë Bame npe«Hero; BecB 3apoc; 6opoga no KOieHa u e^e giuHHee KOcTaHae KorTu. E^e gune 3aKpuHai oh: «^ymHO MHe!» u ymei nog 3eMiro. nomaTHyica rpeTun KpecT, nogHaica rpeTun MepTBe^ Ka3aiocB, ogHu toibko koctu nogHaiucB BacoKO Hag 3eMiero. Bopoga no caMae naTa; naiB^i c giuHHaMu Korra-mu B0H3uiucB b 3eMiro. CTpamHO npoTaHyi oh pyKu BBepx, KaK 6ygT0 xoTei gocTaTB Meca^, u 3aKpuHai TaK, KaK 6ygT0 KT0-Hu6ygB cTan nuiuTB ero «ëiTae koctu ...» (roroiB 1979, 136-137). nocie ru6eiu KOigyHa MepTBe^i ero Tep3aroT: «BMur yMep KOigyH u OTKpai nocie cMepTu ohu. Ho y«e 6ai MepTBe^ u riagei, KaK MepTBe^ TaK cTpamHO He riaguT hu «uboh, hu BOcKpecmuH. BopoHan oh no cto-poHaM MëpTBaMu ria3aMu u yBugei nogHaBmuxca MepTBe^0B ot KueBa, u ot 3eMiu raiuHCKOH, u ot KapnaTa, KaK gBe Kaniu Boga cxo«ux ^H^0M Ha Hero. BiegHa, 6iegHa, oguH gpyroro Bame, oguH gpyroro KOcTucTeH, cTaiu ohu bo-Kpyr BcagHuKa, gep«aBmero b pyKe crpamHyro go6any. E^ë pa3 3acMeaica pa^apB u KuHyi eë b nponacTB. H Bce MepTBe^i bckohuiu b nponacTB, nogxBaTuiu MepTBe^ u B0H3uiu b Hero cBou 3y6a». H TOiBKO caMan 6oiBmoH, caMan cTapan MepTBe^ - ero npegoK neTpo, KOTopaH coBepmui rpex 6paToy6uncTBa, - He M0«eT BCTaTB. Oh He M0«eT nogHaTBca u3 3eMiu, HTo6a rpa3TB cBoero noTOMKa: «E^e oguH Bcex Bame, Bcex cTpamHee, xoTei nogHaTBca u3 3eMiu; ho He Mor, He b cuiax 6ai ^T0^0 cgeiaTB, TaK BeiuK Bapoc oh b 3eMie; a eciu 6a nogHaica, to TAHAranOraqECKHE MOTHBbl «CTPAmHOH MECTH» HHKO^AarOrO^H B KOHTEKCTE ... -145 onpoKHHyn 6ti h KapnaT, h CegMHrpagcKyro h Type^Kyro 3eMnro, HeMHoro TontKo nogBHHynca oh, h nomno ot Toro TpaceHHe no Bceñ 3eMne. H MHoro noonpoKHgtiBanoct Be3ge xaT. H MHoro 3agaBHno Hapogy. CntimHTca HacTo no KapnaTy cbhct, KaK 6ygTo Tticana MentH^ myMHT KonecaMH Ha Boge. To, b 6e3BtixogHoñ nponacTH, KoTopoñ He Bngan e^e hh ogHH HenoBeK, crpa-ma^nnca npoxogHTt mimo, MepTBe^i iptrcyr MepTBe^. HepegKo 6tiBano no BceMy MHpy, hto 3eMna rpacnact ot ogHoro koh^ go gpyroro; to orroro genaeTca, TonKyroT rpaMoTHHe nrogn, hto ecTt rge-To, 6nro Mopa, ropa, H3 KoTopoñ BtixBaTtiBaeTca nnaMa h TeKyT ropa^ne peKH. Ho crapHKH, mroptie »HByr h b BeHrpHH, h b ranHHcKoñ 3eMne, nynme 3HaroT ^T0 h roBopar hto to xoneT nogHaTtca BtipocmHñ b 3eMne BenHKHH, BenHKHH MepTBe^ h TpaceT 3eMnro» (roront 1979, 164-165). TaKHe npegcTaBneHHa o Knag6n^e, Ha kotopom BceM pyKoBogHT caMtiñ cTaptiñ npegoK, npncy^H h HyBamcKoñ MH^onorHH, rge cy^ecTByeT Bepa b TaK Ha3tiBaeMoro rnaBy Knag6n^a (caBa nyce, Macap nyce, caBá noc). Ha 3Ty gon^Hocrt BcTynaeT nepBtiñ noxopoHeHHHH, KaK npaBHno, noHTeHHtiñ h Mygptiñ, yBa^aeMtiñ BceMH cTape^ hah no^Hnoñ My^HHHa, KoTopoMy nogHHHaroTca Bce noKoñHHKH He3aBHcHMo ot paHra. Be3 ero no3BoneHHa ohh He Moryr yxogHTt c Knag6n^a. npaBga, b no3gHeñmee BpeMa b HeK0T0ptix MecTHocTax non h Bo3pacT nepBoro noKonHHKa 6tinH HeBa^HtiMH. C rna-boh Knag6n^a BpeMeHaMH cBa3tiBanoct h caMoe HacTynneHHe cMepra, gecKaTt, oh h 3a6npaeT «h3hb, BcTaBaa H3 Mornnti k yMHparo^eMy. Knag6n^e aBnanoct ero 3eMneñ, y Hero Te, kto «crpoHT goM», to ecTt poeT Mornny, BtmpamHBanH MecTo gna hoboto noKonHHKa, npHHoca eMy b «epTBy KycoK xne6a h KoMoHeK ctipa, mroptie oTnaMti-Bann h 6pocann Ha MecTe hoboh Mornnti. HHorga «epTB0BanH geHtrn. TaK, b gepeBHe CTaptie Anramn Chm6hpckoto ye3ga Ha geñcTBoBaBmeM b HaHane XX BeKa Knag6n^e cnpamHBann no3BoneHHa y HeKoero AxMaTa, noxopoHeHHoro 3gect nepBtiM. CTapocry (Macap nycnaxe) Morant^HKH npocnnn npn ^TOM gaTt yronoK 3eMnn. B ero n^e co-cpegoTaHHBanoct Bce ynpaBneHHe Knag6n^eHcKHM MHpoM. Oh gon^eH 6trn npHHaTt HoBoro noKonHHKa, yKa3aTt h oTBecTH eMy MecTo, HayHHTt ero nopagKaM 3arpo6Horo cy^ecTBoBaHHa h T.g. ^0^T0My h MornntmuKH He cMenn 6e3 ero no3BoneHHa HaHaTt ptiTt Mornny. TontKo ncnpocnB pa3pemeHHa y rnaBti Knag6n^a, ohh HaHHHann KonaTt (Tpo^HMoB 1993, 146; Tpo^HMoB 2003, 55; CanMHH 1994, 213; CanMHH 2007, 250; Me-capom 2000, 46, 201; KoMHccapoB 1911, 375-376; KoMHccapoB 2003, 75-76; ,3,eHHcoB 1959, 49). nepBHñ noKnoH h yro^eHHe ot noceTHBmnx gon^Hti 6tinH npHHagne^aTt eMy. Bo BpeMa noMHHoK c Hero HaHHHann yro^aTt npegKoB - eMy nepBoMy npHHocnnn b «epTBy xMentHoñ HanHToK cypy (capa) h npocnnn pa3pemeHHa 3a»ent oroHt, nrpaTt Ha cKpnnKe h nnacaTt nocne Bogpy^eHHa HoBoro Hagrpo6na b BHge cTon6a - ront (rona, nona). HMeHHo ycTaHoBneHHe ^T0^0 gepeBaHHoro cTon6a, KaK h y rop^B rnHgyKyma, 3aBepmano nepnog Tpaypa no yMepmeMy. no BepoBaHHaM HyBameñ, b noMHHKax Top^e-cTBoBano go6po: Tparegna, KaK noHHMann ohh b gpeBHocTH, HeBo3Mo»Ha. Bo BceneHHoñ Bce ynopagoHeHo h B3aHMocBa3aHo, b Heñ Hent3a oTgenHTt ocHoBHoe ot BTopocTeneH-Horo. Ho MHp, coTBopeHHHñ yHacTHHKaMH noMHHantHoro o6paga, KaK BHgHM, yHHH-To^aeTca. ^T0 Hy^Ho gna Toro, hto6h npegKH 6e3 Hago6HocTH, npe^geBpeMeHHo, 6e3 npnrnameHHa He Mornn aBnaTtca k shbkm. npoMe^yToK BpeMeHH ot aKTa coTBopeHHa 146- KOHCTAHTHH PAXHO go aKTa pa3pymeHHa npegHa3Hanagca gga o6^eHHa c yconmHMH. Bcrpena c hhmh 6tma Heo6xogHMa »ibhm gga Toro, hto6bi coegHHHTB, npno6muTB HoBonpecTaBgeHHBix k MHpy MepTBBix, to ecTt npeBpaTHTB HegaBHo yMepmnx b npegKOB. npn ^TOM cgegyeT nognepKHyrB, nTo hmh He Moran cTaTB geTH. H KaK hh napagoKcagBHo, Bce ^TO cnma-gocB ocy^ecTBgeHHeM cBa3eH noKogeHHH noTycTopoHHero MHpa. B npeeMcTBeHHocTH npegKoB rgaBHyro pogB Hipagn no«HgBie grogn, oco6eHHo Te, KoTopBie nogB3oBagncB aBTopHTeToM npn »H3HH. Ho Macap (caBá) nyce - rgaBa Kgag6n^a - Bcerga 6Big ogHH h tot «e My^HHHa, 3aKoHBi cBa3eH noKogeHHH ero KaK 6h He KacagncB (Tpo^HMoB 1993, 146, 179; Tpo^HMöB 2003, 55, 67; CagMHH 2007, 280; CagMHH 2009, 205; HeHKoBa 2008, 69; Neykova 2009, 166). Cxo«ne npegcTaBgeHHa o nepBoM noKoHHHKe Ha Kgag6n^e KaK o 6ygy^eM ero cTapenmHHe 3a^HKcnpoBaHBi y npo«HBaBmen pagoM c nyBamaMH MopgBH ByHHcKoro ye3ga (Mokohh 2004, 147). rgaBa Kgag6n^a npaKTHHecKH aBgaeTca b no3^HH BgacTurega, mropaa npoaBgaeTca h b cTapocTH KaK MH^ogoranecKoH MeTa^ope BepxoBHocTH h BgacTH. ^TOT npenegeHT onncaH b gpeBHHX HpaHcKHX h HHgoapnncKHX TeKcTax - nepBBiH napB Ha 3eMge, koto-pBH ogHoBpeMeHHo aBgaeTca nepBBiM yMepmHM negoBeKoM, cTaHoBHTca 6o«ecTBoM nog3eMHoro MHpa (BoHc 1987, 21; HeHKoBa 2008, 69; Neykova 2009, 166). H HMeHHo b HpaHcKoM ^ogBKgope npocge«HBaeTca TonHaa napaggegB npegcraBgeHHro o tom, nro nepBHH MepTBen, gnmeHHBiH bo3mo«hocth gBHraTBca, o6peTaeT KocMHnecKHe pa3Me-pH, h ero gBH«eHHa BBi3BiBaroT 3eMgerpaceHHa. y oceTHH Bor, 6oacB, hto6h nepBHH HapT He pa3pymng Bcro 3eMgro, nocTeneHHo 3aMaHHBaeT ero b caMHH neHTp 3eMgH, rge orpoMHHH MaccHB cKoBHBaeT ero 6oraTBipcKHe ngeHBi, h nepBHH HapT TaK h ocTagca HaBeKH b Hegpax 3eMgH. «C Tex nop, - roBopmca b npegaHHH, - nepBHH HapT, Korga xoneT BBipBaTBca oTTyga, noTpacaeT 3eMgro, H3-3a nero h nponcxogHT 3eMgeTpaceHHe». 3to ogHa H3 gpeBHenmnx gereHg, KoTopaa o6iacHaeT aBgeHHa npnpogH. OgHaKo nepBHH HapT, npe«ge neM 6htb cKoBaHHHM 3eMgeH, ycneBaeT ocTaBHTB Ha HeH cBoe noToMcTBo (TyraHoB 1977, 142). nerpo b noBecTH coBepmng crpamHBin rpex, cBa3aHHBin c gornro h npegaTegBcTBoM, a b SmTe roBopmca o rpexonageHHH Hhmh. flomegmie 3opoacTpnHcKHe TeKcTH He coo6^aroT nogpo6HocTeH ^TO^o cro«eTa. rpex Hhmh b pa3HBix HcTonHHKax onpege-gaeTca no-pa3HoMy: 3apaTymTpa cTaBHT 0HMe b BHHy noTpe6geHHe b nnmy Maca pora-Toro cKoTa (ScHa, XXXII, 8); b Smre (XIX, 33-38) 0HMa npegcTaBgeH «cograBmHM», «B3ABmHM Ha yM g«HBoe, HencTHHHoe cgoBo» h «yrpaTHBmHM XBapHo»; corgacHo ByHgaxnmHy (17, 4), oh Bo3oMHHg ce6a 6oropaBHHM (ABecTa 1993, 158-159; ABecTa 1997, 385; 3opoacrpHHcKHe TeKcTH 1997, 289; PaK 1998, 163; BeprieHKo 2015, 16). Hapagy c bo3mo«hbimh TropKOKHMH cooTBeTcTBHaMH, 3THMogoraa nyBamcKoro nyc/ noc HMeeT napaggegB c pogcTBeHHHM HHgonpaHcKHM cgoBoM pati - 'Bo«gB', 'rgaBa'. HecoMHeHHHH HaynHHH HHTepec npegcTaBgaeT h pogcTBo Me«gy nyBamcKHM cgoBoM caBa 'Kgag6n^e' h caHcKpHTcKHMH cava - 'rpynHBiH (3anax)', cáva - 'rpyn, ocTaHKH', cávya - 'noxopoHHHH o6pag', cva-bhra - 'aMa; ne^epa; npencnogHaa, ag' (CagMHH 2010, 58, 190; CagMHH 2016, 522). y nyBameH Hagrpo6ne caBa nyce oTgnnagocB cboh-mh pa3MepaMH, oho 6Bigo BHme gpyrnx h o6HnHo pacnogaragocB b neHTpe Kgag6n^a. 3to egHHcTBeHHaa rona, KoTopyro »iBHe 3aMeHagn hoboh, ecgn cTapaa 3aBagHTca TAHAranOraqECKHE MOTHBbl «CTPAmHOH MECTH» HHKO^AarOrO^H B KOHTEKCTE ... -147 (Tpo^HMOB 1993, 146; Tpo^HMOB 2003, 55). OneBugHO, ^T0 HaMeK Ha ero ruraHTCKue pa3MepH. OgHO H3 gpeBHHX Knag6u^ HeKpe^ëHtix HyBamen B03ne cena Ca6aKaeB0, pacnonG«eHHGe Ha gpeBHeM KypraHe, Ha3HBanoct Ynän TëMu 'XonM BenuKaHa'. XopoHHTt TaM nepecTann gaBHO, ho e^ë coxpaHanuct gepeBaHHtie cKyntnrypHtie H3G6pa«eHHa, u nGMHHKH Bcë e^ë npoBogunuct Ka«flGH BecHGH u oceHtro (Tpo^HMGB 1993, 152). ^,ononHUTentHaa napannent c noBecTtro rorona npocne«uBaeTca u b tom ^aKTe, hto Knag6u^a HeKpe^ëHtix HyBamen, b tom Hucne u cpegHeBeKOBtie, Bcerga 6tinu pacnono«eHti Ha OTKptiTOH B03BtimeHH0CTu y peKu (Tpo^uMOB 1993, 66, 152; Tpo^uMOB 2003, 55; HeHKOBa 2008, 74; Neykova 2009, 172). Ba«H0, hto u Ha3BaHue cTonnoo6pa3Horo Hagrpo6ua, u puryantHoro XMentHoro HanHTKa, u ctipa y HyBameH aBnaroTca uHfloupaHCKHMu no npoucxo«,geHuro. ^yBamcKoe rona, Hona 'cTon6', 'cTon6, u3o6pa«aro^un noKOHHuKa', rona MyH^u 'MHTte b 6aHe nocne noMuHOK', rona-nannu 'rpy6oe gepeBaHHoe u3o6pa«eHue noKOHHuKa, KOTopoe cTaBaT Ha Moruny npu noxopoHax', rona TyHu 'oTnpaBneHue noMuHOK (b tom Hucne u npaBOcnaBHtix)', rona Ty 'cnpaBnaTt noMuHKu', rona TäpaTHu 'o6pag npu KOTopoM ocTaTKu KOcTeH nocne noMuHantHoro yro^eHua 6pocaroT Ha u36paHHoe MecTo', rona yûaxë 'oKTa6pt'; rona yüäx, Hona oüäx 'Hoa6pt, Mecan noMuHOK' (AmMapuH 1994a, 342-347; OegoTOB 1996, 488), noKa hto ocTaëTca b cnoBapax 6e3 ^TUMono^uu, KaK u MopgoBCKoe ro6a 'cTon6 Ha Mont6u^e' (MentHuKOB 1981, 61). npegno«eHue cBa3aTt ero c 6ypaT0-M0Hr0ntcKuM 0600 'Hactmt', 'KypraH', 'KyHa', 'rpyga', o6oh 'conKa, rge cGBepmanca penuruG3Htin o6pag', KanMtinKuM GBa 'KypraH' (EpmoB 1964, 369) HuHeM He 060CH0BaH0, u cKopee mo«ho npegnono«uTt o6paTHoe 3auMCTB0BaHue u3 6ygguH-CKOH npaKTuKu y MOHronoB. nontiTKu «e cooTHecTu ^T0 HyBamcKoe cnoBO u noHaTue c Begu^ecKuMu TpagunuaMu noKa Hey6eguTentHti (Tpo^uMOB 2003, 55-56), xoTa u BnonHe npaBOMepHti. Begt mo«ho npuBneHt gaHHtie 06 uHgoapuncKux «epTBeHHtix cTon6ax yüpa, asvayüpa u nogo6Htix (CanMuH 1994, 224; TonopoB 1974, 65). BectMa xapaKTepHHe geTanu coo6^aroTca, b HacTHOcTu, b PurBege (III, 8. 9-10): «CnoBHO rycu, BticrpouBmueca pagaMu, npu6tinu k HaM («epTBeHHtie) cTon6ti, ogeTtie b cBeTnoe. nogHuMaeMtie nepeg (orHeM) ^o^TaMu, 6oru BCTynaroT Ha nyTt 6oroB. Ohu BtirnagaT, KaK pora poraTtix («ubothhx), cTon6ti c HaBepmuaMu, (cToa^ue) Ha 3eMne» (PurBega 1989, 299, 694). ^Tu gaHHHe Puraegti MoryT paccMaTpuBaTtca KaK goBontHO TOHHoe u3o6pa«eHue puTyantHHX KOHCTpyKnun, mupoKO ucnont3yeMtix b maMaHCKux KyntTypax (TonopoB 1974, 66). HHflGapuncKGe asvayüpa - K0H0Ba3t, cTGn6, k KGTGpoMy npuBa3tiBaeTca «epT-BeHHaa nomagt, ynoMuHaeTca y«e b gpeBHenmeM onucaHuu «epTBonpuHomeHua KOHa, b ruMHax Puraegti (I 162. 6) (PurBega 1989, 196, 643). Oho aBnaeTca (^yHKnuoHantHtiM ^KBUBaneHT0M MupoBoro gepeBa. KocMunecKun cuMBonu3M cTon6a, to ecTt ero pont nocpegcTByro^ero, cBa3yro^ero 3BeHa, o6iacHaeTca TeM, hto k HeMy npuBa3HBanact «epTBa. ^epTBeHHaa nomagt ycTaHaBnuBana cBa3t Me«gy gByMa KGCMuHecKuMu 3GHaMu 148- KOHCTAHTHH PAXHO - MupoM nrogefi u MupoM 6oroB. CBa3t sepTBti cTon6a 0C06eHH0 HarnagHo nogTBepsga-eTca ^THMonoraefi Ha3BaHua cron6a - yupa, o6pa3OBaHHoro ot KopHa yu- ('npuBa3tiBaTt, cBa3tmaTt') npu noMo^H (^opManra -p-. B gantHefimeM chmbohh3m cron6a u sepTBti 6tin nepeocMticneH TaKHM o6pa3oM, nro ycTaHoBneHue cTon6a crano caMo no ce6e pmyanoM, BocnpoH3Bogam;HM aKT coTBopeHua BceneHHofi. Asvayupa (6yKBantHo 'kohckhh cTon6' unu 'KoHt-cTon6') nonHocTtro cooTBeTcTByeT 6ypaTcKoMy puTyantHoMy TepMHHy a3ap-ra^pre (ot a3apra 'sepe6e^ u c^p^^ 'cron6'; b ^noM - Ha3BaHue 6epe3ti, BtiptiBaeMofi c KopHeM H3 3eMnu; k Hefi npuBa3tiBaeTca npu sepTBonpuHomeHuu KoHt) (Oru6eHuH 1968, 17; HBaHoB 1974, 99-101; TonopoB 1974, 69; ,0,aHgeKap 2002, 142). BogpyseHue ronH y nyBamefi Tose 6tino coTBopeHueM Mupa, nTo Btipasanoct b 3a»HraHHH orHa u cBenefi, HcnonHeHHH penuTaraBHoro ruMHa-MonuTBti b necTt 6oroB u npegKoB, Bo3nuaHuax, yromeHHH, My3tiKe, neHuu u TaHuax (Tpo^uMoB 2003, 131). B noBecTu rorona HegapoM ynoMaHyrti BeTxue KpecTti. y nyBamefi ynaBmue ot BpeMeHu cTon6ti-rona, paBHo KaK u KpecTti, u3gpeBne u no cefi geHt He npuHaTo He TontKo 3aMeHaTt u peMoHTupoBaTt, ho u nogHuMaTt u ycTaHaBnuBaTt BHoBt. Ecnu rony o6HoBuTt, to cnynuTca BTopaa cMepTt. nosuntie o6usaroTca Ha Monogtix, ntiTaro^uxca xoTa 6ti npunogHaTt ynaBmufi HaMo-runtHtifi gepeBaHHHH 3HaK. KaMeHHtie Hagrpo6ua BocnpuHuManuct KaK ocKop6neHue noKofiHuKoB. XapaKTepHo, nTo e^e b KoHue XIX - Hanane XX bb. Kpe^eHtie nyBamu bo BpeMa o6paga rona roroTOBnanu He cTon6ti, a gepeBaHHtie KpecTti, nTo, ecTecTBeHHo, He cooTBeTcTBoBano npaBocnaBHtiM KaHoHaM (Mecapom 2000, 204; CanMuH 2007, 280, 285-289; HefiKoBa 2008, 63; Neykova 2009, 160-161). Capa 'nuBo', anTaH (aBTaH) capa 'neTymuHoe nuBo' - Ha3BaHue o6paga; an capu Ha3BaHue 'o6paga b necTt HoBoro yposaa'; capa-KanKa 'nuBo u cBa3aHHtie c ero npu-roTOBneHueM xnonoTti'; capa KypKu Ha3BaHue 'oco6ofi pacKpameHHofi gepeBaHHofi namKu gna nuTta nuBa'; capa nyK(e) Ha3BaHue 'MoneHua c nuBoM' u T.g. (AmMapuH 1994b, 271-273). OuHHo-yropcKue (^opMti pogcTBeHHti: MapuficKoe ctipa, ctipa 'nuBo, KBac', ygMyprcKoe sura, sur 'nuBo', sed-sur 'buho' (6yKBantHo 'nepHoe nuBo'), komu sur 'nuBo', ma-sur 'nuBo MegoBoe ', xanrtificKoe sar, sor 'nuBo goMamHero npuroToBneHua', MaHcuficKoe sor 'nuBo', sor-vit 'BogKa', BeHrepcKoe sor 'nuBo'. OTHocuTentHo MaHcufi-cKoro sor 3TuMonoru cnuTaroT, nTo oho b MaHcuficKufi a3tiK nonano npu nocpegcTBe npegKoB ygMypToB u komu, to ecTt b o6^enepMcKyro anoxy. Bce ohu npegnonararoT cBa3t cnoBa c caHcKpuTcKuM sura - cornacHo gpeBHeuHguficKofi Tpaguuuu, rpy6tiM ontaHaro^uM HanuTKoM, ucnont3yeMtiM Hu3mefi KacTofi mygp. Ero Ha3BaHue Tpagu-uuohho cnuTaeTca 3auMcTBoBaHueM u3 Heu3BecTHoro upaHcKoro a3tiKa, xoTa ^opMa cnoBa cooTBeTcTByeT uHgoapuficKoMy ucTonHuKy - caHcKpuTcKoMy sura 'xMentHofi HanuToK (u3 3epeH)', nanu, npaKpuT sura 'anKorontHtifi HanuToK', MapaTxu, naxapu sur 'to se' npu aBecTuficKoM hura- 'Ha3BaHue anKorontHoro HanuTKa; MononHoe buho, KyMtic', cpegHenepcugcKoM hur, nepcugcKoM shire 'anKorontHtifi HanuToK' (EropoB 1964, 183; OegoraB 1996, 29-30; .ntrrKuH, rynaeB 1970, 266; EopnyKoBa 1997, 19; Joki 1973, 317; Redei 1986, 76-77; Baitchura 1982, 58-59; Golden 2006, 19; Misra 2005, 200, 203). ^THono^H nonararoT, nTo 3Tu f^aKTti cBugeTentcTByroT b nont3y uHgoupaHcKoro npoucxosgeHua nuBoBapeHua u cBa3aHHtix c nuBoM o6tinaeB y nyBamefi u (^uHHo-yrpoB (CanMuH 2010, 78-79; EopnyKoBa 1997, 19-25; HanontcKux 2015, 57-58). TAHAranOraqECKHE MOTHBbl «CTPAmHOH MECTH» HHKO^AarOrO^H B KOHTEKCTE ... -149 Cap b panoHax rennoro u «apKoro KnuMara - eguHCTBeHHtin cnoco6 coxpaHeHua nuxaxenBHax cbohctb MonoKa (CanMUH 2010, 67). ^yBamcKoe HäKär 'cap', 'capoK', KaK h KapauMCKoe čsgst, MapuHCKoe čsgst, BeHrepcKoe sajt, Bocxogar k ocexuHCKOMy cyxt, cigd 'cap', pogcTBeHHOMy BaxaHCKOMy teyd 'ocxpaH', gpeBHeuHguncKOMy tikta 'ocxpaH no BKycy'. ^ro HecoMHeHHoe yKa3aHue Ha cBa3B Me«gy anaHaMU u npegKaMU HyBamen. npu ^roM cnegyer yHecrB opuruHanBHocxB BceH ocranBHOH repMUHonoruu ocexuHCKoro MonoHHoro xo3ancTBa (Munkaczi 1904, 329; EropoB 1964, 318; OegoroB 1996, 400; A6aeB 1949, 35, 58; A6aeB 1958, 328; Róna-Tas 1986, 200). ^3HKOBega gaBHö nöKa3anu HeGöGröarenBHöGrB nontrroK cBa3aTB HyBamcKHH repMUH c öCMaHCKUM joyurt, aKyxcKUM suorat 'Kucnoe MonoKo' (Gombocz 1912, 113). ^rHono^H ro«e npu-3Haror UHgoupaHCKoe npoucxo«geHue ^ro^o cnoBa u yKa3HBarox, hto cap y HyBamen Hacro «eprBOBanu gymaM npegKOB (CanMUH 2010, 67). Xne6, nuBo u cap Bacrynanu b KaHecTBe öchöbhhx «eprBeHHax gapöB, nöCKönBKy ohh aBnanucB rnaBHaMH npogyK-raMU «H3Heo6ecneHeHua. BKnroHeHue b cocraB «eprBa capa caMo no ce6e yKa3HBaex Ha cKoroBogHecKue, crenHae, ro ecrB b ucropuHecKon nepcneKruBe upaHCKue hcxokh Bcero o6paga u conyxcrByro^ux BepoBaHUH, cronB noxo«ux Ha yKpauHCKue. OnpegenëHHHH UHrepec npegcraBnaer nnara nepBöMy nöKöHHHKy 3a 3eMnro geHBraMU. ^yBamu, yKnagaBaa pogcTBeHHUKa b rpo6, b por Knanu MOHery. K ^roMy «e ceMaHTUHecKOMy pagy cnegyer oxHecxu ^^H3og «BKnagaBaHua» MOHera b Bape3 HaMorunBHoro cron6a, o3HaHaro^un «por» yMepmero. ^ro gencTBue npoucxoguno bo BpeMa Haxo«geHua cron6a Ha KpoBaru 6aBmero BnagenB^. ^eHBru mo«ho 6ano raK«e Bnö«uxB b pyKU unu KapMaH yconmero npu yKnagaBaHUu b rpö6 (CanMHH 2GG9, 2G5-2G6; CanMHH 2G1G, 91-92). yKpauH^i raK«e 6pöcanu b Möruny geHBru KaK nnary 3a Mecro Ha Knag6u^e ero xo3auHy (^y6uHCKHH 1877, 710; HBaHOB 1909, 249-250; A^aHacBeB 1865, 577; .H^yp«HHGKHH 189G, 131; BaKapencKH 199G, 93-95). OHeBugHö, npegcTaBneHue o nocnegHeM y hhx TaK«e aBnaeTca HHgoHpaHCKHM HacnegueM. HpaHUcTa npegnararor Herape MU^onoreMa c «eprBeHHOH MOHexon: o6eper, gna npuo6pexeHua nu^u, nnara BnagaKe nöfl3eMHörö Mupa, nnara 3a nepeBO3 Hepe3 Bögy. «...B 06mupH0M peruöHe pacceneHua upaHneB cy^ecrBöBano npegcraBneHue ö bg^höm noröKe, KöropaH flon«Ha nepeceHB gyma npaBegHöro nöKöHHUKa, htö6h nonacTB b 3arpö6Han Mup. Cyga no pagy cBugerenBcrB, ^rH BepoBaHua cy^ecrBOBanu h y upaH^B CpegHen A3hh. y hhx 6ano pacnpocrpaHeHo o6aKHOBeHue noMe^arB BMecre c noKOHHUKOM MOHera», a y co^gHH^eB «MOHera BKnagaBanacB b por noKOHHHKy...» (Hhtbuhckhh, CegoB 1984, 159, 161). O6tacHaa örcyrcrBue b HeKGTöpax Mörunax MöHera, apxeonoru GTMeHaror, HTO gaBanu eë He BceM, u6o HHoro Mupa b raKHX BapuaHrax mo«ho 6ano 6a gocruHB 6e3 nepeceHeHua BogHOH nperpaga (Hhtbuhckhh, CegoB 1984, 150-169). KoHeHHo, ^ro onpegenëHHoe cy«eHue Kpyra bo3mo«hhx npuHHH. ,3,a«e b KaHecrBe nperpaga Ha nyTH b HHOH Mup, KpoMe Boga, MoryT 6htb nec, ropa, oBpar h r.g., u6o, 3a6nyguBmucB b necy, HanpuMep, mo«ho 0Ka3arBca b hhom Mupe (CanMHH 2010, 92). KaK noKa3anu HccnegoBaHua, noBepBa, onucaHHae Bame, Bocxogar ko BpeMeHH HHgoupaHCKOH 06^-HocTH. Ectb gaHHae, no3Bonaro^ue npegnonararB HHgoeBponencKoe npoucxo«geHue ^ro^o npegcraBneHua. Hau6onee ycroHHHBHM oho oKa3anocB b norpe6anBHOM o6page BaKrpuH - ToxapucraHa (CanMHH 2016, 495). KaK BuguM, yKpauHCKHH h HyBamcKHH 150- KOHCTAHTHH PAXHO MaTepnag nepeKgHKaroTca c npegcTaBgeHHtiMH TaM KygtTypaMH. nogo6Htiñ o6traañ cy^ecTBoBag h y gyHañcKHx 6ograp: geHtra Kgagn noKOHHOMy gn6o b KapMaH, gn6o b pyKy, gn6o Ha go6 ngn b poT, hto6bi tot cMor oTKynHTtca Ha tom cBeTe (BaKapegcKH 1977, 492). OnnctiBaa MecTo norpe6eHHa npegKoB KoggyHa, rorogt ynoMaHyg yKpaHHCKHH o6traañ ca»aTt Ha Kgag6n^e KagHHy. y HyBameñ To»e 6tig o6traañ ca»aTt y Morngti KagHHy (nepe nagaH ñtiBácHe) (OgroKoB 1965, 180-181). Mogyg^m Me»gy BHemHHM h BHyTpeHHHM hctohhhkom npoKgaraa KO3a^Koñ yKpaHHH nogaeTca y nncaTega b HH^cTe; xoTa go Hero gego He goxogHT, y»e caMo HaMepeHHe npegBe^aeT 6egy h cTpyKTypHo paBHo geñcTBHro. nontiTKa npHHagge»HT ToMy, kto ogHoBpeMeHHo aBgaeTca Hy»aKoM h oTnoM. Ko BceM npecryngeHHaM KoggyHa go6aBgaroTca e^e h npoTHBoecTecTBeHHtie HaKgoHHocTH. HccgegoBaTegn oTMe^aroT, hto TaKoe o6iacHeHHe Morgo npHHagge»aTt TogtKo xygo»HHKy c HcKgronHTegtHoñ HHTy^neñ h rgy6oKHM noHHMaHHeM co6cTBeHHoñ KygtTypti h hctophh (rpa6oBHH 1994, 137-140). Mothb o^a, go6HBaro^eroca npoTHBoecTecTBeHHoñ gro6BH k ce6e ot go^epn, BcTpe^aeTca b cKa3Kax yKpaHH^B h 6egopycoB (^ygaxoB 1906, 26-27). Ho ^TOT »e cro»eT cBoñcTBeHeH h (^ogtKgopy HpaHoa3traHtix HapogoB, KoToptiñ nepeKgu-KaeTca c noBecTtro, b tom nncge h b MoMeHTe y6nñcTBa ctiHa KaTepHHti. B TagtimcKoñ cKa3Ke, yMHpaa, »eHa Begega My»y B3aTt »eH^HHy, KoTopoñ npngeTca Bnopy ee Kog^o. Tot HegoBeK cTag HcKaTt, ho Ha Heñ ^age^ oh hh HageBag Kog^a - oho He nogxogugo. Tograoct oho TogtKo gonepn, h OTe^ pemng »eHHTtca Ha Heñ. Ta ngaKaga h roBopnga, hto ^TO HeBo3Mo»Ho. ÜTen oTBerng, hto Torga y6teT ee. ^ont comacngact, ho nonpocnga oTnycTHTt ee b noge. ÜTen npHBa3ag k ee Hore BepeBKy, ho go^t oTBa3aga BepeBKy, y6e»aga h npnmga b gec. ÜTen, noTepaB ee, BepHygca goMoñ. BcTpeTHB ngoTHHKa, oHa nonpocnga nocrpoHTt eñ goM Ha 6epery peKH. npuexaB Hanornt gomagt, cTapmnñ H3 Tpex ^peBH^eñ cnepBa 3aMeTHg b peKe »eHcKHñ Bogoc, a noToM yBHgag Ha 6epery geBymKy, nogo6Hoñ KoTopoñ He 6tigo. PemHB »eHHTt ctmoBeñ, ^pt Begeg Ka»goMy H3 hhx 6pocHTt no a6goKy. OgHH 6pocng a6goKo go^epn BH3Hpa, gpyroñ -go^epn BeKHga, a cTapmnñ - Ha gopory. Tpn pa3a eMy gaBagn a6goKo, h Tpn pa3a oh 6pocag ero Ha gopory. ^pt ctirpag cBagt6y gByx cbohx ctmoBeñ, a cTapmnñ ctm paccepgngca h ymeg H3 goMy. ,3,ecaTt gHeñ cnycTa ^pt 3a6ecnoKongca, rge oh, h oTnpaBHg BH3Hpa Ha noncKH. BH3Hpt Hameg ^peBH^a Ha 6epery c He3HaKoMoñ ge-BymKoñ h paccKa3ag ^pro. yBHgeB ee, ^pt ogo6png Bti6op, h ohh BepHygnct goMoñ, hto6bi ctirpaTt cBagt6y. ^epe3 rog »eHa poguga ^apeBHHy cHHa, ogHH goKoH KoToporo 6ng 3ogoToñ, a gpyroñ cepe6paHtiñ. ^apt ero o^eHt nogro6ng. Ho ogHa^gti ee OTe^ nog BHgoM pa3Hoc^HKa npoHHK bo gBope^, oTpe3ag pe6eHKy rogoBy, a ho» nogo^ng b KapMaH MaTepn. Korga ^pt o6Hapy»ng BHyKa c nepepe3aHHoñ meeñ, rocTt nocoBe-ToBag o6ncKaTt Bcex, h y HeBecTKH Hamm ho». Eñ Btipe3agn rga3a h gagn hx b pyKH. OHa B3aga Tego pe6eHKa, nomga Ha 6eper peKH h cTaga MogHTtca. nocge 3Toro npn-geTegn Tpn rogy6a; oHa npngo»nga no ganKe gByx nepBtix k ^ga3HH^aM h npo3pega, a ganKy TpeTtero noTepga o mero ctiHa, mea 3a»nga, h oh o»ng. HeKoTopoe BpeMa oHa npo»uga Ha 6epery peKH. Korga ^peBHH c BH3HpeM h BeKHgeM oTnpaBHgnct Ha oxoTy, oHa nocgaga cHHa npnrgacHTt hx ocTaHoBHTtca b ee goMe. OHa npnroToBHga BKycHoe TAHAranOraqECKHE MOTHBbl «CTPAmHOH MECTH» HHKO^AarOrO^H B KOHTEKCTE ... -151 KymaHte n Benena hm nepe3 ctma He pBaTt nBera, ho caMa copBana n nono»nna nx nog ogeano napeBnna. YrpoM Benena ctmy y3HaTt, ktq copBan ijBeTti, tqt oSHapy»nn nx y napeBnna. noTOM OHa c chhom npnmna k HeMy, qh y3Han »eHy n yBe3 k ceSe goMoft (Mnnnep 1930, 90-92). B oceTHHcKoft cKa3Ke paccKa3tiBaeTca, KaK »nnn-Stinn »eHa n My», n Stina y hhx egnHcTBeHHaa gont. ^eHa 3aSonena, no3Bana cBoero My»a n gana eMy cBoft SamMaK n HanepcTOK, 3aBe^aB eMy, Korga OHa yMpeT, He »eHHTtca hh Ha kom, KpoMe Toft, KOMy nogoftgyT 3th SamMaK n HanepcTOK. ^eHa yMepna, My» pemnn »eHHTtca. Hqcht Tyga-croga SamMaK yMepmeft »eHti, hq SamMaK HHKOMy He rognTca. npnmen goMoft, Hagen SamMaK Ha Hory cBoeft gonepn, qh QKa3anca eft Bnopy. BgoBen npegno»nn gonepn »eHHTtca Ha Heft. ,3,ont ygnBnnact, Mon, pa3Be TaKoe StiBano Korga-HnSygt. Hqcht-hqcht OTen SamMaK. To ogHoft Ha Hory ogeHeT, tq gpy-roft, hq SamMaK HHKOMy He rognTca. B KOHne koh^b, qh npnmen goMoft, onaTt npn-Mepnn SamMaK Ha Hory gonepn, SamMaK nogomen. OnaTt cKa3an eft OTen, nTO »eHHTca Ha Heft. Torga gont eMy OTBeTnna, nTO ecnn qh He ocTaBnaeT ee b noKoe, nycTt cgenaeT tq, nTQ QHa eMy cKa»eT, n QHa gacT cornacne. OTen cornacnnca. ^ont cKa3ana nocrpo-HTt goM b ceMt 3Ta»eft c noTaftHtiMn noMe^eHnaMn, nToSti, ecnn KTO-HnSygt npngeT ero ySnBaTt, QHa Sti ero cnpaTana. OTen nocTponn xopomnft goM, nocepegnHe ycTa-HQBnn Sontmyro gepeBaHHyro TpySy. ^ont cornacnnact BtiftTn 3aMy» 3a OTna, n ohh »nnn b stom goMe. OgHa»gti OTen Kyga-TO ymen, gont »e 3aBepHynact b Bonntro mKypy n 3ane3na Ha 3ry TpySy. OTen npnmen goMoft, cMOTpnT no yrnaM goMa, a gonepn Hnrge HeT. Oh oSecnoKonnca, rge ee ncKaTt, pa3Q3nnnca, yTQnnn Bect goM b Sontmoft peKe, QcTaBHB ogHy TpySy, 3aTeM BopoTnnca b cBoe npe»Hee SegHoe »nnn^e. ^Qnt, 3aBepHyBmaaca b Bonntro mKypy, Btine3na H3 peKH bohkom n noSe»ana b cTopoHy neca. no gopore QHa BcTpeTnna ogHoro napHa, tqt oneHt oSpagoBanca, nTQ y Hero SygeT oSyneHHtift bohk. npnBen qh ee goMoft n 3aBen b KOMHaTy H3 3onoTa. Y 3Toro napHa Stino ceMt cecTep. Ohh Ka»gtift Benep xognnn k peKe KynaTtca. geBymKa TQ»e qt-npaBnanact 3a hhmh, hq qhh He nycKann ee c coSoft. nocne HecKontKnx pa3 roHoma cKa3an, nTO noBegeT BonKa Ha Seper peKH, nocMOTpeTt, nTO tot SygeT genaTt. KaK TontKO ohh nogomnn k Sepery peKH, geBymKa cSpocnna cBoro Bonntro mKypy n cTana KynaTtca. WHoma cxBaTnn Bonntro mKypy n yHec. geBymKa 3annaKana n nonpocnna BepHyTt eft mKypy. WHoma OTgan eft Bonntro mKypy, ho npnBega ee goMoft n 3anep-mnct c Heft b KOMHaTe, nocTaBnn cecTpaM yntTHMaTyM, nTO »eHHTca Ha Heft. Cecrpti nogann noBO3Ky. WHoma OTKptin gBept, n geBymKa Bca 3onoTaa Btmna H3 KOMHaTti. Ohh noexann b nepKOBt n noBeHnannct, cTaB My»eM n »eHoft. ^epe3 HeKOTopoe BpeMa y hhx pognnca 3onoTOKygptift MantnnK. PognTenn oneHt oSpagoBannct eMy. KaK-TO pa3 k hhm nonan OTen geBymKn. Ohh He 3Hann, kto oh, n B3ann ero k ceSe b SaTpaKn. ^epe3 HecKontKO gHeft geg OTpe3an 3onoTyro npagt y MantnnKa n ySnn ero, a OKpo-BaBneHHtft ho» nono»nn b KapMaH MaTepn. MaTt c OTnoM y»acHynnct, nTO kto-to nogHan pyKy Ha nx MantnnKa. Ohh ygnBnannct, kto mot cgenaTt ^TO. BaTpaK npegno»nn noncKaTt, y Koro b KapMaHe OKpoBaBneHHtift ho», tot Begt n cgenan 3to, n OTpe3aTt TOMy pyKn. Hamnn OKpoBaBneHHtift ho» b KapMaHe y MaTepn n OTpe3ann cornacHO yroBopy eft pyKn. CaMy ee OTHecnn b none n TaM ocTaBnnn. HecnacTHaa »eH^HHa npnnnTana b none, ho BHe3anHO OKono Hee noaBnnca aHren (3^a) n cnpocnn, nro c Heft, 152- KOHCTAHTHH PAXHO KTo c Hen ^T0 cgenan. OHa paccKa3ana, hto 6tin y Heë pe6eHOK c 30n0T0H npagBro, eë 0Te^ ycrpounca k hum 6aTpaKOM, y6un eë pe6eHKa u cBanun BUHy Ha Heë. n»T0My c Hen TaK nocTynunu. AHren en MonBun, hto nongëT u nycTUT 30n0T0H pogHUK, u KaK TonBKo OHa ycntimuT ero 3ByK, to gon«Ha noHTu u omhtb ^T0H Bogon cbou paHH u paHH cBoero pe6eHKa, u ohu 06a cTaHyT b ceMB pa3 nyHme, HeM 6tinu. ^eH^uHa co-rnacunacB. AHren ymën, u b tot «e Mur HaHan «ypHaTB pogHUK. ^eH^uHa no6e«ana, OMtina BogoH paHH ce6e u pe6ëHKy, ohu cTanu b ceMB pa3 nyHme, HeM 6tinu. AHren yBën ux oTTyga u 3aBën b 3onoTyro 6amHro. Benen «eH^uHe «utb 3gecB co cboum pe6eHKOM u HUKoro k ce6e He nycKaTB. OHa gonro npo«una b ^T0M goMe. KaK-To pa3 k Hen nocTyHanucB gBoe My«HUH. ^eH^uHa BtirnaHyna k hum. OguH U3 hux 0Ka3anca eë oTe^ KOToptin y6un eë ManBHUKa. OHa cgenana Bug, hto He y3Hana ero, 3aBena ux b goM. HaKptina um cTon, Hanouna o^a. 3aTeM rocTa 3aBena b cBoro KOMHaTy, a o^a oTnpaBuna cnaTB b cag. A cag 6tin HygecHtin: TaM 6tinu pa3Htie ^pyKTH u ^eTH, BGgunucB 3Meu, KOToptie MGryT npornGTUTB HenoBeKa ^nuKGM. H poc TaM yflUBUTenB-HHH BUHorpag. OHa HaKa3ana o^y He TporaTB BUHorpag, a to oTgacT Ha ctegeHue 3MeaM. Tot 3aBepun, hto B006^e He ecT BUHorpag. Korga oh 3acHyn, goHB BHMa3ana ho« BUHorpagHtiM cokom u nono«una eMy b KapMaH. yTpoM OHa Btimna u HaHana cHUTaTB BUHorpag. 0Te^ cKa3an, hto HUHero He cptiBan. ^eH^uHa 3aaBuna, hto Hago noucKaTB hg« b BUHGrpagHGM cGKe. H 0Te^ HenpuaTHG yguBunca, KGrga b ero KapMaHe 0Ka3anca TaKOH ho«. ^eH^uHa b OTBeT cKa3ana, hto KaK oh He en ^T0T BUHorpag, TaK u OHa He y6uBana cBoero pe6ëHKa, ho oh nocTynun BeponoMHO, cBanuB Ha Heë cBoro BUHy, u3-3a Hero OHa nogBeprnacB ucntiTaHuaM. OHa OTgana My«HUHy, 6tiBmero eë O^OM, Ha ctegeHue 3MeaM. My« eë B03BpaTunca k Hen, u «unu ohu xopomo (CoKaeBa 2010, 156-164). MHoro cKa30K 06 o^e, B03«enaBmeM «eHUTBca Ha goHepu, 6tino u3BecTH0 nepcaM (nepcugcKue cKa3Ku 1958, 77-86; Marzolph 1984, 106-107). Ha co6cTBeHHon goHepu nocTaHOBun «eHUTBca ^pB b a3rynaMCKon cKa3Ke, He Hanga HUKGrG flGcTGMHee, u goHB cGBepmuna no6er (CKa3Ku HapogGB naMupa 1976, 389-390). ropHtie Tag«uKu b ^apBa3e u BepxoBBax BaHg«a paccKa3HBanu, KaK ^pB none3 Ha gepeBO, nopaHunca o BeTKu, KpoBB KanHyna Ha cHer. Oh Benen HanTu eMy HeBecTy TaKyro «e 6enyro u KpacHyro. CTapyxa cKa3ana, hto ^T0 ero goHB; oh cTan roTOBUTB cBagB6y. BpaT geBymKu cnpaTan eë b cyHgyK u cnycTun no peKe. Tot cyHgyK Hamën chh gpyroro ^pa u B3an geBymKy b «ëHH (CeMeHOB 1900, 9). B HyBamcKGn cKa3Ke, yMupaa, «eHa nona gaëT eMy cbgh nepcTeHB, BenuT «eHUTBca Ha toh, KOMy nogongeT. Oh HUKOMy He nogxoguT, ho goHB cnynanHO Hagena, u non xoHeT Ha Hen «eHUTBca, OHa y6eraeT. U,apcKun chh Ha Hen «eHunca, y hux pogunca chh. Korga ^peBUH yexan, non npumen Hey3HaHHHM, 3ape3an MnageH^. no Hay^e-Huro nona, ero goHepu 0Tpy6unu pyKu u u3raanu BMecTe c MëpTBHM pe6ëHK0M, ho b Boge peKu eë pyKu OTpocnu, a TauHCTBeHHHH ronoc HayHun, KaK BocKpecuTB pe6ëHKa cokom rony6tix ^eTOB. Korga oh Btipoc, to u3o6nuHun nona u BoccoeguHun poguTe-nen (^yBamcKue cKa3Ku 1937, 237-247). nonoM BHcTynaeT OTe^KpoBOcMecuTenB u b HeKOTopHx yKpauHCKux u oceTUHCKux TeKCTax (^ygaKOB 1906, 26-27; Ba3tipoB 1958, 334-335), a b noBecTu naH ,3,aHuno BypynB6am capKacTUHHO Ha3HBaeT CBoero TecTa «Type^KUM uryMeHOM» (foronB 1979, 142). TAHAranOraqECKHE MOTHBbl «CTPAmHOH MECTH» HHKO^AarOrO^H B KOHTEKCTE ... -153 ^yma KaTepuHti npegcTaBneHa b noBecTu cxogHO c pycanKon (ffleHpoK 1893, 67). ^pHH^H^HaJBH0 HenpaBH 6tmu Te KpuTUKu, KOToptie B03B0gunH OTgeneHue gymu ot Tena bo BpeMa cHa k BnuaHuro HeMe^KHX poMaHTUKOB (A. K., M. O. 1902, 641-647; ^ygaKOB 1908, 85-86). npegcTaBneHue o gyme KaK 06 oco6om gBOHHUKe HenoBeKa, o caMOcToare^BHOM cy^ecTBOBaHUH HenoBeHecKon gymu (HyH) u Tena flOBonBHO xopomo ^pGe^e»HBaeTea u Ha MaTepuanax MU^onoruH u ^o^BKnopa HyBamen. B ux BO33peHuax Bepa b gBOHCTBeHHOcTB HenoBenecKOH npupogti OTpa3unacB BnonHe onpegenëHHO. B npomnoM HyBamu, KaK u MHorue gpyrue Hapogti, Bepunu, hto ecnu gyma BpeMeHHO yxoguT H3 Tena, to HacTynaeT cocToaHue cHa; ecnu OHa yxoguT HaBcerga - cMepTB. no-3TOMy y HHX, HanpuMep, 3anpe^anocB BHe3anHO 6yguTB cna^ero U3 onaceHua, hto npu ^T0M gyma He ycneeT BepHyTBca u BcenuTBca b noKHHyToe Teno, noTOMy hto bo BpeMa cHa HenoBeKa OHa MO«eT HaxoguTBca ganeKO, u HenoBeK b TaKHx cnyqaax 06a3aTenBH0 3a6oneeT unu yMpëT. no npegcTaBneHuro HyBamen, bo BpeMa cHa u b MOMeHT cMepTU gyma noKugaeT Teno HenoBeKa Hepe3 ero ecTecTBeHHtie OTBepcTua - hoc h poT. Torga c Hen MoryT o6^aTBca nrogu, u gyma paccKa3tiBaeT hm, rge OHa 6tma. nocne BO3Bpa-^eHua H3 cTpaHcrBUH, ecnu gyme hhkto He noMemaeT, OHa BO3Bpa^aeTca b noKHHyroe Teno. Korga cna^HH npocHnaeTca, oh paccKa3HBaeT chbi, aHanoruHHtie paccKa3y gymu o CBOHX cTpaHCTBuax (^eHUcoB 1959, 23-24). y oceTUH TO«e cy^ecTBOBano noBepBe, hto gymu HeKOToptix nrogen bo BpeMa cHa ocTaBnaroT Teno u ocy^ecTBnaroT cTpaH-cTBue b TauHCTBeHHyro cTpaHy, U3 KOTopoH MoryT npuHecTU unu cHacTBe u ypo«an, unu 6one3HH (Munnep 1882, 270-272; qu6upoB 2008, 37). AHanorHHHoe yKpauHCKoe BepoBaHue 0T06pa«eH0 b 6tmHHKax (^ygaKOB 1906, 26; FpuHHeHKO 1897, 109; rypa, TepHOBCKaa, ToncTaa 1983, 69-70; HapogHaa 2012, 33-34) h «CTpamHoñ MecTH» rorona. H OTgenBHoe MecTO 3aHUMaeT pa3Ba3Ka noBecTU, b KOTopoH TO«e ntiTanucB BugeTB BnuaHue HeMenKoro poMaHTU3Ma u nuTepaTypti ^^oxH Bo3po«geHua (Dauenhauer 1936, 317-318; Driessen 1965, 109). ^eno b tom, hto, no MHeHuro uccnegoBaTenen, upaHCKHH mh^ o nepBon cMepTH He 3aKaHHHBaeTca co6cTBeHHO cMepTBro nepBoro «cMepTHoro» repoa. Oh cogep«UT ^^eMeHTH MecTH u no6egti noTOMKa/pogcTBeHHHKa noru6mero repoa Hag y6un^n (u HacTO y3ypnaTopoM), KOTopaa u BOccTaHaBnuBaeT cnpaBegnuBOcTB u npupogHoe paBHOBecue Ha KOcMUHecKOM u C0^HaJBH0M ypoBHax. ^TH TaHaTonoruHecKue npegcTaBneHua 6tiTOBanH u y HpaHoa3tiHHtix KOHeBHUKOB CeBepHoro npuHepHOMopBa (BepTÍeHKO 2015, 16-17, 64-65), ot KOToptix ohh 6tmu BnocnegcTBHU yHacnegoBaHti yKpauHnaMH. OTMeHanocB TaK«e, hto noKa3aHHoe y rorona noÄupaHue npegKaMH noTOMKa - 3to penuKT orpoMHOH MUcTUHecKOH TeMti, npocne«H-BaeMOH k upaHCKOMy MaHHxencKOMy «caM0yHHHT0«eHuro MaTepuu» (BancKon^ 2002, 77). Oho conocTaBHMO c no«upaHueM o^a-rpemHUKa 3MeaMU b oceTUHCKon cKa3Ke, 0C06eHH0 ecnu yHecTB, hto 3Mea y oceTUH MO«eT cny«HTB Bonno^eHueM npegKa. B ocHOBe «CTpamHon MecTH» ne«aT gpeBHue ^onBKnopHtie cro«eTti, Bocxoga^ue k ^THHHecK0My cy6cTpaTy yKpauH^B u noKa3tiBaro^ue ux ^TH0Ky^BTypHHe cBa3U. 3to e^ë ogHO g0Ka3aTenBCTB0 Toro, hto o6pa3H HuKonaa rorona npuHagne«aT HapogHon TpagH^HH, a He aBnaroTca nuTepaTypHHMH KOHCTpyKTaMU. 154- KOHCTAHTHH PAXHO .THTEPATyPA AßaeB, B.H., HcmopuKo^muMonozuuecKuü cnoBapb ocemuHCKo^o H3UKa, t. I: A-K', MocKBa, neHHHrpafl, 1958. [Abajev, V.I., Istoriko-etimologičeskij slovar osetinskogo jazyka, t. I: A-K', Moskva, Leningrad, 1958.] AßaeB, B.H., OcemuHCKuü H3UK u tyonbKnop, t. 1, MocKBa-HeHuHrpag, 1949. [Abajev, V.I., Osetinskij jazyk i folklor, t. 1, Moskva-Leningrad, 1949.] Aeecma: M3Öpauuue euMuu. M3 Budeedama, nepeBog c aBecTHHCKoro, npegucnoBue, npuMenaHua u cnoBapt HBaHa CTeßnuH-KaMeHcKoro, MocKBa, 1993. [Avesta: Izbrannyjegimny. Iz Videvdata, perevod s avestijskogo, predislovije, primečanija i slovar Ivana Steblin-Kamenskogo, Moskva, 1993.] Aeecma e pyccKux nepeeodax [1861-1996], cocTaBneHue, oßm,aa pega^ua, npuMenaHua u cnpaBOHHMH pa3gen H.B. PaKa, CaHKT-neTepßypr, 1997. [Avesta v russkihperevodah [1861-1996], sostavljenie, obščaja redakcija, primečanija i spravočnyj razdel I.V. Raka, Sankt-Peterburg, 1997.] A.K., 1Ö.®., «CrpamHaa MecTt» rorona u noBecTt TuKa «ûterpo AnoHe», in: Pyccxan cmapuua: ExeMecmHoe ucmopmecKoe mčame, rog XXXIII, MapT, CaHKT-neTepßypr, 1902, c. 641-647. [A.K., Ju.F., «Strašnaja mest» Gogolja i povest Tika «Pietro Apone», in: Russkaja starina: Ežemes-jačnoje istoričeskoje izdanije, god XXXIII, mart, Sankt-Peterburg, 1902, s. 641-647.] A^aHacteB, A.H., ^o^mu^ecKue Bo33peuun cnaBHH na npupody: Onum cpaBuumenbuoao myueuun cnaemcKux npeöauuü u eepoeauuü, e cenrn c MufomecKuMu cKa3auuxMu ôpyeuxpoöcmeeuuux uapodoB, t. 1, MocKBa, 1865. 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TAHAranOraqECKHE MOTHBbl «CTPAmHOH MECTH» HHKO^AarOrO^H B KOHTEKCTE ... -159 [Čubinskij, P.P., Trudy etnografičesko-statističeskoj ekspedicyi v zapadno-russkij kraj, snarjažonnoj Imperatorskim Russkim Geografičeskim Obščestvom. Materialy i issledovanija, sobran-nyje d.-čl. P.P. Cubinskim. Tom cetvertyj: Obrjady: rodiny, krestiny, svadba, pohorony, Sankt-Peterburg: tipografija V. Kirschbauma, 1877.] ^yBawcKue CKa3KU, MocKBa, 1937. [Cuvašskie skazki, Moskva, 1937.] ^ygaKOB, r.H., OmpaxeHue M0muB0B HapodHoü cnoBecHocmu b npousBedem^x H.B. ^o^onn, KueB, 1906. [Čudakov, G.I., Otraženije motivov narodnoj slovesnosti v proizvedenijah N.V. Gogolja, Kijev, 1906.] ^ygaKOB, r.H., OmmrneHue mBopuecmBa ^o^onn k 3anadH0-eBp0neücKuM numepamypaM, KueB, 1908. [Čudakov, G.I., Otnošenije tvorčestva Gogolja kzapadno-jevropejskim literaturam, Kijev, 1908.] ffleHpoK, B.H., Mamepuanu dnn 6uo^pa$uu ^o^onn, tom BTopoft, MocKBa, 1893. [Schoenrock, V.I., Materialy dlja biografii Gogolja, tom vtoroj, Moskva, 1893.] ^^yp^HHCKHH, Xp., OcTaTKH a3HHecKHX oSpagoB, coxpaHHBmueca b ManopyccKOM norpeöeHHH, in: KueBCKan cmapuHa, tom XXVIII, »HBapt, KueB, 1890, c. 130-132. [Jaščuržynskij, Hr., Ostatki jazyceskih obijadov, sohranivšyjesja v malorusskom pogrebenii, in: Kijevskaja starina, tom XXVIII, janvar, Kijev, 1890, s. 130-132.] Baitchura, Uzbek, On Some Principles of Etymology, in: Annali del Seminario di studi dell'Europa orientale: Sezione linguistico-filologica, Vol. 1, Napoli, 1982, p.1-68. Dauenhauer, Anatol, Gogol's «Schreckliche Rache» und «Pietro von Abano» von L. Tieck, in: Zeitschrift für slavische Philologie, Bd. XIII, Doppeltheft 3/4, 1936, S. 315-318. Driessen, F.C., Gogol as a Short-Story Writer: A Study of His Technique of Composition, The Hague, 1965. Golden, Peter B., Turks and Iranians: Aspects of Türk and Khazaro-Iranian Interaction, in: Turkic-Iranian Contact Areas: Historical and Linguistic Aspects, Wiesbaden, 2006, p. 17-38. Gombocz, Zoltän, Die bulgarisch-türkischen Lehnwörter in der ungarischen Sprache, Helsingfors, 1912. Joki, Aulis J., Uralier und Indogermanen. Die älteren Berührungen zwischen den uralischen und indogernmanischen Sprachen, Helsinki, 1973. Marzolph, Ulrich, Typologie des persischen Volksmärchens, Beirut-Wiesbaden, 1984. Misra, Satya Swarup, The Date of the Rigveda and the Aryan Migration: Fresh Linguistic Evidence, in: The Indo-Aryan Controversy: Evidence and Interference in Indian History, London, New York, 2005, p. 181-233. Munkacsi, Bernhard, Alanische Sprachdenkmäler im ungarischen Wortschatze, in: Keleti Szemle, vol. V, Budapest, 1904, S. 304-329. Neykova, Ruzha, Shamanhood and the Bulgars, Sofia, 2009. Redei, Karoly, Zu den indogermanisch-uralischen Sprachkontakten, Wien, 1986. Rona-Tas, Andras, Language and History: Contributions to Comparative Altaistics, Szeged, 1986. 160- KOHCTAHTHH PAXHO THE THANATOLOGICAL MOTIFS OF A TERRIBLE VENGEANCE STORY BY MYKOLA GOGOL IN THE CONTEXT OF THE ETHNOCULTURAL CONNECTIONS OF THE UKRAINIANS Kostyantyn Rakhno OOO Of all the stories by Mykola Gogol, A Terrible Vengeance is one of the most impressive and poetic. In this work, he shows a deep understanding of the culture and history of his nation. The story is based on Mykola Gogol's knowledge of the ancient folkways of Ukrainian life. A Terrible Vengeance, like other stories of the great writer, based on the everyday life and legends of his native Ukraine, focuses on the ancestral cemetery of a warlock, Kateryna's father. At this cemetery, his dead ancestors rise from their graves. After the warlock's demise, the dead tear him apart. Moreover, only the biggest and the oldest dead man, his ancestor Petro who committed the sin of fratricide, cannot get up. He cannot rise from earth to gnaw on his scion, and his motions cause earthquakes. This notion of a cemetery where the oldest ancestor rules over everything is found in Chuvash mythology, where there is a belief in a so-called cemetery master. This position is assumed by the first buried man, usually a venerable, wise and generally respected old man whom all the deceased obey regardless of their status. They cannot leave the cemetery without his permission. The cemetery master was sometimes associated with the coming of death itself. He was supposed to take lives by rising from his grave and visiting the dying person. The cemetery was his land, and those "building a house" (that is, digging a grave) asked him for a place for a recently deceased person, sacrificing a piece of bread and a lump of cheese by leaving them at the site of the new grave. Sometimes they sacrificed money as well. During this ritual, the grave-diggers were asking the cemetery master for a piece of land. The latter consolidated all the reign of the cemetery world. He was supposed to accept the new arrival, allocate a place for him, teach him the rules of cemetery life, etc. It can be inferred that he was perceived as a giant. The cemetery master is virtually at the ruling position that is represented in the old age as the mythological metaphor of supremacy and power. This precedent is described in ancient Iranian and Indo-Arian texts - the first king on Earth, being the first deceased, becomes the deity of the underworld. It is Iranian folklore, among the Ossetians in particular, which shows the exact parallel to the concept that the first dead man loses the ability to move, he acquires cosmic size, and his movements cause earthquakes. In the story, Petro committed a terrible sin connected with deceit and treachery, and the Zoroastrian texts speak about the same fall of the first dead. It is crucial that the Chuvash name of the pillar-like headstone, as well as the ritual alcoholic drink and cheese, are Indo-Iranian in origin. This alone points to the cattle-breeding, steppe, i.e., the Indo-Iranian roots of the entire ritual and concomitant beliefs, which show striking similarities to those in Ukraine. TAHAranOraqECKHE MOTHBbl «CTPAmHOH MECTH» HHKO^AarOrO^H B KOHTEKCTE ... -161 The money payment to the first dead man for a place at a cemetery is also of interest. It is known among the Chuvashes, the Ukrainians, and the Danube Bulgarians. Judging by a range of archaeological evidence, these beliefs existed among the Iranians of Middle Asia as well. Describing the burial site of the warlock's ancestors, Mykola Gogol mentioned the Ukrainian tradition of planting an arrow-wood tree at the grave site. The Chuvashes also had a tradition of planting this tree at the grave. The motive of a father seeking the unnatural love of his daughter can be found in Ukrainian and Belorussian fairy-tales. However, the same plot is typical for the folklore of the Chuvashes and some Iranian-speaking nations - the Talishis, the Ossetians, the Persians, and the mountain Tajiks. It has some motives in common with Gogol's story, including the moment of the murder of Kateryna's son. The Chuvashes and the Ossetians have mythological beliefs about the travels of the soul during sleep, and these are reflected in the Ukrainian narratives and Mykola Gogol's story. The warlock's demise is described in accord with ancient Iranian religious beliefs. A Terrible Vengeance is based on ancient folkloric plots dating back to the ethnic substratum of the Ukrainians. It is one additional proof of Mykola Gogol's images being not mere literary constructs, but an integral part of the folk tradition. Kostyantyn Rakhno, The Ceramology Institute, Academy of Sciences Ukraine, 102 Partizanska St., UKR-38164 Opishne, Ukraine, krakhno@ukr.net 22 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2019 - 163 - 173 | DOI: 10.3987/SMS20192209 - Medkulturnost v pravljicah Dorotheae Viehmann, Laure Gonzenbach in Tine Vajtove ob primeru pravljic o začarani nevesti (ATU 402) — Milena Mileva Blažic - In the article, three female storytellers are compared - Dorothea Viehmann, Laura Gonzenbah and Tyna Wajtawa, with an investigation of their narrative repertoire and their socio-cultural background. Their fairy tales reflect multilingualism and intercultur-alism, with the influence of elements of German, Romance and Slavic cultures. Based on the comparative analysis of the ATU folktale types, it was discovered that they have all included in their repertoire a fairy tale of the folktale types ATU 402 (animal bride) and ATU 425 (searching for a lost husband). The article includes a comparative analysis of the similarities and differences of their variants of fairy tale type ATU 402 "The Animal Bride". KEYWORDS: women fairy tale writers, women storytellers, Dorothea Viehmann, Laura Gonzenbach, Tyna Wajtawa, ATU 402, language, literature, culture PRVE OMEMBE ŽENSKIH PRAVLJIČARK V monografiji The Classic Fairy Tales (1999), ki jo je uredila Maria Tatar, je Karen E. Rowe v poglavju »To Spin a Yarn: The Female Voice in Folklore and Fairy Tales« navedla dve metafori za pravljičarki, in sicer za prvi model - pisateljice - navaja antični mit o Filomeli (Ovid, Metamorfoze, knjiga VI), ki je bila na podlagi mita viktimizirana ter dobesedno in metaforično brez jezika, nato pa je svojo zgodbo vtkala v tapiserijo ter jo poslala sestri v branje.1 Mit o Filomeli iz Ovidovih Metamorfoz govori o Filomeli, hčeri atenskega kralja Pandiona, ki jo je posilil svak Terej in ji nato odrezal jezik. Ker o tem ni mogla pripovedovati, je svojo zgodbo vtkala v tapiserijo oz. jo vizualno ubesedila ter jo poslala svoji sestri Prokne. Nato sta skupaj umorili Terejevega sina in mu ga pripravili kot obrok. Ko je mož ugotovil, da je pojedel lastnega sina, ju je zasledoval, toda bogovi so spremenili Filomelo v slavčka, Prokne v lastovko in Tereja v smrdokavro. 1 Motiv žensk - predic in tkalk je tudi v Svetem pismu: »Pohvala vrli ženi. Svoje roke izteguje k preslici, njene dlani prijemajo vreteno« (Prg 31,19). »Vse spretne žene so s svojimi rokami predle in prinesle, kar so napredle: višnjev in rdeč škrlat, karmezin in tančico« (2 Mz 28,5). »[...] in kjer so ženske tkale ogrinjala« (2 Kr 23,7) (Biblija 2016). 164- MILENA MILEVA BLAŽIČ V Apulejevih Metamorfozah oz. v znamenitem mitu o Erosu in Psihi pa nastopa poleg glavnega pripovedovalca Lucija oz. zlatega osla tudi pripovedovalka - okajena starka (Ziolkowski 2006: 58). Tako je o ugrabljeni deklici (Psihi) pripovedovala prismojena in okajena starka, meni [Luciju] pa, ki sem stal zraven, je bilo od srca žal, da nimam pri sebi ne tablice ne pisala in ne morem zapisati tako očarljive pravljice (Apulej 1981: 178). Začetke ženskega avtorstva najdemo v pesmih srednjeveških trubadurk (12.-13. stol.) in tematikifin'amor, ki pripoveduje o dvorski ljubezni in predstavlja srednjeveški evropski koncept ljubezni in občudovanja med plemstvom. Tudi v zbirki arabskih pravljic Tisoč in ena noč, ki so v Evropo prišle s prevodom v francoščino (1702-1717), je osrednja pripovedovalka Šeherezada, ki je postala v Utherje-vem indeksu pravljični tip pod tipno številko ATU 875B* »Storytelling Saves a Wife from Death (Sheherazade)« (»Pripovedovanje pravljic reši ženo pred smrtjo (Šeherezada)«). Pripovedovalke zgodb najdemo tudi v Boccacciovem Dekameronu, kjer je med desetimi pripovedovalci sedem pripovedovalk (Elissa, Emilia, Fiammetta, Filomena, Lauretta, Neifile in Pampinea). V Canterbury Tales (Canterburyjske zgodbe, 1483) Geoffreyja Chaucerja sta poleg 14 moških pripovedovalcev (berač, duhovnik, gospod, mlinar, odpustkar, oskrbnik, pomorščak, posestnik, pravnik, trgovec, učenjak, upravnik, vitez, zdravnik) dve pripovedovalki (gospodinja iz Batha in mati prednica). Pripoved Gospodinje iz Batha se motivno-tematsko navezuje na motiv živalskega ženina/neveste oz. Amorja in Psihe. Prva zbirka pravljic Giovannija Francesca Straparole Le piacevoli notti (Prijetne noči, 1551-1553) je bila namenjena odraslim bralcem. Pripovedovanje poteka v visokem sociokulturnem okolju na otoku Murano pri Benetkah. Tudi v posvetilu so nagovorjene ženske. Osrednja oseba ali beneška Madona je plemenita Signora Lucretia. Zgodbe pripoveduje poleg pripovedovalcev tudi deset pripovedovalk (Arianna, Cateruzza, Brunetta, Eritrea, Fiordiana, Isabella, Lauretta, Lionora, Lodovica, Vicenza). Med pravljicami je tudi »Obuti maček« (ATU 545B »Puss in Boots«), ki jo najdemo tudi v pravljičnih zbirkah Gianbattiste Basileja (Pentamerone II, 4) in Charlesa Perraulta (Le Maitre de Chat ou Le Chat botté 1697). V zbirki pravljic za odrasle Gianbattiste Basileja Pentamerone (1634, 1636), ki je danes znana kot prva zbirka pravljic za odrasle »in mlade« (The Tale of Tales, or Entertainment for Little Ones), so vse pripovedovalke ženske, osrednja je Zoza, poleg nje pa še Antonia, Diana, Domenica, Francesca, Giacoma, Girolama, Giulia, Lucrezia, Vittoria, Pozia in Paola.2 Značilnost francoskih pravljičark - precioz je, da so v literarnih salonih pripovedovale zgodbe, katerih tekst je namenjen otrokom, kontekst pa odraslim (Seifert 2006: 45). So-ciokulturno so bile precioze plemkinje, torej aristokratskega porekla, ki so pripovedovale 2 V zbirki pravljic je Basile plemiška imena nadomestil s komičnimi Antonella, Cecca, Ciulla, Ciommetella, Iacova, Meneca, Paola, Popa, Tolla, Zoza. MEDKULTURNOST V PRAVLJICAH DOROTHEAE VIEHMANN, LAURE GONZENBACH IN TINE ... -165 pravljice po dvorcih. Kljub temu so njihove pravljice močno vplivale na razvoj pisanja pravljic po vsem svetu, saj so ravno one redefinirale trubadursko tematiko fin 'amor v pravljično tematiko (npr. Zala in Zver), njihovo pripovedovanje v dvorcih je bilo »salonska igra« (Seifert 2006: 45). Najbolj znana otroška zbirka pravljic Kinder- und Hausmärchen (Otroške in hišne pravljice) bratov Jacoba in Wilhelma Grimma je prvič izšla leta 1812 (1. knjiga) in leta 1815 (2. knjiga), nato pa je doživela še več dopolnjenih izdaj. Tudi v tej zbirki so zbrane pravljice, ki so jih po večini pripovedovale ženske. Najbolj znana med njimi je Dorothea Viehmann. DOROTHEA VIEHMANN (1755-1815) Dorothea Viehmann (roj. Katharina Dorothea Pierson) je ena od najpomembnejših pravljičark Jacoba in Wilhelma Grimma. Prispevala je okrog 36 (od 210) pravljic (Ehrhardt 2012: 148-149), ki so objavljene predvsem v drugem zvezku Kinder- und Hausmärchen (KHM, 1815). Njen oče Isaac Pierson je bil gostilničar, čigar predniki so se preselili v deželo Hessen-Kassel zaradi pregona hugenotov v Franciji. Leta 1777 se je Dorothea poročila s krojačem Nikolajem Viehmannom in se leta 1787 preselila v Niederzwehren (danes del Kassla), kjer je živela do leta 1815. Po moževi smrti je s kmečkim delom (in kot branjevka) preživljala sebe in sedem otrok. Leta 1813 je spoznala brata Grimm in jima tedensko pripovedovala pravljice. Na njene pravljice je vplivalo sociokulturno okolje -kmečko življenje in delo v gostilni; poleg tega pa vsebujejo tudi francoske prvine. Brata Grimm sta bila vesela, da sta spoznala pravljičarko, ki jima je pripovedovala pravljice vedno s skoraj istimi besedami, če jih je morala ponoviti. Obiskovala ju je je od 29. maja 1813 do 4. septembra 1814 (Ehrhardt 2012: 17). Septembra 2012 so dotlej neznano sliko v Univerzitetni knjižnici v Kasslu identificirali kot portret Dorothee Viehmann, ki ga je ustvaril Ludwig Emil Grimm, Jacobov in Wilhelmov mlajši brat. Ena od pravljic, ki jih je Dorothea povedala bratoma Grimm, j e KHM 106 Siromašni mlinarček in mucka (Der arme Müllerbursch und das Kätzchen). Pri tej pravljici je močno opazno, da se navezuje na francosko pravljico Bela mačka (La chatte blanche) avtorice Madame d'Aulnoy (Marie-Catherine, baronica d'Aulnoy, 1650-1705), pa tudi na basen La Fontaina (1621-1695) Mačka in stara podgana3 (1694), ki je tematsko povezana z Ezopovimi basnimi. Dorothea Viehmann pa ni bila edina pravljičarka bratov Grimm, saj so jima pravljice pripovedovale še druge, med njimi tudi sestre Hassenpflug (Amalie, Johanna, Marie) in Wild (predvsem Dorothea, pozneje Wilhelmova soproga). LAURA GONZENBACH (1842-1878) Laura Gonzenbach se je rodila leta 1842 v bogati švicarsko-nemški protestantski družini v Mesini na Siciliji, Tako kot njeni štirje sorojenci je bila deležna dobre izobrazbe v zasebni 3 http://classes.bnf.fr/livre/grand/382.htm 166- MILENA MILEVA BLAŽIČ šoli. Ko je bila stara pet let, ji je umrla mati, zato je zanjo skrbela sestra Magdalena, ki je bila izredna mlada ženska - svetovljanka, izobražena in z naprednimi pogledi na položaj žensk. Laura je že v otroštvu govorila štiri jezike (nemško, francosko, italijansko in sicilijansko). Igrala je številne inštrumente ter znala na pamet številne antične pesmi. Takrat ženske niso mogle študirati na univerzi, zato so sestre Gonzenbach imele salon in se udeleževale neformalnega izobraževanja v drugih salonih, kjer so razpravljali o umetnosti, srečevale so umetnike in razpravljale o položaju žensk. Takrat se je v salonih začelo razvijati pripovedovanje zgodb. Laura se je poročila pri 27 letih in imela pet otrok ter živela v Neaplju. Umrla je v 36. letu. V njeni mladosti je nanjo vplival dr. Otto Hartwig, ki je pet let vodil nedeljske maše za nemško in švicarsko skupnost v Mesini. Hartwig je organiziral tamkajšnje kulturno življenje in začel zbirati sicilijanske pravljice. Za Lauro je menil, da je ena najbolj nadarjenih pripovedovalk, zato ji je predlagal, naj izbere nekaj pravljic in jih zapiše, saj sam ni razumel siciljanščine. Leta 1870 je izdala SizilianischeMärchen, knjigo je uredil Otto Hartwig. Laura je odlično znala tamkajšnji jezik, zato si je zapisovala zgodbe, ki so jih pripovedovale sicilijanske ženske. Očitno je Gonzenbachova poznala nemške, verjetno Grimmove pravljice, mogoče celo francoske. Zanimivo je, da je pravljice odlično prevedla v nemščino, čeprav ni nikoli živela niti v Nemčiji niti v Švici. Hartwig in Kohler (izdajatelja sicilijanskih pravljic) njenih zapisov nista veliko spreminjala, nista jih olepševala, pustila sta tudi nasilne konflikte, saj so zgodbe tako pripovedovali. Številne sicilijanske ženske so lahko zapustile dom le ob poroki, zato so mnoge pobegnile od doma, potovale, se zaposlovale kot pestunje. Če primerjamo motivno-te-matsko podobo pravljic v Grimmovi in Gonzenbachovi inačici, lahko ugotovimo, da so Grimmove ženske npr. v Kosmatinki in Motovilki pasivne žrtve, ki so kaznovane, ko želijo pobegniti ali se osamosvojiti. Pri Lauri Gonzenbach pa so v pravljicah Lepa Angiola, Lignu di Scupa, Betta Pilusa pravljične osebe močne, tvorne in nimajo vloge žrtve. Ženske junakinje so svojo usodo vzele v lastne roke, na poti so jih dobesedno in v prenesenem pomenu čakali številni nasilneži, tudi sadistični morilci (The Story About Ohmy, The Robber with a Witch's Head). Zbirko ljudskih pravljic Laure Gonzenbach je težko razglasiti za feministično ali subverzivno, še težje pa je zanikati, da ima te prvine. Sicilijanske pravljice so pripovedovali tudi otrokom, ne le odraslim, vendar niso očiščene nasilnih prizorov in nasilnežev. Njihov namen je bil, kot je zapisala Laura Gonzenbach, ohraniti avtentičnost pripovedovanja, ne pa spreminjati in prilagati zapisano. Zanimivo je, da jih ni zapisala v sicilijanščini, ampak jih je sproti prevajala v nemščino, pri čemer ji je pomagala sestra Magdalena. Zbirko sicilijanskih pravljic Laure Gonzenbach Sizilianische Märchen (1870) je v italijanščino prevedla Luise Rubini kot Fiabe siciliane (1999) in dodala uvod ter komentarje, iz italijanščine pa jih je v angleščino prevedel vodilni literarni zgodovinar Jack Zipes. Najprej je prevedel prvi del Beautiful Angiola (Zipes 2003), potem še drugi del The Robber with a witch's head (Zipes 2004), zatem sta izšla oba dela v integralni verziji Beautiful Angiola: The Lost Sicilian Folk and Fairy Tales of Laura Gonzenbach (Zipes 2006). Šele s prvim, drugim in celotnim prevodom v angleščino ter s predgovorom in opombami Jacka Zipesa je zbirka dobila zasluženo mesto v literarni zgodovini. MEDKULTURNOST V PRAVLJICAH DOROTHEAE VIEHMANN, LAURE GONZENBACH IN TINE ... -167 Zipes je v drugi izdaji Beautiful Angiola vsem 94 pravljicam dodal številke ATU in kratko razlago tipa/motiva. V spremni besedi je življenje in delo Laure Gonzenbach kot tudi njene pravljice postavil v sociokulturni kontekst. Navedel je tudi nekaj pripovedovalk (informantk): Gua Lucia, Gua Cicca Crialesi, Gua Nunzia Giuffridi, Bastiana, Elisabetta in Concetta Martinotti, Francesca Rusullo, Peppina Guglielmo, Caterina Certo. TINA VAJTOVA (1900-1984) Valentina Pielich, poročena Negro, z domačim imenom Tina Vajtova, se je rodila 4. maja 1900 na Ladini pri Solbici (Rezija, dolina v Videmski pokrajini v deželi Furlanija - Julijska krajina, Republika Italija; avtohtoni jeziki v Videmski pokrajini so furlanščina, italijanščina, nemščina in slovenščina). Bila je ena od štirih otrok (dve hčerki, dva sinova) očeta brusarja Giosuepa Pielicha Vajta (1861-1904) in matere Žvane Siega (1861-1930), z domačim imenom Mucove iz Osojan. Družina je doživela veliko tragedij: oče je zmrznil v snegu, starejši brat je utonil, mlajši se je smrtno ponesrečil. Že kot deklica je hodila z materjo od vasi do vasi, kupovali in prodajali sta lase, potem glavnike, gumbe, naprstnike, sukanec, trakove ipd. ter tako preživljali družino. Na teh poteh sta prenočevali v naravi, v hlevih, na kmetijah ipd. Tini so se vtisnile v spomin različne pravljice, pesmice, pregovori, uganke, šege, navade, spomini, dogodivščine ipd., ki jih je slišala na teh poteh, tudi od svoje matere. Hodila je v osnovno šolo in zaključila dva ali tri razrede. Leta 1921 se je poročila z brusarjem Žvanom Negrom (1898-1953); rodila je osem otrok (štiri hčerke in štiri sinove). Žal so štirje umrli že v zgodnjem otroštvu, trije pa pozneje. Otroštvo je preživela le hčerka Gelinda (1937-), ki še danes živi v Pordenonu v Italiji. Tudi njeno življenje je bilo prežeto s tragičnimi dogodki, med drugim ji je mož pri 29 letih umrl v prometni nesreči. Ostala je sama z dvema otrokoma, zato se je Tina preselila k njej v Pordenone. Tudi Gelinda pripoveduje pravljice. Tina je zadnjih deset let življenja (1974-1984) bolehala, vendar je vsako poletje preživela v rojstni Solbici. Umrla je 21. februarja 1984 v Pordenonu, kjer je tudi njeno zadnje počivališče. Milko Matičetov (1919-2014), ki je raziskoval življenje in delo Tine Vajtove, je zapisal njen življenjski moto: »Kaj bi človek jokal, saj je že tako dovolj hudo na svetu!« Matičetov je bil prepričan, da so ji pravljice pomagale prenašati življenjske tragedije, saj je sama nekoč dejala, »da bi šla za eno pravljico po kolenih v Benetke ter da bi za njih skočila v ogenj ali vodo« (Matičetov 1984: 328). Matičetov je posnel kar 404 pravljice, ki jih je pripovedovala Tina Vajtova, okrog 27 jih je objavil v italijanščini, rezijanščini in slovenščini. Leta 1967 so za TV Slovenija posneli serijo dokumentarnih filmov Pri naših pravljičarjih, v enem od njih pripoveduje tudi Tina Vajtova.4 4 Milko Matičetov: Tina Vajtova [videoposnetek]: Solbica; scenarij Milko Matičetov, kamera Slavko Nemec, režija Emil Rižnar. Pri naših pravljičarjih. Ljubljana. Hrani: Avdiovizualni laboratorij Inštituta za slovensko narodopisje ZRC SAZU, [2012], 1968. 168- MILENA MILEVA BLAŽIČ Sociokultumo ozadje Viehmann, Dorothea (1755-1816) Gonzenbach, Laura (1842-1878) Vajtova, Tina (1900-1984) • sociokulturni kontekst • ena izmed 13 otrok • obrtniki, srednji razred • oče gostilničar • oče trgovec, konzul • zgodnja smrt matere • ena izmed 8 otrok • zasebno šolanje • zgodnja smrt matere • oče delavec (obrtnik) in mati prodajalka • ena izmed 4 otrok • nižji socialni položaj • kmečki sloj • jeziki in kultura • Nemčija • Francija • Italija • Švica • Sicilija • Malta • Italija • Slovenija • Rezija • družina • mati 7 otrok • smrt moža • mati 5 otrok • zgodnja smrt (36 let) • mati 8 otrok (le 1 preživel), smrt moža • pisateljice in/ali pripovedovalke • pripovedovalka • pisateljica (zapisovalka) • salon (sestra Magdalena) • zapisovala pripovedi kmečkih žena • pripovedovalka • spodbuda • J. in W. Grimm • Otto Hartwig • Milko Matičetov • število enot • 36 • 92 • 404 JEZIK, LITERATURA IN KULTURA - PRIMERJALNA ANALIZA PRAVLJIC TIPA ATU 402 Vse tri pravljičarke - Dorothea, Laura in Tina - imajo v svojem repertoarju isti pravljični tip ATU 402. Dorotheina pravljica je nastala v germanskem, Laurina v romanskem in Tinina v slovanskem kontekstu, hkrati pa v vseh treh variantah najdemo podobnosti in razlike. Pravljični motiv živalskega ženina (ali neveste) omogoča čustveno, poetično izražanje pripovedovalk in pisateljic. Na podlagi primerjave pravljic Dorothee Viehmann, Laure Gonzenbach in Tine Vajtove je ugotovljeno, da so vsem trem pravljičarkam skupni naslednji pravljični tipi. MEDKULTURNOST V PRAVLJICAH DOROTHEAE VIEHMANN, LAURE GONZENBACH IN TINE ... -169 Viehmann, Dorothea Gonzenbach, Laura Vajtova, Tina • ATU 400 The Man on a Quest for his lost wife • Der König vom goldenen Berg (92) • About Joseph, Who Set out to Seek His Fortune (81)5 • Benjamino • Mož išče izgubljeno ženo • ATU 402 The Animal Bride (The Mouse (Cat, Frog, etc.) as Bride); • Die drei Federn, KHM 106 • Der arme Müllersbursch und das Kätzchen, KHM 106 • The Wasteful Giovanninu (82) • Žabica (T 38 D)6 • ATU 425 The search for the lost husband, The animal as bridegroom • Der Eisen-Ofen 1815 (st. 41), od 1837 Der Eisenofen (KHM 127) • Prince Scursuini (12) • The Pig King (37) • Dekle, ki je hotela rožico • Zelenec Vse tri obravnavane pravljice so klasificirane kot pravljični tip ATU 402 »The Animal Bride«, kar je podobnost, razlika pa je, da je v pravljici Tri peresa (KHM 106) živalska nevesta grda žaba, v Nespametnem Giovanninu (Zipes 2006: 502) bela ovca in v Žabici (Kropej, Dapit 2018: 79-85) žabica. Vse tri pravljične živalske neveste so povezane z motivom tkanja (Filomenin motiv): v prvi gre za najlepšo laneno tkanino, v drugi za dvanajst srajc iz najfinejše tkanine in v tretji za sukno, tkano iz najfinejše niti, da lahko gre skozi prstan, kar je podobnost med Dorotheino in Tinino varianto. Pravljica Nespametni Giovanninu bi lahko bila antipravljica (Luthi 1987: 54), ker je pravljični lik Giovanninu nespameten, pada iz sreče v nesrečo, iz bogastva v revščino. Ima zvestega službanika Peppeta, kar se motivno-tematsko povezuje z motivom Don Kihota in Sancha Panse ter grofa Lukanorja in zvestega Patronia (Don Juan Manuel). Vsi trije pravljični junaki, Tepko, Giovanninu in tretji brat kraljevič, so popotniki, ki odidejo od doma: v prvi pravljici gre Tepko po lan, preprogo in lepotico, v drugi pravljici Giovanninu sreča živalsko nevesto - belo ovco, vendar zaradi uročenosti zaspi in ne opravi svoje naloge v osmih dneh, zato je pravljica bolj kompleksna. Ko je Giovanninu izgubljen, sreča govorečega orla (slepi motiv Gilgameša), ki ga s čarobnim letom prenese h kraljični. Vendar je orel lačen, zato si Giovanninu reže kose svojega telesa, da nahrani orla. Ta motiv je psihoanalitično pomemben, ker se mora odreči infantilnemu delu sebe. Sledijo preizkušnje junaka, kraljična pošlje Giovanninu 12 zašitih srajc in vezenino na srebrnem pladnju. Ta jo uporabi kot cunjo za pospravljanje v kuhinji. Giovanninu in kraljična si postavljata dodatne pogoje. V tej epizodi pravljica spominja na Kralja Drozgobrada, saj Giovanninu predlaga, da jo ob glasbeni spremljavi nosijo v krsti z duhovnikom čez mesto do njegovega okna. Konec je srečen, sledi namreč poroka. 5 Številka pravljice v knjigi Beautiful Angiola. 6 Magnetofonske trakove Milka Matičetovega hrani Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje ZRC SAZU v Ljubljani. 170- MILENA MILEVA BLAŽIČ Dorotheina in Tinina varianta sta si podobni, rahlo se razlikujeta v zaključku. Dorotheina je bolj ljudska, Tina je dodala čustvene prvine (sramota, ubogo dekle, žalost ipd.). Čeprav sta bila brata hudobna do najmlajšega, je na koncu oče nekaj podaril tudi prvemu in drugemu sinu, najmlajšemu pa zapustil kraljestvo. Tina je dodala misel: »Po eni strani je on rešil žabo, po drugi strani pa je žaba rešila njega, saj on sam ne bi mogel ničesar doseči.« (Kropej, Dapit 2018: 84) Zaključek njene pravljice je podoben Laurinemu »Živeli so veselo in srečno, toda mi smo ostali brez centa« (Zipes 2006: 508).7 Dorothea Viehmann, Ludwig Grimm, 1815. Caterina Certo (Laura Gonzenbach, Sizilianische Märchen 1870). SKLEPNE MISLI Vse tri pravljičarke - pripovedovalka Dorothea Viehmann, pisateljica Laura Gonzenbach in pripovedovalka Tina Vajtova - so imele večjezikovno in večkulturno sociokulturno ozadje: Dorothea nemško-francosko, Laura švicarsko-nemško-italijansko-sicilijansko in Tina beneško-italijansko-slovensko-rezijansko. Vse so govorile več jezikov, bile so del socialne mreže: Dorothea - gostilniški gostje, brata Grimm, Laura -literarni salon in Tina - prodajalka in pripovedovalka. Maria Warner imenuje pravljice Laure Gonzenbach »sicilijanski orientalizem« (Warner 2014: 66). Vse tri so izhajale iz velikih družin, tudi same so imele številčno družino. Dorothea je bila obrtniško-trgovskega porekla, oče gostilničar, sama branjevka; Laura je bila iz visokega srednjega razreda, izobražena, pismena, kulturna; Tina je bila kmečkega porekla, delavna ženska, ki se je preživljala s prodajanjem. Zgodovinska in zemljepisna podobnost med njihovimi pravljicami je evropski prostor, razlika je v subjektivizaciji avtoric. Za Dorotheo je značilen model pripovedovanja ljudskih pravljic prve polovice 19. stoletja (jasna dihotomija med dobrim in slabim), za Lauro pisateljski model druge polovice 19. stoletja (enakopravnejši položaj ženskih in moških pravljičnih likov), za Tino pa model sodobnejšega pripovedovanja, vnašanje socialne empatije za glavne in stranske osebe, tako moške kot ženske. Tina Vajtova (Matičetov 1984: 187). 7 »And so they lived happy and content, but we've been left without one cent« (Zipes 2006: 508). MEDKULTURNOST V PRAVLJICAH DOROTHEAE VIEHMANN, LAURE GONZENBACH IN TINE ... -171 Na podlagi študija »pravljičnih« motivov trubadurk, precioz in pravljičark je ugotovljeno, da so osrednji motiv, motivni drobci in slepi motivi (Lüthi 2011: 70) izraženi v jeziku simbolov (Kristeva 1987: 1). Avtorice se izražajo z metaforami, pogost je literarni paralelizem - pozunanjanje notranje pokrajine (dobesedna in čustvena zima). Podobnosti med pesmimi trubadurk so psihopoetične vrednote: ljubezen, zaupanje, zvestoba; medtem ko so sociopoetične vrednote trubadurjev čast, ugled, velikodušnost (Sankovitch 2008: 116). Gre za podobnost med pesmimi trubadurk in pravljičark, ki se intertekstualno navezujejo na literarno kontinuiteto in na svoj način tematizirajo ljubezenske teme. Trubadurke in precioze, ki so pripadale najvišjemu sociokulturnemu sloju (aristokraciji, plemstvu), so prve od avtoric, ki so v tematikifin'amor tematizirale ženske biografije. Za precioze, ki so večinoma živele ali pripovedovale v literarnih salonih, so bile pravljice »salonska igra«, ki so jo kodirale v pravljičnost, namenjeno odraslim, in tekst, namenjen otrokom. Tako so v jeziku simbolov in v varnem kontekstu tematizirale tabu teme, ljubezen in predvsem spolnost. LITERATURA Apuleius, Lucius, 1981: Metamorfoze ali Zlati osel. Prevedel, spremno besedo in opombe napisal Primož Simoniti. Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba. Bedenk, Kasilda, Blažic, Milena Mileva, 2019: Slovenske pravljičarke v evropskem prostoru. Ljubljana: Pedagoška fakulteta. (v tisku) Biblija.net, 2016: Sveto pismo na internetu. Svetopisemska družba Slovenije. http://www.biblija. net/biblija.cgi?l=sl (Dostop 8. 8. 2018) Bogin, Magda, 1976: The Women Troubadours. New York - London - Ontario: Paddington Press1976. Ehrhardt, Holger, 2012: Dorothea Viehmann. Die Märchenerzählerin der Brüder Grimm. Umfangreiche Dokumentation mit Beiträgen von Vera Leuschner, Heinz Rölleke u. a. Kassel: Euregio Verlag. Kristeva, Julija, 1987: Tales of Love. New York: Columbia University Press 1987. Kropej Telban, Monika & Dapit, Roberto, 2018: Čudežne pravljice slovenskih pokrajin. Čarobni svet prince in vilincev. Radovljica: Didakta. Lüthi, Max, 2011: Evropska pravljica: forma in narava. Ljubljana: Sophia. Lüthi, Max, 1984: The Fairytale as Art Form and Portrait of Man. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Matičetov, Milko, 1984: In memoriam. Tina Vajtova (1900-1984). Traditiones 13, 187-194. Matičetov, Milko & Dapit, Roberto, 2014: Fiabe resiane - Rezijanske pravljice - Pravice po rozjansko. [Premessa, scelta del materiale sonoro e traduzioni / Spremno besedilo, izbor zvočnega gradiva in prevod Roberto Dapit, Monika Kropej; Elaborazione dei documenti sonori / Zvočna obdelava Peter Vendramin]. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. Nikolajeva, Maria, 2015: Reading for Learning: Cognitive approaches to children's literature. Amsterdam - Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Sankovitch, Tilde, 1999. The trobairitz. In: S. Gaunt & S. Kay (Eds.), The Troubadours: An Introduction (pp. 113-126). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 172- MILENA MILEVA BLAŽIČ Seifert, Lewis C., 2006: Fairy Tales, Sexuality, and Gender in France, 1690-1715: Nostalgic Utopias. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tatar, Maria (ed.), 1999: The Classic Fairy Tales: Texts, Criticism. New York - London: Norton & Company. Tomaryn Bruckner, Matilda & Shepard Laurie, White, Laurie, 2000: Songs of the Women Troubadours. [s. l.]: Taylor & Francis. Uther, Hans-Jörg, 2011: The Types of International Folktales, a Classification and Bibliography, Based on the System of Antti Aarne and Stith Thompson. FF Communications 284-286. Helsinki: Academia Scientiarum Fennica. Warner, Marina, 2014: Once Upon a Time: A Short History of Fairy Tale. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ziolkowski, Jan M., 2006. Fairy tales from before fairy tales: The medieval Latin past of wonderful lies. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan. Zipes, Jack, 2003: Beautiful Angiola: The Great Treasury of Sicilian Folk and Fairy Tales, Collected by Laura Gonzenbach. New York; London: Routledge. Zipes, Jack, 2004: The Robber With a Witch's Head: More Stories from the Great Treasury of Sicilian Folk and Fairy Tales Collected by Laura Gonzenbach. Translated and edited by Jack Zipes. New York; London: Routledge. Zipes, Jack, 2006: Beautiful Angiola: The Lost Sicilian Folk and Fairy Tales of Laura Gonzebach. New York: Routledge. Zipes, Jack, 2012: The irrestistible fairy tales: the cultural and social history of a genre. Princeton - Oxford: Princeton University Press. Kratice AT je mednarodna oznaka oz. akronim na osnovi priimkov dveh folkloristov Antti Aarne in Stith Thompson (1928, 1961), ki sta objavilia mednarodno klasificiran indeks pravljičnih tipov. ATU je mednarodna oznaka oz. akronim na osnovi priimkov treh folkloristov Antti Aarne, Stith Thompson, Hans-Jörg Uther, ki so objavili mednarodno klasificiran indeks pravljičnih tipov (Uther 2004, ponatis 2011). KHM je mednarodna oznaka oz. akronim na osnovi začetnic zbirke pravljice Kinder- und Hausmärchen Jacoba in Wilhelma Grimma. MEDKULTURNOST V PRAVLJICAH DOROTHEAE VIEHMANN, LAURE GONZENBACH IN TINE ... -173 INTERCULTURALISM IN THE FAIRY TALES OF DOROTHEA VIEHMANN, LAURA GONZENBACH, AND TYNA WAJTAWA, PRESENTED ON THE EXAMPLE OF FOLKTALE TYPE THE ANIMAL BRIDE (ATU 402) Milena Mileva Blazic ooo Dorothea Viehmann was a storyteller who told about 36 fairy tales to Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm. Socio-culturally she was of French peasant origin, and her German fairy tales also included French elements. Laura Gonzenbah was a Swiss-German storyteller who was educated, multilingual, and her Sicilian fairy tales written in German reflect interculturality (Sicilian orientalism). Resian storyteller Tyna Wajtawa (Valentina Pielich) was from the Resia valley in Italy, where a Slovenian minority lived. She narrated in Resian, that is, in a micro-language (Slovene dialect), and her fairy tales also reflect multilingualism (Italian, Slovene, Resian dialects) and interculturalism. Based on a comparative analysis of the ATU fairytale types, it was discovered that they all included in their repertoire tale type ATU 402 (animal groom/bride motif) and ATU 425 (searching for a lost husband/wife motif). The article includes a comparative analysis of the similarities and differences of the ATU 402 (The Animal Bride). The comparative analysis is of fairy tales from the collection of the Brothers Grimm, Laura Gonzenbach's book of Sicilian folktales, and Milko Maticetov's audio recordings of folktales of Tyna Wajtawa. Despite the German, Swiss, French, Sicilian, Italian, Resian, and Slovene backgrounds of the three storytellers who have different socio-cultural backgrounds, they all share common multilingualism and interculturalism as well as the primary motifs of love and the search of happiness. Prof. dr. Milena Mileva Blažic, Pedagoška fakultet, Univerza v Ljubljani, Kardeljeva ploščad 16, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija, Milena.Blazic@guest. ames.si Onkraj delitve narave in kulture: ontologije in epistemologije Oltre la dicotomia tra la natura e la cultura: ontologie ed epistemologie Beyond the Dichotomy of Nature and Culture: Ontologies and Epistemologies 22 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2019 - 177 - 203 | DOI: 10.3987/SMS20192210 - Bees and Beekeeping from the Perspective of the Ontological Turn — Monika Kropej Telban - With a particular emphasis on the perspective of the human-animal relationship, the author presents forms of beekeeping as well as related narrative culture and painted beehive panels, which came into vogue in the second half of the 18th century, decorating Slovenian apiaries. This practice was unique in Europe but was largely abandoned by the first decades of the 20th century due to changing economic, social, and spiritual conditions. While apiculture and the industry involving bee products have become very profitable worldwide, in Slovenia beekeeping is also perceived as a true national symbol. Beekeeping has also found its place in larger cities, mainly on terraces and in parks. In contrast, however, the often harmful human intervention has also accidentally exterminated bees in many natural habitats. The author discusses the relationship between man and bees in the light of posthumanism, which has revolutionized the way scholars perceive non-human mental lives and abilities. KEYWORDS: bees, folklore, narrative culture, ontological turn, posthumanism, beehive panels INTRODUCTION The human-animal relationship in the 21st century has changed together with its related ontological premises. Researchers Graham Harvey (2006) and Colin Scott (2006) have called for "academic animism" or animist ontologies and a re-appraisal of the role of non-human agency and culture. Current theoretical movements in posthumanism (Wolfe 2010: 99-126) have discredited anthropocentric ontologies and emphasized that there exist other species with different ways of thinking about selves beyond the human (Kohn 2013: 94). Movements in ecocriticism have been making way for multispecies ontologies, and all this has changed the understanding of the habitat and cultural life on earth. American anthropologist Tok Thompson has stressed that ontology has deep links with mythology, which is a branch of folklore, yet the discipline of folklore has likewise remained focused on the human, even while it is increasingly obvious that many of its core subjects are widely shared throughout the animal kingdom (Thompson 2019). Comparative mythological studies research folklore and narrative culture allows understanding associated worldviews through time and place, and in this sense also the changing 178- MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN relationship of human towards non-human animals. In this realm, bees have (and always have had) - in contrast to the majority of other animals - an unbelievably high position, which gives them a kind of divine character. Roman poet Publius Vergilius Maro (70 BC-19 AD) even considered bees a part of God's mind (Stanonik 2018: 22). The origin of the collocation The bee does not perish but dies, which is still in use, is animistic in origin. According to France Bezlaj, thousands of years of Christianity could not take away the soul of the bee, as it did with all other animals (Bezlaj 2003: 1239). Because of this, and in contrast to the situation of other animals, neo-animism - presented by Philippe Descola (2013: 121-124), and advocated by modern anthropology - will not considerably change the position of the bees. Following this ontological concept of neo-animism, Viveiros de Castro in the sense of new animism stressed that human and non-human beings have the same culture and different natures, as reflected through this ontological turn (Viveiros de Castro 2003; after Telban 2017). Bees are one of the rare species of insect that have been exploited by humans and moved closer to human dwellings. Because of the honey and wax produced by them, they have been perceived as prized animals, and soon their symbolic value found its way into the realms of the art and social culture of many nations. From their natural nests, created mainly in trees and hollow logs, they were moved to man-made artificial hives such as skeps and trunks, and finally to the beehives known as apiaries. Among the insect world, the bee has been elevated to a high spiritual level and is perceived as a mediator between heaven and earth. According to ancient Slavic concepts of the World Tree, the bee is housed in the middle of the Tree's trunk and represents the integrator of the earth and celestial spheres. At the top of the World Tree nests a bird (eagle, hawk, or nightingale), and at its roots lies a dragon or a snake. Bees were ascribed royal symbolism as well as liturgical roles. In Eleusis and Ephesus, priestesses were named after bees, for example, Melissa. In ancient Greece, bees were consecrated to Silenus and mentioned in Homer's Iliad (2,87). Honey was highly praised by Euripides, Ovid, and Virgil, and commended by the Bible. Ignorant of biology, people even associated the bee with parthenogenesis (immaculate birth) and palingenesis (rebirth). The bee was depicted on graves as a symbol of the afterlife. It represents the human soul that, upon death, flies out of the deceased's mouth. The buzzing of bees was compared to the language of souls dwelling in the underworld (EM 2/1977: 305). Mead was perceived as the potion of immortality. According to the European emblematics of the 16th and the 17th centuries, the bee and beehives represent attributes of the personified golden age (EM 1977: 298). In ancient Greece and Rome, sugar was not known; therefore, honey was the only substance to sweeten food. The Greek philosopher Plato, who was born in Athens, was called "the bee of Athens" since his speech was as liquid and sweet as honey; it was said that a swarm of bees had sat on his mouth when he was still in his crib. Similar characteristics were attributed to Xenophanes, Sophocles, Pindar, St. Isidore of Seville, St. John Chrysostom, and others. The association of the bee with speech was also common among the Hebrews. Their word for bee, Dbure, derives from the word Dbr, which means speech, hence the link between the bee and the word (Keber 1996: 32). BEES AND BEEKEEPING FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE ONTOLOGICAL TURN 179 The bee is also associated, through words and speech, with the culture of language, rhetoric, poetry, and with diligence. Having lent its name to numerous Slovenian cultural and scientific institutions, the bee is a noble companion to culture in Slovenia as well as in other countries (more about this, see: Stanonik 2018: 60-86). BEE DWELLINGS AND THE PRODUCTION OF HONEY Through the dwelling perspective and the immersion of the organism-person in an environment of the lifeworld as an inescapable condition of existence (Ingold 2011: 153), the bees' lifeworld had rather prodigiously organized dwellings before man interfered and "domesticated" them. Even in prehistory, people exploited bees, and collected honey by climbing trees and taking it from their nesting sites. The oldest representation of this activity can be found in eastern Spain in the vicinity of Bicorp, in the Araña Caves (Spider Caves). The painting shows two men hanging on a rope, gathering honey from a wild bee colony (Vodopivec/ Koloini, Švagelj 2016: 8). It is unknown when people stopped collecting honey from wild bees and started to domesticate them; indeed, this occurred in different parts of the world at different times. For quite some time, zoologists did not know what kind of organization took place within the beehive or how bees reproduced and were equally ignorant of the fact that bees pollinate plants. As a result, different theories were formed. Historian Hesiodus described beehives, worker bees, and drones, and compared the latter to lazy women (Keber 1996: 21). Occupants of the beehive are the queen bee, female worker bees, and drones. Contrary to the queen, which may live over four years, the life span of workers is short; they live only six weeks during the honey production season. The offspring survive winter. The drones that mate with the queen have no sting but are larger and bulkier than worker bees, and have a short rounded abdomen. While they live in the beehive during the summer, they are killed off by the workers later or else ejected from the hive in the autumn (Keber 1996: 34). Wild bees nest in hollow trees and even in treetops, in rock cavities, and in tunnels in the ground. Like other animals, they live in their environment and have their own cultural patterns (Ingold 2011). Their homes are known for their strict organization. While very different from other animals' dwellings, such as the den, barn, badger's burrow, bird's nest and so on, the internal organization of bee nests bears some semblance to anthills (Keber 1996: 33). Copying the structure of bee nests, humans have domesticated the bee and built hives from truncated hollow or hollowed-out tree trunks. In the Orient, where trees are scarce, hives were made from horizontally placed clay cylinders. In grain-producing regions, hives in the form of skeps were made from straw or wicker. The Slavs were originally keeping bees in forests, in hollow trees called the brti. They probably knew about domestic beekeeping because the terms panj and ulj, both denoting a beehive, were widespread. They were also familiar with skeps, baskets made of wicker, which housed bees and were also known in Greece (Čebelarski muzej 1973: 6). Later, they started to construct horizontal beehives from split or hewn boards. They also 180- MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN produced differently-shaped baskets made of straw or willow wicker. Some hives were interwoven from clematis and coated with clay or cow dung. Beekeepers even used simple boxes covered with a wisp of straw tied together with vine or wicker. Basket hives were usually placed beneath gables or on some boards or racks away from the wind. Most of the still-preserved ones can be found in Pannonia. Beekeeping has always been highly developed in Slovenia. Strabo (IV. 6) and Lucius Columella (IX) reported that Slovenian beekeepers exported wax and honey to Italy. Great contributions to Slovenian beekeeping were made by Peter Pavel Glavar (1721-1784); Anton Janša (1734-1773), the first teacher of beekeeping at the beekeeping school in Vienna; and Giovanni Antonio Scopoli (1723-1788), who was the first to write that the queen bee mates with drones in flight. In Slovenia, beekeepers have an association that was established in 1781, when they founded the Beekeepers' Brotherhood. The Beekeeping Association of Slovenia was founded in 1898. In Slovenia, the most prevalent type of wooden beehive was named kranjič. Several such hives were placed in an apiary (the ulnjak), which was first attested in Slovenia in the 17th century. Such apiaries were most common in the region of Gorenjsko/Upper Carniola. Apiculture was very well developed at the time, which is further corroborated by the Slovenian polymath Janez Vajkard Valvasor (1689), who reported on the extensive export of honey. Bees were also transferred in special baskets, or else in specially equipped wagons, to pastures of higher quality. The kranjič was followed by the so-called Albert-Žnideršič hives and later replaced by the modern vertically stacked hives with removable boxes. Over the centuries, beekeeping techniques, tools, and other beekeeping supplies evolved hand in hand with increasingly more complex hive designs. Until the 20th century, the bee trade was quite vigorous with its many beekeeping fairs, among which those in Ig and in Kranj, where as many as up to three hundred hives were brought, were particularly well-known. The Slovenian domestic "Carniolan" bee (Apis mellifica v. carnica) is still cultivated in Slovenia. In the cross-border areas, the Italian (Apis mellifica v. ligustica) and the German (Apis mellifica v. mellifica) bees are also cultivated. The Carniolan bee is very adaptable to the climate and resistant to disease. It often produces new swarms, which is an essential trait in the constant battle for survival. Beekeeping is becoming increasingly market-oriented, and bee products such as honey, pollen, royal jelly, propolis, beeswax, and even bee venom are used in nutrition as well as medicine (for more, see Adamič et al. 1984). PAINTED BEEHIVE PANELS The first painted beehive panel boards, unique in Europe, emerged in the second part of the 18th century in Slovenia. Graphic templates were often used for this technique, which flourished particularly in the middle of the 19th century. This method was used until the early 20th century but was later abandoned due to the changed economic and social conditions as well as different lifestyles. (More about this: Makarovic & Rogelj Skafar 2000: 22-27). BEES AND BEEKEEPING FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE ONTOLOGICAL TURN 181 The fact that Valvasor (1689) never mentioned painted beehive panels indicates that they were not yet in vogue in the 17th century. According to Avgust Bukovec, it is very likely that older hives, which were the predecessors of the kranjič, bore simple signs such as the cross, the sun or the moon, spruce, and others. The authentic painted panels emerged towards the middle of the 18th century, at the peak of the Baroque period. Dated 1758, the oldest known painted panel depicts the Virgin Mary with Infant Jesus. Slovenian painted beehive panels generally measured 14 cm in height and were about 30 cm wide. The paintings were usually done in oil, and others some still in chalk. Although it is true that bees recognized their own hive by the painting on it the original reason for these panel boards was apotropaic. In addition, apiary owners wanted to emphasize the wealth of their farms and boast to their neighbours (Giesemann 2007: 145). Painted beehive panels emerged almost spontaneously from people's consciousness and imagination, and swiftly spread wherever the traditional Slovenian wooden hive, the kranjič, was in use. The painting adorned the front panel above the entrance to the hive. These painted panels have several names, for example, the končnica, skončnica, and the čelnica in Carinthia, and the dovž in the dialect of Rovte. Inspiration came from folk narrative and folk song tradition, some also from paintings on glass and from graphic reproductions, which came to Slovenia from abroad. The painting of Slovenian beehive panels enjoyed its golden age between 1820 and 1880. It was probably conceived in Gorenjsko/Upper Carniola, the area of Slovenia with the highest number of the painted panels that have been preserved to this day. The technique was soon copied in Austrian Carinthia, especially in Rož/Rosental and Podjuna/Jaunstein. The painted kranjič hives can also be found in Germany, where they travelled together with the Carniolan bees from Slovenia. Similar painted panels were known in Pustertal in East Tyrol and in Lammertal in the region of Salzburg, Austria. They are distinguished from the Slovenian ones due to their larger format and different content, and most importantly were not a general expression of folk culture (Makarovič, Rogelj Škafar 2000: 26). Slovenian painted panels started before the end of the 18th century, and depict more than 700 different motifs. There are many biblical motifs from the Old and the New Testament (creation of the world, Judgement Day, Adam and Eve in paradise, Noah's ark, the lost son, the merciful Samaritan, etc.), folk narrative motifs, folk song and ballad motifs, and apocryphal legends (Legend of St. Genevieve ATU 383A, Receipt from Hell ATU 756C*, King Matthias, Pegam and Lambergar, The Devil Grinds a Woman's Tongue, Women's Mill, The Animals Bury the Hunter SNP 970, ATU*191* etc.), humorous and mocking themes, and motifs of the world turned upside down (the pig and the shoemakers, tailors fleeing the snail, the wind blows away the tailors, a woman drags her husband from the pub, animals dance with farmers, animals shave the hunter etc.), and historical themes (the French army, the Turks, two devils drive Luther and his wife Katra to hell, the farmer cradles the French soldier etc.). Further scenes of daily life, as well as farm chores. Beekeeping motifs were equally frequent (for instance the weighing of the beehive, the swarm capture). Depicted were also plants and animal motifs (the fox carries the chicken to her lair, the comedian with his bear, the camel and the elephant etc.). The panels also depicted exotic Oriental or Indian motifs, and many others. 182- MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN The narrative motifs depicted on the panels provide an insight into the conceptual world of the people, and particularly of beekeepers (more on the motifs, see: Makarovič 1989, Makarovič and Rogelj Škafar 2000; Cevc 1962, Kuret 1955, 1960, 1974, Jagodic 1955, Kumer 1957, Orel 1960, Giesemann 2005, 2007; Globočnik 2005, Gočež Kaučič 2018: 320-330). Beehive panels also feature various saints, for example, St. Nicholas, the patron saint of sailors; St. Peter and St. Paul; St. Martin; St. Catherine, St. Barbara; and most frequently St. Hiob, who was considered the beekeeper of the bible. According to Gorazd Makarovič, such depictions of St. Hiob are the result of the replacement of wasps with bees; the former are featured in folk songs with Hiob-related motifs (Makarovič & Rogelj Škafar 2000: 36). Hiob was considered the protector of beekeepers until the 19th century, when he was replaced by St. Ambrose. St. Ambrose was an excellent speaker, and a legend has it that this was due to the fact that nectar (ambrosia) trickled from his mouth when he was a baby. Waxers and beekeepers selected him for their protector (Miklavčič, Dolenc 1973: 472; as cited in Stanonik 2018: 92). Since beehive panels were so firmly ingrained in the Slovenian collective consciousness, we were not really aware of their uniqueness and importance for a long time. This was first pointed out by Michael Heinko (in 1840 in Carniolia Nos. 37, 38). In 1929, Stanko Vurnik wrote the first professional essay about the subject. The most comprehensive text until that period was written by Avgust Bukovec (in Slovenski čebelar 1934, 1942, and 1943), who also presented the panels' historical development, provided an analysis of the subject material depicted on them, and discussed some of the artists that painted them. In the second half of the 20th century, painted beehive front panels once again came into vogue. Traditionally painted beehive panels are modelled after the original design and sold as popular souvenirs. FOLK NARRATIVES ABOUT BEES Narrative tradition has preserved many folktales, riddles, proverbs, and folk beliefs about bees. Many aetiological legends speak about the creation of the bees. According to Egyptian tradition, the bee was born from the tears of the ancient sun god Ra that fell on the ground. In Christian legends, it was born from drops of Christ's sweat when he suffered on the cross, or from drops of his blood spilling from the wound inflicted by a peasant woman who had refused to give him his loaf of bread. When Did God Create Bees? Hanging on the cross between two thieves, the son of God suffered unbearable pain. In addition to other troubles and afflictions, he also became immensely thirsty. Then one of the soldiers brings a sponge soaked in vinegar to his mouth. The Redeemer takes several drops, but the bitter drink causes terrible pain to the suffering Son of God and elicits many droplets of sweat upon his cold forehead. BEES AND BEEKEEPING FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE ONTOLOGICAL TURN 183 Fig. 3: Contemporary beehive panels from Petanjci in Prekmuqe (photo: Kropej Telban 2017). 184- MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN In order to preserve the memory of this bitter hour, Christ asks - as legend would have it - his heavenly father to create from these droplets small animals that will diligently collect sweet liquid - honey. People are to imitate their hardworking efforts but also consume the sweet comb in order to forget any bitter hour in their daily lives. The heavenly father fulfilled his son's wish and on the very same day created bees. For their living quarters, he chose hollow trunks as a reminder that Jesus breathed out his last breath and soul on a wooden cross. This is why bees have always liked to dwell in hollow trunks. Later on, people started preparing special dwellings for the bees, namely baskets or beehives. Their favourite home is a hive made of woven wild vines. Why is that? Because vine stems strongly resemble the crown of thorns on the head of the suffering Christ as he died on the sacred wooden cross. Because God has created the bee in memory of the bitter death of our Saviour, people do not say that bees "perish" as other animals do but "die" like the humans. The honeycomb gives wax for candles that burn during every sacred service that reminds us of the bitter death of our Saviour. [Kosi 1896: 26-27: Kedaj je ustvaril Bog čebele?; Kosi 1897: 190-191; Stanonik 2018: 91]. Christ and St. Peter (How Bees Came to Exist) While Christ and St. Peter roamed the world, they chanced upon a woman who was just putting loaves of bread in the oven. Christ says to her: "Will one of them be mine?" The woman has a generous nature. No beggar has ever left her house without a present, so she does not want to send Christ off with only empty words: "Let this one be yours," she says. She allots him the smallest one, which is on the peal at that moment. When she wants to put it in the oven, Christ says: "Wait, I have to mark it, so I do not take a different one once they are done." He comes closer and inserts his finger in it. The woman then puts the bread in the oven, and the two strangers settle in the shade to rest. Christ's loaf rises visibly. Soon it is the largest of all. The woman finds this strange. She is sorry to have promised it to the traveller. "Why," she thinks to herself, "it's not as if I had to give him exactly this one; it would be a pity because it has risen so much. Another one will do." She quickly makes another loaf, pokes her finger in it, and puts it in the oven. Once all the loaves are done, she calls the travellers and gives Jesus his loaf. He pauses, looks at the woman harshly, and says: "Woman, this is not my loaf, give me the one you have promised!" The woman pretends ignorance, claiming that the loaf is the right one; he should take it. Since she can't persuade him, she gets angry and strikes Jesus in the temple. The Lord takes the proffered loaf, and he and Peter set off once again. After a while, Christ says to Peter: BEES AND BEEKEEPING FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE ONTOLOGICAL TURN 185 "Come look at my temple, where the woman has struck me." Peter examines the temple and sees a wound, and there is a small worm in it. After a while, Jesus once again asks Peter to check his wound. "It prickles and tickles a lot," Jesus says. Peter looks at it and sees - what? A tiny animal, like a fly, that quickly flies to a nearby rock. "Behold, Peter," the Lord says. This animal is a bee. It will produce wax, without which no mass will take place. And so the bees came to existence. [Podgoriški, Kristus in sv. Peter. Slovenski glasnik 9/7 (July 1,1863): 213-214; Kosi 1890a: 30-31; Stanonik 2018: 90]. This legend is related to the legend ATU 751A "The Farmwife is Changed into a Woodpecker", but it is different because it explains how the bee has evolved from Christ's drop of blood. Allegedly, bees also originated from some drops of water that fell when Christ was baptized in the River Jordan (EM 1977: 299). Russian and Ukrainian etiological legends about bees often speak about the rivalry between God and the Devil. In one of them, God was trying to create the bee, but the Devil changed it to the wasp. Later, God nevertheless managed to create the bee (Gura 1997: 449-450). Some legends explain why bees have to die if they sting: Why Should a Bee Die After It Stings? St. Gall was so fond of bees that he stole the whole beehive from his neighbour. As he was carrying it on his shoulder, the bees started to sting him. At that time the bee needn't die after stinging. The saint got angry. "You've stung me - a holy man! From now on, every bee that stings me will have to die!" Since then, all bees die after stinging. But the bee never stings, unless it protects the honey or the brood. [Malenšek, Plamenica -roman o Primožu Trubarju 1957: 331 (Keber 1996: 23)] Some of these folktales also refer to the negative side of bees, interpreting their sting as a means with which the bees originally wanted to kill other beings. Why Does the Bee Have to Die after Stinging? When God created the animals, the bee was one of them. Since the poor thing was so tiny, God wished to protect it by giving it the poisonous sting, saying: "Whomever you sting will have to die." The bee joyfully flew into the wide world that was still young. It acquired many, many sisters. Whenever they bore a grudge against someone, or when the sun was too hot for their little bodies, they would get angry and sting both people and animals, all of whom had to die. Since they kept stinging people, there were fewer and fewer people in the world. The angels in heaven cried because they had too much work. So the good Lord called a bee to him and said: 186- MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN "Bees are causing too much harm in the world, and for this, I shall punish you. Keep your stings and defend yourselves from the enemy. But from now on, every bee will have to die after stinging." The tiny bee bowed to God, spread its wings, and buzzed away to its sisters to tell them of the wrath of God. In silent sorrow, the bees hung their heads, settled on an apple tree, and mourned... From that day, every bee must die after stinging. [Angelček 36/2 (October 1927/28): 23-24; Stanonik 2018: 91-92]. Theokritos (Eidyllion 19) describes how a bee once stung Cupid, who then complained to his mother, Venus. However, she reminded him that his arrows, although he was still very young, were just as painful as a bee sting. The legend ATU 774K, St. Peter Stung by the Bees, narrates how Peter had rebuked Christ for punishing a sinner. Soon afterwards, Peter was stung by a bee. Now Christ rebuked Peter for having destroyed a bee nest and with it the entire colony. Bearing in mind the period in which it originated, this legend is unusually non-anthropocentric for it values the animal just as highly as the human. One of these legends was recorded in Terska dolina/Val Torre by Pavle Merku: The Legend of God, St. Peter, and the Bee (ATU 774K) God and St. Peter were walking from one country to another, speaking and teaching the Gospel. They arrived at Sodom and Gomorrah, where all sorts of things were taking place. God sent an arrow and destroyed everything. St. Peter says to him: "Why have you destroyed everything? There also lived those who believed in you. This was a bad thing to do!" "Oh, Peter, Peter" answers God, "what do you know? Let's proceed!" And they do. When they come to another country, God beholds a swarm of bees. "Peter, take this and put it on your chest!" Peter obeys him and puts the bees on his chest. They walk and walk, and then one of the bees stings Peter. And although it was the only one to do so, Peter crushes them all. [Terska dolina, Italija, Merku 1976: 357; Stanonik 2018: 90-91]. Since bees produce wax, which is also needed for candles that are lit at Mass, bees are perceived as divine animals. A medieval text claims that the nobility of the bee comes from the Garden of Eden but, because of the sin of people, bees were banished from there. God showed mercy upon them, and no Mass can be sung without wax since then. Why do Bees Celebrate Christmas Eve? The story tells us that on Christmas Eve, on the night that Jesus was born, bees are very cheerful. While they jump around and buzz, the queen bee sings, and you cannot get enough of her singing. Let us ask the bees, let us ask their queen why they are all so merry. The bees will answer thus: BEES AND BEEKEEPING FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE ONTOLOGICAL TURN 187 "When St. Joseph and Mary arrived in Bethlehem, they could not stay overnight in the city because all houses were filled with foreigners. So they left the town and stopped at a meagre stable in the field. At that moment, an old shepherd steps from the stable and urges them to stay there. Joseph and Mary enter, and the shepherd says to his wife: "Attend to the strangers while I drive the sheep to pasture so there will be a little more room under our frugal roof. But before I go, I want to light up a wax candle so we can see one another." He lights the candle and leaves. In a little while, darkness falls and, during the night, Jesus is born. The holy Virgin Mary swaddles the baby Jesus and lays him in the manger. Joseph and Mary celebrate and venerate God for all his mercy and kindness. And because a wax candle illuminated the stable in which the holy baby Jesus was born, the bees also celebrate Christmas Eve and Christmas with great joy and delight. Not only last year and this year; the hardworking bees will glorify them until the end of the days, as long as the world shall exist. And rightly so, for wax candles are made of wax, which they collect from flowers with great effort and suffering. Bees worship God, our Father, for bestowing such honour upon them and illuminating the stable in which baby Jesus was born, with a wax candle. [Kobali 1884: 188; Kosi 1890b: 31-32; Kosi 1897: 192]. Some people believed that the bees sang on the eve of Christ's birth (Christmas Eve): How the Bees Sing at Midnight on Christmas Eve If you go to a spring at midnight, gaze into it, and see sheets and death, death will be visiting your house that year; but if you see a young woman, pretty as a bride, there will be a wedding. [...] In Livkovo, Matevž talked his family at midnight into going to see the bees and listen if they really sang. Of course, they were not singing; there was just some buzzing in the hive. [Podbrežnik Vukmir 2009: 266; Stanonik 2018: 92]. Slovenian legends explain how bees came to Carniola: How Bees Came to Carniola Noah, who had a sweet tooth, smuggled a beehive onto the ark. When the waters receded, the bees remained alone. After several generations of bees had grown up, the hive became too small. Their young queen bee, which was hatched during the flood, took three generations into a hollow palm tree. But the fourth time she was caught up in a storm and she, along with her family, was blown to Carniola. [Gnilšak 1989: 117; Stanonik 2018: 92]. Some historical folktales extol bees for helping to defeat the Turks by stinging them. One such example is the tale "The Bees Drive away the Turks" AaTh 1302*. 188- MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN The Brave Cook In Silentabor, in the region of Notranjska, there was a castle with strong walls and nine solid towers. On a beautiful day, the Turks suddenly appeared beneath the walls. They wanted to break through the fortified doors to the castle, which at the time was empty except for a female cook. This was a Sunday, so everybody else had gone to attend Mass at the nearby church. When the cook hears noises and banging, she goes to investigate. And what does she see? There are many Turks in front of the door, and they want to storm the castle. At first, she is too scared to do anything. But she soon gets an idea. Close to the walls is the castle apiary. She hastens there and throws every hive across the walls so that they break on the sturdy Turkish heads. The enraged bees start stinging the Turks. Stung by the bees, they beat a hasty retreat back to Bosnia. Thus, the cook saved the castle with her courage and common sense and was richly rewarded by the lord of the castle. [Ivan Marinčič, Hrabra kuharica, Izvir, list nižješolskega dijaštva v Marijanišču I/l, pp. 5-6 (not dated, around 1922), after: Stanonik 2018: 97]. Similarly, the bees allegedly drove the Turks away from Begunje as well: The Bees That Chased the Turks Away from Begunje A story is still told in Begunje above Cerknica that bees drove the terrible Turks away. Like many of them in that period, the local church was surrounded by a strong wall that formed a stronghold. As the Turks were approaching Begunje, the local population took whatever they could in haste, and fled to the stronghold. As beekeepers loved their bees even in those times and did not wish to leave them to the Turks, they took the hives with them. Little did they know that these bees would save them from certain death! When the Turks launch an attack near the church, the local men, both old and young, defend themselves like lions. But how can their courage and strength measure up to so many? They start to waver. Any moment the stronghold will be defeated, and woe to those who are in it! Then a beekeeper gets an idea. He strikes his head, saying: "Perhaps my bees can help and defeat the Turks? Just you wait, Turks!" He quickly gets a hive and throws it over the walls among the Turks. The hive naturally smashes, and the furious bees fall upon the Turks. In the resulting confusion they yell, they swear, they call to Allah, but nothing helps. The Christians throw down several more hives from all sides of the walls. There was a real slaughter! The blood did not run, but the Turks did run, with swollen heads, as fast as possible down towards Cerknica. Some of them were so swollen they could not see a thing. Well, of course, they were! Turks were no beekeepers, so the stings hurt them all the more. They have never returned to Begunje, stating: "We never want to go back to Begunje, their flies are too angry!" [Slovenski čebelar 1902, after Ovsec 1984: 49]. BEES AND BEEKEEPING FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE ONTOLOGICAL TURN 189 Several animal tales and fables praise the diligence of the tiny bees in contrast to the greediness and frivolity of the bumblebees (Bolhar 1975: 13-14); others explain how the bees started to collect honey for people while the drones continued to wander. (Bolhar 1975: 14-16). Internationally spread is the fable about the bee and the dove "The Bee Falls into the Water" ATU 240A*, which narrates how the dove saves the bee that fell into the water. When a hunter wants to shoot the dove, the bee stings the hunter in his hand (Uther 2004: 151, Kropej Telban 2015: 382). In the valley of Resia, a tale has been preserved about the Sheep and the Bee: The Sheep and the Bee The sheep and the bee constantly argued. So they went to court in Poltabja, and the bee was asked why they were arguing. It replied: "How could I not be angered - the sheep eats all the flowers, all the blades of grass, so I cannot gather anything, and I cannot make any wax. But there are so many churches, so many dead, and many candles are needed!" The sheep then replied: "What about me? They strip off my coat in the worst time of the year! While it is still freezing, I am without any coat, but still I have to keep silent!" [Recounted by Milka Santiceva, Oseaco/Osojane, recorded by Milko Maticetov on March 31, 1974]. Many animal tales speak about the Bear and the Bees, for instance, the tale "The Bear Climbs a Tree" ATU 88*. In this tale, the bear tries to reach the honey in the bee nest on a tree, so he climbs on a cart. When the cart suddenly moves, the bear falls to the ground (Uther 2004: 73, Kropej Telban 2015: 194-197). The following story also recounts the different ways in which the bear tries to reach the honey but always fails: The Bear Visits the Bees A beehive stood in the forest. The sweet smell of honey lured a sweet-toothed bear out of the thicket. "I am bored," says the bear to the bees. "Let me be in your company for a while. I'll keep quiet and will not hurt you." The bees consent. The bear crouches in front of the beehive, sadly hangs his heavy head on his front paws, and stealthily watches the hives. Sniffing, his mouth waters at the sight of the sweet meal. Finally, when he can no longer resist, he slips quietly to the first hive and licks around the entrance. Seeing this, a bee swiftly stings him in his tongue. Roaring, the bear tears back to the forest. His tongue keeps swelling. Thinking that he is approaching his final hour, the bear sighs and groans: "Oh, sweet death, oh, bitter death!" But instead of dying, he recovers his health. 190- MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN One day, he is again tempted and beckoned by the sweet honey. He creeps quietly from the forest to the beehive and sniffs around the entrance to lick the sweet honey. The bees have had enough. They fall upon his head and blind him with their stings. In terrible pain, the bear runs back to the thicket. He is met by a fox. "Who has poked out your eyes, my friend?" the fox asks. "My sweet tooth!" moans the bear. Aren't many of those who do not reflect upon the fact that passion without a bridle is a surefire trap similar to this unwise bear? [Kosi 1894: 98 - 99]. In the tales of magic, the bee is a magical assistant helping the fairy-tale hero achieve the desired goal. In tales and legends, it can also represent the human soul that emerges from the mouth of the dying or sleeping person, for example in some variants of the ATU 808A tale The Death of the Good and of the Bad Man. A fantastic giant bee appears in humorous tales about lies, e.g., in The Great Bee and the Small Beehive ATU 1920G, which also tells how a large bee gets into a small beehive. As can be seen from above, the bees have a special status in narrative tradition, and are in most Christian legends considered to be "God's creatures". They have preserved this role also in other tales, where they are usually presented as good protagonists. Like in other places, and particularly in the era of the Enlightenment and in the Baroque period, many Slovenian priests included bees in their sermons. They extolled their diligence and set them as an example to people, for example, Janez Svetokriški and Father Rogerij Ljubljanski (Stanonik 2018: 98). People also recounted superstitions related to beekeeping. One of them tells of a beekeeper who placed the holy host into his beehive, which greatly increased the production of honey. However, he had to atone for this act (For more see: Makarovič & Rogelj Škafar 2000: 35, Stanonik 2018: 94-98). The bees and their products were also incorporated in many medicinal practices and folk beliefs (For more see: Ovsec 1984, Adamič et al. 1984). Many short folklore genres, like riddles, proverbs, and sayings about bees prove that in the 20th century, bees were still greatly present in daily life. Here are some proverbs and sayings and riddles: "Which bird is sweet but cannot be eaten?"; "Do you know the bird that sweetens the dessert?"; "You will live like a bird in honey;" and "Busy as a bee" (For more see: Keber 1996: 21, Stanonik 2018: 102-109). Literary creations frequently tell of the harmonious coexistence between the bees, beekeepers, and other people who take care of bees. Many beekeepers are certain that bees can detect when a person approaching them is angry or in a good mood (Tucak 2012: 1098), and that the bees also instil a sense of happiness and strengthen family ties (Vaitkevičius 2016: 87). BEES AND BEEKEEPING FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE ONTOLOGICAL TURN -191 URBAN BEEKEEPING AND THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN HUMAN AND NON-HUMAN BEINGS Urban apiculture, the practice of keeping bee colonies in urban areas, especially on terraces and in parks, has recently become popular throughout Europe and in America. The Slovenian association of urban beekeepers Urban Beekeeper (Urbani čebelar ) was founded in Ljubljana in 2014. The initiative had come from the municipality of Ljubljana at a time when the city was awarded the title of the Green Capital of Europe in 2016. The municipality also encouraged the beekeepers of Ljubljana to create the so-called Bee Path for which 110 linden trees will be planted over the next five years along the Path of Remembrance and Comradeship. There are many other bee-related events taking place in Ljubljana and elsewhere in Slovenia as well. Slovenia took the initiative to launch the European Honey Breakfast, which contains honey and is implemented under the name Slovenian Breakfast in kindergartens and elementary schools throughout Slovenia. An event named Honey Day is organized yearly along Stritarjeva Street in the very heart of Ljubljana. Among other popular events associated with the bee are Beekeeping Fairs that are also attended by beekeepers from a number of European countries. Urban beekeeping is very well developed in Slovenia. In Ljubljana, beehives can be found on the roofs of the Cankarjev Dom cultural centre, the Španski Borci cultural centre, Park Hotel, and also the presidential palace; the latter is managed by the Urban Beekeeper Society. Some "urban beekeepers" attempt to initiate schoolchildren from nearby schools into beekeeping by organizing beekeeping clubs, and beekeeping societies organize lectures and other events for beekeepers and the general public. Fig. 4: Beekeeper Grega Benko1 in front of his apiary in Ljubljana (photo: Kropej Telban 2017). As part of the "Save the Bees" project, The Museum of Apiculture in Radovljica organized on September 22, 2016, a round table entitled "Cultural Heritage and Beekeeping" (Porenta 2016). Ljubljana Castle also hosted an exhibit that was opened on May 20, which is the birth date of the legendary Slovenian beekeeper Anton Jansa. Slovenia has 1 I am indebted to Grega Benko for a great amount of information about beekeeping in Slovenia and about urban beekeeping in Ljubljana, and also for introducing to me the patterns of life of the bees. 192- MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN Fig. 5: Beekeepers' Learning Path (Čebelarska učna pot) in Tršce in Croatia (photo: Kropej Telban 2017). also proposed to the United Nations to declare May 20 the World Bee Day. In December 2018, the proposal was adopted within the framework of the UN Conference, and May 20 was officially declared the World Bee Day. Many exhibitions, TV shows, international projects, learning paths, and other events with the intention to present bees and their lifeworld, have been organized in Europe in recent years. Beekeeping and the industry of bee products have become extremely popular worldwide. The production of and trade in bee products, which emphasize their apitherapeutic properties, are highly developed and profitable. At the same time, many beekeepers have stopped giving the bees sugar for food because this is bad for their health; and some beekeepers are practicing biodynamic beekeeping and biodynamic therapy. The foundations as Internationale Gabriele Stiftung (in Slovenia: Gabrielin sklad, Ajda Koroška) encourage a non-anthropocentric relationship towards animals, to sell only the honey which the bees have left over and do not use for themselves. Apimondia, the International Federation of Beekeepers' Association, organized the First International Apicultural Congress as far back as 1897. Slovenia hosted the congress of2003. The Beekeeping Association ofSlovenia is applying to be the host of Apimondia again in 2021. In the words of its President Boštjan Noč, who is actively engaged in solving the problems of bees and beekeeping, beekeeping is not only about the acquisition of honey but much, much more - it is really a way of life. He stated: "Being a beekeeper is a Slovenian trait, for it is written in our genes. For the beekeeper, the bee is only partly an BEES AND BEEKEEPING FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE ONTOLOGICAL TURN 193 economic factor. Its greater value is in her usefulness to nature. One third of the world's food depends on bee pollination. Moreover, pollination is highly problematic in countries with plantation agriculture." (Glasilo Ljubljana 2018). Yet it is not just the beekeeping activities and the extraction of bee products that make apiculture so very popular in Slovenia. This is essentially a special Slovenian culture, which is unique in the world. Bees represent a festive part of life. Working with them, the beekeeper becomes serene and suffused with joy, and is able to enjoy them far into his or her golden years. Many have developed an almost egalitarian relationship to the bee that is in accord with the non-anthropocentric way of thinking and understanding the world around us. CONCLUSION Since bees (and other animals as well) are extremely important for maintaining the ecological balance in the world, some people have in the 21st century started to rethink their relationship to them from a perspective of posthumanism, which is broadening our understanding of culture and nature. Beekeeping is expanded worldwide, and is very popular in many European countries, for example in Baltic societies, where family beekeeping is very much appreciated. In Lithuania, it was closely related to the notion of happiness and good fortune (Vaitkevičius 2016: 87), and mead used to play a significant social and political role in the life of nobility in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (Vaitkevičiene 2016: 64). In Slovenia, the long-famed coexistence of the Slovenian beekeeper with the bees often focuses on the eco-centric understanding of nature and culture. In contrast, human intervention in nature in many areas has had devastating consequences resulting in unintentional extermination of bees. Therefore, it is necessary that we improve our relation to the bees and our understanding of these extraordinary animals worldwide. Attitudes towards animals should be focused on cultural ecology and ethical awareness, and should also reflect the politics of animal breeding and exploitation. We can see that the shift from anthropocentrism towards ecocriticism, as Marjetka Golež Kaučič (2017: 40) defined it, has also influenced the ethical shift in apiculture. Today, when the ontology is becoming increasingly oriented towards ecocriticism and non-anthropocentrism is making way for multispecies ethnography, the focus of our research is oriented towards the connection between the human and non-human, rather than merely on our species, or on a divide (Thompson 2019). 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Valvasor, Johann Weichard, 1689: Die Ehre des Herzogthums Krain 1-4. Laibach-Nurnberg. Viveiros de Castro, Eduardo 2003: And: After-dinner Speech Given at Anthropology and science, the 5th Decennial Conference of the Association of Social Anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth. (Manchester Papers in Social Anthropology, 7). Manchester: Manchester University Press. Vodopivec, Janko / Koloini, Borut & Švagelj, Jožef 2016: Čebelarski zapiski. Spremno besedilo napisala Borut Koloini in Jožef Švagelj. Nova Gorica: Goriški muzej. Vurnik, Stanko, Slovenske panjske končnice. Etnolog 3, 1929. Wolfe, Carty 2010: What is Posthumanism? (Posthumanities 8). Minneapolis - London: University of Minnesota Press. ČEBELE IN ČEBELARSTVO V LUČI ONTOLOŠKEGA OBRATA Monika Kropej Telban ooc> Čebele so zaradi medu in voska, ki ju proizvajajo, cenjene živali z bogato simbolno vlogo, prek katere so prišle tudi v umetnost in duhovno kulturo številnih narodov. Animističnega izvora je izraz, da Čebela ne pogine, ampak umre, ki je še vedno v rabi, kajti tisoč let krščanstva, kot ugotavlja France Bezlaj, čebelam ni moglo odvzeti duše kakor vsem ostalim živalim (Bezlaj 2003: 1239). Zaradi tega jim - za razliko od ostalih živali - neoanimizem, ki ga zagovarja sodobna antropologija (Harvey 2006, Descola 2013), v tem pogledu ne bo spremenil položaja. Znamenitega grškega filozofa Platona, po rodu iz Aten, so imenovali atenska čebela, ker je govoril tako medeno tekoče, kot da bi se v zibki roj čebel usedel na njegova usta. Podobno se je govorilo o Ksenofontu, Sofokleju, Pindaiju, sv. Janezu Zlatoustem, Izidorju iz Seville in sv. Ambrožu, ki je poleg Joba zavetnik čebelarjev. Tudi pri Hebrejcih je čebela povezana z govorom. Njeno ime Dbure izhaja iz besede Dbr, ki pomeni govor, od tod tudi povezava med čebelo in besedo. Preko besede in govora je čebela povezana tudi z jezikom, kulturo, govorništvom in pesništvom, pa tudi z marljivostjo. Čebelarstvo je bilo na Slovenskem že od nekdaj zelo razvito; Strabo (IV. 6) in Lucius Columella (IX) omenjata čebelarje na našem ozemlju, ki so v Italijo izvažali vosek in med. O gojenju čebel v klasičnih slovenskih lesenih panjih - kranjičih je leta 1689 pisal polihistor Janez Vajkard Valvasor. Na Slovenskem so tudi, kot unikum v Evropi, v drugi polovici 18. stoletja začeli poslikavati panjske končnice na kranjičih, katerih prednjo deščico nad žrelom so krasile. Poleg poimenovanj »končnica« najdemo še izraze »skončnica«, na Koroškem »čelnica«, v rovtarskem narečju »dovž«. Najstarejša danes znana končnica ima letnico 1758 in kaže podobo BEES AND BEEKEEPING FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE ONTOLOGICAL TURN 197 Marije z detetom. Poslikave so čebelam pomagale prepoznavati svoj panj, vendar so bili prvi vzroki zanje apotropeični. Z njimi so želeli tudi poudariti premožnost svoje kmetije in se postavljati pred drugimi. Poslikavanje panjskih končnic se je kmalu zaneslo tudi čez Karavanke na Koroško, kjer se je zakoreninilo v Rožu in Podjuni, poznajo ga tudi na Tirolskem. Evidentiranih je preko 700 različnih motivov, ki so jih upodabljali na končnicah. Poleg nabožnih prizorov najdemo tudi motive iz ljudskega slovstva, zgodovinske motive, šaljive in posmehljive motive in prizore vsakdanjega življenja, živali in rastline, pa tudi eksotične, orientalske in indijanske motive. Navdihovali so se ob slikah na steklu ali pa ob motivih z grafičnih listov, ki so prihajali k nam iz tujine. Panjske končnice so začeli ponovno izdelovati v drugi polovici 20. stol.; tiste, ki nastajajo po starem vzoru, prodajajo kot spominke. Čebele so pogosto omenjene v slovstveni folklori: o njih so se ohranili kratki folklorni žanri, kot so uganke, pregovori in reki, poleg tega pa tudi bogato pripovedno izročilo, predvsem veliko legend o njihovem nastanku. Rodile naj bi se iz kapelj Kristusovega potu, ko je trpel na križu; ali pa tudi iz njegovih ust; iz kapelj krvi, ki so pritekle Kristusu iz rane, ko ga je udarila kmetica, ki mu ni hotela dati njegovega hlebčka kruha. Nastale naj bi tudi iz kapelj vode, ki so ob Kristusovem krstu padale v reko Jordan. Ker čebele proizvajajo vosek, iz katerega delajo sveče, ki gorijo tudi v cerkvah pri maši, nastopajo v legendah kot božje živali: Bog je razširil svojo milost po čebelah in zaradi tega se maša ne sme brati brez voska. Nekatere povedke o čebelah razlagajo njihov pik, saj naj bi prvotno hotele z njim pomoriti druga bitja. Teokrit (Eidyllion 19) pripoveduje, da je čebela nekoč pičila Amorja. Ko se je pritožil svoji materi, ga je Venera opomnila, da so tudi njegove puščice, čeprav je majhen, prav tako boleče kot čebelji pik. Legenda »Sv. Petra pičijo čebele« (ATU 774K) pa pripoveduje, kako je Peter očital Kristusu, ker je kaznoval grešnika, a mu je Kristus kmalu za tem oporekel njegovo dejanje, ko je zaradi pika ene čebele uničil celo gnezdo, ki ga je imel pod srajco (slovenski originali so v prilogi, gl. Appendix). Tako poslikave na končnicah kot pripovedi o čebelah so, času nastajanja primerno, tesno povezane s krščansko vero. Tudi pozneje so čebele ohranile vlogo »božjega bitja« in so bile v slovenskem pripovedništvu predstavljene kot poduhovljena bitja. Čebelarstvo in industrija čebeljih proizvodov sta v zadnjem času v svetu doživela velik razmah. Čebele so začeli gojiti tudi v mestih, predvsem na terasah in v parkih, kjer se je v zadnjem času razmahnilo urbano čebelarstvo. V Sloveniji je bilo društvo Urbani čebelar ustanovljeno leta 2014, pobudnik zanj je bila Mestna občina Ljubljana v času, ko je bila Ljubljana imenovana za zeleno prestolnico Evrope v letu 2016. V tem času so nastale tudi številne čebelarske poti, v Ljubljani so ob Poti spominov in tovarištva so zasadili še več lipovih dreves in uvedli medeni zajtrk, iz katerega je nastal slovenski zajtrk. Zelo se je razvila proizvodnja čebeljih proizvodov, pri čemer se poudarjajo njihove apiterapevtske lastnosti. Decembra 2018 je OZN na pobudo Slovenske čebelarske zveze razglasila 20. maj - rojstni dan Antona Janše, prvega učitelja čebelarstva na Dunaju - za svetovni 198- MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN dan čebel. Slovenski čebelarji ohranjajo svojo tradicionalno čebelarsko kulturo. Marsikdo med njimi je do čebel razvil skorajda egalitaren odnos; čebele torej v življenju slovenskih čebelarjev zavzemajo pomembno mesto. Vendar pa je človek s svojimi uničujočimi posegi v naravo čebele na številnih območjih nehote iztrebil. Odnos do živali je zatorej treba usmerjati h kulturno--ekološki in etični ozaveščenosti tudi pri njihovem gojenju in izkoriščanju. Danes, ko je v času posthumanizma ontologija usmerjena vedno bolj ekološko in ko se antropocentrizem umika etnografiji različnih enakovrednih vrst - človeških in nečloveških subjektivitet (Golež Kaučič 2017), mora biti fokus usmerjen v povezavo in ne v razlikovanje med njimi. Razvoj, ki ga lahko opazimo v sodobnih družbah in v spreminjajoči se družbenozgodovinski epistemologiji, dokazuje, da se svet spreminja in da bodo tudi čebele razumljene kot človeku enakovredna bitja, ki imajo svoje kulturne vzorce in intrinzično vrednost in brez katerih ni življenja na zemlji. PRILOGA: SLOVENSKE LJUDSKE PRIPOVEDI O ČEBELAH 1 KEDAJ JE USTVARIL BOG ČEBELE? Sin božji, viseč na križu med dvema razbojnikoma, trpel je neznosne bolečine. Poleg drugih težav in bridkostij, ki so ga obhajale, začelo ga je tudi neizmerno žejati. Tedaj mu pomoli jeden vojakov v kis (jesih) namočeno gobo k ustom. Zveličar vzame nekoliko kapljic, toda grenka pijača izvabi grozne muke trpečemu Sinu božjemu mnogo potnih kapljic na mrzlo njegovo čelo. Da bi postavil spomin na prebridko uro, prosil je - kakor pripoveduje legenda - Kristus svojega nebeškega očeta, naj ustvari iz teh potnih kapljic živalice, ki bodo vzgledno marljivo nabirale sladko tekočino - med. Njihovo trudoljubnost naj bi ljudje posnemali, sladko strd pa uživali, da pozabijo vsako bridko uro, ki jih bode trla v vsdakdanjem življenju. Oče nebeški je izpolnil željo svojemu božjemu Sinu in je ustvaril še isti dan čebele. Za stanovanje jim je odmeril drevesna dupla v znamenje, da je izdahnil Jezus na lesenem križu svojo dušo. Zato čebele že od nekdaj kaj rade stanujejo v votlih deblih. Kasneje so začeli ljudje čebelam narejati posebna stanovanja - koše ali panje, in najljubši jim je baje panj, spleten iz divje vinske trte. Zakaj neki? Zato, ker so stebelca te rastline zelo podobna trnjevi kroni, katero je imel trpeči Kristus na glavi, ko je na lesu sv. križa umrl. Ker je ustvaril Bog čebelo v spomin na pregrenko smrt božjega Odrešenika, zato ljudje o njej ne govore, da bi »poginila«, kakor druge živali, ampak čebela »umrje« kakor človek. Iz njene strdi pa se pridobiva vosek za sveče, katere gorijo pri vsakem svetem opravilu, ki nas spominja na pregrenko smrt božjega Zveličarja. [Kosi 1896: 26-27: Kedaj je ustvaril Bog čebele?; Kosi 1897: 190-191; Stanonik 2018: 91]. BEES AND BEEKEEPING FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE ONTOLOGICAL TURN 199 2 Kristus in sv. peter (Kako so bučele postale?) Ko sta Kristus in sv. Peter hodila po svetu, prišla sta k nekej ženi ravno, ko je vsajala pogačo. Bagovori jo kristus in upraša: »Ali bo ktera pogača moja?« Žena je bila dobrih rok: noben berač ni brez daru šel od hiše, in tudi njega ni hotela s samo besedo odpraviti: »Naj bode pa ta-le tvoja«, pravi. Odločila mu je najmanjo, ki je ravno imela jo na loparji. Hotela je vže vsaditi jo, kar povzame Kristus: »Čaki, moram jo zaznamovati, da ne vzamem kake druge, kedar bodo pečene. Stopi bliže in vtakne prst vanjo. Žena jo zdaj dene v peč; nepoznana sv. moža pa gresta v senco počivat. Jezusova pogača je vidno rastla. Kmalo je bila veča nego vse druge. Ženi se to čudno zdi. Pokesa se, ker jo je obljubila popotniku. »E kaj,« reče sama sebi, »saj ni, da bi morala dati to, odpravim ga z drugo. Vendar le škoda je, ker je tako lepo visoka.« Gre, naredi brž drugo, potakne prst vanjo, pa dene v peč. Ko so bile vse pogače pečene, poklicala je popotnika, dala je Jezusu odmenjeno pogačo, pa on je obstal, ostro pogledal ženo in rekel: »Žena, to ni moja pogača, daj mi obljubljeno.« Žena se je nevedno delala, tiščala vanj in trdila, da je prava; naj jo le vzame. Pa ker ga ni mogla pregovoriti, zgrabila jo je naposled jeza in udarila je Jezusa po senci. Gospod je zdaj vzel pogačo, pa ne svoje, in šla sta s Petrom dalje. Čez nekaj časa je velel Kristus Petru: »Pogledi, pogledi, kaj mi je tu na senci, kamor me je udarila žena. Peter je pogledal in videl rano, v rani pa črvička. Dalje grede reče Kristus drugič Petru, naj mu pogleda rane: »Zelo me ščemi in ščegeče,« pravi. Pogleda in kaj vidi? - Živalico, muhi podobno, ki je precej izletela na bližnjo skalo. »Gledi Peter,« reče Gospod na to, »ta živalca je bučela; delala bo vosek, brez kterega se ne bo brala nobena sv. maša.« In tako so postale bučele. [Podgoriški, Kristus in sv. Peter. Slovenski glasnik 9/7 (1. 7. 1863): 213-214; Kosi 1890a: 30-31; Stanonik 2018: 90]. 3 Zakaj morajo čebele umreti, če pičijo Sv. Gal je imel rad čebele, pa jih je sosedu ukradel cel panj. Nesel jih je na rami, čebele pa vanj in so ga opikale! Takrat čebelam še ni bilo treba umreti, če so pikale. Pa se je svetnik razjezil in je rekel: »Mene, ki sem svetnik božji pikate? Katera me bo poslej še pičila, bo morala umreti!« Od takrat čebela umre, če piči. Pa nikoli ne piči, razen, če varuje med ali zalego. [M. Malenšek, Plamenica - roman o Primožu Trubarju 1957: 331 (Keber 1996: 23)] 200- MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN 4 Zakaj mora čebelica umreti, kadar piči? Ko je Bog ustvaril živalce, je bila med njimi tudi čebelica. Ker je bila majhna - ubožica -jo je hotel Bog zavarovati in ji je dal strupeno želo in rekel: »Kogar boš pičila, bo moral umreti.« Čebelica je vesela odbrenčala v široki mladi svet. Dobila je še mnogo sestric. In kadar se jim je kdo zameril ali da jim je solnce preveč grelo telesca, so jezno pikale ljudi in živali, in vsak človek je moral umreti. Čebelice so pa naprej pikale ljudi, in ti so mrli in mrli in bilo jih je vedno manj. V nebesih pa so jokali angelci, ker so imeli preveč dela. In dobri Bog je poklical čebelico k sebi in ji rekel: »Prehudo delate, čebelice na zemlji. Zato vas bom kaznoval. Obdržite svoja žela in branite se z njimi pred sovražniki. A kadar bo katera pičila, bo morala umreti.« Sklonila je drobna čebelica glavico pred Bogom, razpela krilca in odbrenčala pod božje solnce k svojim sestricam, da jim pove o božji jezi. V tihi žalosti so sklonile čebelice glavice, sedle na jablan in žalovale... Od tistega dne pa mora vsaka čebelica umreti, kadar piči. [Angelček 36/2 (oktober 1927/28): 23-24; Stanonik 2018: 91-92]. 5. Legenda o Bogu sv. Petru in čebelah (ATU 774K) Bog in sveti Peter sta hodila od ene dežele do druge in sta pripovedovala in učila evangelij. Prispela sta do Sodome in Gomore, kjer so počeli vse mogoče. Bog je vse uničil, poslal je strelo. In sveti Peter mu reče: »Zakaj ste vse uničili? Tam so bili tudi tisti, ki so verjeli v vas. Grdo ste storili!« »Ah, Peter, Peter,« je rekel Bog, »kaj ti veš? Pojdimo naprej!«. In sta šla. Prišla sta v drugo deželo. Tu je Bog zagledal en roj čebel. »Peter, vzemi to in si deni na prsi!« Peter je ubogal Boga in si ga je dal na prsi. Hodila sta in hodila. Toda ena čebela je pičila Petra in on, čeprav ga je pičila ena sama, je zmečkal vse. [Terska dolina, Italija, Merku 1976: 357; Stanonik 2018: 90-91]. 6. Zakaj čebele slave sveti večer? Pripovedka nam pripoveduje, da so čebela na badnjik (sveti večer) vso noč, ko se je porodil Jezus, navadno vesele. Skačejo in zujejo, a matica poje, da se je ne moreš dosti naslišati. Vprašajmo čebele, vprašajmo njihovo kraljico, zakaj so tako vesele, in čebele nam poreko takole: »Ko sta sv. Jožef in Marija prišla v Betlehem, nista mogla v mestu nikjer prenočiti, ker so bile vse hiše prenapolnene tujih ljudi. Šla sta zatorej iz mesta ven na polje in našla ubožen hlev, pred katerim sta se ustavila. V isti čas stopi star pastir iz hleva ter ju nagovori, da naj pri njem ostaneta. Jožef in Marija stopita v hlev in pastir reče svojej ženi: »Postrezi tujcema, a jaz poženem ovce na pašo, da bode nekoliko več prostora pod našo ubožno streho. Nu predno otidem, prižgati hočem še voščeno svečo, da se vidimo.« Prižgavši svečo, otide. BEES AND BEEKEEPING FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE ONTOLOGICAL TURN 201 Za malo časa je bila temna noč in v tej noči je prišel Jezus na svet. Sveta devica Marija je povila dete Jezuščka v plenice in ga položila v jaslice. Jožef in Marija sta slavila in častila Boga za toliko milosti in dobrote. In zato, ker je voščena sveča razsvetljevala hlev, v katerem se je porodilo sveto dete Jezušček, slave tudi čebele badnjik in božično noč z velikim veseljem in radostjo. A to ne samo lani in letos, nego slavile ga bodo do konca dni, dokler bode svet. In pravo imajo pridne bučelice, ker voščene sveče so od voska, katerega one nabirajo po cvetji z velikim trudom in trpljenjem. Čebelice časte Boga, našega očeta, ker jih je tako odlikoval, da je hlevec, v kaerem se je porodil Jezus, razsvetljevala voščena sveča. [Kobali 1884: 188; Kosi 1890b: 31-32; Kosi 1897: 192]. 7 Kako na sveti večer čebele pojejo opolnoči Opolnoči, kdor gre k studencu, pa da pogleda v studenec in vidi rjuhe in smrt, bo tisto leto smrt pri hiši; če pa vidi dekle, lepo kot nevesta, bo ohcet. /.../ Na Livkovem je Matevž pregovoril domače, da so šli opolnoči poslušat čebele, če res pojejo. Seveda pa niso nič pele, le malo je bilo v panju slišati brenčanja. [Podbrežnik Vukmir 2009: 266; Stanonik 2018: 92]. 8 Kako je čebela prišla na Kranjsko Sladkosnedni Noe je v barko vtihotapil panj čebel. Ko so vode upadle, so čebele ostale same. Več rodov je zraslo in ker je domovanje postalo pretesno, je mlada matica, ki se je izlegla med potopom, odpeljala tri rodove v votlino palme. Četrtič jo je zalotil vihar in jo z družino vred zanesel na Kranjsko. [Gnilšak 1989: 117; Stanonik 2018: 92]. 9 Hrabra kuharica (ATu 1302*) Na Šilentabru na Notranjskem je stal grad, ki je imel močno zidovje z devetimi trdnimi stolpi. Nekega lepega dne se nenadoma prikažejo Turki pod obzidjem in hočejo vlomiti skozi utrjena vrata v grad, kjer ni bilo razen kuharice žive duše doma. Ti so šli namreč, ker je bila nedelja, v bližnjo cerkev k službi Božji. Kuharica začuje šum in razbijanje ter gre pogledat, kdo je zunaj. In kaj vidi? Pred vrati je polno Turkov, ki hočejo vdreti v grad. V prvem strahu ne ve, kaj pošeti. Kmalu pa ji pride dobra misel v glavo. Blizu obzidja je grajski čebelnjak. Hitro gre do njega in pomeče vse panje čez obzidje, da se razbijejo na trdih turških buticah. Razkačene čebelice začnejo pikati Turke, ki vsi opikani hitro zbeže nazaj v Bosno. Tako je kuharica rešila grad s svojo hrabrostjo in razumnostjo, ter je bila od graščaka bogato obdarovana. [Ivan Marinčič, Hrabra kuharica, Izvir, list nižješolskega dijaštva v Marijanišču I/1, str. 5-6 (letnice ni, ok. 1922), po: Stanonik 2018: 97]. 10 Čebele, ki so pregnale Turke iz Begunj (ATU 1302*) V Begunjah nad Cerknico je še sedaj razširjena govorica, da so čebele pognale grozovite Turke v beg. Tamošnja cerkev je bila v turških časih - kakor mnogo cerkva - obdana z 202- MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN močnim zidovjem, taborom. Ko so se bližali Turki Begunjam, skrili so se prebivalci za te utrdbe ter seboj vzeli, kar so v naglici vzeti mogli. Ker so čebelarji že takrat ljubili čebele in jih niso hoteli kar tako prepustiti Turkom, so jih vzeli s seboj v tabor. Niso si pa mislili, da jih bodo ravno čebele rešile gotove smrti. Turki napadajo tabor pri cerkvi. Možaki in mladeniči se branijo kot levi, a kaj pomaga njih hrabrost in moč proti tolikim! Jeli so omahovati. Zdaj pa zdaj bo tabor premagan in potem gorje onim, kateri so v njem! Nekemu čebelarju se pa nekaj zasveti v glavi, udari se po čelu in pravi: »Morda bodo pa moje čebele nam pomagale in Turke premagale? Čakajte Turčini, jaz vam bom dal popra!« Hitro skoči po panj čebel ter ga vrže čez zid med Turčine. Panj, seveda, se razbije, čebele postanejo zaradi padca ljute ter se zakade v Turčine. Med Turki nastane zmešnjava, kričijo, kolnejo, Alaha kličejo, a vse nič ne pomaga. Kristjani so vrgli še nekaj panjev med Turke in sicer na vseh straneh zidovja. No, to je bilo klanje! Kri sicer ni tekla, a tekli so Turki kar se je dalo tja doli proti Cerknici z oteklimi glavami. Nekateri niso nič videli, tako so bili otekli. Pa kaj ne bodo! Turki niso bili čebelarji, zato jim je pik tako škodoval. Nikdar več niso prišli potem v Begunje. Rekli so: »V Begunje ne gremo več, tam imajo hude muhe.« [Slovenski čebelar 1902, after Ovsec 1984: 49]. 11 Bcela in golobčik (ATu 240A*) Bčela je bila padla v vodico; golobčik to viditi hitro s kljunom peresce od vejice odterga in ga v vodico spusti. Bčela peresce srečno doseže, se ga varno poprime in z njim iz vodice prigomazi; rešena je bila gotove smerti. Golobčik se zopet na drevo usede. Memo pride neki lovec, golobčika na drevesu zagledavši hitro s puško vanj pomeri in hoče sprožiti, pa - bčela pribrenči in pik! ga piči na roko. Lovec si roko mane, puška zmajana poči in vse zernje gre daleč od golobčika; golobčik zdrav in vesel z drevesa zleti. Kdo mu je življenje otel? -Učite se, otroci! Od živalic hvaležnosti. [Anton Praprotnik, Bčela in golobčik. Šolski prijatel 3/2 (10. 1. 1854), str. 14] 12 ovca in becela Ovca in bečela sta se zmerom pričkali. Tedaj sta šli kar na sodnijo na Poltabjo. Tam gori so jih začeli spraševati - najprej bečelo - kaj imata, da se pričkata. Bečela je rekla: »Kaj se ne bi jezila, ko mi sne vse rožice, vse travice, da ne morem nič ubrati, ne morem dajati voska, pa je toliko cerkva in toliko mertvih, bi bilo treba dosti sveč!« Tedaj ovca je rekla: »Kaj pa meni, ki mi slečejo plašč v najhujšem letnem času! Ko je še velik mraz, sem brez plašča in moram molčati!« [Minka Santičeva po pripovedovanju Paske Vecintave, Osojane, 31. 3. 1974. Zapisal Milko Matičetov.] 13 Medved pri bucelah (ad ATu88*) Tik gozda je stal bučelnjak. Prijetni duh strdi je izvabil iz gošče sladkosnednega medveda. »Dolgčas mi je,« prične kosmatinec čebelam, »pustite me nekoliko v svoji družbi; miren bodem in vam ne bodem storil ničesar.« - Bučele privolijo. BEES AND BEEKEEPING FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE ONTOLOGICAL TURN 203 Medved se spravi pod bučelnjak, dene žalosten težko svojo glavo na prednje šape ter skrivaj ogleduje panje, voha in sline se mu cedijo po sladki jedi. Naposled, ko se ne more več upirati, splazi se tiho k prvemu panju ter liže okrog žrela. To videč, piči ga neka bučelica hitro v jezik. Medved zarjove ter zbeži kakor besen nazaj v gozd. Jezik pa mu čimdalje bolj oteka, in ker misli kosmatinec, da se mu bliža zadnja ura, vzdihne in stoka venomer: »Oh sladka smrt, a bridka smrt!« Toda umrl ni, ampak zopet ozdravel. Nekga dne ga mika in zopet vabi sladka strd. Na tihem se priklati iz gozda k ulnjaku, približa se panju ter voha okrog žrela, da bi lizal sladko strd. Bučelam pa je to dovolj. Zapraše se mu v glavo ter ga s svojim pikanjem oslepe. S strašnimi bolečinami pobegne nazaj v goščo. Sreča ga strinja lisica. »Prijatelj« Kaj pa ti je izteknilo oči? vpraša ga. »Sladnost, sladnost!« stoka medved Ali ni temu brezpametnemu medvedu podoben marsikdo, ki ne pomisli, da je brez uzde strast gotova past? [Kosi 1894: 98 - 99]. 14 Hostija v čebelnjaku Neki čebelar, ki s čebelarjenjem ni imel sreče, je prinesel v ulnjak hostijo, to pa mu je prineslo srečo in dobiček. Za to so zvedeli sosedje, šli so po duhovnika in v panju našli hostijo, okoli katere so čebele zgradile monštranco. Ta monštranca je bila upodobljena na končnici. [Makarovič, Rogelj Škafar 2000: 35; prim.: Stanonik 2018: 102 - 109]. Dr. Monika Kropej Telban, Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute of Slovenian Ethnology, Novi trg 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia, monika@zrc-sazu.si ^Razgledi ^Orizzonti H • X Aorizons 22 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2019 - 207 - 220 | DOI: 10.3987/SMS20192211 - Daritvena pogača župnik in Valvasorjev Hausgotze - gospodarček — Ilja Popit The author analyses the uses of the Christmas festive bread poprtnik and the age-old tradition of baking such offerings in Slovenia. These offerings, along with the names of certain Slavic deities, were first mentioned four hundred years ago. One of these Christmas breads has preserved its name - župnik, documented in Ribnica in Dolenjsko / Lower Carniola. This name župnik was passed on to this offering bread after the early medieval Slavic administrative unit župa, and not after the Slovenian term for a Catholic priest -župnik, which was first introduced only just after the year 1860. KEYWORDS: offering bread, poprtnik, župnik, Christmas bread, Gospodarček, house spirits, Penats, badnjak UVOD Potem ko so na prelomu tisočletja (1997-2007) v gostilni pri Kuklju v Velikih Laščah pripravili več razstav božičnega kruha poprtnika - župneka, je to zamisel uspešno prevzel velikolaški Zavod za kulturo in turizem Parnas. Še več. S tem je resno in prizadevno oživil to našo prastaro šego tudi v obliki državnega varstva naše nesnovne dediščine. To se dogaja že kar v obliki tekme v obvladovanju te pekovske mojstrovine. Z izdajo blizu 200 let starih zapiskov ribniških graščakov Rudežev in kaplana Zime Od volkodlaka do Klepca v letu 2010 sem tudi sam prispeval k poznavanju te nekdanje kranjske, najbrž pa kar vseslovenske in širše slovanske šege, saj se je pokazalo, da so Rudeži zanjo razodeli tudi staro slovansko ime župnik. Zato so me Parnasovi povabili, naj Laščanom pridem o tem povedat še kaj. Za tisto priložnost (decembra 2016) sem tudi analiziral, kaj o teh rečeh piše Valvasor. Ob pripravi sem spoznal, da premalo poudarjamo tudi vsebino še sto let starejših zapisov izpod peresa učenjaka Hieronymusa Megiserja. Zdaj sem svojo takratn pripoved še precej razširil. SPREMINJANJE IZRAZOV Najprej spomnimo, da se tudi naša slovenska govorica marsikdaj spreminja. V tem spreminjanju je nastala tudi beseda župnik v pomenu duhovnik. To besedo so za duhovnika ustvarili šele na Hrvaškem najbrž zato, da so lažje razlikovali med katoliškim in pravoslavnim duhovnikom: pravoslavni je pop, katoliški je župnik. 208 - ILJA POPIT Pri nas, na Slovenskem, so si torej besedo župnik pred okrog 160 leti sposodili, najbrž predvsem zaradi poenotenja in poslovanjenja dotedanjih latinskih in nemških izrazov. Do srede 19. stoletja so namreč pri nas župniji rekli fara, njenemu duhovniku pa bodisi pleban, plovan, zlasti pa far, fajmošter, ponekod tudi pop, nunc, mašnik, mešnik. Murkov slovar »ročni besednik«, ki je izšel leta 1833, izraza župnik za nemškega Pharrer sploh še ne omenja. Tudi v nemško-slovenskem slovarju, ki ga je spisal Matej Cigale in denar za njegovo objavo priskrbel škof Anton Alojzij Wolf ter je izšel sredi januarja 1860, je bil nemški Pfarrer še vedno kar naš fajmošter, ki v svoji fari fajmoštruje (Wolf 1860: 1155). Res pa je Cigale tam sporočil, da mu Hrvatje v zadnjem času rečejo župnik, fari pa - zgledujoč se po staroslovanskem političnem okraju - pravijo župa. Ker pa izraz župa vodi v zamenjavo z juho, župo (die Suppe), je pravni terminolog in jezikoslovec Cigale odsvetoval, da bi Slovenci začeli posnemati ta hrvaški izraz. Fare tako odtlej pri nas ni zamenjevala župa, ampak župnija. Beseda župnik za duhovnika se je torej na Slovenskem uveljavljala šele po izidu Cigaletovega slovarja, in to postopoma ne le med verniki, ampak tudi med samimi duhovniki. Kako je bilo še desetletje pozneje tudi okrog Velikih Lašč, si lahko preberemo kar v Mohorjevem koledarju. V njem so bila vsako leto objavljena tudi imena njegovih naročnikov in naročnikov Mohorjevih knjig. Tako se je v celovškem Koledarčku družbe sv. Mohora za prestopno leto 1868 tedanji župnik z Roba pri Laščah Frančišek Rant sicer že podpisal kot župnik. Nasprotno pa se je tedanji bloški trojiški dušni pastir Šimon Jan dal še vedno vpisati kot fajmošter, tudi dobrepoljski Sežun je še bil fajmošter; prav tako je bil fajmošter še tudi Brodnik v Laščah. Zdaj je ta jezikovni prehod pozabljen in je beseda fajmošter, far že marsikje razumljena kot zmerljivka za duhovnika. MEGISER O BOŽIČNI DARITVENI PEKI Zdaj pa k božičnim kruhom. O poprtniku sem seveda najprej bral pri Valvasorju, o peki pa sem več slišal v Zavrhu nad Iško. Celo med poklicnimi etnologi (npr. Slovenski etnološki leksikon 2004: 445 piše pri besedi poprtnik: » prvič [je] omenjen v 17. stoletju«) je malo znano, da ga je že stoletje pred Valvasorjem, in sicer v besednjaku Dictionarium quatuor linguarum iz leta 1592, opisal učenjak Hieronymus Megiser, kar je bilo še v 16. stoletju. Megiser je bil iz Stuttgarta, med študijem v Tübingenu je bil prijatelj obeh Trubarjevih sinov ter Jurija Dalmatina in se v njihovi družbi navdušil za slovenščino (Windisch). Škofjeloški geolog in zgodovinar Alojz Pavel Florjančič pa je med tistimi, ki zdaj celo domnevajo, da bi utegnil biti Megiser potomec naših izseljencev Megušarjev, saj se mu je slovenščina zdela tako pomembna, da jo je prednostno uvrščal v svoje slovarje. Vsekakor je Megiser poznal slovenske šege, bodisi že od druženja z omenjenimi študenti ali iz poznejših srečanj. Pozneje je namreč več let deloval v Ljubljani in Celovcu, tako da se je o poprtnjaku poučil tudi neposredno na naših tleh. Tudi poznejši Valvasor je ravnanje s poprtniki opisal tako natančno, da je iz njegovih opisov videti, da gre za predkrščansko - DARITVENA POGAČA "ŽUPNIK" IN VALVASORJEV "HAUSGÖTZE - GOSPODARČEK" -209 šego. Vendar v nasprotju z Megiserjem tega ni več povedal naravnost, govori le o nastavljanju na mizo. Megiser pa je to storil brez dlake na jeziku, saj nam je leta 1592 sporočil, da je popertnjak nemški Lebkuchen (glej tam pod tem imenom), latinski li-bum, italijanski bucellato, torej vrsta sladke pogače. Enajst let pozneje, leta 1603, pa je v slovarju Thesaurus polyglottus napisal, da je popertniak ne le sladka pogača, ampak tudi Opfferkuchen, torej daritvena sladka pogača. Glede na poznejše Valvasorjeve opise in na eno od imen te pogače, namreč župnik, je to daritev kljub božičnemu Detetu treba razumeti tudi v predkrščanskem pomenu. VALVASORJEVA POTICA IN POPRTNIK O božičnih kruhih je pred polčetrtim stoletjem Janez Vajkard Valvasor v Slavi Vojvodine Kranjske (1689, VII/XVI: 472) pisal takole: Za božične praznike [kmetje na Kranjskem] zvaljajo testo prav na tanko, ko list ali (tanko kot) papir, in ga namažejo z medom, ki je pomešan z zdrobljenimi orehovimi jedrci. To zmes zvaljajo, stisnejo ali zvijejo v krogu, da postane kakor hleb kruha [torej brez luknje v sredini, op. I. P.]. Naposled speko, in ko je pečeno, se imenuje p o t i c a (potiza). Tudi pri plemičih in meščanih peko take potice ob istem času in prav na isti način. Dalje zamesijo velik hleb kruha in ga okitijo zgoraj z vsakovrstnimi okrasi. Plemičem in meščanom pa, ki imajo delikatnejša usta, denejo v tale kruh veliko masti in jajc. Po vrhu ga na razne načine okrase s testom in tak kruh imenujejo p o p r t n i g. Tako začne Valvasor odstavek o božičnih praznikih. NEKDANJI DVOMI IN ZDAJŠNJA POTRDITEV ZVEZE Z ŽUPO O tem, da gre pri peki poprtnika za predkrščansko šego, govori prvotno ime tega kruha, namreč župnik, župnek. Nekatere dele božičnega praznovanja je kot poganske označil že Valvasor. Slovani, ki pečejo podobne kruhe, zanje sicer nimajo enakega imena. Vendar je etnolog Boris Orel leta 1937 že povezoval ime kruha župnika z župo, kot so stari imenovali del zgodnjesrednjeveške slovanske kneževine, torej večje ali manjše okrožje. V zgodnjem fevdalizmu je bila to lahko skupnost ene ali več vasi, lahko pa tudi vaški zbor. Etnolog dr. Milko Matičetov je leta 1954 v obširni razpravi zavrnil zamisel zgodovinarja dr. Josipa Mala (1884-1978), da bi bil poprtnik v zvezi z zapečeno praprotjo, nekakšen praprotnik. Mal je bil sicer naš pomemben, uveljavljen zgodovinar, a se je včasih tudi zmotil. V Glasniku muzejskega društva za Slovenijo je leta 1940 objavil zanimiv prispevek o slovenskih mitoloških starinah, v katerem je vztrajno zagovarjal povezavo poprtnikove peke s praprotjo. To ne more držati že zato, ker praproti Bločani 210 - ILJA POPIT rečejo stela, a kruhu župnek. Matičetov je to njegovo zmoto seveda na široko zavrnil, a je ob tej zagnanosti sam prezrl dokaz visoke starosti izraza župnek. Omahovanja okrog župnika in župe bi morala pasti z objavo moje knjige Od volkodlaka do Klepca, ki je izšla leta 2010 pri radovljiški založbi Didakta. Knjiga prinaša prevod okrog 200 let starih rokopisov ribniških graščakov Rudežev in kaplana Janeza Zime, ki so se ohranili v zapuščini Prešernovega prijatelja Emila Korytka, a jih pred mano nihče ni resno prebral. V 76. poglavju o kolačih in gospodarčku Rudež piše: Za božič spečejo v Ribnici matere svojim otrokom iz krušnega testa ptice in druge živali. Spečejo tudi večji in en manjši hleb pšeničnega kruha. Večji hlebec okrase s figurami iz krušnega testa, ki predstavljajo ptice ali druge, štirinožne živali. V sredino posade možička, ki je prav tako iz testa, ki mu je ime gospodarček (GOSPODARZIG) in je pokrit z rdečo čepico. Vsi ti kruhi stoje na božični, na novoletni in na trikraljevski večer na mizi, ki je pregrnjena z belim prtom. Poškrope jih z blagoslovljeno vodo in ob njih še molijo. Nato jih pojejo. Nato poskrbe za gospodarčka. Zavijejo ga v krpo in privežejo na setveno košaro, misleč, da bodo tako zagotovili srečnejšo setev. Ime tega kruha, ki v zgornjem zapisu ni navedeno, pa najdemo med tistimi ribniškimi besedami, ki sta jih stari Anton Rudež in njegov sin Jožef kot posebne, drugod po Slovenskem manj znane pošiljala še Jerneju Kopitarju na Dunaj: »Ta kruh se imenuje 'župnik', das Weinachtsbrot«. Ta Rudežev zapis je ponovil tudi Maks Pleteršnik v svojem slovensko-nemškem slovarju (1894, II: 975). Ker je Jernej Kopitar umrl že poleti 1844, je tako zgoden zapis tega imena božičnega kruha pomemben, saj pove, da ni v nikakršni zvezi z župniščem in zdajšnjim župnikom. Kot smo ugotovili v začetku, so do pozne srede 19. stoletja pri nas župniji rekli fara, njenemu duhovniku pa leplovan, pleban, far, fajmošter, pop, nunc, mašnik. To zagotovo pomeni, da je ribniški kruh župnik, župnek dobil ime po slovanski krajevni enoti župa, iz katere izhaja tudi starodavno ime župan (plemenski poglavar, knez.). To sem v knjigi Od volkodlaka do Klepca seveda posebej poudaril. Pozneje sem pokazal, da je tudi kočevarski izraz za ta kruh, žipling, v zvezi z župo in ne s sitom, imenovanim na Kočevskem žip (Slovstvena folkloristika 13, 2015: 50). Kot kaže, je bil Milko Matičetov tedaj prav zaradi Kočevaijev glede zveze z župo previden, saj je napisal: »[...] moramo podrobno in načrtno raziskati vso tujo soseščino, če hočemo, da bo podoba južnoslovanskega božičnega kruha jasna« (Matičetov 1954: 237). Leta 1895 je namreč v Gradcu izšla knjiga Adolfa Haufna Die Deutsche Sprachinsel Gottschee, kjer je na strani 64 opisan ta trikraljevski kruh. Haufen je kočevarščino zapisoval še v nemškem črkopisu in je torej izraz žipling zapisal kot Sipling. To se v nemščini bere kot ziplink in slovenskih bralcev ni privedlo do prebliska. A je v istem času Maks Pleteršnik v svojem slovarju (1894, II: 975) že zapisal tudi kočevarsko izgovarjavo: župlink. Ta ponemčeni Siplingje iz virov, ki jih je imel, izpisal tudi Matičetov. Njegova avtoriteta na tem mestu še zdaj škodi. Zelo lična knjižica Božični kruh in poprtnik na Slovenskem - DARITVENA POGAČA "ŽUPNIK" IN VALVASORJEV "HAUSGÖTZE - GOSPODARČEK" -211 (Parnas 2016: 8) na svojem zemljevidu ta nesrečni sipling povzema po Matičetovem. V Tschinklovem slovarju (1973, 1976), v katerem je kočevarščina zapisana s slovenskimi šumniki, pa je zapisan kot žipling. Torej tudi ta kočevarski izraz izhaja iz starodavne slovanske župe: župnik. Če bi Kočevarji od župe podedovali samo kruh žiplink, bi se to morda kljub nepovednosti - saj so okroglini sita podobni vsi okrogli hlebci - dalo primerjati s kočevarskim sitom: žip. Ker pa so tudi slovenski izraz za županovo njivo župnico Kočevarji nekoč pokočevili v žiplitss, je zveza z župo tako pri poprtniku kot pri njivi nedvomna. Če bi kočevarsko sito imelo vsaj oblikovno zvezo s kruhom, pa z županovo njivo zanesljivo nima nikakršne: ne jezikovne ne vsebinske. Kronski dokaz za visoko starost krušnega imena župnik je imel v svojem spisu nevede v rokah že Matičetov (1954: 226), ko je povedal, da je izraz župnik poznal že pesnik Valentin Vodnik. Vodnik je umrl leta 1819, torej še bolj globoko za »časa fajmoštrov«, kar 25 let pred Kopitarjem. Peko poprtnika je najbrž Vodnik poznal že od doma iz Šiške. Izraz župnik pa je zagotovo slišal pri Ribničanih, saj jim je pred koncem 18. stoletja tam skoraj pet let služil kot kaplan. Hkrati je pisal slovar in zanj zbiral naše besede. Med kaplanovanjem v Ribnici (1788-1793) si je od svojega nekdanjega sošolca Antona Ru-deža izpisal imena nekaterih naših bajnih bitij, in sicer vukodlak, vejdamec,pogorni mož, pogorna žena,povodni mož, Torka, Mora (Rudež, Rudež, Zima 2010: 112). Predkrščan-ska boštva na Slovenskem so ga zanimala, da bi jih uporabil v svoji pesnitvi, kar je bilo takrat moderno po zgledu romantičnega škotskega pesnika Jamesa Macphersona. O tem se je kot 37-letnik resno pogovarjal z deset let starejšim Žigom Zoisom (Zoisovo pismo Vodniku, 30. nov. 1795; NMS: Zoisova korespondenca), vendar pa je, kot kaže, ni spesnil. Zois ga je sicer, duhovnika, spodbujal k uporabi staroslovenske »razumske religije« v takšni pesnitvi, a ga je hkrati opominjal, naj se v njej bojuje zoper še živo praznoverje. Nasprotno pa je Vodnikov stanovski tovariš, koroški duhovnik Urban Jarnik okrog leta 1812 le napisal tudi tole občudujočo pesmico o Kresu, torej ne le o kresnem ognju, ampak tudi o našem starem božanstvu Kresniku, ki ni nepodoben Perunu: Škopnjaki no žalik žene / v loge letajo zelene, / kresu hvalo spevajo. // Stari Kres, nekdaj očovam / našim svet, al nam sinovam / skoro iz spomina vzet; / tvoja glava celo siva / bode nam vselej častliva, / kolkokrat boš spet začet. // Naj se Zemlja v kroge vala, / slava tvoja bo ostala, / vsaki rod te bo častil! / Toti svet sedaj preide, / ti pa boš, al že odide, / druge rode veselil! //. (Gspan 1979, II: 33). OMEMBE STARIH BOGOV IN ŠEG Valvasor v svojih knjigah sicer ugotavlja, da na Slovenskem kmečko prebivalstvo rado hodi v cerkev. A to ni pomenilo, da prebivalstvo ne bi enako rado in zavzeto gojilo tudi starih domačih šeg in navad, in to ne le kmetje. Zelo napačno je, če mislimo, da so bili še za časa Primoža Trubarja pri nas samo čisti luteranci in čisti katoliki. Še 21 let po Trubarjevi smrti (f!586) je katoliški škof Tomaž 212 - ILJA POPIT Hren leta 1607 v eni od svojih pridig Kranjce svaril, ker še vedno verujejo v stare idole: v Lado, Plejna in Poberina (Hrenov rokopis v Studia mythologica slavica 13, Visočnik 2010: 65). Hrenov nastop zoper staro slovansko soverovanje zgodovinarji vere pri nas čudno preskakujejo, kot bi imel škof Hren tisto pridigo kje v odročnih, versko neozaveščenih zaselkih, ne pa skoraj v središču Ljubljane, v kapucinskem samostanu na kraju, kjer je zdaj park Zvezda. Morda k molku prispeva nenavadna oblika imen navedenih treh božanstev. A če bi neki tujeverec opisoval, v koga verujejo kristjani, bi seveda naštel predstavnike Trojice, ne pa le našteval kakšno sveto Emo, Avguština in Ciprijana. Tako je zagotovo tudi Hren z enim ženskim in dvema moškima takrat pri nas živima nadomestnima imenoma idolov zagotovo naštel Mokoš, Peruna in Velesa. K dešifriranju obeh moških imen idolov utegne pripomoči drugo našteto moško ime, namreč Poberin, saj je že leta 1466 v Škofjeloškem rokopisu Martin iz Loke za mesec september zapisal zelo podobno domače ime poberuh. September je seveda jesenski mesec, ko se - na račun Peruna, ki je poleti skrbel za rast, da bi pridelek dobro rodil, plenjal (Plejn!) - krepi vloga Velesa in je čas pobiranja (Poberin!) pridelkov.1 Tudi Valvasor je mogel še celo 82 let za Hrenom (1689) prav tako zapisati zelo pomemben del pri nas ohranjenega slovanskega izročila o treh božičih (1698, VII/I: 382): Že od starega pa Kranjci naprošajo malike (die Gotzen), kakor Božiča (Boxitium) in še druge, o katerih so še dandanašnji nekatere praznoverske šege in imena. V svetih božičnih dneh nastavljajo ti [= Kranjci] na mizo ne le kruh, ampak tudi med, orehe, otrobe in podobno, in sicer v treh dneh: prvič na sveto Kristusovo noč, nato drugič na sveti novoletni večer in tretjič na večer pred svetimi tremi kralji. V kranjskem jeziku [= po slovensko] se imenujejo ti trije dnevi teije božičje, ali trije božiči. Poleg vere v te tri zimske, božične »bogce« - praznike je na drugih mestih Valvasor našteval tudi tedanje verovanje v moč vode, vero v drevesa, v vedomce, kresnike, du-hovine, v zmajsko kri ipd. Tudi izraz malik ni tujka, ampak pomeni nekrščanskega boga. Kot tak se je zdel razlagalcem vere konkurenčen, a je zato po svoji nadnaravni moči ali zgolj po postavi nevpliven, mali bog, malik. Licemerje takratnih piscev - ali zgolj njihova večja verska sproščenost - se kaže v tem, da so nasprotno brez zadržkov opisovali stara rimska in 1 Vsa ta naša imena starih božanstev, ki jih tu naštevam, sodijo v slovansko jezikovno izročilo, namreč v kategorijo basni v prvotnem pomenu te besede, saj jih je v Registru Dalmatinove Biblije (1584) protestantska jezikovna revizijska komisija teologov treh slovenskih dežel Korošcem označila za prazne marnje. Korošci so torej izraz basen tedaj še razumeli v pomenu predkrščanske slovanske svete zgodovine (prim. Popit 2010: 64, 65). Torej pri teh številnih slovanskih imenih ni tako, kot je v Dolenji Suhi Južni pod Poreznom od Pepa Šuligoja slišal Pavel Medvešček, namreč o neki Nikrmani, ki da ureja vse, kar je v naravi (Medvešček 1992: 5). Ta Nikrmana iz Baške grape že po imenu ni slovanska. Umestno se je tudi vprašati, ali ne gre pri Nikrmani le kar za podomačenje srednjeveškega izraza nekromantija. Stari novomeški menih Janez Adam Gaiger -Hipolit (ok. 1667-1722) je v svojem slovarju (1712: 968) razložil, da gre pri nekromantiji za klicanje mrtvih, za zarotitev. Torej naj bi pozvani mrtvi napovedali prihodnost in izdali skrivnosti. Prav o skrivnostih urejanja narave pa se je nad Baško grapo spraševal tudi Medveščkov znanec Šuligoj. - DARITVENA POGAČA "ŽUPNIK" IN VALVASORJEV "HAUSGÖTZE - GOSPODARČEK" -213 grška, torej tudi predkrščanska božanstva iz našega sosedstva. To je počel tudi Trubar. Valvasor pa jih je celo risal in to natisnil marsikje, tudi v leta 1680 izdani samostojni knjigi z naslovom Ovidove metamorfoze. Tako Slovenci kot Rusi še zdaj pozno jeseni uporabljamo očitno izredno star izraz: babjepoletje (sodobno rusko: babje Ijeto), in:pada babjepšeno, babjajeza (več o tem gl. Hrobat 2010). »Baba ni le slovanski izraz, pač pa je to prastaro redupliciranje iz otroškega govora [...] V pomenu 'stara ženska' jo najdemo še pri Litvancih in v srednjevisoko-nemščini. [... ] Vsaj v Sloveniji predstavlja Sredozimko« (Kuret 1997: 70- 71). Baba je tudi med ljudmi izraz za staro mamo, po starem izročilu pa Baba živi na slovanskem nebu in od tam občasno spušča mehke ledene kroglice. Njena naslednica v slovanski mitologiji je Mokoš, ki je med drugim nadzorovala delo predic in jih kaznovala, če so predle ob nedovoljenem času. Podobno vlogo so pozneje prevzele Torka in druge sredozimke, ki so poosebljale dneve v tednu. Škof Hren je Mokoš poznal še kot Lado, Makedonci kot Samovilo (gl. Miladinov 1861; prevod v Kociančič 1984: št. 5): »Nato pa se je Samovila razjezila. Stani je iz očesnih jamic izdrla črne oči. Od ram ji je odlomila roke od kolen pa hitre noge ter rekla: »Zdaj vidiš, lepa Stana, kaj prinese, če se šiva in plete na velikonočni praznik.« Krščanstvo je to hudo starodavno boginjo odrinilo z dobrotljivo Marijo. A ker so naši predniki imeli dotlej hude izkušnje z Mokošjo, so bili tudi pri na novo postavljeni Mariji previdni in tudi njej še dolgo pripisovali, da kadar je jezna, pobije s točo vsa žitna polja in vinograde (Trubar 1575: 201). Dolgotrajnost, torej trdoživost teh ljudskih pripovedi, ki jih spremlja tudi spretno območno prilagajanje imen boštev novim časom, kaže na dolgoživo samoorganiziranost pripadnikov starih verovanj. Sega namreč daleč čez domnevne datume pokristjanjenja, kljub prizadevanju uradne Cerkve, da bi nam te stare verovanjske razlage v čim večji meri - če se izrazimo v Jarnikovem jeziku - »vzela iz spomina«, torej odpravila ali vsaj preuredila po svoji meri. POPRTNIK - POTICA - PRESNEC Potem ko nam je sporočil, kako je pri nas s potico in poprtnikom, Valvasor (1698, VII/XV: 472) pove, da ju denejo na sveti večer na mizo. V gradovih, mestih in trgih pride živila blagoslovit duhovnik, v vaseh pa ga nadomeščajo kmetje sami, škrope jih z blagoslovljeno vodo in prižigajo prijetno dišeče kadilo. Isto store tudi na novega leta dan zvečer in naposled v tretje na dan pred svetimi tremi kralji. Jedo pa poprtnik na praznik sv. treh kraljev in tudi pozneje, dokler ga je še kaj. In tega se drže v omenjenih časih po vsej deželi (Kranjski). Poprtnik - poprtnjak je bil sicer že vsaj stoletje pred Valvasorjevim zapisom večinoma, a ne povsod, na mizi pospravljen pod prtom, da je dobil takšno ime. Medtem ko je bila visokonoga miza za to postavitev primerna in tudi nujna že zaradi nadležnih miši v hišah, pa prt ni bil zaradi muh, saj teh o zimskih božičih ni. Prt je bil torej simbolična, a tudi zahtevana meja med starim in krščanskim. Moral je namreč biti bel, verjetno tudi brez vezenin, kajti tudi nekatere vezenine so služile predkrščanskim šegam (prim. Čok 2012: 55). 214 - ILJA POPIT Pozneje pa je mejo med starim in krščanskim varovalo tudi k prtu postavljeno razpelo - buh. Zakaj pravim pozneje? Zato, ker analize ohranjenih zapuščinskih popisov imetja kmečkih gospodarstev v Sloveniji (Makarovič 1981: 244) kažejo, da so pri nas hišna razpela omenjena šele od leta 1772 naprej. Če ugotovitev drži, je to dodaten dokaz dolgoživosti naših starih verovanj. Razpelo je namreč zdaj tudi sestavina hišnega »bogkovga kota«. Makarovičeva ugotovitev torej vodi k sklepu, da tudi takih bogkovih kotov za časa Valvasorja pri nas še ni bilo. Nemara je zanimivo, da se ta kot ne imenuje »Božji kot«, ampak s pomanjševalnico: Bohkov. Na poprtnikih tedaj tudi še ni bilo jasličnih dodatkov. Jaslice so namreč začeli postavljati jezuiti na podlagi dovoljenja iz leta 1591, torej šele po Trubarjevi smrti, a tedaj le po svojih cerkvah. Po naših kmečkih domovih jih nekako pred letom 1800 družine še niso postavljale (Kuret 1981: 164). Testo so začeli valjati in mazati z medom in orehi pozneje. Tako so ustvarili potico - povitico, imenovano tudipovavnica (povaljanica) in s še enim našim imenompresenc v pomenu vreteno (gl. Megiser 1592: 233: Spindelwirtel, verticulum, prefeniz in Spindl, fusus, vretenu). PANJ-ČOK Tudi skrb za celonočno razsvetljavo in kurjenje - torej pozorno bedenje - je bila v prvi zimski božični noči pri nas običajna, ne le v Istri. Drugi Valvasorjev primer zimskega božičnega praznovanja je namreč istrski (1689, VII/XVI: 476). Ker je pri potici in po-prtniku povedal, da ju pečejo in se ju nato štirinajst dni ne dotaknejo, in to po vsej deželi, so to torej delali tudi v Istri. Vendar nas nato posebej seznani, da je v njegovem času »neka druga navada precej ponehala, ker so duhovni prav ostro pridigali zoper njo«, češ da izhaja iz nekdanjega poganstva, ki da je bilo po Valvasorjevem mnenju ostanek darovanja hišnemu maliku (ein Überbleibsel dess heidnischen Haus-Götzen-Opffers). Ta navada pa je kurjenje panja (pain, der Klotz) na istrskih (in primorskih) hišnih ognjiščih na sveti večer. Prižganemu lesenemu panju - čoku so namreč dajali košček od vsake jedi in mu prigovarjali, naj tudi on je. Valvasorjevo oznako pain, der Klotz je Mirko Rupel v Valvasorjevem berilu prevajal s kraškim izrazom čok, ki pa je izposojenka iz furlanščine. Pri čoku gre torej za hrastov panj, štor, parobek, krcelj s koreninami vred. Zato se zdi povezovanje čoka s hišnim malikom, kljub vsemu spoštovanju do Valvasorja, napačno. Pri tem zapisu Valvasor očitno ni opazil, da je stopil na polje delovanja dveh »Abgottov«, ne le hišnega malika (Hausgötze), ampak tudi na polje tistega praznovanja in čaščenja kosa lesa, ki ga Belokranjci imenujejo badnik, ponekod drugod med Slovenci je bil znan kot božičnik (Kuret 1989: 279), med Srbi in Hrvati kot badnjak, Bolgari pa so ga imenovali badnik. Ta badnjak je informatorju Senjanu Pavlu Ritterju in Valvasorju predstavljal še osebo, pogansko božanstvo, malika (Abgott). Kot so ugotavljali poznejši raziskovalci, je ta šega predstavljala čaščenje božanstva domačega ognjišča (Slovenski etnografski leksikon 2004: 43). - DARITVENA POGAČA "ŽUPNIK" IN VALVASORJEV "HAUSGÖTZE - GOSPODARČEK" -215 Čok vsako jesen znova izkopljejo in pripeljejo iz gozda, ga na prvi zimski sveti večer začno kuriti ter ga v teh treh svetih večerih v hiši tudi pokurijo.2 To počnejo tudi v času treh zimskih božičev, ko je Sonce najšibkejše, zato je treba s kurjenjem čoka, torej Perunovega lesa, pomagati staremu zimskemu Svarožiču. S toploto ognja in s ponujenimi koščki hrane in krepilne pijače se torej okrepi ali v ognju celo prerodi. Ostrina cerkvenih prepovedi kurjenja čokov, izrečenih za časa Valvasorja, je pozneje znova otopela, saj so jih hodili blagoslavljat tudi duhovniki (gl. Čok 2012: 25). Kurjenje čokov na nekdanji način je zares, a šele nedavno, ustavila zamenjava hišnih ognjišč s štedilniki. »Slepo poganstvo« v Senju Valvasor opisuje tudi božično praznovanje v Senju in negoduje, češ da tudi prebivalci Senja goje iz slepega poganstva izvirajoče šege (1698, XII: 87). Pove, da imajo Uskoki v Senju (čeprav so katoliki) na sveti večer, ki ga imenujejo badnji večer, čudne šege. Ta dan povabi vsak gospodar ali gospodinja v goste mladeniča ali deklico (ki se v njihovem jeziku imenuje gost), kakor so delali njihovi poganski predniki, ki so častili malika (Abgott) Badnjaka. Bičje ali trstje, ki ga ta večer denejo na ogenj (debelejše drevje je bilo tedaj na tamkajšnjem krasu očitno iztrebljeno, op. I. P.), polijejo poprej z vinom in potem puste, da vso noč gori. Goreče bičje pa mora poleg fanta stražiti še kakšna oseba in paziti, da fanta ne prevzame spanec. Ta večer pokrijejo mizo z belim prtom. Na sredi napravijo tri kupe vencev, spletenih iz bršljana ali zimzelena, in jih okrase z zlatimi in srebrnimi prstani in verižicami. Na mizo denejo tudi nekaj pšenice in drugega žita, kruha, vina, sveč, medu in soli. Za to mizo pa ne sme nihče sesti, ker je bila nekoč posvečena poganskemu Badnjaku, zdaj pa novorojenemu Detetu (Jezusu) ali Božiču, to je novorojenemu Bogu. Tako pokrita miza ostane popolnoma nedotaknjena do sv. treh kraljev. ŠTIRINAJSTDNEVNA NEDOTAKLJIVOST IN KDO VSE MORA PRITI K OBLOŽENI MIZI Pri vseh treh Valvasorjevih omembah in pri Rudeževem opisu gre torej za prikaz praznovanja in daritvene pogostitve, ki traja kar štirinajst dni in pri kateri pridejo domači 2 Pri iskanju povezave med drevesom - lesom in božanstvom se spomnimo pripovedi, ki jo je Valvasor slišal neke jesenske noči na Dolenjskem, ko si je od blizu sam ogledal, kako poteka lov na polhe (1698, III/XXXI: 438). Polharji so mu povedali, da polhe označi z zarezo na uhljih njihov pastir. A so barona Valvasorja pri tem opozorili na pomembno izjemo: mladih polhov, dokler so še v drevesu, v drevesnem dnpln, polšji pastir Hudič ne more tako zaznamovati. Ko je Valvasor to zapisal, ni prav nič negodoval nad kakšnimi poganskimi zmotami polharjev, čeprav je s tem zelo jasno povedal, da je drevo v rokah starega slovanskega zgornjega božanstva, torej Peruna, in to tako močno v oblasti, da Hudič, nekdanji Veles, kot polšji pastir nima moči, da bi segel po polhe v drevo in jim tudi tam zatrgal ušesa. Tudi lesene koče so menda naše stare varovale pred Hudim. Pokop po starem je v leseni krsti. Tudi duša rajnih naj bi se včasih znašla v lesu. Če poleno ob gorenju cvili, pravimo, da se »duša matra«, muči. Na les marsikje v Evropi tudi trkamo, da Zlo česa občutljivega ne bi slišalo. 216 - ILJA POPIT na vrsto pravzaprav šele zadnji dan. Kdo so torej tisti, ki trinajst dni pred njimi vsaj simbolično okušajo te dobrote? Na severni zemeljski polobli smo v času zimskega sončevega obrata, torej v času najdaljših noči. Spet smo na polju ljudskih pripovedi in razlag, kaj se utegne zgoditi, če ne bomo gostoljubni, če ne bomo pripravljeni usahlemu Soncu priti na pomoč, če ne bomo nudili prenočišča Sveti družini, če ne bomo poskrbeli za konjiča, nekakšnega prednika svetega Štefana (Delo, 10. jan. 2011: Stara slovenska mitologija; tudi www: Svarun Ilja), če ne bomo darovali Vodi za svojo rodnost in za lažji porod, če ne bomo okrepili rajnikov in rajnic ter nazadnje še samih sebe, svojih živali in semen za novo setev. Rojenice Kot nam je zgoraj povedal Valvasor, se »ti trije dnevi imenujejo TERJE BOŽIČJE«. Novorojenemu Božiču - mlademu Bogu, staroslovanskemu Svarožiču (Kropej 2008: 137) - se pridejo poklonit obiskovalci. Kdo vse so to, lahko le ugibamo. Po našem starem verovanju pridejo ob človeških rojstvih k porodnici rojenice, torej tri skrivnostne žene, ki napovedo, kakšno bo življenje novorojenca in kakšna smrt ga bo doletela. Kar šest takšnih zgodb sem še leta 1983 slišal v Zavrhu na Blokah (Slovstvena folkloristika 7, 2008: 42-44). Tam so tedaj vedeli povedati, da so rojenice še zdaj in da usoda, ki jo napovedo, za tiste, ki v rojenice verjamejo, še vedno velja. Toda rojenice - po ustnem izročilu - usode ne napovedujejo le navadnim ljudem, ampak včasih tudi bajeslovnim bitjem, npr. hčerki vilinskega kralja (gl. Valjavec 2002: št. 44), grofom, kot kaže slovenski izraz, tudi Celjskim (Celjska kronika, pred 1458: de Royenicis); Šembilja pa je v pripovedi tudi Mariji napovedala, da bo rodila Jezusa (Matija Majar 1847, Kolo; Kropej 2008: 241). Naši predniki so verjeli, da je treba rojenice čim bolje pogostiti, da bi novorojencu napovedale čim lepšo usodo. Zato so priporočali ob rojstvu na mizo postaviti kruh in steklenico z vinom. Kot se zdi, z božičnim hlebcem, potico in župnekom obložena božična miza ponuja pogostitev tudi trem rojenicam. Rajniki kot podlezki, polažajniki, otepovci Božični gosti bi lahko bili tudi predniki. To je čas odprte Zemlje, ko na svet prihajajo menda iz dežele »Raj« tudi tamkajšnji prebivalci: rajniki in rajnice. Na prvi božični dan naj ne bi nihče hodil iz hiše, so pravili pri nas. V Rudeževem ribniškem spisu beremo o tem: »Na božični dan ne gre nihče brez nujnega vzroka iz hiše. Tistega pa, ki to stori, imenujejo podlezek, podlejzik« (Rudež, Rudež, Zima 2010: 40). Beseda podlezek pove, da gre za nekoga, ki bi rad lazil, nekam odhajal, podobno srbskemu polaziti, polažajnik. Torej je strogo preganjanje podlezka sad verske cenzure, bodisi še predkrščanske ali poznejše. V Bohinju je bilo v navadi, da so hodili okrog otepovci, maskirani moški, ki da so predstavljali vračajoče se rajnike. Toda obiskovalcev niso povsod imeli za nadlego. To je povedal že Valvasor ob senjskem primeru, ko je mladenič - gost prišel znova na sveti dan ob času kosila s hlebom kruha in - DARITVENA POGAČA "ŽUPNIK" IN VALVASORJEV "HAUSGÖTZE - GOSPODARČEK" -217 vrčem vina ter voščil srečen božič in srečne božične praznike. Družina pa ga je nato nagradila. Res pa je tam veljalo še ostreje: da razen gosta kar tri dni v hišo ni smel nihče drug. Tudi med pravoslavnimi Slovani v Srbiji so še znani polažajniki, ki prihajajo v domove prav na božični dan voščit uspeh, zdravje in srečo. Tam jim izkazujejo veliko čast. Če se njihova voščila uresničijo, smejo priti voščit tudi prihodnje leto, sicer pa ne. Šega podlezka, polažajnika je nastala iz verovanj, da je polažajnik mrtvi prednik, ki prihaja kot naključni potnik, kot božanski gost. Vse to se dogaja sredi zime, ne v dokaj toplih svetopisemskih krajih, ampak pri nas in še severneje. V shrambah je še hrana, zato - da ne bi do pomladi zmanjkalo krme - je to tudi obdobje kolin. Ker je še moka, se tudi potica speče v obliki hlebca brez luknje v sredi (za razliko od velikonočne potice, pri kateri luknja že je), nam je v Zavrhu zaupala Anca Jakič (Slovstvena folkloristika 7, 2008: 44) in že Valvasor. Da se torej pogostiti, okrepiti vse naštete, in nazadnje najbolj neposredno okrepiti še žive člane nekdanje župe, torej zdajšnje bližnje in bolj daljno sosedstvo. Kot zadnji se okrepijo člani župe in njihova živina Tudi tu je poudarek na okrepitvi življenjske moči, kar se zgodi, že če samo pokusiš malce poprtnika. S peko in uživanjem poprtnika se hoče doseči moč. Čim več poprtnikov pokusiš, močnejši si. Kdor jih poskusi devet, postane nadvse močan. Ta pogača okrepi tudi živali. Kruh razkosajo in ga dobi vsakdo v tisti hiši, ne le ljudje, ampak tudi domače in hišne živali. Že figurice na vrhu - ptice, kravice - izražajo to željo. Korlina Intihar iz Zavrha je rekla: »Vsak pri hiši dobi kos: ljudje in živina: goveja, konji, prešič. Ne pa maček, pas, kokoši!« To sicer ni kruh za hrano novorojencu, a rezina župneka, posajena na otrokovo glavo, pokaže, koliko naj bi v tistem letu domači otrok zrasel, zato naj bo kruh pečen v visokem modelu. Kjer pri peki župnek poči, pokaže razpoka smer, iz katere pride k dekletu ženin. Tudi pletena krušna kita ima svoj povezovalni pomen, kot vezivka. Posel, ki je šel na letni dopust, se skuša do treh kraljev vrniti h gospodarju oziroma priti k novemu, da dobi kos poprtnika. Torej želi biti še naprej dovolj močan za službo ipd. Za kaj vse je koristen župnek, so Kočevarji najprej izvedeli od Slovenk kot sosed in občasnih nevest. Ptico, spečeno zgolj iz namočene moke, trdo kot kamen, ki so ji pravili golobček (Taiblain), so nosili pri sebi, najbrž za svojo moč in varstvo. Na Kočevskem so drobtine župneka dobile tudi kokoši, »da jim jastreb ni odnašal piščancev«. Vampas-to resasto testeno verižico, spečeno na žiplinku, pa so shranili, da jo je pojedla pravkar obrejena krava in se nazadnje srečno otelila. RIBNIŠKI GOSPODARČEK Postrežba z daritvenim kruhom in drugim je bila torej namenjena okrepitvi Badnjaka, pa tudi drugih gostov. S tem so pričakovali, da bodo nato ti okrepljenci v zahvalo prinesli žegen, blagoslov. 218 - ILJA POPIT V ta namen so ponekod nastavljali okrog mize najrazličnejše pridelke in seme. V Loškem Potoku so leta 1837 na božični večer na tla potresli seno in slamo - in na mizo vse vrste žita, da vse to prinese naslednje leto bogatejši pridelek, je zapisal takratni kaplan Janez Zima. Pred dvesto leti pa so Rudeži v Ribnici na vrhu župneka zalotili še pečenega gospodarčka. Tudi Gospodarček z Rudeževega župneka je eden od božanskih varuhov ognjišča, varuhov družine, ki ga je po starem pojmovanju kot družinskega prednika premogla vsaka hiša. To je vedno navzoče bitjece velike moči, nekakšen slovanski in s tem tudi slovenski zasebni družinski bogek in angel varuh. Pri starih Rimljanih so imeli to vlogo lari in penati, pri Germanih pa razni škratje. Kadar se je v Rusiji slovanska družina selila v novo hišico (Mal 1940: 20), so s seboj vljudno povabili tudi varuha ognjišča, zapečnika, domovoja, rekoč: »Dedek, oprosti, gremo v novo prebivališče.« Rudeži so torej ime takega možička gospodarčka potegnili iz pozabe tudi v Sloveniji, čeprav so ga v njihovem času samo še pekli vrh poprtnika in ta župnek postavljali še NA beli prt. Ker zdaj za gospodarčka niti na kruhu župneku ne ve nihče več, je to znak, da je bil žrtev ne tako davne cenzure v korist jasličnih figur. Cerkev je torej v gospodarčku videla prav tisto, nad čimer je negodovala, torej hišnega malika. Kot hišni prednik, domnevni prapraded, bi moral gospodarček spadati med vse verne rajne, ki se jih spominja drugega novembra. Pred 180 leti so v Ribnici ljudje od njega pričakovali tudi uspešno setev in ga privezovali na setveno košaro. Pod imenom domači bug [domači bog], malik, hišni malik pozna hišnega malika (Hausgötz, lar, shratel in: Abgot, idolo, malik) tudi Megiser (1592). Kot hišni malik in celo domači bog pa je bil gospodarček očitno v nasprotju tudi s prvo božjo zapovedjo. Zato so tega majhnega prebivalca izgnali iz njegovega kota za ognjiščem ter so nato naše hiše dobile v enem od kotov poličko z majhnim razpelom: bogkov, buhkov kot. Torej ne Božji kot, ampak pomanjševalno Bogkov, saj tudi prejšnji božanski prebivalec zapečka ni bil Gospodar, ampak Gospodarček. *** Če smo ugotovili večstoletno starost imena župnik (Kočevarji so se naselili okrog leta 1330, župe so še dvakrat starejše), pa je ob tem vendarle uganka, kakšna je bila zgodnja zgodovina te peke. Nekdaj so bolj kot pšenico sejali proso in jedli kašo. Kaj so tedaj mogli speči in iz česa? Staroslovanska ognjišča so bila majhna, kruh so pekli med dvema okroglima opekama. Kako so mogli na njem speči še okraske? So ti zato trdi, narejeni zgolj iz namočene moke? Potica je za peko vsekakor zahtevnejša in mlajša. Med je že bil domač, orehi pa so bili zaradi mraza pri nas redkejši in zato morda kdaj celo uvoženi. Naši so namreč drevesu rekli laški oreh. Rusi mu še zdaj rečejo grški oreh (greckij oreh - izg. arjeh; lešnikom pa lesnöj oreh). To pa le pomeni, da so med orehe pri nas šteli tudi lešnike, torej orehe, ki rastejo v lesu, gozdu, in so tudi iz njih pekli potice. V Loški dolini sem še slišal staro Potočanovo mamo Franco lešnikom še reči arejhi. In če so imeli lešniki lepa jedrca: »Pa kaku debejla bedresa imajo!« je pohvalila. - DARITVENA POGAČA "ŽUPNIK" IN VALVASORJEV "HAUSGÖTZE - GOSPODARČEK" -219 VIRI IN LITERATURA Cigale, Matej, gl. Wolf, Anton Alois Čok, Boris 2012: V soju mesečine (Studia mythologica Slavica - Supplementa 5). Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. Dalmatin, Juri 1584: Biblia. Wittemberg. Haufen, Adolf 1895: Die Deutsche Sprachinsel Gottschee. Graz. Hrobat, Katja 2010: Ko Baba dvigne krilo. Prostor in čas v folklori Krasa. Ljubljana: Filozofska fakulteta. Gaiger, Janez Adam - Hipolit Novomeški, 1712: Dictionarium trilingue. Labaci. Gspan, Alfonz 1979, Cvetnik slovenske vezane besede II/33. Ljubljana: Slovenska matica. Kociančič, Štefan 1984: Brata Miladinova: Makedonske ljudske pesmi v slovenskem prevodu Štefana Kociančiča. Stefanija, Dragi (ur.), prevedel Štefan Kociančič. Ljubljana: Znanstveni inštitut Filozofske fakultete. Kos, Dušan 2016: Zgodovina morale. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. Kropej, Monka 2008: Od ajda do Zlatoroga: Slovenska bajeslovna bitja.. Celovec - Ljubljana - Dunaj: Mohorjeva založba. Kuret, Niko 1981: Jaslice na Slovenskem. Ljubljana: Družina Kuret, Niko 1989: Praznično leto Slovencev. Ljubljana: Družina. Kuret, Niko 1997: Sredozimka pri Slovencih (Pehtra baba in Torka). V: Kuret, Niko: Opuscula selecta. Poglavja iz ljudske kulture (Dela II. razreda SAZU, 43) Ljubljana: SAZU, 66-78. Makarovič, Gorazd 1981: Slovenska ljudska umetnost. Ljubljana: Državna založba Slovenije. Mal, Josip 1940, Slovenske mitološke starine. Glasnik muzejskega društva za Slovenijo 21 (1-4), 1-37. Matičetov, Milko 1954: Poprtnik. Slovenski etnograf6-7, 223-239. Medvešček, Pavel 1992: Skrivnost in svetost kamna. Trst: Založništvo tržaškega tiska. Megiser, Hieronym 1592; Dictionarium quatuor linguarum. Gradec. Megiser, Hieronym 1603: Thesaurus Polyglottus. Francofurti ad Moenum. Miladinov, brata 1861: Blgarski narodni pesni. Zagreb. Murko, Anton Janez 1833: Slovensko - nemški in nemško - slovenski ročni besednik. V Gradci. Parnas 2016: Avtorska skupina Parnas, Božični kruh in poprtnik na Slovenskem. Velike Lašče. Pleteršnik, Maks 1894: Slovensko - nemški slovar. Ljubljana. Popit, Ilja 2010: Pasijoni pri nas že pred letom 1584. Pasijonski doneski. Škofja Loka: Muzejsko društvo Stara Loka. 56-57. Popit, Ilja 2011: Stara slovenska mitologija - revizija in navdih. Književni listi, 2011, 11. januar. Popit, Ilja 2016: Krpan in tudi rojenice. Deset zapisov pripovedi iz Zavrha nad Iško. Cerknica (s. n.). Rudež, Rudež, Zima 2010: Rudež, Anton, Jožef Rudež, Janez, Zima. Prevedel in uredil Popit, Ilja, 2010: Od Volkodlaka do Klepca. Radovljica: Didakta. Rupel, Mirko 1951: Valvasorjevo berilo. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. Slovenski etnološki leksikon 2004, Baš, Angelos (ur.). Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. Truber, Primosh 1575: Catehismus z dveima islagama. V Tibingi. Tschinkel, Walter 1973, 1976: Wörterbuch der Gottscheer Mundart I, II. Wien: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. 220 - ILJA POPIT Valjavec, Matija 2002, 2007: Kračmanove pravljice I, II. Uredil Popit, Ilja, Radovljica: Didakta. Valvasor, Johann Weichard 1689: Die Ehre dess Hertzogthums Crain. Laybach - Nürnberg. Visočnik, Julijana 2010: Hrenova pridiga ob polaganju temeljnega kamna za kapucinski samostan v Ljubljani. Studia mythologica Slavica 13, 59-74. Wolf, Anton Alois: Cigale, Matej 1860: Deutsch-slovenisches Wörterbuch. Laibach: Blaznik. THE OFFERING BREAD ŽUPNIK AND VALVASOR'S HAUSGOTZE - GOSPODARČEK Ilja Popit ooc> In this article, the uses of the Christmas festive bread poprtnik and the age-old tradition of baking such offerings in Slovenia are analysed. These offerings, along with the names of certain Slavic deities, were mentioned already four hundred years ago. One of these breads has preserved its name - župnik (pronounce: zhoo-pneekh). It was named župnik in Ribnica in Dolenjsko / Lower Carniola after the early medieval Slavic administrative unit župa, and not after the Slovenian term for a Catholic priest - župnik, which was first introduced only after the year 1860. Also discussed are old Slavic rituals and gods connected with this offering bread and Christmas, New Year and Epiphany, among them: Božič, Svarožič, Gospodarček (house spirit), Baba, Torka, and others, which were mentioned in old sources written by Primož Trubar (1575), Hieronym Megiser (1592), Tomaž Hren (1607), Jochann Weichard Valvasor (1689), Urban Jarnik (1812), Anton Rudež, (ca. 1812) and others. Ilja Popit, upokojeni pravnik, Štefanova ulica 15, SI-1000 Ljubljana Tj ecenzije in XVporocila o knjigah Recensioni di libri ook reviews 223 RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS Eda Kalmre, What a Wonderful World of Legends! Articles on rumours and legends. Tartu: ELM Scholarly press 2018, 302 strani, ilustracije. Knjiga estonske folkloristke in dolgoletne predsednice društva International Society for Contemporary Legend Research (ISCLR) Ede Kalmre iz Literarnega muzeja v Tartuju predstavlja pomembno delo na področju raziskovanja sodobnih povedk in »urbanih legend«, ne le za estonske folkloriste pač pa tudi za raziskovalce drugod po svetu. V Estoniji je to delo tudi ena prvih knjig na to temo, kljub temu, da je prvo folkloristično študijo o sodobnih povedkah napisal balt-sko-nemški folklorist Walter Anderson, tedaj profesor Univerze v Tartuju, ki je leta 1926 objavil članek »Die Marspanik in Estland« v Zeitschrift des Vereins für Volkskunde, v katerem je raziskal apokaliptične govorice v estonskih časopisih. Članek so spregledali ne le v Evropi pač pa tudi ameriški folkloristi, ki so v 60-ih letih minulega stoletja začeli pospešeno raziskovati sodobne povedke. Avtorica je knjigo razdelila na pet tematskih poglavij v katerih obravnava estonske sodobne povedke in govorice, ki so značilne za in pogoste v sodobni estonski popularni kulturi. Pri tem je zajela značilne tematske sklope, kot so: vojna in katastrofe, zgodbe z zgodovinskim pridihom, Estonci in 'Drugi', nadnaravne prikazni, govorice na temo starih pripovedi; na koncu pa je dodala še nekaj komentarjev k sodobnim povedkam o AIDS-u, rendgenskih turističnih kamerah, smrti dekleta v nočnem lokalu in o klobasah iz človeškega mesa. V knjigi je objavila devet svojih študij o različnih sodobnih povedkah, ki so nastale ob specifičnih dogodkih ali družbenih pojavih, ki so bili na nek način nekaj posebnega, da so navdihnili časopisne članke in ljudi, da so začeli o tem pisati in pripovedovati. Veliko teh zgodb je povezanih z obdobjem, ko je v Estoniji vladal sovjetski režim, ki je zapustil globoke sledi v življenju tamkajšnjega prebivalstva. Skozi obravnavo posameznih pripovedi, ki so nastale iz govoric in medijskih objav, avtorica razkriva bistvo sodobnih povedk, njihovih zakonitosti in življenja, ki je lahko kratkega diha, lahko pa traja in se spreminja skozi stoletja. Nazorno predstavi razvojno pot in izvor sodobnih povedk, kot so »Vojak, ki ga je med vojno v Afganistanu rešila kača«, »Potop ladje Estonija 28. septembra 1994«, »Pripovedi o bratih Voitka«, »Balada o mladi vdovi«, »Lilac Lady«, govorice o kanibalizmu v Estoniji, govorice o solati, s katere so izprali preliv in govorice, ki so nastale po motiviki šaljivih zgodb o baronu Munchhausenu. Ugotavlja, da je koncept sodobnih povedk tesno povezan in se delno tudi prekriva s konceptom govoric, le da imajo sodobne povedke bolj izdelano vsebino in mnoge se širijo kot variante osnovne pripovedi z nekoliko spremenjenimi motivi, ki jih sestavljajo. Razlika med sodobno povedko in govorico, kot ugotavlja Eda Kalmre, ni toliko v definiciji žanra, pač pa v družbenem procesu, ki tovrstne pripovedi generira. Tako sodobne povedke in urbane zgodbe, kakor tudi govorice, so del družbenega razvoja, povezanega s kulturnim okoljem in diseminacijo izročil. Pogosto nastajajo na osnovi medijskih objav in se širijo prek družbenih omrežij. V preteklosti so se govorice širile predvsem prek pisnih virov, kot so knjige in časopisi, zato so sodobne povedke dožive razcvet šele z razširitvijo družbenih in digitalnih medijev, ki imajo izjemno pomembno vlogo pri prenašanju govoric, sodobnih povedk in urbanih legend, ki so pogosto veljale za resnične ali vsaj verjetne. Na ta način se je generirala cela vrsta sodobnih 224 - RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS povedk in »urbanih legend«, ki so jih predvsem ameriški folkloristi, pa tudi evropski identificirali in začeli celo klasificirati, kar pa je ostalo le na nivoju enciklopedičnega dela Jana Brunvanda, ki je leta 2001 objavil Encyclopedia of urban Legends. Raziskovalci so fokus kmalu preusmerili na kontekst in odprli nova področja raziskovanja katerega središče je predstavljal moderni človek s svojimi interesi in načinom življenja. Gradivo, ki so ga zbrali je vseh vrst, od ironičnih govoric in sodobnih povedk s humornim pridihom, prek zgodb, ki so osnovane na določenih stereotipih, strahovih in predsodkih, veliko je verovanjskih zgodb, ki so pripovedovane kot resnične, v zadnjem času pa je vse več zgodb, ki jih generira t. i. 'digitalna era'. Na videz so to trivialne pripovedi in govorice, ki pa imajo pomembno vlogo v procesu nastajanja modernih vrednot in mentalitet. Kot ugotavlja Eda Kalmre, lahko nekatere sodobne povedke odigrajo pomembno vlogo v procesu nastajanja identitete tako posameznika kot nacije, med njimi so npr. pripovedi o zgodovinskih osebnostih, ki jim je ljudska domišljija pripisala vsemogoča pomembna dejanja ali vloge in odpirajo vrata celi vrsti osebnih želja, fantazijam in spominom. Raziskave evolucije, izvora in povezav teh, v osnovi pogosto tradicionalnih zgodb, ki jih danes najdemo ne le v pripovedih, pač pa tudi v fikciji, filmih, televizijskih oddajah, na internetu in socialnih omrežjih, morajo pogosto iskati njihove korenine v različnih obdobjih v preteklosti, zato jih je zelo težko prepoznati in najti njihove prvotne zasnove, ki pogosto izvirajo v tradicionalnem izročilu, v literaturi ali pa v starih virih, ki jih moramo iskati po različnih arhivih. Mnogi motivi so mednarodno razširjeni in jih najdemo po celem svetu, kot primer je avtorica izbrala sodobne povedke in govorice o prikaznih, kot je npr. Lilac Lady, ki je angleškega izvora, pripovedujejo pa o njej tudi v estonskem Literarnem muzeju. Tovrstne sodobne povedke so raziskovali folkloristi tudi drugod po svetu, npr. profesorica María Inés Palleiro je v Argentini zbrala številne tovrstne pripovedi in jih objavila v knjigi La dama fantasma (2018). Tudi Ambrož Kvartič je tovrstne pripovedi vključil v svojo knjigo Sodobne povedke v Sloveniji (2017), v kateri je postavil temelje slovenskim raziskavam sodobnih povedk in urbanih legend. Knjiga Ede Kalmro je pomembna za vsakogar, ki raziskuje sodobne povedke, saj prinaša ne le študije določenih tipov sodobnih pripovedi, pač pa tudi nove metodološke in teoretične pristope k tovrstnim raziskavam. Monika Kropej Telban, Ljubljana 225 RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS ^HMA®EH AbH^HH, nAMIX HEEAM I 3aMHEH: !3THAACTPAHOMia [ClMAFEJ Avilin, Between the Sky and the Earth: Ethnoastronomy]. Minsk: Tehnalogija 2015, 287 strani, fotografije in ilustracije. Do pojava elektrike in večjih naselij so bile zvezde na nočnem nebu enostavno vidne vsem ljudem, danes pa so zaradi osvetlitve za večino prebivalcev mest pogosto že precej redek pojav. Vidnost zvezd nekoč ni bistveno vplivala na življenje, je pa zapustila svojo edinstveno sled v kulturi in nam danes bolj kot vedenje o nekoč znanih zvezdnih imenih sporoča, kakšne so bile nekoč ljudske predstave o zvezdnih svetilih. Poleg terminologije, ki so jo informanti uporabljali, je predmet Avilinovih etnoastronomskih raziskav primerjalno gradivo, ob katerem analizira belorusko etnoastronmsko izročilo v kontekstu z vzhodnoslovanskim in bolj oddaljenim evropskim izročilom. Knjiga je razdeljena na pet delov, od katerih je vsak razdeljen na več podpoglavij. Prvi del predstavlja zgodovinske vire za astronomsko znanje, med katerimi so vzhodnoslovanske kronike, različni prevodi biblije od 16. do 17. stoletja, astronomsko besedišče in z njimi povezanimi predstavami v poljskih, vzhodnoslovanskih in prevedenih virih od 15. do 17. stoletja, viri iz 18. in 19. stoletja, etnoastronomske raziskave iz 19. stoletja in etnoastronomija druge polovice 20. in začetka 21. stoletja, kjer je predstavljen podroben pregled raziskav vzhodnoslovanskih avtorjev. Drugi del, ki je tudi najobsežnejši del knjige, je posvečen nebesnim svetilom, zvezdam, ozvezdjem, planetom, kometom in luni. Avtor začne s pregledom tradicionalnih predstav o zvezdah, ki so bile opisane kot oči, duše in druge metafore, nato pa sistematično predstavi vsako zvezdno skupino, imena v ljudski kulturi in vzrok oziroma motiv za nastanek imen, ki so pogosto širše prisotna. V tem delu avtor predstavi podpoglavja, poimenovana po ozvezdjih: Rimska cesta, Veliki voz, Plejade, Orion, Druge zvezde in ozvezdja (mali voz, Kasiopeja, Sirius, Severnica idr.), Venera in kometi. K temu delu je avtor na koncu dodal še določitev časa glede na zvezde s podnaslovom elementi tradicionalnega zvezdnega koledarja in sončev ter lunin mrk. Slednja sta v ljudskem razumevanju največkrat predstavljala nevarnost, kot je vojna. Imena vsake zvezde oziroma ozvezdja uvrsti v skupine in prikaže primere iz drugih evropskih tradicij, ki spadajo v isto skupino, npr. orodja (grablje, ralo plug), voz, palica, križ idr.). Podpoglavja so zato kratka, vendar sistematična. Ozvezdje Orion, ki je enostavno opazno na nebu zaradi treh svetlečih zvezd, se v beloruski folklori najpogosteje pojavlja v obliki treh antropomorfnih podob, kot so trije kosci, tri sestre, trije kralji itd. Mnoge podobnosti so v zbranem gradivu s slovenskim izročilom o zvezdnih imenih tako na povsem jezikovnem nivoju, kot tudi na nivoju skupin, v katere uvršča zvezde in ozvezdja glede na imena. Vedno znova se pri zvezdnih imenih kaže, da mnoga med njimi, kot so sito, križ ali kača opisujejo različna ozvezdja in če ni ozvezdje, na katerega se ime nanaša, dobro opisano, je pogosto težko identificirati pravo skupino zvezd. Tretji del zajema ljudsko astronomijo v folklori, prav tako pa tudi ljudsko astrologijo, verovanja, prerokovanja in magijo o zvezdah. Pri zgodovinskem pregledu poimenovanja 'zvezdar' za astrologa, avtor citira številne srednjeveške slovarje predvsem v slovanskih jezikih. Posebni podpoglavji sta namenjeni tudi semantiki izraza "šteti zvezde" in podobam nebesnih svetil v ugankah. 226 - RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS V četrtem delu so zbrane ljudske predstave o meteorjih, ki se delijo na animistične, kot so grešne duše ali nekrščeni otroci za "letečo zvezdo", bitja v obliki angelov in leteče kače ter druge predstave, povezane z meteorji. Zadnji, peti, del vsebuje etiološke predstave o mesecu. V njem avtor razpravlja o luninih lisah, ki so, kot pripovedujejo številne povedke, nastale zaradi bratomornega boja, lahko pa tudi zaradi različnih pregreh posameznikov. Drugo podpoglavje zadnjega dela je namenjeno biblijskim motivom, ki se navezujejo na nastanek lunarnih lis. Knjigo zaključuje 34 zemljevidov razširjenosti posameznih imen v knjigi obravnavanih nebesnih svetil in priloge, v katerih je zbrano različno gradivo: gradivo, ki ga je avtor sam zbral na terenu; gradivo drugih zbirateljev; kakor tudi gradivo iz Polesja, ki je objavljeno v spletnem arhivu. Poleg tega je na enem mestu dodano še gradivo drugih publikacij, ki se nanaša na ozemlje Belorusije, npr. gradivo poljske knjige M. Gladyszowe Wiedza ludowa o gwiazdach (Ljudsko znanje o zvezdah 1960). Knjiga je zelo bogato podkrepljena z literaturo in sprotnimi opombami za vsako astronomsko ime, ki ga uporabi. Od slovenskega gradiva se avtor na več mestih sklicuje na članke Matije Valjavca, do katerih je dostopal preko Digitalne knjižnice Slovenije. Škoda je, da ni poznal tudi obsežnih člankov Milka Matičetova. Žal so nekatera imena v knjigi napačno naslovljena kot slovenska, gre pa za zamenjavo s slovaškimi imeni, na kar kaže citiran vir v referencah. Knjiga Avilina bo prišla prav vsem, ki jih zanima ljudska astronomija, saj je njena vrednost zaradi primerjalnega značaja obravnavanega gradiva širša od zgolj beloruskega gradiva, ki je sicer v središču pozornosti v tej knjigi. Nejc Petrič, Dublin Suzana Marjanič, Topoi umjetnostj performansa: lokalna vizura [The TOPOI OF PERFORMANCE ART! A LOCAL perspectve]. Zagreb: Durieux, Hrvatska sekcija AicA, 2017. 542 strani, fotografije. Suzana Marjanič, višja znanstvena sodelavka na Inštitutu za etnologijo in folkloristiko v Zagrebu, je ena redkih etnologinj na območju nekdanje Jugoslavije, ki se posveča raziskavam performansov. Raziskave izvedbe performansa so sicer aktualne v folkloristiki že vsaj od konca šestdesetih let 20. stoletja. Ben-Amosova odmevna definicija folklore kot "umetniške akcije / komunikacije, ki se odvija v majhnih skupinah" je spodbudila intenzivne raziskave folklornega dogodka kot takega - tudi v (severno)ameriški folklo-ristiki v zadnjih petdesetih letih v ospredju (v zadnjem času se sicer že čuti odmikanje od njih). Drugače kot v ZDA so bile te v evropski folkloristiki in etnologiji vedno bolj v ozadju in interes raziskovalcev vedno bolj usmerjen k rutinskim, ponavljajočim se praksam in tekstom v širšem družbenem, ne toliko ozkem performativnem kontekstu. Še več, folkloristi se navadno ne ukvarjajo s performansom kot obliko umetnosti in njegovimi širšimi družbenimi implikacijami. Suzana Marjanic v svoji knjigi stori prav to: njene raziskave se ne dotikajo izvedbe folklore, kot bi jo razumeli v ožjem folklorističnem pomenu besede, pač pa v obravnava performanse, ki jih sicer obravnavajo umetnostni zgodovinarji in kvečjemu morda še sociologi. Avtorica v knjigi Topoi umjetnostiperformansa: lokalna vizura nadaljuje raziskave, ki jih je začela že s knjigo Kronotop hrvatskega performansa: Od Travelera do danas (2014), le da v tokratni knjigi, v nasprotju s prejšnjo, njen fokus ni več na kontekstu časa 227 RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS in prostora performansa, pač pa na njegovih dominantnih motivih oziroma tematiki. Pri tem jo zanima zlasti njihova politična dimenzija, sporočilo, njihovi aktivistični aspekti. Knjiga predstavlja zbir člankov, ki jih je avtorica skozi leta objavljala v različnih znanstvenih in strokovnih časopisih na Hrvaškem, zdaj pa so v knjigi prvič zbrani na kupu in tako predstavljajo smiselno povezano celoto obravnav različnih oblik sodobne hrvaške performativne umetnosti. V prvem poglavju se avtorica posveča tematiki "žive slike" (ali tudi "žive skulptu-re"), konkretno na primeru človeka z zlato pobarvanim obrazom v zlatih oblačilih in zlato rožo v roki, in Zlate sfinge/faraona, ki se ju navadno videva na Trgu bana Jelačica v Zagrebu. Avtorica najprej predstavi dileme, povezane s terminologijo, ter pokaže suvereno poznavanje zgodovine raznih pojavnih oblik te vrste "umetnosti" v mednarodnem prostoru, tudi v navezavi na likovne smeri, kot so t. i. "action painting" in "body art", ter "happening", poseže pa celo na področje hortikulture. V posebnih podpoglavjih posebej obravnava še delo umetnika Kreša Mustaca, ki je v osemdesetih začel in končal ter v začetku 21. stoletja ponovno začel z javnimi nastopi. Obravnava tudi dramo "ležanja" žive slike v izvedbi Mustaca in drugih avtorjev; ter na koncu na kratko še oblike performansa telesa v poziciji, ki implicira "mrtvost". V drugem poglavju se posveča "happe-ningu" (dogodku, dogajanju), ki se kot "prostorsko-časovni in vedenjski dogodek, v katerem sodelujejo umetniki in publika", od umetnosti performansa razlikuje prav po sodelovanju publike, saj v deloma režirani ali nerežirani situaciji publiko "spreminja v sodelujoče-akterje". Tudi tu se avtorica po diskusiji o terminologiji in konceptualnem prepletanju z drugimi oblikami umetnosti ter kratkem pregledu zgodovine happeningov v mednarodnem prostoru osredotoči na hrvaški prostor in njegove avtorje. Posebej predstavlja razumevanje happeninga dveh sodobnih hrvaških umetnikov, Tajči Čekade in Damirja Čargonje, ki se odmikata od začetne redukcionistične definicije le-tega, ter Željka Zorice Šiša, ki izvaja t. i. "nadzorovane happeninge". Naslednje poglavje je namenjeno per-formativni glasbi, glasbenemu performansu, "esejizirani pretvorbi zvoka v besedo". Tudi tu sledi strukturi, kot jo je zastavila v prvih dveh poglavjih - po pregledu različnih oblik glasbenih performansov oziroma terminologije ter kratkem zgodovinskem pregledu tovrstnih performansov po svetu se avtorica posebej posveti glasbenim performansom v hrvaškem prostoru, in sicer glede na različne načine pristopa k izvedbeni manipulaciji oziroma izvedbenemu markiranju. Posebno podpoglavje je namenjeno skupini Kuca ekstremnoga muzičkoga kazališta in njenim delom, v nadaljevanju pa omenja še druge avtorje in skupine, ki bi jih lahko uvrstili med tiste, ki v hrvaškem kontekstu uvajajo glasbene performanse (bratje Sinkauz, Noel Šuran, Galeta, Neda Šimic-Božinovic idr.). V četrtem poglavju knjige se avtorica ukvarja še z eno obliko sodobne umetnosti, in sicer s "postdramskim gledališčem", ki se po dominaciji dramskega teksta razvije konec šestdesetih in v začetku sedemdesetih let dvajsetega stoletja. Tu v posebnem podpoglavju analizira postdramski aktivistični projekt skupine Montažstroj z naslovom "A gdje je revolucija, stoko?", ki je bil prvič izveden leta 2014, in imel močno družbe-nokritično sporočilo, vezano na koncepte avtorskega prava ("copyright" v odnosu do "copyleft", (avtorske) cenzure, problemati-zira pa tudi etično uspavanje neme večine v neoliberalnem kapitalizmu. 228 - RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS V naslednjem sklopu se v dveh poglavjih posveča naravi v umetnosti performan-sa oziroma ponuja fragmentarni pregled različnih načinov, na katere so lokalni umetniki v svojih performansih obravnavali ne-urbani prostor. V podpoglavjih tako obravnava različne hrvaške avtorje "land-arta" in performansov, izvedenih v naravi, ter nadaljuje z umetniki, katerih delo se je začelo kot land-art, nadaljevalo pa z družbeno-angažiranimi oblikami umetnosti (npr. Molnar, Grubic), tudi ekološkimi (Galeta), in nenazadnje instalacijami, ki so jih inspirirale tradicijske pogrebne šege (prim. "mirila" v Zagrebu - Zanki, Gagic), pa tudi druge oblike umetniške sakralizacije krajine in na koncu landartistične festivale. V posebnem poglavju avtorica obravnava tudi vrt v umetniških praksah - od gverilske prakse vrtnarjenja, do ekološkega in zen-vr-tnarjenja in drugih oblik duhovnih izkušenj, povezanih z vrtom, ter umetnosti, povezanih z vrtom, pogosto tudi s političnimi sporočili. Tema sedmega poglavja je hrana, ki se v performansih na različne načine uporablj a kot politično sporočilo (zlasti kot metafora "politične kuhinje" v času tranzicije in recesije). V osmem poglavju avtorica tematizira žrtev kot spoj sakralnega in kriminalnega, ki jo obravnva zlasti z vidika njihovega političnega sporočila oziroma družbene kritike. Pri tem razume "hrano" zelo široko, tudi kot pitje lastne krvi, urina, avtokanibalizem, zaužitje denarja ... Avtorica, ki je znana tudi po svojem aktivizmu v boju za pravice živali, v posebnem poglavju problematizira (a ne moralizira!) ubijanje živali v imenu umetnosti, ki je v okviru performansev relativno pogost pojav, tudi z etičnega vidika oziroma znotraj interspecistične etike. Naslednji sklop poglavij obravnava uporabo zastave v umetnosti, zlasti kot subverzivnega simbola. Po pregledu del nekaterih tujih avtorjev se avtorica osredotoči na rabo zastave v hrvaških umetniških projektih, zlasti od leta 2005. Raba zastave v aktivističnih umetniških projektih se zdi, sodeč po celem nizu projektov različnih avtorjev, ki jih navaja Suzana Marjanic, na Hrvaškem izjemno pogosto uporabljana in - glede na nedavni slovenski škandal ob rabi zastave v umetniškem projektu Simone Semenic - očitno manj problematizirana v javnem življenju kot se je to pokazalo v Sloveniji. Enajsto poglavje o demokratizaciji umetnosti je avtorica napisala navdahnjena s člankom pokojne hrvaške etnologinje Dunje Rihtman-Auguštin iz leta 1979. Temo demokratizacije umetnosti obravnava v kontekstu konceptualne umetnosti in polemike o elitni in množični kulturi v socializmu (na primeru mesta Zagreb) ter potrebi po demokratizaciji umetnosti, ki se je pojavila zlasti konec sedemdesetih 20. stoletja. Suzana Marjanic ugotavlja, da umetnost demonstrira, "da je mogoče do temeljev uničiti koncepte avtoritarnega mesta, da so mentalni svetovi drugačnega sveta uresničljivi, in da je z dogodki-mo-deli, v Handelmanovem smislu, mogoče transformirati politične koncepte blokade." V naslednjem poglavju z naslovom Performans in terorizem avtorica najprej predstavi različna razumevanja terorizma kot takega, zatem pa se posveti vlogi, ki jo ima terorizem v imaginaciji 21. stoletja. To pokaže na sedmih primerih hrvaške sodobne umetnosti, pri čemer zadnji obravnava "mehki terorizem" slovenskega avtorja Marka Breclja, kot ga je ta pojasnil v svojem predavanju o performansu v muzeju sodobne umetnosti v Zagrebu in klubu KUNS na Reki ter v drugih performansih, ki jih je pripravil v sodelovanju s hrvaškimi avtorji. Z izrazito politično vsebino performansov se avtorica 229 RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS ukvarja tudi v naslednjem poglavju Izvedba EU, v katerem obravnava performativne demonstracije ob vstopu Hrvaške v EU -kot alternative protokolarnim proslavam ob istem dogodku. Zadnji sklop knjige predstavljajo poglavja, ki obravnavajo performanse, ki se že bližajo gledališkim perfromansom. V poglavju Mit in umetnost piše o razstavi, posvečeni hrvaškemu "mitologu", zgodovinarju, politiku in publicist Natku Nodilu ter sorodni litvanski figuri Konstantinasu Čiurlionisu, oba s preloma 19. v 20. stoletje, v kateri so sodelovali trije hrvaški in trije litvanski umetniki. Na podlagi treh koncepcij mita - kot sakralne, ideološke in anarhične zgodbe - predstavi tri različne umetnike (Če-kada, Fijolic, Kordic), katerih delo povezuje s temi konceptualizacijami. V naslednjem poglavju na primeru dveh predstav režiserk Crnojevic-Caric in Udovički obravnava še feministično gledališče/performans. Medtem ko ti predstavi tematizirata nasilje nad ženskami in njihovo izkoriščanje, pa v naslednjih poglavjih obravnava tudi projekte, ki tematizirajo prisilne migracije, migrantske/ humanitarne krize, rasizem in specizem. V zadnjem poglavju spoznamo avtorico še z bolj osebnega vidika, kot sodelavko v predstavah postavantgardnih skupin Lju-bičasti Deltoid in Zublja Agapa, ki ju je v 90-ih ustanovil njen življenjski partner Robert Franciszty. Skupina je v času vojne uporabljala strategije gverilskega, pouličnega gledališča za izvedbo performansov s političnim sporočilom; po ukinitvi le-teh je Franciszty nadaljeval umetniško delo sam. Knjiga Suzane Marjanic je pomembna vsaj z dveh vidikov. Na eni strani nepozna-valcu sodobnih oblik performativne umetnosti ponuja hiter, zgoščen pregled, nekakšen uvod v spoznavanje sodobnih konceptualnih oblik umetnosti, njihovo razumevanje, pa tudi umeščanje v vsakokratne družbene kontekste in ob tem tudi v razumevanje njihovih družbenokritičnih sporočil. Na drugi strani je to izjemen zgodovinski dokument o sodobni hrvaški performativni umetnosti, saj obravnava tudi performanse, ki so bili v hrvaški kritiki tako rekoč spregledani in neopaženi. Kot taka je knjiga seveda zanimiva ne le za hrvaško zgodovino sodobne umetnosti, ampak tudi za vse, ki se v Sloveniji in drugod na kakršen koli način ukvarjajo s sodobno umetnostjo. Da bi bila lahko še bolj zanimiva tudi za folkloriste, bi si želeli morda še posebnega poglavja, v katerem bi avtorica nagovorila in natančneje pojasnila svoje razumevanje odnosa med sodobnimi performativnimi oblikami umetnosti, ki jih v knjigi obravnava, in folkloro, koncep-tualizirano kot "umetniško komunikacijo v majhnih skupinah" - a to je tema, ki bi seveda zanimala le tiste, ki se ukvarjamo s folklorističnimi raziskavami. Kakor koli, knjiga takšna, kot je, vsekakor ponuja odličen in celovit vpogled v neko obdobje hrvaške sodobne umetnosti in obenem na zgoščen način in konkretnih primerih vpelje bralca v spoznavanje oblik sodobne performativne umetnosti tudi v svetovnem merilu. Mirjam Mencej, Ljubljana Navodila avtorjem Uredništvo sprejema avtorsko povsem dokončane članke, napisane v slovanskih jezikih, v angleščini, italijanščini ali nemščini. Rokopisi naj vsebujejo tudi seznam ključnih besed v angleščini, avtorski izvleček v angleščini in povzetek v drugem jeziku kot članek, bodisi v angleščini, italijanščini, nemščini ali slovanskem jeziku. Oddani naj bodo neoblikovani in v, formatu MS Word 6.0 ali več oz. v zapisu RTF. Digitalizirane slike naj bodo v formatu TIFF ali JPG. Slikovno gradivo v klasični obliki digitalizira uredništvo. Uredništvo daje prednost člankom, ki niso daljši od 45.000 znakov, vključno s presledki in prostorom za slike. Rokopisi naj bodo v končni obliki. Tiskovne korekture opravi uredništvo. Z objavo v SMS se avtor strinja, da je njegov članek dostopen tudi v digitalni obliki na svetovnem spletu. Prispevki so recenzirani. 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