Adelina Fejza, Gregor Čok: PROSTORSKI ELEMENTI, KI USTVARJAJO KAKOVOSTEN JAVNI PROSTOR Rrona Berisha, Matevž Juvančič: ODPRTOKODNI URBANIZEM – PREVOD NAČEL IN KRITERIJEV ODPRTOKODNE PROGRAMSKE OPREME NA PODROČJE URBANIZMA Martina Zbašnik-Senegačnik, Ljudmila Koprivec: POMEN POGLEDOV SKOZI OKNO UČILNICE Rrona Berisha, Ilka Čerpes: DRUŽBENI IN PROSTORSKI VIDIK JAVNIH PROSTOROV – SKOZI ANALIZO DEL ALIJA MADANIPOURJA Domen Kušar, Kristijan Lavtižar: BARVA STREHE KOT DEJAVNIK OBLIKOVANJA ARHITEKTURNE KRAJINE Tomaž Slak: VLOGA IN POMEN INSTITUTA MESTNEGA ARHITEKTA V PARADIGMI PROSTORSKEGA UREJANJA MANJŠIH OBČIN V SLOVENIJI THE CREATIVITY GAME – Theory and Practice of Spatial Planning IGRA USTVARJALNOSTI – teorija in praksa urejanja prostora No 10 / 2022 Št. 10 / 2022 UVODNIK UVODNIK EDITORIAL EDITORIAL ČLANEK ČLANEK ARTICLE ARTICLE RAZPRAVA RAZPRAVA DISCUSSION DISCUSSION RECENZIJA RECENZIJA REVIEW REVIEW PROJEKT PROJEKT PROJECT PROJECT DELAVNICA DELAVNICA WORKSHOP WORKSHOP NATEČAJ NATEČAJ COMPETITION COMPETITION PREDSTAVITEV PREDSTAVITEV PRESENTATION PRESENTATION DIPLOMA DIPLOMA MASTER THESIS MASTER THESIS 5 14 64 8 TEORIJA IN PRAKSA UREJANJA PROSTORA THEORY AND PRACTICE OF SPATIAL PLANNING IGRA USTVARJALNOSTI TEORIJA IN PRAKSA UREJANJA PROSTORA ŠT. 10 / 2022 | NO 10 / 2022 CREATIVITY GAME THEORY AND PRACTICE OF SPATIAL PLANNING KAZALO CONTENTS I. UVODNIK EDITORIAL Janez P. Grom, Kristijan Lavtižar8 II. ČLANKI ARTICLES  Adelina Fejza, Gregor Čok: 14 PROSTORSKI ELEMENTI, KI USTVARJAJO KAKOVOSTEN JAVNI PROSTOR SPATIAL ELEMENTS THAT CREATE THE QUALITY PUBLIC SPACE Martina Zbašnik-Senegačnik, Ljudmila Koprivec: 22 POMEN POGLEDOV SKOZI OKNO UČILNICE THE IMPORTANCE OF THE CLASSROOM'S WINDOW VIEW Rrona Berisha, Ilka Čerpes: 30 DRUŽBENI IN PROSTORSKI VIDIK JAVNIH PROSTOROV – SKOZI ANALIZO DEL ALIJA MADANIPOURJA THE SOCIAL AND SPATIAL ASPECT OF PUBLIC SPACES - THROUGH THE ANALYSIS OF ALI MADANIPOUR’S WORKS Domen Kušar, Kristijan Lavtižar: 36 BARVA STREHE KOT DEJAVNIK OBLIKOVANJA ARHITEKTURNE KRAJINE ROOF COLOR AS A FACTOR OF ARCHITECTURAL LANDSCAPE DESIGN Rrona Berisha, Matevž Juvančič: 44 ODPRTOKODNI URBANIZEM – prevod načel in kriterijev odprtokodne programske opreme na področje urbanizma OPEN SOURCE URBANISM – ADAPTING PRINCIPLES AND CRITERIA OF OPEN SOURCE SOFTWARE TO URBANISM Tomaž Slak: 52 VLOGA IN POMEN INSTITUTA MESTNEGA ARHITEKTA V PARADIGMI PROSTORSKEGA UREJANJA MANJŠIH OBČIN V SLOVENIJI ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF THE CITY ARCHITECT INSTITUTE IN THE PARADIGM OF SPATIAL PLANNING OF SMALL MUNICIPALITIES IN SLOVENIA III. SEZNAM AVTORJEV LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS I. UVODNIK EDITORIAL II. ČLANKI ARTICLES III. SEZNAM AVTORJEV LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Barvita igra ustvarjalnosti Ob zaključevanju redakcije revije za leto 2022 smo leto sklenili z zanimivim sodelovanjem z Muzejem za arhitekturo in obliko­vanje (MAO). Ob večji zalogi legokock, ki jih je muzeju nedav­no izročila Mija Razpotnik, smo se domislili, da pripravimo štu­dentsko delavnico na temo poustvarjanja Plečnikovih del s to preprosto, a večno igračo. Obdobje po izbruhu pandemije je zaznamovalo vsako obliko ustvarjanja – znanstveno, umetni­ško, strokovno in pedagoško. Delo s študenti se je v letu 2022 še vedno odvijalo pod vtisom omejitev za omejevanje širjenja pandemije, druženje ob študiju pa je večinoma zastalo. Danes si težko zamislimo otroške igrače, ne da bi pomislili tudi na legokocke. Te so tako razširjene, da skoraj ni dela sveta, kjer jih ne bi bilo mogoče dobiti, v zahodni družbi pa so postale del kulture, v kateri so zasidrane že desetletja. Vse se vedno začne z živobarvno potiskano škatlo, ki obljublja marsikaj, v skrbno zbranih vrečkah pa so gradniki, kocke, ki so same po sebi daleč od zamišljene končne podobe. V škatli so praviloma tudi navodila, ta so kratka ali zelo obsežna, a vedno na preprost način in po korakih vodijo do rezultata. V nekaterih kompletih so običajno navodila z več različicami ob uporabi istih kock. Vsak uporabnik teh kock lahko vedno začne graditi sam, brez pomoči knjižice, takrat so možnosti neomejene. Vzporednice z urbanizmom ni težko potegniti, saj so stavbe in prostor tisto, kar iz legokock največkrat nastane. Vendar na arhitekturo spo­minja tudi proces sestavljanja. Začne se s preprostimi elemen­ti, ki že zaradi načina zlaganja in strogega reda čepov določajo medsebojni način zlaganja in omejijo število različic. Nujno je razumevanje merila, količine, simetrije, osnovnih vzorcev in geometrije. Morda je prav merilo najpomembnejše, saj s pravim merilom lahko uporabimo katerokoli obliko ali barvo kocke, da se dovolj približamo resnični podobi prostora. Tega med poustvarjanjem s kockami rasteriziramo, pikseliziramo in abstrahiramo. Sestavljavec se torej poskuša v okviru pravil igre, ki jim sledi, približati svoji ideji. Podobno kot to počnejo arhi­tekti in urbanisti, ko proučujejo prostorske regulacije, tehnične smernice ali normative. Podobno kot sestavljavec sledi navo­dilom, graditelj sledi načrtu. Proces sestavljanja je vendar po­seben, saj gre za aditivni način, pri katerem se elementi vedno dodajajo in se združujejo drug na drugega, pri razstavljanju pa je možnih več težav. Aditivni proces je poseben tudi zato, ker onemogoča preprosto vračanje na prejšnje korake, zato postavitev vsake kocke zahteva tehten, recimo temu inženirski premislek. Sestavljanje je tako veliko lažje kot razdruževanje kock, kar je lahko pravi izziv, pri čemer je treba včasih razdreti del modela in storiti več korakov nazaj. Predhoden razmislek je zato nujen, da so napake še popravljive. To je tuje sodobnemu načinu dela, saj je vračanje na prejšnje korake v računalniškem okolju danes sprejeto dejstvo. Na delavnici, ki terja celoletno delo študentskih ekip, so štu­dentje s prvimi koraki spoznali dela arhitekta Plečnika. Ravno prav, saj je v MAO ob sočasnem odprtju Plečnikove razstave ob njegovi 150-letnici rojstva študentom omogočil dostop do izjemnih arhivskih podatkov, na podlagi katerih so nastale interpretacije arhitektovih mojstrovin z legokockami! Zaradi vseh možnosti kock je mogoče z njimi interpretirati prav vsak projekt v arhitektovem opusu. Lotili so se projekta Narodne in univerzitetne knjižnice, Vegove ulice, pokopališča Žale in Tromostovja. Nadaljevanje dela bo mladim obiskovalcem MAO omogočilo igrivo spoznavanje dediščine arhitekture in urbanizma Ljubljane v več markantnih obdobjih in z vidika miniaturizacije še drugih uveljavljenih arhitektov, ki so zazna­movali mesto. Tako je tudi tokratna izdaja revije, za leto 2022, sestavljena v duhu aditivnega procesa. Izbor člankov in drugih prispevkov je iz pestrih vsebin sestavljen v celoto, predstavljeno v tokratni reviji, ob kritični presoji ter povezovanju stroke in raznovrstnih meril. asist. dr. Janez P. Grom asist. Kristijan Lavtižar Colorful Creativity Game Wrapping up the 2022 issue, we ended the year with an exciting collaboration with the Museum of Architecture and Design (MAO). With a large supply of LEGO bricks recently donated to the Muse­um by Mija Razpotnik, we came up with the idea of organising a student workshop on recreating Plečnik's works with this simple but eternal toy. The post-COVID-19 period was marked by every form of creativity - scientific, artistic, professional and pedagogical. In 2022, working with students was still subjected to COVID-19 restrictions, and socialising while studying had largely come to a standstill. It's hard to think of children's toys today without thinking of LEGO bricks. They are so widespread that there is hardly any part of the world where they are not available, and they have been embedded as part of the culture in Western society for decades. It always begins with a colourful, brightly printed box, that promises lots of things. Indeed, inside the carefully stacked bags are the building blocks, the bricks, which as themselves are still far from the final image. The box also contains a booklet of either short or very extensive instructions, but always depicted in a simple, step-by-step manner, leading to the result. Some kits offer instructions which can create different results by using the same bricks. But there is always the option to start building on your own without the help of this booklet, in which case the possibilities are potentially endless. It is not difficult to draw parallels with urbanism, as buildings and space are often the results that come from using LEGO bricks. The process of assembling these bricks is also reminiscent of architecture. It starts with simple elements which, by the very way they are stacked and the strict order of the studs, determine the way they are assembled, limiting the number of variations. An understanding of scale, quantity, symmetry, basic patterns, and geometry is essential. It is perhaps the scale that is most important, because with the right scale we can use any shape or colour of a brick to get close enough to reality. Besides, in the process of building with bricks, the space is rasterised, pixelated, and abstracted. The builder is therefore trying to get closer to his idea within the rules of the game he is struggling with, just as architects and urban planners do when faced with spatial regulations, technical guidelines, or norms. And just as the LEGO builder follows the instructions, the actual builder follows the plan. The process of assembling is special, however, because it is an additive process, where elements are always being added and combined with each other; but when disassembling, we encounter several problems. The additive process is also special because it makes it impossible to simply go back to the previous steps, so that combining two bricks requires a, let's say, serious engineering consideration. This makes it much easier to assemble than to disassemble the bricks, which can be a real challenge, sometimes requiring breaking a part of the model and going back several steps. Careful consideration beforehand is therefore essential to ensure that mistakes can still be corrected. This is foreign to the modern way of working, as reverting to earlier steps is now an accepted fact in the computer environment. In a workshop that will require the collaboration of student teams throughout the year, the students took their first steps to learn about the works of the architect Plečnik. Rightly so, as the opening of the Plečnik exhibition at the MAO at the time of the 150th anniversary of his birth gave the students access to exceptional archival data that have been used to create »LEGO interpretations« of the architect's masterpieces. Thanks to all the possibilities of the bricks, there is no project of the architect's corpus that could not be properly interpreted with them. Projects that have already been taken on include the National and University Library, Vegova Street, the Žale Cemetery and the Triple Bridge. Continuing this work, young visitors to the MAO will be able to playfully get to know the heritage of Ljubljana's architecture and urbanism thro­ugh several distinctive periods and in the light of the miniaturisa­tion of other established architects who have made their mark on the city. Therefore, this 2022 edition of the magazine is also composed in the spirit of the additive process. The selection of articles and other contributions is drawn together from the wide range of topics presented in this journal, in light of the critical reflection and integration of disciplines and diverse criteria. asist. dr. Janez P. Grom asist. Kristijan Lavtižar SPATIAL ELEMENTS THAT CREATE THE QUALITY PUBLIC SPACE https://doi.org/10.15292/IU-CG.2022.10.014-021 UDK: 711.4 SUBMITTED: May 2022 / REVISED: June 2022 / PUBLISHED: August 2022 1.02 Pregledni znanstveni članek / Review Article DOI: ABSTRACT Public space is an essential element of human wellbeing and the overall development of the city and society. This paper pres­ents a brief outlook of the past and present situations related to the planning and use of public spaces in urban environments. In doing so, this paper addresses the finding that public spaces gradually lose the focus of quality in them, and as time goes by, these spaces are reshaping even in human-unfriendly places. The purpose of this presented research is to find out what are the key elements that create a quality public space. To achieve it, it is used a comparative–descriptive method comparing two relevant pieces of literature or authorial approaches, Henaff and Strong's “Public Space and Democracy” and Pérez-Gómez's “Attunement”. These two examples fulfill the criteria of having different interdisciplinary approaches toward public space, explained through different periods and backgrounds. It is found that the crucial elements these authors suggest for build­ing qualitative space are well-grounded. As such, they can be implemented in an integrated physical form because they base on the human factor or the physical presence and experience in space. In the conclusion part, a suggestion was made to include these elements in the process of planning and designing public spaces in the context of the challenges of modern living culture. KEY-WORDS public space, quality public space, key elements, human factor, urban planning and design POVZETEK Javni prostor je bistveni element človekove blaginje ter celotne­ga razvoja mesta in družbe. V prispevku je predstavljen kratek pogled na preteklo in sedanje stanje v zvezi z načrtovanjem in uporabo javnih prostorov v urbanih okoljih. Članek naslavlja ugotovitev, da se v teh okoljih postopoma izgublja fokus kako­vosti javnega prostora, sčasoma pa se ti prostori preoblikujejo celo v človeku neprijazna okolja. Namen predstavljene raziskave je ugotoviti, kateri so ključni elementi, ki ustvarjajo kakovosten javni prostor. Za dosego tega smo uporabili primerjalno in deskriptivno raziskovalno metodo in izvedli primerjavo dveh relevantnih literatur oziroma avtorskih pristopov, Henaff and Strongova “Public Space and Democracy” ter Pérez-Gómezova “Attunement”. Ta dva primera izpolnjujeta kriterije različnih in­terdisciplinarnih pristopov do javnega prostora, razloženih skozi različna obdobja in ozadja. Ugotovili smo, da so elementi, ki jih avtorji predlagajo kot ključne gradnike kvalitativnega prostora, ustrezno utemeljeni. Kot take jih je mogoče izvesti v celostni fizični obliki, saj temeljijo na človeškem faktorju oziroma na telesni prisotnosti in izkušnji v prostoru. V zaključku je podan predlog za vključevanje teh elementov v proces načrtovanja in oblikovanja javnega prostora v okviru izzivov sodobne kulture bivanja. KLJUČNE BESEDE javni prostor, kakovosten javni prostor, ključni elementi, človeški faktor, urbanistično načrtovanje in oblikovanja Adelina Fejza, Gregor Čok: PROSTORSKI ELEMENTI, KI USTVARJAJO KAKOVOSTEN JAVNI PROSTOR: 14 –21 Figure 1: MFO Park – Zurich, Swi­tzerland (Source: Author, 2013). Figure 2: Mauritsplaats – Rotterdam, Netherlands (Source: Author, 2019). 1. INTRODUCTION Open public spaces together with the matrix of streets, form the pattern of the city upon which all the build-up structures organize. It defines the city by being an »open-air living room for city dwellers« (UN-Habitat, 2018, p. 6). Public space manifests in different spatial forms such as squares, parks, neighborhood outdoor space, playgrounds, streets, sidewalks, boulevards, etc. (UN-Habitat, 2018, p. 3). It is (should be) a multi-functional and inclusive area where life happens in the form of outdoor activities, various cultural, political, and social events, trading, movement, etc. (Global Public Space Toolkit, 2015, p. 4). The places represented in Figures 1, 2, and 3 are considered good examples of that kind of space. Sufficient open public space successfully connected within a city, enables the cities to upgrade the quality of life and improve its function (UN-Habitat, 2018, p. 3). »It is for urban planning to establish and organize these public spaces, and for urban design to facilitate and encou­rage their use, in the process enhancing a sense of identity and belonging« (Global Public Space Toolkit, 2015, p. 4). As the world is constantly changing, every discipline also faces changes in its domain. Ancient architecture has formed spaces that indicated encountered participation, where we understand ourselves through others, enabling human freedom and bodily communication (Pérez­-Gómez, 2017). Modern urbanism has significantly put low importance on the idea of city space as a meeting place for people, the overall public space, and the walking experience in it (Gehl, 2010, p. 3). Nowadays, the situation is different. Private interests are escalating, technology reshapes the real world into the virtual, and the economic and political domain is skeptical about the symbolic values of the space (Pérez-Gómez, 2017). Lawrence Herzog (2006, p. 5) argues about the current situation in Mexico, where the public space is gradually reshaping into something unrecognizable and unmeaningful. Transitional countries are additionally facing the issue of shrinkage or unacti­ve public spaces. It seems like we are losing the focus of quality over quantity, compromising some of our basic spatial needs just for short-lasting benefits For example, in North Macedonia, with its capital city of Skopje, most of the public spaces within collective housing buildings are not in their intended function. They are not properly designed and managed, and they seem like they don't serve at all for a collective urban living (Figure 4 and Figure 5). The human presence is missing, and what dominates is the ramp access toward the underground parking, parked cars on the ground floor, and fences around the parcel that disables the pedestrian flow and accessibility. Sahan (2021, p. 1) states there is a need for serious conside­ration of the relationship between humans and the urban surrounding. Pérez-Gómez (2016, pp. 15-20) makes a brief overlook of the past, the present, and the future of public spaces. He argues that historically it was the architect’s responsibility to provide a sense of home in the city, where the public life prioritized the human experience, which is the opposite of the present situation (Figure 5), where public spaces have converted into places for consumption and transit. He emphasizes that it becomes even more drastic when we add the influence of technology which converts physical communication into virtual, neglecting the rooted human need for live dialogue and touch and putting our psychosomatic health into question. De Graaf (2017, p. 121) has a similar view for the virtual realms, po­inting out that nowadays, the public space is not the only place that defines us as a collective. There are other virtual platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, etc. who challenge the perception of public space. Pérez-Gómez (2016, p. 20) highlights only two main possible paths for architecture in the twenty-first century who are opposite; it may intensify the human worth and capability, or it may intensify the production of even more digital environments. He wholly supports the first path. This paper also supports the human approach in creating quality public spaces. It delves into a literature review and focuses on extracting and finding the answer to the question: what are the key elements that create a quality public space? 2. METHODS Seeking an answer, we have used a comparative-descriptive method of two relevant pieces of literature. The purpose of this literature review is to outline and extract the key spatial elements that create a quality public space. Those elements will be a subject of description/comparison. The first selected literature is by Henaff and Strong “Public Space and Democracy” and the second one is by Pérez-Gómez “Attunement”. Even though there is a plethora of literature or various authorial discussions and research approaches about public space, the selected ones seem crucial and appropriate for answering the research question. The selecti­on criteria for choosing these two was: authors having diffe­rent interdisciplinary approaches toward the field of public space and authors explaining their affirmations of public space through different periods and backgrounds. In this way, we can see distinctive points of view and have a wider chronological overlook of the extracted quality elements. For justifying the first criteria, Henaff and Strong (2001) are trying to define what qualities a space must have to identify as “public” by connecting it with democracy. They make this connection because these two notions have in common their participants. They interact and manifest their democratic values within the public space. Public space and democracy cannot exist without its participants. Whereas Pérez-Gómez (2016) also has an interdisciplinary approach in his purpose for attunement. He connects phi­losophy, phenomenology, and neurobiology with architec­ture and urban design. The book’s main idea is in confron­ting the difficulties of a spiritual place in this nondualist reality and point out its significance on human well-being and sustainability, one in which architecture can and sho­uld make a crucial contribution. For justifying the second criteria, Henaff and Strong (in the introductory chapter) refer to ancient times as a background for explaining their statements and definitions. Whereas, Pérez-Gómez refers to the contemporary problems as a background for his affirmations. Through this literature review, we have identified the key elements that these authors refer to for defining a quality public space, and we find them crucial for the future plan­ning of public spaces. 3 RESULTS 3.1 Chronological facts Public space has been reshaped a lot through the years, and it will continue to reshape. It dates since the Ancient Greek (900-338 BC) when Agora represented this space (Caves, 2004, p.10). Agora was the central place of the town which had social, political, artistic, and economic value, serving as a market and formal or informal gathering spa­ce. Later, in this formation occurred the open-air gymnasia and the theatre. After Greek Agora, Roman Forums carried out its idea, consisting of the same activities and values as Greek Agora, including temples, basilicas, shops, and other amusement areas like the theatre and public baths. During medieval times, the market was the central function and attraction in public spaces – it was formed mainly in front of a public building or some roads intersections. In the Re­naissance period, public spaces were surrounded by buil­dings with unified facades, which enhanced the harmony and value of this place. Renaissance Plazas played a crucial part in the local social order and cultural development. (Chitnis, 2021). In the Modern Era, the meaning of public space changed significantly due to industrialization and the rising urban population, which resulted in urban sprawl (Fainstein, 2021) and automobile-dependent movement. It increased the need for new recreational places within the city as parks and playgrounds (Fainstein, 2021), but on the other hand, significantly put low importance on the idea of city space as a meeting place for people, the overall public space, and the walking experience in it (Gehl, 2010). Nowa­days, we are also facing significant changes in public space. The impact of globalization, the privatization of shared public spaces for commercial reasons (Nilsson, 2012), and the technological upgrade reshaped the contemporary public spaces into the concept of shopping malls (Chitnis, 2021) which isolates people from the outside environment. This approach leaves a significant change in the urban fabric, city image, and the health and psychology of the inhabitants. 3.2 Henaff and Strong – “Public Space and Democracy” Henaff and Strong (2001, pp. 2-4) firstly seek to define the public space by comparing it with three other space types, claiming that »aside from being public, space may also be private, sacred, or common«. What distinguishes them is the stan­dards that must be fulfilled for someone to have access to that space. A private space, besides the standards for access, is also characterized by the virtue of ownership, »such space is one’s own space«, and they control it (Henaff and Strong, 2001, p. 2). The sacred space doesn’t have the virtue of ownership because it is »land reserved to the gods«, and it has a sacred dimension, not human. As opposed to a sac­red place, the common space doesn’t represent any religious dimension, and it is not a public space because it is created by nature and given to humans, such as the sea, forest, etc., they can’t own it or control it. By making a simple diagram of these types of spaces (Figure 6), Henaff and Strong (2001, p. 4) concluded that: »Spaces may be human or divine; they may be a manifestation of the being that owns them, or not«. So, they defined public space as a space that is created »by and for humans« even though there are debatable rules that control its creation; it represents an accomplishment of mankind. It doesn’t have the ownership virtue, and it is accessible by those who meet the standards. Public space is a rival representation of what can be brought or taken from the public life of a person who shares it with others. When it comes to what qualities a space must have to be public, Henaff and Strong (2001, pp. 5-8) analyzed the public buildings and Agoras of ancient Greek and the philosophers: Hippodamus, Plato, Nietzsche, etc., and they defined three qualities: being open, artifact, and theatri­cal. They state that the quality of openness determines a clear vision of the location itself and the access in it; the quality of an artifact explains human nature for trying to shape the place and enhance communication; and the theatrical quality implies the human interaction by defining a space connected with sight or vision and presentness. By seeing the others and being seen by the others, the aspect of publicness emerges in that space. According to them, the quality of theatricality divides into two different sub-qua­lities determined by the relationship between people in public space. The first one is intransitivity – which means a nonreciprocal relationship between people involved, and the second one is transitivity – which means a reciprocal relationship between people involved. Democracy as a term originates from the ancient Greek word “democratia” which means “rule of the people” (Lid­dell and Scott, 1999). It »does not mean politics as a way of life… But it does mean politics (citizenship) as a way of living: an expected element of one’s life« (Daly et al., 2000, p. 112). Democracy represents the »institutionalization of freedom« (U.S. Department of State - IIP, 2013). By defining these three qualities of public space – open, artifact, and theatrical; Henaff and Strong (2001, pp. 9-12) conclu­de that: »democracy is necessarily built into any concep­tion of public space«. They explain that the essence of the public space is in its democratic form, nothing can hide, and everybody has the right to observe and interact with all that appears in public. The authors note that democra­cy requires transparency and visibility, which only public spaces can provide. It has its roots in ancient Greek, where the need for public debate, shared knowledge, and public law decisions emerged. In this way, the newly political, juridical, intellectual, and religious aspects of life; were formed in the public spaces of the city, which represented a convenient space for direct expression and development. »Democracy manifests itself within that space; the public expression of its being resides in its very being« (Henaff and Strong, 2001, p. 12). Public space is connected closely with the practice of democracy since its creation. When united, they have the power to impact humans life and the overall urban enviro­nment, a fact that was evident in ancient Greek when the intellectual class emerged. That's why public space that supports democracy is a quality space because it enables society's development. Parkinson (2012) also embraces this powerful connection. He adds that nowadays, de­mocratic freedom and actions still require physical public space, even though virtual social platforms are overtaking it, and public spaces are becoming more restricted and controlled. 3.3 Pérez-Gómez – “Attunement” Pérez-Gómez (2017), in one of his lectures at the Univer­sity of Sydney, argues about the theatrical value of public spaces by making a historical review of the theatre that defined the public realm back in the 18th century and how it has transformed drastically at the beginning of the 19th century in Europe. He argues that in the 18th century, hu­man religious and political values were intervened within these theatrical conventions. It was a place where all the main events took place. The theatre itself had a continued perspective that represented an imitation of the urban life where everybody had the right to speak and, even the audience, showed contentment or discontentment for the performances. Pérez-Gómez (2017) explains that in the 19th century, drastic changes occurred when the theatre was no longer a resemblance of the city life. It became a simulative entertainment on stage, where the audience had to keep a certain distance from the scene and to be disciplined and quiet. He argues that such cultural transformation affected the overall human life, undervaluing and ignoring public participation. This societal transformation had a significant impact on architecture, turning its primary meaning into creating private dwellings. Pérez-Gómez (2017, 18:03) highlights that even this historical retrospective denotes that the primary function of architecture was »to open up communicative spaces for focal actions, disclosing a politi­cal, social, or mythological order to a community, making, therefore, a good life possible, a wholesome life, both healthy for the body and the mind«. He considers commu­nicative spaces the same as public spaces. Compared with Henaff and Strong, who do not mention architecture and its role in constructing a quality public space, Pérez-Gómez is interested in public space as a potential result in architecture and urban planning. In his purpose for creating an attunement, Pérez-Gómez (2016, pp. 127-128) argued that nowadays, when it comes to a design decision; we neglect the narrative, emotional, and cultural aspects of a place by focusing only on the physical attributes, analyzing them only objectively and superficial. He states that what happens between humans and objects - is the act of perception, a subjective feature that cannot be compared with “nothing” because different places influence us to think differently. The qualities of the space can be perceived directly through our senses and consciousness, but this is a complex issue for technology because it tends to ignore the value of such perception, and gradually reshapes our spatial experience from actual real perception into a virtual one. An addition to the action of perception is the action of movement, which was argued by Schmarsow (as cited in Pérez-Gómez, 2016, p. 148), claiming that people can observe the space through movement also. Pérez-Gómez (2016, p. 48) relies the concept for attune­ment on the German word Stimmung. This word is an association of atmosphere and mood and suggests »a stable “tunedness” of the mind, the attunement of embo­died consciousness«. How can we apply this concept in contemporary architecture to create a possibility for attu­nement? He argues that we have a situation where urban planning and design reduces and focuses on calculational proportions, urban traffic, and monotonous housing blocks, providing a neutral space for better control. Me­anwhile, ignoring the atmosphere of public spaces results in forming a negative mood such as anxiety and emotional discomfort (Pérez-Gómez, 2016, p. 26). Atmosphere may be the main aim of the architect that is slightly unreachable (Wigley, 1998). It can be compared with the French word “ambiance”, meaning a »“cheerful” to “melancholy,” “light” to “oppressive”« activity (Pérez-Gómez, 2016, p. 27). Hermann Schmitz (1969, as cited in Rigby, 2011, p. 143) notes that atmosphere doesn't come just from the inner self because it is a form of emotion that results during some spatial experience. According to Pérez-Gómez (2016, p. 30), atmosphere challenges the virtual commu­nication of the present time by prioritizing bodily presen­ce and experience. It also challenges modern architects such as Le Corbusier, who followed Durand’s decisions for unifying the architectural drawings into precise lines, using a grid and focusing only on solving a problem, meanwhile avoiding the atmospheric features and intuitive expres­sion because they are impossible to materialize. Anyway, he adds that some architects embrace the atmospheric value, for example, Peter Zumthor – whose buildings differ by creating atmospheres that »reveal qualities of place that appear as autochthonous, resonant with the activities to which rooms and spaces in his projects are particularly dedicated« (Pérez-Gómez, 2016, p. 30). Zumthors' work represents Adolf Looss' statements about the importance of recognizing a feeling - to create the desired outcome (Pérez-Gómez, 2016, p. 30). The situationist Guy Debord (as cited in Pérez-Gómez, 2016, p. 30) also contributed to the sphere of urban design, defining the modern planned city as incapable of creating unique perceptible atmospheres. Moods are intertwined directly with the atmosphere of a place, they come to our inner self in the form of emotion, but we cannot materialize and project them in a particular space; they imitate natural and manmade spaces, esta­blishing »cognition, action and thought«, as claimed by Pérez-Gómez (2016, pp. 36-39). The author states that »emo­tions are crucial for cognition; they have a life-enhancing, evolutionary origin and are borne out of the body’s engage­ment in the world« (Pérez-Gómez, 2016, p. 36). That is why qualitative architecture should focus on creating atmosphe­res and moods that result in positive emotions, positive life, healthful humanity, sense of belonging, homeness, and soci­alness. »The inner is the outer« (Pérez-Gómez, 2016, p. 36). Pérez-Gómez (2016, p. 166) also highlights that the attu­nement space has the risk to not result in impacting us in a way it is envisioned by “Stimmung”. Anyway, »enactive understanding and embodied perception are crucial to our grasp of Stimmung« (Pérez-Gómez, 2016, p. 166); it has potential for further development of contemporary architecture and urban design. He concludes that spiri­tual aspects of a place can have global positive feedback on health and sustainability, in which architecture should have the crucial part in the process of creating it. Just as Vitruvius (ca. 25 BCE) believed that a well-designed city is in harmony with nature, climate, orientation, and propor­tion of buildings - creating a balanced life between man and the environment - Pérez-Gómez (2016, pp. 14-21) classifies well designed city as a feeling of attunement with the surrounding - which has a vital meaning in hu­man psychological health and well-being. He states that this attunement in a certain place, provided by human actions may be the most lasting feature that architecture gives to humanity. 4. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION Based on the reviewed literature, the key elements that create a quality public space are: open, artifact, theatrical (Henaff and Strong, 2001), atmosphere and moods (Pérez­-Gómez, 2016). Eventhough, they are formed through different approaches and different background periods, the essence in all of them is the same, and it is the human dimension in the space itself, the bodily presence and experience (Table 1). The quality of being open, artifact and theatrical are all interlinked with the human perception, recognition, and interaction within the public space. Spatial atmospheres that create moods of positive emotions have a direct connec­tion with the inner human spirit. Based on that conclusion, we have formed an integrated diagram which is a combi­nation of both authors' affirmations (Figure 7), and it repre­sents the key elements that create a quality public space. These quality elements can be designed only with an inter­disciplinary approach in urban planning and design, colla­borating with disciplines such as urban anthropology and urban sociology, that study the human aspect in public spaces, their behavior, social needs, movements, feelings, perceptions, use of space, etc. Although, as Pérez-Gómez (2016) mentioned, all these elements are subjective featu­res and are difficult to measure and materialize; anyway, the risk of not achieving the envisioned goal is way lower if urban planners and architects consider them. Architects have the skills, knowledge, and intuition to plan these kin­ds of quality spaces through interdisciplinary collaboration and direct communication and involvement with the users. De Graaf (2017) also encourages people’s involvement in creating the city. »Taking part is not just a matter of reflec­ting on its current state but also a matter of self-reflection« (De Graaf, 2017, p. 374). Also, through collective participati­on in the management and maintenance of public spaces within residential areas, the quality of public spaces can be effectively increased (Mandeli, 2010, pp. 170-171). Marcus states the same, arguing that this strategy »provides a profound sense of shared responsibility and community« (Marcus, 2003, p. 6.9/10). The community should also have the right to use the public space however they decide, and even there is a law that forbids some activity, they still have the power to fight the law and prove them they are right (De Graaf, 2017, p. 121). By analyzing theoretically Henaff and Strong and Pérez­-Gómez and reaffirming their claims with other authors' conclusions; we can state that - architecture and urbanism that aim to produce good buildings and spaces should consider the non-material aspects such as human interac­tion, human feelings, human perception, human needs, human participation; while analyzing and designing the physical attribute of places and buildings. This approach is essential because it is directly connected with the mental state of the human being, providing positive life and he­althful humanity that goes hand in hand with the increase of economic and sustainable indicators. »Well-designed neighborhoods inspire the people who live in them, whilst poorly designed cities brutalize their citizens« (Rogers, 2010, p. ix), as Gehl (2010, p. 9) says: »First we shape cities – then they shape us«. Nowadays, it is worth questioning whether the public spaces that we find - spatial but empty, new but unattractive, programmed but dysfunctional, as illustrated in Figure 4 and Figure 5, lack the human dimension as a top priority in the process of urban planning and design. »Public space is made up of more than parks, plazas, and si­dewalks; it is a shared world where individuals can identify with one another and see themselves through the eyes of others« (Kohn, 2004, p. 7). Even though the human approach to planning and design was argued a long time ago, now it requires even more commitment in the contemporary culture of living, where we deal with all kinds of superficiality in this field. The newly framed diagram about quality public space (Figure 7) represents a step beyond superficial planning and design. It consists of more abstract notions of operation, but at the same time, they are closer to the human physical and spiritual dimension. They can guide architects and other concerned professionals toward a better possible future for these spaces. REFERENCES Caves, R. W. (2004). Encyclopedia of the City. London, New York: Routledge. Chitnis, A. (2021). 6 Instances of evolution of public spaces throughout history of architecture. Rethinking the Future. Accessed on 15 January 2022: https://www.re-thinkingthefuture.com/city-and-architecture/a2612-6-instances-of-evolution-of-public-spaces-throughout-history-of-architecture/ Daly, H., Prugh, T., & Costanza, R. (2000). The Local Politics of Global Sustainability. Washington: Island Press. De Graaf, R. (2017). Four Walls and a Roof: The Complex Nature of a Simple Profession. USA: Harvard University Press. Fainstein, S. S. (2021). Urban planning. Encyclopedia Britannica. Accessed on 15 January 2022: https://www.britannica.com/topic/urban-planning/The-era-of-industrialization Gehl, J. (2010). Cities for People (1st ed.). Washington: Island Press. Henaff M. and Strong T.B (2001). Public Space and Democracy. London: University of Minnesota Press. Herzog, L. A. (2006). Return to the center : culture, public space, and city building in a global era (1st ed.). University of Texas Press. https://doi.org/10.7560/712614 Kohn, M. (2004). Brave new neighborhoods: The privatization of public space. New York, London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203495117 Liddell, G.H. and Scott R. (1999). A Greek-English Lexicon. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Mandeli, K. N. (2010). Public spaces within modern residential areas in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. In: A. Madanipour (Ed.), Whose Public Space? International Case Studies in Urban Design and Development (1st ed., pp. 148–171). New York, London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203860946 Marcus, C. C. (2003). Shared outdoor space. In: D. Watson, A. Plattus, & R. Shibley (Eds.), Time saver standards for Urban Design (1st ed., pp. 6.9/1-6.9/12). New York: The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. Nilsson, D. (2012). Welcome to our city dear costumer – On the commercialization of public space. Futurotopia, (3), 14-15. Accessed on 10 November 2021: https://rm.coe.int/090000168093e66c Parkinson, J. R. (2012). Democracy and Public Space. The Physical Sites of Democratic Performance. Oxford: University Press. Pérez-Gómez, A. (2016). Attunement : architectural meaning after the crisis of modern science. USA: MIT Press. Pérez-Gómez, A. (2017). Dr Alberto Pérez-Gómez - Architecture as Urban Space: The Place of Participation. [Video] Youtube. Accessed on 7 July 2021: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GKeboCz3NzE Ramblersen (2016). Israels Plads in Copenhagen, Denmark [Photo]. Wikimedia Commons. Accessed on 30 May 2022: https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=49657649 Rigby, K. (2011). Gernot Böhme’s Ecological Aesthetics of Atmosphere. In: A. Goodbody and K. Rigby. (Eds.), Ecocritical Theory: New European Approaches (1st ed., pp. 139-152). Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press. Rogers, R. (2010). Foreword. In J. Gehl, Cities for people (p.ix). Washington: Island Press. Sahan, A. H. (2021). Alienation in the urban structure and its impact on the individual and society. Journal of Legal, Ethical and Regulatory Issues, 24(6), 1–17. UN-Habitat. (2015). Global Public Space Toolkit: From Global Principles to Local Policies and Practice. United Nations Human Settlement Programme (UN-Habitat). Accessed on 21 December 2021: https://unhabitat.org/global-public-space-toolkit-from-global-principles-to-local-policies-and-practice UN-Habitat. (2018). SDG Indicator 11.7.1 Training Module: Public Space. United Nations Human Settlement Programme (UN-Habitat). Accessed on 21 December 2021: https://unhabitat.org/sites/default/files/2020/07/indicator_11.7.1_training_module_public_space.pdf U.S. Department of State – Bureau of International Information Programs. (2013). Democracy in Brief. Global Publishing Solutions. Vitruvius Pollio, Rowland, I. D., Howe, T. N., & Dewar, M. (1999). Vitruvius: Ten books on architecture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wigley, M. (1998). The Architecture of Atmosphere. Daidalos, 68, 18-7. Figure 4a and Figure 4b: Taftalidze - Skopje, North Macedonia (Source: Author, 2022). Figure 3: Israels Plads – Copenhagen, Denmark (Source: Ramblersen, 2016). Adelina Fejza, Gregor Čok: SPATIAL ELEMENTS THAT CREATE THE QUALITY PUBLIC SPACE: 14–21 Figure 5: Karpoš 2 – Skopje, North Macedonia (Source: Author, 2022). Adelina Fejza, Gregor Čok: PROSTORSKI ELEMENTI, KI USTVARJAJO KAKOVOSTEN JAVNI PROSTOR : 14–21 Figure 6: »Matrix of the spaces« (Source: Author according to Henaff and Strong, 2001, p. 4) Adelina Fejza, Gregor Čok: SPATIAL ELEMENTS THAT CREATE THE QUALITY PUBLIC SPACE: 14–21 Adelina Fejza, Gregor Čok: PROSTORSKI ELEMENTI, KI USTVARJAJO KAKOVOSTEN JAVNI PROSTOR : 14–21 Figure 7: Integrated diagram of elements of quality public space, a combi­nation of Henaff and Strong (2001) and Pérez-Gómez (2016) affirmations. Table 1: Comparative/descriptive table based on two literature reviews about quality spaces. Interdisciplinary approach Background period Quality elements of the space Characteristics Henaff and Strong The concept of Democracy in public space Ancient time OPEN Human perception ARTIFACT Human recognition THEATRICAL Human interaction Human communication Pérez-Gómez The concept of “Stimmung” as an attunement in architecture Present time ATMOSPHERE Human presence Human experience MOODS Human emotions Human feelings Adelina Fejza, Gregor Čok: SPATIAL ELEMENTS THAT CREATE THE QUALITY PUBLIC SPACE: 14–21 Adelina Fejza, Gregor Čok: PROSTORSKI ELEMENTI, KI USTVARJAJO KAKOVOSTEN JAVNI PROSTOR : 14–21 Adelina Fejza, Gregor Čok: SPATIAL ELEMENTS THAT CREATE THE QUALITY PUBLIC SPACE: 14–21 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE CLASSROOM'S WINDOW VIEW https://doi.org/10.15292/IU-CG.2022.10.022-028 UDK: 711.4:727.112 SUBMITTED: September 2022 / REVISED: September 2022 / PUBLISHED: October 2022 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek / Original Scientific Article DOI: ABSTRACT Many studies point out the importance of the window views to the surroundings, as they have a significant impact on children’s well-being, living comfort and learning performance. Neverthe­less, this aspect is overlooked and usually not included as one of the main criteria for designing school facilities in an urban area. The purpose of the study was to find out how the students are responding to the potential of classroom’s window views. To collect data a questionnaire was implemented in three Slove­nian primary schools (in the third triad). The respondent were pupils from three different Slovenian regions. The results were processed with the statistical package SPSS for Windows and with the MS Excel tool. The pupils answered consistently to the questions in the survey. They like their classroom because of the large windows with lots of light and because of the window view of green areas. Most pupils prefer to sit by the window because they like to look outside at the surroundings. Other­wise, they would prefer to look at water, greenery, and nature. The least they would like is the view of neighbouring buildings nearby, especially if the view is without greenery, or of a busy street. They like to look out the window, even if sitting by the window is sometimes unpleasant if too hot in the summer or too cold in the winter. The noise passing through the window clearly does not bother them. The result of the study can be helpful in designing school facilities in an urban environment. KEY-WORDS primary school, window view, well-being, visual comfort POVZETEK Številne študije izpostavljajo velik pomen pogledov skozi okno na okolico, saj pomembno vplivajo na dobro počutje, bival­no ugodje in učno uspešnost otrok, kljub temu pa je ta vidik spregledan in običajno ni vključen med kriterije pri umeščanju šolskih objektov v urbani prostor. Namen študije je bil ugoto­viti, kako na potenciale pogledov skozi okno učilnice gledajo učenci. Za zbiranje podatkov smo oblikovali anketni vprašalnik. Odgovarjali so učenci tretje triade treh osnovnih šol iz različnih slovenskih regij. Odgovore smo obdelali s statističnim paketom SPSS za Windows in z orodjem MS Excel. Učenci so na anketna vprašanja odgovarjali konsistentno. Učencem je njihova učilnica všeč zaradi velikih oken z veliko svetlobe ter zaradi možnosti po­gleda na zelene površine. Večina učencev raje sedi ob oknu, ker radi gledajo v okolico. Sicer bi skozi okno najraje gledali na vodo in zelenje ter naravo, najmanj všeč bi jim bil pogled na sosednje stavbe v bližini, če so brez zelenja, in pogled na prometno ulico. Večinoma radi gledajo skozi okno, tudi če jim je ob oknu zaradi tega malo prevroče ali prehladno, hrup, ki prehaja skozi okno, pa jih izrazito ne moti. Rezultat študije je lahko v pomoč pri umeščanju šolskih objektov v urbano okolje. KLJUČNE BESEDE osnovna šola, pogled skozi okno, bivalno ugodje, vizualno ugodje Martina Zbašnik-Senegačnik, Ljudmila Koprivec: POMEN POGLEDOV SKOZI OKNO UČILNICE : 22–28 1. UVOD Umeščanje šolskih objektov v urbani prostor zahteva šte­vilne premisleke, med katerimi pa se pogreša upoštevanje kakovostnih pogledov skozi okna. Lokacije v bližini nara­ve so sicer razpoznane kot potencialno primerno okolje, vendar iz drugih razlogov – boljša kakovost zraka, manjše toplotne obremenitve pa tudi večje možnosti za rekreacijo ali izraba naravnega okolja za zunanjo učilnico. Potencial lepega pogleda iz učilnic je popolnoma spregledan, kar pa ne velja za nekatere druge vrste objektov. Znano je, da je hotelska soba s pogledom na morje zelo cenjena in zato precej dražja od ostalih in da se ljudje, kadar imajo možnost izbirati, v restavraciji odločijo za mizo blizu okna (Kim in Wineman, 2005). Pomen pogledov skozi okno se je pokazal v času epidemije, ki je zahtevala dolgotrajni lockdown, saj je omogočal vizualni stik z okoljem in predstavljal tudi edino družbeno povezavo z drugimi ljudmi (Batool idr., 2021). Po­gled na zelenje skozi okna je zmanjševal stopnjo tesnobe, jeze, strahu, nerazpoloženja, dolgočasja, razdražljivosti in motenj spanja (Spano idr., 2021; Soga idr., 2021). Pogled skozi okno posreduje informacije o času dneva, letnem času, vremenu, zunanjih aktivnostih in dejavnostih. Kakovosten pogled obsega ospredje s podrobnimi infor­macijami. Ima vidne vse tri sloje – zgornji sloj pogleda vse­buje nebo in obzorje, srednji prikazuje naravne ali umetne elemente kot so polja, drevesa, hribi ali stavbe, spodnji sloj je v ospredju in vključuje tla z rastlinami (Bell in Burt, 1995) in nudi pogled v daljavo (Littlefair, 1996). Možnost pogleda v daljavo je še posebej pomembna za sproščanje očesne mišice pri otrocih, ki veliko gledajo na bližnje šolske table, ekrane računalnikov, telefonov in televizorjev, saj zmanj­šuje možnost pojava kratkovidnosti pri otrocih (Mihelčič in Podlesek, 2016). Nadaljnji parameter kakovostnega pogle­da, ki vpliva na vizualno ugodje, je vsebina motiva, vidnega skozi okno. Raziskave kažejo, da ljudje uživajo v pogledih, ki zagotavljajo določeno raven razumevanja in možnosti za raziskovanje v domišliji (Kaplan in Kaplan, 1989; Gill idr., 2015). Privlačni so pogledi, ki ponujajo določeno stopnjo zatočišča (Gill idr., 2015), saj le-to predstavlja varnost pred sovražniki in vremenskimi pojavi. Ko idr. menijo (2020), da pogled na naravo učinkuje po­dobno kot bi bili dejansko v naravi. Na splošno so ljudem prijetnejši pogledi, ki vsebujejo tri značilnosti – komple­ksnost, odprtost in vodo (Han, 2007; Falk in Balling, 2010). Kompleksnost se lahko definira kot število neodvisno zaznanih elementov v pogledu. Visoka kompleksnost po­nuja veliko število različnih elementov (Ulrich, 1977). Bolj pritegne motiv z žariščnim elementom, lahko jih je tudi več, ki ustvarijo dominanto, na kateri se pogled ustavi. Tak primer je npr. skupina dreves na odprtem polju. Horizon­talne površine pomembno vplivajo na informativnost po­gledov, če imajo enakomerno in homogeno teksturo tal, s pomočjo katere se definira globina v motivu pogleda. Elementi v pogledu v ustreznem medsebojnem razmerju dajejo motivu pogleda čitljivost v treh dimenzijah. Kadar globine ni mogoče zaznati, krajinske značilnosti ostanejo v dvodimenzionalni sliki, to pa onemogoči dojemanje in razumevanje motiva. Evidentiranje oddaljenosti elemen­tov v pogledu je nujno za učinkovito zaznavanje okolice (prav tam). V urbanem okolju so pogledi sprejemljivi, če vsebujejo določen delež zelenja, urbani del vsebine pogleda pa naj bo čitljiv, zanimiv, dinamičen ter dovolj oddaljen, da je med oknom in urbanim delom čim več zelenih elementov, po možnosti visoka drevesa in grmovje (Kent in Schiavon, 2020). Pri urbanih pogledih sta pogled v daljavo in zago­tavljanje vseh treh slojev v pogledu še pomembnejša kot pri naravnih. Sprejemljivejši so pogledi na urejeno urbano okolje, na nove in skladno oblikovane stavbe, stari in slabo vzdrževani objekti v pogledu so moteči in sprožajo nelago­dne občutke (Drobne idr., 2022). Evolucijska zgodovina je človeka zaznamovala s preferenco do narave. Njegovo preži­vetje je bilo odvisno od tega, kako dobro je znal pridobivati informacije o okolici. Če je imelo okolje določene atribute, ki so olajšali njegovo razumevanje, potem je moral človek taki okolici dati prednost. Da ima določeno okolje prednost, ni dovolj, da vsebuje le informacije, biti mora tudi prepoznav­no in zlahka dojemljivo. Motiv v pogledu, ki je dvoumen in se ga težko identificira, je manj zaželen (Ulrich, 1977). 1.1 Pogled skozi okno v šolah Študije dokazujejo, da pogledi na naravo skozi okno omo­gočajo sproščanje in regeneracijo po stresnih situacijah (Van Esch idr., 2019). Kaplan (2001) tudi ugotavlja, da kratki in ponavljajoči se odmori ob pogledu skozi okno v naravo izboljšajo subjektivno počutje in zmanjšajo stres. Grajena okolja, zlasti delovna, namreč zahtevajo stalno usmerjeno pozornost, kar povzroča duševno utrujenost. Po drugi strani pogledi v naravo ne zahtevajo usmerjene pozornosti, temveč vključujejo fascinacijo. Fascinacija sproži nehoteno pozornost, ki človeka regenerira. Podobni učinki pogledov skozi okno so bili potrjeni tudi v šolah. Li in Sullivan (2016) sta v obširnem eksperimentu na petih srednjih šolah ugoto­vila, da se dijaki, ki so imeli med odmorom možnost pogle­da skozi okno na zelenje, po odmoru v preizkusih delovanja usmerjene pozornosti dosegli bistveno višje rezultate in se po stresni situaciji hitreje opomogli kot njihovi vrstniki, ki so odmor preživljali v učilnicah brez pogleda na zelene povr­šine. Osredotočenost na delo zahteva odvračanje motečih dražljajev iz okolice, ta zaviralni mehanizem pa se sčasoma utrudi. Med odmorom se ob pogledih skozi okno na zelene površine samodejno aktivira nehotena pozornost in po kratkem času, ko zaviralni mehanizem počiva, se otroku povrne sposobnost osredotočanja usmerjene pozornosti (Kaplan in Berman, 2010). Nedavne študije, ki so preučevale izpostavljenost študentov naravi, so pokazale, da je količina rastlinja v kampusu in okolici, vidna skozi okno, znatno napovedovala uspešnost študentov v celotni šoli (vpliv na ocene standardiziranih testov, stopnje izobrazbe in število študentov, ki so nada­ljevali študij na fakultetah) (Matsuoka, 2010; Wu idr., 2014). Benfield idr. (2015) so preučevali razlike v rezultatih na tečaju pisanja na fakulteti, ki se je odvijal v dveh identičnih učilnicah – ena je imela pogled na naravno okolje, druga pa na betonski oporni zid. Rezultati so pokazali, da so študenti s pogledom v naravo pozitivneje ocenjevali tečaj, na koncu semestra pa so imeli višje ocene. Ugotovili so, da vključevanje naravnih elementov lahko izboljša počutje in tudi ocene. Namen prispevka je ugotoviti, ali učencem pogled skozi okno predstavlja pozitivno povezavo z zunanjim okoljem in ali razpoznajo zelenje in naravo v pogledu skozi okno kot elementa kakovosti pogleda. Rezultati bi lahko služili kot priporočila načrtovalcem in obliko­valcem pri umeščanju šolskih objektov v prostor, ure­ditvi zunanje okolice šole ter pozicioniranju okenskih površin na fasadni ovoj. 2. METODE V študiji smo raziskovali pomen pogledov skozi okno učilnic. Analiza obsežne relevantne literature je po­kazala, da pogled skozi okno vpliva na občutja in raz­položenje (Van Esch idr., 2019; Spano idr., 2021; Soga idr., 2021; Batool idr., 2021), lahko deluje restorativno in olajšuje stres (Van Esch idr., 2019; Kaplan, 2001; Kaplan in Berman, 2010), zaznana je tudi večja učna uspešnost (Li in Sullivan, 2016; Matsuoka, 2010; Wu idr., 2014; Benfield idr., 2015). Zato nas je zanimalo, kako poglede skozi okno dojemajo učenci tretje triade osnovne šole. V študijo so bili vključeni učenci 7., 8. in 9. razredov na treh osnovnih šolah – OŠ Velike Lašče (VL), OŠ Lucija (LU) in OŠ Ob Rinži Kočevje (KO). Šole stojijo v različnih okoljih, s čimer smo želeli zagotoviti raznolike pogoje za učenje in bivanje. OŠ Ob Rinži v Kočevju stoji ob robu mesta na stiku z gozdom in nudi poglede v gozd in naravo. OŠ Lucija je locirana v urbano naselje turističnega kraja, OŠ Velike Lašče pa na blago pobočje v centru kraja, kar omogoča pogled v zeleno naravo v daljavi, obe šoli od sosednjih stavb loči nekaj visokih dreves. Oblikovali smo anketni vprašalnik, ki je bil med 17. marcem in 15. majem 2022 dostopen na spletnem portalu 1KA. Šole so se vključevale za krajši čas po dogovoru. Anketo je ustrezno izpolnilo 138 učencev (52 učencev iz Kočevja, 44 učencev iz Lucije in 42 učencev iz Velikih Lašč). Iz odgovorov, pridobljenih v anketi, smo izračunali osnovne statistične kazalnike. Pridobljene podatke smo obdelali s statističnim paketom SPSS za Win­dows in orodjem MS Excel. 3. REZULTATI Zanimalo nas je, kako učenci ocenjujejo svojo učilni­co oz. kaj jim je v njej všeč. Med ponujenimi odgovo­ri so lahko izbrali več razlogov. Večini učencev z vseh treh sodelujočih šol so všeč velika okna in veliko svetlobe v učilnicah. Pogled skozi okno na zelene površine je drugi pomemben element, ki ga najbolj cenijo učenci v učilnicah v Kočevju in Velikih Laščah (slika 1). Nadalje smo raziskovali odnos učencev do bivanja v učilnici in pogledov skozi okno. Na vseh šolah učenci najraje sedijo ob oknu (KO 53%, LU 80%, VL 60%), manj na sredini ali ob notranji steni. V Luciji nihče ne sedi rad ob steni (slika 2). Učence smo vprašali, zakaj v učilnici najraje sedijo na mestu, ki so ga izbrali v prejšnjem vprašanju. Na vseh treh šolah je razlog, da učenci radi sedijo ob oknu, ker radi gledajo skozi okno (VL 55% , LU 53%, KO 47%) (slika 3). Preverjali smo, kako učenci na splošno dojemajo poglede skozi okno. V izbor smo ponudili devet pogledov: na gore, vodo, samo zelenje in naravo, urbane poglede z zelenjem ter poglede na prome­tno ulico, parkirišče in šolsko igrišče in učence pri športni vzgoji. V rubriko »drugo« so lahko dodali motiv po svojem izboru. Učenci bi skozi okno najraje gledali na vodo (morje, jezero, reko) (VL 25%, LU 23% , KO 26%) in zelenje in naravo (VL 20%, LU 27%, KO 23%). Od urbanih pogledov so jim sprejemljivi pogledi na stavbe v daljavi, v kombinaciji z zelenjem (VL 15%, LU 13%, KO 9%). Najmanj so se odločali za poglede na prometno ulico, stransko ulico z malo prometa in parkirišče (slika 4). Pri nasprotnem vprašanju, kaj bi jih najbolj motilo pri pogledu skozi okno, so učenci med istimi prediz­branimi možnostmi najpogosteje izbrali sosednje stavbe v bližini (VL 38%, LU 38%, KO 31%). Motila bi jih prometna ulica (VL 27%, LU 24%, 27%) in tudi parkirišče (VL 12%, LU 13%, KO 11%). Med motečimi elementi pri pogledu skozi okno nekaj učencev navaja tudi šolsko igrišče in učence med poukom športne vzgoje ((VL 14%, LU 8%, KO 11%) (slika 5). Okno poleg spektra vidne svetlobe prepušča tudi infrardeč spekter – toploto, ki povzroča pregreva­nje. Sončna zaščita v obliki rolet, žaluzij in screenov na zunanji strani okna je učinkovit ukrep proti pregrevanju, vendar onemogoči tudi povezavo z zunanjim okoljem. Na vseh šolah se je najmanj po­lovica učencev odločila za trditev, da radi gledajo skozi okno učilnice, tudi če jim je ob tem malo vroče (KO 57%, LU 50%, VL 55%). Kot drugi najpogostejši odgovor so vsi navedli »vseeno mi je« (KO 26%, LU 25%, VL 45%). V Velikih Laščah je v primerjavi z učenci iz Kočevja in Lucije precej večji delež učencev, ki jim je vseeno (slika 6). Učenci so kot neprijetnost za sedenje ob oknu izbrali pi­hanje ob oknu (VL 40%), nezanimiv pogled skozi okno (KO 26%, LU 25%, VL 25%) in temperaturno nelagodje (LU 28%) (slika 7). Okno omogoča prenos dnevne svetlobe in vizu­alno povezavo notranjega in zunanjega okolja. Po drugi strani prepušča tudi zvoke in hrup iz zunanjega okolja šole. Učence smo zato spraše­vali, kako doživljajo zvoke, ki prihajajo skozi okno. Na vseh treh šolah je največja skupina učencev, ki jim je vseeno, kakšni zvoki prihajajo v učilnico iz zunanjosti (KO 28 %, LU 28 %, VL 25 %). Ostali od­govori so precej razpršeni. Druga največja skupina anketirancev je v Luciji izbrala odgovor, da vsak zvok moti njihovo zbranost (23 %), v Kočevju pa, da je zunanji zvok manj moteč, kadar je pogled skozi okno zanimiv (17 %). V Velikih Laščah sta druga dva najpogo­stejša odgovora dva – učenci so navedli, da jih moti hrup prometa (20 %) in tudi, da se kljub zvokom lahko popolno­ma osredotočijo na učenje (20 %) (slika 8). 4. RAZPRAVA Otroci velik del dneva preživijo v šoli, zato je prav, da se tam čim bolje počutijo. V študiji smo uvodoma ugotavljali, zakaj je učencem njihova učilnica všeč. Precej enotno so se na vseh treh sodelujočih šolah odločili, da jim je njihova učil­nica všeč zaradi velikih oken in svetlobe, ki jo prepuščajo. Na pomen osvetljenosti z dnevno svetlobo opozarjajo tudi druge študije. Raziskava med letoma 1958 in 1974 (Collins, 1976) je npr. opozorila na pomen oken v učilnicah z ugoto­vitvijo, da so šolarji naklonjeni učilnicam z okni, opazili pa so tudi več odsotnosti majhnih otrok v učilnicah brez oken. Kasneje je Stewart (1981) ugotovil, da dnevna svetloba vpliva na vedenje otrok, v situacijah proste izbire pa so bili otroci zaradi količine svetlobe in možnosti pogledov raje blizu oken. Večina učencev na vseh treh sodelujočih šolah najraje sedi ob oknu, najpogosteje zato, ker radi gledajo skozi okno. Tudi druge študije so ugotovile, da je otrokom vizualni stik s pogledom skozi okno učilnice pomemben, pri čemer imajo večjo prednost pogledi v naravo (Giraldo Vásquez idr., 2019). V gosto naseljenih urbaniziranih okoljih je težko zagotoviti poglede v naravno okolje, vendar jo lahko na­domesti ustrezno izbrano zelenje v grajenem okolju. Kent in Sciavon (2020) sta ugotovila, da ima podobne učinke na odzive ljudi visoko drevo in grmičevje pred sosednjimi stavbami, ki pa morajo biti dovolj oddaljene, da omogočajo pogled v daljavo in vidnost vseh treh slojev (tla, stavbe in zelenje, nebo). Številni avtorji ugotavljajo, da pogled skozi okno na naravo pozitivno korelira z življenjskim zadovoljstvom (Chang idr., 2020; Kaplan, 2001; Elsadek idr., 2020). Chang in Chen (2005) predlagata, da je rastline in pokrajine okoli stavb po­gosteje treba gledati z vidika pogledov iz zaprtih prostorov navzven. Ob tem se je treba zavedati, da nudijo pogledi skozi okno različne motive, kar sproža različne odzive. Lju­dje se najbolj ugodno odzivajo na naravno okolje z visoko stopnjo kompleksnosti in veliko količino vodnih elementov (Han, 2007; Ulrich, 1983). To lahko razloži hipoteza biofilije, ki trdi, da imajo ljudje prirojeno afiniteto do življenja in okolij, ki podpirajo življenje (Wilson, 1984; Ulrich, 1993). Pokazalo se je na primer, da imajo ljudje najraje naravo tipa savane – travišča z bolj ali manj gosto rastočimi dreves z gosto krošnjo (Falk in Balling, 2010) in mirno vodo (Han, 2007). Tako okolje je omogočalo preživetje skozi celotno evolucijo človeka. V skladu z Wilsonovo teorijo biofilije (1984) bi tudi anketirani učenci najraje gledali zelenje in naravo ter vodo (morje, jezero, reko). Zanimivo je, da so preferenco do pogleda skozi okna na vodo izrazili učenci vseh treh vključenih šol – v šoli ob morju (Lucija), ob gozdu (Kočevje) in v središču manjšega kraja (Velike Lašče). V naši raziskavi učencev o občutjih ob pogledih skozi okno nismo spraševali, vendar jih lahko povežemo z ugotovitvami drugih študij, da kakovostni pogledi izboljšujejo počutje in zmanjšujejo stres (Kaplan, 1995; van Esch, 2019), vplivajo celo na koncentracijo in učno uspešnost (Matsuoka, 2010; Li in Sulivan, 2016; Benfield idr., 2013). Najnovejše raziskave so pokazale, da niso si motivi pogle­dov skozi okna enako privlačni in da je pri proučevanju vpliva motivov na odzive treba upoštevati njihove značilno­sti oz. prisotnost elementa fascinacije (Koprivec idr., 2021). Nekatere značilnosti v motivu pogleda skozi okno imajo lahko blagodejne učinke, medtem ko druge lahko povzroči­jo nevtralne ali celo neželene odzive (Martnes in dr., 2011). Učenci so se morali opredeliti tudi pri vprašanju, kaj bi jih pri pogledu skozi okno najbolj motilo. Ponujeni so bili enaki odgovori, kot pri vprašanju o tem, kaj bi skozi okno najraje gledali. Njihovi odgovori kažejo, da so odgovarjali zelo konsistentno, saj so izbirali poglede, ki jih v predhodnem, nasprotnem, vprašanju niso. Učenci so kot negativne izbrali poglede na sosednje stavbe brez zelenja ter prometno ulico in parkirišče. Tudi predhodne študije ugotavljajo, da je pogled na promet in parkirišča zelo moteč (Koprivec idr., 2021). Zanimivo je, da je nekaj učencev pogled na igrišče in učence pri športni vzgoji navedlo kot moteč element, približno enak delež pa tudi kot zaželen pogled. Velike steklene površine po eni strani omogočajo poglede skozi okno, po drugi pa v prostor prepuščajo sončno ener­gijo. Vidna svetloba zagotavlja svetlobno ugodje v prostoru, toplotni spekter pa je lahko zelo moteč, saj povzroča pre­komerno pregrevanje. Z ustrezno zunanjo sončno zaščito se uravnava dotok sončne energije, vendar s tem zapremo tudi pogled skozi okno. Giraldo Vásquez idr. (2019) ugota­vljajo, da so učencem pogledi skozi okno pomembnejši kot toplotno ugodje. Tudi v naši študiji smo ugotovili, da več kot polovica anketiranih učencev rada gleda skozi okno, tudi če jim je zaradi tega malo vroče ali hladno. Ostali so pri odgovorih, kdaj jim sedenje pri oknu ni všeč, navedli več razlogov. Večinsko so izpostavili pihanje ob oknu – največ jih je tako odgovorilo v Velikih Laščah. Možno je, da je za tak razlog krivo slabo tesnjenje oken na tej šoli. Okrog četrtina učencev na vseh treh šolah je izpostavila grd in nezanimiv pogled skozi okno. Tudi ta odgovor kaže na konsistentnost. Steklene površine v učilnice prepuščajo tudi zvoke in hrup iz zunanjosti. Dobri četrtini učencev na vseh treh šolah je vseeno, kakšni zvoki prihajajo skozi okno. Zanimivo je tudi, da na vseh treh šolah manj kot polovica učencev dojema zvok, ki prihaja skozi okno, kot moteč. Ostalim učencem so zunanji zvoki celo všeč. Gotovo so odgovori po krajih različni glede na izkušnje učencev v šolah, ki stojijo v različ­nih okoljih – v Velikih Laščah in Luciji je hrup prometa bolj moteč kot v Kočevju, kjer šola stoji ob gozdu. Prav v Kočevju učenci tudi izpostavljajo, da je ob zanimivem pogledu skozi okno zunanji hrup manj moteč. 5. ZAKLJUČEK Namen študije je bil ugotoviti, kako učenci 7., 8. in 9. razre­dov dojemajo poglede iz učilnic. Raziskovalno izhodišče so predstavljale referenčne študije, iz katerih je razvidno, da pogledi skozi okno v odvisnosti od kakovosti opazovane­ga motiva sprožajo različne odzive, vplivajo celo na učno uspešnost. S pomočjo anketnega vprašalnika smo eviden­tirali mnenja učencev tretje triade na treh osnovnih šolah v Sloveniji in jih analizirali. V študiji smo prišli do zanimivih ugotovitev: ¦¦Učencem so v učilnicah najbolj všeč velika okna, ki v prostor prinašajo veliko dnevne svetlobe. ¦¦Velika večina učencev najraje sedi ob oknu. ¦¦Sedenje od oknu povezujejo z možnostjo pogledov skozi okno. ¦¦Med predizbranimi pogledi bi učenci skozi okno najraje gledali vodo (morje, jezero, reko) ter zelenje in naravo. ¦¦Med istimi predizbranimi pogledi bi bili za učence moteči pogledi skozi okno na sosednje stavbe v bližini, če pogled ne vsebuje zelenja, in prometna ulica. ¦¦Več kot polovica učencev se strinja s trditvijo, da radi gledajo skozi okno, tudi če jim je ob njem malo vroče. ¦¦Večine učencev zvoki, ki prihajajo skozi okno, ne motijo ali jim je vseeno, ostali so za motečega izpostavili predvsem hrup prometa. Ugotovitve nakazujejo, da se učenci zavestno ali podza­vestno zavedajo pomena pogledov skozi okna učilnice, čeprav po njihovih odzivih ob pogledu na realno okolico na posameznih osnovnih šolah nismo spraševali. Vsekakor bi bilo v prihodnosti zanimivo proučiti tudi te vsebine. Rezultati študije so lahko v razmislek ob umeščanju šolskih objektov v urbani prostor. Eden od kriterijev odločitve za lo­kacijo šole bi morala biti tudi možnost pogleda skozi okno učilnice v daljavo, pogled pa bi moral obsegati tudi zado­sten delež zelenja. Tudi pogledi v urbano okolje so primerni, če so stavbe dovolj oddaljene, med njimi in oknom pa je zelenje v obliki gruč dreves in grmičevja (Kent in Schaivon, 2020). Zahvala Zahvala učiteljem in učencem OŠ Ob Rinži v Kočevju, OŠ Lucija in OŠ Velike Lašče za sodelovanje pri anketi. Članek je rezultat raziskovalnega dela v okviru Ciljnega raziskovalnega projekta Oblikovanje smernic kakovostne zasnove sodobne šolske arhitekture s ciljem podpore celovitemu trajno­stnemu načinu življenja in dela v šoli (V5-2131), ki ga financirata ARRS in MIZŠ. LITERATURA IN VIRI Batool, A., Rutherford, P., McGraw, P., Ledgeway, T. in Altomonte, S. (2021). 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PLoS ONE, 9(10), e108548. https://.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0108548 Martina Zbašnik-Senegačnik, Ljudmila Koprivec: THE IMPORTANCE OF THE CLASSROOM'S WINDOW VIEW: 22–28 Slika 1: Delež odgovorov na vprašanje, zakaj je učencem njihova učilnica všeč Nadalje smo raziskovali odnos učencev do bivanja v učilnici in pogledov skozi okno. Na vseh šolah učenci najraje sedijo ob oknu (KO 53%, LU 80%, VL 60%), manj na sredini ali ob notranji steni. V Luciji nihče ne sedi rad ob steni (slika 2). Slika 2: Delež odgovorov na vprašanje, kje v učilnici učenci sedijo najraje Učence smo vprašali, zakaj v učilnici najraje sedijo na mestu, ki so ga izbrali v prejšnjem vprašanju. Na vseh treh šolah je razlog, da učenci radi sedijo ob oknu, ker radi gledajo skozi okno (VL 55% , LU 53%, KO 47%) (slika 3). 0102030405060708090velika okna in veliko svetlobeveliko rožpogled na zelene površine (drevesa,…lepo pohištvozanimive slike na stenilep pogled na sosednje hišedrugoVLLUKO0102030405060708090ob oknuna srediniob notranji stenivseeno mi jeVLLUKOSlika 1: Delež odgovorov na vprašanje, zakaj je učencem njihova učilnica všeč. Slika 2: Delež odgovorov na vprašanje, kje v učilnici učenci sedijo najraje. Slika 3: Delež odgovorov na vprašanje, zakaj so učenci izbrali najljubši prostor v učilnici. Slika 4: Delež odgovorov, kaj bi učenci najraje gledali skozi okno. Martina Zbašnik-Senegačnik, Ljudmila Koprivec: POMEN POGLEDOV SKOZI OKNO UČILNICE : 22–28 Slika 5: Delež odgovorov na vprašanje, kaj bi učence najbolj motilo pri pogledu skozi okno. Slika 6: Delež izbranih trditev, da učenci radi sedijo ob oknu brez sončne zaščite (rolete, žaluzije, zavese), da lahko gledajo skozi okno. Slika 7: Delež odgovorov na vprašanje, kdaj učencem ni všeč sedenje ob oknu. Slika 8: Delež odgovorov na vprašanje, kako na učence vplivajo zvoki, ki prihajajo skozi okno. Martina Zbašnik-Senegačnik, Ljudmila Koprivec: THE IMPORTANCE OF THE CLASSROOM'S WINDOW VIEW: 22–35 Martina Zbašnik-Senegačnik, Ljudmila Koprivec: THE IMPORTANCE OF THE CLASSROOM'S WINDOW VIEW: 22–28 Martina Zbašnik-Senegačnik, Ljudmila Koprivec: POMEN POGLEDOV SKOZI OKNO UČILNICE : 22–28 Martina Zbašnik-Senegačnik, Ljudmila Koprivec: THE IMPORTANCE OF THE CLASSROOM'S WINDOW VIEW: 22–28 Martina Zbašnik-Senegačnik, Ljudmila Koprivec: POMEN POGLEDOV SKOZI OKNO UČILNICE : 22–28 THE SOCIAL AND SPATIAL ASPECT OF PUBLIC SPACES - THROUGH THE ANALYSIS OF ALI MADANIPOUR’S WORKS ABSTRACT After the final decline of functionalism in the 1960s, the debate regarding public spaces returned to theoretical discussions and practical work in the field of urban planning and design. First as a reminder of the historical role and form of public space and then as a discussion of public space as a central tool for the development of sustainable cities. Among the most important theorists in this field is Professor Madanipour. The focus of this paper is in the socio-spatial aspect of public spaces. Respectively, in analyzing two of the most important works of Madanipour, with a considerable time difference, for understanding whether and how did his viewpoints regard­ing public spaces change or develop during time. Initially, the two works are analyzed, one from 1996, the other from 2020. Further, these works are critically compared to each other. Madanipour describes the current situation of public spaces with the saying “From a critique to an orthodoxy”. The chal­lenges and dissatisfactions that were raised in the past, and even mentioned by him, have now become commonplace, a reality we are accepting. For public spaces, his point of view is simple, he requires good access to them, to be inclusive and open to all, and to take into account their social-spatial aspect and all areas related to it. One of his main dissatisfac­tions is that public spaces are being treated as economic generators. At the end it is talked about nowadays public spaces, and possible directions for their development. KEY-WORDS public spaces, socio-spatial aspect, Ali Madinapour https://doi.org/10.15292/IU-CG.2022.10.030-035 UDK: 711.4:316.728 SUBMITTED: April 2022 / REVISED: October 2022 / PUBLISHED: November 2022 1.02 Pregledni znanstveni članek / Review Article DOI: POVZETEK Po dokončnem zatonu funkcionalizma v šestdesetih letih 20. stoletja se je debata o javnem prostoru mest vrnila v teoretične razprave in praktično delo na področju urbanističnega načrtova­nja in oblikovanja. Najprej kot spomin na zgodovinsko vlogo in obliko javnega prostora, nato pa kot razprava o javnem prostoru kot osrednjem orodju za razvoj trajnostnih mest. Med najpo­membnejšimi teoretiki na tem področju je arhitekt in profesor Ali Madanipour. V središču tega prispevka sta družbeni in prostorski vidik javnih prostorov. Analizirani sta dve najpomembnejši deli profesorja Ma­danipourja, ki sta izšli s precejšnjo časovno razliko, da bi razumeli, ali so se stališča profesorja Madanipourja glede družbeno-pro­storskega vidika javnih prostorov sčasoma spremenila oziroma razvila in na kakšen način. Najprej smo analizirali dve deli profe­sorja Madanipourja, eno iz leta 1996 in drugo iz leta 2020, nato pa smo ti deli kritično primerjali med seboj. Profesor Madanipour opisuje trenutno stanje javnih prostorov z besedami »od kritike do ortodoksije«. Izzivi in nezadovoljstvo, ki so se pojavljali v preteklosti in jih je omenjal tudi sam, so zdaj postali običajni, torej realnost, ki jo sprejemamo. Njegovo stališče glede javnih prostorov je preprosto, saj zahteva, da so dobro dostopni, vključujoči in odprti za vse brez razlik ter da upoštevajo družbeno-prostorski vidik prostora in vseh področij, ki so z njim povezana. Kot je omenil, je med drugim najmanj zadovoljen s tem, da se javni prostori obravnavajo kot gospodarski generatorji, pri čemer niso ustvarjeni za krepitev družbenega vidika ter vseh telesnih, duševnih in družbenih koristi, ki jih imajo za uporabnike. KLJUČNE BESEDE javni prostori, družbeno-prostorski vidik, Ali Madinapour Rrona Berisha, Ilka Čerpes: DRUŽBENI IN PROSTORSKI VIDIK JAVNIH PROSTOROV – SKOZI ANALIZO DEL ALIJA MADANIPOURJA: 30–35 1. INTRODUCTION Public spaces are “a meeting point and a container for social mo­vements” (Madanipour, 1996). They play an important role in the public life and enhance the quality of our lives and wellbeing (Carr et al., 1992). If properly planned and maintained, public spaces will promote physical, mental and social health. They will encourage physical activity, social integration, a sense of place, affect the economy, and promote a more sustainable way of living (Carmona et al., 2008) (Carmona et al., 2004). Many characteristics of nowadays public spaces have their roots in the ancient civilizations. In the ancient Greek civilization, the acropolis and then “agora” were used as gathering spaces for citizens and accommodated social and political activities (Car­mona et al., 2008) (Caves, 2005). Access to these public spaces wasn’t equal, women, foreigners, and slaves were excluded sin­ce they weren’t considered citizens (Carmona et al., 2008). Zukin (1995) also argues that cultural symbols can have an impact on the social aspect of a space by excluding or inviting different groups of society. Carmona et al., (2008) mentions some features of public spaces that we inherited from Greek civilization, which are: public spaces that are multifunctional, democratic, used for econo­mic development and trade, informal spaces that encourage interaction, and also mentions the importance of the aesthetic aspect of public spaces and the limitation of access for different groups of society. Based on the definitions in the Oxford English Dictionary (1933) and the Concise Oxford Dictionary (1990), public spaces are open to everyone, and are a concern of public authorities to develop and maintain. Public spaces include all parts of the city that users can see and physically access, the streets, squares, sidewalks, and more, up until the boundaries of the private buildings (Madanipour, 1996). They are not semi-public spaces nor private spaces that are developed and managed by private firms or individuals, where access is controlled and not open for all groups of society (Madanipour, 1996). The aim of the research is to analyze the viewpoints of Professor Madanipour regarding public spaces and whether and how did his viewpoints regarding the social-spatial aspect of public spaces change or develop during time. 2. METHODOLOGY The theoretical groundwork contains examination and study of literature on public spaces, social-spatial aspect of public spaces, and on the theoretical viewpoint of Professor Madani­pour about public spaces. The methods used were analytical, qualitative and comparative. In order to understand Professor Madanipour viewpoints re­garding public spaces, two of his most important works, with a time difference of more than 20 years, were analyzed and com­pared to each other. The first analyzed work is the book Design of Urban Space - An Inquiry into a Socio-spatial Process (1996), the second is the paper A critique of public space: between interaction and attraction (2020). In addition to these, this article was also based on content from other relevant sources regarding public spaces and their social-spatial aspect, which are listed in the references chapter at the end. The research was developed in three stages. Initially, the men­tioned works of Professor Madanipour were analyzed to get an overview of his viewpoints. Further, these works were critically compared with each other to understand if his views regarding public spaces changed over time. At the end, our viewpoints on possible directions for the development of public space in the future are presented. 2.1 First case study: “Design of Urban Space - An Inquiry into a Socio-spatial Process” - Madanipour (1996) The book of Madanipour (1996) elaborates urban design, as a product of urban development process, linking it with other fields such as social sciences, architecture, political sciences, economy, philosophy, real estate and more. The book is structured in two parts, respectively in eight chap­ters. In the first part “Perspectives into Urban Space”, the author explains the theoretical or philosophical aspect of urban space. This part contains three chapters, related to the meaning of urban space or the philosophical definitions of space, the foundation of urban space as defined by professionals, and the social aspect of the city or how people experience and use the city and space. From the first part we understand the behavior and definition of urban space, everyday life, social diversity, and the restric­tions of access and use of public spaces as a result of external factors, such as crimes in public spaces. This part concludes with Madanipour’s viewpoint regarding urban spaces. According to him, in order to understand, to create, and have a balanced structure of urban space, we must take into account different aspects, with emphasis on the social and physical aspects. The second part of the book is called “The making of Urban Spa­ce”. This part analyzes the process of urban design and various related fields, such as economics, politics, and more, aiming to understand the role of urban design in the process of urban de­velopment. It has five chapters, concerning the analysis of urban design, the process of urban development and urban design, the laws and regulations regarding spaces, and the models and concepts of the 20th century for developing the city. In the se­cond part of the book, Madanipour (1996) talks more about the public spaces. He elaborates topics such as the privatization of public spaces, the restriction of access to them, social diversity, the political and economic impact and more. According to Madanipour (1996), this book provides an under­standing of the social and physical aspects of urban design, which includes the process of creating a space and the results or the products. To start with, in his book, Madanipour (1996) highlights the im­pact of modernism on the development of the city, respectively on the development of public spaces, and mentions how the spaces were segregated. Not alone, Carmona et al, (2008) also elaborates the impact of modernism in public spaces and argu­es that it led to “homogenization of spatial types, ignoring the social and psychological needs of an increasingly diverse city”. Due to the development of segregated settlements, public spaces were difficult to reach and the settlements were hard to access (Madanipour, 1996). This situation brought dissatisfacti­on, and the citizens sought to restore the role and value of pu­blic spaces. In response, Madanipour (1996) states that in order to renew public spaces, they were privatized. Therefore, from a situation where public spaces were neglected, a new situation was created where public spaces were privatized. The privatization of public spaces brought new challenges, among others, Loukaitou -Sideris and Banerjee (1998) men­tions design and public spaces tailor made for groups that bring monetary benefits, emphasized social differences, ad hoc interventions, not taking into account the needs of the general public, and more. During this period, the public spaces were being developed and managed by private firms, then sold to middle classes in order to profit and attract potential customers. Although this current was initially criticized, now it has become commonplace for pu­blic spaces to be developed on the basis of monetary potential (Madanipour, 1996). The involvement of private firms in developing and managing the public spaces has changed the role of the spaces, by first be­ing treated as commodities, spaces which are initially Accessed in terms of economic benefit (Madanipour, 1996). Similar to this, Madanipour (1996) mentions the increase of competition, the increase of the expectations of the users and the decrease of safety in the city. According to Madanipour (1996), these featu­res represent a starting point for controlling public spaces, and according to him, this created a distinction between spaces con­trolled or managed by public authorities and private investors. Seeing public spaces as commodities has influenced how a spa­ce is “understood and managed” (Madanipour, 1996). In order to maximize the profit, public spaces should be good enough for the market, therefore, the urban development processes started to be standardized (Madanipour, 1996). This is a characteristic of Modernism, where the spaces were mass produced and the design was standardized, yet as Madanipour (1996) says, “this was, a narrow notion of use value, undermining the diversity of the lifeworld beyond instrumental gains”. Related, Carmona et al. (2003), talks about managing and main­taining public spaces, and considers the “third way” of mana­ging as a way out of the situation created by the privatization. Unlike the practice when only the government was responsible, or the other practice when responsibility was transferred to private firms, the “third way” of managing public spaces is a combination of responsibilities between public authorities and private firms, where the government has control over the influ­ence of market forces (Carmona et al., 2003). Further, Madanipour (1996) highlights the rising fear of crime in the city. He mentions the book Defensible Space from Oscar Newman (1972), where 4 elements are proposed to be applied when developing the city in order to increase its safety. These ele­ments are: carefully choosing the location, the shape of objects, the position of windows to observe the neighborhood, and defining what is private, semi-private and public, even through barriers if needed. Madanipour (1996) in particular comments on the element of “creating barriers”, and describes it as a drawback for public spaces. According to him, barriers can create “restrictions on access, a decline in public space, and a fear of difference”. Although the city is diverse, creating barriers and segregating the city is not the right solution to increase its security (Mada­nipour, 1996). Related, Madanipour (1996) analyses the economic and social aspects of “controlled” closed shopping malls built and mana­ged by private firms. Initially, the shopping mall in the suburb was built and managed by a private firm, and normally the purpose of its construction was financial gain, next, the “public” space in this shopping mall was originally used for shopping and not to strengthen social relations, further, the design of the building and the physically controlled space invited specific groups of society best suited for shopping, and, being far from the city made access to it more difficult. In spite of these, Madanipour (1996) mentions some factors that gave the dimension of “public”, such as the attendance of a large number of buyers which made the space dynamic and some­how public, regardless of the fact that it was suitable only for specific groups of society. Madanipour (1996) evaluates these types of shopping malls as semi-public spaces. Peterson (2017) talks about semi-public spaces as spaces that are accessible by the public, but also have a private dimension, due to the activities that take place, which impose our way of acting, e.g. Bookstores, Schoolyards. According to him, in public spaces such as parks, squares, people do not necessarily interact with each other, since they have no reason to interact, however, he sees semi-public spaces as spaces with more diversity and opportunity or motive for interaction. However, Madanipour (1996) argues that semi-public spaces, which are managed by private firms, are an easy solution for the financial aspect, but promote social and spatial segregation. To summarize, there are two main concerns regarding public spaces that Madanipour (1996) highlights, the standardization of design and the privatization of public spaces. As a response to the trend of “controlling” public spaces by private individuals or groups, Madanipour (1996) considers public participation a way to get the voice back to the citizens. However, in order for citizens to be properly involved in the process, substantial changes need to be made in the way spaces are produced and managed (Madanipour, 1996). The process of developing the city, should be a combination of both the social aspect and the physical aspect of the space, and all other needed fields, and concentrating one aspect only will affect the process and the product (Madanipour, 1996). 2.2 Second case study: “A critique of public space: between interaction and attraction” - Madanipour (2020) In his paper, Madanipour (2020) analyzes the transition of public spaces, and the impact of the economic, political and cultural aspects on them. Below are described 4 areas that have an impact on public spaces. “The changing relationship between the public and private spheres” An important element which had an impact in changing the role of public spaces is the shift of responsibility for developing the built environment from public authorities to private firms. In his research, Madanipour (2020) describes this transition of responsibility from the period of after the Second World War. He first mentions the existing model of that time for develo­ping the built environment, where the public authorities were responsible for all public relations and for developing and managing the city. In time, public authorities were directed towards the market, respectively towards private firms. Thus, the above mentioned model was followed by the neoliberal model, where the state gave space to the private sector to produce and manage the built environment. This approach continues even today, and Madanipour (2020) considers it a drawback regar­ding public spaces, since undoubtedly, the goal of the private sector is profit. Therefore, the primary role of public spaces, to be open and accessible to all, changed, and now public spaces are initially seen as economic generators. Another important element is the change of the character of public authorities, who started to have the same approach as the private firms, initially having in mind the economic benefit that (Madanipour, 2020). “The prevalence of economic considerations” The second area that Madanipour (2020) addresses is the im­pact of the economic development on the city. He emphasizes that this impact is seen in both the broad aspect, urban deve­lopment, also in the narrow aspect, through activities offered by a space. Gehl (2011) describes the types of activities that occur in public spaces, and how their use is affected by their physical condition. He groups activities into: necessary activities, optional activities, and social activities. According to him, regardless of the conditi­on of the public spaces that enable the necessary activities to be carried out, their usability remains the same, therefore people go to work or school, wait for the bus, and more. The same cannot be said for optional activities, if the physical condition of public spaces is not good, it will have a direct impact on the deve­lopment of activities, such as enjoying a walk, going to the park, and more. As for social activities, Gehl (2011) highlights that they are related to the above two activities, and favoring the deve­lopment of those activities also increases social activities. Public spaces are now being developed to make cities more attractive and competitive, in order to stand out from other cities, thus to increase tourism and investment (Madanipour, 2020).They also effect the real estate, the value of the properties increases if there is a genuine public space in the vicinity. More, at a micro level, the activities that take place in public spaces are selected to encourage investment, even the simplest activities like shopping. (Madanipour, 2020) “Technological change and dispersing cities” The development of different types of transport helped in “ur­ban spatial fragmentation and dispersion” (Madanipour, 2020). Different types of transportation enabled people to work and live in different places, therefore, some groups of society prefer to live private and quiet lives in the suburbs. These settlements enabled the desired privacy, but influenced public spaces. Often in these settlements, public spaces are for a certain group of society, sometimes controlled by ramps or guards, and create a physical and mental barrier for outside users. Next, the connec­tion between these settlements is not always good, disadvanta­ging socialization and shared use of space. Another shortcoming related to transportation, is the change in the character of roads, sidewalks, squares, and more, from pu­blic spaces that promote the social aspect, to functional spaces that allow us to move from one point to another. Madanipour (2020) also mentions the technological devices that enable us to access information and communicate. He highlights that they were estimated to have a negative effect on public spa­ces and make the concept of the city and public spaces disappe­ar, but on the contrary, they made the city even more “ vibrant” and increased the motivation of tourists to visit them. “Social diversification and inequality” The development of the city increases the number of citizens that will live in it and use it. This creates social diversion which raises the possibility that there will be no equality between different users of the space (Madanipour, 2020). During time, the city and public spaces were and are still designed to meet the needs of the most dominant groups of users. In this way, intentionally or not, certain groups of society are favored. Madanipour (2020) illustrates this by mentioning women (safety), people with limited mobility and children, and emphasizes that access to public spaces for these groups, and not only, is sometimes or usually limited. According to Farr et. al (2013), the main reason for the decline of public spaces is the way public spaces are produced. In order to create all-inclusiveness and public spaces that offer equal opportunities for all, a repeated system must be created by planners so that the knowledge gained after analyzing how functional and comfortable a space is after it is used for some time, to be involved in planning stages (Farr et. al, 2013). Further, Madanipour (2020) talks about the importance of access to public spaces. He considers good access as an essen­tial element for public spaces. According to him, “The more accessible a place, the more public it becomes”. Related, Lynch (1981) highlights that access is “one fundamental advantage of an urban settlement”. He mentions three impor­tant dimensions of access, it is important what we give access to, the equality of access for different groups of citizens and to control the system of access. Lynch (1981) also argues that access can have an influence in the economical aspect, social aspect and in the psychology of the city. 3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS By analyzing the two case studies, we note that in general, the viewpoint of Madanipour regarding public spaces changed a little. According to him, for a genuine design process and a genuine public space, the social-spatial aspect of a space, and of all areas related to it, must be taken into account. While, as far as public spaces are concerned, his point of view is simple, he requires good access to them and to be inclusive and open to all without distinction. There are many similarities between the two above presented works. Initially, in both cases Madanipour emphasizes the shift of developing and managing public spaces from public authori­ties to private individuals or groups. In both cases, this shift is considered a drawback because in principle, public spaces are not being created to strengthen the social aspect and all the physical, mental and social benefits that they bring to the user, but are being created for moneta­ry benefits. Other drawback mentioned are the competition between cities to make the space more attractive to tourists, the increasing the value of property in parallel with increasing the quality of public spaces, the increasing demand of citizens, the tendency to create various activities in spaces all in order to invite as many users as possible and have as many monetary benefits as possible. A noted difference between the first and the second case study, regarding the privatization of spaces, is the change of the author’s approach to public authorities. In the first case study, Madanipour (1996) says that there is a difference between spaces created and managed by public authorities, and those by private firms, as in the case where he compares the shopping malls mentioned above in the paper. He leans towards public spaces that are under the responsibility of public authorities, sin­ce according to him, they promote spaces tailored for the users and not for economic benefit. However, in the second case study, he criticizes public authorities on the grounds that they have changed their character, becoming more and more like private firms, having in mind primary the economic benefit a space can bring. According to him, when the character of public authoriti­es’ changes, when public authorities begin to act and think like private firms, then the nature of public spaces changes. Another reason that the role of public spaces changed, is the segregation of settlements. Among others, a factor that has helped this segregation is the development of technology, respectively of different types of transport, which enabled hou­sing and work to take place in different locations (Madanipour, 1996, 2020). Regarding technology, Madanipour (2020) in the second case study adds the role of technological devices that enable us to communicate and access information without being present. Despite that some criticize these devices to have a negative im­pact for public spaces, Madanipour (2020) says they have made the city more “vibrant”. In both cases presented above, he addresses other concerns regarding public spaces, such as social diversity, the inability of the city to respond to all groups, lack of security in spaces, control of public spaces, physical barriers and more. The current situation regarding public spaces, unlike from the first case study, Madanipour (2019) now describes it with the phrase “from a critique to an orthodoxy”. Meaning that the challenges and dissatisfactions that were raised in the past, and even mentioned by him, have now become commonplace, a reality that we are accepting. He argues that public spaces have become a place of at­traction, a tool to be sold under the reasoning that they are well-designed and qualitative public spaces. However, to end in a positive note, Madanipour (2020) emphasizes the role of citizens, and as a hope for returning public spaces to people he considers the involvement of citizens in the process of developing the city. Since the city can be seen as an ongoing experiment (Rogge­ma, R., 2018) or as a permanent transformation (Keiner, 2012), Madanipour (2019) highlights that we have not lost the game, but constant work is needed to make the spaces “open, inclusive and accessible”. In the Table 1 are presented the two works of Madanipour rou­ghly summarized in four areas that are chapters in Madanipour (2020). 5. CONCLUSION The viewpoints of Professor Ali Madanipour regarding public spaces are simple. He highlights that public spaces should be open for everybody, should be accessible and inclusive. This is noted in both analyzed case studies. Other similarities bet­ween two works are, his dissatisfaction that public spaces are managed by private firms, his dissatisfaction that public spaces are initially considered commodities, the negative impact of the standardization of design, the negative impact of the segrega­ted settlements, and more. The difference is noticed in the approach he has regarding public authorities, where in the second case study he criticizes public authorities for thinking and acting like private firms regarding public spaces. Another difference is that he considers the current situation “from a critique to an orthodoxy”, we are now accepting the things we once criticized. Another change from the first caste study, is the added the role of technology in public spaces. All these mentioned elements by Madanipour (1996), (2020), are an indisputable reality. However, the course of development of public spaces has had an unpredictable shift from the situation created by Covid-19 pandemic. Due to the measures to prevent the spread of the virus, many activities stopped, especially indoor activities, therefore, public spaces provided the opportunity for developing activities, wi­thout compromising the health of others. As a result, the role of public spaces returned, from spaces that were primary conside­red as economic generators (Madanipour, 1996, 2020) to spaces that promote physical, mental and social health. “Towards a healthier, more humane and active city” (Broudehoux, 2021). However, now more than ever in the last years, the role of public spaces returned, as “a meeting point and a container for social movements” (Madanipour, 1996). Therefore, cities should reclaim public spaces, and maintain this character of public spaces, through putting the citizens first, by including them in the process of developing the city, and by improving spaces to be more “open, inclusive and accessible” for all people, based on their needs. Reference Broudehoux, A. (2021). How Cities Can Permanently Reclaim Public Spaces Post-Pandemic. The Conversation. Accessed 21.09.2021: https://www.usnews.com/news/cities/articles/2021-01-04/post-pandemic-cities-can-permanently-reclaim-public-spaces-as-gathering-places Carmona, M., Heath, T., Oc, T., Tiesdell, S. (2003). Public Places - Urban Spaces The Dimensions of Urban Design. Architectural Press. Carmona, M., Freeman, J., Rose, S., Woolley, H. (2004). The Value of Public Space, How High Quality. Parks and Public Spaces Create Economic, Social and Environmental Value. CABE Space. Carmona, M., Magalhaes, C., Hammond, L. (2008). Public Space The management dimension. Routledge. USA and Canada. Carr, S., Francis, M., Rivlin, L., Stone,A. (1992). Public Space. Cambridge University Press. Caves, R., (2005). Encyclopedia of the city. Routledge. Farr. E., Piroozfar. P. (2013). Cities for all: all-inclusive collective urban spaces for the public - a case of a successful interactive model.  REAL CORP 2013. Rome, Italy. Accessed 14.07.2022: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/258177783_Cities_for_all_all-inclusive_collective_urban_spaces_for_the_public_-_a_case_of_a_successful_interactive_model Gehl, J. (2011). Life between buildings. Using Public Space. Island Press. London. Honey-Rosés, J. (2021). Public Spaces and Health in Post-Pandemic Cities. IS Global – Barcelona Institute for Global Health. Accessed 21.09.2021: https://www.isglobal.org/en/healthisglobal/-/custom-blog-portlet/los-espacios-publicos-y-la-salud-en-la-ciudad-pospandemia/8000927/12302 Keiner, M. (2012). “Foreword” in Ercoskun, O., Green and Ecological Technologies for Urban Planning: Creating Smart Cities. Information Science Reference. Pg. IX. Loukaitou-Sideris, A., and Banerjee, T., (1998). Urban Design Downtown: Poetics and Politics of Form. University of Californiia Press. Berkeley, CA. Lynch, K. (1981). A theory of good city form. The MIT Press. England. Madanipour, A. (1996). Design of Urban Space - An Inquiry into a Socio-spatial Process. University of Newcastle, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK. John Wiley & Sons Ltd, England. Madanipour, A. (2019). Rethinking Public Space: Between Rhetoric and Reality. In: KTH Centre for the Future of Places (2019). The Reykjavik Symposium:The Futures Of Public Space. [Video]. Accessed: 09.09.2021: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QztwN1zSfuQ&ab_channel=KTHCentrefortheFutureofPlaces Madanipour, A. (2020). A critique of public space: between interaction and attraction. In: Mehta, V., Palazzo, D. (eds.) (2020). Companion to Public Space. Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. London and New York. Peterson, M. (2017). Living with difference in hyper-diverse areas: how important are encounters in semi-public spaces? Social & Cultural Geography, 18:8. Routledge. Roggema, R. (2018). Contemporary Urban Design Thinking: The Australian Approach. Springer. Pg. 41. Un-Habitat. (2020). Public Space and COVID-19. Un-Habitat. Accessed 21.09.2021: https://unhabitat.org/sites/default/files/2020/06/final_public_space_key_messages_covid19_14_june_2020.pdf Zukin, S. (1995). The Cultures of Cities. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. Rrona Berisha, Ilka Čerpes: THE SOCIAL AND SPATIAL ASPECT OF PUBLIC SPACES - THROUGH THE ANALYSIS OF ALI MADANIPOUR’S WORKS: 30–35 Rrona Berisha, Ilka Čerpes: DRUŽBENI IN PROSTORSKI VIDIK JAVNIH PROSTOROV – SKOZI ANALIZO DEL ALIJA MADANIPOURJA : 30–35 Rrona Berisha, Ilka Čerpes: THE SOCIAL AND SPATIAL ASPECT OF PUBLIC SPACES - THROUGH THE ANALYSIS OF ALI MADANIPOUR’S WORKS: 30–35 Table 1: The two summarized works of Ali Madanipour. Madanipour (1996) Madanipour (2020) The changing relationship between the public and private spheres The shift of responsibility to build and manage public spaces from public authorities to private firms is considered a drawback, since public spaces are seen as economic generators, this promotes social and spatial segregation. He favors public spaces created by public authorities because they better understand and manage them. The shift of responsibility is again considered a drawback. He now highlights the changed character of public authorities, having the same approach as private firms, developing public spaces based on monetary benefits. The prevalence of economic considerations The dominance of the economic aspect has come as a result of, and not only, the involvment of private firms in building public spaces, the increase of competition, the increase of the expectations of the users and the decrease of safety in the city. He considers these as starting points for creating “controlled” spaces. The economic aspect has again a big role in the development of public spaces. He highlights that, public spaces are being developed to increase tourism, increase value of real estate, bring opportunities for investments, and more. Technological change and dispersing cities He relates the development of different types of transportation with the segregation of settlements, which bought new challenges, public spaces were difficult to reach, neglected of privatized. He again highlights the segregation brought by transportation. He further talks about technological tools that enable us to communicate and provide information, and considers them as positive tools that make the city more “vibrant”. Social diversification and inequality The standardized design of public spaces brought challenges, such as, the city/public spaces being suitable for the dominant group of users, rising crime, physical barriers for accessing spaces, and more. Public spaces are still designed to meet the needs of the most dominant groups. He highlights that public spaces should constantly be improved while involving the users in the process. Rrona Berisha, Ilka Čerpes: DRUŽBENI IN PROSTORSKI VIDIK JAVNIH PROSTOROV – SKOZI ANALIZO DEL ALIJA MADANIPOURJA : 30–35 Rrona Berisha, Ilka Čerpes: THE SOCIAL AND SPATIAL ASPECT OF PUBLIC SPACES - THROUGH THE ANALYSIS OF ALI MADANIPOUR’S WORKS: 30–35 ROOF COLOR AS A FACTOR OF ARCHITECTURAL LANDSCAPE DESIGN https://doi.org/10.15292/IU-CG.2022.10.036-043 UDK: 711.4:692.4 SUBMITTED: September 2022 / REVISED: November 2022 / PUBLISHED: December 2022 1.02 Pregledni znanstveni članek / Review Article DOI: ABSTRACT For many centuries, the settlements had a fairly uniform image, which was the result of the use of local materials, technology and the economic condition of the population. With the development of the construction profession and the improvement of material conditions, building materials and construction technology also began to change, the market supply has diversified, which led to changes in the appearance of buildings. The roof, also known as the fifth facade, affects to the external image of the settlement. According to Fister et al., the design of roofs and their colour (roofing) are among the most recognizable components of archi­tecture as criteria for the identity of architectural landscapes. The roof changes were the most drastic in the last 150 years. As the covering changed, so did the colour. The development of roofs in Slovenia with an emphasis on the key influencers of the development is presented in the paper. We limited ourselves to individual houses as carriers of the landscape's architectural identity. We compared the colour of the roofs on a sample of over 700 houses in the architectural region Savinjsko-Kozjansko, which data were obtained as part of the research project V5-2111: Archi­tectural typologies and architectural landscapes and regions of Slovenia. We compared the obtained data with the requirements of spatial plans of municipalities and the characteristics described by Fister et al. The results showed the differences between the situation 30 years ago, the requirements of spatial acts and the current situ­ation. Although the research involved a small sample, we can conclude that the situation is similar in most Slovenian places. The obtained results enable a broader view of this problem and open the possibility of appropriate action. Settlements that are recognized for their high-quality settlement architecture are shown as examples of excellent practice. KEY-WORDS roof, colours, architectural landscape, identity, architectural region Savinjsko-Kozjanska POVZETEK Dolga stoletja so imela naselja dokaj enotno podobo, ki je bila rezultat uporabe lokalnih gradiv, tehnologije in gmotnega stanja prebivalstva. Z razvojem gradbene stroke in izboljšanjem materialnega stanja sta se začela spreminjati tudi gradbeni material in tehnologija gradnje, ponudba na trgu se je povečala, kar je vodilo do sprememb v podobi stavb. Streha, imenovana tudi peta fasada vpliva na zunanjo podobo naselja. Po mnenju Fistra in sodelavcev sodita ravno oblikovanje streh in njihova barva (kritina) med najbolj razpoznavne sestavine arhitekture kot merila identitete arhitekturnih krajin. Spremembe kritine so bile najbolj drastične v zadnjih stopetde­setih letih. S spreminjanjem kritine se je spreminjala tudi barva. V nadaljevanju je predstavljen razvoj streh na Slovenskem s po­udarkom na ključnih dejavnikih razvoja. Pri tem smo se omejili na individualne hiše kot nosilce arhitekturne identitete krajine. Barvo streh smo primerjali na vzorcu preko 700 hiš v Savinjsko­-Kozjanski arhitekturni regiji, katerih podatki so bili pridobljeni v sklopu raziskovalnega projekta V5-2111: Arhitekturne tipologije in arhitekturne krajine in regije Slovenije. Pridobljene podatke smo primerjali z zahtevami prostorskih aktov in značilnostmi, ki so jih opisali Fister in sodelavci. Rezultati so pokazali razlike med stanjem pred 30 leti, zahte­vami prostorskih aktov in današnjim stanjem. Čeprav gre v raziskavi za majhen vzorec, lahko sklepamo, da je podobna situ­acija v večini slovenskih krajev. Pridobljeni rezultati omogočajo širši pogled v to problematiko in odpirajo možnosti ustreznega ukrepanja. Kot primer odlične prakse so prikazana naselja, ki so prepoznana po kvalitetni naselbinski arhitekturi. KLJUČNE BESEDE streha, barve, arhitekturne krajine, identiteta, Savinjsko-Kozjan­ska arhitekturna regija Domen Kušar, Kristijan Lavtižar: BARVA STREHE KOT DEJAVNIK OBLIKOVANJA ARHITEKTURNE KRAJINE : 36–43 1. UVOD Razvoj streh je bil v preteklosti predvsem pogojen z varstvom pred požarom ter zagotavljanju ustrezne zaščite stavbe pred vremenskimi vplivi (Deu, 2018). Barva strehe je bila posledično odvisna predvsem od materiala kritine. Prvotna kritina v naših krajih je bila slama in deloma les. Barvna podoba streh je bila sive barve. Zaradi pogostih požarov, ki so zajela celotna naselja in kjer se je ogenj z lahkoto širil s strehe na streho, so se že zgodaj pojavile želje po zamenjavi gorljive kritine z negorljivo. Zahteve po težko gorljivi ali negorljivi kritini najdemo tako v statutih mest kot tudi v požarnih redih (Kušar, 2005). V prvi vrsti je šlo za zamenjavo bolj vnetljive slamnate strehe z leseno. Za obe velja, da zahtevata bolj strm naklon, počasi pa postanejo sive barve. Da je bila zamenjava kritine povezana s finančnim stanjem investitorja, govori dejstvo, da je oblast zahtevala, da morajo imeti pomembne stavbe negorljivo kritino tudi kot zgled vsem ostalim (Kušar, 2005). Kot negorljiva kritina se je kasneje uveljavila opečna kritina, sprva kot bobrovec in nato kot zareznik. Na podobo strešnikov in strehe vpliva tudi degrada­cija materialov. Spreminjanje barvnih odtenkov s staranjem lahko pripišemo fizikalnim, kemičnim in biološkim procesom (Berdahl idr., 2008). Ti se odvijajo različno hitro v odvisnosti od vremenskih pogojev in glede na vrste materiala predstavljene v nadaljevanju. Opisani gradbeni materiali se pri individualni stanovanjski gradnji, ki glede števila stavb v Sloveniji prevladuje, uporabljajo najbolj pogosto. 1.1 Materiali strešnih kritin v Sloveniji Opečna kritina je zlasti v drugi polovici 19. stoletja in prvi polo­vici 20. stoletja izrinila slamnato in leseno kritino (Vilfan, 1970). Kritina je bila najprej rdeče barve oziroma v rdečkastih odtenkih. Sčasoma je zaradi saj, alg mahov in podobnega postajala bolj rjavkaste barve. Opečna kritina je omogočala bolj blage naklone streh kot lesena ali slamnata. Ob tem je potrebno omeniti, da je bila in je še opečna kritina tradicionalna v obmorskih mestih, kjer se le-ta navezuje na antično tradicijo. Običajno so novi opečni strešniki svetlo rdeče do rdeče oranžne barve. Barva je odvisna od sestave gline in načina žganja opeke. V krajih z veliko vlage in sence se na strešnikih razvijejo alge in mahovi. Zato taka kritina postaja čedalje temnejša in dobiva bolj rjavočrn ton. Za tako kritino je značilna tudi drobnozrnata vizualna struktura. Starodavna kritina je kamnita kritina v obliki skrli ali škrilja (Fister idr., 1993b), ki se je ponekod ohranila do današnjih dni. To velja za nekatera kraška območja, kjer je bil prisoten plastovit apne­nec oziroma je bilo kamen lahko lomiti v plošče. Taka kritina je svetlo sive barve. Druga vrsta kamnite kritine so skrilaste plošči­ce. Te so v Sloveniji omejene z območji, kjer so bila v preteklosti nahajališča skrila. Gre predvsem za Zgornjo Selško dolino ter ne­katera območja Koroške in Pohorja. Skrilasta kritina je običajno zelo temno sive barve. Kamnita kritina je včasih veljala za najbolj kvalitetno kritino. V mestih se je pojavila tudi kritina iz bakrene (Cooper Facts, 2023) ali svinčene pločevine (Wood, 2019), rjave, zelene oziroma sive barve. Za tovrstno kritino je značilno, da ne potrebuje tako strmih naklonov. Poleg njiju se je v času po prvi svetovni vojni uveljavila jeklena pločevina v obliki ravnih ali pogosteje valovitih plošč. Na širšem območju Soške fronte so ljudje po vojni te ostanke porabili zase in tako še danes vidimo nekatere manjše stavbe, krite s pločevino. ................................... .................................Tovrstna kritina je zaradi hitre­ga rjavenja temno rjave barve. Prednost pločevine je v majhni teži ter veliki pokriti površini. Poleg valovite pločevine se danes uporablja zlasti trapezno pločevino s podobnimi lastnostmi. Današnja pocinkana ali aluminijasta pločevina ne rjavi. Namesto rjave oziroma »naravne« kovinsko sive barve ponudniki ponuja­jo široko paleto različnih barv. Po prvi svetovni vojni se je pojavil nov tip kritine – betonska kritina sive barve (Fister idr., 1993b). Le-ta se je pojavila v obliki cementnih strešnikov in vlakno-cementnih azbestnih valovitih plošč. Zlasti betonski strešniki so med obema vojnama v neka­terih delih Slovenije povzročili menjavo kritine skoraj v celoti. Vlakno-cementne plošče so se namreč izkazale kot cenena in trpežna kritina, zato se jih je na veliko uporabljalo v letih 1945-1990 (Inšpektorat Republike Slovenije za delo, 2020). Zaradi rakotvornosti azbesta se je popularnost vlakno-cementnih plošč zmanjšala ne glede na to, da je azbest od 2005 prepovedan in so ga v proizvodnji cementnih strešnih plošč nadomestila druga, manj škodljiva vlakna. Prvotna cementa kritina je bila svetlo sive barve. Plošče so kasneje začeli barvati. Danes tržišče ponuja široko paleto plošč različnih barv. Kot cenena kritina velja tudi t.i. Tegola Canadese. Gre za bitumenske skodle ali trakove različnih barv, ki jih je mogoče pritrditi na vse vrste naklona in prilagoditi njihovo obliko. Zaradi tega jih lahko srečamo v obliki pravoko­tnikov, mnogokotnikov ali v polkrožnih oblikah. Steklo sodi med novejše materiale kritine ne glede na to, da so ga za strehe zimskih vrtov in rastlinjakov uporabljali že konec 19. stoletja. Danes se ga uporablja za pokrivanje tistih površin, kjer želimo zunanjo svetlobo pripeljati v notranjost skozi streho in pri tem izkoristiti celotno stekleno površino. Med stekleno kritino lahko uvrstimo tudi solarne panele za pridobivanje elek­trične energije, ki so večinoma v črni ali temno modri barvi, saj lahko tako absorbirajo največ svetlobe (Sudhakar idr., 2013). 1.2 Barve streh in identiteta arhitekturnih krajin Trg ponuja kritine različnih materialov in različnih barv (Kopar, 2013), kar vpliva tudi na zunanjo podobo, saj je odločitev o vrsti in barvi kritine odvisna predvsem od investitorja in arhitekta. K poenotenju zunanje podobe stremijo prostorski načrti . Ti so se razvili iz požarnih redov, ki so med drugim predpisovali tudi vrsto kritine (Kušar, 2005). Tem so sledili stavbni redi. Danes pa so to občinski prostorski načrti. Ti dajejo smernice za oblikova­nje stavb, med katere sodijo tudi vrsta, naklon in barva strehe. Vsebina prostorskih načrtov nekaterih občin, ki zadeva obliko­vanje streh, je v nadaljevanju bolj podrobno opisana. Izkazalo se je, da imajo nekateri prostorski načrti presplošno napisane zahteve, ki omogočajo različno interpretacijo. K temu dodaja svoje še industrija in trgovina z oblikovalskimi trendi, ki se ves čas spreminjajo. Vsi ti dejavniki vplivajo na neartikulirano in ne­urejeno podoba prostora, kar lahko opazimo v večini slovenskih krajev (slika 1). S spremembo načina razsvetljave, ogrevanja in priprave hrane ter zamenjavo gorljivega gradbenega materiala z manj gorlji­vim, požar v drugi polovici 20. stoletja ni bil več ključni faktor za izbiro kritine (Kušar, 2003). Industrijski način proizvodnje je omogočal izdelavo več različnih vrst kritin, ki so bile cenejše in s tem bolj dostopne ljudem. Investitor in arhitekt sta tako imela več različnih možnosti za oblikovanje streh. Kljub temu je bilo še do sedemdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja možno slediti določe­nim zakonitostim glede izbire in gradnje streh, ki so skupaj s preostalimi značilnostmi stavb oblikovale arhitekturne regije in kraje. Na osnovi arhitekturnih značilnosti je Fister idr. (1993a) razdelil Slovenijo na arhitekturne regije in krajine. S porastom samograditeljstva tipskih hiš po letu 1970 se je pojavil nov tip streh, in sicer z večinoma bolj blagim naklonom in vlakno cementno kritino. V zadnjem desetletju pa so v oblikovalskem trendu priljubljene strehe s sivo kritino. Na strehah je vedno več tudi fotovoltaičnih panelov (Brecl, 2021) temno modre barve. Pojavnost novih oblik in materialov kritine skupaj z ohlapnimi prostorskimi akti je pripeljala do razvrednotenja enotne podobe kraja kot dela harmonično oblikovane arhitekturne krajine. Ponekod se je enovita podoba strešnih kritin ohranila, kar je prispevalo k skladni celostni podobi naselij, in tudi zato nekatera danes po mnenju stroke sodijo med kvalitetno naselbinsko dediščino. Kot primeri so bila izbrana naselja ali njihovi deli, ki sodijo pod zaščito UNESCA kot del svetovne naselbinske dediščine (UNESCO, b.d. 2) oziroma so turistično prepoznavna predvsem zaradi njihove arhitekture. Za naselja Dubrovnik (slika 2), San Gimignano (slika 3), Sieno in Berat (Albanija) so značilne strehe z dosledno majhnim naklonom in rdečerjavo opečno kritino. Če je v Italijanskih mestih ta bolj pastelne barve, so du­brovniške strehe živo rdeče, kar je posledica vrste gline, iz katere je kritina, predvsem pa, da kritina ni stara. Veliko streh je bilo namreč poškodovanih v zadnji vojni in nato obnovljenih. Stari del mesta Počitelj v Bosni in Hercegovini (slika 4) ima strehe, krite s kamnitimi ploščami svetlo sive barve. Podobne barve so tudi kupole mošej, ki so krite s svinčeno pločevino. Stari del mesta Bern (Švica) ima opečno kritino, ki pa je povsod dosledno temno rjave barve. Največ enotnosti na področju barve kritine v Sloveniji prepo­znamo v starih spomeniško zaščitenih mestnih jedrih in na Primorskem, kjer je značilna opečna kritina, ki daje celotni krajini identiteto. Podoben videz lahko najdemo tudi v Srednji vasi v Bohinju (slika 5) ter pri nekaterih drugih bližnjih vaseh, kjer so strehe značilne sive barve. Prvotno sivo barvo lesenih skodel je uspešno zamenjala siva opečna ali betonska kritina. Drugod po Sloveniji je to večinoma manj izrazito, saj se je tradici­onalni opečni kritini rdeče rjave barve že pred desetletji pridruži­la siva cementna v obliki strešnikov ali valovitih plošč. Izjeme so že omenjeni spomeniško zaščiteni predeli mest in kraji z močno tradicionalno kritino. Po letu 1990, zlasti pa v zadnjih desetletjih material strehe ne odraža več nujno tudi barve, kar še dodatno prispeva k vizualnemu neskladju in prostorskemu neredu. Oblikovanje streh v zadnjih 30 letih odseva družbene in ekonomske spremembe. Lahko celo govorimo o stihiji na tem področju. Tu se pojavi vprašanje o identiteti arhitekturnih krajin in regij ter ustreznosti meja med njimi. Kakšen bo razvoj krajin v prihodnosti in kakšno vlogo bo pri tem imela barva kritine, je možnih več odgovorov. Lahko bo šlo v večjo individualnost ozi­roma nadaljevanje stihijske gradnjo, kjer se enotno oblikovanje konča ne parcelni meji. Če pa se kot družba odločimo za usmer­janje tega procesa, je potrebno pridobiti podatke o stanju in se na osnovi le-teh odločiti za ustrezne korake. Le ti morajo biti podprti z ustrezno spremembo prostorskih načrtov, predvsem v občinah, kjer so le ti premalo natančni. V sklopu raziskovalnega projekta V5-2111: Arhitekturne tipolo­gije in arhitekturne regije Slovenije so bili zbrani podatki za iz­brana naselja v Savinjsko-Kozjanski arhitekturni regiji. Na osnovi tega smo preverili zahteve za oblikovanje streh v občinah, v katerih ležijo ta naselja. Glede na zbrane podatke je bila posta­vljena hipoteza, da prostorski načrti presplošno obravnavajo to problematiko. Ob enem je industrija ponuja proizvode, ki prav­no formalno sicer ustrezajo zahtevam, arhitekturno oblikovno pa ne, kar ima za posledice neurejeno stanje v prostoru. Le to pa pripomore k razvrednotenje arhitekturne krajine 2. METODA Pri analizi izbranih naselij smo uporabili podatke, ki so bili izbrani v okviru raziskovalnega projekta V5-2111: Arhitektur­ne tipologije in arhitekturne krajine in regije Slovenije (Ciljno raziskovalni program “CRP 2021“, 2022). V okviru projekta je bilo obravnavanih več naselij v Savinjsko-Kozjanski arhitekturni regiji. Za stanovanjske stavbe je bilo s terenskim delom zbranih veliko podatkov o njihovih arhitekturnih značilnostih vključno s podatki o barvah in materialu strešne kritine. Podatke smo nato primerjali s stanjem, opisnim v delu Arhitekturne regije in kraji­ne Slovenije (Fister idr., 1993a) ter z zahtevami prostorskih aktov in stanju na terenu. Zanimalo nas je, v kolikšni meri današnje stanje še ustreza opisu iz pred 30 let ........................... .........................in koliko k temu pripomo­rejo zahteve prostorskih aktov. Na osnovi tega je možno narediti zaključke o razvoju prostora v zadnjih desetletjih in pokazati na primere dobre in slabe prakse. Kljub dejstvu, da gre za majhen vzorec krajev, menimo, da lahko rezultate koristno uporabimo pri prostorskem načrtovanju. 2.1 Teoretično izhodišče Glosar arhitekturne tipologije (Fister idr., 1993b) ter Arhitekturne krajine in regije Slovenije (Fister idr., 1993a) sta temeljni deli za določanje arhitekturnih krajin in regij Slovenije. Slonita na dol­goletnem terenskem delu popisovanja arhitekturnih značilnosti stavb, kartiranju in skiciranju prostorskih zakonitosti naselij v povezavi z kulturnimi in zgodovinskimi danostmi našega pro­stora. Predstavljata nenadomestljivo delo določanja identitete slovenskih arhitekturnih krajin in regij. Obe deli predstavljata temelje določitve in zamejitve arhitekturnih krajin na podlagi identitete posameznega območja. Identiteta se določa na treh ravneh; na ravni naselja, na ravni stavb (stavbnih kompleksov) ter na ravni odnosa dominant do prostora. Slovenija je na pod­lagi prepoznavanja reprezentativnih elementov glosarja (Fiste idr., 1993b) razdeljena v 74 arhitekturnih krajin, ki se združujejo v 14 arhitekturnih regij, ki se dodatno združujejo v 8 skupin (Fister idr., 1993a). 2.2 Zbiranje podatkov za Savinjsko-Kozjansko arhitekturno regijo V raziskavi smo se naslonili na značilnosti streh, ki so jih je za po­samezne arhitekturne regije in krajine opisali Fister idr. (1993a). Gre za opis stanja in skupnih značilnostih v prostoru pred popla­vo tipskih hiš v sedemdesetih in osemdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja. Tam je opisano idealizirano stanje, saj avtor opozori, da novejše stavbe, ki ne ustrezajo likovnim in oblikovalskim princi­pom dotedanje arhitekture, niso bile vključene. Cilj raziskave je bila izdelava metode za določanje in vrednotenje prostorskih značilnosti regij in krajin. V raziskavo smo vključili 773 stavb iz 14 naselij (slika 6). Večina stavb (preko 90 %) je bilo samostojnih enodružinskih hiš. V raziskavi je bilo vključenih tudi nekaj linijskih blokov in stolpičev. Najpopolnejši so podatki za Prebold, kjer je bilo v raziskavo vključenih 258 (55.6 %) od 464 stavb. V to skupino so vključeni vsi objekti v Preboldu, ne samo hiše. Pri ostalih naseljih je bilo vzorčenje narejeno za 5 % hiš, in si­cer tako, da so bile enakovredno (5 %) zastopane stavbe glede na leto izgradnje. Glede na leto izgradnje, so bile stavbe razvrščene v 6 razredov: do leta 1919, 1920-1945, 1946-1960, 1961-1991, 1992-2005, 2006 in novejše. V teh krajih so bili na voljo podatki o strehah za 773 hiš. Podatki s terena so med drugim vključevali tip kritine (npr. zareznik, plošče ...), material kritine (beton, opeka, kovina ...) in barvo (opečna, rjavi toni, siva, drugo). Velik vpliv na stanje v prostoru imajo prostorski načrti občin. Nji­hov namen je ohranjati arhitekturno identiteto krajev in skrbeti za skladen razvoj. V ta namen smo preverili prostorske načrte za vse obdelane kraje. Vse tri vrste podatkov smo obdelali in med­sebojno primerjali ter na osnovi tega dobili vpogled v trenutno stanje prostora glede na stanje izpred več kot 30 let. 2.3 Priprava podatkov in kart za vzorčenje Prostorske podatke o arhitekturnih regijah in krajinah (Fister idr., 1993a) je bilo potrebno sprva digitalizirati in georeferencirati. Pri digitaliziranju so bile za referenco uporabljene meje prostorskih okolišev in naselij. Rezultat je topološko urejen vektorski sloj arhitekturnih regij in krajin, ki vsebuje imena ter šifre regij in krajin. Izračuni in kartografski prikazi so bili izdelani s pomočjo programskih orodij GIS. Prostorski podatki o registru prostor­skih enot za naselja, katastru stavb in registru nepremičnin s pridobljeni na spletnem portalu E-prostor Geodetske uprave RS (GURS, 2022). Drugi del podatkov, za naselja v tujini, smo dobili preko terenskih ogledov v letih 2013, 2015, 2022, del pa s pomočjo spletne aplikacije Google Earth (Instantstreetview, 2022) in Javnega pregledovalnika grafičnih podatkov MKGPGG (2022, b. d.). 3. REZULTATI 3.1 Tradicionalne značilnosti oblikovanje streh kot del arhitekturne krajine – Savinjsko-Kozjanska arhitekturna regija: Po mnenju Fister idr. (1993a) je Savinsko Kozjanska arhitekturna regija prehodna regija in s tem podvržena vplivom sosednjih arhitekturnih krajin, kar velja zlasti za robna in odprta območja. Kljub temu pri strehah najdemo tipične skupne značilnosti. Prevladujoča streha je strma in dvokapna. V nekaterih krajinah se občasno pojavljajo tudi mansardne odprtine, pogost element oblikovanja strehe je čop. Prevladujoča kritina je opečna (Fister idr., 1993a). Prvotna opečna kritina je bobrovec, ki ga je nato v večini primerov zamenjal zareznik. Tako oblikovana krajina je imela prevladujočo podobo streh v rdečerjavih odtenkih. Med izjeme bi lahko uvrstili nekatere domačije v gručah Zgornje Savinjske arhitekturne krajine, kjer je bila prvotna kritina siva, iz lesenih skodel (Fister idr., 1993a: 188), vendar je kasneje, že v času ko je so to področje raziskoval Fister idr., prevladala značilna kritina opečnatega zareznika. 3.2 Zahteve prostorskih aktov za izbrana naselja: Dobrna Prostorski načrt za Dobrno (2012: 920) določa, da morajo biti strehe simetrične dvokapnice, strme (nakloni strešin od 35 do 45°), možni so čopi, osvetljevanje mansarde je možno s frčada­mi, drugi arhitekturni elementi streh niso dovoljeni. Napušči morajo biti minimalni. Kritina mora biti pretežno opečnata (za­želeni bobrovci ali zarezniki), pretežno v naravni opečnati (rdeči) barvi. Izjema so le nekateri predeli ob obstoječih stavbah, kjer je lahko oblikovanje streh tudi drugačno – ravne strehe. Gornji grad Tudi Prostorski načrt občine Gornji Grad (2018) dopušča več vrst streh, saj določa, da je strešna kritina lahko opečne ali temne barve, vendar ne živih barv. Prav tako je na strehah objektov dovoljena namestitev fotonapetostnih modulov, ki se izvede­jo v ravnini strešine in ne presegajo gabaritov strehe več, kot zahteva sistem pritrditve, razen pri ravnih strehah in strehah z minimalnimi nakloni, kjer je možna postavitev modulov pod večjimi nakloni. Parižlje (Braslovče) V naseljih občine Braslovče Prostorski načrt (2018) zahteva, da je kritina pretežno opečnata (zaželeni so bobrovci ali zarezniki), pretežno v naravni opečni (rdeči) barvi. Dovoljeni so nakloni strešin od 30o do 45°. Siva kritina je dopuščena le izjemoma, kadar taka kritina prevladuje v okolici. Prebold Za stanovanjske stavbe občine Prebold Prostorski načrt (2010) predpisuje, da so strehe dvokapnice s slemenom v smeri daljše stranice oziroma sestavljene dvokapnice istega naklona v pri­meru lomljenega tlorisa. Lahko so zaključene s čopi. Štirikapne (oziroma večkapne) strehe in lomljene strešine niso dovoljene. Naklon streh je dovoljen v razponu od 38° do 45°. Strešna kritina je praviloma opečne barve, lahko pa je tudi sive, če je prisotna na območju EUP (pri zimskih vrtovih in nadstreških se dovoljuje še brezbarvno steklo in steklu podobni brezbarvni materiali). S strešniki je treba ustvariti drobno teksturo. Nadstreški so lahko tudi enokapni v minimalnem naklonu (do 8°). Solčava Občinski prostorski načrt občine Solčava (2019) glede streh določa, da morajo biti strehe simetrične dvokapnice, strme, nakloni strešin od 40o do 45o. Osvetljevanje mansarde je možno s frčadami ali s strešnimi okni, dopustni so čopi, medtem ko drugi arhitekturni elementi streh niso dovoljeni. Frčade morajo biti osno prilagojene, krite z dvokapno strešico in zidcem ob straneh. Za slemena velja, da morajo biti vzporedni z daljšo stranico fasade in prilagojeni smeri slemen sosednjih objektov, če je to mogoče. Kritino prostorski načrt predpisuje sive barve, temnejše intenzitete, lahko je tudi lesena (slika 7). Strehe z nezdružljivimi različnimi na­kloni, slemeni in kritinami v Solčavi niso dopustne, pač pa dopušča drugačno oblikovanje streh pri nestanovanjskih stavbah s specifič­no funkcijo, tam se streha namreč prilagaja funkciji objekta. Šentjur Prostorski načrt občine Šentjur (2012) zahteva, da mora biti strešna kritina sive ali opečne barve, s strešniki pa je potrebno ustvariti videz drobne strukture. Za svojevrstne stavbe (gostilne, trgovine, garaže) velja, da mora biti strešna kritina praviloma v opečnih, temno rjavih ali sivih barvah, pri zimskih vrtovih in nadstreških se dovoljujejo še brezbarvno steklo in steklu podob­ni brezbarvni materiali. Možna je tudi ureditev zelenih streh. Šmarje pri Jelšah V občini Šmarje pri Jelšah Prostorski načrt (2018) dopušča več svobode pri izbiri barve strehe, saj je le-ta lahko v sivih, rjavih ali opečnih tonih, pri zimskih vrtovih in nadstreških se dovoljujejo še brezbarvno steklo in steklu podobni brezbarvni materiali. Šoštanj Prostorski načrt za Šoštanj (2015) dopušča pri strehah več mo­žnosti, saj dopušča oblikovanje streh kot dvokapnice ali ravne oziroma z minimalnim naklonom. Z izjemo enega dela občine, kjer je določena kritina opečnate barve, ni določila glede vrste in barve kritine. Vinska gora Za stanovanjsko gradnjo Prostorski načrt (2007, 2019) predvide­va dvokapnice s 40 stopinjskim naklonom. Prav tako so dopu­stne frčade, strešna okna (mansardne osvetlitve) različnih oblik in postavitev sekundarnih streh z nižjimi slemeni, postavljenimi pravokotno na osnovno smer slemena. Gradbeni material streh ni predpisan, a je predpisano, naj bo kritina drobne teksture, opečne ali temno rjave barve. Zanimivo je, da svetlo siva barva kritine ni dopustna. Vojnik Kot barvo strešne kritine Prostorski načrt občine Vojnik (2016) določa opečne barve, zunaj območij naselbinske dediščine pa je lahko tudi sive, črne ali rjave barve, če takšne strehe prevladuje­jo v okolici. Pri novogradnjah so dopustne dvokapnice, večka­pnice, ravne strehe in enokapnice, oziroma sestavljene dvoka­pnice istega naklona v primeru lomljenega tlorisa. Odpiranje strešin je dopustno v obliki strešnih oken in frčad. Oblika frčad je lahko moderne oblike. Žalec Obliko streh, naklon, kritino in smeri slemen v Žalcu je treba skladno s Prostorskim načrtom (2013) prilagoditi splošni oziro­ma kakovostni podobi v EUP. Barva kritine ni predpisana, zahte­va se le, da kritina ni živih barv. V prilogi prostorskega načrta je kot barva strehe predpisana opečna barva, zunaj območij na­selbinske dediščine ali občutljivejših območij prostora z vidika ohranjanja narave in krajinskih značilnosti pa je dopuščena tudi kritina sive, črne ali rjave barve, če takšne strehe prevladujejo v okolici. Prostorski načrt dovoljuje namestitev fotonapetostnih modulov, a le v ravnini strehe. Skupna lastnost večine prostorskih načrtov obravnavanih naselij je upoštevanje zatečenega stanja. Pri barvi streh se to kaže v večinoma predpisani opečni barvi (rdeča, rjava) le-ta tudi do­pustnosti uporabi sive barve streh. Slednje je dopuščeno v ob­močjih kjer siva barva že prevladuje ali se ta pojavlja izjemoma. Izmed obravnavanih štirinajst naselij le za dve naselji prostorska načrta natančneje natančno določata barvo. V Solčavi je tako predpisana siva barva, medtem ko - za primer - v Vinski Gori siva barva ni dopuščena. 3.3 Rezultati terenske raziskave V sklopu raziskave je bilo analiziranih 773 hiš v 14 krajih Savinj­sko-Kozjanske arhitekturne regije. Kot je bilo že rečeno, so bile v analizo vključene hiše kot nosilke arhitekturne identitete krajine. Kraji so bili izbrani tako, da so zastopane različne arhitekturne krajine znotraj regije. V razpredelnici so v prvih stolpcih prikaza­ni podatki o naselju, občini, nato številka arhitekturne krajine, značilne kritine, ki so jih je za posamezno krajino ugotovili in zbrali Fister idr. (1993a) ter zahteve glede barve streh veljavnih prostorskih načrtov občin. V nadaljevanju je prikazano število evidentiranih stavb in število streh glede na barvo. Glede barve so bile stavbe razdeljene v tri kategorije in sicer sive barve, opeč­ne barve in rjave barve. Zadnja dva stolpca prikazujeta delež števila stavb, katerih barva strehe ustreza in delež števila stavb, katerih barva ustreza zahtevam trenutno veljavnih prostorskih načrtov (Fister idr., 1993a). Raziskava je sicer ločevala med opečnatimi in rjavimi toni, vendar se je ta odločitev pokazala za napačno, saj je rjava barva običajno rezultat daljše časovne izpostavljenosti strešnikov, ki so bili prvotno opečnate barve. Bolj očitna je razlika med opečnato in rdečerjavo barvo streh na eni strani, ter strehami sivih odtenkov na drugi. Rezultati (preglednica 1) kažejo, da se delež stavb s kritino, ki ustreza opisom prof. Fistra, večinoma giba med 60 % in 80 %. Izjema je Solčava, kjer je večji delež sivih streh. Ker prostorski načrti večinoma dopuščajo vse prevladujoče barve, je delež stavb, ki ustrezajo tem merilom, večinoma stoodstoten. Nižji delež je le v naseljih, kjer so barve streh v prostorskih aktih bolj podrobno opredeljene. 4. ZAKLJUČEK Rezultati analize so izpostavili problem prostorske pojavnosti streh različnih barv v obravnavanih naseljih. Kot je bilo mogoče ugotoviti v analizi identitete arhitekturnih krajin, je to posledica zlasti tehnološkega razvoja kritine. Ta se je razvila od prvotno slamnate in lesene kritine v sivih odtenkih do rdeče-rjavih od­tenkov opečnate kritine, ki je prevladovala pred tridesetimi leti in je predstavljala del identitete arhitekturne krajine. Prvotni tip kritine, ki je bila narejena iz skodel in bilse je gradil v odtenkih sive barve, se je najdlje ohranil v hribovitem delu Zgornje Savinjske doline, v kraju Solčava. Ne glede na to, da je v delu Arhitekturne krajine in regije Slovenije (Fister idr., 1993a) tam kot tipično kritino prepoznal opečnato kritino (bobrovec ali zareznik), daje veljavni prostorski načrt prednost kritini v sivi barvi. Zaradi tega ima opečnata kritina v rdeče-rjavih odtenkih, ki je bila del identitete kraja pred tridesetimi leti, danes med obravnavanimi naselji najmanjši delež, kar znaša okrog 30 %. Po drugi strani je v večini preostalih obravnavanih prostorskih načrtih slutiti vpliv zatečenega stanja iz časa 20. stoletja, ko je bila marsikje v gradnji uporabljena priljubljena siva betonska kritina. Rezultati kažejo, da ima kritino v sivi barvi 21,8 % vseh obravnavanih stavb, v rjavi barvi 27,0 % in v opečnati barvi 47 %. V današnjemu oblikovalskemu trendu lahko prepoznamo, da je temno siva kritina še vedno priljubljena, zato večina obravna­vanih prostorski načrtov dopušča uporabo sive kritine, pone­kod sicer le kot izjemo, drugod pa jo ti dopuščajo le v primeru prilagajanja barvi že zgrajenih streh okolice. Za tiste stavbe, dele naselja ali celotna naselja, ki so del kulturne ali naselbinske dediščine in posledično pod varstvom Zavoda za varstvo kulturne dediščine, ugotavljamo, da slednja bolj ohra­njajo svojo identiteto. Žal ta vpliv izven področja zaščite varstva kulturne dediščine hitro izzveni, kar posledično negativno vpliva na ohranjanje identitete naselja. Kot je pokazala raziskava, sedanja opredelitev materiala v večini prostorskih načrtov ni dovolj natančna za doseganje enotne barve streh. Tržišče namreč ponuja opečno kritino v različnih odtenkih rdeče in tudi sive oziroma črne barve (Creaton, b. d.). Posledično opečna barva tako ne pomeni nujno enakega odten­ka, kot je denimo pomenila trideset let nazaj. presega -odtenke, celo ih odtenkov in Podobno velja, da tudi betonski strešniki niso nujno izvedeni v sivih odtenkih. Danes material ne določa absolutno tudi končne barve kritine, kar je potrdil terenski ogled. Med analiziranimi strehami je tako tudi betonska kritina rjave barve, kovinski zarezniki opečnate barve in podobno. Prilaganje barve streh oziroma vzpostavitev enotne podobe arhitekturne krajine je dolgotrajen proces, ki obsega spremem­be in dopolnitve prostorskih načrtov, osveščanje investitorjev o smiselnosti vzpostavljanja in/ali ohranjanja arhitekturne identitete kraja. Ta proces lahko traja več desetletij in bo moral nujno vključevati tudi preostale arhitekturne elemente, ki bodo skupaj pripomogli k ponovnem jasnem definiranju posameznih arhitekturnih krajin in regij. Potrebno se je zavedati, da arhitek­turne identitete naselja ne določa le oblika posamezne stavbe, ampak jo tvori podoba večjega števila stavb oziroma večji deli posameznega naselja. LITERATURA IN VIRI Berdahl, P., Akbari, H., Levinson, R., & Miller, W. A. (2008). Weathering of roofing materials–an overview. Construction and building materials, 22(4), 423-433. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.conbuildmat.2006.10.015 Brecl, K. (3.9.2021). Sončne elektrarne v Sloveniji strmo rastejo. https://www.varcevanje-energije.si/fotovoltaicne-elektrarne/soncne-elektrarne-pregled-trga-v-sloveniji.html Ciljno raziskovalni program »CRP 2021« (2022). Arhitekturne tipologije in arhitekturne krajine in regije Slovenije: Ciljno raziskovalni program »CRP 2021« v letu 2021-23. Vsebinsko poročilo. Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Univerza v Ljubljani, Biotehniška fakulteta, Urbanistični inštitut, Ljubljana. Cooper Facts: Cooper in architecture. (b. d.). https://www.copper.org/education/c-facts/architecture/print-category.html Creaton. (b. d.). https://www.creaton.si/izdelki-si/simpla Deu, Ž. (2018). Strehe in napušči. Gradbenik, 1-2, januar, februar. Ljubljana. Fister, P., Boh-Pečnik, N., Debevec, L., Deu, Ž., Kavčič, M., & Lah, L. (1993a). Arhitekturne krajine in regije Slovenije. Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor Republike Slovenije, Zavod Republike Slovenije za prostorsko planiranje. Fister, P., Boh-Pečnik, N., Debevec, L., Deu, Ž., Kavčič, M., Lah, L. (1993b). Glosar arhitekturne tipologije. Ljubljana, Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor RS, Zavod RS za prostorsko planiranje. RKG (b. d.). https://rkg.gov.si/GERK/ Instantstreetview (b. d.). https://www.instantstreetview.com/ Inšpektorat Republike Slovenije za delo (7.5.2020). Azbest. https://www.gov.si/teme/azbest/ Kopar, T. (2013). Smernice za izbiro strešne kritine. Gradbenik, št. 10. junij 2013. Kušar, D. (2003). Vpliv požarov na razvoj podobo srednjeveških mest. Urbani izziv. L 14. št 2/2003. str. 65-71. Kušar, D. (2005). Varnost v arhitekturi nekoč in danes. [Doktorska disertacija]. Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo. Občinski prostorski načrt občine Dobrna (2012). https://www.dobrna.si/web/index.php/obcinski-prostorski-nacrt-opn-obcine-dobrna Občinski prostorski načrt občine Solčava (2019). https://www.solcava.si/objava/227154 Občinski prostorski načrt občine Žalec (2013). https://zalec.si/obcina/urejanje-prostora/prostorski-akti-v-veljavi/ Odlok o Občinskem lokacijskem načrtu Vinska Gora 2 (2007, 2019). https://www.velenje.si/o-velenju/urejanje-prostora/prostorski-akti/11956 Odlok o Izvedbenem delu občinskega prostorskega načrta Občine Prebold (2010). Uradni list RS, št. 43/2010. https://www.uradni-list.si/glasilo-uradni-list-rs/vsebina?urlurid=20102218 Odlok o Izvedbenem prostorskem načrtu občine Šentjur (2012). Uradni list RS, št. 37/11. https://www.sentjur.si/post/49506 Odlok o Občinskem prostorskem načrtu občine Braslovče (2018). Uradni list RS, št. 61/2018. https://www.braslovce.si/objava/213528 Odlok o Občinskem prostorskem načrtu občine Gornji Grad (2018). Uradni list RS, št. št. 21/2018. http://www.lex-localis.info/KatalogInformacij/VsebinaDokumenta.aspx?SectionID=8ef97182-6ae3-42de-82ce-9b87e9999e81 Odlok o Občinskem prostorskem načrtu občine Šmarje pri Jelšah – izvedbeni del (2018). Uradni list RS, št. 55/2018. https://www.uradni-list.si/glasilo-uradni-list-rs/vsebina/2018-01-2801/odlok-o-obcinskem-prostorskem-nacrtu-obcine-smarje-pri-jelsah---izvedbeni-del Odlok o Občinskem prostorskem načrtu občine Šoštanj (2015). Uradni list RS, št. 7/2015. https://www.sostanj.si/act/4550 Odlok o Občinskem prostorskem načrtu občine Vojnik (2016). Uradni list RS, št. 59/2016. http://www.lex-localis.info/KatalogInformacij/VsebinaDokumenta.aspx?SectionID=9b34057e-1a15-4c89-9933-78f725bee064 Sudhakar, K., Jain, N., & Bagga, S. (2013, February). Effect of color filter on the performance of solar photovoltaic module. In 2013 International Conference on Power, Energy and Control (ICPEC) (pp. 35-38). IEEE. https://doi.org/10.1109/ICPEC.2013.6527620. https://doi.org/10.1109/ICPEC.2013.6527620 UNESCO (b. d.). Lista svetovne dediščine. https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/ Vilfan, S. (1970). Kmečka hiša. Gospodarska in družbena zgodovina Slovencev. Ljubljana. SAZU, DZS. Wood, C. (2019). Lead Roofs and Statuary: Understanding, Monitoring and Conservation. https://historicengland.org.uk/whats-new/research/back-issues/lead-roofs-and-statuary-understanding-monitoring-and-conservation/ Slika 1: Zračni posnetek dela naselja Prebold kaže na pestrost različnih barv streh (Slikovni vir: GERK, 2022). Domen Kušar, Kristijan Lavtižar: ROOF COLOR AS A FACTOR OF ARCHITECTURAL LANDSCAPE DESIGN: 36–43 Slika 2: Staremu mestnemu jedru Dubrovnika daje identiteto rdeča barva opečnatih streh (avtor: Kušar, D.). Slika 3: Značilna barva toskanskih streh je pastelno opečna. Naselje na sliki je San Gimignano (avtor: Kušar, D.). Domen Kušar, Kristijan Lavtižar: BARVA STREHE KOT DEJAVNIK OBLIKOVANJA ARHITEKTURNE KRAJINE : 36–43 Slika 4: Za strehe zaščitenega dela mesta Počitelj so značilne kamnite plošče sive barve. Identiteto naselja poudarjajo tudi siva barva kupol mošej ter svetlo siva barva zidov (avtor: Kušar, D.). Slika 5: Pogled na strehe naselja Srednja vas v Bohinju. Prevladujoči toni so sivi (avtor: Kušar, D.). Domen Kušar, Kristijan Lavtižar: ROOF COLOR AS A FACTOR OF ARCHITECTURAL LANDSCAPE DESIGN: 36–43 Slika 6: Prikaz obravnavanih naselij (Dobrna, Gornji Grad, Parižlje, Prebold, Solčava, Šentjur, Šmarje pri Jelšah, Šoštanj, Vinska Gora, Vojnik, Žalec) na karti Savinjsko-Kozjanske regije. Domen Kušar, Kristijan Lavtižar: BARVA STREHE KOT DEJAVNIK OBLIKOVANJA ARHITEKTURNE KRAJINE : 36–43 Slika 7: V Solčavi prevladujejo strehe sive barve (Slikovni vir KG, 2022b. d.). Preglednica 1: Delež barve streh po naseljih v odvisnosti od zahtev prostorskih načrtov, ugotovitev prof. Fistra in stanja na terenu. Naselje Občina Številka arhitek­turne krajine Barva (kritina) po fistru in sodelavcih Barva (kritina) po prostorskih načrtih Število stavb v naselju Število popisanih stavb Število sivih streh Število streh opečne barve Število streh v rjavih tonih Delež stavb z barvo (kritino) po fistru in sod. (Opečna in rjava) Delež stavb z barvo (kritino) po prostorskih načrtih Bočna Gornji Grad 11.58 Rdeče-rjava opečna (bobrovec, zareznik) Opečna ali temne barve (ne sme biti živih barv) 550 21 5 3 13 76,2 100,0 Dobrna Dobrna 11.57 Rdeče-rjava opečna (bobrovec, zareznik) Opečnata (rdeča) 237 14 2 10 1 78,6 71,4 Gornji grad Gornji grad 11.58 Rdeče-rjava opečna (bobrovec, zareznik) Opečna ali temne barve (ne sme biti živih barv) 497 29 8 9 12 72,4 100,0 Latkova vas Prebold 11.56 Rdeče-rjava opečna (bobrovec, zareznik) Opečna, le izjemoma siva 591 29 10 18 1 65,5 100,0 Lokovica Šoštanj 11.59 Rdeče-rjava opečna (bobrovec, zareznik) Ni predpisana 712 41 5 18 12 73,2 100,0 Parižlje Braslovče 11.56 Rdeče-rjava opečna (bobrovec, zareznik) Opečna (rdeča) barva, siva le izjemoma 523 28 9 5 13 64,3 100,0 Prebold Prebold 11.56 Rdeče-rjava opečna (bobrovec, zareznik) Opečna, le izjemoma siva  464 258 63 107 72 69,4 100,0 Solčava Solčava 11.58 Opečna (prvotno skodle) Siva, temnejše intenzitete 253 14 9 3 2 35,7 64,3 Šentjur Šentjur 11.54 Rdeče-rjava opečna (bobrovec, zareznik) Siva ali opečna 2284 130 15 58 51 83,8 100,0 Šmarje pri Jelšah Šmarje pri Jelšah 11.54 Rdeče-rjava opečna (bobrovec, zareznik) Sivi, rjavi ali opečni toni 772 39 7 23 9 82,1 100,0 Šoštanj Šoštanj 11.59 Rdeče-rjava opečna (bobrovec, zareznik) Ni predpisana 718 32 1 10 20 93,8 100,0 Vinska Gora Velenje 11.59 Rdeče-rjava opečna (bobrovec, zareznik) Opečna ali temno rjava (siva ni dopuščena) 245 13 5 7 1 61,5 61,5 Vojnik Vojnik 11.57 Rdeče-rjava opečna (bobrovec, zareznik) Opečna barva (zunaj območij naselbinske dediščine tudi siva, rjava in črna) 1132 58 13 31 14 77,6 100,0 Žalec Žalec 11.56 Rdeče-rjava opečna (bobrovec, zareznik) Kritina ne sme biti živih barv, načeloma opečna, izjemoma tudi siva , črna in rjava 1195 67 17 41 7 71,6 100,0 Domen Kušar, Kristijan Lavtižar: ROOF COLOR AS A FACTOR OF ARCHITECTURAL LANDSCAPE DESIGN: 36–43 Domen Kušar, Kristijan Lavtižar: BARVA STREHE KOT DEJAVNIK OBLIKOVANJA ARHITEKTURNE KRAJINE : 36–43 Domen Kušar, Kristijan Lavtižar: ROOF COLOR AS A FACTOR OF ARCHITECTURAL LANDSCAPE DESIGN: 36–43 OPEN SOURCE URBANISM – ADAPTING PRINCIPLES AND CRITERIA OF OPEN SOURCE SOFTWARE TO URBANISM https://doi.org/10.15292/IU-CG.2022.10.044-051 UDK: 711.4:004.4 SUBMITTED: April 2022 / REVISED: August 2022 / PUBLISHED: September 2022 1.02 Pregledni znanstveni članek / Review Article DOI: ABSTRACT The idea of open source, stemming from software development is being applied in various fields, including urbanism, as the concept of Open Source Urbanism (OSU). This approach promotes a transparent process, where the methodology used and developed and the final outcomes are open for others to use, modify, adjust and even profit from while also sharing their process and results openly. In this paper, the principles and cri­teria of open source software are adopted for-, adjusted to and observed in the field of urban design and planning. The goal was to extract the criteria for determining the levels of urban projects being based on the principles of open source urbani­sm. Furthermore, the newly established criteria of OSU were applied and tested on three case studies of projects related urban spaces. The results show that the principles and criteria of open source software can be successfully used in urban design and planning. OSU principles can be applied on a wide range of projects and crossing different scales, from planting a tree to large-scale masterplan design. KEY-WORDS Open Source Urbanism, Urban Design, Urban Planning, Public Participation, Open Source software, open source principles POVZETEK Zamisel o odprtokodnosti, ki primarno izvira iz področja razvoja programske opreme, je uporabna na različnih področjih, vključ­no z urbanizmom, kjer jo poznamo pod angleškim terminom Open Source Urbanism (OSU) oziroma slovenskim odprtoko­dnim urbanizmom. Ta pristop spodbuja transparenten, de­mokratičen proces, kjer so na koncu procesa tako uporabljene metode kot tudi končni rezultati in dognanja drugim zainteresi­ranim prosto na voljo za uporabo, prilagajanje in spreminjanje, v zasebne, javne in celo komercialne namene pod enakimi načeli odprtokodnosti. V prispevku so načela in kriteriji odprtokodne programske opreme prilagojeni in prevedeni v polje urbanistič­nega oblikovanja in načrtovanja. Cilj prispevka je izluščiti krite­rije za določanje ravni odprtokodnosti projektov, ki temeljijo na načelih odprtokodnega urbanizma. Nadalje smo vzpostavljene kriterije OSU uporabili in testirali na treh študijah primerov pro­jektov, ki se ukvarjajo z urbanim prostorom. Rezultati kažejo, da je načela in merila odprtokodne programske opreme mogoče smiselno in uspešno uporabiti pri urbanističnem oblikovanju in načrtovanju. Načela OSU delujejo na širokem naboru projektov in v različnih merilih, od sajenja dreves do načrtovanja večjih urbanih ureditev. KLJUČNE BESEDE odprtokodni urbanizem, urbanistično oblikovanje, urbanistično načrtovanje, sodelovanje javnosti, odprtokodna programska oprema, odprtokodna načela Rrona Berisha, Matevž Juvančič: ODPRTOKODNI URBANIZEM – PREVOD NAČEL IN KRITERIJEV ODPRTOKODNE PROGRAMSKE OPREME NA ... 44–51 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 The origin and development of OSU The city is a complex organism, with unpredictable develop­ments in various fields, no defined endings only results from each action we take to plan the city (Roggema, R., 2019). The city can be seen as an ongoing experiment (Roggema, R., 2019) or as a permanent transformation (Keiner, 2012). This challenges planners to find new solutions and experiment with the process. In recent years, the concept of Open Source Urbanism (OSU), based on the idea, principles and methodology of creating open source software is finding its ways into the process of urban design and planning. Easy to comprehend through its name, open source urbanism connects and links the idea of open source software implanting it into the field of urban de­sign and planning. Phrased differently, planning of the city and its parts becomes sharable, upgradable, adjustable and adapt­able, easier to follow and perceive (transparency) and open to different stakeholders and parties to contribute to or tap into. To begin with, the basic definition of Open Source is that the source code is open to use and modifications so anyone can improve the source code and share the changes (Al-Masri and Curran, 2019). Open Source software and products are widely used, created and maintained voluntarily by the community of developers. Urban planning is one of many fields of possible ap­plication that could benefit from the fundamental approach of open source access, development and sharing. We have come to realize the potential of open access publishing, but have the op­portunity to go even beyond those with shared methodologies. In urbanism this is known as Open Source Urbanism, which is established on sharing, using, modifying and redistributing the products based on contribution, alike to Open Source software/programs (Artibise, 2010). According to Kaspori (2005), this is a model that can be used for solving urban problems and developing the city based on collaboration. The basic requirement for collaboration is shared interest that results in sharing knowledge and experience. Therefore, people are supposed to share ideas and make them available to others, so others can use and modify them and consequently city planning will be an ongoing process and not a onetime action (Kaspori, 2005). Compared to traditional practices of urban planning, Oswalt et al. (2013) highlights components that develop differently when applying the concept of OSU. Initially, the focus in the first stages of planning is not on designing the buildings or spaces, but to gradually come to a result that meets the requirements of all, through informal activities, activating and temporary using spaces together with the community. Second, the shared con­trol between municipalities, owners and citizens, and another difference is that solutions to urban questions are not coming from architectural and urbanistic competitions but from actions taken together with the community. If OSU is practiced in a meaningful way, it will promote a bottom-up decision-making process (Scripcariu, 2012), benefit in democratizing urban development (Zhilin et al., 2018), encourage social interaction, promote a transparent and col­laborative process, and the outcomes are as per Bradly (2015): “democratised and owned by many”. OSU initiatives also inspire social movements. Since the ‘products’ – the process, method­ology, approaches and results -could be used, modified and developed further by third parties, a planning process and outcome is no longer relevant only for one location but can become a repeated initiative (Zhilin et al., 2018), like ‘parklets’1, a guerilla initiative that became a social movement and later was incorporated in urban planning (Bradley, 2015). The public will benefit in many ways from OSU initiatives, by be­ing included in the process, being able to convey and integrate their needs, gain new knowledge and more (Bradley, 2015). Encouraging citizens to participate in these initiatives can lead to innovative solutions, and their enthusiasm to contribute inspires others and reflects their will to be part of the process (Finn, 2014). Public authorities will also benefit from OSU. Angelidou (2019) illustrates that tactical urbanism can lead to constructive dialogue and to new initiatives that the municipality cannot implement due to the length of the process by law. Neverthe­less, institutions play an important role in supporting OSU by, not only, opening access to the source of information for the public. Douay (2018) argues that opening access to data will allow citizens to be better acquainted with the city by accessing various documents, empower them to follow and be involved in the work and procedures lead by the authorities and propose improvements or suggestions, resulting in processes that are more transparent. The institutions can also show their support by implementing projects of citizens, support them financially, open the resources and make intelligent use of their authority (Oswalt et al., 2013). The concept of OSU is manifested from citizens through different initiatives, like DIY-urbanism, urban guerillas, urban acupuncture and more (Sassen, 2015-Epilogue). The initiatives are usually documented by citizens, containing their experience and the process in order to be used or modified by others (Zhilin et al., 2018). These documentations are usually shared through online channels and social media. They represent a transparent code and are comparable to sharing the source code in open source software (Bradley, 2015). Specific, tailored information communi­cation platforms, which are currently lacking in OSU approaches could potentially add another level of openness and accessibility to the OSU efforts mentioned by Zhilin et al. (2018). There is a difference between open source software and OSU concerning an important component. The digital domain of­fers diversity and interchangeability: if you do not agree with a specific software development philosophy, or you find one that has more beneficial features, you can use another software; that is not the case for cities because projects are specific to one location or building (Demerijn, 2013). It often happens that citizens do not have similar needs or share unified vision for common-spaces, this raises the question of who has the right to shape the city and who is the one with the capacity, knowledge and expertise to negotiate a consensus between the stakehold­ers involved. Applying the concept of OSU doesn’t end with implementing the project. An important part is sharing the knowledge and if possible constant improvement. This can sometimes depend on the voluntary good of the citizens, and can be considered as a drawback, taking into account the dynamic of life nowadays. Further, Oswalt et al. (2013) mentions that sharing control between actors, as a characteristic of OSU, would be a win-win situation for all, however the level that shared control that can be applied depends on various factors. 1 https://groundplaysf.org/publication/san-francisco-parklet-manual/ When involving different stakeholders, we must be prepared for a prolonged and more expensive process, to have staff that is trained for developing such processes, and to be careful not to create an adverse effect on the participants, such as the loss of trust and the desire to contribute (Wouters et al., 2011). The aim of this study is to focus on the concept of open source approach as the core component of OSU and translate princi­ples of open source to the field of urban design and planning as well as set and adapt criteria with which to measure OSU levels. Moreover, this study aims to analyze stages of planning that the concept of OSU can be applied to, the community’s willingness to participate and the role of technology in the process. 2. METHODOLOGY The theoretical groundwork contains examination and study of existing practical and theoretical research on Open Source Ur­banism (OSU), open source software, public participation, urban design and technology in urban design. The literature review for this article was based on Science Direct and Google scholar databases. The search was initiated with the exact matching term “Open Source Urbanism” during the years 2015 and 2020. This search generated 400 results in Science Direct and 353 in Google Scholar. The number was reduced by choosing articles most related to the field, involving case studies from Europe and written in English. In addition to this search, our research was also extended to different disseminations of OSU in newspa­pers, university pages, other relevant pages, interviews, lectures and more. Initially, the above mentioned literature was analyzed, in order to understand the origin and the development of the concept, how it was defined in literature, the practical uses of it, the various aspects of the concept such as methods, principles and techniques. The analysis of the literature is presented in the “Introduction” chapter of this paper. The findings of the study the article is dealing with are divided into two parts. The results of the first part came from interpreting Open Source 10 criteria2 and 6 principles3 to OSU, to better understand the overlap and the concept. There are 10 criteria of Open source that must be fulfilled in order for a software to be considered Open Source, and 6 principles of Open Source that derive from “open source software development models” and can be applied in different fields, not limited to programing. These were adjusted to Open Source Urbanism for the purpose of this study. This translation from OS to OSU is done by the authors through analyzing each criteria and principle to understand if it can or cannot be applied in Urbanism. The results of the second part came from comparing the prin­ciples and criteria of OSU, found in the first part of the results, to case studies that our initial database search clearly identi­fied as belonging to Open Source Urbanism (OSU) principles. We wanted to determine and establish to which extent and level they really followed OSU, looking for alignment between declared and demonstrated components of OSU and possible misalignments. Three case studies were chosen for the second part of the re­search: Space-S residential block, Guerrilla Gardening and Open Street Map Kosovo. We set to have a variety in the case studies 2 https://opensource.org/osd 3 https://opensource.com/open-source-way and intentionally chose according to the next criteria: ¦¦one case study needed to address larger, building block size areas in the city (Space-S residential block); ¦¦one case study needed to deal with open public or private spaces (Guerrilla Gardening); ¦¦one case study that is not aiming towards physical in­tervention, however still addresses initiatives, mapping, crowdsourcing or such, dealing being directly or indirectly associated with urban spaces and urbanism (Open Street Map Kosovo). Each case study is briefly introduced and explained within its context, followed by the presentation of comparative findings in tables 3, 4 and 5. The comparison of three case studies with OSU principles and criteria was done in order to understand if the case studies met the OSU characteristics and to which extent. During evaluation and comparative process, if a criteria or a principle was present in a case study, its presence was evaluated with positive [yes]. If there was no trace of it, it was evaluated with [no]. If it was partially present, it was marked with [partial­ly]. Partial presence was determined based on being between present and not-present, each such case is explained in detail in the results, when it occurs. If the principle was not applicable to the case study or was omitted due to the nature of the case study, it was evaluated with [ / ]. The case studies were further compared to each other to understand the process and the level of design that the concept of OSU can be applied. 3. RESULTS 3.1 First part of the results: Interpreting Open Source criteria and principles to Open Source Urbanism Table 1 lists ten criteria that should be present for a software/application to be determined as open source, provided by Open Source Initiative (Open Source Initiative, 2007) and translated by the authors to OSU guiding principles. In the table below are mentioned the products of urban plan­ning, which as elaborated by Washburn (2013) are: rules (policy, zoning, steps, guidelines, methodology), plans and projects (built work: streets, squares, plazas, parks, leftover space, com­munication and transportation infrastructure that knits our cities together). 3.2. Second part of the results: Comparing the new established criteria and principles of Open Source Urbanism to three case studies 3.2.1 Case Studies Space-S Space-S is a residential block developed on ..27 hectares area in Eindhoven (Netherlands) as an example of open source urban planning, led by the company 12n urban matters. The urban block was planned through a future users’ driven process. The initiative started in 2012 and the first residential units opened for living in 2016 (12n urban matters, n.d.). In the beginning, it was searched for potential residents for the unbuilt land, and a mix of people signed up, forming a commu­nity with more than a thousand participants that represented the future residents of Space-S (Stam + De Koning, 2017). The residential block was co-designed. The source of informa­tion was shared with the community and they determined what was important for them. The planers needed to decide on the viability of the requests and proposals. If there was no agree­ment between the parties, proposals were re-designed (12n urban matters, n.d.). Participants were involved with the help of different ICT chan­nels, with an emphasis on social media. They actively partici­pated, acquired new knowledge or used their prior knowledge, as in the case when a participant helped create the 3D model (12n urban matters, n.d.). The process resulted in a residential block with shared open public spaces, roof gardens, different types of housing, fulfilling the requests of young, old, families, singles, students, working residents and more (Space-S, 2018). The company 12n urban matters developed an open brochure regarding Space-S, de­scribing the initiative in general but not as a manual that could help reproduce the process. Space-S is an example of why we should re-think expectations that the process of co-designing, involving community with large number of its members, will be long and expensive. Con­trary to preconceptions, 12n urban matters (n.d.) reports, the residential block was designed and built on time and at with a reasonable price tag, since it was a common goal for all. Guerrilla Gardening Guerilla Gardening is a global movement, part of sustainable ef­forts to find a balance of taking care of the planet and our needs by gardening, regardless of the obstacles to overcome. The movement strives to achieve this by cultivating the neglected spaces or spaces that belong to others, without having permis­sion (Reynolds, 2008). As a concept, it occurred centuries ago, when someone cultivated someone’s land without his or her permission (Reynolds, 2008). As a term “Guerilla Gardening” was first recorded to be used by Liz Christy in 1973 (Reynolds, 2008) when she and the volunteers transformed a neglected land in Manhattan’s Bowery, into a vegetable garden (Liz Christy Com­munity Garden, 2007). Since then, Guerilla Gardening is spreading around the world through initiatives by citizens, which are different from each other but share the same concept. Some citizens join this move­ment to beautify the spaces, some to revolt against institutions or owners for leaving the land neglected (Taylor, 2013). The challenges for guerrilla gardeners are the scarce and neglected spaces (Reynolds, 2008). However, they do not necessarily abide by rules/regulations to intervene on spaces or someone’s property. They believe that this movement benefits everyone and the procedures of legalizing gardening are often prolonged and end in failure to acquire permits (Reynolds, 2008). For big-scale projects, Reynolds (2008) argues that it is best to get permission and collaborate with institutions because they cannot be completed by being unnoticed. This movement is well documented. There are many web pages, among others GuerillaGardening.org, where many initiatives around the world are documented. Such as: Seed Bombing, Guerrilla Park, Roundabout Garden, and more (Figure 1). Open Street Map Kosovo Open Street Map Kosovo is an initiative by Free Libre Open Source Software Kosova (FLOSSK), an NGO that promotes F/OSS since 2009 in Kosovo (FLOSSK, n.d.). This initiative is not a direct intervention in public space, but enriches information regard­ing public spaces in urban environments and consequently facilitates easier access and use of them by potential general and local users. By using different publicly accessible and mostly open source software solutions and applications ( such as: Open Street Map iD - editor programmed in JavaScript to edit Open Street Map geodata; JOSM -  free software desktop editing tool for Open Street Map geodata; and QGIS - cross-platform for viewing, edit­ing, printing, and analysis of geodata), the community together with professionals edited and added information to the maps of Kosovo in Open Street Map (OSM) platform. They edited histori­cal maps, marked hiking trails, placed road names, mapped geographical features, mapped Kosovo Health System institu­tions to help with Covid-19 and more. This was established by volunteer work from citizens of Kosovo and abroad, in collabo­ration with relevant institutions that opened access to the data for the public (FLOSSK, 2020). The process was organized through Mapathons ( an event to make online map improvements), where the community was informed about these events through social media. From time to time, different groups of community were trained on how to use the platforms through workshops and a conference (FLOSSK, 2020). The process of how the initiative was developed and the maps are open to the user to use, modify and update. The data is available on Open Street Map platform and applications that use data from it (FLOSSK, 2020). The Municipality of Prishtina also benefited from this initiative. The Directory of Tourism generated tourist maps for Prishtina, by using maps from Open Street Map that were enriched with information from this initiative, as seen in Figure 2 (Guri, 2020, Personal Interview). There are similar initiatives in the world dealing with urbanity and urban environments, spilling into the urban design and planning domain, such as the Civic Hacking initiative, where citizens add online information that aim to improve the city (Hyder, 2014). 3.2.2. The comparison of OSU criteria and principles to the three case studies The second part of the results contains three tables. Table 3 represents a general analysis of case studies, Table 4 and Table 5 traces the alignment of criteria and principles of OSU with the three case studies. Case studies differ from each other on the level and nature of planning, two are physical interventions in built up, unbuilt or/and open spaces, while OSM-Kosovo is a non-physical digital intervention (online mapping). The number of participant var­ies from case study to case study: OSM-Kosovo is a small-scale project with low number of participants (however, it affects the largest number of users among the selected case studies), Guerilla Gardening is a global movement and the number of participants varies depending on the project, Space-S is a big project with more than thousand participants. All three case studies need facilitators or initiators that manage, seek consensus and help steer the effort. For OSM-Kosovo the facilitator is an NGO, Space-S is an investor with social agenda and Guerilla gardening organization is the ideator and moral authority of the initiative. Most commonly used ICT solutions between the three case studies are social media - used for the design process and for communication. Space-S is evaluated as ‘Partially’ in providing method and procedure, because even though the process is described in a brochure, it lacks the needed details to be used as a guideline in order for the process to be reproduced. Thus, the first and the third criteria in the table are evaluated as ‘No’. The products of Space-S are both the building itself (in material form) and the development process. Since the process development was not entirely shared and the built work cannot be modified freely, the seventh criteria in the table is not applicable. Guerilla Gardening is evaluated as ‘Partially’ for being in sync with other products and for having its author known, because sometimes it is “a revolt against the institutions or owners for leaving the land neglected” (Reynolds, 2008). It is also evaluated as ‘Partially’ in equal participation because institutions are not always included in the process. Space-S is evaluated as ‘Partially’ on the first principle, because of the lack of detailed guidelines regarding the process devel­opment, and similarly, the third principle cannot be evaluated due to the buildings being unable to be constantly updated and upgraded. Guerilla Gardening is evaluated as ‘Partially’ in co-drafting plans with the institutions, community, and more, since even though the community is involved in projects, the institutions do not always take part or are intentionally left out, and sometimes the projects are individual initiatives. Open Street Map Kosovo is evaluated ‘Partially’ in co-drafting plans and including the government, because some the institu­tions made the data public or publicly accessible but imple­mented the data into the maps on their own and not together with the volunteers. 4. DISCUSSION From Table 1 and 2 we understand that OSU is focused on the process and final product, with emphasis on rules (policy, zon­ing, guidelines) and plans. Since built environment includes parks, streets, urban inventory and more, the principles of OSU for free redistribution and upgrading do not apply because they are in conflict with other norms and rules of the society (e.g. private property or interference/privatization of public spaces, etc.). Other urban planning products such as policy, zoning, steps, guidelines, methodology and plans usually meet the criteria of OSU and can be modified, changed or profited by anyone without discrimination. The processes of case studies and in general developed under OSU principles are transparent and co-developed with inter­ested citizens, without discrimination to people and are fields of expertise inclusive. The final product includes consensus and negotiated interests of all actors and are in harmony with other products, e.g. an urban design plan compliance with overall municipality plan, integration with neighboring places, protec­tion zones and such. The authorship of the original project remains with the initiator. If anyone decides to derive the work or modify the product of urban design, it must change the name from the original work but follow the chain of attribution. The rights attached to the original product for using, modify­ing, sharing or profiting from it, are transferred to the modified product. Based on Table 4 and Table 5, Open Street Map Kosovo overlaps the most with Open Source principle, which is not surprising due to its nature, concept and origin, which is closely related to information technology. It stagnates in the field of equal par­ticipation because institutions do not participate in adding the data or in editing of the maps, where such involvement would sometimes defy their legislative obligations, but they made the data openly available and the desire to cooperate was mutual. For Guerilla Gardening, the drawback is in involving the institu­tions. The authorship is also not always known and they do not by default satisfy the needs of all. The outcomes and the process may not be in harmony with other products or societal norms and rules since Guerilla Gardeners often intentionally intervene without permission. Regarding Space-S, the process was developed based on OSU, but the biggest drawback is that the product of this process is only partially open. There is no detailed guideline or recipe on how to reproduce the process. This contradicts the essence of open source because the process thus cannot be entirely repro­duced, modified, added to or redistributed. Other characteristics of open source presented in Table 4 and Table 5 are fulfilled by all three case studies, therefore, the pro­cesses were transparent and equal to all, and participants were willing to improve public spaces and share experiences and ideas with each other. Analyzing Space-S we come to understand developing big-scale projects based on OSU with more than thousand participants is viable, even though the literature is skeptical towards large scale implementations of OSU due to high costs associated and difficulties in reaching consensus on such a wide variety of inter­ests. OSU is thus not necessarily bound to small-scale initiatives such as DIY-urbanism, guerilla urban tactics and similar. The case of Guerilla Gardening leaves us thinking that OSU con­cepts can be – at least to some extent - applied by citizens even when institutions are uncooperative or refrain from participa­tion. It also implicitly sets the boundaries that OSU is reluctant to cross. Namely, it does not condone intentional acting against the norms and values of groups or individuals that would be disadvantaged or discriminated by its actions. OSU is refraining from mere “citizens talking back”, an activist action that would revolt and be led by the power of majority, power in its numbers or common good justification. From Open Street Map Kosovo example we learn that OSU can be applied even without the goal of physical intervention and outcome, but still have urban design, use and planning implica­tions, as long as the goal is to collaboratively improve open public spaces, their access and leave the data open for others to use, modify or profit from. All cases needed a facilitator of the process, as an equal partici­pant not as a decision-maker. In all the analyzed case studies, there was a facilitator, as an equal participant not as a decision-maker. In such processes, the role of the facilitator is highlight­ed, as a participant that is needed for direction giving, manag­ing the process, mediating, help in implementation, guiding the group towards meaningful contributions, and more. Taking into account the nature of work for urban planners, working with different stakeholders, organizing public debates, and more, adds the need for them to be skilled in communica­tion and organizational skills, or else said, to be “good facilita­tors” (Peel, 2000). Although not always the facilitator of a process is the planner, the planner must have knowledge for facilitating processes (Herd, 2019). The role of technology in the process varied depending on the initiatives’ and projects’ requirements. ICT and data driven technology have an important role in OSU because using technology is the easiest way to share, manage and manipulate the open data. However, Zhilin et al. (2018) highlights as a disadvantage the lack of an ICT platform tailored especially for OSU. Further, when using technological tools in the process, we should keep in mind that not all citizens have the same access and knowledge regarding the tools, therefore it’s essential to choose the right tools and reach to all audience, otherwise citizens that are the most informed and capable of using technology will dominate the city (Douray, 2018). In the analyzed case studies, social media was a common media and tool for communication and sharing information. Nowa­days, social media has become a common ground, a common point for all, widely used by population and widely accessible. We are used to communication through it, prefer to be ad­dressed through it, and we are more likely to respond and be activated through social media. 5. CONCLUSION While software development became more and more reliant on closely guarded and fiercely protected proprietary code, shrouded in a cloak of business and industrial secrecy, urban design and planning practices were, throughout history, inher­ently more transparent and open, especially when urbanism approach was scientifically or academia driven. Still, we have much to learn from open source software guiding principles, values and mindset, its radical change of thought and outlook to monetization of creativity and openness rather than propri­ety and exclusivity. By now we have established that Open Source Urbanism includes various elements and participants: the city, citizens, government, processes, methodology and principles, techno­logical aspects and tools and more. Learning from open source software principles and guidelines and applying them to urban design and planning process we do not only translate the meth­odology and ethics but also embrace the fundamental change of thinking and approach from closed systems to open ended systems, thinking within the logic of constant change rather then a perfect snapshots in time, from proprietary to shared principles while not negating the potential of monetization aspects. We can conclude that OSU offers a contemporary way of de­mocratization of urban design and planning processes. It does so by making them affordable and accessible. By design and its principles OSU creates transparent processes, where we gain more with allowing all participants to contribute their equal share of needs, wishes, experience, feedback but also exper­tise and knowledge they already possess. It also counts on the participants’ willingness to invest all those as long the results will benefit not just specific project but will be openly available also to others to learn from, upgrade, off spin or replicate in new instances with new tweaks. When included in the process of urban planning, OSU changes the course of classical practices of designing and planning the city. Interventions based on this concept variate from planting a flower to designing a residential block or even more abstract - mapping. Components of the process such as level of planning, method of developing the process, technology used and more change from one process to another. Meanwhile, citizens and other stakeholders, the desire to improve public spaces and the desire to share knowledge with others remain as constants. The benefits of applying the concept of OSU in the process of urban design and planning are numerous, with an emphasis on meaningfully involving the public in the process. Along with the current practices of involving the public, which are distinguished by many obstacles and hindrances that threaten successful participatory processes, applying the concept of OSU in the process of urban design and planning can bring positive changes. Though the concept brings numerous benefits when applied in planning processes, we must keep in mind challenges that may arise along the way. Equally involving the citizens, selecting and using adequate technological tools, motivating citizens to willingly contribute in sharing experiences and ideas with each other, and constantly updating information, present some of the challenges that can harden the process, but, overall don’t dominate the benefits brought by applying the concept of OSU in urban development processes. 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Space-S. http://www.12n.nl/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/SPACE-S-_-12N-lores.pdf [Viewed 06.06.2020]. Figure reference: Figure 1: https://unsplash.com/photos/vxTpVxYCZjA Search engine: https://www.sciencedirect.com/search?date=2015-2020&qs=open%20source%20urbanism&tak=.open%20source%20urbanism https://scholar.google.com/scholar?start=0&q=open+source+urbanism+%22open+source+.urbanism%22&hl=en&as_sdt=0,5&as_ylo=2015&as_yhi=2020 Rrona Berisha, Matevž Juvančič: OPEN SOURCE URBANISM – ADAPTING PRINCIPLES AND CRITERIA OF OPEN SOURCE SOFTWARE TO ...: 44–51 Rrona Berisha, Matevž Juvančič: ODPRTOKODNI URBANIZEM – PREVOD NAČEL IN KRITERIJEV ODPRTOKODNE PROGRAMSKE OPREME NA ... 44–51 Open Source Open Source Urbanism Free redistribution - anyone can sell or give away the software without cost Free redistribution of the products of urban planning, except built work. Anyone can profit from them. Source Code - must include the source code and allow its distribution The method and procedure must be provided (plans, steps and guidelines) and can be distributed by others. Derived Works - anyone can modify and derive work Anyone can modify or change the products of urban planning from the original state, except built work. Integrity of the author’s source code Authors of the products of urban planning must be known, the project may be required to be renamed if it uses the same method/procedure. No discrimination against persons or groups Equal participation in the process and for the using the products of urban planning. No discrimination against fields or endeavor Impartiality for any field and effort. Distribution of license - the license is applied to whom the program is redistributed The rights attached to the original product are transferred to the modified product. License must not be specific to a person or entity License to a product must not be specific to a person. License must not restrict other software Product must be in harmony with other products, legislation and spatial legislation or have legislation change integrated into the product. License must be technology neutral License to a product must be technology and politically neutral. Table 1: Open Source criteria (Open Source Initiative, 2007) translated to OSU Open Source Open Source Urbanism Transparency Open access to the data, transparent process, open outcome of planning and open (re-)implementation. Collaboration Collaborative design, including government, community, investors, and more. Release early and often Action based planning, use of temporary, changeable solutions before committing to permanent ones (testing purposes but also providing ongoing place making while waiting for final resolutions), flexible planning and changing, constant updating and re-evaluation of existing plans as the city is an ongoing process in (trans-) formation. Inclusive meritocracy Involving all but reasonably assigning tasks according to expertise, e.g. urban plan drafting by professionals who are capable, proficient and talented in this domain. Community Involving community and stakeholders in all phases of co-design and decision-making. Table 2: Open Source principles (Opensource, 2013) translated into OSU Figure 1: Sunflower Guerrilla Gardening Day (By Bonnie Kittle on Unsplash https://unsplash.com/photos/vxTpVxYCZjA). Rrona Berisha, Matevž Juvančič: OPEN SOURCE URBANISM – ADAPTING PRINCIPLES AND CRITERIA OF OPEN SOURCE SOFTWARE TO ...: 44–51 Figure 2: Tourist maps by Directory of Tourism generated from OSM data (Rrona Berisha). Space –S Guerilla Gardening OSM - Kosovo Level/nature of planning Residential block planning Urban Gardening Editing/adding information to maps Used technology Social media, others not known Social media, others not known. OSM, ID, JOSM, QGIS, Social Media. Number of participants More than a thousand participants Global movement, small initiatives. Small groups. Facilitator Yes Yes Yes Table 3: General analysis of the three case studies. Rrona Berisha, Matevž Juvančič: ODPRTOKODNI URBANIZEM – PREVOD NAČEL IN KRITERIJEV ODPRTOKODNE PROGRAMSKE OPREME NA ... 44–51 Space –S Guerilla Gardening OSM - Kosovo Free redistribution of the products except built work. Anyone can profit from them. No Yes Yes Method and procedure is provided. Partially Yes Yes Anyone can modify or change the products, except built work. No Yes Yes Author is known Yes Partially Yes Equal participation in the process and for using the products Yes Partially Yes Impartiality for any field and effort Yes Yes Yes The rights attached to the original product are transferred to the modified product / / Yes License to a product is not specific to a person or entity Yes Yes Yes Product is in harmony with other products Yes Partially Yes Product is for all users. Yes Yes Yes Table 4: The three case studies compared to Open Source Urbanism criteria. Space –S Guerilla Gardening OSM - Kosovo Open access to the data, transparent process, open outcome of planning and open (re) implementation. Partially Yes Yes Collaborative design, including government, community, investors, and more. Yes Partially Partially Action based planning, changeable solutions before committing to permanent ones, flexible planning, constant updating of existing plans. / Yes Yes Involving all but reasonably assigning tasks according to expertise. Yes Yes Yes Involving community and stakeholders in all phases of co-design and decision-making. Yes Yes Yes Table 5: The three case studies compared to Open Source Urbanism principles Rrona Berisha, Matevž Juvančič: OPEN SOURCE URBANISM – ADAPTING PRINCIPLES AND CRITERIA OF OPEN SOURCE SOFTWARE TO ...: 44–51 Rrona Berisha, Matevž Juvančič: ODPRTOKODNI URBANIZEM – PREVOD NAČEL IN KRITERIJEV ODPRTOKODNE PROGRAMSKE OPREME ... 44–51 Rrona Berisha, Matevž Juvančič: OPEN SOURCE URBANISM – ADAPTING PRINCIPLES AND CRITERIA OF OPEN SOURCE SOFTWARE TO ...: 44–51 ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF THE CITY ARCHITECT INSTITUTE IN THE PARADIGM OF SPATIAL PLANNING OF SMALL MUNICIPALITIES IN SLOVENIA https://doi.org/10.15292/IU-CG.2022.10.052-060 UDK: 711.4:72 (497.434) SUBMITTED: November 2022 / REVISED: December 2022 / PUBLISHED: January 2023 1.02 Pregledni znanstveni članek / Review Article DOI: ABSTRACT The role and importance of the city architect, once an essential element in the planning and development of cities both in our country and in comparable environments, has nowadays been lost in the complex legislation for spatial planning, which althou­gh redefines it, but does not define qualitative qualifications for it (other than a licensed architect and licensed spatial planner), or any executive powers and responsibilities. An overview of the situation especially in smaller municipalities (that is, excluding Ljubljana and Maribor), an overview of the legislation and the way municipalities operate in the planning of space in smaller cities in Slovenia shows the need to reconsider the introduction of this type of institute. Today, urban development takes place in the framework of differently structured and staffed departments for space within local communities (municipalities). The majority of decisions are left to the local community (in some cases even exclusively) by spatial planning professionals, selected in public tenders based on the criterion of the lowest bid price. Larger cities with a larger critical mass of the professional public take less risk in these decisions and are at the same time significantly better equipped in terms of personnel. The Spatial Planning Act (ZUreP) already in previous versions introduced the mandatory activity of a municipal urban planner, which was supposed to be synonymo­us with the previous definition of a city architect. In the article, a critical view of this institute is derived through analysis. The gui­delines (as recommendations to the municipalities), warnings and references for further harmonization in this field also are given. For an easier presentation, an example of the organization of the institute of the city architect in the Municipality of Novo mesto, which was put into practice in 2014, well before the adoption of ZUreP-2, is added at the end. KEY-WORDS city architect, municipal urbanist, competencies, urbanism, municipalities, public space POVZETEK Vloga in pomen mestnega arhitekta, nekoč bistvenega člena pri urejanju in razvoju mest tako pri nas kot v nam primerljivih okoljih, se je v današnjem času izgubila v kompleksni zakonoda­ji za urejanje prostora, ki ga sicer na novo definira, ne opredelju­je pa zanj kvalitativnih kvalifikacij (razen licence PA ali PPN), ali kakršnihkoli izvršnih pooblastil in odgovornosti. Pregled stanja predvsem v manjših občinah (torej izvzemši Ljubljano in Mari­bor), pregled zakonodaje in načina delovanja občin pri urejanju prostora v manjših mestih pri nas kaže na potrebo po ponov­nem razmisleku o uvedbi tovrstnega instituta. Urejanje mest na­mreč danes poteka v okviru različno strukturiranih in kadrovsko opremljenih oddelkov za prostor v okviru lokalnih skupnosti (občin). Glavnino odločitev pa lokalne skupnosti (ponekod celo izključno) prepuščajo prostorsko-načrtovalski stroki, izbrani na javnih razpisih ob kriteriju najnižje ponudbene cene. Večja me­sta z večjo kritično maso strokovne javnosti pri teh odločitvah manj tvegajo in so obenem tudi kadrovsko bistveno bolj opre­mljena. Zakon o urejanju prostora (ZUreP) je že v predhodnih verzijah uvedel obvezno delovanje občinskega urbanista, kar naj bi bil sinonim prejšnji definiciji mestnega arhitekta. V članku pa je skozi analizo izpeljan kritičen pogled na ta institut, podane so usmeritve (kot priporočila občinam), ter opozorila in napotila pri nadaljnjih usklajevanjih na tem področju. Za lažjo predsta­vo je na koncu dodan primer organizacije instituta mestnega arhitekta v Mestni občini Novo mesto, ki je bil apliciran v prakso leta 2014, torej precej pred sprejetjem ZUreP-2. KLJUČNE BESEDE mestni arhitekt, občinski urbanist, kompetence, urbanizem, občine, javni prostor Tomaž Slak: VLOGA IN POMEN INSTITUTA MESTNEGA ARHITEKTA V PARADIGMI PROSTORSKEGA UREJANJA MANJŠIH OBČIN V SLOVENIJI: 52–60 1. UVOD – KDO OZ. KAJ JE MESTNI ARHITEKT / OBČINSKI URBANIST Pri pregledu sodobnih in tudi starejših opredelitev funkcije mestnega arhitekta lahko ugotovimo, da izraz »mestni arhi­tekt« v splošnem opisuje osebo z vrhunskimi znanji s področja arhitekture, zunanjih ureditev (predvsem) javnega prostora ter še posebej z znanji s področja urbanizma, urejanja prostora in tudi krajine v širšem smislu. Primere oseb v tej funkciji lahko zasledimo tako pri nas (npr. v preteklosti Jože Plečnik, Maks Fabiani in kasneje Boris Kobe v Ljubljani, Marjan Mušič v Novem mestu in tudi v Mariboru, Danilo Fürst na Bledu ter v novejšem času Janez Koželj v Ljubljani ali Stojan Skalicky v Mariboru, ...), kot v tujini, npr. Ernst May (Frankfurt), Jacobus Johannes Pieter Oud (Rotterdam), Mikhail Posokhin (Moskva), Hubert Gessner (Dunaj) ali Tina Saaby (Kopenhagen) in Seung H-Sang (Seul). Strokovne kvalitete naj bi glede na navedene primere in prakso mestni arhitekt izkazoval skozi svoje realizacije in posege v prostor, ki so prepoznani in splošno sprejeti kot kvalitetni in ki predstavljajo tudi jasen koncept, rdečo nit (potezo), ki ga je določeno urbanizirano okolje opredelilo in prepoznalo kot sebi lastno skozi kriterije zgodovinskega razvoja, trenutnih potreb in skozi vizijo bodočih ureditev in razvoja mesta. V zgodovini ureja­nja mest je navajanje naziva mestni arhitekt za avtorje mestnih ureditev nedosledno oz. redko. Posamezniki, ki so naj bi delovali v tej vlogi, so delo opravljali po naročilu, na lastno pobudo ali kot zunanji sodelavci mestnih uprav. Primeri takšnih posameznikov, ki so bili na funkcijo imenovani (in ne izbrani z razpisi), so npr. Fabiani v Ljubljani (Trampuž in Dimitrovska Andrews, 2015), Sitte in Wagner na Dunaju (Mihelič, 2008; Collins in Crasemann, 1965) ali Haussmann v Parizu (de Moncan, 2002). V navedenih, pa tudi v drugih primerih, lahko rečemo, da so bili ti posamezniki deležni visoke stopnje zaupanja županov oz. političnih centrov moči ali so z njimi neposredno vodili mestno (urbanistično) politiko. To je opaziti tudi še v današnjem času – primer je »mestni arhi­tekt« mesta Ljubljane, saj je to vlogo pred leti prevzel profesor s katedre za arhitekturo mesta na Fakulteti za arhitekturo in svoje delo opravlja na funkciji podžupana, ki je po definiciji politič­na funkcija in vezana na mandat župana, pri čemer Ljubljana formaliziranega instituta mestnega arhitekta nima (Tekavčič et al, 2009). V času, ko so bila javna naročila manj transparentna in ko demokratizacija družbe ni bila družbeni imperativ, so bili mestni arhitekti tudi zaradi vse bolj izrazitega pomena upravljanja z me­stnimi površinami najožji sodelavci županov in mestnih uprav. To pomeni, da so bili politični akterji (funkcionarji) s specifičnimi znanji in interesi. Ključno pri tem je, da pri delovanju mestnih arhitektov takrat ni bilo omejitev v smislu »kolizije interesov«, kot jih poznamo danes. Mestni arhitekt se je opredelil kot tak predvsem skozi delovanje v prostoru (svojega) mesta v nasprotju z današnjo prakso, kjer je vsakršna javna funkcija (četudi samo častna in/ali brez konkretnih izvršilnih ali odločujočih moči) nezdružljiva z morebitnim naročilom, delom in/ali plačilom. V sodobnem času se je vloga mestnega arhitekta razširila tako, kot so se razširila mesta v kompleksnejše sisteme. Nova zakonodaja v Sloveniji od leta 2017 to funkcijo imenuje s terminom občinski urbanist in jo opredeljuje že ZUreP-2 (Uradni list RS, št. 61/2017), v 44. členu, kot obvezo vsake občine, novi ZUreP-3 (Uradni list RS, št. 199/2021) pa občinskega urbanista opredeljuje v 46. členu, kjer je navedena tudi možnost imenova­nja županovega svetovalca v zadevah urejanja prostora. Zakaj je opredelitev občinskega urbanista in/ali svetovalca preohlapna in brez ustrezne teže glede na pomen, ki ga je v preteklosti opravljal njegov predhodnik t.i. mestni arhitekt, bomo skušali obrazložiti v nadaljevanju članka in na koncu prikazati tudi na primeru uvedbe instituta mestnega arhitekta v obliki veččlan­skega Urbanističnega sveta v Novem mestu. Namen tega pregleda stanja in kritičnega pogleda na instituci­onalno zagotavljanje čim večje kvalitete arhitekture mesta (ali občine) in javnega prostora je torej predvsem v identifikaciji šibkih točk pri odločanju in postopkih pri posegih v prostor ter v iskanju načinov za kompetentno vodenje prostorske politike mest vzporedno (tj. enakovredno) z mestnim menedžmentom oz. z županom, ki naj sega od arhitekture majhnega merila v jav­nem prostoru (npr. urbane opreme) do opredelitve obsežnejših mestih in urbanih predelov in prostorske politike celotne občine (npr. OPN ali urbanistična zasnova). 2. UREJANJE MEST IN PROBLEMATIKA SODOBNEGA PLANERSKEGA PRISTOPA Vloga in pomen mestnega arhitekta se je v zadnjega pol stoletja izgubila v kompleksni zakonodaji s področja urejanja prostora, ki ga Zakon o urejanju prostora (vse verzije ZUreP) sicer dokaj skopo definira, ne opredeljuje pa zanj kvalitativnih kvalifika­cij, meril ali kakršnihkoli izvršnih pooblastil in odgovornosti, razen pridobljene licence pooblaščenega arhitekta (PA) ali pooblaščenega prostorskega načrtovalca (PPN), kot jih definira Zakon o arhitekturni in inženirski dejavnosti - ZAID (Uradni list RS, št. 61/2017). Zakonodaja arhitektu (z ustrezno licenco) kot generalistu, katerega kulturno-humanistična in umetniško-in­ženirska občutljivost sega od merila celotnega mesta ali krajine vse do najdrobnejših segmentov javnega prostora, sicer daje vodilno vlogo pri pripravi urbanističnih načrtov, ureditev in ključnih prostorskih dokumentov. Vseeno pa so danes postopki urejanja mest povsem drugačni kot še pred 40 ali 50 leti, njihova celovitost in dolgoročnost skladna z vizijo razvoja mest (če je le-ta sploh opredeljena) pa bazira predvsem na planerskem in načrtovalskem pristopu, ki končne rešitve oblikuje skozi pred­pisane postopke variantnih rešitev, javnih razgrnitev, oblikova­nja in sprejemanja pripomb ter potrditev na nivoju občinskih svetov (npr. Skalicky, 2008). V Sloveniji, ki ima razmeroma nizko stopnjo urbanizacije (50 % prebivalstva zˇivi v mestih), le v Lju­bljani in Mariboru zˇivi več kot 100.000 prebivalcev. To je z vidika raznovrstnih pritiskov na mestno okolje ugodno, saj so le-ti bolj enakomerno razporejeni na druga (manjša) mesta in kraje. Po drugi strani pa zelo razpršena poselitev predstavlja neracional­no rabo prostora (Plut, 2000). Urejanje mest danes poteka v okviru različno strukturiranih in ka­drovsko opremljenih oddelkov za prostor na nivoju lokalnih sku­pnosti (predvsem občin). Po pregledu javno dostopnih podatkov o kadrovski strukturi v manjših občinah, lahko kljub uvedbi ZUreP-2 in ZUreP-3, še vedno zasledimo mnoge majhne občine brez oddelka ali urada za prostor ali je le-ta bolj kot ne zgolj formalno formiran v okviru drugega urada, ali pa to področje pokriva oseba brez izobrazbe in kompetenc s področja urejanja prostora, arhitekture ali urbanizma. Glavnina odločitev vezanih na posege v prostor se tako, vsaj v primeru manjših mest, v veliki meri (ponekod celo izključno) prepušča prostorsko-načrtovalski stroki, izbrani na javnih razpisih ob kriteriju najnižje ponudbene cene. Če pustimo ob strani državni nivo obravnave prostora (npr. DPN in druge strateške usmeritve), zakonodaja obvezuje vse občine k pripravi OPN in njemu podrejenih podrobnejših načrtov (npr. OPPN). Ob tem kvaliteto v dokumentih opredeljenih odloči­tev, zaupa izbranim načrtovalcem, potrditvam v občinskih svetih in javnim razgrnitvam, kjer pa je vključevanje kritične strokovne javnosti prej izjema kot pravilo. Večja mesta z večjo kritično maso strokovne javnosti pri teh odločitvah manj tvegajo in so obenem tudi kadrovsko bolje opremljena. Pri manjših mestih je tveganje bistveno večje, slabi rezultati pa niso vidni samo v grajenem prostoru ampak z izvedbo postanejo tudi precedens ali vzorec za nadaljnjo gradnjo. Zakonodaja predvideva še druge varovalke: npr. obvezna izdelava celostnih presoj vplivov na okolje (CPVO), sprejem ključnih odločitev v mestnem ali občinskem svetu, zašči­ta posebej varovanih območij z drugimi akti in inštitucijami ipd. Kljub temu pa so lahko te varovalke premalo, saj gre v primeru prostorskih posegov za tako specifična znanja z dolgoročnimi posledicami, da jih nikakor ne moremo prepuščati dnevni politiki enega mandata ali razparceliranim in večkrat nepovezanim ali celo nasprotujočim interesom različnih mnenje- oz. soglasje­-dajalcev (t.i. nosilcev urejanja prostora). Na podlagi preučitve kadrovske zasedbe manjših (tj. ne-mestnih) občin, ki v Sloveniji predstavljajo večino (vir: http://www.stat.si/obcine), kaže, da pla­nerski in načrtovalski pristop nadvladuje poglobljeno urbanistič­no in arhitekturno artikulirano sistemsko oblikovanje mest. Zato ugotavljamo, da je planiranje še vedno v krizi (Dešman, 2007) in bi ga bilo v tem oziru zato nujno nadgrajevati. Morda bi bil ravno bolj konkretno definiran institut mestnega arhitekta pomemben korak k nadgradnji planiranja, načrtovanja in oblikovanja manj­ših mest pri nas. Iz gornjih ugotovitev lahko sklepamo, da v procesu sprejemanja odločitev manjka predvsem operativni prostorski institut na nivoju občine z določeno odločujočo, izvršno močjo in odgovor­nostjo, ki bi povezoval obveze izhajajoče iz prostorske zakonoda­je, prevedbo le-teh v izvedbene akte, izvajal nadzor nad projekti urejanja prostora višjega (OPN) in podrobnejšega (OPPN) nivoja ter skrbel za skladnost in kvaliteto javnega prostora tako na konkretnem merilu uporabnika, kot na nivoju koncepta, ki izhaja iz skupne vizije. Manjka nekakšen vmesni in obenem krovni člen med prostorskim načrtovanjem na nivoju občine in podrobnej­šim merilom oblikovanja javnega prostora, ki mu lahko rečemo tudi arhitektura mesta. Ta vmesni člen bi lahko opredelili kot insti­tut mestnega arhitekta ali lokalni (regijski, občinski) urbanistični institut. Menimo, da ne bi smel biti le (fizična) oseba s kompe­tencami, ki izhajajo zgolj iz ustrezne licence, ampak kakršnakoli oblika delovnega ali strokovnega telesa z merljivimi (priznanimi, dokazanimi...) kompetencami, kvalitetami in predvsem izvršnimi pooblastili ter iz tega izhajajočo odgovornostjo Kot ugotavlja tudi mariborski mestni arhitekt, naj bi bil mestni arhitekt most med stroko, obcˇinskimi sluzˇbami, upravo in zaseb­nim sektorjem, v smislu preseganja birokratske naravnanosti, v skladu z dolgorocˇno strategijo razvoja mesta in regije (Skalicky, 2008). Odgovornosti mestnega arhitekta so v tem pogledu obsežne, morda preobsežne za eno samo osebo. Mesta, četudi manjša, zahtevajo odzivnost, ki vsebuje pomembne vsakodnev­ne odločitve z dolgoročnimi posledicami. Preprečiti moramo, da se mesto kot javni prostor izgubi (Kos, 2007). 3. KOMPETENCE IN ODGOVORNOST OBČINSKEGA URBANISTA V slovenski prostorski zakonodaji je institut mestnega arhitekta poimenovan z nazivom občinski urbanist in opredeljen kot (fizična) oseba z ustrezno licenco PA (pooblaščeni arhitekt) ali PPN (pooblaščeni prostorski načrtovalec) v 46. členu ZUreP-3. Sodelovanje občinskega urbanista je za vse občine obvezno. Po­leg nalog urejanja prostora iz občinske pristojnosti občinski ur­banist opravlja tudi naloge strokovnega svetovanja županu v za­devah urejanja prostora, skrbi za celostno politiko prostorskega razvoja občine, skrbi za koordinacijo priprave prostorskih aktov med občino in izdelovalcem prostorskega akta ter izvaja naloge v postopkih lokacijske preveritve v skladu s tem zakonom. Poleg navedenega imajo občine tudi možnost vključitve nevladnih organizacij (47. člen ZUreP-3), ki delujejo v javnem interesu na področju urejanja prostora. Dodatna zakonska zagotovila kakovosti izhajajo iz obveze po pridobitvi rešitev skozi projektni natečaj. Nekaj let po uveljavitvi nove zakonodaje postaja jasno, da našteti ukrepi in obveze niso zadosten pogoj kvalitete. V tem času bi bilo možno tudi statistično preveriti , koliko območij je bilo dejansko urbanistično določenih skozi institut natečaja, koga so občine imenovale v službo občinskega urbanista in pod kakšnimi pogoji so se le-temu morda (lahko) izognile . Pri pripravi nove zakonodaje je bila prisotna pomembna ideja zagotavljanja (minimalne) kakovosti in obvezne prisotnosti vsaj enega arhitekta ali prostorskega načrtovalca v kadrovski zased­bi, obenem pa obveza navedena v 46. členu ZUreP-3 ni tako močno definirana, da ji majhne občine ne bi mogle zadostiti . Kljub temu manjka definiciji občinskega urbanista konkretna izvršna moč in odgovornost za odločitve. S tem bi institutu zagotovili strokovnost, preudarnost in tudi apolitičnost, ki sta pri urejanju prostora (kot omejeni naravni dobrini) nujni. Zagotovitev enega licenciranega strokovnjaka, ki ima zgolj svetovalno funkcijo, ne zagotavlja kvalitete na področju urejanja mest, ki preraščajo v konfliktna polja kolizije interesov različnih interesnih skupin. Pridobitev licence PA je namreč možna že po dveh letih prakse po pridobitvi izobrazbe in brez ene same izkušnje v urbanističnem načrtovanju (!). Tudi pri licenci PPN niso preverjene kompetence na področju širokega razumevanja urejanja mest. Namreč, oseba s to licenco je lahko še vedno le planer brez razumevanja pomenov in vizije razvoja mesta (glej npr. Zupančič, 1999). Zaposlitev pooblaščenega arhitekta ali prostorskega načrtovalca, če nima strokovne avtoritete, torej ne more biti zagotovilo kvalitete (Klipšteter 2015). Ob tem je pomembno naglasiti, da sodobni principi urejanja mest pome­nijo odziv na vse bolj intenzivno rabo javnih mestnih površin, saj se tudi populacija v mestih povečuje (Gehl, 2010). Tudi v manjših mestih, ki imajo praviloma manjši obseg javnih površin, je kompetenten občinski urbanist ali mestni arhitekt ključen za dvig kvalitete bivanja. Kot navaja D. Sim v monografiji Soft City: »Ker se mesta po vsem svetu zgoščajo in stanovanjski stroški silijo vse več ljudi v manjše prostore, postaja ravnotežje med zasebnostjo in družabnostjo težje. Depresija in osamljenost sta postala normalna pojava. Obstaja epidemija slabega zdravja zaradi ljudi, ki živijo v zaprtih prostorih, sedijo v mehansko pre­zračevanih zgradbah z umetno svetlobo in se povsod prevažajo v avtomobilih. Preživeti več časa na prostem v družbi drugih, se gibati, doživljati `življenje med zgradbami` je pomembnejše kot kdaj koli prej.« (Sim, 2019). Kot še navaja Sim, mora mestni arhitekt »pomiriti ljudi v vse bolj strašljivem okolju, ki ga je zaznati v večjih sodobnih mestih«, kar bi lahko povzročilo upor proti urbanizaciji v manjših mestih. »Vse bolj ostra politična klima odraža globok in iskren strah pred spremembami. Obstaja strah pred hitro urbanizacijo, ki bi lahko ogrožala način življenja ljudi. Obstaja strah pred naraščajočim in spreminjajočim se prebivalstvom, prenaseljenostjo in zastoji, socialno segregacijo in neenakostjo. Prisoten je strah pred podnebnimi spremembami, neznanimi vremenskimi vzorci in vse pogostejšimi naravnimi katastrofami. Ti izzivi zadevajo samo bistvo človekovega stanja. Običajna reakcija ob soočenju s strahom je teči v nasprotno smer, zani­kati spremembo in zapreti razlike, namesto da bi sprejeli izzive in pozdravili priložnost novega.« (Sim, 2019). Zato je mestni arhitekt pomemben člen v komunikacijski strategiji razvoja mest in pomemben element stroke, ki nagovarja odločevalce v prostoru (mestno politiko) na eni strani ter prebivalce na drugi strani k ustreznim odločitvam glede skupnega javnega prosto­ra ter lahko ob tem usmerja ustrezne oblike participativnega in hierarhičnega pristopa pri urejanju mesta, kar bo podrobneje prikazan o v naslednjem, 4. poglavju. 4. UTEMELJITEV IN POMEN VZPOSTAVITVE INSTITUTA MESTNEGA ARHITEKTA ZA POTREBE UPRAVLJANJA MEST Mušič opozarja, da urejanje mest po pomenu presega posame­zne objekte ali ureditve (Mušič, 2005). Gre za osnovno lokalno skupnostno merilo, kjer je nujna tudi (so)udeležba uporabnikov mesta oz. prebivalcev. Iz tega razloga predlagamo, da institut mestnega arhitekta/občinskega urbanista sestavlja ekipa stro­kovnjakov različnih področij (arhitekture, urbanizma, krajinske arhitekture, urbanističnega planiranja), dokazanih ali preverljivih kvalitet, kompetenc in strokovne avtoritete, ki bi obenem skrbe­la tudi za ustrezno komunikacijo s predstavniki širše javnosti in z uporabniki mesta. Čeravno se zdi, da bi v primerih majhnih mest in občin to funkcijo lahko opravljala zgolj ena kompetentna oseba, v nadaljevanju članka navajamo argumente, ki takšne poenostavitve postavljajo pod vprašaj. Ob tem ni zanemarljivo, da zakon dopušča različne oblike pogodbenih razmerij za opra­vljanje tega dela, zato bi lahko ena kvalitetna ekipa regijskega obsega pokrivala tudi več okoliških manjših občin, ali pa bi se oblikovali regionalni instituti mestnega arhitekta. Spet aktualne različice omenjenega instituta lahko postanejo tudi nove oblike mestnih urbanističnih zavodov. Veččlanske oblike institutov mestnega arhitekta namreč lahko zagotovijo pluralnost in demokratičnost ter zmanjšujejo nevarnosti vplivanja na tako opolnomočeno telo. Vseeno pa moramo tudi v teh primerih opozoriti na sledeče: največji problem upravljalcev mesta je selekcija in hierarhiza­cija zelo različnih in včasih izključujočih si predstav o mestu. Ta problem velikokrat napeljuje k enostranskim poenostavitvam, različnim ekskluzivizmom (t.j. izjemam in posebnim rešitvam), k skrivanju za arbitrarnimi kriteriji stroke in omejenimi finanč­nimi zmožnostmi, ter k iskanju priznanih avtoritet, ki apriorno zagotavljajo kakovost konkretnih rešitev (Kos, 2007). To so tudi največje nevarnosti vodenja (predvsem manjših) mest, saj če je najboljši tisti urbanizem, ki se odreka avtoritarnemu iskanju prave resnice in se usmerja v iskanje velikega števila drobnih, na prvi pogled malenkostnih rešitev, je ta cilj gotovo lažje uresničljiv v večjih mestih. V manjših mestih že po logiki stvari ni mogoča velika raznovrstnost namembnosti prostora. Kljub temu ali prav zato, so takšni drobni koraki oziroma mreža ure­jenih urbanih točk, ki imajo vpliv na širši prostor, obenem tudi osnovna mreža preobrazbe celotnega mesta ali kraja. Ob boku govora o mestnem arhitektu (kot smo zgoraj ugotovili, zaenkrat deloma okrnjenem v funkciji občinskega urbanista) moramo nujno govoriti tudi o upravljanju mest, ki predstavlja širši pojem ravnanja z mestom kot obsežnem fenomenu, ki presega zgolj prostorske implikacije, čeprav so le-te morda naj­vidnejše in najbolj konkretne, dolgoročne. Zato je ob mestnem arhitektu kot ključnem členu upravljanja mest bistvena funkcija mestnega menedžerja. Koncept urbanega menedžmenta so za­radi njegove izmuzljivosti prevzele mnoge discipline (arhitektu­ra, sociologija, urbana sociologije, urbanizem, politologija ipd.), ki pa si ga razlagajo različno. Irena Bačlija Brajnik v knjigi Urbani menedžment: koncept, dimenzije in orodja razčlenjuje vodenje mest na tri nivoje oz. ključne hierarhično opredeljene kategorije in sicer: vizija - taktični nivo - strateški nivo, ki jim sledi izvedba posameznih projektov (Bačlija Brajnik, 2010). Vizija je osnova in je najširša oblika usmeritve pri prenovi in razvoju mesta. Primer vizije, ki je bila sprejeta za MONM je naveden v nadaljevanju članka (poglavje 5.1). Vizija je osnova za načrtovanje taktičnih odločitev, ki so v pristojnosti župana in njegovih sodelavcev, občinskih in državnih strokovnih služb in že na tej stopnji usklajene z nevladnimi organizacijami in širšo zainteresirano javnostjo. Ker je mesto predvsem prostor delo­vanja različnih interesnih skupin in prostor vsebin, potrebujejo mesta mestnega arhitekta in mestnega menedžerja z njunimi natančno določenimi medsebojnimi razmerji in nalogami (kot ima to urejeno na primer mesto Ljubljana, kjer je funkcija me­stnega arhitekta neformalna funkcija podžupana, medtem ko je mestni menedžer od leta 2013 nova funkcija, ki je del kabineta župana). Njuna naloga je na tej stopnji predvsem koordinacija nalog, komuniciranje z vsemi deležniki ter usklajevanje in in­terpretacija njihovih stališč. V Sloveniji pa se danes srečujemo s številnimi primeri predvsem manjših občin in mest, kjer ni jasno, kdo opravlja tovrstne naloge. Po pregledu kadrovske sestave manjšega vzorca tovrstnih občin, lahko sklepamo, da dela me­stnega menedžmenta največkrat opravlja župan, direktor občin­ske uprave ali referent za družbene dejavnosti, delo mestnega arhitekta pa občinski urbanist (če ga občina ima) ali eden od zaposlenih na oddelku za prostor (če tak oddelek občina ima), v nekaj primerih pa se je izkazalo, da osebe na tovrstni funkciji preprosto ni. Ko so ključne prioritete in strateške odločitve glede posegov v prostor mesta določene in usklajene med vsemi mestnimi deležniki, jih občina skladno z veljavno Zakonodajo pošlje v potrditev mnenjedajalcem oziroma soglasjedajalcem. Od tedaj so potrjeni dokumenti obvezujoči za načrtovanje nadaljnjih aktivnosti prenove in razvoja. Tovrstni postopki pa so že del strategije prenove in razvoja, katerih potrditev je v pristojnosti Občinskih svetov, ki morajo za njeno uresničevanje tudi določiti časovne okvire in zagotoviti finančna sredstva. Izvedbeni del je v pristojnosti občinske uprave, ki projekte izvaja glede na izbrani način javnega naročanja pri čemer naj bi konkretne projekte nadzirala, jih usklajevala tudi še v projektni in izvedbeni fazi ter s pomočjo mestnega arhitekta/občinskega urbanista preverjala skladnost z višjimi nivoji. Shema za upravljanje mest po Bačliji vizijo opredeli kot določitev kratko-, srednje- in dologorčnih prioritet razvoja mesta, ki naj bi bila osnova za konkretnejše delovanje in vidne rezultate v prostoru, ki jim daje tempo smer in možnosti vsakokratni župan skupaj z občinsko upravo (Bačlija Brajnik, 2010). Vendar bi morala biti vizija v uspešnih družbah po definiciji odraz čim širšega družbenega konsenza, dolgoročno usmerjena in naj bi presegala partikularne poglede vsakokratno izvoljene občinske oblasti. Prioritete bi morale biti določene na taktičnem in strateškem nivoju, kjer pa jim lahko daje tempo, smer in možnosti vsakokratna oblast, seveda v okviru demokra­tičnih procesov sprejemanja tovrstnih odločitev. Zato bi morali shemo vodenja mest vsebinsko nekoliko korigirati, na primer tako, kot je prikazano na sliki 1. Predlog prenovljene sheme ne določa mestnega arhitekta/ob­činskega urbanista zgolj v krovni funkciji oz. v začetnih (koncep­tnih) fazah v okviru delovanja kabineta župana. Njegova vloga je ključna pri vseh nadaljnjih korakih in je razumljena skozi način delovanja (komuniciranje, interpretacija...), ki mora potekati ves čas. Predvsem pa je ključno, da strokovni delovni mesti mestne­ga arhitekta in mestnega menedžerja nista vezani na mandat župana. S tem se zagotovi profesionalizem (neodvisnost od trenutnih političnih odločevalcev), ohranjanje vizije, strateških odločitev, dolgoročnih prioritet ipd., ki segajo preko štiriletnih mandatov lokalne politike. Na podlagi te sheme lahko tudi ugotovimo, da obstaja množica možnosti, ki jih manjša mesta in občine premalo izkoriščajo. Če se referiramo zgolj na pilotni projekt TCM (Town City Manage­ment), ki ga je pri GZS izvajala Podjetniško trgovska zbornica in v okviru katerega so v sodelovanju z avstrijskimi strokovnjaki iz CIMA GmbH tri slovenska mesta, Ljubljana, Koper in Celje, iskala načine za ohranjanje in izboljšanje ekonomskega, socialnega in kulturnega razvoja mestnih jeder, lahko ugotovimo, da je predlagan model mestnega marketinga (kot končni produkt projekta) močno vezan na službo mestnega arhitekta ali občin­skega urbanista in seveda mestnega menedžmenta. Zajema množico spodbud, asociacij, povezav in mestnega marketinga, upravljanje s praznimi prostori ter povezovanje med mestom, podjetniki in turizmom … ki lahko bistveno izboljšajo profe­sionalno upravljanje mest in mestnih središč (Upravljanje …, 2017). Delo mestnega menedžmenta gre tako vedno v spregi z mestnim arhitektom ali urbanistom, kot je to na primer pred leti pojasnila mestna menedžerka v Mestni občini Ljubljana, ga. Razpotnik (Čakš, 2013). Tako za mestni menedžment ali upravljanje kot tudi za funkcijo mestnega arhitekta se je na primeru Ljubljane izkazalo, da zado­šča resnično kompetentna in usposobljena ena (fizična) oseba, pri kateri niti ni pomembno ali ima kakršnokoli licenco, pa tudi to ne, ali zaseda regulirano delovno mesto v občinski upravi ali gre za zunanjega izvajalca oz. svetovalca imenovanega s strani kabineta župana. Naivno pa je pričakovati, da je moč zagotoviti enako kompetentne osebe tudi v vseh drugih občinah. Že v primerih preostalih 11 mestnih občin je kadrovska podhranje­nost na področju mestnega menedžmenta in mestne arhitek­ture opazna, saj po pregledu kadrovskih sestav, vsaj formalno v nobeni med njimi ni imenovanega mestnega menedžerja ali mestnega arhitekta. To seveda izhaja iz klasifikacije delovnih mest v javni upravi, zato lahko o morebitnih obstoječih tovrstnih funkcijah predvsem sklepamo na podlagi poznavanja razmer v tem segmentu. Poleg tega zagotovitev arhitektov (če se vrnemo na področje prostora) zaposlenih na občini ne zagotavlja tudi kvalitetnega urbanističnega razvoja (Klipšteter, 2015). Ob tem je treba upoštevati eno ključnih funkcij mestnega menedžmenta in mestnega arhitekta. To je spodbujanje sodelovanja javnosti (Kos in Jankovič Potočnik, 2005), ki se mora izražati na različne načine in ki pripomorejo k selekciji prej omenjenih predstav o mestu. Tako imenovani »pristop od spodaj navzgor« (ang. bottom up approach), pomembno zmanjšuje samovoljo ali nekritičnost oblasti do urejanja javnega prostora , predvsem pa omogoča bolj holističen pristop pri urejanju sosesk v večjih mestih oziroma urejanje manjših mest. Soudeležba javnosti (v okviru ustreznih procesov za njeno vključevanje) zagotavlja višjo stopnjo legitimnosti in opravlja funkcijo korektiva demo­kracije (Messerschmidt in von Zadow, 2019). V končnem Poročilu Urbanističnega inštituta RS »Konkurenčnost Slovenije 2006 – 2013« (Mihelič, 2008) med drugim navedba arhitekturno-urbanistične problematike, ki se kot prva in temu primerno prioritetna razteza skozi dve strani prilog, izkazuje resnost pomanjkanja usklajenega delovanja mestnega menedž­menta in mestnega arhitekta, ki bi skozi možne mehanizme ure­janja in vodenja mest lahko bistveno pripomogla k doseganju vizije večine mest v Sloveniji. Iz navedenega lahko sklepamo, da torej brez operativne funkcije mestnega arhitekta tudi trajno­stno in urbanistično kvalitetno vodenje mest ni možno. Ali ga lahko zagotavljajo uradi za prostor in obvezni občinski urbanist, bo obravnavano v kratki diskusiji, ki sledi na koncu te razpra­ve. V nadaljevanju pa podajamo primer vzpostavitve instituta mestnega arhitekta na primeru Mestne občine Novo mesto, ki je tovrstni institut uvedla konec leta 2014. 5. REZULTATI DELA URBANISTIČNEGA SVETA V MESTNI OBČINI NOVO MESTO (MONM), KOT PRIMER VZPOSTAVITVE INSTITUTA MESTNEGA ARHITEKTA V Mestni občini Novo mesto od leta 1956, ko je bilo prenovljeno mestno jedro po načrtih arhitekta in konservatorja Marjana Mušiča (in ga lahko opredelimo kot mestnega arhitekta ), ne zasledimo navedbe mestnega arhitekta, razen v kratkem obdo­bju v letih 2003-2006, ˝ko je bilo v sklopu županovega kabineta osnovano delovno mesto 'svetovalca za arhitekturo mestnega jedra', kar je javnost interpretirala kot delovno mesto mestnega arhitekta˝ (Simič, 2007). Za vzpostavitev instituta mestnega arhitekta v Novem mestu se je ves čas svojega delovanja (tj. od leta 1994) zavzemalo Društvo Novo mesto, leta 2012 pa je to pobudo aktivno podprlo tudi Društvo arhitektov Dolenjske in Bele Krajine. Po lokalnih volitvah leta 2014 se je novi župan namesto delovnega mesta mestnega arhitekta odločil ustano­viti Urbanistični svet Mestne občine Novo mesto (US MONM), ki je posvetovalno telo župana za prostorski razvoj občine ter za vzpostavitev urbanistično in arhitekturno skladnega, trajno­stnega in kakovostnega razvoja javnega prostora ter zunanje podobe mesta (navedba iz Poslovnika US MONM). Definicija US MONM kot posvetovalnega telesa je skladna z novo zakono­dajo, sicer pa v okviru svojega delovanja presega definicijo v ZUrep-3, čeravno ni omejena na pogoje imenovanja ene osebe z ustrezno licenco. Poleg funkcije ‘mestnega arhitekta’ poslovnik še navaja, ˝da je namen US MONM vzpostavljanje dialoga župana s predstav­niki strokovne javnosti o pomembnih vprašanjih arhitekture, urbanizma in urejanja prostora˝. Gre za strokovno telo, zato so mnenja, odločitve in nasveti odraz dobrega poznavanja prostor­ske in urbanistične tematike ter obenem dobrega poznavanja posebnosti in specifike prostora, urbanizma in arhitekture Nove­ga mesta. US MONM spremlja in sodeluje pri vseh pomembnej­ših odločitvah o prostorskem razvoju Novega mesta. Na svojih sejah preučuje ter v okviru strokovne presoje in argumentacije verificira ali podaja pripombe na zastavljene cilje in razvojno politiko mestnih oblasti. Poleg navedenega se Urbanistični svet ukvarja tudi s konkretnimi problemi ali vprašanji, ki se pojavljajo bodisi s strani meščanov, občinskih strokovnih služb ali druge zainteresirane javnosti. Imenovani člani US MONM so različne strokovno kompetentne osebe in že več let angažirane na področju prostora novomeške občine, ki ga zelo dobro poznajo ter so ob tem aktivni pri obliko­vanju, nadzoru, presojanju in vrednotenju tega prostora.1 5.1 Vizija prostorskega razvoja MONM – izhodišče za delovanje US MONM Vizija prostorskega razvoja Novega mesta, ki jo je postavil in ji sledi US MONM se glasi: »V Novem mestu in okolici se bo obli­kovalo kakovostno bivalno okolje. To bo nudilo privlačen javni prostor in predstavljalo eno najbolj zaželenih lokacij za bivanje v državi. Vključevalo bo projekte, ki bodo občanom omogočali sodobnejše bivanje (kolesarske steze, rekreacijski centri, pešpoti, biološke poti in turistična infrastruktura), obiskovalce od drugod pa bodo privabljali s svojo inovativnostjo. V bivalno okolje bomo vključevali naravne danosti Gorjancev in reke Krke, kulturne dediščine, vinarstva in kulinarike. Kvaliteten javni prostor kot prostor družabnih in družbenih dejavnosti, socializacije družbe in predvsem tiste dodane vre­ 1 US MONM so ob ustanovitvi sestavljali: Doc. Dr. Tomaž Slak, univ. dipl. inž. arh. je redno zaposlen na Fakulteti za arhitekturo Univerze v Ljubljani, kjer je nosilec več rednih predmetov na štud. smereh arhitektura in urbanizem. Obenem je tudi prokurist in vodja projektov v arhitekturnem biroju Bazaarhitektura d.o.o. ter član izvršnega odbora Dru­štva arhitektov Dolenjske in Bele Krajine (DAD). Je avtor večjega števila stavb, prenov ter ureditev javnih prostorov, član različnih natečajnih komisij pri ZAPS in predstavnik strokovne javnosti pri MONM pri obravnavi različnih arhitektur­no-urbanističnih projektov in pri drugih posegih v prostor. Dr. Liljana Jankovič Grobelšek, univ. dipl .inž. arh. je redno zaposlena v občinski upravi MO Ljubljana na Oddelku za urejanje prostora, kjer je vodja Odseka za prostorske planske akte. Več let je bila zaposlena v podjetju Acer, d.o.o. iz No­vega mesta, v okviru katerega je izdelovala in vodila pripravo urbanističnega načrta za Novo mesto ter sovodila pripravo Občinskega prostorskega načrta za Novo mesto (uveljavljen 2009). Je članica DAD in predsednica Društva urbanistov in prostorskih planerjev Slovenije. Dr. Iztok Kovačič, univ. dipl. inž .arh je bil v času oblikovanja US MONM redno zaposlen v občinski upravi občine Šentrupert, kjer je skrbel za prostorsko načrtovanje, razvoj in vodenje investicij. Zdaj enake naloge opravlja v občinski upravi MONM kot vodja Urada za prostor in razvoj in je zaradi narave dela prenehal z delovanjem v US MONM, še vedno pa je prisoten na sejah Sveta kot predstavnik občine. Mitja Simič, univ. dipl. inž. kraj. arh. je redno zaposlen na Zavodu za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije, Območna enota Novo mesto. V letu 2015 je postal vodja območne enote v Novem mestu. Je dolgoletni član upravnega odbora Društva Novo mesto in je tudi član izvršnega odbora DAD ter sousta­novitelj nevladne iniciative »Pešfolk«, ki aktivno spodbuja kulturo sprehajanja in trajnostno mobilnost ter izgradnjo in urejanje mreže peš poti v Novem mestu in okolici. Je tudi viden slovenski strokovnjak za zgodovinske vrtne in parkovne ureditve.dnosti, ki nastaja skozi razvoj urbane kulture predstavlja vitalno komponento vsakega regionalnega oz. lokalnega razvoja. S prepoznavnim in kvalitetno usmerjenim oblikovanjem javnega prostora se utrjuje tudi lokalna samozavest prebivalcev, kar posledično povečuje atraktivnost za obiskovalce in dolgoročno zagotavlja vračanje mladih po končanem študije izven regije. Kvalitetno in v čimvečji meri razvito urbano okolje in kultura sta ključna za to, da se bi na tem prostoru vzpostavila kritična masa intelektualnega, urbanega, izobraženega in inovativnega prebi­valstva, ki je tudi sposobno ustvariti bolj optimistično in razvito družbo prihodnosti.« Prav je, da je vizija splošna in s konsenzom vseh zainteresiranih sprejeta ideja o tem, kakšno mesto si želimo ter, da se ob tem tudi smiselno izvaja. Zastavljena je z namenom, da prese­ga vsakokratno oblast s štiriletnim mandatom, lahko pa se dopolnjuje oz. preoblikuje skozi čas. Na primeru Novega mesta se je izkazalo, da je bil večji problem oblikovanja kvalitetnega javnega prostora določitev kratko-, srednje- in dolgoročnih pri­oritet, ki bi izhajale iz, v letu 2009 sprejetih, planov – strateškega in izvedbenega dela Občinskega prostorskega načrta MONM. Prav tako ni bilo pravih strateških usmeritev in strukturiranega akcijskega načrta. Naloga Urbanističnega sveta je zato tudi skrb za dosledno izvajanje strateško zastavljenih ciljev in vizije, ki jih določa stroka skozi javno in argumentirano razpravo. 5.2 Prioritete, usmeritve in prednostni projekti US MONM je izpostavil ugotovitev, da mestne občine, ki je obenem regijsko središče, ne moramo razvijati »od zunaj nav­znoter«. Če gre za manjšo občino, kjer se težko doseže kritično maso oz. ustrezno koncentracijo prebivalstva za oblikovanje urbane kulturne identitete, je ta način lahko poguben. Prioritete si torej sledijo iz mestnega jedra proti periferiji. Sodobna družba ceni urbano kulturo in mešane cone, kjer prihaja do interakcij med bivalnimi, kulturnimi, upravnimi, poslovnimi, trgovskimi in prostočasnimi vsebinami. ˝Življenje v mestu je življenje v veliki skupini ljudi, ki so si med seboj zelo različni. Razlikujejo se po izobrazbi, svetovnem nazoru, statusu oziroma socialni strukturi, delu, ki ga opravljajo, kulturnem razvoju in podobnem, tudi v nacionalni pripadnosti. Zato življenje v mestu zahteva posebno obnašanje. Mesto je namreč še vedno najboljša možnost za kakršen koli napredek posameznika in vse nacije˝ (Ovsec, 1994). Manjša mesta, kakršno je tudi Novo mesto imajo potencial, da na majhnem prostoru, ki ga je moč obvladati peš ali z inovativnim javnim transportom, postanejo »velika« mesta v malem merilu. Ključne prioritete, ki sestavljajo zastavljeno vizijo prostorskega razvoja MONM, je US konec leta 2014 izpostavil glede na oceno stanja, ki je bila zaznana ob nastopu mandata. Ocena stanja morda ne zajema vsega, je pa pokazatelj preko katerih ključnih prioritet se lahko učinkovito približamo prej navedeni viziji in bi bila z izjemo specifičnih problematik lahko opis stanja v mnogih manjših mestih po Sloveniji: ¦¦Novo mesto kot javni prostor in urbano središče za bivanje ni privlačno, je preobremenjeno s prometom in ne nudi ustrezne podpore urbani bivalni kulturi in sodobnemu na­činu življenja v mestu. Glavni trg kot trg skupaj z območjem na Kandiji ne pride do izraza, meščani mesta ne uporabljajo kot podaljška lastnega doma. ¦¦Poslovno-kulturno središče ni dovolj izoblikovano, niti pre­poznavno v prostoru. Njegov osrednji del zaseda največja ruševina v mestu (bivša stavba občinske uprave na Novem trgu). Žalostna podoba se kaže tudi na samem »pragu mesta« v obliki neurejenega stanja, v katerem je avtobusna postaja. ¦¦Peš cone v mestu (razen območij ob reki Krki) praktično ne obstajajo. Uporabe koles se v mestu ne spodbuja, tudi zaradi manjkajočih kolesarskih stez, ki so nujne vsaj v radiju 3km iz centra. ¦¦Manjka sistem povezav (peš prehodov) preko Krke, ki bi vzpostavili nove cone za razvoj urbanega življenja in obmo­čij sprostitve. ¦¦Javno-zasebni proces ureditve območja BTC v Bršljinu kot vpadnice v mesto poteka počasi in brez ustrezne izposta­vljenosti/obveščanja javnosti. ¦¦Okoliški kraji nimajo prepoznavne podobe in jasno izobliko­vanih središč, ki so nujna za identiteto in notranjo poveza­nost lokalnih prebivalcev. ¦¦Sprejeti Občinski prostorski načrt (OPN) je velik korak k urejanju prostora, vendar je potrebna podrobna in kritična presoja dokumenta, ter prevedba ugotovljenih dejstev v izvedbene dele OPN in/ali v izdelavo posameznih Občinskih podrobnih prostorskih načrtov (OPPN). ¦¦V območju celotne občine se za pomembnejše prostorske ureditve in objekte praktično ne izvaja javnih arhitekturnih natečajev, ki so nujni za dvig nivoja grajenega okolja. Izjema so univerzitetni kampus v Drgančevju (2005), športna dvo­rana Portoval (2011) ter športna dvorana v Stopičah (2009) - izveden je le slednji. ¦¦Pritisk ozkih interesnih dejavnikov iz zasebne sfere na javni prostor je premočan. Javno-zasebno partnerstvo s pro­jektnim vodstvom občine naj bi vzpostavilo ustreznejša razmerja 'javno' (prevladujoče, določujoče) vs. 'zasebno' (podrejeno, prilagodljivo). Za določitev konkretnih prioritet je US MONM predlagal usme­ritve in projekte, ki izhajajo iz vizije in programskih usmeritev, vendar so v bistvu pogojevani na podlagi ugotovljenega stanja. Izpostavljeno je bilo, da se lahko glede na interes, z majhnimi posegi v izboljšanje kvalitete nepremičnin poveča njihova vre­dnost in atraktivnost. Umestitev ustreznih vsebin (npr. univerze, urbane pisarne, stanovanja za mlade…) na Glavni trg bi poživilo utrip celega starega mestnega jedra. Prioritetno bi morali tudi tu pristopati k nepremičninam v starem jedru in skupaj z že zače­timi projekti in vizijami prenove mestnega središča počasi širiti mrežo kvalitetne družbene lastnine navzven. Infrastrukturne probleme je treba reševati vzporedno oz. podrejeno prostor­skim nalogam ter jih avtomatično (kot pogoj za delovanje) vključevati v izvedbo primarnih in prioritetnih ureditev v javnem prostoru. Premišljeno spajanje naravne in kulturne dediščine bi privedlo do unikatne konfiguracije izredno kakovostnih javnih prostorov tudi v izvenmestnih območjih, ki so ključna za oživljanje in ohra­njanje življenja v njih ter razvijanje lokalnih kvalitet. Izvenmestni prostor ne sme postati serija »satelitov« regijskega središča brez avtohtone in širšemu avditoriju zanimive identitete. Prioritete sestavljajo ključni projekti, da se vzpostavi mreža urejenih točk ali območij, s katerimi bi se začelo trenutno neu­strezno stanje izboljševati: ¦¦Celovita ureditev starega mestnega jedra, predvsem talnih površin, pročelij in drugih površin, ki opredeljujejo ta pro­stor, v smislu podpore programski in prometni strategiji tega območja (izvedba javnega natečaja) ¦¦Opredelitev in spodbuda za formiranje prepoznavne in ure­jene poslovno-kulturne cone v mestnem jedru na območju Novega trga in ob Seidlovi cesti (javno-zasebno partnerstvo, obvezna izvedba javnega natečaja) ¦¦Načrtovanje ter izvedba povezovalnih poti in mostov name­njenih kolesarjem in pešcem, ki bi bili v največji meri ločeni od cestne infrastrukture in bi povezovali mestne površine z območji za sprostitev. ¦¦Ureditev desnega brega reke Krke v območju Kandijske ceste ter izvedba obrečne cone, ki bi omogočala ureditev t.i. »mestne plaže« z gostinsko ponudbo ob reki (razvoj mesta na južnem desnem bregu Krke) ¦¦Opredelitev območij posebnega pomena (Glavni trg in širše mestno jedro, arheološki park na Marofu, Novi trg, Kandija, območje BTC, Narodni dom) ter priprava prostorskih izho­dišč za izvedbo javnih natečajev v teh območjih. ¦¦Preureditev obstoječe avtobusne postaje, ureditev lastniških razmerij ter celovita prenova/rekonstrukcija ali rušitev in gradnja novega potniškega terminala ¦¦Izdelava strategije in projektov za ureditev središč vaških na­selij in vasi ter vključitev lokalnega prebivalstva v aktivnosti povezane z izgradnjo identitete kraja. 5.3 Analiza stanja in rezultati Po analizi stanja, ki je ob nastopu US MONM pokazala, da aktivnosti za doseganje nekaterih zgoraj navedenih točk že potekajo, vendar so mnoge zastale iz različnih upravno-administrativnih, finančnih ali drugih razlogov, je US izpostavil tudi ožjo skupino kratkoročnih prioritet, kjer obstajajo možnosti za opazne premike v krajšem obdobju ali kjer je nujen razmislek glede strateških odločitev (Slak, 2016). Aktivnosti Urbanističnega sveta MONM so v določeni meri že vidne ali pa je v polnem teku priprava vsega potrebnega za njihovo skorajšnjo uresničitev. Pomembno je poudariti, da tukaj navedeni ukrepi, rezultati in prioritete za urejeno mesto ne bi mogli nastati zgolj na podlagi urbanističnega planiranja in dela Urada za prostor in razvoj, kar je razvidno že iz opisa izvedenega. Izvedeno se morda zdi malo po obsegu, vendar gre za najtežavnejše in najpomembnejše izboljšave, ki so generator (že omenjene točke, ki vplivajo na širši prostor) nadaljnjega razvoja in ureditev in predstavljajo mrežo dobrih, drobnih rešitev. Konkretni rezultati večletnega obstoja Urbanističnega sveta so, razen največje operacije v mestnem jedru (prenova javnih površin), pomembni fragmenti, ki sledijo principu posegov od drobnega k velikemu, od znotraj navzven. Če bo pri urejanju prostora v Novem mestu pod taktirko Urba­nističnega sveta v nadaljnjih letih prišlo še do izvedbe ostalih prioritetnih projektov – če se bo torej ohranila rdeča nit prostor­skega razvoja mestne občine ne glede na vsakokratno oblast, bodo vloga, delo in prizadevanja US MONM povsem upraviče­na; predstavljala bodo ogrodje nadaljnje rasti in koherentne, inkluzivne, participativne urbane politike. 6. DISKUSIJA: PRIPOROČILA IN USMERITVE OBČINAM, TER OPOZORILA IN NAPOTILA PRI NADALJNJIH USKLAJEVANJIH NA TEM PODROČJU Manjše, kadrovsko šibkejše občine in mesta bodo zakonsko zahtevo po enem arhitektu v funkciji občinskega urbanista zagotovile sicer dokaj enostavno, vprašanje pa je, ali bodo novi nosilci urbanega razvoja mest in občin kos tej nalogi in kako bodo občine zagotovile kompetentnost teh oseb. Navsezadnje so špekulacije s prostorom v manjših občinah eden od najbolj donosnih načinov pridobivanja kapitala, zato lahko računamo, da v nekaterih občinah interesa po močnih in kompetentnih občinskih urbanistih ne bo. Regionalni pristop k tej tematiki bi zagotovo predstavljal višjo kakovost, morebitni negativni vplivi lokalnih oblasti pa bi se zrelativizirali. Nevladne organizacije (NVO) s področja ravnanja s prostorom, ki jih omenja ZUreP-3, so izrazito omejene na Ljubljano oz. obstajajo predvsem na nacionalnem nivoju. Trenutno je na seznamu NVO, ki delujejo na področju prostora v Sloveniji, registriranih samo 12 organizacij. Le dve od teh sta registrirani izven Ljubljane; ena v Domžalah in ena v Novem mestu (vir: https://www.gov.si/teme/nevladne-organizacije/). Tudi društva arhitektov, urbanistov, prostorskih načrtovalcev ali krajinskih arhitektov delujejo in so aktivna izključno v mestnih občinah ali celo samo na regionalni ravni. Ob povečanih pritiskih na prostor se lahko celo zgodi pojav ad hoc registracij NVO, preko katerih bi bile omogočene špekulacije z javnim prostorom. Nasprotno temu pojavu pa bi regionalne NVO zagotovile enak status in obravnavo (javnega) prostora v manjših občinah, kot so ga že zdaj deležna večja mesta in mestne občine. Ob tem ni zanemar­ljivo, da takšen pristop krepi policentrično ureditev države in je vsaj na področju obravnave prostora lahko precej učinkovitejši od razdrobljenega pristopa po številnih manjših občinah. Po­vezovanje občin, ki na področju prostora že zdaj poteka zaradi posameznih aktivnosti, ki segajo preko njihovih meja, bi lahko zaživelo v večjem obsegu. Ob omembi regionalnih centrov moči in vpliva lahko pride do odpora s strani lokalnih skupnosti, ki dobijo občutek vsiljeva­nja odločitev z drugih interesnih območij. Temu je moč opo­rekati, saj je Slovenija majhna in so vplivi regionalnih centrov v vsakem primeru (če ne drugače, v primeru upravnih enot ali zdravstva) že razmeroma močni. Tudi primeri, ko manjše obči­ne vključujejo v svoje upravljanje s prostorom akterje iz večjih mest, niso redki in kažejo, da takšne ureditve ob resnično kom­petentnih osebah (priznanih v širšem prostoru) ali skupinah ne bi bile problematične. Tisto, kar je pri tem problematično, je gotovo določitev kompe­tenc oz. priznanje le-teh. Menimo, da je na območju regij – torej v bistveno večjem vplivnem območju, kot ga sicer pokriva veči­na manjših mest oz. občin - enostavneje zagotoviti in s konsen­zom tistih, ki jih regijski okvir zajema, potrditi ustrezno sestavo instituta mestnega arhitekta, kot veččlanskega odločevalskega telesa v obliki sveta, komisije, instituta, zavoda, odbora ipd. Predlagana veččlanska sestava instituta občinskega urbanista ali bolje, regijske urbanistične institucije bi bila lahko sestavlje­na iz oseb, ki zagotavljajo tako strokovno avtoriteto različnih področij, kot tudi razpršeno lokalno pokritost regije. Izvajanje različnih procesov vključevanja javnosti v odločitve ter kanali­ziranje različnih interesov skozi ustrezno politiko odločanja o javnem prostoru s pomočjo vzpostavljene institucije občinskega ali mestnega arhitekta lahko pomembno izboljša identifikacijo, razvojne in dolgoročne strategije ter zagotavlja neprekinjen, de­mokratičen in vključujoč razvoj (Messerschmidt in von Zadow, 2019). Prostor je nacionalna, omejena dobrina in kot tak ne bi smel biti podvržen kadrovskim omejitvam majhnega področja (občine). Za vsak kraj bi moral biti zagotovljen kompetenten strokovni institut, ki bi to dobrino obravnaval v širšem (regij­skem) kontekstu s konkretnimi rezultati na nivoju soseske, kraja občine ali manjšega mesta. 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Dostopno na: http://www.pisrs.si/Pis.web/pregledPredpisa?id=ZAKO8249 (23.12.2022) Zupančič, B. (1999). Urbanistično načrtovanje za nove družbene razmere: seminar, Društvo arhitektov Ljubljana, Ljubljana, 6. - 7. oktober 1999. Urbani izziv letnik 10, št. 2/1999. Str. 134-136. Ljubljana: Urbanistični inštitut RS. Dostopno na: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44164495 (14.12.2022) Tomaž Slak: ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF THE CITY ARCHITECT INSTITUTE IN THE PARADIGM OF SPATIAL PLANNING OF SMALL ... : 52–60 Tomaž Slak: VLOGA IN POMEN INSTITUTA MESTNEGA ARHITEKTA V PARADIGMI PROSTORSKEGA UREJANJA MANJŠIH OBČIN V SLOVENIJI: 52–60 Tomaž Slak: ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF THE CITY ARCHITECT INSTITUTE IN THE PARADIGM OF SPATIAL PLANNING OF SMALL ... : 52–60 Slika 1: Predlog prenovljena sheme nivojev in hierarhične delitve upravljanja mest. Povzeto po (Bačlija Brajnik, 2010). VIZIJA odraz čim širšega družbenega konsenza, dolgoročno zastavljeni cilji in usmeritev razvoja občine oziroma mesta na dolgi rok TAKTICˇNI NIVO KABINET ZˇUPANA (ŽUPAN, PODŽUPANI, MESTNI ARHITEKT IN MESTNI MENEDZˇER: določitev kratko-, srednje- in dolgoročnih prioritet, koordinacija, komunikacija, interpretacija, monitoring) DELEZˇNIKI (krajevne skupnosti, delovne skupine in posvetovalna telesa, NVO, širska strokovna in laična javnost, strokovne službe) POTRDITEV STRATEŠKIH DOKUMENTOV MNENJEDAJALCI, SOGLASJEDJALCI... OPREDELITEV DO POSTOPKA JAVNEGA NAROCˇANJA OBCˇINSKA UPRAVA (javni arhitekturni natečaj ali zbiranje variantnih rešitev) STRATESˇKI NIVO OBCˇINSKI SVET, ODBORI OBCˇINSKEGA SVETA konkretnejše delovanje, izvedbeni akti in vidni rezultati v prostoru, ki jim daje tempo, smer in možnosti vsakokratni župan skupaj z občinsko upravo ob potrjevanju na nivoju Občinskega sveta IZDELAVA PROJEKTNE DOKUMENTACIJE IN IZVEDBA OBCˇINSKA UPRAVA STROKA, ZUNANJI IZVAJALCI Tomaž Slak: VLOGA IN POMEN INSTITUTA MESTNEGA ARHITEKTA V PARADIGMI PROSTORSKEGA UREJANJA MANJŠIH OBČIN V SLOVENIJI: 52–60 Tomaž Slak: ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF THE CITY ARCHITECT INSTITUTE IN THE PARADIGM OF SPATIAL PLANNING OF SMALL ... : 52–60 Tomaž Slak: VLOGA IN POMEN INSTITUTA MESTNEGA ARHITEKTA V PARADIGMI PROSTORSKEGA UREJANJA MANJŠIH OBČIN V SLOVENIJI: 52–60 Tomaž Slak: ROLE AND IMPORTANCE OF THE CITY ARCHITECT INSTITUTE IN THE PARADIGM OF SPATIAL PLANNING OF SMALL ... : 52–60 Tomaž Slak: VLOGA IN POMEN INSTITUTA MESTNEGA ARHITEKTA V PARADIGMI PROSTORSKEGA UREJANJA MANJŠIH OBČIN V SLOVENIJI: 52–60 LIST OF CONTRIBUTERS UVODNIK EDITORIAL Janez P. Grom University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Slovenia Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: janez.grom@fa.uni-lj.si Kristijan Lavtižar University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Slovenia Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: kristijan.lavtizar@fa.uni-lj.si Prevod: Nuša Klinc ČLANKI ARTICLES Adelina Fejza University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Slovenia Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: adelina.fejza@hotmail.com e-mail: +389 75 739 663 Gregor Čok University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Civil and geodetic Engineering, Slovenia e-mail: gregor.cok@fgg.uni-lj.si e-mail: +386 1 7468645 Martina Zbašnik-Senegačnik Faculty of Architecture, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: martina.zbasnik@fa.uni-lj.si Ljudmila Koprivec Faculty of Architecture, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: ljudmila.koprivec@fa.uni-lj.si phone: +386 1 2000 746 Rrona Berisha Faculty of Architecture, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: rrona.b93@gmail.com phone: +38349545281 Ilka Čerpes Faculty of Architecture, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: Ilka.Cerpes@fa.uni-lj.si phone: +386 1 2000 716 Domen Kušar Faculty of Architecture, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: domen.kusar@fa.uni-lj.si phone: +386 1 20 00 756 Kristijan Lavtižar University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Slovenia Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: kristijan.lavtizar@fa.uni-lj.si Matevž Juvančič Faculty of Architecture, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: matevz.juvancic@fa.uni-lj.si phone: +38612000715 Tomaž Slak Faculty of Architecture, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: tomaz.slak@fa.uni-lj.si phone: +386 41 786 784 Scientific journal, No 10 / Year 2022 University of Ljubljana Faculty of Architecture and Faculty of Civil and Geodetic Engineering Ljubljana, 2022 Title of the Journal: THE CREATIVITY GAME Theory and Practice of Spatial Planning Editors: Alenka Fikfak, Alma Zavodnik Lamovšek Design and Title page: Gašper Mrak Classification: (UDK) Tina Musec, UL FA Published by: University of Ljubljana Press For the publisher: Gregor Majdič, The Rector of the University of Ljubljana Issued by: UL Faculty of Architecture and UL Faculty of Civil and Geodetic Engineering For the issuer: Prof. Dr. Matej Blenkuš, Dean UL FA, and Prof. Dr. Violeta Bokan Bosiljkov, Dean UL FGG Journal's Web Page: https://www.iu-cg.org/en/ Currrent Issue LInk https://www.iu-cg.org/stevilka.php?vol=10&lang=en ISSN ISSN 2350-3637 Znanstvena revija, št. 10 / leto 2022 Univerza v Ljubljani Fakulteta za arhitekturo in Fakulteta za gradbeništvo in geodezijo Ljubljana, 2022 Naslov revije: IGRA USTVARJALNOSTI teorija in praksa urejanja prostora Urednici: Alenka Fikfak, Alma Zavodnik Lamovšek Oblikovanje in naslovnica: Gašper Mrak Klasifikacija: (UDK) Tina Musec, UL FA Založila: Založba Univerze v Ljubljani Za založbo: Gregor Majdič, rektor Univerze v Ljubljani Izdala: UL Fakulteta za arhitekturo in UL Fakulteta za gradbeništvo in geodezijo Za izdajatelja: prof. dr. Matej Blenkuš, dekan UL FA, in prof. dr. Violeta Bokan Bosiljkov, dekanja UL FGG Spletna stran revije: https://www.iu-cg.org/ Spletna stran številke https://www.iu-cg.org/stevilka.php?vol=10&lang=si DOI https://doi.org/10.15292/IU-CG.2022.10 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution – ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Revijo je sofinancirala Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost RS. The journal is financially supported by the Slovenian Research Agency