nglish anguage verseas erspectives and nquiries Volume VIII – Spring Editors: SMILJANA KOMAR and UROŠ MOZETIČ Slovensko društvo za angleške študije Slovene Association for the Study of English Oddelek za anglistiko in amerikanistiko, Filozofska fakulteta, Univerza v Ljubljani Department of English, Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana Contents Language Biljana Čubrović 9 Voice Onset Time in Serbian and Serbian English Čas do začetka zvenečnosti v srbščini in srbski angleščini Dušan Gabrovšek 19 “Micro” Phraseology in Action: A Look at Fied inomials Stalne dvočlenske zveze kot primer delovanja “mikro” frazeologije Nada Šabec 31 SloeneEnglish Langage ontact and Langage hange Slovensko-angleški jezikovni stik in jezikovne spremembe Alenka Vrbinc 51 Macrostrctral Treatment o Mltiord Leical tems Makrostrukturna obravnava večbesednih leksikalnih enot Marjeta Vrbinc 3 Leicograhic Aroaches to Sense isambigation in Monolingal ictionaries and Eialent ierentiation in ilingal ictionaries Leksikografski pristopi k razločevanju pomena v enojezičnih slovarjih in razločevanju slovarskih ustrezni v dvojezičnih slovarjih LITeRaTuRe uka ičar Literatre o Scotland and Sloenia: From eoltion to Postdeoltion rom Socialism to ndeendence and eyond Literatura škotske in Slovenije d devoluije do post-devoluije od soializma do neodvisnosti ter naprej engLISH Language anD LITeRaTuRe TeaCHIng Nina Botič Bio 91 Model Essay as a Feedback Tool in Task o the ELTS riting Eam nstrction or Sloene Stdents sejski primer kot sredstvo za podajanje povratne informaije pri poučevanju naloge ask pisnega dela LS izpita slovenskih kandidatov I. LANGUAGE DOI: 10.4312/elope.8.1.9-18 Biljana Čubrović university of Belgrade Faclty of ilology englis Deartent Voice Onset Time in Serbian and Serbian English Summary In this paper, the acoustic facts of Voice Onset Time (VOT) are exempliied by looking at two virtually diferent languages in terms of recognizing VOT as a distinctive phonological parameter. Selected tokens of Serbian and Serbian English are recorded in carrier sentences and analyzed acoustically, as spoken by four proicient Serbian speakers of EFL. he results show that, although Serbian does not recognize VOT as a parameter creating phonological distinctions, advanced non­native speakers of English are capable of learning how to relate the oral and laryngeal gestures in order to produce more native-like pronunciations of English voiceless stops in the phonetic contexts where English /p t k/ are expected to have a long lag. Special attention is drawn to CV sequences whose VOT values deviate in the two languages, as well as to those where VOTs are similar, which can be used to raise the awareness of this phonetic phenomenon in a Serbian EFL learner. Key words: VOT, voiceless stops, English, Serbian, Serbian English, pronunciation Čas do ačetka enečnosti srbščini in srbski angleščini Povzetek Članek obravnava čas do začetka zvenečnosti pri dveh jezikih, kjer ta fonetični pojav nima enake fonološke razločevalne funkcije. Izbrane srbske in angleške besede so v stavkih prebrali štirje srbski govorci angleščine kot tujega jezika. Posnetke smo akustično analizirali in rezultati so pokazali, da kljub temu da v srbščini čas do začetka zvenečnosti nima fonološke razločevalne vloge, se dobri nerojeni govorci angleščine lahko naučijo, kako s pravilno artikulacijo čimbolj posnemati izgovorjavo rojenih govorcev angleščine pri nezvenečih zapornikih v okolju, kjer imajo angleški /p t k/ daljši čas nezvenečnosti. Posebna pozornost je namenjena soglasniško-samoglasniškim sklopom, pri katerih so časi do začetka zvenečnosti zelo različni v obravnavanih jezikih, kakor tudi tistim, kjer so si ti časi podobni. Na ta način lahko povečamo zavedanje tega fonetičnega pojava pri srbskih učencih angleščine kot tujega jezika. Ključne besede: čas do začetka zvenečnosti, nezveneči zaporniki, angleščina, srbščina, srbska angleščina, izgovorjava Voice Onset Time in Serbian and Serbian English 1. Introduction he parameter of Voice Onset Time (VOT), which is deined as the time interval between the stop release and the onset of vocal fold vibration for the following vowel (Lisker and Abramson 1964) has been a matter of debate in phonetic studies since it was irst introduced in the 1950’s in an attempt to deal with some heated issues in acoustically-based speech synthesis. Although the concept was originally designed for initial plosives, it was later implemented in other contexts, becoming the means of diferentiating between voiced and voiceless stops in a large number of languages. A phonetic parameter like VOT was needed because current acoustic measurements at the time were insuicient to account for the absence of vocal fold vibration in typically voiced consonants. All languages contain a category of stops in their phonemic inventories, which makes a stop a typical, optimal or ideal representative of the consonantal class. Various parameters are implemented when describing stops in the world’s languages: phonation type, airstream mechanisms, relative timing of the onset of voicing and relative timing of velic closure. he relative timing of the onset of voicing is of interest in this article. Generally speaking, stops make use of at least three features in this domain: unaspirated, aspirated and pre-aspirated. he irst two are signiicant for this article, as English and Serbian do not employ the class of pre-aspirated stops. UCLA Phonological Segment Inventory Database (UPSID) presents results of a survey of 317 languages, claiming that the unaspirated voiceless category is found in 91.8% of languages. he unaspirated voiced stops are present in 66.9%, and the aspirated voiceless in 28.7% (Maddieson 1984, 27). he unaspirated voiceless category, as the most widespread one, seems to be most eicient from the aerodynamic and articulatory points of view, at least in word-initial positions. Due to their naturalness, Keating et al. (1983) claim that languages favour voiceless over voiced stops. Unaspirated categories are thus sometimes referred to as plain. Furthermore, statistics show that languages with two stop series are divided into two substantial categories: unaspirated voiceless/voiced contrast is evident in 117/162 languages (72.2%) and unaspirated voiceless/ aspirated voiceless or unaspirated voiced/aspirated voiceless in 27 languages (Maddieson 1984). he issue of VOT continuum is therefore critical in a vast number of languages, but it is not the most widespread pattern. Serbian belongs to the former category, having a contrast between unaspirated voiced stops /b d g/, and unaspirated voiceless stops /p t k/. Furthermore, there is a diference in the place of articulation for /t/ in English and Serbian. Serbian /t/ has a dental articulation, whereas the English segment is produced on the upper alveolar ridge. Earlier research shows that there is variation in the efect alveolars have on VOT values, but velars repeatedly exhibit higher VOTs than labial stops. Many authors claim that the VOT descending scale ranges from velars to alveolars to labials in the speech of native English adults (Lisker and Abramson 1967; Klatt 1975; Zue 1976; Weismer 1979; Nearey and Rochet 1994). he motivation to carry out the experiment with Serbian native speakers was sparked by a large number of papers studying VOT from diferent perspectives, acoustic, articulatory and perceptual, looking at both bilingual and multilingual language behaviour. Out of a solid number of articles on the topic, I have chosen Lisker and Abramson’s seminal article (1964), in which they examined 11 languages of the world, paying attention to their genetic and phonetic richness in order to create a representative language database. Word-initial prevocalic positions were studied both in isolated words and in connected speech. he results of Lisker and Abramsons’s study are as follows: Average Range No. of tokens /p/ 58 70 80 20:120 30:105 50:135 102 116 84 /t/ /k/ able values for stops in isolated ords Average Range No. of tokens /p/ 28 39 43 10:45 15:70 30:85 24 26 25 /t/ /k/ able values for stops in onneted speeh Several striking diferences exposed in Tables 1 and 2 need to be commented upon. A signiicant diference between VOT values in isolated words and in connected speech should be attributed to the tempo of speech. It is a commonplace to say that more careful speech is relatively slow, and thus the temporal dimension is longer. Lisker and Abramson (1964) launched the idea of diferentiating voiced and voiceless stops by means of VOT in their attempt to discover the best measure by which it would be possible to separate the two phoneme categories. he reason for singling aspiration out is that it seems spectrographically unambiguous because it registers as noise. Moreover, it could ultimately be checked by speech synthesis experiments, popular at the time. he VOT continuum ofers 3 categories pertaining to the stop voicing contrast: voicing lead (with negative VOT values), short-lag VOT (with zero or low positive VOT values), and long-lag VOT (with high positive VOT values), all measured in milliseconds. 2. experiment Design Method A list of 27 English and Serbian words, monosyllables or disyllables, was recorded. Wherever possible, minimal or near minimal pairs, were used in order to neutralize the potential diferences which could have been created by deviations in the phonetic environments in the English and Serbian tokens. Nine vowels, both short and long, were analyzed in accented positions. hey were invariably preceded by one of the voiceless plosives /p t k/. he selection of 27 phonetic contexts provides a common vocalic denominator typical of English and Serbian. he English vowel qualities under investigation are: ........................ heir Serbian approximations /i u o a/, afected by both long and short pitch accents, with the addition of the short Serbian /e/, are taken into account. he rationale behind the elimination of the long Serbian counterpart of /e/, as in the word peta (Eng. ifth) from the recorded corpus is the lack of this vowel quality in English. Each token was recorded three times in carrier sentences. All tokens were placed in accented positions and informants were instructed to stress them. he two female and two male Serbian speakers are all proicient speakers of English (English language and literature graduates). All four speakers have lived in Belgrade for more than ifteen years now. None of the speakers lived in an English speaking country for more than 8 months. Speakers’ mean age was 30.7, ranging from 25-35 years of age. Recordings were made in Praat, version 5.1.33, at a sampling rate of 22,050 Hz, using a Sennheiser Pc156 noise cancelling microphone. Recordings were analysed in the same software package, with the help of waveforms. eslts Each speaker’s results were analysed separately for Serbian and Serbian English, bearing in mind common phonetic knowledge about how VOT functions in relation to other stop features (place of articulation, vowel type, etc.). For instance, the place of articulation seems to exert inluence on VOT values. Velars, for instance, are signiicantly more aspirated than bilabials. he following abbreviations are used for the four informants: F1 (female speaker no. 1), F2 (female speaker no. 2), M1 (male speaker no. 1), and M2 (male speaker no. 2). he main hypothesis postulated before the experiment is that VOT values are shorter for Serbian tokens than for Serbian English tokens, due to the fact that Serbian does not recognize aspiration as a distinctive feature of Serbian stops. Ranges of VOT values are given irst for each individual speaker, followed by mean values for each CV sequence (presented in graphs underneath). F1 VOT values range from 11-67 msec for the Serbian tokens containing /p/, 18-47 msec for the Serbian tokens having /t/, and 41-79 msec for /k/. he highest VOT mean value is found for the Serbian sequences /pu../, /tu../ and /ki../, and the lowest mean value is characteristic of /pi./, / te./ and /ko./. he VOT measurements are given in Graph 1 below for the irst female speaker. VOT values for Serbian tokens are given in the irst column (msec), and these are followed by the values for Serbian English tokens in column 2. F1 VOT values range from 18-90 msec for the Serbian English tokens containing /p/, 42-111 msec for the Serbian English tokens having /t/, and 65-108 msec for /k/. VOT values for Serbian English tokens are consistently higher in F1 speaker, which is clearly perceived in the graph. iiogrp eating PA Linker and M man Patterns in allohone distribtion or oiced and oiceless stos Journal of Phonetics : – latt Voice onset time rication and asiration in ordinitial consonant clsters Journal of Speech and Hearing Research : – Lisker L and AS Abramson A crosslangage stdy o oicing in initial stos: Acostical measrements Word : – ––– Some eects o contet on oice onset time in English stos Language and Speech : – Maddieson Patterns of Sounds ambridge: ambridge niersity Press earey TM and L ochet Eects o lace o ar ticlation and oel contet on VOT rodction and ercetion in French and English stos Journal of the International Phonetic ssociation : – eismer Sensitiity o oice onset measres to certain segmental eatres in seech rodction Journal of Phonetics : – e V coustic characteristics of stop consonants controlled stud Technical eort Leington MA: Lincoln Laboratory MT DOI: 10.4312/elope.8.1.19-29 Dušan Gabrovšek university of Llana Faclty of arts Slovenia “Micro” Phraseology in Action: A Look at Fied inomials Summary Multiword items in English are a motley crew, as they are not only numerous but also structurally, semantically, and functionally diverse. he paper ofers a fresh look at ixed binomials, an intriguing and unexpectedly heterogeneous phraseological type prototypically consisting of two lexical components with the coordinating conjunction and – less commonly but, or, (n)either/ (n)or – acting as the connecting element, as e.g. in body and soul, slowly but surely, sooner or later, neither ish nor fowl. In particular, their idiomaticity and lexicographical signiicance are highlighted, while the cross-linguistic perspective is only outlined. Key words: phraseology, ixed binomial, collocation, idiom, compound, advanced learners’ dictionary, bilingual dictionary Stalne dočlenske ee kot rimer deloana “mikro” raeologie Povzetek Večbesedne enote v angleščini so ne le številne, ampak tudi strukturno, pomensko in funkcijsko izredno raznolike. Članek obravnava stalne dvočlenske zveze, zanimivo in heterogeno vrsto frazeoloških enot, ki jo tipično tvorita dva leksikalna elementa, ki ju povezuje priredni veznik and, redkeje pa tudi but, or ali (n)either/(n)or (n.pr. body and soul, slowly but surely, sooner or later, neither ish nor fowl). Prispevek se ukvarja predvsem z idiomatiko in leksikografskimi vidiki tovrstnih zvez, le na kratko pa z njihovim medjezikovnimi  vidiki. Ključne besede: frazeologija, stalna dvočlenska zveza, kolokacija, idiom, zloženka, dvojezični slovar “Micro” Phraseology in Action: A Look at Fied inomials 1. Introduction te Cs o ixed inomis In linguistics, a ixed binomial1 is a structurally frozen and often irreversible conventionalized sequence of two content words – occasionally including proper names – used together as an idiomatic expression or collocation, belonging to the same grammatical category, and having some semantic relationship. Fixed binomials can fulill a variety of communicative functions, often showing emphasis or gradation, and indicating emotional involvement, informativeness, or precision. hey are conjoined by some syntactic device such as and or or, with and clearly predominating: aches and pains, bed and breakfast, before and after, business or pleasure, cause and efect, clear and concise, deaf and dumb, drink and drive, each and every, food and water, give and take, good or bad, heaven and hell, here and now, here and there, hook and eye, knife and fork, life and death (also life or death), north and south, older and wiser, once or twice, pots and pans, pure and simple, research and development, salt and vinegar, sadder but wiser, soap and water, sooner or later ; Adam and Eve, Jekyll and Hyde, David and Goliath ; [to be] neither here nor there, in every shape and size, [in the] dim and distant past, to win (something) / to beat somebody fair and square. he prototypical binomial, it will have been noticed, can be extended in a variety of ways, the additional constituents being either (almost) obligatory or more or less optional. hese ixed strings are also known by a number of other designations, including ixed order coordinates, irreversible binomials, irreversible coordinates, binomials, binomial pairs, freezes, twin formulas, paired parallel phrases, co-occurrences, or (roughly) Siamese twins. While not being exactly overwhelming in number, thus representing a micro topic within phraseology in quantitative terms, this type of multiword unit is surprisingly varied, though structurally simple, and hence not really micro (that is the reason for quotes in the title), straddling as it does both compounds and idioms on the one hand, and collocations on the other. 2. rseoogic sttus nd ening o ixed inomis As a phraseological category, ixed binomials are diverse in that they can be semantically either transparent or opaque (or somewhere on the cline between the two), just as they can be either frozen or only “loosely” ixed, the latter meaning that the order can be reversed (e.g. day and night – night and day). In some cases, the key distinction between collocation-type and compound-/idiom-type binomials is blurred at best. In most cases, however, a basic contrast can be made between the former, which are semantically transparent (e.g. ladies and gentlemen, aims and objectives) and the latter, which are opaque (e.g. bread and butter, hit and run, up and about, divide and rule/conquer, under lock and key). Furthermore, a number of ixed binomials are also characterized by a substantial amount of conventionality and stereotyping, resulting in (heavily) clichéd and sometimes pragmatically complex strings such as irst and foremost, give and take, prim and proper, slowly but surely, in every shape and size, [not] in any shape or form, when all’s said and done, or in this day and dging fro googlederived evidence fied binomial is largely a ateatical and statistical ter age. Some of them are semantically and pragmatically complex while comprising only the “easy” words; thus the spoken expression when all’s said and done is far more than what it says on the surface: it is ‘used to remind someone about an important point that needs to be considered’ (Mayor 2009, 42). Likewise, their conventionality and/or ixedness can be observed whenever the sequence involved is “illogical”; for instance, while lightning logically must precede thunder, the ixed binomial – thunder and lightning – deies this logical order.2 Some binomials are pragmatically restricted and often “extended” by other items, thus making up larger ixed sequences, as in our thoughts and prayers are with the [e.g. family of the deceased person]. Yet others are restricted in other ways, for example stylistically, as in the old-fashioned “emphatic” binomial (to be full of) vim and vigor. Binomials can be (heavily) institutionalized and thus compound-like: bed and breakfast, black and blue, cause and efect, fame and fortune, hide-and-seek, rock and roll. Moreover, some are so heavily conventionalized that they are recorded as main entries in dictionaries in an unconventional or abbreviated form, e.g. rock’n’roll, R & B (=rhythm and blues), R & D (=research and development), R & R (=rest and relaxation [also an AmE term for a holiday given to army people after a long period of hard work or during a war]. he reasons for their unconventionality can be entirely commercial, as observed e.g. in snap N slice, the name of a kitchen cutter extensively advertised on TV in 2009. Indeed, binomials used as (brand-)names of consumer products are not diicult to ind: Fresh & Clean (tissues), Relax & Tone (body massager), Head and Shoulders (shampoo), Speak & Spell (an American children’s educational toy), for example. Finally, some binomials resemble patterns, in that they comprise both “real” words3 and “slot-like” spaces to be illed by any out of a speciiable set of lexical items, as in to up and [do something], for instance he upped and left. Even though it is possible, in principle, to reverse the customary order of ixed binomials “if special efect is meant to be expressed”, violating the ixed order is often regarded as a source of unacceptability (James 1998, 72). I would add that if anything, wrong ordering also afects idiomaticity in the broader sense of restricted nativelike textual selection and nativelike sequencing. Let us note, merely as an aside, that it can be quite diicult to answer the very basic question of what exactly counts as a binomial as contrasted with, or distinct from, a mere grammar-based and -derived combination of noun + conjunction + noun. Take simple and direct, for instance: It is a ixed binomial and, as such, recorded in dictionaries? What criteria were applied? Was it f corse te “logical” ordering is not too difficlt to find as in stories of surial and recoer sotted on Cnn in Ferary verall sc seences ay e considered soeat different fro “genine” inoials ecase tey only see to follo logical ordering and are ts less liely to case any interlingal difficlty not to ention teir raseological stats t ten ite a fe of te “logical” ones too aear to e eavily conventionalied too eg to beborn and bred hit and run ear and tear see and find dead and buried note tat a andfl of ites are liely to lend teselves to foring a variety of inoials say te adectives nice nice and arm nice and clean nice and eas and bright bright and bree bright and earl brighteed and bushtailed ossily de to teir aility to fnction as intensifiers (only) semantic (non-)compositionality? Syntagmatic features? What about frequency of co-occurrence? Can the available criteria be applied successfully to all binomial sequences? 3. signiicnt etures o ixed inomis Binomials can be semantically more or less transparent (come and go, friends and acquaintances, loud and clear, peace and quiet), opaque (cloak and dagger, pins and needles, part and parcel, ‘a necessary feature’; ins and outs, ‘all the facts and details’),4 or on the cline somewhere between the two end-points (rough and ready, ‘not perfect but good enough for a particular purpose’; bits and pieces informal ‘any small things of various kinds’; once or twice, ‘a few times’; facts and igures, ‘the basic details, numbers etc concerning a particular situation or subject’). Secondly, ixed binomials can be polysemous, whether with two senses each, typically with a literal and a igurative reading (e.g. wear and tear),5 or semantically more complex (e.g. [be] neither here nor there; cat and mouse; black and white; bread and butter). hirdly, some of them are also grammatically restricted as they can only be used in the plural (e.g. twists and turns, swings and roundabouts, by leaps and bounds). Quite a few other features will be referred to later due to the fact that they are diicult and/ or problematic. Speciically, ixed binomials can consist of phrases joined by prepositions, they can be extended, some are reversible, comprise the same item used twice, are used as diferent word classes, can be open-ended and rather elusive, all of which contributes to their heterogeneity and to making them something of a lexicographer’s headache. . rie eie o iterture Following the two pioneering studies, the rather obscure Abraham (1950) and especially Malkiel (1959), the topic of ixed binomials has received its share of attention, for instance in Norrick (1988), including a handful of cross-linguistic studies such as Klégr (1991) and Ernestova (2007). here also exists a dissertation-type study of binomiality in the ield of law (Dámová 2007), where ixed binomials are particularly common and have therefore been studied fully as part of specialized communication (Gustafsson 1984, Bhatia 1994).6 hey include aid and abet, assault and battery, cease and desist, law and order, null and void, breaking and entering, without let or hindrance, and health and safety.7 Crse discsses teir fossiliation in ters of degrees of seantic oacity ere te constitent eleents egin to lose teir indeendent seantic vale “as degree of oacity diinises e aroac te soeat indeterinate transitional one eteen oacity and transarency” Ts one can figratively sea aot for instance soeody’s sccess story starting to sho a little ear and tear iirainen oserves ile citing evidence fro geran tat inoials can e traced ac to gestres once erfored in cort togeter it ancient ordings of las ic ay ell e te reason y tey see to e so tyical of te field In legal englis inoials are ties ore coon tan in oter rose tets gstafsson Te agisterial Foler oever sggested anoter reason “Teir andance in englis is eras artly attritale to legal langage ere te ltilication of nearsynonys is a noral recation against too narro an interretation and also contrites a oos sonority to cereonial occasions” Foler Tey can e fond in siness englis too itness eg terms and conditions and profit and loss Contemporary accounts of ixed binomials are not too frequent; they are largely corpus-based (Hatzidaki 2000). he most thorough analysis to date is Benor and Levy (2006), where it is pointed out, based on an analysis of some 700 binomial tokens retrieved from online corpora, that there are a number of semantic, metrical, and frequency-based constraints that contribute signiicantly to binomials’ ordering preferences, overshadowing the phonological factors that have traditionally been given priority.8 he ixedness of binomials often relects what has been labeled a syntax of preference, e.g. the positive concept preceding the negative one (good and bad). hus Adam and Eve iconizes hierarchy or preference, whereas Cain and Abel relects precedence of the irstborn rather than preference. By contrast, here and there and this and that iconize a preference for proximity as against distance (Anderson 1998, 267). here are very few linguistics textbooks and vocabulary books that include a section on binomials (Gramley and Pätzold [2004, 58, passim]9; McCarthy and O’Dell [1994, Section #77, pp. 154-55] and McCarthy and [O’Dell 2001, Section #72, p. 81]). Similarly, most dictionaries of linguistics terms give the concept short shrift. Even the World Wide Web is weak in its coverage of ixed binomials: A Google search does turn up quite a few hits for the concept, but they refer chiely to the mathematical/statistical notion. hose that are related to linguistics are few, aside from being mostly bloggers’ random comments. Almost none of the works referred to above are devoted to the lexicographical aspects and implications of ixed binomials. Hence this paper. Its orientation is quite broad; irst it provides a concise description of the phenomenon and then looks at the basics of its lexicographical treatment, especially in a bilingual framework. hat is why the term dictionary has been used here merely as a convenient abstraction indicating the standard alphabetized general-purpose language-reference source, no attempt having been made to discuss speciic (types of) dictionaries, phraseological or other, and their salient features. Likewise, cross-linguistic issues have been raised only in general terms, which is certainly not to suggest that they are uninteresting or even irrelevant – quite the reverse, in fact. 5. roems in te tretment nd nding o ixed inomis First of all, ixed binomials can be, one, not single-word items but phrases conjoined by and/ or/but (e.g. once and for all, last but not least, take it or leave it), and two, connected not by conjunctions but rather by prepositions (one after another, from head to foot, tit for tat). Being joined by a preposition rather than a conjunction creates something of a categorial problem, because prepositions express various relationships, say temporal and spatial ones, while conjunctions “only” join. However, some authors make no distinction between “conjunctive” and “prepositional” binomials (e.g. Norrick 1988). Also, some binomials comprise not only phrases but also a comma instead of a conjunction (as e.g. in easy come, easy go, ‘something et te ordering of inoials not infreently eiits a considerale aont of variation Benor and Levy ariation can indeed e etensive as in arts and sciences sciences and arts f corse raseology tetoos – not tat tere are tat any in eistence – are liely to e ore generos in tis resect itness esecially Fiedler – – assi - especially money - obtained easily was quickly used or spent’). Are these any diferent? Not likely – the comma, after all, is a kind of and-type conjunction. Second, as has already been pointed out, there exist moderately or heavily extended binomials (e.g. the rank and ile, [we’re] ready and waiting, every now and then, somebody’s likes and dislikes, by leaps and bounds, to go torack and ruin, to be few and far between, live and let live, [the] nuts and bolts [of something], to look/search high and low, in this day and age, over and done with, come hell or high water). Are they to be given the same status and treatment as their binary, “basic” counterparts? Again, some are transparent and often emphatic ([we’re] ready and waiting), while others are opaque (come hell or high water) while also including instances of the emphatic type (to be few and far between). Does this fact call for a diferent treatment? A single policy is diicult to apply because the extensions may vary a lot in terms of length as well as their nature (some are largely optional/additional, whereas others are virtually impossible to leave out, thus rendering the basic binomial somewhat suspect as to its very existence). hird, some binomials are reversible, meaning that they exist in two synonymous forms/strings10 (such as pleasures and problems, of and on, clear and speciic, night and day), thus displaying a “looser” ixedness while irmly remaining ixed multiword units. A few synonymous binomials can also be found that are not identical (as in errors and omissions and errors or omissions [McIntosh 2009, 564]). Very rarely does the reversal result in a diferent meaning, as in salt and pepper (‘condiments’) vs. pepper and salt (‘color’) (Cruse 1986, 47). Reversal may only exceptionally occur within a phrase, or even within two parallel phrases, usually without afecting the semantics of the phrase, as in easy come, easy go vs. come easy, go easy. Note that unless there are semantic consequences, the possibility of reversing the sequence is, overall, not that important, given that in each such case the string still keeps Pawley and Syder’s (1983) widely cited “nativelike selection” criterion of idiomaticity. Fourth, some (extended) binomials comprise the same item used twice (e.g. less and less, through and through, to be on the up and up11). hese are simple in structure, as there can be only one ordering; however, they too are either idiom-like or collocation-like. Fifth, binomials used as diferent word classes (e.g. to and fro [noun, adjective, or adverb] or crash and burn [verb, noun, or adjective]) are likely to be an encoding problem, speciically with those L1 languages that lack conversion as a word-formation process. Generally, this feature is easier to show eiciently and systematically in monolingual than in bilingual dictionaries. Sixth, the most intriguing – and diicult – feature of binomials may be their “open-endedness”, witness e.g. the pattern nice and [adjective]: clean/easy/warm/slow/quiet... Many binomials appear to be elusive; (new) coinages often go unrecorded in dictionaries (e.g. gently and efectively, ery rarely does a fied inoial eist in to nonsynonyos fors connected it different connctions t consisting of te sae leical coonents an eale eing life and death and life or death Tis articlar inoial let s note eiits ot “varietal” olysey and oligatory eansion Its olysey stes fro te fact tat it as a different eaning in ae ‘ones t and doing tings legally’ tan in Bre ‘ecoing ore sccessfl’ inlation and unemployment, [to battle] boos and bruises12, love and afection, money and business [newspaper section title], plain and simple, attractive and appealing, up and coming, (to be) up and running, words and phrases [also title of a book], and many more). he idea that a ixed binomial is “used to convey a single meaning”, proposed by H.W. Fowler in his Dictionary of Modern English Usage of 1926 (Fowler 1965, 554), may well be somewhat elusive! Indeed, the latest revision (Burchield 1996, 712) expands the earlier deinition, recognizing the issue: binomials “often have the same meaning as each unit in the pair (or a slightly strengthened one), or are related in other formulaic ways”. Four types are recognized (ibid.): a) those used mostly for emphasis (e.g. bag and baggage, bits and pieces/bobs, rant and rave, in any shape or form), b) ixed collocations, with one of the components being used in an archaic sense or the combination having acquired a meaning diferent from that of either component alone (e.g. at someone’s beck and call, odds and ends, part and parcel, spick and span), c) those which consist of associated ideas (e.g. huf and puf, nuts and bolts, thick and fast, ways and means), d) those which consist of opposites or alternatives (e.g. hit and miss, through thick and thin, to and fro). Anyway, even though binomials can be quite common, some of them hardly ever get listed in dictionaries (e.g. theory and practice, to shoot and kill (someone), with millions of Google hits and an extensive record in today’s corpora13 but scant lexicographic evidence). Also, the back-cover blurb of a recent book on slang (Adams 2009) says, inter alia, “Adams shows it [slang] is much more than just lash and trash.” Is there an English dictionary that has managed to record the string? Moreover, even culture-bound binomials can get short shrift; thus very few English dictionaries record publish or perish, a phrase used for describing the harsh realities of (originally American) academic competition, for which there are currently (June 2010) 166,000 Google hits, 65 occurrences in the WebCorp Live corpus, and 31 occurrences in the Corpus of Contemporary American English, for example. Finally, binomials are quite frequent in English, which makes it diicult to work out a single lexicographical policy. To put it simply, are all binomials the same? Should they all be listed in dictionaries in bold?14 In terms of what criteria? heir commonness is easy to show; for example, a New York Times obituary15 of horticulturist David Murbach contains, inter alia, the following: the world of trees and gardens ; holiday crowds oohed and ahhed ; a height and width [of trees] that we need ; I was more or less the one who was there to say ... . See what I’m driving at? Taen fro a aoo article on a faos nBa asetall layer’s erforance in a late gae Te inoial ay ell ave een atterned on an eisting inoial vi cuts and bruises Ts tere are occrrences of theor and practice and occrrences of shoot and ill in te illionord Cors of Conteorary aerican englis In tis resect dictionaries are not reliale eras de to te occasional alication of an “intitive” aroac ts a inoial ay get listed even several ties t not in old eg arts and crafts in te Longman ayor ed lised on anary and ritten y aes Barron Retrieved fro httpntimescom nregionmurbachhtml 6. Dictionr tretment o ixed inomis Monolingal Learners’ ictionary he treatment of ixed binomials in most reputable English dictionaries is largely unsystematic, some being included and others being left out, with inconsistencies being quite common, not to mention the possibility of errors occasionally creeping in. Signiicantly, too, one and the same binomial may be given a very diferent treatment even in comparable dictionaries; for instance, the latest revised editions of three of the leading advanced learners’ dictionaries of English record the ixed binomial each and every16 in the following manner: > as each and every one in the Macmillan English Dictionary (Rundell ed. 2007, 464) > as both each and every (subentry) and each and every one of (boldfaced part of an illustrative example) in the Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English (Mayor ed. 2009, 530) > it is ignored altogether in the Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary (Turnbull and Lea eds. 2010). Generally speaking, in such dictionaries most binomials are included as – whether boldfaced or not – examples of use, sometimes with explanations of their meaning in parentheses; quite a few are not entered at all. Learners’ dictionaries of English include many more binomials than their native-speaker-oriented relatives, which is both quite logical and quite appropriate, given the more diverse reference needs of their users coming from a variety of L1 backgrounds. As to the general lexicographical policy, what should be done at all costs is preserving the distinction between compound-like and idiom-like binomials on the one hand, and those which are merely ixed sequences: the former, being as they are semantically non-transparent, should all be duly listed and deined. By contrast, the latter are clearly less crucial, and indeed do not, for the most part, represent a decoding problem, even though they clearly contribute to better language production in the encoding process, as their role in contributing to textual idiomaticity is quite signiicant. ilingal ictionary As to the general cross-linguistic perspective of binomials as observed in bilingual lexicography, the treatment of ixed binomials in general-purpose bilingual dictionaries should relect the standard practice of handling ixed binomials primarily in terms of their semantic (non-)opacity and ixity, adding in each case a speciic cross-linguistic dimension adopted for the beneit of the reference needs of the primary target group of their users, notably with respect to their L1 background. What this basically means is that bilingual dictionaries should not hesitate to show ixed binomials in bold especially for encoding tasks. he (partly) opaque ones should all be duly listed and translated, on a par with idioms. Tere are occrrences of tis inoial in te Cors of Conteorary aerican englis Furthermore, special care should be devoted to recording those binomials which are transparent and employ diferently ordered ixed sequences in the two languages (e.g. SI z dušo in telesom [‘with soul and body’] vs. EN (with one’s) body and soul, or SI jasno in glasno [‘clearly and loudly’] vs. EN loud and clear). Such cases are not infrequent, let alone exceptional: the ixed-word-order conventionality of ixed binomials can be simply (and often largely unpredictably at that) implemented diferently in diferent languages, in that the ixed sequences in question can easily be reversed, as in the two cases above. Moving – however briely – beyond the English and Slovene languages, for example, it has been pointed out that “in German and Italian you go ‘forth and back’ (hin und her, avanti e indietro),” and that “in Malay you address ‘gentlemen and ladies’ (tuan-tuan dan puan-puan). Neither way is more logical than the other, and while some may see cultural pointers determining the order of the items, they are probably best seen simply as ixed, arbitrary strings that combine two opposing items from the same lexical ield.” (Carter and McCarthy 1988, 25) Finally, there are in principle four main options available to the lexicographer for the treatment of ixed binomials: (1) main entry (recommended for opaque/institutionalized compound-like binomials [rock’n’roll, hammer and sickle, down-and-out, ish and chips]), (2) deined subentry (recommended for opaque idiom-like binomials [in the here and now, ‘at the present time’; be neither here nor there, ‘be irrelevant’; fetch and carry, ‘do simple and boring jobs for someone as if you were their servant’; hue and cry, ‘angry protests’]), (3) highlighted part of an example of use (recommended for collocation-like binomials [war and peace, theory and practice, lora and fauna, loud and clear]), (4) ignored altogether (not really recommended as this policy is likely to result in the violation of acceptability/idiomaticity, if not more. However, most transparent ixed binomials can be left out of dictionaries catering only to their users’ decoding needs). he four options should be selected judiciously and relect consistency in the application of sound criteria. his may not always be easy, particularly in distinguishing between (1) and (2) and deciding on either the one or the other. Moreover, there is more to the lexicographical treatment of binomials than this – for example, should they, as a matter of principle, (always) be contextualized or not? In all (kinds of) dictionaries? Should extended binomials be given a diferent treatment than the basic binary ones? Finally, faced with the issue of including or excluding ixed binomials for the sake of reassurance (this kind of lexicographical service is likely to be needed, in most cases, only for encoding tasks), the practicing bilingual lexicographer should, by and large, do well to follow intuition coupled with available teaching experience, and to consult extensively both learner corpora and luent speakers of both languages. . Concusion Fixed binomials represent an intriguing and surprisingly diverse if minor category within the phraseology of English. his, however, should not deter the bilingual lexicographer from treating them as carefully and consistently as any major type of multiword items in English. Again, the basic element of lexicographical policy is that opaque binomials, being as they are idiom-like or compound-like vocabulary units, must always be listed and deined; on the other hand, whenever a binomial is transparent in meaning, it should merely get listed (not deined!) only in dictionaries designed also with an encoding component in mind. What must be the priority, in addition to the cross-linguistic orientation applied to the two languages under consideration, is the inclusion of all semantically opaque binomials, to be followed by the representation of their idiomaticity in the broader sense. he former desideratum is essential in decoding L2 texts. On the other hand, the representation of their idiomaticity is to be shown via a judicious inclusion/exclusion policy for transparent binomials; this desideratum is signiicant in encoding, as it is likely to make for decidedly better – more idiomatic – L2 text generation. Here, in tabular form, are the prototypical cases of ixed binomials in terms of their lexicographical treatment: hese, to be sure, are but broad guidelines. Matters of detail will have to be dealt with in a separate paper incorporating a number of corpus-extracted examples, but on the basis of the general remarks presented in the paper. iiogrp Abraham Fied Order o oordinates: A Stdy in omaratie Leicograhy odern Language Journal no Aril: Adams M Slang The People’s Poetr e ork: Oord niersity Press Anderson E rammar of Iconism Madison : Fairleigh ickinson niersity Press ranbry and London: Associated niersity Presses enor S and Ley The hicken or the Egg A Probabilistic Analysis o English inomials Language no ne: – Also aailable online at httpidiomucsdedurlepapersbinomialsacceptedpdf hatia V ognitie Strctring in Legislatie Proisions n Language and the La ed ibbons – arlo Esse and London: Longman rchield ed The e oler’s odern English sage First edited by Foler rd edn Oord: larendon Press arter A and M Mcarthy Vocabular and Language Teaching Alied Lingistics and Langage Stdy arlo Esse: Longman ro ors o ontemorary American English OA At htt:americancorsorg rse A Leical Semantics ambridge Tetbooks in Lingistics ambridge ambridge niersit Press ámoá P The Language of La Stlistic nalsis ith a ocus on Leical inomial Epressions Thesis Masaryk niersity in rno Faclty o Edcation ear tment o English Langage and Literatre Also to be retrieed rom http ismunicthpedfmTHESISdoc Ernestoa M ole o inomial Phrases in rrent English and mlications or eaders and Stdents o EFL English as a Foreign Langage n Literac ithout oundaries Proceedings of the th European onference on Reading agreb roatia ed Shiel Stričeić and Saboloićraina – Osiek: roatian eading Association Also to be retrieed rom httphcdhrdatoteeagrebonferenceProceedingspdf Fiedler S English Phraseolog ourseboo arr Stdienbücher Tübingen: nter arr Foler ictionar of odern English sage nd edn re by Sir E oers Oord: larendon Press First edition blished ramley S and M Pätold Sure of odern English nd edn London: otledge stasson M The Syntactic Featres o inomial Eressions in Legal English Tet – Interdisciplinar Journal for the Stud of iscourse no –: – atidaki O inomials and the omter: A Stdy in orsased Phraseology Paer resented at ALLA niersity o lasgo – ly To be retrieed rom httpartsglaacuallcachProgrammesession html ames Errors in Language Learning and se Eploring Error nalsis Alied Lingistics and Langage Stdy arlo Esse: Addison esley Longman légr A A ote on inomials in English and ech cta niersitatis arolinae Philologica Prague Studies in English : – Malkiel Stdies in rreersible inomials Lingua no May: – td in his Essas on Linguistic Themes – Oord: lackell Mayor M ed Longman ictionar of ontemporar English th edn arlo Esse: Pearson Edcation Longman Mcarthy M and F O’ell English Vocabular in se ambridge: ambridge niersity Press Mcarthy M and F O’ell Test our English Vocabular in sepperIntermediate ambridge: ambridge niersity Press Mcntosh ed Oford ollocations ictionar for Students of English nd edn Oord: Oord niersity Press orrick inomial Meaning in Tets Journal of English Linguistics no : – Paley A and F Syder To Ples or Lingistic Theory: atielike Selection and atielike Flency n Language and ommunication ed ichards and Schmidt – arlo Esse: Longman ro Piirainen E Figratie Phraseology and ltre n Phraseolog n Interdisciplinar Perspectie ed S ranger and F Menier – Amsterdam: ohn enamins Pblishing ndell M ed acmillan English ictionar for danced Learners nd edn Oord: Macmillan Edcation Trnbll and Lea eds Oord Adanced Learner’s ictionary o rrent English First ed y AS ornby th edn Oord: Oord niersity Press ebor Lie: The eb as ors At httpebcorporguindehtml DOI: 10.4312/elope.8.1.31-49 Nada Šabec university of arior Faclty of arts Slovenia SloeneEnglish Langage ontact and Langage hange Summary he paper focuses on Slovene - English language contact and the potential language change resulting from it. Both the immigrant context (the U.S. and Canada) and Slovenia, where direct and indirect language contact can be observed respectively, are examined from two perspectives: social on the one hand and linguistic on the other. In the case of Slovene Americans and Canadians the emphasis is on language maintenance and shift, and on the relationship between mother tongue preservation and ethnic awareness. he linguistic section examines diferent types of bilingual discourse (borrowing, code switching), showing how the Slovene inlectional system in particular is being increasingly generalized, simpliied and reduced, and how Slovene word order is gradually beginning to resemble that of English. In the case of Slovenia we are witnessing an unprecedented surge in the inluence of English on Slovene, especially in the media (both classic and electronic), advertising, science, and the language of the young. his inluence will be discussed on a number of levels, such as lexical, syntactic and intercultural, and illustrated by relevant examples. Key words: language contact, language change, accommodation, language shift, borrowing, code switching, identity Sloenskoangleški eikoni stik in eikone sremembe Povzetek Članek obravnava slovensko-angleški jezikovni stik in jezikovne spremembe, ki izhajajo iz le-tega. Pri tem gre za dve okolji, izseljenskega (ZDA, Kanada) in slovenskega. V prvem gre za neposredni jezikovni stik, v drugem za posrednega, v obeh pa pojav raziskujem tako z jezikoslovenga kot z družbenega vidika. V primeru ameriških in kanadskih Slovencev je poudarek na jezikovnem ohranjanju oz. jezikovnem premiku ter na odnosu med ohranjanjem maternega jezika in etnične ozaveščenosti. V jezikovnem delu se osredinjam na različne tipe dvojezičnega diskurza (sposojanje, kodno preklapljanje), pri čemer ugotavljam, da prihaja do postopnega posploševanja, poenostavljanja in opuščanja slovenskih sklanjatvenih vzorcev, medtem ko postaja slovenski besedni vrstni red v nekaterih segmentih vedno bolj podoben angleškemu. V Sloveniji smo po drugi strani priča doslej najmočnejšemu vplivu angleščine na slovenščino, predvsem v medijih (tako klasičnih in elektronskih) in v jeziku mladih. Ta vpliv analiziram na različnih jezikovnih ravninah od leksikalne do sintaktične in medkulturne ter ga ponazorim z ustreznimi primeri. Ključne besede: jezikovni stik, jezikovne spremembe, akomodacija, jezikovni premik, sposojanje, kodno preklapljanje, identiteta SloeneEnglish Langage ontact and Langage hange 1. Introduction Language contact is a widespread phenomenon that can be can be examined from diferent perspectives, including the social/functional and linguistic/structural ones. Depending on the speciic circumstances in which it occurs, on the reasons for its occurrence and on the diferent outcomes that it may produce, it can be classiied into diferent types. One criterion that I will rely on in my article is whether the contact is direct or indirect. Direct language contact refers to situations where “groups of people who speak very similar varieties are in contact with people who speak rather diferent varieties” (homason 2001, 2) such as immigrant situations. On the other hand, language contact may be indirect or distant (Winford 2003), where the inluence of one language on the other does not occur directly, but rather through the mediation of written texts or, recently, mostly through the Internet and other electronic media, also referred to as CMC or computer-mediated-media.1 Regardless of the type, however, language contact may trigger varying degrees of language change. Language contact and language change are thus closely interrelated, as will be illustrated by the case of Slovene and English. I will irst address the direct Slovene-English language contact in the immigrant environment of the United States and Canada, and then focus on the situation in Slovenia, where we are currently witnessing the ever stronger indirect inluence of English on Slovene. 2. soeneengis nguge Contct in n Immigrnt enironment For obvious reasons, immigrant environments, where people speaking diferent languages are in contact on a daily basis, are ideally suited to the study of language contact. In my research so far I have examined several Slovene speech communities both in the United States and in Canada (Cleveland, Washington, D.C., Fontana, Toronto, Vancouver). Due to space limitations I will not be able to describe all ive of them. Instead, I will focus on Cleveland, the largest Slovene American community in the U.S., where I carried out the most extensive ieldwork and, for the sake of comparison with smaller communities, also briely present the situation in Washington, D.C. he language contact situation will be irst addressed from the social perspective in terms of language use and language attitudes and then from the structural perspective, analyzing diferent forms of bilingual discourse and interlingual inluences. Language change will be explained both on societal and individual levels as a consequence of sociolinguistic accommodation. Sociolingistic Accommodation on the Societal Leel As a starting point I will take the deinition of Giles and Coupland (1991), who explore “accommodative processes” in relation to identity, whereby speakers may manipulate language in order “to maintain integrity, distance or identity” (ibid., 66). I believe that this concept of accommodation theory, which focuses on the interactive aspects of communication and Coterediatededia is defined as ‘’conciation tat taes lace eteen an eings via te instrentality of coters’’ Herring emphasizes its negotiative character, is best suited to explain the various shifts in language use that occur in the case of Slovene Americans both on individual and societal levels. On a broader, societal level, accommodation is manifested through diferent stages of intergenerational language shift from Slovene to English. In order to understand this process, we need some background information on Slovene immigration to the USA. Slovenes immigrated to the US in general and to Cleveland in particular in two major waves: at the turn of the century and after WW II.2 he early, economic immigrants had little or no education, most were illiterate and spoke only regional dialects. With no professional skills they worked in steel mills and other factories and lived in ethnically segregated neighborhoods, where they could rely on ethnic organizations and communicate in their mother tongue. hese neighborhoods were so Slovene in character that the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic groups states that “In Cleveland, for example, St. Clair Avenue from 30th to East 79th Streets became by the 1920s so completely Slovene in character that English was the foreign language” (hernston 1980, 973). he partial inluence of English was seen only in borrowing, where lexemes from the donor English language were morphologically and partly phonologically adapted to the recipient Slovene language through the attachment of Slovene suixes to the English bases. he second generation, their children, however, having already learned English, in most cases moved out of the inner city and progressed both socially and economically. his was even more true of the third, pre-war, generation, which is mostly college educated, but no longer or only exceptionally speaks Slovene. he post-war group of immigrants came to the States primarily for political reasons; they were better educated, had a working knowledge of English and thus a much better starting position. Residential concentration was no longer essential to their survival, and the majority settled in the suburbs. Linguistically, it is interesting that they have a good command of both the dialects and Standard Slovene, which is why they only rarely resort to borrowing. Instead, they engage in code switching, which involves the alternate use of two discrete linguistic systems. heir children are similar to the third, pre-war, generation in that they speak little or no Slovene and also in terms of their social and economic mobility. Cleveland Slovenes are known for maintaining close contact with Slovenia and supporting an impres-sive number of ethnic organizations. After the general ethnic revival in the US in the 1970s, and again after Slovenia’s independence in 1991, Slovene Americans experienced a renewed interest in searching for their roots and in preserving their heritage. Washington Slovenes, on the other hand, represent a relatively small ethnic group (a few hundred). hey moved to the capital city after WW II either from Slovenia or from other US federal states. hey were attracted by occupational and professional opportunities that were quite diferent from those of early immigrants to Cleveland. Being well-educated, the majority of Washington Slovenes work in managerial positions, in academia, as federal employees and the like. For them, living together was never a matter of survival, but rather a matter of personal choice, a way to enrich their social and cultural lives and to express their identity. Compared to Cleveland Slovenes, they are far less heterogeneous in terms of generations. In II is sed to divide te iigrants into to large gros te rear and te ostar ones fact, it only makes sense to classify them into two groups: Slovene-born and American-born, as any more detailed classiications would yield few, if any, meaningful results. hose who speak Slovene are very proicient in it (some have even published in the language). here is practically no borrowing and even code switching is relatively rare compared to Cleveland. he Slovene-born participants are understandably better at Slovene than American-born ones, but there are a few cases where children speak very good Slovene, too. In all cases, however, the respondents are skeptical about Slovene language maintenance in the future and even though the Slovene-born respondents cite language as the most important factor in their ethnic identiication, already their children do not see ethnic identity as depending primarily on the language. he Cleveland data in particular reveal signiicant intergenerational variation both in the participants’ bilingual competence and in their attitudes toward the two languages. While the older generations and the more recent Slovene-born immigrants still speak Slovene, the younger ones, born in the U.S., have to a great extent lost their facility in the language. he most bilingual of all is the second generation of pre-war immigrants, but their use of Slovene is conined to ethnic contexts. It is precisely because of this general perception that the Slovene language plays an important symbolic role, but has in fact very little, if any, pragmatic value, that the situation among American Slovenes is that of a very unstable, transitional bilingualism. his is best illustrated by the fact that the shift from Slovene to English among the pre-war immigrants occurred over the course of three generations, but took only two generations in the case of post-war immigrants. Viewed from the accommodation perspective, the language shift just described could be interpreted as a form of adjustment, whereby Slovene communities experienced a kind of convergence of their language toward the dominant English and in the process also underwent certain language contact-induced changes, seen primarily in borrowing, code switching and various types of interlingual inluences on diferent linguistic levels. It is interesting that the partial or at times even complete language shift occurred despite the fact that, on the declarative level, the great majority of the respondents attribute a very high degree of importance to the maintenance of the mother tongue (even though they do not consider it to be the most important factor in ethnic identiication – this is culture instead), and that the two communities share a very strong sense of appreciation of their ethnic heritage and a very positive self-image. he Slovene American communities are thus likely to survive even though its members may in the future no longer identify themselves as being bilingual but rather as bicultural. A likely explanation for such a development can be found in their ambition to integrate into mainstream society as fully as possible as well as in the objective circumstances, i.e. the omnipresent, even though not overt pressure of English. he non-explicit character of the inluence of English seems to be a relevant factor, as the immigrants’ convergence toward English in this particular environment is in marked contrast to some other contexts, where Slovene under overt pressure has survived despite everything (e.g. during WW II, when in the occupied Slovene territories it was forbidden to speak Slovene; in 1989, when the prospect of a court trial against Slovene dissidents in Serbo-Croatian3 triggered mass demonstrations and the eventual SeroCroatian as one of te tree official langages in te forer goslavia altog Slovene acedonian and SeroCroatian ere declared to e eal SeroCroatian as in fact te doinant langage fro te socilingistic ersective and te only one disintegration of the former Yugoslavia; in present-day Austria, where members of the Slovene minority keep ighting for bilingual signs and schools). Sociolingistic Accommodation in FacetoFace nteractions Even more transparent forms of sociolinguistic accommodation can be observed in the face-to-face interactions of the participants in the study. While their language choice understandably depends on the level of their bilingual proiciency, it is also to a large extent determined by their social and psychological motivations. In general, the interviews and the participant observation show that the subjects spoke more Slovene with those people who, in their opinion, felt more comfortable speaking Slovene (e.g. the elderly, visitors from Slovenia), and almost always switched to English when a monolingual English speaker joined in the conversation. Bilinguals therefore exhibit various degrees of linguistic intravariation in their conversations. heir choice of a particular language in any particular situation depends on the degree of intimacy or social distance that they wish to establish between themselves and their addressee. his phenomenon can be explained within the theoretical framework of the audience design (Bell 1984) and of the interpersonal accommodation theory (Giles and Johnson 1981, 1987). According to the former, speakers design their speech in such a way as to accommodate their addressees. his is done by style shifting, which in a bilingual situation translates into a choice between two codes/ languages. he accommodation is directed primarily at the addressee, but also at the so called third persons (auditors, who are present, but not directly addressed, and overhearers). heir inluence is of secondary importance compared to the addressee’s, but can be observed in those cases mentioned earlier, when the appearance of an English monolingual may cause the switch to English. According to the interpersonal accommodation theory, something very similar happens. he interlocutors generally adapt their speech style to each other’s when there is an ainity between them and when they want to bridge the social or personal gap between them. As they expect some potential beneit from the interaction (which may be anything from possible future cooperation to simply enjoying each other’s company) they attempt to move closer to each other by resorting to their shared ethnic language. By converging in this direction they reduce their dissimilarities and express a sort of mutual solidarity. he opposite may, of course, also happen when instead of convergence we observe divergence from the use of the language shared by all the participants. he purpose of such behavior is to exclude the participant/s from the conversation. his again may happen for a number of reasons. A very common one, which I did not observe, but was told about by a number of participants in this study was for the parents to speak Slovene so that the children would not understand what they were saying. Strctral Asects o Sociolingistic Accommodation and Potential Langage hange In addition to the social/functional aspects of accommodation described thus far, there are also structural dimensions to be considered. he previously mentioned forms of bilingual discourse, sed in te ary after te disintegration of goslavia and te foration of ne states it slit into different varieties sc as Croatian Serian and ontenegrin borrowing and code switching, are the most obvious instances of that. In the case of borrowing we deal with the contact of English and Slovene on the level of a single word, which results in words such as kara, drajvati, zbrokan (from car, to drive and broken). he most common items that undergo this process of phonological and morphological adaptation belong to open sets of word classes (nouns, verbs, adjectives) and serve either to ill lexical gaps or are used in the case of most frequently occurring everyday words. While borrowing is typical of the early immigrants, later generations engage primarily in code switching, which involves the alternate use of two languages in the same conversation (Šabec 1995) but keeps them separate at all times. he phenomenon is rather complex, it may occur on intra- or intersentential levels, in diferent directions and may be subject to various syntactic constraints. A detailed analysis of these aspects would exceed the scope of this article, which is why I will only provide a few typical examples of nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, numerals and discourse markers that are usually the subject of switching. • Ko smo mi šli nazaj, business je vedno bil težek, tough, but we made it, see. /When we returned, the business was always hard, tough, but we made it, see./ • In moj ata so prišli v Cleveland ninety twenty-one and then met and married my mother /And my dad came to Cleveleand ninety twenty-one and then met and married my mother./ • Vsak večer špilajo kak šport, baseball, soccer, you never know when they’ll be home. /Every evening they play sports, baseball, soccer, you never know when they’ll be home./ While language change in the process of borrowing and code switching is fairly salient, monolingual stretches of the immigrants’ discourse in Slovene also show traces of English inluence. hese can be observed on various linguistic levels from phonology (aspirated plosives, rhotic r etc.) to morphology and syntax. Morphology in particular, where the Slovene inlectional system is being increasingly generalized, simpliied and reduced, is an important area conducive to language change. In syntax, change involves a gradual change of word order. It is occasionally more ixed, thus resembling English, or simply used at random, disregarding the rules of Slovene. he following examples show diferent degrees of convergence of the weaker Slovene toward the dominant English. • Pa smo šli z moja vnuk in poli smo vzeli ena slika od cela žlahta. (wrong gender and case of the nouns, a calque to take pictures instead of the verb slikati/fotograirati) /We went with my grandson and took a picture of the entire family./ • Pa se moraš ustavit pri tisti lučem in se potem obrniti na desno, da prideš do tam. (wrong case of the noun luči, wrong number of the demonstrative pronoun tisti, luči instead of the Slovene equivalent semafor). • In ona je pela tud’ ko je b’la ona mlada, samo potem ko je ona poročila, ni b’lo več časa za vaje. /redundant use of the pronoun ona, omission of the relexive se with the verb poročiti se). /And she also sang when she was young, but then when she got married, she no longer had time for rehearsals./ • Smo šli z moja prijateljica mož. (wrong case of the nouns and the pronoun). /You have to stop at those traic lights and then turn right to get there./ /We went with my friend’s husband./ • In dokler je prišel, ni šel nobeden proč. (analogy with the English word order, where in Slovene the negative particle would be used: dokler ni prišel). /And until he came, nobody left./ • Pa je mislil, da to taku življenje tam delal, pa ni šlo. (calque delati življenje instead of the verb preživljati se/delati). /And he thought that he would make a living there, but it didn’t work out./ Yet another manifestation of language change in the immigrant environment involves a partial leveling of dialects in the case of immigrants originating from diferent parts in Slovenia. While it is true that Cleveland Slovenes especially maintain a degree of dialect distinctiveness in their speech, this is far less pronounced than it was in the “old country.”4 And inally, the use of second person pronouns as terms of address may be at least partially explained as being inluenced by English. While Slovene has a binary system of second person pronouns, whereby a single interlocutor can be addressed either as ti or vi and where the choice implies diferent degrees of personal and social (in)equality among speakers or, according to Brown and Gilman (1960), power and solidarity, English uses the single form you in all cases. While in Slovenia, the distinction between ti and vi in addressing the other is largely observed (with the exception of some younger speakers), it is thus quite common for Slovene visitors to the States to be addressed as ti by complete strangers upon irst meeting them. More precisely, the pronouns often seem to be used more or less at random, but with a very strong bias in favor of ti. Only some older Slovene-born immigrants still observe the distinction with any consistency, while all others state their preference for ti. here are of course at least two other possible explanations for such attitudes and use: the exclusive use of ti brought to the States by some early arrivals from the “old country,”5 and the uncertainty as to which pronoun to choose due to poor linguistic competence in Slovene. he third one, the inluence of English, however, seems very likely and is conirmed by the responses provided in by the participants in the Toronto and Fontana studies. Younger speakers especially believe that the more formal vi is Te nae sed y te iigrants to refer to Slovenia and te territories fro ic tey ad eigrated Ti as te only ronon sed y loer classes sc as easants redundant and that the less formal, casual ti better serves their needs in addressing others on an equal footing. Compared to the relatively conservative and stable ti vs. vi distinction in Slovenia, Slovenes in the U.S.A. and Canada use predominantly the informal ti, which is in line with the dynamics in the relations between people living in a fairly egalitarian and socially mobile society. he tendency to address people by irst names only underscores this inding. 3. soeneengis nguge Contct in soeni Compared to the immigrant context, the forms of Slovene-English language contact in Slovenia are somewhat diferent, as are the reasons for it. he contact is indirect: in the past it used to happen through written texts and via intermediary languages such as German (e.g. the work keks from the English cake), recently it has been occurring mostly via CMC. In the past, such instances were rare; in recent decades they represent almost daily occurrences. he reasons for the extent and the speed with which English inluences Slovene should no doubt be sought in the ongoing globalization processes, increasing mobility and the widespread availability of the Internet. he three are largely based on the use of English as a lingua franca of international communication, which means that all other languages, Slovene included, can hardly avoid its inluence. It should be noted that the mentioned processes have also impacted upon English itself. While in the past English used to belong exclusively to native speakers, and standard varieties of, say, British and American English, served as models for non-native speakers to emulate, this is no longer always the case. Non-native speakers of English now outnumber native ones, which has resulted on the one hand in the split of English into several local varieties such as Indian English and Singapore English (so-called World Englishes), and on the other into Global English used by the Internet community. his variety, also referred to as World English, International English, Lingua Franca English, Globish, Weblish (e.g. Crystal 2001a), displays a high degree of variation depending on the varying degrees of proiciency of its users, transfers from their mother tongues, deviations from the norm, simpliications and the like, thus defying easy or even precise codiication. Its users can no longer be deined in terms of traditional speech communities constrained by physical or geographical boundaries (Labov 1966; Milroy 1980), but rather as on-line communities of practice based on diferent professional and other interests (Lave and Wengner 1991). English in lingua franca use then has become “deterritorialized or post-geographic” variety (James 2008, 79 and passim), which “as the linguistic manifestation of a myriad of set of contexts of using, can also be seen as a – globalised and globalising – linguistic resource for intercultural communication and transcultural lows” (James 2009, 86). his aspect of English in as far as it is relevant to Slovene both socially and culturally will be discussed in more detail later. First, however, I will turn my attention to the ways in which the inluence of English is felt on various linguistic levels of Slovene. Lingistic nlences hese occur primarily on lexical and partly on syntactic and orthographic levels. 3.1.1 ocur Since vocabulary is the part of language which is, as a rule, the most susceptible to inluences from other languages it will be addressed irst and in more detail than the rest. It should be noted that lexical items are not only among the most frequently borrowed ones, but also the easiest to accept by most speakers, as they generally do not disrupt the structure of the native language, but are simply inserted into it and used either in response to the need for naming new objects, concepts or inventions or for some other reasons. And it is precisely these reasons that distinguish the Slovene situation from that of Slovene Americans and Canadians. While Slovene immigrants borrow English words to ill lexical gaps (e.g. fonati from to phone; gradžuirati from to graduate), in Slovenia this is done for other reasons as well. Only some lexical items enter Slovene because the language does not possess its own words (e.g. bojkot, parkirati, golf, skenirati, lobirati; recently klikniti, guglati, tvitanje), in most other cases there already exist perfectly acceptable or established Slovene equivalents. he reasons for borrowing are thus of an essentially diferent nature and have to do primarily with prestige, whereby “an element is borrowed from a language which is culturally or politically dominant” (Shukla and Connor-Linton 2006, 294). he speakers presumably use them to appear more fashionable, cosmopolitan, and “in”. Examples of such loanwords are marketing, consulting, hit, lider, tekst (instead of trženje, svetovanje, uspešnica, vodja, besedilo) and many others. Depending on the age and type of borrowed words, they may develop in diferent directions. In the beginning they tend to be fairly unstable both in spelling and in pronunciation (e.g. leasing/lizing; in rare cases this happens also with some loanwords that have been in the language for a long time, e.g. cocktail/koktajl/koktejl)), after undergoing various degrees of phonological, morphological and orthographic adaptation, however, some may become totally integrated into Slovene and behave the same as any other Slovene word (e.g. sendvič, pullover, piknik). It is also possible for some to adopt phonologically and morphologically, but not orthographically (e.g. wellness and jacuzzi, which with their atypical spelling do indeed stand out). Borrowings or loanwords may continue to co-exist with their Slovene equivalents (e.g. resničnostni šov vs. reality show, glamur vs. blišč, laptop vs. prenosnik), in some cases they may acquire a specialized meaning, either narrower than in the original (e.g. juice, where in English this refers to all juices, in Slovene only to orange juice) or broader (e.g. toast in the sense of a ham and cheese toasted sandwich, while in English the meaning is limited to a toasted slice of bread), they may largely displace a Slovene word (stres instead of pritisk) or turn out to be short-lived and, after a while, fall into oblivion. It is worth noting that for some loanwords which had no Slovene equivalents when they were irst borrowed, some very good and widely used Slovene substitutes have been created (e.g. najstnik, računalnik, tiskalnik, dlančnik from teenager, computer, printer, palm calculator; in some other cases, however, attempts to do the same were less successful, an example of which is the word spletni dnevnik for blog, where blog not only prevailed, but even gave rise to other related words such as bloganje, bloger, blogerski and the like). On the other hand, many other terms which have spread to Slovene (and many other languages) over the Internet more recently have never undergone that process precisely because of the speed with which they have “invaded” the languages; they have been accepted uncritically without due consideration of looking for suitable equivalents in the native language (e.g. stand up komik, mobbing). Yet another example of lexical inluence are calques, some already well established ones (e.g. pranje možganov from brainwashing), some of more recent origin (e.g. mreženje from networking) and some that may not be widely understood and whose status therefore remains uncertain for the time being (e.g. “…se mi zdi na neuspeh obsojeno prizadevanje, da bi (mu) dokazali ‘kadečo se pištolo’ v roki” (Flegar 2009, 4) /…I ind attempts to prove that he has a smoking gun in his hand doomed from the outset./ ) Individual English loanwords and calques are used by scientists, business people and also by the general public, but nowhere do we ind as much English inluence as in the language of the young and in the media. he young use English as a basis for their slang, thus expressing their in-group solidarity and anti-conformist attitudes toward grown ups (e.g. ful, kul, d’best, fajt, džoint, frend, brejkič, fensi, izi, skenslati, densat, biti na badu, bajdvej, enivej, iti v lajf, in to je najbolj tekmovalna tekma ever). Slang, of course, is a rather short lived phenomenon that keeps changing with each generation, which is why the inluence of English is not likely to have a lasting efect on the society as a whole. he same is true of teen magazines that often tend to imitate slang. With other media, however, we see a real proliferation of English that may leave a more enduring mark on the language. his is true of both traditional print media and even more so of the electronic ones. he former often publish texts in which the authors insert whole phrases and sometimes even longer passages in English. Some expressions are thus written in italics, in inverted commas or even accompanied by glosses and footnotes. While realizing that such usage may strike readers as obscure, idiosyncratic or even incomprehensible, some authors nevertheless seem to take their readers’ proiciency in English for granted. his is not typical only of the tabloid press, but also of more “serious” newspapers and magazines. By the same token, English is frequently used in TV programs, especially on commercial stations that are in some cases owned by American corporations. Consequently, programs catering to popular taste, including various entertainment shows, soaps operas and the like are typically globalized/Americanized. Examples from newspapers and magazines: • Welfare state je farewell, tisto, kar potrebujemo v 21. stoletju, je enabling state. (Mekina 2010, 43) /Welfare state is farewell, what we need in the 21st century is an enabling state./ • Zato upam, da se bo ta globalni trg nepremičnin čim prej sesul, do tedaj pa bi si morali prizadevati za institutionalizacijo in legalizacijo skvotinga – zasedanja takih praznih stavb. (Kučić 2010, 6) /I thus hope that the global real estate market will collapse as soon as possible. Until then we should strive for the institutionalization and legalization of squatting – taking over of empty buildings./ • Današnje guglanje, tvitanje in fejsbukanje se bo počasi skrilo v nove oblike druženja in postalo njegov sestavni del. (Kučić 2010, 7) /he current googling, tweeting and facebooking will gradually be subsumed into new forms of networking and become its integral part./ • TV (ali video) on demand (na zahtevo) sicer že nekaj časa obstaja, vendar stvar ni razvita in razširjena do te mere, da bi se otroška logika instantnega zadovoljevanja TV želja lahko uveljavila kot splošen “odrasli” način gledanja. (Crnkovič 2009, 54) /TV (or video) on demand has been around for some time now, but it has not yet developed and spread to the point where the children’s logic of instant gratiication of TV desires would be adopted as a universal “grown up” way of watching./ he language found on blogs, tweets (as a sort of “microblogs” or “facebooks SMS’s’’), forums, and other forms of CMC, on the other hand, is usually a mixture of Slovene and English with deviations in spelling, punctuation, combinations of igures and letters, acronyms, word plays and other features typical of netspeak (Šabec 2009). here are also Slovene bloggers who write exclusively in English, which is in most cases a variety of Global English as deined at the beginning of this article. he following example illustrates nicely the described situation. • F.R.I.E.N.D.S. in “zobke umit pa spat” no more Kdo jih ne pozna. Okej, bom polinkal. Ampak – počasi gledam vse sezone, starting with numero 1. Yep, well, I’ve done that one. Zdej sem v drugi, ko Ross in Rachel…umgh! A ste bli vi tudi slučajno stari cca. 10 let (+/- 2 leti), gotta leave some room for standard error) in so bili F.r.i.e.n.d.s.i na TV-ju? Ob RES* poznih urah?? No, well, jaz sem bil. And it sucked. Zakaj, pobarate? No, ker pač nisem mogel gledat frendsov. Pa še prestavljali so jih. Enkrat so bili ob 23.30. Uuuurgggh! Ampak zdej…zdej lahko gledam anytime I want. Ker so a) na netu in b) na prenosnem disku. In c) so izpiti. Damn. No, ampak d) sej človk rabi malce odmora, taku, možganskega anede? In se ne more učit čist CEL dan. Kakorkoli, hotel sem samo napisati ene dve fori iz tega dela, ki je ravno in progress (you try to be awake a week in a row till 4 a.m., studying incredibly interesting facts of life, such as biology and co. ofers). Ross: ‘’Rachel and Julie…that’s the problem.’’ Joey: “HEY! I’ve got two words for you: threesome!” … Chandler: “You still got one left, you know.” //Monica: “OK, this is pumpkin pie,…/…/ Mochocolate chip cookies, Mochocolate strawberry cake,…. Taste it!” Rachel: “OMG!” Monica: “OMG good?” R: “OMG I can’t believe you let me put this into my mouth!” Phoebe: “Sweet LORD! Ugh! his is what EVIL must taste like.” …:) *Really back then meant 22.30./ (http://aljobaljo.blogspot.com) /F.R.I.E.N.D.S. and ‘’brush your teeth and of to bed’’ no more Who doesn’t know them? Okay, I’ll check the link But – I’m slowly going through all the seasons, starting with number 1… Yep, well, I’ve done that one. Now I’m on the second one, when Ross and Rachel…. umgh! Were you also about ten years old (+/- 2 years, gotta leave some room for standard error) when F.r.i.e.nd.s. was on TV? REALLY* late? Ok, well, I was. And it sucked. Why, you may ask? Well, because I was not allowed to watch the friends. And they kept changing the time. Once they were on at 23.30. Uuurgggh! But now…now I can watch anytime I want. Because they are a) on the net and b) on portable disk and c) it’s the exam time. Damn. Well, but d) a guy needs some time of, to rest one’s brain, right? and e) and cannot study ALL day long. Anyway, I just wanted to write about one or two little gems from this episode, which is now in progress (you try to be awake in a row till 4 a.m., studying incredibly interesting facts of life, such as biology and co. ofers): Ross: ‘’Rachel and Julie…that’s the problem.’’ Joey: “HEY! I’ve got two words for you: threesome!” … Chandler: “You still got one left, you know.” //Monica: “OK, this is pumpkin pie,…/…/ Mochocolate chip cookies, Mochocolate strawberry cake,…. Taste it!” Rachel: “OMG!” Monica: “OMG good?” R: “OMG I can’t believe you let me put this into my mouth!” Phoebe: “Sweet LORD! Ugh! his is what EVIL must taste like.” …:) *Really back then meant 22.30./ Finally, I cite some examples in which the media go too far in its eagerness to copy everything English, showing their ignorance in both their mother tongue and in English, as well as, in my opinion, a lack of respect for their readership. • Leve vlade so privatizacijo velikih državnih podjetij in prodajo blue chipov bolj ali manj zadrževale. (Lorenci 2009, 15) /Leftist governments are trying to privatize state-owned companies and to stall with selling of blue chips./ • Staroselec na področju odnosov z javnostmi, z občasnimi izleti na področje advertisinga. (Magdalenc 2010, 26) /An old hand at PR, with the occasional excursion into the ield of advertising./ • Se mi zdi kul, da kljub skrajno angažiranemu govorjenju o vseh okoli nas na koncu vedno ostanejo na površini kakšne domislice. Tudi v obliki gossipov. (Magdalenc 2010, 24) /I think it is cool that despite extremely engaged talk about everybody around us in the end some smart ideas always surface. Also in the form of gossip./ • Drugi pa je, da je naša šola na napačnih točkah odprta do pritiska staršev, in to tistih, ki se gredo nekaj, čemur pravijo Angleži overparenting, prekomerno starševanje. (Snežič 2009, 15) /Another thing is that our school is too susceptible to pressure from parents who practice something referred to as overparenting by the English./ • Samo za orientacijo, kakšna naj bo javna RTV? Ali naj vključuje visoko gledane entertaining oddaje, kot je na primer Piramida? (Škrinjar and Kolšek 2009, 5) /Just to get things straight, what should public radio and TV look like? Should it include entertaining programs with high ratings such as Piramida?/ • Sky is the limit! Meja je nebo. Pa še uživati je treba zraven. (Luzar 2008, 20) /Sky is the limit! And you should enjoy, too./ 3.1.2 sntctic Inuences Compared to the huge inlux of English lexical items into Slovene, the impact of English on Slovene syntax seems almost negligible. It is certainly less visible and more subtle, at times even diicult to detect. Occasionally, however, we come across strange sounding structures which, on closer examination, reveal that their ‘’creators’’ simply took a short cut and transferred them to Slovene directly from English. • Če vas zanima glasba, vas enkrat več vabimo k poslušanju. (an invitation to listeners on Radio City; this one heard on 18.4. 2010 at 11.15) /If you are interested in music, we invite you to tune in one more time./ Enkrat več, heard several times on Radio City, seems to be used on the analogy of the English once more/one more time instead of the Slovene še enkrat/ponovno. • “…si je privoščil…nekoliko grobo opazko na račun Van Rompuya, češ da ima karizmo kot vlažna cunja…” (Škrinjar 2010, 1) /….he went as far as using…a somewhat rude remark at the expense of Van Rompuy, saying that he has the charisma of a wet blanket./ To be a wet blanket is an English idiom, used iguratively and referring to a person who is not much fun and cannot be translated literally into Slovene. • Bil je ime, znano vsem gospodinjstvom v ZDA. (Žigon 2009, 43) /He was a household name in the U.S.A./ An English ixed phrase to be a household name translated literally into Slovene sounds awkward and should have been translated as popularen/slaven, i.e. popular/famous. he copy-paste approach clearly speaks of the sloppiness and linguistic incompetence of their authors. Another, more transparent case of English inluence on Slovene word order, however, is the increase in the use of the noun+noun combinations typical of English instead of the Slovene adjective+noun structures or other types of nominal phrases. • Anti-stress program v našem wellness centru /anti-stress program in our wellness center/ • Anti-age posegi obraza in telesa (anti-age treatment for face and body) • Cellfood kartica ugodnosti v izbranih lekarnah /cellfood loyalty/beneit card in selected pharmacies/ • City Center/Magazine • UVA zaščita /UVA protection/ • Izobraževanje TOP strokovnjakov /education of TOP experts/ • Kako prideš do brezplačne čokolade? 1. Postani oboževalec (fan) Gorenjke. 2. Pridruži se Gorenjka čokoman klubu. /How to get a free chocolate bar? Become a Gorenjka fan. 2. Join the Gorenjka chocoman club./ he pattern has become quite common and many no longer see it as being foreign to the spirit of the Slovene language. Yet another aspect involves the excessive use of possessive pronouns, for instance with body parts, a feature typical of English, but not of Slovene. • Potem, ko ste pripravljeni dvignite vaše roke do vašega čela v gassho položaj. (whttp:// www.tomazlegar.si) /After you are ready, please raise your hand up to your forehead and put into the gashho position/ As pointed out, syntactic inluences may not seem very obvious and are far less numerous than lexical ones, but they afect the structure of the language in much more profound ways than mere loanwords, which is why they have far more serious implications in terms of language change. 3.1.3. ortogrpic Inuences Orthographic inluences of English on Slovene have attracted practically no attention by researchers so far. I nevertheless see them as important because of their potentially long-term efect on the future development of Slovene. I have in mind especially young Slovenes, who have not had suicient exposure to the orthographic norm of Standard Slovene and may ind themselves simply copying what they see on the Internet or on billboards. hese two (the Internet and advertising) are in fact the two areas that represent the richest source of data for anybody interested in the inluence of English on Slovene orthography. In CMC as well as in short messages we ind anything from the use of English characters that do not exist in Slovene (x,y,w,q) to the replacement of Slovene characters by English ones (c,s,z,s instead of č,š,ž; c/ch instead of k, x instead of ks), from the doubling of consonants and vowels (ss, oo) to the lack of punctuation or incorrect use of it (O’glasna pošta, Hobby & Art, Odvetniki Šelih & Partnerji,, Rože & vrt), from English acronyms to a variety of combinations of igures and letters and to other forms of creative spelling. • Dobro, pis of kejk je bilo rešiti tole. /Good, it was a piece of cake to solve this./ • Zakaj bi komplicirali…če je življenje lahko SIMPL? /Why complicate if life can be simple?/ • Dogfrisbee 4 fun tekma, sobota, 15.8.2009. /Dogfrisbee for fun contest, Saturday, 15.8. 2009./ • Itaq, ex(xtra), exspress, pravi boom na inančnem trgu /a real boom on the inancial market/ • &drej (Andrej) Similarly, advertising relies heavily on English-like spelling conventions. Various features from word play to simply including English letters are used to attract consumers’ attention and make their products more appealing. he same is true of many companies, bands and artists who, by choosing English (brand) names or at least adapting them to English spelling, apparently feel more ‘‘in’’ and, by projecting the impression of being more creative, aim at reaching wider audiences. Similarly, advertising relies heavily on English-like spelling conventions. Various features from word play to simply including English letters are used to attract consumers’ attention and make their products more appealing. he same is true of many companies, bands and artists who, by choosing English (brand) names, apparently feel more ‘‘in’’ and, by projecting the impression of being more creative, aim at reaching wider audiences. • /WO-HO! Clio has been entertaining us for twenty years./6 (a car advertisement) • My Way poletne počitnice po vašem okusu (Kompas MY WAY programi) /My Way summer holidays according to your taste; Kompas MY WAY programs/ (a tourist agency advertisement) • Anything you need. Baby, you got it, anything you want, you got it (Merkur advertisement) • Jesenski EGO SLIM & VITAL (a yogurt advertisement) • RE.ST – reciklirani stoli /recycled chairs/ • FRUC – totalno kul, totalno old school. /FRUC . totally cool, totally old school/ (a soft drink advertisement) Interections are an intriging art of langage as tey eress eotions and ay ts e indicative of deeer lins eteen te sers’ langage coice and teir identification it a certain langage and te related cltre In tis case te interection is not Slovene Siilar eales inclde te ore and ore idely sed oops ouch and o • MEGA factory Outlet • THE be the best (T.HE. d.o.o.) - revija o treningu in športni prehrani. Ob naročilu dobite brezplačno darilo THE VITaMIN. /THE be the best (T.H.E. d.o.o. a magazine on sports practice training and foods. Upon subscribing you will receive our free gift THE VITaMIN./ • Smuthies: energy/relax/antistress (a yogurt/smoothie advertisement by Ljubljanske mlekarne) • Maxximum Shop, Merkur Group, Mercator, Dental Art, d.o.o. • Alya, Neisha, Slon ‘n’ Sadež (names of pop artists and bands) . soci nd Cutur Inuences he already discussed inluence of English on advertising is just one part of a wider scene that exceeds strictly linguistic boundaries. It is part of broader phenomena that, with the increasing adoption of globalized/Americanized discourse patterns, seemingly friendly, but fundamentally more aggressive advertising, sensationalist tabloid-style approaches to writing, the popularization of various reality shows, infotainment programs and the like, afect the social and cultural character of Slovenia. Analyzing all of its forms in detail would require an article in its own right. For the purpose of this survey, however, I will focus on yet another socio-cultural dimension of the inluence of English that has to do with the expression of identity through language. Language and culture are very closely interlinked and language choice, when applicable, is very telling in as far as personal, social, cultural and any other identity of the speaker is concerned. In a recent study of language choice in Slovene blogs, I found that many Slovene bloggers have moved away from the exclusive use of Slovene. Instead they use either (Global) English or a mixture of Slovene and English (referred to as Sloglish in my previous work; Šabec 2009). heir choice can be interpreted from two perspectives: social and cultural. Socially, a choice by an individual is indicative of his or her desire to belong to an on-line community that also uses English and is in this sense more ‘’in’’ than those who do not. hey therefore share the code/language that they perceive as more prestigious. At the same time the kind of language that they use is suiciently diferent from standard forms of English and Slovene; this therefore bonds them together in a sort of in-group solidarity, which has parallels in the way slang is normally used. From a cultural perspective the choice of language is further motivated by psychological reasons. We can assume that in a code switching/mixing situation the language of choice is the one that the speakers feel most comfortable using in a particular situation. From this perspective it is interesting that many Slovene bloggers choose English for their (nick)names, blog titles and blog entries. he fact that the Internet allows its users communication under multiple/fake/deceptive and other kinds of identities that they can choose at will, and that in addition most function under the impression that they are anonymous, their choices are even more revealing. hey are free to use their imagination and to express their innermost feelings in any way they like. he fact that some often do it in English may relect their more pragmatic ambitions to reach out to a wider network of potential ‘’friends’’ and become part of the global virtual community. he dilemma between the local and the global is clearly visible, which no doubt has important cultural and social implications, also in terms of opening up new ways of (inter)cultural communication. • Blog titles: so long sweet summer; Just the usual life; JeRNej’s digital life; Fejker.net; Jackie4grace; Rat-ON-crack; …pieces of me…; C.C.P.cre@ions; Wild@heart: Wilma on green plant; Lance’s corner; Another day in a geek’s life; Way wrong way; It’s a big world out there: Almost pure blue sky…almost; I’m good, I’m gone; I’m back (on track); life sucks when things don’t go the way you want, sweet sorrow; Simon says • Nick(names) in blogs and tweets: angryguy; i-love-emo; blacklower: just.crazy; punchka:bjutiful; Junior; Lance Vance; Majchek, UrSha It should be noted that blogs and tweets are not the only areas where this phenomenon can be observed. As an example I cite the newsletter of the University of Maribor’s medical students’ association, whose title is INSAJDER, and last, but not least, a not negligible number of parents who choose English or more “internationally sounding” names for their newborns (e.g. Jason, Vanessa, Timothy, Amber, Damyan, Nikol, Tifani). 5. Concusion his article is an attempt at presenting Slovene-English language contact in its many forms and contexts and from diferent perspectives. As a result, it inevitably falls somewhat short of providing an in-depth analysis of a larger number of relevant examples. Instead it aims at providing a more comprehensive picture of the phenomenon in the hope of drawing attention to its widespread occurrence and the implications that it has for language change. Language change is something that happens all the time. It can be studied diachronically or as an ongoing process. In both cases it is the one area that ofers most valuable insights into the dynamics of language change and innovation. In the case of Slovene-English language contact, it naturally also poses the question of a balance between the imports from English and the (un)critical attitudes toward them, the question of the status of Slovene in the Slovene media, and of the beneit of taking from English in order to enrich the Slovene language by augmenting its lexibility and expressiveness on the one hand and on the other of the potential detrimental efect on it when done to excess. Describing the current state of afairs and predicting possible directions in which the two languages in contact might develop in the future makes contact linguistics a highly relevant and intriguing ield of study and represents a challenge for further research. iiogrp ell A Langage Style as Adience esign Language in Societ no : – ron and A ilman The Pronons o Poer and Solidarity n Stle in Language ed TA Sebeok – ambridge: MT Press rystal a English as a lobal Language ambridge: ambridge niersity Press – – – b Language and the Internet ambridge: ambridge niersity Press iles and P ohnson The ole o Langage in Ethnic ro elations n Intergroup ehaiour ed Trner and iles – Oord: lackell – – – Ethnolingistic dentity Theory: A Social Psychological Aroach to Langage Maintenance International Journal of the Sociolog of Language : – iles and oland Language ontets and onseuences eynes: Oen niersity Press erring S omputer–ediated–ommunication Linguistic Social and ross–ultural Perspecties Amsterdam: enamins ames A e Englishes as Postgeograhic Englishes in Linga Franca se: ender nterdiscrsiity and Later Modernity European Journal of English Studies no : – – – – Theorising English and lobalisation: Semiodiersity and Lingistic Strctre in lobal English orld Englishes and Linga Franca English pples – Journal of pplied Language Studies no : – ingsley and achr eds World Englishes ritical oncepts in Linguistics London and e ork: otledge Lae and E engner Situated Learning Legitimate Peripheral Participation ambridge: ambridge niersity Press Labo The Social Stratification of English in e or it ashington : enter or Alied Lingistics McArthr T The Oford uide to World English Oord: Oord niersity Press Milroy L Language and Social etors Oord: asil lackell Pblisher Phillison Linguistic Imperialism Oord: Oord niersity Press Shkla S and onnorLinton Langage hange n n Introduction to Language and Lingusitics ed Fasold and onnorLinton – ambridge e ork Melborne ae Ton Singaore Sao Palo: ambridge niersity Press Stramlič renik Sloenska slengoska raeologia danes Sloensi ei – Sloene Linguistic Studies : – Šabec Half pa pu The Language of Sloene mericans Lblana: Š Stdia manitatis – – – Sloene–English langage contact in the SA International Journal of the Sociolog of Language Sociolingistics o Sloene: – – – – Second Person Pronons sed by Sloene and American Soene Seakers as Lingistic Markers o Personal and Social neality cta eophilologica no : – – – – Langage Society and ltre: Sloene in ontact ith English Slaistična reia Sloensko eikosloe danes Sloene Lingistics Today Secial isse ed A Vidoič Mha : – – – – Sloglish or the Miing Sitching o Sloene and English in Sloene logs Slaia entralis no: – Thernstorn S ed Harard Encclopedia of merican Ethnic roups ambridge Mass: arard niersity Press Thomason S Langage ontact Edinbrgh: Edinbrgh niersity Press Žigon P O Simson nabol kri med semi nedolžnimi Obrai ly inord An ntrodction to ontact Lingistics Oord: lackells einreich Langages in ontact: Findings and Problems e ork: Lingistic ircle o e ork The age: Moton Dt sources rnkoič M Velika integracia in konergenca urnalsi rint edition Setember Flegar V ekli so: “adeča se ištola” Večer oember httpalobaloblogspotcom accessed ne httpsiblogscom accessed Febrary httptomaflegarsi accessed March čić L reet Loink raiskoalec sletnih držbenih ormo eremičnine lahko tdi a daset let določio ašo oklicno in staralno ot elo Sobotna riloga ne – – – reet Loink raiskoalec sletnih držbenih ormo anašne gglane titane in esbkane se bo očasi skrilo noe oblike držena in ostalo nego sestani del elo Sobotna riloga ne Lorenci Preščati dobra odeta lastnikom i tine rostoolno bre otrebe e norost bre rimere ladina ly Mekina nter: regor olobič minister in renoitel ladina May Lar M nenik: Vse e mogoče se doseglio Mea e ebo elo Sobotna riloga ne Magdalenc L ool materiala a roman Sobotna riloga elo March – – – Sloenski trentek časa: totalna lada neoksa in kiča elo Sobotna riloga March Snežič Šolsko ole branimo tdi red lenilci inter gorem Lkšičem Večer Agst Škrinar and P olšek acionalna TV bo ostala ana inter Mado Širca elo Sobotna riloga Agst Škrinar Okralenih nog če re oire elo Sobotna riloga March DOI: 10.4312/elope.8.1.51-61 Alenka Vrbinc university of Llana Faclty of econoics Slovenia Macrostrctral Treatment o Mltiord Leical tems Summary he paper discusses the macrostructural treatment of multi-word lexical items in mono- and bilingual dictionaries. First, the classiication of multi-word lexical items is presented, and special attention is paid to the discussion of compounds – a speciic group of multi-word lexical items that is most commonly aforded headword status but whose inclusion in the headword list may also depend on spelling. hen the inclusion of multi-word lexical items in monolingual dictionaries is dealt with in greater detail, while the results of a short survey on the inclusion of ive randomly chosen multi-word lexical items in seven English monolingual dictionaries are presented. he proposals as to how to treat these ive multi-word lexical items in bilingual dictionaries are presented in the section about the inclusion of multi-word lexical items in bilingual dictionaries. he conclusion is that it is most important to take the users’ needs into consideration and to make any dictionary as user friendly as possible. Key words: macrostructure, multi-word lexical items, compounds, monolingual dictionaries, bilingual dictionaries Makrostrktrna obranaa ečbesednih leksikalnih enot Povzetek V prispevku avtorica govori o makrostrukturni obravnavi večbesednih leksikalnih enot v eno-in dvojezičnih slovarjih. Najprej predstavi klasiikacijo večbesednih leksikalnih enot in nameni posebno pozornost zloženkam – posebni skupini večbesednih leksikalnih enot, ki jim je najpogosteje dodeljen status iztočnice, vendar je njihovo vključevanje v geslovnik odvisno tudi od njihovega zapisa. Nato avtorica podrobneje obravnava vključevanje večbesednih leksikalnih enot in predstavi rezultate kratke raziskave o vključevanju petih naključno izbranih večbesednih leksikalnih enot v sedem angleških enojezičnih slovarjev. V poglavju o vključevanju večbesednih leksikalnih enot v dvojezične slovarje predlaga načine obravnave istih petih večbesednih leksikalnih enot v dvojezičnih slovarjih. V zaključku povzame, da je najpomembneje upoštevati potrebe uporabnikov in sestaviti slovar na način, ki je uporabnikom kar najbolj prijazen. Ključne besede: makrostruktura, večbesedne leksikalne enote, zloženke, enojezični slovarji, dvojezični slovarji Macrostrctral Treatment o Mltiord Leical tems 1. Introduction “hey that take a dictionary into their hands, have been accustomed to expect from it a solution of almost every diiculty.” hese are the words of Samuel Johnson, which still hold true today, since dictionary users have high expectations from dictionaries. We all know how bothersome it is to ind that the word we are looking up is not in the dictionary. But is it necessarily so that the word we do not ind is actually not in the dictionary? Is there perhaps a gap between the users’ expectations and the actual inclusion and treatment of various pieces of information in a given dictionary? One of the dilemmas the lexicographer is faced with at the very beginning of work on the dictionary is what to include in the dictionary macrostructure (cf. Cowie 1999; Béjoint 2000; Hartmann 2001; Landau 2001; Jackson 2002; Svensén 2009). Traditionally, the wordlist consisted of single-word lemmas, but modern dictionaries include an increasingly large number of multi-word lexical items featuring as lemmas. How does this afect the dictionary user? Does he/she recognize a string of words as belonging together? If he/she does, does he/she know where to look it up? Is it to be found in the headword list, or within individual entries? he headword list is a list of words. Consequently, we irst have to deine what a word is. he most basic deinition of a word is a group of characters placed together with spaces or punctuation marks before or after (Svensén 2009, 102). But, then, how should we deal with expressions, such as the compound airdrop that can be spelt either solid (airdrop), with a hyphen (air-drop) or as two words (air drop)? Should we treat airdrop and air-drop as one word and air drop as two words? Should we then include airdrop and air-drop in the headword list because they it the above deinition of a word, and treat air drop either in the entry for air and/or in the entry for drop? It is because of these diiculties in deining the word ‘word’ that I will avoid using it and rather use the term ‘lexical item’ to refer to any word, abbreviation, partial word, or phrase which can igure as the lemma in a dictionary. he issues raised in the previous paragraphs will be addressed in this article and solutions will be proposed as to which lexical items should be given headword status in the dictionary. 2. utiord exic Items A study conducted into dictionary use of Slovene learners of English (Vrbinc and Vrbinc 2004) comprising 70 test subjects tested among other things students’ expectations of where in the dictionary they can ind diferent multi-word lexical items (e.g. idioms, phrasal verbs, compounds). he results of the survey clearly show that students do not consider a multi-word lexical item as a lemma, since less than 22 % of the respondents would look up a multi-word lexical item in the headword list. Taking these results into consideration, the question should be raised of what actually constitutes a legitimate dictionary entry and what it is that makes a multi-word lexical item worth including in the macrostructure of any mono- or bilingual dictionary. Before going deeper into discussion about the lexical items that should be given headword status, we should irst take a closer look at a very complex group of multi-word lexical items. Multi-word lexical items are very frequent in a language. According to the XMELLT project, they comprise about 30 % of the lexical stock, which means that no dictionary can ignore this common phenomenon. he inclusion of multi-word lexical items causes problems for compilers and users of mono- and bilingual dictionaries because the question arises of which of the possible entries such lexical items should be placed and found. If we study the principles applied in existing dictionaries, we can see that they vary, which means that the user may have diiculties in inding multi-word lexical items. It is of the utmost importance to ind a consistent procedure and then live up to it in order for the user to know where he/she should expect a certain type of information to be placed in the dictionary (cf. Martin and Al 1990). As multi-word lexical items often pose real problems of identiication, it is necessary to irst determine types of multi-word lexical items. In dictionaries written in the Anglo-American tradition, multi-word lexical items are classiied and treated as ‘phrases’ or ‘idioms’ (depending on the metalinguistic terminology of a particular dictionary). Such items include pure idioms, proverbs, similes, institutionalized metaphors, formulae, sayings, catch phrases, quotations and various other kinds of institutionalized collocation (cf. Moon 1998a, 2–3; Moon 1998b, 79; Atkins and Rundell 2008, 166–72). Apart from these items, phrasal verbs can also be regarded as multi-word lexical items and the same holds true of (transparent) collocations, compound nouns, adjectives and verbs. It has to be stressed that not all multi-word lexical items can be given headword status in a general mono- or bilingual dictionary. Multi-word lexical items that are usually not aforded headword status are: • (transparent) collocations (e.g. sufer a worse fate); they are commonly included as (parts of) examples illustrating use, sometimes given in bold; • idioms, proverbs, similes, institutionalized metaphors, formulae, sayings, catch phrases, quotations (e.g. a hard/tough nut (to crack)); they are commonly included in a special idioms section. Multi-word lexical items that may be given full headword status, but more commonly appear as secondary headwords are phrasal verbs (Atkins and Rundell 2008, 182). his mainly depends on the policy of each individual dictionary. If at all, full headword status was given to phrasal verbs in previous editions of monolingual dictionaries for native speakers (this policy is still adhered to in Collins English Dictionary, 9th edition), but the majority of monolingual dictionaries for native speakers now handle phrasal verbs as secondary headwords appended to the entry for the verb itself (the same as monolingual learner’s dictionaries). Of all the various types of multi-word lexical items, compounds are most commonly aforded headword status. Since compounds are not always easy to identify and since they represent a complex group, a few more words should be dedicated to this speciic group of multi-word lexical items. omonds Compounds of interest to lexicographers belong mainly to three word classes: nouns (e.g. number plate), adjectives (e.g. blood-red) and verbs (e.g. deep-fry). hey may be idiomatic and non-idiomatic. Non-idiomatic compounds (Atkins and Rundell 2008, 169) are semantically transparent, they are spontaneously produced and are found in the corpus data with a high frequency rating. hese are the reasons why they pose few problems to lexicographers and dictionary users. hey are often included as lemmas in English dictionaries primarily due to their heavily institutionalized character (e.g. animal rights, travel agency, tourist oice). On the other hand, if we take, for example, table leg (209 hits in the ukWaC), we can see that it does not have full headword status. It is included as a separate sense of the noun leg (= one of the long thin parts on the bottom of a table, chair, etc. that support it). Idiomatic compounds, on the other hand, are more problematic to identify. hey share a few properties (ibid., 170–1), one of them being frozenness of form. he only change such compounds can undergo is that they can take inlections: e.g. mother igures, letters of credit. Compounds of this type are mostly included as headwords. Another problem connected with compounds is their spelling. hey can be spelt in three ways: solid, with a hyphen or as two words. If a compound is spelt solid, i.e. as a single word and not hyphenated, it is not problematic at all because it can only appear as a headword. he same goes for hyphenated compounds. Compounds spelt as two words may be the most diicult for the user to ind, since he/she may look them up under the irst element, the second element or as a unit included as the headword. he look-up operation mainly depends on the user’s recognition of two words as belonging together, thus forming a compound. If we go back to our example given in the introduction (airdrop, air-drop, air drop), we can see that the three expressions have been formed in an exactly parallel way and the graphic form cannot be held to justify treating them in diferent ways (Svensén 2009, 102). he conclusion is that items of this kind, whether written separately, hyphenated or solid, should be accorded the same lemma status. In connection with this, lexicographers have to decide right at the beginning what form of a certain multi-word lexical item to put in; here, the corpus is indispensable. It has to be stressed that among the many advantages of using a corpus in lexicography, perhaps frequency counts are the most important (cf. Landau 2001, 302–3). If an item has a frequency below a certain value in a large, representative corpus, one can conclude that the item is relatively uncommon and omit it with some degree of conidence. he relative frequency of variants in the spelling of a word can lead one to a decision about what to regard as the lemma or preferred spelling. here are, however, two more criteria (Landau 2001, 358) that have to be taken into consideration when deciding which word to classify as a compound. First, a multi-word lexical item must function like a unit so that its meaning inheres in the whole expression (e.g. guinea pig) rather than in its separate elements. No part of it can be replaced without the loss of its original meaning. he existence of semantically comparable one-word units (e.g. rat, rabbit) is further evidence that guinea pig is a unit. Second, the stress pattern of compounds is usually distinctive, with primary stress on the irst element and very little pause, if any, between the two elements (e.g. blackbird). But the stress is not always a reliable criterion as the stress test does not work with every multiple lexical unit (e.g. safety glass). 3. te Incusion o utiord exic Items in onoingu Dictionries If we closely examine the inclusion of multi-word entries in several monolingual English dictionaries, we can establish that they adopt a diferent policy. Every dictionary includes many phrasal entries that are not lexical items. As Landau (2001, 358) states, encyclopaedic terms, i.e. biographical (e.g. Julius Caesar, Alexander the Great) and geographical (e.g. Julian Alps, United Kingdom) entries, need no elaboration. Less obvious are entries such as Copernican system, listed building or Riemannian geometry which are included principally because the user expects to ind them in a dictionary. In order to study how multi-word lexical items are included, we have randomly chosen ive multi-word lexical items (i.e. old wives’ tale, black and white, New Age traveller, act of God, walk of life) and checked their inclusion in ive leading British learner’s dictionaries (OALD7, LDOCE5, COBUILD5, CALD3 and MED2) and two British dictionaries for native speakers (CED9, ODE2). Here are the results of our survey: OALD7 LDOCE5 COBUILD5 CALD3 MED2 CED9 ODE2 old wives’ tale included in idioms section under the headword old (adjective) included in idioms section under the headword old (adjective) headword status headword status headword status headword status headword status able he inlusion of old ives’ tale in nglish monolingual ditionaries he multi-word lexical item old wives’ tale is given full headword status in the majority of dictionaries under scrutiny and is treated as an idiomatic expression in only two monolingual learner’s dictionaries. OALD7 LDOCE5 COBUILD5 CALD3 MED2 CED9 black and white included in idioms section under the headword black (noun) in the form of three diferent idioms: black and white, in black and white, (in) black and white headword status headword status included as a ‘phrase’1 under black (noun), sense 2 included in idioms section under the headword black (noun) in the form of three diferent idioms: be (down) in black and white, black-and-white, see things in black and white headword status headword status, hyphenated spelling included as an idiom under the headword black-and-white (noun): in black and white ODE2 headword status able he inlusion of blak and hite in nglish monolingual ditionaries he treatment of the multi-word lexical item black and white is similar to that of old wives’ tale in that it is included as a headword in ive out of seven dictionaries. In CED9, the spelling of the headword difers in comparison to the spelling in other dictionaries where it also appears as the headword, since it is spelt as a hyphenated compound. In OALD7 and CALD3, black and white can be found in the idioms section under the headword black (noun) in the form of diferent idioms. Apart from including black and white in the idioms section, CALD3 also treats this item as a separate sense of the noun black (as a kind of ‘phrase’ describing photography that has no colours except black, white and grey). OALD7 LDOCE5 COBUILD5 CALD3 MED2 CED9 ODE2 New Age traveller an example of use in the entry for the adjective New Age (with an explanation in brackets) headword status headword status headword status headword status not included headword status with a cross reference to traveller (noun) able he inlusion of e ge traveller in nglish monolingual ditionaries In the case of New Age traveller, the dictionaries under discussion appear to have reached a consensus on its status, since ive of them include it as a headword. ODE2 does not provide a deinition but only a cross reference to the noun traveller, where New Age traveller is treated as a subsense of the headword. Interestingly, OALD7 includes this multi-word lexical item neither as a headword nor as an idiom, but rather as an example used to illustrate the use of the adjective New Age. It seems that the compilers of this dictionary considered it necessary to explain the meaning of New Age travellers, since an explanation (= people in Britain who reject the values of modern society and travel from place to place, living in their vehicles) is provided in brackets. OALD7 LDOCE5 COBUILD5 CALD3 MED2 act of God included in idioms section under the headword act (noun) included in idioms section under the headword act (noun) headword status an example of use in the entry for act (noun) headword status CED9 headword status ODE2 included in idioms section under the headword act (noun) able he inlusion of at of od in nglish monolingual ditionaries Obviously, the status of act of God is more problematic, since three dictionaries give it full headword status, three include it in the idioms section and one treats it as an example of use under the noun act. OALD7 LDOCE5 COBUILD5 CALD3 MED2 CED9 ODE2 walk of life included in idioms section under the headword walk (noun): a walk of life headword status headword status included in idioms section under the headword walk (noun) included in idioms section under the headword walk (noun): from all walks of life sense 23 of the headword walk (noun): walk of life included as an additional piece of information provided in brackets included in idioms section under the headword walk (verb, noun) able he inlusion of alk of life in nglish monolingual ditionaries he majority of the dictionaries tested include walk of life in the idioms section and only two give it the status of a headword. Interestingly, walk of life can be found in CED9 under the headword walk (noun), sense 23, where the deinition (i.e. a chosen profession or sphere of activity) is followed by the information in brackets (i.e. esp. in the phrase walk of life). As is evident from the results of our short survey, the inclusion of multi-word lexical items difers if we compare diferent dictionaries. Full headword status seems to be preferred in old wives’ tale, black and white and New Age traveller (in ive out of seven dictionaries). A greater degree of uncertainty as to its status can be observed in act of God, since three dictionaries treat it as a headword and three as an idiom, while walk of life is included as an idiom in four dictionaries and as a headword in two. From the point of view of user-friendliness, the treatment of black and white in CALD3 is not the best option, since it makes a distinction between idioms and ‘phrases’, which means that one and the same multi-word lexical item is dealt with in diferent places of the dictionary entry. Consequently, the user is expected to know that multi-word lexical items can have a diferent status in one particular dictionary. he look-up process is more demanding in such cases, since the user must refer to various parts of the dictionary entry. If we compare full headword status and the inclusion of multi-word lexical items in idioms sections, it can be concluded that OALD7 prefers to include and treat them in the idioms section (none of the above-mentioned multi-word lexical items is given headword status). On the contrary, COBUILD5 lists all ive multi-word lexical items as headwords and also MED2 seems to be in favour of the headword status (four out of ive multi-word lexical items). All other dictionaries do not show such great diferences between the headword status and the inclusion as idioms. However, it is diicult to draw any deinitive conclusions on the basis of such a small-scale study. herefore, a further investigation into this matter would be needed to test the validity of the above results. . te Incusion o utiord exic Items in iingu Dictionries It can be seen that the inclusion of multi-word lexical items in monolingual English dictionaries difers, and a question can thus be posed regarding how to include them in a bilingual dictionary. Should the bilingual lexicographer follow the same principles as the monolingual one? In many cases, it is the compiler’s decision where and how to include multi-word lexical items, but this decision has to be based on a careful study of existing monolingual sources and electronic corpora. If we take the multi-word lexical items whose inclusion in monolingual English dictionaries has been discussed in section 3, we can see that in a bilingual English-Slovene dictionary they can be treated in the following way (the examples below are taken from an ongoing project aimed at the compilation of a general English-Slovene dictionary): old wives’ tale sam. stare vraže, babje čenče (plus as an idiom in the entries for other constituent elements with a cross reference to old wives’ tale) black and white prid. 1. črno-bel 2. jasen, očiten IDIOMI (in) black and white črno-belo; in black and white črno na belem (plus as an idiom in the entries for other constituent elements with a cross reference to black and white) New Age traveller sam. (v Veliki Britaniji) kdor zavrača vrednote sodobne družbe in potuje iz kraja v kraj ter živi v vozilu (plus as an idiom in the entries for other constituent elements with a cross reference to New Age traveller) act of God sam. PRAVO višja sila (plus as an idiom in the entries for other constituent elements with a cross reference to act of God) walk of life sam. družbena plast (plus as an idiom in the entries for other constituent elements with a cross reference to walk of life) All of these can be included as headwords, but it is next to impossible to predict whether users will look up a multi-word lexical item as a headword or will simply look up one of the constituent elements of such a lexical item (but which one?). his depends mainly on the user’s ability to recognize a multi-word lexical item as a unit. It is therefore recommendable to approach this problem in a more user-friendly way, i.e. to include such items in two ways: as headwords and as units in the idioms section of the entries for all constituent elements (e.g. old wives’ tale should also be included in the entries for the adjective old and the nouns wife and tale and the appropriate cross references should be provided to guide the user to the entry where such a multi-word lexical item is treated). Including multi-word lexical items as headwords and at the same time as idioms in the idioms section with the cross reference is one possibility, but there are cases where a multi-word lexical item can be given either full headword status or be treated in the entry for one of its constituent elements as a separate sense. For example: • he multi-word lexical item of day is included as a headword: of day sam. POG. slab dan • One of the senses of the adjective of is ‘below the usual standard or rate’ and ‘dan, teden’ (= day, week) can only function as an element of equivalent diferentiation in the form of a collocator (sense 4 in the example below): of prid. 1. (hrana) pokvarjen: go of pokvariti se 2. BRIT., POG. nevljuden, neprijazen, nesramen 3. BRIT., POG. nesprejemljiv 4. (dan, teden) slab 5. (sezona) mrtev Since a lexicographer cannot presuppose where in the dictionary a user will perform a look­up operation, it is sensible to consider the option of including a multi-word lexical item in the idioms section although it cannot be classiied as an idiom according to the phraseological criteria. For example: day sam. … IDIOMI … of day POG. slab dan … If we closely observe the inclusion of hyphenated and non-hyphenated items in the monolingual English learner’s dictionaries, we can see that the treatment varies according to spelling. he hyphenated item appears in the macrostructure as an entry, whereas the same item that is not hyphenated is included in the idioms section. It seems sensible to adopt the same policy when compiling a bilingual English-Slovene dictionary. For example: of-the-cuf prid. iz rokava (when hyphenated, it is included in the macrostructure as an entry) cuf sam. … IDIOMI of the cuf iz rokava (when it is not hyphenated, it is included as an idiom in the entry for cuf, noun) Such a treatment of compounds is recommendable for the sake of user-friendliness as the user may come across diferent spellings of the same expression which also dictate his/her look-up operation. 5. Concusion he lexicographers’ task is the selection and classiication of multi-word lexical items, which should be done in such a way as to ensure that users will have as few problems as possible inding such items in a dictionary. Users may have diiculties with identifying such items already in texts and if they fail to identify them in a text, they cannot successfully look them up in a dictionary. Before starting to compile a dictionary, whether a monolingual or a bilingual one, a decision should be reached as to what multi-word lexical items should be included and how they should be included – in the macrostructure (i.e. as entries in their own right) or in the microstructure (i.e. as idioms in the idioms section or as examples of use) or both, so that subjective judgements of dictionary compilers are minimized entirely and so that such items are treated in a way that is as consistent as possible. For the sake of user friendliness, it may be recommendable to include one and the same multi-word lexical item in two places in a dictionary, although this is a space-consuming policy. he front matter should provide clear instructions as to where these items are included and how they are treated so that users become familiar with the principles of inclusion and consequently, the number of times they look up a multi-word lexical item in a dictionary in a wrong place is reduced to a minimum. iiogrp . Dictionries Anderson S et al eds ollins English ictionar th edn lasgo: arerollins Pblishers E Mayor M ed Longman ictionar of ontemporar English th edn arlo Esse: Pearson Edcation Limited LOE ndell M ed acmillan English ictionar for danced Learners nd edn Oord: Macmillan Edcation ME Sinclair and M lari eds ollins OIL danced Learner’s English ictionar th edn London: arerollins Pblishers OL Soanes and A Steenson eds Oford ictionar of English nd edn Oord: Oord niersity Press OE alter E and oodord eds ambridge danced Learner’s ictionar rd edn ambridge: ambridge niersity Press AL ehmeier S ed Oford danced Learner’s ictionar of urrent English th edn Oord: Oord niersity Press OAL . oter iterture Atkins TS and M ndell The Oford uide to Practical Leicograph Oord: Oord niersity Press éoint odern Leicograph n Introduction Oord: Oord niersity Press oie AP English ictionaries for oreign Learners Histor Oord: Oord niersity Press rosslingal Mltiord Eression Leicons or Langage Technology htt:csassaredideMELLThtml Accessed on oember artmann Teaching and Researching Leicograph arlo: Pearson Edcation Ltd ackson Leicograph n Introduction London e ork: otledge Landa S ictionaries The rt and raft of Leicograph nd edn ambridge: ambridge niersity Press Martin and PF Al serorientation in ictionaries: Proositions n: udaLE ’ Proceedings ed T Magay and igány – daest: Akadémiai iádo Moon a ied Epressions and Idioms in English orpusased pproach Oord: larendon Press Moon b Freencies and Forms o Phrasal Leemes in English n Phraseolog Theor nalsis and pplications ed AP oie – Oord: Oord niersity Press Sensén Handboo of Leicograph The Theor and Practice of ictionaraing ambridge: ambridge niersity Press Vrbinc A and M Vrbinc Langage Learners and Their se o ictionaries: The ase o Sloenia Erfurt Electronic Studies in English httpebdocgdgdeedociaeeseeesehtml DOI: 10.4312/elope.8.1.63-73 Marjeta Vrbinc university of Llana Faclty of arts Slovenia Leicograhic Aroaches to Sense isambigation in Monolingal ictionaries and Eialent ierentiation in ilingal ictionaries Summary he article discusses methods of sense disambiguation in monolingual dictionaries and equivalent diferentiation in bilingual dictionaries. In current dictionaries, sense disambiguation and equivalent diferentiation is presented in the form of speciiers or glosses, collocators or indications of context, (domain) labels, metalinguistic and encyclopaedic information. Each method is presented and illustrated by actual samples of dictionary articles taken from mono-and bilingual dictionaries. he last part of the article is devoted to equivalent diferentiation in bilingual decoding dictionaries. In bilingual dictionaries, equivalent diferentiation is often needed to describe the lack of agreement between the source language (SL) and target language (TL). he article concludes by stating that equivalent diferentiation should be written in the native language of the target audience and sense indicators in a monolingual learner’s dictionary should be words that the users are most familiar with. Key words: sense disambiguation, equivalent diferentiation, monolingual dictionaries, bilingual dictionaries Leksikograski ristoi k raločean omena enoeičnih slo­arih in raločean sloarskih strenic doeičnih sloarih Povzetek Prispevek predstavlja metode razločevanja pomena v enojezičnih slovarjih in razločevanja slovarskih ustreznic v dvojezičnih slovarjih. V sodobne slovarje je razločevanje pomena in razločevanje slovarskih ustreznic vključeno v obliki speciikatorjev ali glos, kolokatorjev ali označevalcev sobesedila, kvaliikatorjev in metalingvističnih in enciklopedičnih informacij. Vsaka metoda je razložena in ilustrirana z dejanskimi primeri slovarskih člankov iz eno- in dvojezičnih slovarjev. Zadnji del prispevka je posvečen razločevanju slovarskih ustreznic v dvojezičnih slovarjih za dekodiranje. V dvojezičnih slovarjih je razločevanje pomena pogosto potrebno v primerih, ko se izhodiščni in ciljni jezik ne ujemata v celoti. V zaključku avtorica ugotavlja, da mora biti za razločevanje slovarskih ustreznic uporabljen materni jezik ciljnega uporabnika, v enojezičnih slovarjih za tujce pa morajo biti za razločevanje pomena uporabljene besede, ki jih uporabniki najverjetneje poznajo. Ključne besede: razločevanje pomena, razločevanje slovarskih ustreznic, enojezični slovarji, dvojezični slovarji Leicograhic Aroaches to Sense isambigation in Monolingal ictionaries and Eialent ierentiation in ilingal ictionaries 1. Introduction One of the problems encountered in (general) lexicography is the problem of polysemy. he question posed by lexicographers is how to tackle polysemy in a way that is most user-friendly. Is it enough to split diferent senses without giving any more detailed information on the meanings themselves? Does information supplied in brackets help dictionary users to ind the sense they are looking for? Is it necessary to make additional information typographically visible? Should the same criteria be observed in short and in long entries? Are the same principles equally suitable for both monolingual and bilingual dictionaries? hese are some of the questions that need to be answered before starting any lexicographic work. he problem of polysemy has been addressed by numerous scholars who deal with lexicography and it is dealt with in all important lexicographic works (cf. Landau 2001; Béjoint 2000; Cowie 1999; Hartmann 2001; Jackson 2002; Svensén 2009). Ascertaining how many senses a lexeme has and in what order to arrange them are diicult decisions for a lexicographer to make, and dictionaries may difer quite markedly in their respective policies. he area of sense disambiguation (also referred to as demarcation of meaning) has an immediate impact on lexicography. If we take, for example, the context surrounding the noun hand as the part of the body at the end of the arm, we can see that it difers from the context surrounding the hand as a part of a clock or watch that points to the numbers. It seems sensible to try to devise principles to distinguish between them. In a bilingual context, the problem of equivalent diferentiation is even more complex, since we are dealing with two diferent languages and only in rare cases does the distribution of meaning coincide exactly. For that reason, it is especially important to describe the lack of agreement between the SL and TL (cf. Svensén 2009, 261–2). his can be done by adding certain distinctive features on the side where the meaning range is wider or the degree of stylistic or other marking is lower. Such comments have an important role in equivalent diferentiation (also called equivalent discrimination) – that is, they provide a more detailed speciication of usage and shades of meaning in order to guide the user towards the correct equivalent. his article is aimed at discussing ways of sense disambiguation in monolingual dictionaries and equivalent diferentiation in bilingual dictionaries – a piece of information present in all modern dictionaries and an element that helps the user to locate the information he/she is looking for. 2. sense Dismigution nd euient Dierentition in existing Dictionries Modern dictionaries use several means of sense disambiguation and equivalent diferentiation. A more implicit way is the deinition, since the deinition itself often suggests the context (e.g. hand – a person who does physical work on a farm or in a factory; underlined by the author of the contribution). Besides this implicit way of including semantic information, more explicit ways can be found in diferent dictionaries. In mono- as well as bilingual dictionaries, sense indicators (also called sense discriminations by some scholars) are used. Sense indicators can also be referred to as equivalent diferentiation or equivalent discrimination in bilingual dictionaries. hey are realized by speciiers or glosses, collocators or indication of context, (domain) labels and metalinguistic and encyclopaedic information. In sections 2.1, 2.2, 2.3 and 2.4, the above-mentioned techniques used for sense disambiguation and equivalent diferentiation are explained in greater detail. Seciiers or losses Speciiers or glosses (cf. Atkins and Rundell 2008, 214–6; Svensén 2009, 262–3) may consist of expressions having a certain (content-)paradigmatic relationship to the headword whose meaning is to be speciied. hey can contain many diferent types of information, such as superordinates (e.g. wolverine below),1 synonyms, co-hyponyms, typical modiiers and paraphrases (e.g. corridor below). wolverine sam. ZOOL. (sesalec) rosomah, žeruh corridor sam. 1. hodnik, koridor 2. (pas ozemlja) koridor igure Speifiers in a bilingual ditionar In monolingual learners’ dictionaries, speciiers are now used in the form of signposts, guidewords, short cuts or items in a menu (as they are variously called in diferent dictionaries) and are dealt with in detail in section 3. his is the reason for the absence of an example from a bilingual dictionary. 2.2 Cooctors or Indictions o Context Collocators2 or indications of context (cf. Atkins and Rundell 2008, 217–8; Svensén 2009, 263–4) are an entry component and are thought up by lexicographers to help a user choose the appropriate sense of the headword or the appropriate translation equivalent. hey are words that represent a lexical set, i.e. a group of words which belong to the same wordclass and which are similar in meaning. hey show typical textual surroundings of a certain lemma. he grammatical relationship of collocator to headword depends on the wordclass of the lexical unit. For example, collocators of adjectives are usually nouns typically modiied by the headword (e.g. stif below). Te englisSlovene sale entries are taen fro an ongoing roect aied at te coilation of a general englisSlovene dictionary Collocators st not e confsed it collocates ords it significant cooccrrence freencies in corora head ... noun ... OF RIVER 10 [sing.] the ~ of the river the place where a river begins SYN  source OF TABLE 11 [sing.] the ~ of the table the most important seat at a table: he President sat at the head of the table. ... OALD7: 716–17 massive ... adj 1 (of objects) large in mass; bulky, heavy, and usually solid ... 5 geology a (of igneous rocks) having no stratiication, cleavage, etc; homogeneous b (of sedimentary rocks) arranged in thick poorly deined strata ... CED9: 1002 stif1 prid. 1. trd: his drawer is very stif. Ta predal se zatika. 2. (izpit, vzpon) težek 3. (nasprotovanje, konkurenca) hud 4. (kazen) strog 5. tog 6. POG. (cena) (zelo) visok, pretiran 7. (veter, alkoholna pijača) močen … igure amples shaded pinpoint olloators omain Labels Domain labels are one of the most common methods used for sense disambiguation. fractional … adjective 1 (formal) very small; not fractional prid. 1. KNJIŽ. neznaten, important SYN  MINIMAL: a fractional decline in earnings malenkosten 2. MAT. ulomkov, ulomljen 2 (mathematics) of or in fractions: a fractional equation OALD7: 614 igure amples illustrating domain labels Metalingistic and Encycloaedic normation Metalinguistic information is provided by part-of-speech labelling which has an evident diferentiating function (cf. Svensén 2009, 265). round ... adjective ... round1 … prid. okrogel … 1 shaped like a circle or a ball: a round plate . hese glasses round2 … prisl. 1. krožno, v krogu 2. okrog, suit people with round faces. . he fruit are small and round. naokrog: a tree measuring 40 cms round drevo . Rugby isn’t played with a round ball. ... 2 having a curved z obsegom 40 cm 3. POG. sem, tja, h komu … shape: the round green hills of Donegal . round brackets (= in round3 … sam. 1. krog, runda 2. ŠPORT writing) . She had a small mouth and round pink cheeks. partíja 3. ŠPORT krog: qualifying rounds ... kvaliikacije 4. niz, serija: the daily round adverb (especially BrE) (NAmE usually around) ... 1 moving vsakdanjik 5. obhod: be (out) on one’s in a circle: Everybody joins hands and dances round. . How do rounds biti na hišnih obiskih; ward round you make the wheels go round? ... 2 measuring or marking the vizita 6. runda (tudi ŠPORT): It’s my round. edge or outside of sth: a young tree measuring only 18 inches Naslednjo rundo plačam jaz. 7. BRIT. (cel) round . hey’ve built a high fence all round to keep intruders kos (kruha): Who’s for another round of toast? out. Kdo bo še en opečenec? 8. BRIT. sendvič ... iz dveh kosov kruha 9. samo edn. stegno 10. kolesce, kolešček 11. round of applause preposition (especially BrE) (NAmE usually around) 1 in a aplavz, ploskanje; round of cheers vzklikanje, circle: the irst woman to sail round the world . he earth pozdravljanje 12. strel: ire several rounds at moves round the sun. 2 on, to or from the other side of sth: sb večkrat ustreliti proti komu 13. naboj 14. Our house is round the next bend. . here she is, coming round GLAS. kanon … the corner. ... round4 … predl. 1. okrog, okoli: a way round the problem način za rešitev problema 2. za: noun ... come round the corner priti izza vogala 3. po 4. STAGE IN PROCESS 1 a set of events which form part glede na potrebe/želje koga … of a longer process: the next round of peace talks . the inal round5 … gl. 1. peljati/iti okoli: round a bend round of voting in the election zvoziti ovinek 2. zaokrožiti 3. zaobliti 4. (oči) IN SPORT 2 a stage in a sports competition: the qualifying na široko odpreti … rounds of the National Championships . Hewitt was knocked out of the tournament in the third round. ... verb 1 [vn] to go around a corner of a building, a bend in the road, etc.: he boat rounded the tip of the island. . We rounded the bend at high speed. 2 to make sth into a round shape; to form into a round shape: [vn] She rounded her lips and whistled. . [v] His eyes rounded with horror.  ... OALD7: 1324–25 igure Shaded eamples sho part-of-speeh labelling Apart from part-of-speech labelling, metalinguistic equivalent diferentiation consists of explicit constructional information or notes. For example: government ... noun 1 [C+sing./pl. v.] (often the Government) (abbr. govt) the group of people who are responsible for controlling a country or a state: to lead/form a government . the last Conservative government . the government of the day . Foreign governments have been consulted about this decision. . She has resigned from the Government. . he Government has/have been considering further tax cuts. . government policies/oicials/ministers . a government department/agency/grant . government expenditure/intervention ... OALD7: 672 government sam. 1. vlada: government forces vladne sile 2. samo edn. vlada, vladanje: be in government vladati 3. JEZ. vezava, rekcija RABA Edninsko obliko samostalnika government lahko v prvem pomenu uporabljamo z glagolom v ednini ali v množini. Glagol v ednini uporabimo, če imamo v mislih vlado kot celoto (npr. he new government does not have popular support.), glagol v množini pa uporabimo v primeru, ko imamo v mislih posamezne člane vlade (npr. he government are planning further cuts in public spending.). Ta razlika velja samo v britanski angleščini. V ameriški angleščini edninski obliki samostalnika government lahko sledi samo glagol v ednini (npr. he government says it is committed to tax reform.). Kadar z edninsko obliko samostalnika government uporabljamo glagol v ednini, mora biti tudi zaimek, ki se nanj nanaša, v ednini (npr. he government says it is committed to tax reform.), kadar pa uporabljamo glagol v množini, mora biti tudi zaimek v množini (npr. he government have made up their minds that they’re going to win.). igure Metalinguisti euivalent differentiation in the form of epliit onstrutional information Encyclopaedic information3 is useful when dealing with culture-speciic items. For example: the FTSE Index … the Financial Times Stock Exchange Index: an average of the prices of shares from the 100 most important companies on the London stock exchange MED2: 605 FT-SE 100 Index sam. krajšava za Financial Times Stock Exchange 100 Index EKON. borzni indeks londonske borze (ki ga Financial Times izračuna na podlagi delnic 100 velikih podjetij) gallon sam. galona (= 4,5 litra v Veliki Britaniji, 3,8 litra v ZDA): My car does 35 miles to the gallon. Moj avto porabi 8 litrov bencina na 100 km. igure nlopaedi information in ulture-speifi items 3. speci eture sed or sense Dismigution in onoingu erners’ Dictionries A feature relatively newly introduced into monolingual learners’ dictionaries to aid users with the disambiguation of polysemous items is called signposts (LDOCE5), guidewords (CALD3), short cuts (OALD7) or items in a menu (MED2, COBUILD5). he diference between signposts, guidewords and short cuts on the one hand and menus on the other is that signposts, guidewords and short cuts are placed at the beginning of deinitions within entries, whereas menus are placed at the top of entries. hey all give the core meanings of highly polysemous words. None of the ive dictionaries under scrutiny use the two devices conjointly. A comparison between encycloaedic inforation can tae varios fors sc as encycloaedic notes encycloaedic laelling an encycloaedic section or illstrations Freently it is realied y field or sfield laels or y eans of sort rases tat erfor te fnction of sense disaigation in onolingal dictionaries or eivalent differentiation in ilingal dictionaries in cases of olysey of corse the previous editions of LDOCE and COBUILD and the current editions shows that the two dictionaries have inverted their strategies: LDOCE has abandoned the combined use of menus and signposts in favour of signposts alone, while COBUILD has replaced signposts by menus. A signpost4 is a particular type of speciier which is increasingly used in monolingual learners’ dictionaries. Signposts help the users to make mental connections with the word in the context in which they have encountered it. Signposts do not replace the full deinition, but rather form a quick menu for the user’s eye to scan. hey guide the user quickly to the meaning he/she wants and are often realized by a synonym or paraphrase of the headword (pool, OALD7, senses 1, 4 and 5) but may also ofer a superordinate of the headword (pool, OALD7, sense 6) or an indication of the domain or subject matter (pool, OALD7, sense 7). For example: pool ... noun, ... FOR SWIMMING 1 [C] = SWIMMING POOL: Does the hotel have a pool? . relaxing by the pool OF WATER 2 [C] a small area of still water, especially one that has formed naturally: freshwater pools . a rock pool (= between rocks by the sea) OF LIQUID/LIGHT 3 [C] ~ (of sth) a small amount of liquid or light lying on a surface: he body was lying in a pool of blood. . a pool of light GROUP OF THINGS/PEOPLE 4 [C] ~ (of sth) a supply of things or money that is shared by a group of people and can be used when needed: a pool of cars used by the irm’s sales force . a pool car 5 [C] ~ (of sth) a group of people available for work when needed: a pool of cheap labour GAME 6 [U] a game for two people played with 16 coloured balls on a table, often in pubs and bars. Players use cues (= long sticks) to try to hit the balls into pockets at the edge of the table: a pool table . to shoot (= play) pool FOOTBALL 7 the pools [pl.] = FOOTBALL POOLS: He does the pools every week. . a pools winner ... OALD7: 1169 pool ... noun ... 1 area of liquid 2 name of game 3 light shining on area 4 competition 5 group someone/something chosen from MED2: 1150 igure Shaded eamples pinpoint signposts L and a menu M It should be pointed out that in many cases the context in which the user has met an unknown word will prompt the choice of signpost. Consequently, users should usually be able to select the right sense paragraph to read fully without having to read all the details in several other paragraphs irst. a signost is a ter sed generically to refer to signosts gideords sort cts or ites in a en as sed in different dictionaries . euient Dierentition in iingu Decoding Dictionr So far, various methods of sense disambiguation in mono- as well as bilingual dictionaries in general have been presented, while monolingual learners’ dictionaries have been dealt with more speciically in the previous section. At this point, I would like to focus on the purposes of the inclusion of equivalent diferentiation in a bilingual dictionary for decoding. Careful indication of the meanings of the word being handled is necessary for various reasons and it is important especially in complicated and complex entries. It may make a look-up process quicker and easier in long entries but very often it is necessary because of partial equivalence, lexical gaps or culture-speciic items. Another dilemma faced by compilers of bilingual dictionaries only is which language to use for sense disambiguation. Is it appropriate to use the source language or the target language of the dictionary? Or should the native language of the user be chosen as the metalanguage of the dictionary, thus also for equivalent diferentiation? hese questions should be answered before starting work on a bilingual dictionary. Without a shadow of a doubt, it is the target users and their needs that are of the utmost importance. Consequently, it can be claimed that the metalanguage should always be the target users’ mother tongue. I would now like to present some sample entries from a bilingual English-Slovene dictionary intended for decoding purposes. All these entries employ at least one method of equivalent diferentiation but very often several of the types of equivalent diferentiation will have to cooperate in order for the desired result to be achieved. Equivalent diferentiation is used in highly polysemous entries. he primary purpose of equivalent diferentiation is to help the user quickly identify the translation equivalent that its his/her context. Equivalent diferentiation can be included in the form of indications of context: natural prid. 1. naraven 2. (človek) rojen 3. (lastnost) prirojen 4. (sin, hči) roden, pravi 5. GLAS. (ton) z razvezajem, z vračajem 6. ZASTAR. nezakonski igure uivalent differentiation in the form of indiations of ontet and domain labels In sense 2, the indication of context implies that this sense is restricted to a person, sense 3 to a characteristic, sense 4 to a son or daughter and sense 5 to a tone. Indications of context may indicate typical referents or reference domains. Apart from the indication of context, the domain labels (GLAS. = MUSIC, ZASTAR. = ARCHAIC) are used and sense 5 illustrates equivalent diferentiation by cooperation of a domain label and indication of context. he example that follows illustrates the entry for nanny goat, whose translation equivalent in Slovene is koza. he noun koza is a polysemous word in Slovene (in the Dictionary of Standard Slovene it has 5 senses) and the gloss in brackets that precedes the translational equivalent tells the user that in this particular case it refers to a female goat – a piece of information that is helpful even though it is perhaps not absolutely necessary if we take into account that the user comes across the word in context. nanny goat sam. (samica) koza igure loss narroing don the speifi sense of the L polsemous ord here are several common types of gloss, i.e., a (near) synonym of the lemma, a short paraphrase of the particular (sub-)sense of the lemma, a hyperonym of the lemma or a typical hyponym. In the above example, the gloss used is a hyperonym of the lemma. he same holds true of sense 1 (woman, mother) of the sample entry below (old woman), whereas the gloss provided in sense 2 (cowardly man) is an example of a short paraphrase. old woman sam. POG. 1. (žena, mati) stara 2. SLABŠ. (strahopeten moški) baba igure losses in the form of a hperonm and short paraphrase Very often, indications of context suggest possible collocations (cf. lay, senses 2–6, 8–10). Another factor that has to be highlighted is that one sense in a monolingual dictionary does not necessarily correspond to one sense in a bilingual dictionary. For example, lay may be deined as ‘to put sth down, especially on the loor, ready to be used’ (OALD7, sense 2). he examples of use that illustrate this particular sense are: to lay a carpet/cable/pipe • he foundations of the house are being laid today. • (igurative) hey had laid the groundwork for future development. he collocates (carpet/ cable/pipe, foundations, groundwork) of the English lemma produce quite diferent Slovene translations because of collocational requirements in Slovene. We can see that the irst example is translated by means of the verb položiti (sense 1), whereas the second and the third ones are translated in the same way, i.e. as postaviti (sense 3). lay gl. 1. položiti 2. (miza) pripraviti 3. (temelj) postaviti 4. KNJIŽ. (breme, odgovornost) naložiti 5. (zakon) predložiti 6. KNJIŽ. (strah) premagati 7. staviti 8. SL. položiti (žensko) 9. (jajce) leči, znesti, nesti 10. (ogenj) podkuriti, narediti igure ndiations of ontet suggesting possible olloations It is helpful for users to include additional information in some entries (e.g., nouns denoting animals) although this is already a piece of information that can be regarded as an encyclopaedic one. But in this way the user quickly learns more about the lemma (e.g. anchovy is a ish (= riba) rather than a mammal, bird, snake, etc.). anchovy sam. ZOOL. (riba) inčun igure nlopaedi information in nouns denoting animals Encyclopaedic information is also necessary in culture-speciic items where the concept of the SL lemma is unknown to the TL speaker. For example: LAAE 1 gallon sam. galona (= 4,5 litra v Veliki Britaniji, 3,8 litra v ZDA): My car does 35 miles to the gallon. Moj avto porabi 8 litrov bencina na 100 km. igure nlopaedi information in ulture-speifi items he encyclopaedic information in brackets following the translation equivalent tells the users that, irstly, there is a diference between this unit for measuring liquid in Great Britain and in the USA, and, secondly, the users learn the unit of measurement it equals. Similarly, encyclopaedic information is provided in some other culture-speciic items. he translation equivalents ofered in the entries National League and Sally Army can certainly be used in context, but the encyclopaedic information helps the users who are not familiar with what the National League (i.e. one of the two leagues in the United States-based professional Major League Baseball organization) and the Sally Army (i.e. the international Christian organization that helps the poor) are to understand the meaning of these two entries. National League sam. Nacionalna liga (= ena izmed dveh bejzbolskih lig v ZDA) Sally Army sam. the Sally Army POG. Odrešitvena vojska (= mednarodna krščanska organizacija, ki pomaga revnim) igure nlopaedi information ruial for the understanding of the ulture-speifi lemma A kind of encyclopaedic information may also be represented by diferent symbols (e.g. a symbol used in email addresses) shown in brackets after the translation equivalent. at2 sam. RAČ. afna (@) igure nlopaedi information in the form of a smbol As has been seen from the above examples, diferent ways of equivalent diferentiation are a powerful force in matching equivalents across languages, and therefore including diferent types of equivalent diferentiation are an absolute must in bilingual dictionaries. 5. Concusion he function of sense indicators and equivalent diferentiation is to guide the user to the appropriate sense in a monolingual dictionary and to the appropriate translation equivalent in a bilingual dictionary, respectively. For this reason, they are an indispensable part of a dictionary entry, especially a dictionary entry consisting of several senses or providing several translation equivalents, since they enable the user to ind the right sense or the right translation equivalent more quickly. he lexicographers should strive to provide short but informative sense indicators. If sense indicators are used (e.g. in a monolingual learner’s dictionary), they should be those words with which users are probably most familiar. If they are used in a bilingual dictionary to disambiguate diferent translation equivalents, they should be written in the native language of the target audience, since the users will immediately know which type of equivalent diferentiation guides them to the correct translation equivalent of the headword. iiogrp . Dictionries Anderson S et al eds ollins English ictionar th edn lasgo: arerollins Pblishers E Mayor M ed Longman ictionar of ontemporar English th edn arlo Esse: Pearson Edcation Limited LOE ndell M ed acmillan English ictionar for danced Learners nd edn Oord: Macmillan Edcation ME Sinclair and M lari eds ollins OIL danced Learner’s English ictionar th edn London: arerollins Pblishers OL alter E and oodord eds ambridge danced Learner’s ictionar rd edn ambridge: ambridge niersity Press AL ehmeier S ed Oford danced Learner’s ictionar of urrent English th edn Oord: Oord niersity Press OAL . oter iterture Atkins TS and M ndell The Oford uide to Practical Leicograph Oord: Oord niersity Press éoint odern Leicograph n Introduction Oord: Oord niersity Press oie AP English ictionaries for oreign Learners Histor Oord: Oord niersity Press artmann Teaching and Researching Leicograph arlo: Pearson Edcation Ltd ackson Leicograph n Introduction London e ork: otledge Landa S ictionaries The rt and raft of Leicograph nd edition ambridge: ambridge niersity Press Sensén Handboo of Leicograph The Theor and Practice of ictionaraing ambridge: ambridge niersity Press II. LITERATURE DOI: 10.4312/elope.8.1.77-87 uka ičar university of Llana Faclty of arts Slovenia Literatre o Scotland and Sloenia: From eoltion to Postdeoltion rom Socialism to ndeendence and eyond Summary his article looks at the situation of nationalism and literature in both Scotland and Slovenia in the 1980s and onward until the present day. In the case of Scotland the focus is on the devolution process and the literary renaissance which followed the failed referendum. he focus is also on the post-devolution literature and the challenges it faces both in terms of retrospect and the future challenges. In Slovenia in the 1980s the main points are the role of literature and culture in the process of democratisation and the reimagining of literature to relect on the new situations. During this process comparisons as well as diferences between both nations are revealed and some are speciically pointed out. Finally, there are certain concepts of how literature can advance and also hinder the development of a nation, which should be taken into consideration in the future developments. Key words: Scotland, Slovenia, Devolution, Post-devolution, Nova revija, Mladina, Independence, Minority Literature Literatra škotske in Sloenie: Od deolcie do ostdeolcie od socialima do neodisnosti ter nare Povzetek Članek skuša vzeti v obzir stanje na Škotskem in v Sloveniji od osemdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja do dandanašnjih dni. V primeru Škotske smo pozornost posvetili procesu devolucije in literarni renesansi, ki je sledila neuspelemu referendumu. Tu je še poudarek na literaturi post-devolucije in izzivi, s katerimi se sooča, tako v smislu retrospektive kot tudi prihodnjih izzivov. Ko gre beseda o Sloveniji v osemdesetih so glavni poudarki na vlogi literature in kulture v procesu demokratizacije ter ponovnem osmišljanju literature, da ustrezno odseva novonastale situacije. Skozi ta proces se razkrijejo nekatere primerjave kot tudi razlike med obema narodoma. Na koncu je vplogled še v nekatere idejne zasnove, ki bi jih veljajo podrobneje raziskati. Ključne besede: Škotska, Slovenija, devolucija, post-devolucija, Nova revija, Mladina, neodvisnost, manjšinska literatura Literatre o Scotland and Sloenia: From eoltion to Postdeoltion rom Socialism to ndeendence and eyond 1. Introduction he United Kingdom and Yugoslavia in the nineteen eighties – both can be described as a collective of nations, cultures and identities packed into an overarching super-state. In the case of Yugoslavia it was a Socialist Federal Republic, while the United Kingdom remains a constitutional monarchy. he intent of this article is to focus on only two parts of these super­states, namely Scotland and Slovenia, and to deal with a speciic situation and time period, where literature, or culture in general, met with a political situation. hese situations will be analysed and put into perspective from the viewpoint of both Slovenia and Scotland, while dealing with speciic elements unique to each, which will be compared when so appropriate. Initially it may seem like a long stretch to compare two nations which at irst glance seem so unalike and indeed were in diferent political situations at the time. he core of the perceived problem, however, was quite the same in both Slovenia and Scotland. hat problem was – and perhaps still is – how to maintain a national identity and culture in a country which is primarily opposed to such an idea, since one of the main points of its existence is to promote the idea of a single nation, more often than not quite irrespective of the personal aims of some of the people living therein. In Yugoslavia it was to be Yugoslavian, irrespective of the fact that the person originated from Serbia, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina or Slovenia. In the United Kingdom it was to be British, regardless of which part of the Kingdom or its colonies the person came from. Literature is a strong pillar in any state, one which tries to preserve or empower its national identity and, therefore, also one which is often pressured or sometimes even misused to that very end. In the irst part of this paper, the focus is on Scotland, from a political and cultural viewpoint; this it will be followed by the situation in Yugoslavia and Slovenia. he inal part deals with similarities but also unique elements of both, including the concluding thoughts. 2. Deoution nd ostdeoution in scotnd Devolution was an ongoing process in Scotland, Ireland and also Wales, the main idea was to slowly decentralise the government in Westminster and in the process grant more independence to various parts of the United Kingdom. he referendum on devolution in Scotland took place in 1979 and failed. Even though the majority was in favour, the devil was in the details, a clause added to the bill made all the diference. Peter Kravitz, the editor of he Picador Book of Contemporary Scottish Literature, explains it in a nutshell: In March 1979 the people of Scotland were asked whether they wanted their own parliament separate from England. he majority said yes. However, a last minute clause added to the bill stated that 40 per cent of the total electorate had to be in favour. his took non-voters to be saying no. Governments get elected on less. (Kravitz 1997) hrough this failure, Scottish national politics took a serious blow. he political option essentially failed Scotland or at least that was the general thought at the time. his, however, proved to be an opportunity for literature to experience a so called renaissance. he Irish-Scottish writer Donal McLaughlin, who himself experienced this period in the fullest, has this to say on the situation: he renaissance, it is often suggested, had its root in political setbacks. In the wake of both the failed referendum on devolution in March 1979 & Margaret hatcher becoming Prime Minister in May that year, Scotland’s writers – like their ilm-maker, painter & musician colleagues – invested in their art, rather than succumb to the double whammy delivered by the political arena. he very considerable fruits of the artists’ response to this state of afairs soon gave rise to the theory that Scotland had achieved cultural (if not political) independence. Politics, Cairns Craig even suggested, had been reduced to a mere side-show in Scotland. (McLaughlin 2008, 4) Literature replaced politics in Scotland’s most desperate time of need. Scotland approached identity-building from the viewpoint of culture and to form an opposition to the predominantly British concept of the unity of all the nations living within Great Britain. While Scotland has had a great number of turbulent times throughout history it also produced some of the most well known and inest writers in the world. When one mentions Conan Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes, with his famous lodgings in 221B Baker Street in London, Scotland somehow does not seem to it in the picture. Sir Walter Scott’s Ivanhoe deals with Saxon noble families and the protagonist, William of Ivanhoe, is also Saxon. R.L. Stevenson’s Treasure Island tells of the high seas and exotic locations. Of course, they also wrote about Scotland – many of Sir Walter Scott’s novels take place in Scotland, Robert Louis Stevenson’s famous novel Kidnapped is also set in Scotland and yet these Scottish authors published mostly in England. he reasons for that are fairly simple, England, more speciically London, was the cultural centre. he British Empire stretched across the globe and the idea of being British was heavily advertised. “he two largest nations, Scotland and England, came together in 1707, but as commentators are becoming acutely aware this did not result in a British civil society” (Morton 1999, 6). his union was a political construct, and to project the sense of ‘unity’, Crawford explains: To play a full part, Scottish people would have to move from using Scots to using English, an English, which was fully acceptable to the dominant partner in the political union. his English, it was argued, both had to replace Scots and had to be purged of what we would now call ‘markers of Scottish cultural diference’, purged of Scotticisms. he growing wish for a ‘pure’ English in eighteen century Scotland was not an anti-Scottish gesture, but a pro-British one. If Britain were to work as a political unit, then Scots should rid themselves of any elements, likely to impede their progress within it. Language, the most important of bonds, must not be allowed to hinder Scotland’s intercourse with expanding economic and intellectual markets in the freshly deined British state. (Crawford 2001, 18) Language, and through it literature, were subjected to the idea of unity. here were, however, also other factors, which helped promote the idea of being British. his continued well into the twentieth century: he Second World War had witnessed the extensive use of government propaganda to shore up British identity and the fact that half a million Scots were integrated with other individuals from the United Kingdom in the armed forces helped reinforce a sense of Britishness. he English were no longer stereotypes or caricatures, but serving comrades, and the fact that many Scots were stationed in England helped to introduce them to their fellow-countrymen and –women. (Finlay 2002, 8-9) After 1979, the failed referendum and the rise of Margaret hatcher, “which seemed then to be cementing Scotland’s subnational status for good” (Schoene 2007, 8), there were also positive results as it “only induced the Scottish People to pull in more closely together and develop a more clearly deined and morally superior sense of national identity” (ibid., 8). his brought about the renaissance of Scottish literature. Schoene also refers to this literature as the ‘devolutionary Scottish writing’, and it encompasses the works which were produced and published in the time period between the two referendums, the irst one, which failed in 1979, and the second successful referendum in 1997. his was the period saw the works of authors such as Ian Crichton Smith, William McIlvanney, James Kelman, Janice Galloway and many others. hey sought to put Scottish literature and Scotland on the world map, strengthen the Scottish identity and create a distinctive voice, the voice of Scotland. With themes that dealt with the troubles of the common people, often set in bleak suburban settings, these authors “challenge limits of language, gender, received history, and authority, be it in law, education, religion. Scottish iction – and indeed Scottish writing generally – is now more varied in mood, more eclectic, and more willing to challenge Scotland’s traditional beliefs and values than ever before” (Giford 2002, 980). If the period of devolutionary Scottish writing was marked by an empowerment of the Scottish identity through the use of colloquial language, Gaelic expressions, local colour and situations speciic to Scotland, there is also usually an opposing thought. he dangers of nationalism, which include also the fact that literature can become limited and that the scope in which it can operate “was always, of necessity, politically informed, or at least it was received and critiqued that way, and only considered a success if it made – or could be construed as making – some kind of case for Scotland” (Schoene 2007, 7). his raises the question of self-censorship. If the literary works authors produce are automatically judged against certain restrictions or prerequisites, even if these are merely presupposed, would they not cause the authors to gravitate towards operating within those limits? Schoene dedicates a large part of his text to this very question or whether the literature that was produced during the period of devolutionary Scottish writing had a speciic purpose of promoting Scottishness and if that role is in some ways fulilled by reintroducing the Scottish Parliament in 1999 and a successful transfer of power from Westminster to Edinburgh, what becomes of literature and can it be freed from the burden of nationalism? “Clearly, one task for critics of contemporary Scottish literature is to determine whether after devolution ‘Scottishness’ still remains a useful quality marker, viable identity descriptor, or suitable criterion for gauging the canonical eligibility of an author or text” (ibid., 8). Schoene then refers to literature produced after 1999 as the post-devolutionary Scottish writing. his kind of shift was anticipated by other authors in the past. Giford predicts it in Scottish Literature in English and Scots: “Perhaps a necessary part of this will be that Scottish writers become less ‘Scottish’ and that their writing will take on a ‘post-nationalist’ tone. If that is a feature that Scottish writers will share with other world writers, and if it is combined with an awareness of the past, then it is a development to be welcomed” (Giford 2002, 1000). One of the more signiicant elements in the post-devolutionary Scottish writing is the input and creativity of various ethnic groups within Scotland. Numerous works are being created by writers who come from intermixed ethnic backgrounds and communities, since modern Scotland is deinitely multi-ethnic. hey ofer a wider range of what post-devolutionary Scottish literature can be, a literature that is not limited to being ‘nationalistic’, by incorporating their experiences and perceptions of the world they live in and also by relecting the social aspects that cannot be covered by, as Giford states, the members of the traditional Scottish community. Schoene elaborates further: Scottish nationalism has efectively ceased to be a minoritarian counterdiscourse, raising manifold questions regarding Scotland’s internal interdependencies and alliances. Post-devolution Scotland evidently holds postethnic potential mainly due to its relatively lexible views on what constitutes a Scottish person, as detailed by its civic citizenship legislation, which values an individual’s choice of residency as highly as their familial descent. (Schoene 2007, 10) Literature in Scotland gains new strengths and becomes more eclectic as the voices of these minorities are heard. It also helps to move the Scottish literature away from a period, which was limiting in its scope and served only a certain purpose. Writers, such as Jackie Kay, of Scottish-Nigerian descent, Eugenie Fraser, a Russian Scottish writer, Raymond Soltysek, David Daiches and many others are just a few of these emerging voices which will carry on the literature of Scotland in the new millennia. Suhayl Saadi tells us in his Ininite Diversity in New Scottish Writing: We are dealing with people who have never known anything other than a multicultural society (and I’m talking here about Scottish writers from both Majority and Minority Ethnic groups). Scotland has actually always been a polyglot – but today perhaps it is simply that it is more visibly so. In a way, it’s a kind of collective identity crisis. Scots are a minority ethnic group within Britain. he English are a Minority Ethnic group in Scotland. We are all Minority Ethnic communities in the world. (Saadi 2010) Contemporary literature seems to be holding its own as the turbulent years of the previous century have passed by; numerous young writers continue to emerge and contribute to the Scottish literature cannon. Looking for new challenges and new opportunities, Scottish literature tries to rise over the self imposed boundaries of devolutionary writing and is trying to rediscover its most basic premises of representing Scotland in all its forms in the contemporary world. Yet there are some who look at the critical side of devolution. “Following devolution, both Scottish critics and creative writers began to issue reminders that Scotland’s assumed moral superiority as a victim of historical circumstances must not be permitted to persist uninterrogated” (Schoene 2007, 2). Schoene continues to elaborate that Scotland’s part in the British imperial enterprises, such as colonisation or complicity in the slave trade as is disclosed in the award-winning novel Joseph Knight (2003) by James Robertson. here is also the fact that too many perceive devolution as simply a matter of Scotland, the Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland and Wales while many forget that England is also a part of the puzzle. One of the fears is that devolution might exculpate the former British nations of historical accountability for colonial violence. Last but not least, there is the fact of long historical and economic ties of Scotland with England. Post-devolution brings responsibilities along with more freedom. 3. rom ugosi to soeni Slovenia oicially declared independence in June 1991. While Slovenia in the onset of the eighties was still a part of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, two events took place which shook the social circumstances on which Yugoslavia was based. Since literature was an inherent part of the social situation, it also had an impact on literary communications. he two events were the death of Edvard Kardelj in 1979, the main ideologist of communism in Yugoslavia, and the death of Josip Broz-Tito in 1980, Marshal of Yugoslavia. As discussed by Marko Juvan in his article Iz 80. v 90. Leta: slovenska literatura, postmodernizem, postkomunizem in nacionalna država1, it signiied the collapse of the two main ideologies which were presented in the ideology of market socialism and its myth of a unique type of socialism and the ideology of south-Slav brotherhood, unity and equality. heir charisma and presence in the consciousness of the people in Yugoslavia and their status as symbols of unity presented the main ties that bound the nations within the federation, and with their demise these ties began to loosen. One of the things that followed was the pull towards centralisation. In order to salvage the sinking ship that was Yugoslavia, centralisation was supposed to strengthen the failing concept of unity and lessen the harsh rhetoric between nations. he consequence of such actions was that, as these concepts alluded to the solidarity of the working classes, they would also extend to the cultural and educational spheres. he idea was to have uniied educational centres, which would present a uniied curriculum of literature within Yugoslavia. his meant an unfair situation in which Slovenian pupils would have a signiicantly reduced amount of Slovene literature in their curriculums. An additional problem was the heavy taxation. “Slovenia, a republic within which lived 8.5 percent of the whole Yugoslavian national body, contributed approximately 20 percent of all its resources, while Belgrade still vehemently reproached it for selishness and abuse of poorer republics” (Balantič 2007).2 hese actions airmed the conviction that existence in such a socialist federation would Fro te s into te s Slovene Literatre ostodernis ostconis and te national State. riginal Slovenian Slovenia relia v ateri e živelo odstota celotnega goslovansega državlansega telesa e v državni roračn risevala ar ooli odstotov vse sredstev Beograd a i e še vedno veeentno očital seičnost in ioriščane revneši reli eventually no longer be possible. he eighties then saw the emergence of authors, intellectuals and collectives, who directed their actions to be more public and socially active and also more provocative. he journal Nova revija (New Review) has its origins in the year 1982. It was published by a collective of liberal and conservative intellectuals. hey were allowed to publish the Nova revija journal after a petition to the authorities of the then Socialist Republic of Slovenia, in which they explained the need for an independent critical journal, which was lacking in the cultural environment at the time. he petition included a letter signed by Tine Hribar, Niko Grafenauer, Andrej Inkret, Svetlana Makarovič, Boris A. Novak and Dimitrij Rupel. Over sixty cultural workers also signed the petition, and it was published in the national daily broadsheet Delo. Still, two years had to pass before the journal could see the light of day. It provided a voice necessary for the intellectuals and authors to express their ideas, which would culminate in the publication of the notorious volume 57 of Nova revija. his issue declared an open proposal of the possibility that Slovenia should become independent as one of the options for the future: In its 57th issue, published under the title Contributions to the Slovenian National Programme, a number of Slovenian writers, poets, lawyers, sociologists and philosophers (mostly belonging to the Heideggerian circle) expressed concern about the ‘crisis’ (a label widely used to describe the situation in Yugoslavia in the 1980s) and discussed options available to the Slovenian nation. (Kramberger et al. 2008, 2) However, there were other publications with a national political agenda in the Socialist Republic of Slovenia. Mladina was one such magazine. It was a magazine of the Slovenian Communist Party youth. In 1982 on the 11th Congress of the Alliance of Socialist Youth of Slovenia a decision came to change Mladina, giving it additional editorial autonomy and it became one of the main oppositions to the regime in Slovenia. It was in a sense an internal opposition, since they originated from the same position and were able to expose political conlicts. In 1984 the emergence of a controversial political art and music collective called NSK, or Neue Slowenische Kunst, added their part to the existing social circumstances. hrough provocative art, which used symbols derived from totalitarian regimes and music produced by arguably the most prominent part of NSK, Laibach, they managed to ridicule and challenge the powers and at the same time reach an audience beyond the boundaries of Yugoslavia. It was typical that the main artistic and political charges of the eighties were discharged especially through activities of the retrograde collective Neue Slowenische Kunst, which, through a uniied creative concept (‘art as a state’), saturated rock music, artistic collages and installations, poster designs, theatre and architecture. NSK, which in the second half of the eighties began a relatively striking march across Europe and the USA, as it was more radical and more total than, for instance, the Russian soc-art. It challenged the oicial party politics (Slovenian and Yugoslavian), scandalised traditional artistic circles and the taste of supporters of modernism.3 (Juvan 1995, 6-7) načilno e tdi da so se oglavitni etniši in olitični naoi let sroščali lasti v deavnosti retrogardistične sine nee sloenisce nst i e enotni stvaralni onceto ‘etnost ot država’ režela roovso glaso liovne olaže in insta he literary and artistic movements in the period of eighties and beginning of nineties were marked by the changes in the social structure, the oncoming democratization of Slovenia and the advent of consumer society. hese afected the perceptions on the role of literature in our society. Marko Juvan puts forward two concepts of ideologies on the roles of Slovenian literature, inherited from the romantic and post-romantic periods, which fell to pieces. he irst one is the concept of domestic literature as “privileged or perhaps even the single institution, which – due to the missing political, economic, jurisdictional and cultural organisational forms – establishes, airms, keeps and develops the ‘non-historical’, stateless nation on the path to its emancipation; writers, not politicians or generals are in this view the nation’s consciousness, visionaries, leaders and victims, who are establishing the community4” (Juvan 1995, 2). he second ideology is the “concept that literature or culture is the only authentic (and relatively tolerated by the authorities) reserve of an individual’s identity and freedom of thought, especially when all other ways of expressing political opinions and unwanted messages are disabled”5 (ibid.). his departure from the old ideologies inescapably brought along the change in roles that authors have in our society. Since there was a direct challenge to the authorities through the referendum on independence and also the irst democratic elections, political content in literature was transposed into direct political discourse. Some of these authors later became co-creators of the new Slovenian state. Drago Jančar is one such example, who as the president of the Slovene PEN centre in the years between 1987 until 1991 made a signiicant contribution to the independence of Slovenia. What about the younger generation of writers? Since the independence of Slovenia, literature had to redeine some of its roles. Due to the loss of a giant market in the former Yugoslavia, which also provided a common pool for intellectuals and authors to meet, publish and share their ideas and works in, there was really only one place to go – west. he west presented – and still represents – a diferent kind of cultural and economic situation. Since Slovenia was now facing democracy and economic liberalisation, some of these efects became evident also in authors and literature. he market is, therefore, necessarily commercialised, dispersed over several smaller publishing houses, but is also becoming more lexible and sensitive to the needs of readers. Due to such circumstances, the young writers especially have well secularised the concept of being an author: they do not comprehend it so much as a mission, but rather as a vocation, a skill, not only of writing, but also of recognition.6 (Ibid., 3) lacie laatno oliovane gledališče in aritetro Sina nS i e v olovici let ačela raeroa odeven ood o evroi in Da sa e ila radialneša in totalneša od recio rsega socarta e iivala radno artiso olitio Slovenso in goslovanso šandaliirala tradicionalistične etnostne roge in os agovorniov odernia oovane doače niževnosti ot rivilegirane ali celo edine stanove ida – aradi anaoči olitični gosodarsi ravni in ltrni organiacisi oli – vostavla otre orana in ravia “negodovinsi” nedržavni narod na oti negove eanci­acie isateli ne a olitii ali vosovode so v te lči narodova vest vidci voditeli in žrtve i vostavlao snost redstava da e leoslove o etnost edini ristni in s strani olasti še raeroa tolerirani reervat osaeniove identitete ter išlense svoode lasti adar so drge oti a iražane olitični nen in neaželeni soročil oneogočene onda se ato nno oercialiira rarše o številni anši aloža vendar a ostaa tdi ol rožna in očtliva a interese ralcev aradi tašni ooliščin so lasti ladi isateli dodora selariirali oovane isatelstva ne doeao ga več tolio ot oslanstvo teveč ot olic veščino ne le isana aa tdi velavlana here are plenty of more marginalised types of texts, such as regional, dialectal literature and poetry, which receive surprisingly little attention despite the incredible richness of dialects and provincial life, folk tales and legends that can be found in Slovenia. Intellectual and cultural centres and institutions, which are usually positioned in larger urban areas, tend to give the impression of ignorance about or at least disinterest in such types of literature and poetry. If their voices are still waiting for suicient recognition in Slovenian cultural consciousness, there is one marginalised category which took a long time to receive any spotlight at all, and that is the literature of minorities in Slovenia. his trend was slightly reversed by the publication of Čefurji raus!7, a novel by Goran Vojnović. he novel won the Prešeren Fund award and most recently, at the 25th Vilenica International Literary Festival, Vojnović received the Vilenica Crystal for the best contribution to the Vilenica Almanac after he read an excerpt from Čefurji raus!. Additional exposure for minority literature in Slovenia is also the many contributions within the UNESCO World Book Capital Ljubljana programme, one of them being the BuQve project, which deals with the LGBTIQ (lesbian, gay, transsexual, intersexual and queer) themes. he fact that Ljubljana was the World Book Capital from April 23rd 2010 until April 23rd of 2011 gives recognition to and a nod towards the eforts and attempts of post-independence literature and the book industry in Slovenia. Despite this, there is still much to be done and although the book market is small and the chances of larger recognition minuscule, the language and culture still ofer ininite possibilities that can and have to reach even farther beyond the received notions and borders of what we now perceive as literature ‘proper’. . Concusion Trying to compare two nations and cultures, which seem so far apart geographically, in terms of language and history would seem a daunting task, yet there are as many similarities as there are diferences. Both Scotland and Slovenia found themselves in a similar situation at end of the seventies and the beginning of eighties. Politically, they both tried to achieve a greater deal of independence. In the case of Scotland it was to gain more power in decision-making and restoring its parliament through devolution and in the end to establish a form of home rule. he failure of the referendum and subsequent rise to power of the conservative party headed by Margaret hatcher consolidated the centralist tendencies in Britain. Scotland turned to culture and literature as a way of reairming their identity and to ind their voice; the publication of Lanark: A Life in Four Books by Alasdair Gray in 1981 was crucial and “his work has been credited with spurring a renaissance in Scottish literature” (James Procter, 2008). In Slovenia, the beginning of the eighties was preceded by the deaths of two most inluential igures in Yugoslavia at the time, Josip Broz-Tito and Edvard Kardelj. Similarly, the centralist tendencies arose as the socialist republic was trying to reassert itself. he literature and cultural circles in Slovenia actively started to get involved with the political situation in Slovenia. hrough the inception of the Nova revija journal and the opposition voiced through the Mladina magazine, political elements and voices became predominant. hese intellectual circles later gave rise to In onović’s novel te ord ‘čefr’ denotes a secific inority itin Slovenia often ailing fro te forer states of goslavia and te ter freently carries a derogatory eaning ‘čefri’ is te lral version a ossile translation since an official translation of te title is not yet availale cold e Čefuri get out many people who helped develop national programmes and legislations. he result was the independent democratic Republic of Slovenia. While Scotland has an abundance of critical literature that deals with devolution and the later post-devolution, in Slovenia there is a general lack of relevant literature for the period of the 1980s and onwards. According to Kramberger et al., some of this can be attributed to the general regard of Slovenia’s process of achieving independence as a success story, especially when considering the other nations within Yugoslavia. Just as Scotland was a part of the British Empire so was Slovenia irrevocably a part of Yugoslavia. At the same time it played a key part in Yugoslavia’s dissolution. It is something for the future writers to consider. Only recently have books dealing speciically with Slovenia’s early phase of the exit from communism been appearing, yet they still remain scarce and – apart from a handful of articles in collective volumes – fail to provide a critical examination of ethno-nationalist conceptions of state and territory and their gradual rise throughout the late 1980s. Historians are particularly reluctant to treat these issues; if they do address them, they tend to avoid labelling various phenomena in Slovenia as nationalist, stressing that they were simply reactions to Serbian hegemony. (Kramberger et al. 2008, 7) Bearing in mind the new developments also in the minority literature, be it from ex-Yugoslav immigrants, LGBTIQ elements, dialectal-provincial, minorities within or just beyond our borders or any other voice that functions, lives and operates in Slovenia and can thus be heard, Slovenia should continue to expand its literary horizon, while also bearing in mind its history and heritage, for better or worse. here is always the danger of writers becoming complacent, not exploring new possibilities, themes and especially there is the fear of avoiding certain subjects and self-censorship. here is subject matter, such as the entire process and the circumstances of Slovenia’s independence that has so far received far too little attention from authors and is quite crucial to understanding our own history as well as an important pillar for future writers to build upon. It needs to be approached from a neutral viewpoint to ensure a bias-free retrospective on that period of time. Scotland is already looking beyond the literary conines of devolution. “It is imperative that post-devolution Scotland cease once and for all to identify itself in opposition to all things English; not only were the histories of the nations intimately entwined for almost 300 years, they continue to be so” (Scheone 2007, 2). here are certainly many familiar aspects in development of literature and identity in the two nations and the way the 1980s moved on to the new millennia and beyond. With the knowledge of what lies behind and the possibilities of the future, both Scotland and Slovenia have the potential and the means to continue developing their cultures and literature. he Canongate Wall, positioned under the Canongate building in the Scottish parliamentary complex, has quotations inscribed onto pieces of rock imbedded into the wall. One of the quotes, belonging to the famous Scottish writer Alasdair Gray, has this to say: “Work as if you live in the early days of a better nation.” It is a statement that should be heeded; both Slovenia and Scotland need to continue to try and better themselves also through culture and literature and not rest on the laurels of complacency. iiogrp alantič P aa sploh šteila oe reie Online Aailable: htt:rtslosikltradrgoakasloh­steilkanoereie Setember ron ed The Edinburgh Histor of Scottish Literature Volume Three odern Transformations e Identities from Edinbrgh: Edinbrgh niersity Press raord eoling English Literature Edinbrgh: Edinbrgh niersity Press nn ed The Oford oo of Scottish Short Stories Oord: Oord niersity Press iord S nnigan and A Macilliray eds Scottish Literature In English and Scots Edinbrgh: Edinbrgh niersity Press arie Scotland Short Histor Oord: Oord niersity Press an M Sloenska literatra ostmoderniem ostkomniem in nacionalna držaa: i leta n I seminar sloensega eia literature in ulture ed rožen –. Lblana: Filooska aklteta Oddelek a sloanske eike in kniženosti lemenčič Več kot le reia ladina – ramberger T S Mihel and otar Representation of the ation and of the Other in the Sloenian Periodical Press efore and fter Engagements and Implications Online Aailable:htt:thesloeniancomarticles krambergerd Setember rait L ed alloay Archie: est Essays s It eer Was Online Aailable: htt:galloaytoorgrait html ly Lambert M ed iscoering Scottish Literature ontemporar Oerie Edinbrgh: Scottish ook Trst Morton nionist ationalism oerning rban Scotland Tckell Press Thomson A nternational ornal o Scottish Literatre ‘ou can’t get there from here’ eolution and Scottish Literar Histor Online Aailable: htt:islstirackissethomsonhtm Ag Procter ontemorary riters lasdair ra Online Aailable : htt:contemoraryriterscom athorsath Aril oyhodhry S and McLaghlin eds On riters riting oldn’t e ithot SPR Journal of lobal nderstanding SOTL the edge is eerhere no : – Saadi S The Association or Scottish Literary Stdies Infinite iersit in e Scottish Writing Online Aailable: htt:artsglaackscotlitaslsSSaadihtml Setember Schoene ed The Edinburgh ompanion to ontemporar Scottish Literature Oord: Oord niersity Press III. ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE TEACHING DOI: 10.4312/elope.8.1.91-105 Nina Botič Bio university of Llana Faclty of ecanical engineering Slovenia Model Essay as a Feedback Tool in Task o the ELTS riting Eam nstrction or Sloene Stdents Summary he paper discusses using a model essay as a feedback tool when teaching EFL writing to Slovene EFL students in the context of Task 2 of the IELTS Writing exam. In the present study, four IELTS students of two diferent levels were asked to write a response to a Task 2 IELTS Writing Exam question and compare it to a native speaker or a native speaker-like model essay by means of note-taking. he notes were then analyzed, and the indings ofer an insight into what aspects of the English language Slovene students noticed and how frequently they noticed individual language items. An analysis of the diferences and similarities in the quality and quantity of noticing depending on the students’ level is also provided. A comparison with a Japanese study made by Abe in 2008 has been done. Finally, recommendations for future research are made. Key words: model essay, IELTS Writing Task 2, noticing, feedback Eseski rimer kot sredsto a odaane oratne inormaci­e ri očean naloge Task isnega dela ELTS iita sloenskih kandidato Povzetek Članek obravnava vlogo, ki jo ima primer eseja kot sredstvo za podajanje povratnih informacij pri poučevanju angleščine kot tujega jezika Slovencev v kontekstu naloge Task 2 pisnega dela IELTS izpita. V raziskavi so štirje učenci, ki so se pripravljali na IELTS izpit, napisali odgovor na vprašanje iz Task 2 IELTS Writing Test in ga primerjali z esejem na ravni materinega ali kot-materinega govorca in svoja opažanja zapisali. Njihovi zapiski so bili analizirani. Rezultati kažejo, katere prvine jezika učenci opazijo in kako pogosto opazijo posamezne jezikovne vsebine. Narejena je analiza razlik in podobnosti v kvaliteti in kvantiteti opažanja glede na učenčevo stopnjo znanja. Dana je primerjava z japonsko raziskavo, ki jo je naredil Abe leta 2008. Nazadnje so podana priporočila za nadaljnje raziskave. Ključne besede: esej kot vzorec, IELTS Pisni izpit 2, opazovanje, podajanje povratne informacije Model Essay as a Feedback Tool in Task o the ELTS riting Eam nstrction or Sloene Stdents 1. Introduction Since Slovenia became a member of the European Union, more Slovenes than ever before have the opportunity to study abroad because it has become more accessible. In order to enter a foreign university, applicants are often required to achieve a certain Band Score on the International English Language Testing System (IELTS) Test, which is widely recognized as a language requirement for entering universities worldwide and is administered at over 6,000 institutions across 120 countries around the world. In Slovenia most students who look for help with their preparation for the IELTS exam do so after they have already taken the exam at least once, but failed to achieve the required Band Score. his author’s experience shows that the majority of Slovene IELTS students need help with academic essay-writing (students requesting this author’s help with IELTS preparation have mostly requested help with writing skills), which is one of the four macro skills tested by IELTS.1 It is, therefore, imperative to look into methods that would help students improve their writing skills in the context of Writing Task 2 IELTS Academic Module, as it is this task that brings the highest number points but causes the most diiculties. Due to the many diiculties in learning how to write well in a foreign language, there has been a vigorous debate on what the most eicient and efective teaching methods of academic writing would be. According to several researchers, feedback plays an important role in foreign language instruction (Ferris and Hedgcock 1998; Hedgcock and Lefkowitz 1994; Hyland 2003). Feedback on a written task can be given by means of correction, where the teacher corrects the writing, by reformulation, where the teacher rewrites students’ writing by means of leaving the content as it is and only changing the misused grammatical structures and vocabulary in order to bring it to native speaker or native speaker-like level, or by peer feedback, where students correct each other’s writing. Finally, feedback may also be given in the form of a model essay written by a native or a native-like teacher of English, where the students compare their own piece of writing with the model one. his study attempts to investigate the role of a model essay as a feedback tool for foreign language writing instruction and, more speciically, it intends to show how four Slovene students of English, two at a higher and two at a lower level, notice their mistakes and gaps in knowledge when comparing their own writing of IELTS Task 2 with a model native or native speaker-like essay written on the same topic. he case study is partially based on the study conducted by Makoto Abe from the University of Queensland as part of his master’s thesis. Abe attempted to ind out how Japanese students notice their mistakes when comparing their writing with a model native or native speaker-like piece of writing. His study was to an extent a replication of Qi and Lapkin’s study on the reformulation method (2001), where by means of a think-aloud method ator’s ersonal eerience the researchers asked the participants to verbally comment on the diferences between their own writing and the reformulated writing. In this way, the tendency of students’ noticing was discovered. However, they investigated whether or not the participants improved their writing skills by using model essays, while this study looks at what aspects of language Slovene EFL students notice by comparing their own essays with model essays. Methodologies used in this case study were partly based on Hanaoka’s study (2007), who measured noticing by means of note-taking. In addition, the research questions posed in this study to an extent followed those investigated by Abe, in order to enable a comparison between the quality of noticing of Japanese and Slovene students: 1. What aspects of language do Slovene EFL students notice by comparing their own writing with model essays? 2. Is there a diference in noticing between lower and higher level Slovene EFL students? 3. Is there a diference in noticing between Japanese and Slovene EFL students? 2. Iets IELTS is a test of English for academic and vocational purposes managed by three partners: the British Council, the University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations and IDP IELTS Australia. he test measures the language ability of candidates who need to study or work where communication is done in English. Test scores are reported for overall performance and for individual sections in the form of bands at nine diferent levels from Non User to Expert User. IELTS consists of two modules, General and Academic, and candidates choose one of them according to their reasons for taking the test. If a candidate intends to enter an undergraduate or postgraduate course, they are advised to take the Academic Module. If a candidate intends to continue their secondary education in English, to work or undertake training or to emigrate, they often need to take the General Training Module. he test is divided into four sections: Speaking, Listening, Reading and Writing. Speaking and Listening tests are the same for both, the Academic and General Module, but Reading and Writing tests difer. he writing section consists of descriptive (Task 1) and argumentative (Task 2) essay-writing tasks. In Task 2 of the Academic Module, candidates are asked to write an argumentative essay in response to a problem, opinion or controversial proposition. hey need to show that they can express and support an opinion by means of drawing on their experience and weighing their opinion against opposing views. he minimum length is 250 words. Writing tests are assessed by Cambridge trained and certiied examiners. Tasks 1 and 2 are marked individually and the total score is reported on a scale of 1 to 9 at intervals of 0.5. he total score is calculated from both tasks combined, but the weight of Task 2 is more than that of Task 1 as it is also longer. Below are the oicial IELTS assessment criteria for Writing Task 2 (UCLES 2007): 1. Task Response is the criteria on whether and/or to what extent the candidate’s answer addresses individual parts of the task, if and/or to what extent it presents a relevant position in regards to the question and if and how well the ideas are supported. 2. Coherence and Cohesion criterion relate to overall clarity and the low of ideas. In this respect, the quality of sequencing information and paragraphing are assessed. Coherence refers to the linking of ideas through logical sequencing whereas cohesion refers to the varied and proper use of cohesive devices. 3. Lexical Resource criterion is concerned with the range and accuracy of the vocabulary used to express nuances in meaning. 4. Grammatical Range and Accuracy criterion relates to the range and accuracy of the grammatical structures used. 3. noticing nd eedc in 2 riting Research on noticing has to a great extent focused primarily on the acquisition of spoken, language; however, the basic principles outlined below can also refer to written language acquisition. Schmidt’s own experience of learning Portuguese suggested, for example, that implicit correction techniques such as clariication requests made no impression, while hearing the correct version immediately after making an error allowed him to match his present level with the target (Schmidt and Frota 1986). Drawing on work from Schmidt (Schmidt 1990; Schmidt and Frota 1986), who claims that learners need to notice a form before they can acquire it and that L2 learners must become ‘aware’ of certain aspects of language, mainly the meaning, Swain (1995) outlines three major functions of output: noticing, hypothesis testing and metalinguistic awareness. he noticing or triggering function means that L2 learners become aware of what they cannot say in the target language: “In producing the target language (TL), learners may encounter a linguistic problem leading them to notice what they do not know, or know only partially” (Swain 1995, 129). In other words, learners notice the gaps between what they want to say and what they can actually say by making comparisons between the current state of their developing linguistic system as realized in their output and the target language system available as input. In the research on noticing, focus on form and lexis has been looked into. In some studies, focus on form is planned in advance and learners are prompted, through task design and input enhancement, to notice certain features of the input. However, it has been pointed out that planned focus on form does not always match the actual attention focus of the students (Izumi et al. 1999; Kowal and Swain 1994; Long and Robinson 1998). Williams (2001) questions the efectiveness of planned focus on form (FonF) and argues that “[I]f the efectiveness of FonF is ultimately determined by learner’s need, then it is essential to examine the episodes in which learners themselves choose to focus on formal aspects of language” (quoted in Hanaoka 2007). Ellis (1995) also points out that it is important to be aware of the learner’s internal syllabus or what they feel they need to learn. In his analysis Ellis found that the students were more likely to incorporate a form into an utterance of their own if the noticing was self initiated (ibid.). In this respect, model essays seem an ideal tool for studying noticing in SLA and especially in teaching one-on-one IELTS preparation where it is of the utmost importance to follow what individual students need to learn. his type of analysis also allows for designing a course that exactly suits the needs of the student. Several studies acknowledge the role of noticing in SLA theory. Qi and Lapkin’s study (2001) conducted on two Chinese ESL students of diferent levels found that the reformulation technique, where the teacher reformulates the text so that it is as close as possible to a putative target language model, allowed learners to notice the gaps between their output and the target language in the input. Furthermore, the indings also suggested that the more proicient student noticed diferences with a higher level of awareness than the lower-level student. Hanaoka (2007), who based his study on Qi and Lapkin, found that the participants noticed the gaps in their knowledge and found solutions for their linguistic problems in the model text. He also found that the participants noticed more lexical aspects than other categories and that more proicient learners noticed diferences more frequently. Abe’s study conducted on 14 Japanese EFL learners investigated the role of noticing in comparing students’ own text with model essays. He found that students noticed various aspects of language from model essays and that the quality and quantity of noticing depended on the level of the students. His study also proved that model essays have many advantages as a feedback tool (Abe 2008) and is therefore in accord with Johnson, who states that “the most useful feedback comes from those areas of mismatch which students are themselves able to identify, because those areas will accord with the stage of their skill (or interlanguage) development” (Johnson 1988, 93). In empirical literature, many methods which are considered standard, such as peer review, teacher written corrections and teacher-learner oral writing conferences of providing feedback, have been questioned, which is relevant to this study in the sense that some traditional feedback proved to be discouraging for L2 learners (Hyland 1998) and that it can be confusing for L2 learners as they have diiculties in understanding what in their writing is non-target like from teacher’s comments alone (Hedgecock and Lefkowitz 1994). Furthermore, learners may receive corrections passively (ibid.), possibly also because they tend to concentrate on the negative sides of their writing. However, in using model essays as a feedback tool, errors are not pointed out and it is up to the learner to identify them. his makes students active rather than passive participants in learning, which encourages noticing (Adams 2003) that is a prerequisite for learning (Hanaoka 2007). Qi and Lapkin also found that positive modelling of native-like writing is more helpful to the learner than error correction (2001, 286) . te stud For the present study, the participants were given a Task 2 IELTS writing exercise. he opportunity to notice linguistic problems in the context of IELTS assessment and gaps in knowledge was provided by asking the participants to compare their original draft with a native speaker-like model. After the students had written down what they had noticed, the data was collected, statistically processed, analysed and interpreted. he results were compared to those found by Abe (2008). Although to allow comparison the study is to an extent based on Abe’s, there are two signiicant diferences. First, noticing in this study was measured by means of note-taking, while Abe used think-aloud protocols. Secondly, Abe studied noticing by giving the participants two tasks, IELTS Writing Task 1 and 2, whereas in the present study only Task 2 was used, as experience shows that this is the task that causes Slovene IELTS students most diiculties. The Particiants he participants were 4 Slovene one-on-one students; two females and two males. Due to a low number of respondents, a similar study where a larger number of students would participate should be conducted in the future in order to conirm or refute the present results. Two of the students participating in this study had to take the IELTS exam for the purposes of migration to Australia and were aiming at getting a Band Score 7 in the IELTS Academic Module, while the other two wished to continue their studies abroad, one in the UK and the other in Australia, and also required a Band Score 7. Two students (one of them planning to immigrate and the other to study in Australia, Student 1 and Student 2), who were more advanced than the other two had completed a university undergraduate course and had both studied English for ten years on and of. Of the other students (one of them wishing to immigrate and the other to study in the UK), one was in his fourth year of grammar school (Student 3) and had, therefore, studied English for eight years, while the other (Student 4) never completed her university studies and had studied English for eight years, ten years ago. At the time of the study they had all been attending one-on-one IELTS preparation courses for two months once a week for two 45-minute lessons at a time. As it was the author who had been teaching these students prior to the present study there was no need to assess the essays in terms of their proiciency because as their tutor the author was well aware of their levels, which were established by a placement test written before the start of the irst lesson. ata ollection Procedre he data collection methods were partly replicated from Hanaoka’s study (2007), where, after they had completed writing, the students were provided with a text and took notes on whatever problems they noticed, and partly from Qi and Lapkin’s study (2001), who studied language related episodes (LRE). he data collection was conducted in a small and quiet study room. To avoid any misunderstanding, all the instructions were given in Slovene. he data collection procedure consisted of two stages. Stage 1: Writing (in English for 40 minutes). he Type 2 Academic Writing Task was given and the students were asked to write an essay in approximately 40 minutes, which is the time recommended for inishing the IELTS Task 2 Writing Exam on time. he students were not allowed to use books, dictionaries or computers since one of the aims of the study was to investigate what the participants could notice just from their own texts and model essays, without any other help. Stage 2: Taking notes (in Slovene; 15 minutes). In this stage, which immediately followed the Stage 1 task, the students received sheets with a model answer to Type 2 IELTS writing task question and each participant was asked to write whatever they noticed as they compared their original text with the models. Each student received a paper with instructions in Slovene as follows: ‘Compare your own writing with the model essay and write down whatever you notice.’ he time given was 15 minutes, but since time management was of no importance for the study the students could take more time if they wished. When the students had all inished, their essays, model essays and their written observations were collected. nstrment he writing task was taken from a textbook for IELTS preparation edited by Scovell, Pastellas and Knobel (2004): You should spend about 40 minutes on this task. Present a written argument to an educated reader with no specialist knowledge of the following topic: Discuss when, if ever, capital punishment can be viewed as a valid punishment for crime. You should use your own ideas, knowledge and experience and support your arguments with examples and relevant evidence. You should write at least 250 words. he above Task 2, therefore, asks students to write an argumentative essay on the topic of capital punishment. he students were familiar with the topic as we had discussed it and they had to do a ‘crime and punishment’ vocabulary exercise taken out of Cambridge Vocabulary for IELTS (2009) for homework. he students were also familiar with the structure of an essay as it had previously been covered in lessons; they had written essays before but not on this topic. he model essay used in this study was taken from the same textbook as the task. he model was at native speaker level and substantially more advanced than the writing of any of the four students participating in the study. ata Analysis Since the students needed to write essays which satisied the IELTS assessment criteria, the classiication of linguistic items was based on the following IELTS Task 2 assessment categories: Task Response referring to the content (opinions, knowledge, experiences, evidence, counter-evidence and supporting sentences), Coherence and Cohesion (logical sequencing, organisation of paragraphs and cohesive devices), Lexical Resource (selecting words, phrases and expressions) and Grammatical Range and Accuracy (articles, plural, sentence structure, verb form, tense, prepositions, comparison of adjectives and adverbs, punctuation and spelling). Examples below show how the items were categorized. Task Response “I wrote about advantages and disadvantages, but here only support of the writer’s opinion is expressed.” (Student 1) Here the student noticed that the essay’s structure could be descriptive and not only argumentative, which is the type of essay he used. Coherence and Cohesion “In cases where is a good connection. I should’ve used it.” (Student 1) Here the student noticed that the phrase ‘in cases where’ is a good way to introduce an idea and make the text more cohesive. “I didn’t give any examples but I should have.” (Student 4) On the basis of the model essay which gives a speciic example, the student noticed that he should have given an example as this contributes to the low of the essay. Lexical Resource “Abhorrentis a word that would bring a higher band.” (Student 3) Student 3 noticed that “abhorrent” is a more sophisticated word and that it contributes to lexical range. Grammatical Range and Accuracy “An If sentence would be good to use.” (Student 1) Here the student noticed an if-sentence and noticed that he did not use it in his essay. After all the data were put into diferent categories, descriptive statistics for each of the four categories were irst calculated in order to answer the question of what aspects of language Slovene EFL students notice by comparing their own writing with model essays. Secondly, descriptive statistics were calculated to ind out whether there is a diference in noticing between lower and higher level Slovene EFL students. Finally, the data collected in this and Abe’s research were compared in order to answer the third research question. eslts 1. What aspects of language do Slovene EFL students notice by comparing their own writing with model essays? he irst research question aimed at answering the question of which language items were noticed most frequently by the participants. he noticed items that the students wrote down in their notes were categorized into four categories in line with the IELTS assessment criteria. he frequency, proportion, mean and standard deviation are shown in Table 1. ll partiipants able reuen proportion mean and standard deviation of the leial items Table 1 shows that, altogether, the participants wrote down 96 language items that they noticed by comparing their own writing with the native-speaker like model and 24.0 on average. he largest proportion of the noticed items was lexical (28.12%, MD = 5.8), followed by grammatical (23.95%, MD = 5.75), Task Response (21.87%, MD = 5.25), followed by Coherence and Cohesion (20.83%, MD = 5.0), and inally, other (3.12%, MD = 0.75). Lexical Resource he largest percentage of all the language items noticed by participants was lexical at 30.21%, MD = 5.80%. he students wrote down observations such as “I used a more general word for criminal and the model essay uses a word like perpetrator.” (Student 3) or “he word abhorrent is good.” (Student 4), or “I like the word valid.” (Student 3). Student 2 wrote: “Capital punishment is called death penalty – synonym is used – I only used capital punishment”. “A valid means of punishment is a good phrase.” (Student 3) Two students mentioned the item ‘for example’, but this language item was put under the category Task Response. Similarly, ‘however’, was classiied as Coherence and Cohesion. Grammatical Range and Accuracy he second most often noticed IELTS assessment category was Grammatical Range and Accuracy with 23.95%, MD = 5.75. Here students mainly noticed forms that they did not use. For example, they wrote “An If sentence would be good to use” (Student 4), “must is used a lot – I didn’t use enough modal verbs” (Student 2), “he rules of society are made and enforced…­Passive Voice is used – I also used it” (Student 1), or “here have been a number of examples of Present Perfect” (Student 3), or “I didn’t spell reasonable doubt correctly” (Student 3). Task Response his category referred to opinions, knowledge, experiences, evidence, counter-evidence and supporting sentences and accounted for 21.87% of all noticed language items. In this way the students wrote down, “For example – I didn’t give an example but I should have” (Student 4), “In the 3rd paragraph there is the same example I have” (Student 2), and “Opinion is expressed only in the conclusion” (Student 2). Student 1 noted: “he structure of the model essay is diferent, I wrote about advantages and disadvantages, but here only support of opinion is expressed in the introduction” (Student 2). Coherence and Cohesion his category included noticing of logical sequencing, organisation of paragraphs and cohesive devices and accounted for 20.83% of all noticed linguistic items. Notes included “However – I also used it” (Student 3), “In this essay I intend to – good phrase for introduction” (Student 2), “I forgot to write a conclusion” (Student 3) or “he model essay has 3 body paragraphs, but I only have 2” (Student 1) “here are no linking words used at the beginning of paragraphs, but the text is still coherent. I should’ve used the same technique.” (Student 1). Other here were only 3 items which could not be categorized. hese were: “I left an empty line between paragraphs” (Student 4), “Paragraph 3 only has 2 sentences” (Student 3) and “I wrote fewer words” (Student 4). 2. Is there a diference in noticing between lower and higher level Slovene EFL students? Two of the participants were of a more advanced level (Student 1 and Student 2) and the other two were of a lower level (Student 3 and Student 4). he purpose of this research question was to ind out whether the quality of students’ noticing in any way depends on their level of English. A quantitative analysis was made and the results are presented in Table 2. Higher level (N = 2) Lower level (N = 2) n % 23.21 26.78 32.14 17.86 0 MD 6.50 7.50 9.00 5.00 0 SD 0.5 0.5 1 0 0 n 8 5 11 13 3 % 20.0 12.50 27.50 32.50 7.50 MD 4.00 2.50 5.50 6.50 1.50 SD 1 0.5 0.5 0.5 1 Task Response 13 Coherence and Cohesion 15 Lexical Resource 18 Grammatical Range and Accuracy 10 Other 0 Total 56 100.0 28.00 2 40 100.0 20.00 3.5 able esriptive statistis language items notied b higher and loer level students In comparison with the higher level, it can be seen that the lower level students noticed far more grammatical items (32.50% vs. 17.86%) and less of all other items. A distinct diference is Coherence and Cohesion, where the higher level students noticed 26.78%, MD = 7.50 of all items, while the lower level students noticed only 12.50%, MD = 2.50 of all language items. From these results it can be concluded that there is a diference in noticing between students of diferent levels. he research shows that higher level students noticed more language items overall (56 of 94). hey noticed more items characterized as Lexical Resource and fewer items characterized as Grammatical Range and Accuracy than lower level students. 3. Is there a diference in noticing between Japanese and Slovene EFL students? he names of categories in Abe’s and the present research difer to some extent: Task Response = Content Coherence and Cohesion = Discourse Lexical Resource = Lexical Grammatical Range and Accuracy = Form Below, the author’s terminology in the context of IELTS is used. able omparison of freuen proportion mean and standard deviation of the leial items beteen Slovene and apanese students be In comparing the quality of noticing between Slovene and Japanese students it can be seen from Table 3 that on average the Japanese participants noticed 28.50 LREs (language-related episodes), while Slovene students noticed 24.00 language items. Furthermore, Japanese students noticed more items classiied as Task Response in this research and Content in Abe’s research than Slovene (26.8%, MD=7.64 vs. 21.87%, MD=5.25). As far as Coherence and Cohesion (or Discourse in Abe’s research) is concerned, Slovene students noticed far more items (20.83%, MD=5.0 vs. 11.0%, MD=3.14). Moreover, in the Japanese study 33.3%, MD=9.50 of all noticed items were lexical, while in Slovene 30.21%, MD=5.8 items were lexical. herefore, the category of Lexical Resource is the most noticed category in both studies. 23.95%, MD=5.75 items were classiied as Grammatical Range and Accuracy in the Slovene study and 19.80%, MD=5.64 in the Japanese study. In terms of frequency in the Slovene study, the categories follow each other in the following order; Lexical Resource, Grammatical Range and Accuracy, Task Response, Coherence and Cohesion, and other, while in the Japanese study, the students noticed items in the following order; Lexical Resource, Task Response, Grammatical Range and Accuracy, Coherence and Cohesion and Other. Advanced (N = 5) Intermediate (N = 5) N % 39.4 16.1 14.2 21.3 9.0 MD 12.20 5.00 4.40 6.60 2.80 SD 3.49 3.32 0.89 2.07 1.92 n 31 36 5 41 12 % MD 6.20 7.20 1.00 8.20 2.40 SD 3.11 4.32 1.22 3.96 0.89 Lexical 61 24.8 Form 25 28.8 Discourse 22 4.0 Content 33 32.8 Other 14 9.6 Total 155 100.0 31.00 6.96 125 100.0 25.00 1.41 able reuen proportion mean and standard deviation of Ls in apanese students be Like Slovene students, Japanese higher level students also noticed more items in general; 155 in comparison to lower level students, who noticed 125 items. Slovene higher level students noticed 56 items in comparison to lower level students, who only noticed 40. Furthermore, as Slovene lower level students, Japanese lower level students also noticed far more grammatical items than more advanced students (28.8%, MD = 7.20 vs. 16.1, MD = 5.00). Moreover, Slovene higher level students at 26.78%, MD = 7.50 and Japanese higher level students at 14.2%, MD = 4.40 noticed more language items categorized as Coherence and Cohesion or Discourse, respectively. herefore, in both pieces of research higher level students noticed more language items overall, more items characterized as Lexical Resource, Coherence and Cohesion and fewer items characterized as Grammatical Range and Accuracy than lower level students did. However, Japanese lower level students noticed more items characterized as Content or Task Response (32.8%, MD = 8.20 vs. 21.3%, MD = 6.60), while Slovene lower levels students noticed fewer items characterized as Task Response than higher level students (20.0%, MD = 4.00 vs. 23.21%, MD = 6.50). 5. Discussion nd Concusion he present study aimed at examining the role of a model essay in teaching Task 2 of the IELTS writing exam. he study has found that noticing plays a vital role as students generally noticed a signiicant number of language items. In addition, the results also revealed that there is a diference in the quality and quantity of noticing between higher and lower level EFL students. A comparison between the quality and quality of noticing of Japanese and Slovene students showed more similarities than diferences. Furthermore, the results showed that model essays encourage students to ind their own gaps in knowledge and may therefore contribute to taking responsibility for their learning. hey might also function as a suitable tool for one-on-one instruction as such exercises focus on students’ needs by allowing students to realize what they already know and what they still need to learn. Alternatively, model essays could also be used to introduce students to samples of poor writing. Data analysis of the irst research question revealed general tendencies in noticing gaps between students’ own writing and a native speaker or a native speaker-like model among four Slovene students of English. Considering that the students noticed 24.0 (MD = 24.0) items on average, it can be presumed that a comparison of students’ own writing with a model could serve as a successful tool in EFL, especially if we consider Schmidt’s observations that learners need to notice a form before they can acquire it (Schmidt 1990). In general, the largest proportion of the noticed items was lexical (30.21%, MD = 5.8), which is consistent with some of the previous research works which tested noticing by asking participants to compare students’ original writing with a model text (Abe 2008; Hanaoka 2007). In the present study grammatical items were the second most frequently noticed items (23.95%, MD = 5.75), which could be attributed to the fact that the four participants had spent a signiicant proportion of their studying English, learning grammar as part of their compulsory formal education and private IELTS lessons where a lot of their homework consisted of grammar exercises in the IELTS context. he second research question attempted to provide an answer to whether there is a diference in noticing between higher and lower level Slovene students of EFL. Consistent with previous studies, which showed that higher level students generally notice more frequently (Abe 2008; Hanaoka 2007), the present study also showed that higher level students noticed more language items (MD = 28.0) than lower level students did (MD = 20.0). Higher level students also noticed more lexical items than lower level students: MD = 31.14 vs. MD = 27.50, which is consistent with Abe’s results as well as Qi and Lapkin’s study from 2001 and Hanaoka’s study from 2007. On the other hand, lower level students paid more attention to noticing grammatical items with MD = 32.50 in lower level students and MD = 17.84 with higher level students. In addition, lower level students paid very little attention to coherence and cohesion with the diference between higher level and lower level students being nearly 10 items on average. his is also consistent with previous research (Abe 2008; Qi and Lapkin 2001) and might suggest that lower level students focus on form more than on any other aspect of language and that they might ind it diicult to notice logical sequencing in paragraphs and linking. he third research question aimed at looking at the quality and quantity of noticing in comparing students’ original writing with a native speaker or native speaker-like model between Slovene and Japanese EFL students. It has been found that on average Japanese participants noticed more language items than Slovene ones did: 28.50 in comparison to 24.0 language items noticed by Slovene students. Furthermore, Japanese students noticed far more items classiied as Task Response in this research and Content in Abe’s research than Slovene students did (26.8%, MD=7.64 vs. 21.87%, MD=5.25). As regards Coherence and Cohesion, Slovene students noticed far more items (20.83%, MD=5.0 vs. 11.0%, MD=3.14). Moreover, in the Japanese study 33.3%, MD=9.50 of all noticed items were lexical, while in Slovene 30.21%, MD=5.8 items were lexical. herefore, both, Slovene and Japanese students noticed lexical items most frequently, which makes model essays a suitable tool for teaching lexical resource in the IELTS Task 2 instruction. Both Slovene and Japanese higher level students noticed more items in general. Furthermore, similarly to Slovene lower level students, Japanese lower level students also noticed far more grammatical items than advanced students did (28.8%, MD = 7.20 vs. 16.1, MD = 5.00). Moreover, Slovene higher level students at 26.78%, MD = 7.50 and Japanese higher level students at 14.2%, MD = 4.40 noticed more language items categorized as Coherence and Cohesion or Discourse, respectively. However, Japanese lower level students noticed more items characterized as Content or Task Response (32.8%, MD = 8.20 vs. 21.3%, MD = 6.60), while Slovene lower levels students noticed fewer items characterized as Task Response than higher level students did (20.0%, MD = 4.00 vs. 23.21%, MD = 6.50). he similarities in the results show that stimulating noticing by comparing students’ original writing with a model essay may be a successful feedback tool, especially in building students’ vocabulary and improving grammar. On the other hand, the diferences might be the result of diferent instruction style, which pays attention to diferent aspects of the language. As the present study was conducted on four Slovene IELTS students only and with one essay task, further research should be based on a larger sample with a variety of model essays in order to conirm the results. Attention should also be paid to both the eiciency of note taking and vocalizing as data collection techniques, as well as the students’ response to the model essay by means of a questionnaire in order to ind out to what extent, if at all, the students ind it useful. Finally, research into the efectiveness of noticing would be supported by asking participants to write another essay after they have taken notes in the noticing stage of the research in order to see if and how their writing has improved and to what extent they have simulated the model essay. iiogrp Abe M Eloring the ole o Model Essays in the ELTS riting Test: A Feedback Tool MA diss eensland: The niersity o eensland Adams L Ott eormlation and oticing: mlications or L eeloment Language Teaching Research no : httpItrsagepubcomcgicontentabstract accessed oember Ellis nterretation Tasks or rammar Teaching TESOL uaterl : – Ferris and S edgcock Teaching ESL omposition Purpose Process and Practice Mahah : Larence Erlbam Associates anaoka Eloring the ole o Models in Promoting oticing in L riting JET ulletin : – ––– Ott oticing and Learning: An nestigation into the role o Sontaneos Attention to Form in a Forstage riting Task Language Teaching Research no : httpsItrsagepubcomcgicontentabstract accessed oember edgcock and Lekoit Feedback on Feedback: Assessing Learner ecetiity to Teacher esonse in L omosing Journal of Second Language Writing no : – yland F The mact o Teacher ritten Feedback on ndiidal riters Journal of Second Language Writing : – yland Second Language Writing ambridge: ambridge niersity Press mi S M igelo M Fiara and S Fearno Testing the Ott yothesis: Eects o Ott on oticing and Second Langage Acisition Studies in Second Language cuisition : – ohnson Mistake orrection ELT Journal : – oal M and M Sain sing ollaboratie Langage Prodction Tasks to Promote Stdents’ Langage Aareness Language areness : – Lakin S and M Sain Focs on Form Throgh ollaboratie ialoge: Eloring Task Eects n Researching Pedagogic Tass Second Language Learning Teaching and Testing ed M ygate P Skehan and M Sain – London: Longman Long M and P obinson Focs on Form: Theory esearch and Practice n ocus on form in classroom second language acuisition ed oghty and illiams – ambridge niersity Press i S and S Lakin Eloring the ole o oticing in a ThreeStage Second Langage riting Task Journal of Second Language Writing : – obinson P eie Article: Attention Memory and the “oticing” yothesis Language Learning : – Schmidt a onsciosness and Foreign Langage Learning: A Ttorial on the ole o Attention and Aareness in Learning n ttention and areness in oreign Language Learning Technical eort no ed Schmidt – onoll: niersity o aaii ––– b The ole o onsciosness in Second Langage Learning pplied Linguistics : – ––– Attention n ognition and Second Language Instruction ed P obinson – ambridge: ambridge niersity Press Schmidt and S Frota eeloing asic onersational Abilit y in a Second Langage: A ase Stdy o an Adlt Learner o Portgese n Taling to Learn onersation in SL ed ay oley MA: ebry ose Scoell V Pastellas and M nobel Essential Tests for IELTS Practice Tests for IELTS cademic modula boo Sydney: Adams and Asten Press Sain M ommnicatie ometence: Some oles o omrehensible nt and omrehensible Ott in ts eeloment n Input in Second Language cuisition ed S ass and Madden – oley MA: ebry ose ––– Three Fnctions o Ott in Second langage Learning n Principles and practise in applied linguistics ed ook and Seidlhoer – Oord: Oord niersity Press ––– The Ott yotheses: Theory and esearch n The Handboo of Research in Second Language Teaching and Learning ed E inkel – Mahah : Larence Erlbam Sain M and S Lakin Problems in Ott and the ognitie Processes They enerate: A Ste toards Second Langage Learning pplied Linguistics : – Thornbry S eormlation and econstrction: Tasks That Promote ‘oticing’ ELT Journal Volme October httpeltofordournalsorgcgicontentabstract accessed ecember LES IELTS Handboo httpcambridgeesolorgassetspdfresourcesIELTSHandboopdf accessed ecember illiams Learnerenerated Attention to Form n ormocused Instruction and Second Language Learning ed Ellis Molden MA: lackell VI. CONTRIBUTORS LIST Of CONTrIbuTOrS biljana Čubrović English Department, Faculty of Philology Studentski trg br. 3, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia biljana.cubrovic@gmail.com Dušan Gabrovšek University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Aškerčeva 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia dgabrovsek@gmail.com Nada Šabec University of Maribor, Faculty of Arts Filozofska fakulteta, Koroška 160, 2000 Maribor nada.sabec@uni-mb.si or nada.sabec@guest.arnes.si Alenka Vrbinc University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Economics Kardeljeva ploščad 17, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia alenka.vrbinc@ef.uni-lj.si Marjeta Vrbinc University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts Aškerčeva 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia marjeta.vrbinc@f.uni-lj.si Luka Ličar University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Cesta OF 41, 5282 Cerkno, Slovenia luka.licar@gmail.com Nina bostič bishop University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Mechanical Engineering, Aškerčeva 6, 1000 Ljubljana nina.bishop@fs.uni-lj.si eoe English Language Overseas Perspectives and Enquiries NOTES fOr CONTrIbuTOrS General. ELOPE publishes original research articles, studies and essays which address issues of the English language, literature, teaching and translation. he language of contributions is English. Manuscripts are welcomed from all countries and should be sent to Gašper Ilc, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za anglistiko in amerikanistiko, Aškerčeva 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia, gasper.ilc@f.uni-lj.si. Submission of manuscripts. Manuscripts should be submitted for review on three anonymous printed copies and a diskette or a CD in Word (.doc, .rtf) and PDF. A separate sheet with the title of the paper, the name of the author, ailiation and address should be attached. Only one contribution by the same author per volume will be considered. Each paper should be accompanied by abstracts in English and Slovene (maximum 150 words) and keywords. Abstracts by non-native speakers of Slovene will be translated into Slovene. Suggested length of manuscripts is between 5,000 and 8,000 words. Manuscript style. Page one should contain the following information: • article title in the language of the article • author(s) name(s) • author(s) ailiation(s) • correspondence address (full address, phone number, e-mail address) he manuscript starts on page two, in the following format: • title in English • abstracts in English and Slovene (between 150 and 180 words each) • the paper should be divided into: • introduction • body of the paper (possibly subdivided) • conclusion references. References should comply with he Chicago Manual of Style (15th edition, 2003). ELOPE / Volume VIII / Spring Editors Smiljana Komar, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia Uroš Mozetič, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia Editorial board Michael Devine, Acadia University, Canada; Dušan Gabrovšek, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia; Meta Grosman, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia; Adolphe Haberer, University of Lyon, France; Darja Hribar, University of Maribor, Slovenia; Allan James, University of Klagenfurt, Austria; Victor Kennedy, University of Maribor, Slovenia; Bernhard Kettemann, University of Graz, Austria; J. Lachlan Mackenzie, ILTEC, Lisbon, Portugal; Roger Sell, Abo Akademi University, Finland; Milena Milojević Sheppard, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia; Janez Skela, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia; Rastislav Šuštaršič, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia; Rick Van Noy, Radford University, USA; Terri-ann White, University of Western Australia, Australia Editorial Secretary Gašper Ilc, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia Proofreading Jason Blake, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia Editorial Policy ELOPE. English Language Overseas Perspectives and Enquiries is a journal devoted to the research and academic discussion of linguistic and literary issues from theoretical and applied perspectives regardless of school of thought or methodology. Its aim is to promote original enquiry into linguistics, literary and translation studies, language and literature teaching with the main focus on English. ELOPE will publish two issues per year. Subscription for 2011 costs 12,50 EUROS. Members of the Slovene association for the study of English are entitled to a free copy. Publisher’s address Slovensko društvo za angleške študije, Aškerčeva 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana Slovene Association for the Study of English, Aškerčeva 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana and Oddelek za anglistiko in amerikanistiko, Filozofska fakulteta, Univerza v Ljubljani Department of English, Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana uDK classiication Angelika Hribar Design Gašper Mrak Cover Marjan Pogačnik, Zimsko cvetje, 1994 7,6 x 10,0 cm; colour etching, deep relief Owner: National gallery, Ljubljana Photo: Bojan Salaj, National gallery, Ljubljana Printed by Birograika Bori Number of copies 300 Ljubljana, 2011 ISSN 1581-8918