TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 4/2023
875
Christopher Blattman
Why We Fight: The Roots of War 
and the Paths to Piece
Penguin Books UK, 2023
400 str., 15 EUR
(ISBN 978-0-241-98925-8)
Christopher Blattman is Canadi-
an-American political scientist and 
economist specialising in a variety of 
issues, mostly global conflicts, inter-
national development and poverty. 
Since 2016, he has been working as E. 
Pearson Professor of Global Conflict 
Studies at the University of Chicago, 
the Harris School of Public Policy 
and the Pearson Institute. He is also 
known for his blog about internation-
al relations and global development, 
which for over 15 years has been 
very popular. Blattman also regularly 
contributes to The New York Times, 
The Washington Post or Foreign Af-
fairs Journal. 
By writing the book Why We 
Fight: The Roots of War and the Paths 
to Peace as his first commercial book, 
Blattman’s aim was to bring his re-
search and ideas closer to a general 
audience. In the presented book, 
the author deals with a framework 
to understand the reasons that drive 
violence and result in conflicts. On 
the other hand, Blattman attempts 
to offer solutions to achieve a stable 
environment through several strate-
gies. The book combines knowledge 
from various disciplines, not only 
international relations, but also eco-
nomics, sociology and history. Over 
11 chapters, the author focuses on 
the importance of: the costs of wars, 
enforcement of values, sufficient ac-
cess to information, motivation to en-
ter conflicts, peace persisting, ensur-
ing the stability of society, as well as 
many other phenomena associated 
with fights and peace. 
The book begins with a brief in-
troductory chapter on game theory, 
serving as a foundation for a bet-
ter understanding of the events de-
scribed in subsequent chapters. In 
this part, the author also presents the 
concept of balance of power where 
he describes how actors can function 
stably in an uneven environment. At 
the end of the first chapter, reference 
is also made to the theory of realism 
– through the idea that an attack on 
another actor does not always have a 
bad intention.
The first section of the second 
chapter, entitled Unchecked Inter-
ests, illustrates the causes of fighting 
with the example of Liberia. Liberia 
was selected as an example of many 
decolonised states where the au-
tocratic leaders did not reflect the 
needs of society, which caused ris-
ing tensions and led to a protracted 
civil war. In addition, Blattman notes 
that Africa is not the only region 
where a war bias is considered to be 
the cause of fights; it has happened 
throughout history all around the 
world. Unchecked interests, which 
are directly related to war bias, are 
presented by the author as one of 
the fundamental causes of the fights 
in pre-modern Europe and America; 
in Africa, the war bias, as a cause of 
wars, appeared just prior to post-co-
lonial times. Alongside the events in 
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TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 4/2023
related to the fact that many actors 
deliberately send out mixed infor-
mation about themselves in order to 
unsettle their rivals. In the book, un-
certainty is also shown to be linked to 
the concept of reputation; the prob-
lem is that reputation may not reflect 
the current conditions. As an exam-
ple of uncertainty associated with a 
bad reputation, the author presents 
the USA’s invasion of Iraq. In that 
time, both sides were sending mixed 
signals to confuse the opponent and 
suffered reputational damage from 
their reckless actions.
In the fifth chapter, the book deals 
with Commitment Problems, which 
are directly connected with leaders’ 
abilities and their responsibility for 
the decisions. It is stated that the most 
accurate example of commitment 
problems is a “preventive” war. It is 
interesting that the author considers 
Germany’s actions which started the 
First World War as a preventive act 
since Germany’s primary goal could 
have been to cause a shift in power. 
The violation of the Thirty Years 
Peace between Sparta and Athens 
is also mentioned as an example of 
commitment problems being the rea-
son for the start of fighting. Despite 
the valid truce, Sparta pre-emptively 
attacked Athens with the aim of pre-
venting Athens’ domination of the 
ancient Greek world. Civil wars are 
seen as an even more extreme exam-
ple of commitment problems since 
the state is unable to fulfil its com-
mitment to protect its population. At 
the end of the fifth part, readers can 
find reflections on the fact that many 
Liberia, Blattman illustrates war bias 
by referring to events in medieval 
Italy and the fights for American in-
dependence. This time difference is 
explained on the basis that war bias is 
the main cause of the conflicts when 
there is a lack of democracy, absence 
of rules as well as an excessive con-
centration of power.
The third chapter, Intangible In-
centives, is devoted to non-material 
objectives, which also play a key 
role as a trigger for fights. Ideals and 
values, such as freedom and justice, 
proved to be crucial during the Arab 
Spring. The book points to the val-
ues of unfairness and willingness as 
some of the major values that were 
the cause of many fights. The author 
describes the gain of better status and 
fame as other intangible motivations 
of the fight; this happened mainly 
during both world wars. Blattman 
further notes that the prospect of 
gaining fame and status is not only a 
trigger for wars, but also a means of 
keeping warriors motivated. The sec-
ond part of the chapter refers to ide-
ologies and their role as one cause of 
fights. The primary issue with ideolo-
gy is considered to be the fact that its 
proponents often view the enforce-
ment of their ideology as the only vi-
able solution. At the end of the chap-
ter, the author reflects on whether 
people are inherently violent, which 
he tries to point out through the the-
ory of parochialism.
The fourth chapter describes Un-
certainty; according to Blattman, un-
certainty stems chiefly from a lack 
of information. Uncertainty is also 

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TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 4/2023
undertaken during Reagan’s presi-
dency, the concept of détente is il-
lustrated. Blattman builds on the idea 
that interdependence is an effective 
peace strategy when it benefits all 
actors involved. If the actors are iso-
lated economically or politically, they 
are much more prone to provoke 
fights. Social interdependence is pre-
sented as an effective strategy for 
preventing civil wars as the barriers 
between the population of the state 
are erased. The author also presents 
the concept of moral interdepend-
ence, which is based on the premise 
that so long as dignity is granted to all 
people the level of violence will be 
lower.
The eight chapter focuses on the 
concept of Checks and Balances, 
which is related to the decentralisa-
tion of power. The author stresses 
that effective enforcement of the 
concept of checks and balances calls 
for transparent institutionalisation – 
whether on the corporate, sub-state, 
state or international level. The con-
cept of checks and balances is also 
clarified via the theory of polycen-
trism. Polycentrism refers to situa-
tions, where polities with a lack of 
decentralisation of power (e.g., dic-
tatorship or military juntas), are more 
susceptible to cause conflicts. The 
chapter ends with the author reflect-
ing on the fact that the current setup 
of the international system supports 
greater centralisation, which can dis-
rupt the stability of the international 
environment.
The ninth chapter is dedicated to 
Rules and Enforcement; the existence 
conflicts could have been avoided 
had the leaders better considered 
their actions; this is also linked to the 
observance of domestic and interna-
tional commitments.
The sixth part is entitled Misper-
ceptions. In this chapter, Blattman 
deals with psychological and emo-
tional aspects, which can have mas-
sive impact on the start of fights. 
However, it is stated that the degree 
to which psychological and emotion-
al factors are involved as triggers of 
fights is difficult to study since there 
are no quantifiable data. The author 
points to some interesting examples 
showing that there is almost no dif-
ference between inexperience, panic, 
fear and self-preservation. The start 
of a fight is also caused because each 
actor might hold a different point of 
view on a given situation. The influ-
ence of psychological factor is also 
described through group decision-
making. The bigger the groups, the 
more the opinions of the members 
vary, which creates pressure to adopt 
the final decision. The last pages of 
the chapter describe how every per-
son has certain tendencies towards 
hatred and destruction. However, as 
indicated in the book, whether and 
how strong they are manifested de-
pends on the current circumstances.
While the first part of the book is 
devoted to the causes of fighting, the 
second part documents the possibili-
ties of peace strategies. The seventh 
chapter, Interdependence, begins 
with one of Ronald Reagan’s famous 
statements: “Peace is not the absence 
of conflict”. Based on some actions 

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TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 4/2023
operations or humanitarian military 
interventions. Facilitating is illustrat-
ed through using the art of media-
tion; with mediation between Israel 
and Egypt or the situation in Liberia 
serving as examples. The idea of so-
cialisation is discussed through the 
education of society towards non-vi-
olence. The tenth part concludes with 
the incentivising strategy, which is 
connected with the idea of free elec-
tions and their contribution to peace 
in society.
The eleventh chapter, entitled 
Wayward Paths to War and Peace, 
offers an interesting perspective on 
changes in the organisation of so-
ciety as possible tools for conflict 
prevention. Blattman first explains 
the strategy of putting more women 
in charge as a possible way of en-
suring peace. In this case, it is men-
tioned that, even though women 
have a greater inclination for paci-
fism, whether leadership by a woman 
brings more peace would depend 
on the person involved. There is also 
an interesting view about whether 
reducing poverty would also lead to 
more peace, where once again the 
correlation is not confirmed. Here, 
the author also reflects on where the 
line is between the positive conse-
quences of war and the share of the 
costs, whether financial or human.
The final part of the book is en-
titled The Peacemeal Engineer. In 
ten separate parts, Blattman tries 
to explain why social and political 
problems cannot be solved as easily 
as happens in other sectors. He also 
presents a theory about how difficult 
of these two elements is necessary 
to maintain order in every society. 
Emphasis is placed on the thesis that 
society can these days only be fully 
stable if the state has full control 
over it and has effective mechanisms 
in place to enforce order. Hobbs’s 
theory of anarchy is used as proof of 
this statement, when in the absence 
of rules: “A man is a wolf to another 
man”. In the second part of the chap-
ter, Blattman shows that the enforce-
ment of rules on the international lev-
el is much more difficult than on the 
state level. The reason for this is the 
non-existence of central authority, 
as well as the uneven distribution of 
power across almost 200 states. At the 
end of the eighth chapter, the author 
asks whether wars could be prevent-
ed if there were some type of “world 
government”. Nevertheless, Blattman 
currently sees the effective function-
ing of international and regional or-
ganisations as the most effective way 
of preventing inter-state violence.
The tenth chapter is concerned 
with Interventions and their contri-
bution to obtaining and maintaining 
peace. Blattman illustrates peace-
keeping interventions through five 
selected strategies – punishing, en-
forcing, facilitating, incentivising and 
socialising. International/foreign 
sanctions are mentioned as an ex-
ample of punishing. This section of-
fers an interesting debate about the 
effectiveness of sanctions as well as 
whether excessive sanctions lead 
to an increase in tensions. Enforc-
ing is presented through the actions 
of third parties – UN peacekeeping 

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TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 4/2023
it is to resolve conflicts – although we 
have many examples of how peace 
was achieved, most situations are 
fundamentally different, and it is fre-
quently impossible to apply previous 
solutions. In this context, the book 
ends with the author writing: “For the 
path of peace today there is no uni-
versal template. I can give you some 
concepts, tools…”.
A positive aspect of the book is 
that one can find many situations 
taken from everyday life being used 
as examples to ensure better under-
standing of the motivations for the 
actions by important actors through-
out history. Also interesting is the fact 
that at the beginning of several chap-
ters the author describes a story from 
the environment of gangs, where he 
looks for subsequent parallels be-
tween gang rivalries and conflicts 
on a much larger scale. Blattman 
thereby seeks to illustrate the situa-
tions where the causes of ‘everyday’ 
violence are not so different from the 
causes of massive conflicts and their 
resolution. 
The book is recommended main-
ly for because it offers many inter-
esting instances and reflections that 
would be overlooked without the 
impulses that are mentioned. Chris-
topher Blattman used his years of 
experience as a blog writer, as well as 
a contributor to major newspapers, 
to write an interesting and engaging 
book. While the peer-reviewed book 
is a valuable addition to the library 
of all students of social and politi-
cal sciences, it is additionally recom-
mended to anyone interested in the 
functioning of society and its chang-
es that lead to either the unleashing 
of a conflict or the establishment of a 
path to peace. 
Tomáš ŽIPAJ
Fakulteta za družbene vede,
Univerza v Ljubljani
Mike Hulme
Climate Change Isn’t Everything: 
Liberating Climate Politics from 
Alarmism
Polity Press, Cambridge, 2023,  
200 strani, Paperback 17,00 EUR 
(ISBN 9781509556168) 
Kako prepoznamo dobre knjige, 
še preden jih preberemo? Zame je 
priporočilo vedno na prvem mestu. 
Me je pa nekoliko presenetilo, ko je 
na dogodku Univerze v Mariboru De-
diščinska znanost in podnebne spre-
membe Johanna Leissner (predstav-
nica Inštituta Fraunhofer v Bruslju in 
aktivna članica več evropskih pobud 
na področju podnebnih sprememb 
in kulturne dediščine) s posebno 
vznesenostjo priporočila relativno 
»staro« knjigo Mika Hulma Why We 
Disagree About Climate Change? 
(2009). Fotografijo naslovnice je na 
dogodku pospremila z besedami, da 
bi to knjigo moral prebrati vsak, ki 
deluje v polju podnebnih sprememb. 
Knjigo z očitno družboslovnim, celo 
komunikološkim naslovom priporo-
ča kemičarka, ki dela v humanistič-
nem polju kulturne dediščine? 
Hulme je res avtor, ki ga tudi jaz 
priporočam v branje vsem v polju t. i. 

880
TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 4/2023
»zelenega prehoda« – naravoslovcem 
morda še prej kot družboslovcem, če-
prav so teme izrazito družboslovne. 
Ko sem odložila Why We Disagree 
About Climate Change?, sem vzela 
v roke še druga njegova dela. Tudi 
njegovo zadnje delo z namenoma 
provokativnim naslovom Climate 
Change Isn’t Everything je vsekakor 
vredno branja, gre pa Hulme tokrat v 
svojem razmišljanju še precej dlje kot 
v preostalih delih, čeprav je osrednje 
ideje začel izrisovati že v knjigah Why 
We Disagree About Climate Change? 
in Weathered: Cultures of Climate. 
Mike Hulme je večino svojega živ-
ljenja posvetil raziskovanju učinkov 
podnebnih sprememb in opozarja-
nju na njihove negativne posledice. 
Je profesor družbene geografije na 
Univerzi Cambridge s častitljivo zgo-
dovino raziskovanja. Med drugim je 
bil med letoma 1995 in 2001 tudi član 
Medvladnega panela za podnebne 
spremembe pri Združenih narodih 
(IPCC – Intergovernmental Panel for 
Climate Change) in je pomagal pri 
pisanju 2. in 3. poročila IPCC (2021 je 
izšlo 6. poročilo) – tistih dveh poročil, 
ki sta avtorjem IPCC leta 2007 »prislu-
žila« Nobelovo nagrado za mir; med 
soprejemniki je bila tudi dr. Lučka 
Kajfež Bogataj. 
Čeprav je naslov mogoče brati 
dvoumno, pa Hulme nikakor ne go-
vori o tem, da podnebne spremembe 
ne bi obstajale in da ne bi bile rezul-
tat jasno znanih razlogov povečanih 
izpustov toplogrednih plinov. Tudi 
ne govori, da ni potrebno ukrepanje. 
Slednje v monografiji izrecno in več-
krat izpostavi, saj se zaveda, da bi bilo 
njegovo delo lahko hitro izrabljeno 
kot orožje v javni razpravi o podneb-
nih spremembah v smislu pozicije t. i. 
»zanikovalca« podnebnih sprememb 
(angl. climate denayer). Pri čemer 
pa tudi ne nasprotuje javni razpravi, 
temveč nasprotno: celotno delo je 
prežeto z idejo pomembnosti javne 
razprave, saj bodo, opozarja, le na tak 
način politike podnebnih sprememb 
ubežale depolitizaciji. Depolitizacijo 
vidi v časovni in vsebinski zožitvi raz-
prav o podnebnih spremembah. 
Časovno zožitev razprav vidi v 
alarmiranju, ko se s pritiskanjem za 
takojšnje in hitre odločitve sprožajo 
ukrepi izrednega stanja, nevarnega 
za demokracijo. Na tem mestu pre-
poznava, da se mu bo verjetno vsaj 
deloma upravičeno pripisovalo po-
zicijo t. i. »upočasnitelja« (angl. »cli-
mate delayer«), s tem ko opozarja na 
zmernost pri alarmiranju – ne zato 
ker ukrepanje ne bi bilo potrebno, 
temveč ker s pozivom na izredne 
razmere ožimo polje razmišljanja o 
podnebnih spremembah v urgentnih 
razmerah. 
Vsebinska zožitev razprav ima po 
njegovem mnenju več razsežnosti, na 
tem mestu izpostavim tri: (a) v pou-
darjanju enega cilja pred vsemi osta-
limi, (b) v enovzročnih obrazložitvah, 
ki kompleksne probleme ožijo zgolj 
na vidik podnebnih sprememb, in 
(c) v nedemokratičnem izključevanju 
drugače mislečih in dogmatičnemu 
sledenju lastnemu prepričanju. 
V prvi vrsti vidi vsebinsko zožitev 
razprav o podnebnih spremembah 
v priseganju na podnebne cilje nad 
vsemi ostalimi. Blaženje podnebnih 

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TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 4/2023
sprememb ne bi smelo biti nad cilji, 
ki so vsebinski argumenti za blaženje 
podnebnih sprememb: dobrobit in 
zdravje ljudi, biodiverziteta, družbena 
pravičnost. Nabor tovrstnih argumen-
tov je v prvi vrsti odvisen od vsako-
kratnega vrednotnega sistema družb. 
Namesto priseganja na zgolj en cilj, ki 
da naj bo nad vsemi ostalimi, Hulme 
opozarja na pomembnost hkratnega 
prepoznavanja raznolikih ciljev. Bolj 
primeren kot je cilj 1,5 °C povprečne 
globalne temperature nad industrij-
sko dobo Pariškega sporazuma, je 
po Hulmu pristop SDG 2030 Ciljev 
trajnostnega razvoja do leta 2030, ki 
skrb za globalni ekosistem umeščajo 
ob skrb za socialne pravice in demo-
kratičen razvoj družb. Hulme s tem 
razširi kritiko o tiraniji metrik(e), ki 
jo sicer poznamo iz kritičnih razprav 
o vsepomembnosti BDP-ja, tudi na 
področje podnebnih sprememb, pri 
čemer se boji, da v želji po čim večji 
učinkovitosti z osredotočanjem na 
zgolj en cilj (globalna povprečna tem-
peratura ali svetovni ogljični odtis) 
spregledamo inherentno kompleks-
nost problemov in teh problemov v 
najboljšem primeru ne rešujemo, v 
najslabšem pa povzročamo nove ali 
pa izvirni problem še poslabšamo. 
Prepoznavanje zgolj enega cilja 
pred vsemi ostalimi lahko namreč 
po Hulmu prehitro pripelje do per-
verznih učinkov: od maladaptacije 
do socialnih krivic ali celo večje ener-
getske odvisnosti od drugih držav, 
namesto manjše. Eden izmed prime-
rov tovrstnih nezaželenih učinkov 
je nenačrtovan rezultat zmanjšanja 
podpore zahodnih držav projektom, 
ki so povezani s fosilnimi gorivi v dr-
žavah svetovnega juga. Kar 2,5 mili-
jarde ljudi, približno 30 % globalnega 
prebivalstva, živi v gospodinjstvih, ki 
za kuhanje uporabljajo odprti ogenj 
ali peči na kerozin, oglje, gnoj ali 
druge oblike biomase. Po podatkih 
WHO (v Hulme 2023, str. 126) lahko 
3,8 milijona preranih smrti pripišemo 
tovrstnemu načinu kuhanja, kar pri-
marno zadeva ženske in otroke. Ker 
pa se je zmanjšala finančna podpora 
zahodnih držav za projekte fosilnih 
goriv, je to vključevalo tudi podpo-
ro menjavam nevarnih kuhalnikov 
za najcenejšo in glede na trenuten 
tehnološki razvoj najprimernejšo al-
ternativo – gorilnike na plin. Slednji 
imajo sicer za približno 30 % manjše 
izpuste toplogrednih plinov kot alter-
nativa, a še pomembneje: zamenjava 
ima izredno velike učinke na zdravje 
in življenja predvsem žensk in otrok; 
njihova dobrobit je navadno prvi ar-
gument, zakaj sploh v boj proti pod-
nebnim spremembam. V knjigi so 
predstavljeni še drugi primeri, npr. v 
Evropi najbolj znan primer poslabša-
nja stanja na globalnem trgu hrane in 
krčenju gozdov za monokulture v na-
men biogoriv. 
Drugič in povezano, vsebinsko 
zožitev razprav o podnebnih spre-
membah Hulme vidi v enovzročni/
monokavzalni naravi podnebnih 
diskurzov. »Monokavzalne razlage 
so navadno napačne in včasih ne-
varne« (Hulme, 2023, str. 14). Mono-
kavzalnost vidi v vse pogostejšem 
pripisovanju vzrokov za komplek-
sne družbene fenomene podneb-
nim spremembam, npr. razumevanje 

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TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 4/2023
sirijske vojne kot posledice suše za-
radi podnebnih sprememb – inter-
pretacija, ki sicer ustreza Asadovemu 
režimu, saj spregleda pomembnost 
zgodovinskih odnosov v državi in 
politično odgovornost režima. Drug 
zapomnljiv primer je vprašanje 
upravljanja delte reke Mekong, ki leži 
zgolj meter nad morsko gladino in se 
počasi potaplja. Hulme opozori, da 
bi ozko razmišljanje o prihodnosti te 
delte naslovilo zgolj vprašanje dviga-
nja morske gladine (napovedano za 
30 do 70 cm v naslednjem stoletju). 
Ozka osredotočenost zgolj na vplive 
podnebnih sprememb na dvig mor-
ske gladine bi usmerjala aktivnosti v 
globalno zmanjšanje ogljičnega od-
tisa. Spregledala pa bi širšo in kom-
pleksnejšo sliko stanja v delti in pri-
mernega prepleta ukrepov: grajenje 
jezov onemogoča nanose sedimen-
tov, rudarjenje v kanalih odnese 54 
megaton peska vsako leto, intenzivna 
agrikultura in preprečevanje poplav 
sta nadomestila naravne vodne poti 
in mangrove z nasipi in akvakulturo, 
varovanje pred poplavami z betoni-
ranjem nasipov pa z rigidnostjo vo-
dnih strug pomeni še več poplavlja-
nja (Kondolf idr. 2022 v Hulme 2023, 
str. 158). Dvig morske gladine je torej 
zgolj manjši del mozaika trajnostnega 
upravljanja delte Mekonga. 
Kot tretje, depolitizacijo javne 
razprave o podnebnih spremembah 
Hulme prepoznava v drži »če nisi z 
nami, si proti nam«. Hulme uvede 
koncept »ideologije klimatizma«, ki 
ga prepoznava v dogmatičnih dis-
kurzih »vseobsegajočih narativ« in 
»polarizirajočega moralizma«. Prvo 
predstavlja podnebne spremembe 
kot enostavno in koherentno obra-
zložitev delovanja sveta, drugo jasno 
zgodbarsko slikanje dobrega in zle-
ga, oboje prepleteno z apokaliptično 
retoriko, ki ponuja religiji podobno 
dogmatično iskanje smisla lastnega 
obstoja in politične akcije. 
Vendar pa Hulme opozarja, da 
problem podnebnih sprememb ni 
enostavna zgodba zlikovcev proti 
pogumnim herojem, temveč komple-
ksen (»wicked«) problem, za katerega 
ni ene enostavne rešitve, temveč mo-
rajo v prvi vrsti biti prepoznane plu-
ralnosti vrednot, možnosti specifič-
nih aplikacij in pluralnosti ciljev – kar 
Hulme imenuje »nerodne rešitve«. Z 
»nerodnimi rešitvami« se Hulme vrne 
k osrednjim idejam »Why We Disa-
gree About Climate Change« in opo-
zori na nujnost umeščanja podneb-
nih sprememb v širše zgodovinske 
in politične kontekste, predvsem pa v 
razmerja do drugih družbenih prob-
lemov in ostalih družbenih trendov. 
Če sklenem, Climate Cange Isn’t 
Everything je delo vredno branja, ki 
pomaga k refleksiji razlogov, zakaj 
se sploh borimo proti podnebnim 
spremembam. Monografijo v prvi vr-
sti berem kot opozorilo o družbenih 
dejavnikih, v katere je umeščena raz-
prava o podnebnih spremembah, s 
tem pa tudi kot poziv o pomembno-
sti vloge družboslovnega in humani-
stičnega pristopa k zelenemu preho-
du. Odlikuje jo razumljiv, mestoma 
celo pogovorni slog pisanja. Posebno 
vrednost daje pisanju tudi neposred-
no naslavljanje potencialnih protiar-
gumentov in s tem preobrazba teksta 

883
TEORIJA IN PRAKSA let. 60, 4/2023
iz monologa v razpravo z zamišljeni-
mi kritiki (npr. »Če se je treba zoper-
staviti kapitalistični potrošniški ideo-
logiji, mar za družbeno mobilizacijo 
ne potrebujemo protiideologije, kot je 
klimatizem?«, str. 154). 
Prednost delu daje tudi prilože-
no poglavje »Nadaljnje branje«, kjer 
nam Hulme predstavi osrednja pi-
sanja, na katerih gradi ključne ideje 
in predvsem vrednote lastnega pri-
stopa. Pri tem pa naletimo tudi na 
eno izmed ključnih pomanjkljivosti 
monografije – šele v tem priloženem 
poglavju izvemo zelo na kratko o 
tem, da svoje misli uvršča v »ekomo-
dernizem«, ki da je »tretja pot« med la-
issez-fair ekonomijo in antikapitaliz-
mom. V monografiji pogrešam pred-
vsem razpravo o tej poziciji in kako je 
usmerjala pisanje dela Climate Chan-
ge Isn’t Everything. 
Maja TURNŠEK
Univerza v Mariboru 
Fakulteta za turizem