Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 63 63 Arheo 23, 2005, 63–78 Preseganje meja – Družbena identiteta v srednjem veku in srednjeveški arheologiji Transcending Borders – Social identity in the Middle Ages and in Medieval Archaeology © Mats Roslund Univerza v Lundu (Švedska), Inštitut za arheologijo in antièno zgodovino Lund Universitet, Institutionen för arkeologi och antikens historia Izvleèek Prispevek opozarja na omejenost tistih arheoloških pris- topov pri preuèevanju srednjega veka, ki temeljijo na strogem upošte- vanju srednjeveške družbene teorije o treh oziroma kasneje štirih redih. Kot primer študije, ki z uporabo kontekstualnega pristopa presega meje takšne štiridelne èlenitve, avtor predstavlja analizo in interpretacijo vzorcev proizvodnje in porabe lonèenine v provinci Skåne in na obmoèju okoli jezera Mälaren med 10. in 13. stoletjem. Kljuène besede srednjeveška arheologija, družbena identiteta, štirje redi, lonèenina baltskega tipa, Skandinavija Ko preuèujemo preteklost, je koristno, èe uporabljamo družbene kategorije, ki izhajajo iz pojmovanj, znaèilnih za preuèevano obdobje. V zvezi s srednjim vekom si lahko pomagamo s kategorizacijami, uporabljenimi v pis- nih virih. V zgodnjih stoletjih srednjega veka so govorili o treh družbenih redih (stanovih), ob koncu obdobja pa se je sistem preoblikoval v štiri redove. V prvem sistemu je klasifikacija temeljila na molitvah, vojskovanju in obde- lovanju zemlje, pozneje pa se je kot kukavica v gnezdo svete ureditve pridružila porajajoèa se buržoazija, ki so jo zastopali trgovci in obrtniki. Družbena kategorizacija in oznaèevanje sta bila za srednjeveškega èloveka realnost in zato ju moramo videti kot pomembno raziskovalno izhodišèe, ko poskušamo razumeti, kako so ljudje v tistem èasu živeli. Kakor kukavica lahko koncept štirih redov iz varnega gnezda uèenjaškega sveta prežene druge ideje in hipoteze. Èe razmišljamo pozitivno, je lahko takšna per- spektiva opora, negativno pa lahko postane prisilni jopiè. V prispevku trdim, da je èlenitev na štiri redove soci- ološkemu preuèevanju srednjega veka in kasnejših obdo- bij lahko prej v breme kakor v pomoè. Štiridelna delitev srednjeveške družbe je v rabi tako v arheološkem izobraževanju kot pri organizaciji konfe- renc. Podobne težnje lahko opazimo tudi v nacionalno in internacionalno zasnovanih pregledih srednjeveške arhe- ologije (Clark 1984; Fehring 1987; Liebgott 1989; Fehring 1995). Oèitno pa je takšna zasnova že bila pre- poznana kot problematièna in kar nekaj poskusov je že bilo poudariti teme, ki bi presegale meje posameznih problematik. Na sreèanjih Srednjeveška Evropa v Yorku, Bruggeju in Baslu so takšen poskus predstavljale sekcije, posveèene metodi in teoriji. Veèinoma pa so konference, posebno še na nacionalne, omejene zgolj na problematiko urbanega ali ruralnega življenja, gradov ali cerkvenih zadev. Sreèanja, na katerih so teme prav omenjene, pa Abstract The article aims at pointing out the limitations of those archaeological approaches in the field of medieval studies that strictly follow the medieval social theory of the three and later four orders. As an example of the possibilities offered by the use of contextual approach in attempting to transcend the borders of the four-orders model, an analysis and interpretation of the pottery production and consumption patterns in Skåne and the Lake Mälaren regions from the 10th to the 13th century is presented. Keywords medieval archaeology, social identity, four estates, Baltic ware, Scandinavia In studying the past it is fruitful to use social categories embedded in the relevant period's own conceptions. Looking at the Middle Ages we are helped by the cat- egorisations employed in the written sources. Three estates are being postulated in the earlier part of the period, transformed into four estates in the closing cen- turies. To pray, fight or till the earth were regarded as a means of classification in the former, while the emerging bourgeoisie, represented by merchants and artisans, later moved in like a cuckoo in the nest of holy arrange- ment. Social categorisation and labelling was a reality for medieval Man, and as such must be seen as an important point of departure for scholars trying to grasp how people lived during that time. Just like a cuckoo, however, the concept of the four estates can force ideas and hypotheses away from the safe nest of the scholarly world. Positively thinking, such a perspective can be a helping grid, in more negative words it is a straitjacket. In this article, I claim that a division into the four estates can be a burden rather than help for social studies of the Middle Ages and later periods. In archaeological education and at conferences, the four- part division of medieval society is used. Similar tenden- cies can be seen in national and international surveys on medieval archaeology (Clark 1984; Fehring 1987; Lieb- gott 1989; Fehring 1995). Obviously this has been con- sidered somewhat problematic and several efforts have been made to find a way to point out more border-break- ing themes. At the Medieval Europe meetings in York, Bruges and Basel, sessions on method and theory are a response to this need. Most conferences, particularly on a national level, are confined to urban or rural life, as well as castles or ecclesiastical matters. Meetings on these specific topics have a tendency to create cumulative knowledge. Information about a new street discovered, Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 64 64 Mats Roslund Preseganje meja kažejo težnjo, da bi ustvarila kumulativno vednost. Podatki o odkritju dotlej neznane ulice, tehnike graditve stavb ali še nezabeleženega artefakta so preprosto dodani v vse obsežnejši arhiv podatkov v skladu z usmeritvijo, ki jo je – med drugimi – John Moreland poimenoval "antik- varstvo" (Moreland 1991, 7). Ob tej partikularistièni težnji pa se v okviru znaèilnih srednjeveških tem vendarle poraja tudi vednost višje stop- nje. Z leti je postalo oèitno, da nam na primer ena sama hiša ali kmeèko dvorišèe še ne omogoèata doumeti celote srednjeveškega kmeèkega življenja. V želji, da bi izboljšali svoje možnosti za dosego tega cilja, so arheolo- gi prevetrili svoje poglede in v obravnavo specifiènih vprašanj vpeljali holistièno perspektivo. Agrarna naselja zdaj preuèujemo skupaj z njihovo ekonomsko osnovo, kot so polja in pašniki, razumevanjem krajine ter v interakci- ji z okoliškimi vasmi in mesti. Èeprav gre v tej razlièici za višjo raven preuèevanja, pa omenjeni pristop vendarle ne presega meja agrarne družbe. Težava ni le v potrebi po nenehnem preverjanju teh kon- ceptov in diskusiji o njih, marveè v spoznanju, da je potrebno raziskave širiti v skladu z zastavljenimi vpraša- nji in ne zgolj glede na vsakokratni specifièni kontekst. V naši vedi ni veliko raziskovalnih vprašanj z družbenimi implikacijami. Predlogi o tem, kaj naj bi vsebovala, pa so prav tako omejeni s specifiènimi raziskovalnimi podroèji srednjeveške arheologije. Kadar so takšne študije sploh omenjene, so izrazito povezane s tem, kar bi lahko ime- novali družbena ekonomija. Sredi devetdesetih let 20. sto- letja je Heiko Steuer predstavil teme za nadaljnje delo v družbeni arheologiji (Steuer 1995). Omenil je raziskova- nje družbenih hierarhij, ki jih lahko interpretiramo ob pomoèi zgodnjesrednjeveških grobov, naèinov življenja in reprezentacije, komunikacije in pismenosti, nastanka cehov in družbene topografije mest. V nedavno objavljenem pregledu britanske srednjeveške arheologije so sklepna poglavja posveèena sedanjim in prihodnjim raziskovalnim podroèjem. Gerrard poudarja obièajna štiri podroèja, urbano in ruralno življenje, cerkve in samostane ter gradove (Gerrard 2003, 185 sl.). Ob tem navaja še druge, dobro znane raziskovalne teme, namreè stavbe, artefakte in proizvodnjo, ki so navadno kot podteme vkljuèeni v raziskovanje štirih primarnih podroèij. Gerrard pa se vendarle dotika tudi nekaterih some new house construction techniques that have emerged or a formerly undocumented artefact is added to the growing archives, a perspective which John More- land, among others, has named "antiquarianism" (More- land 1991, 7). Alongside this particularistic tendency, higher levels of knowledge are created within the framework of typical medieval topics. Through the years it has been obvious that, for instance, a single house or farmyard doesn't make it possible for us as scholars to grasp the scope of medieval rural life. To increase the possibility to do this, archaeologists have reset their sights and brought in a holistic view on their particular subject. Agrarian settle- ments are now studied together with their economic basis such as fields and pastures, mental perceptions of the landscape and interaction with the surrounding villages and towns. In spite of this enhanced version of studies, the limits of agrarian society are not transcended. The problem is not that these concepts are under constant study and discussion, but that the search must be widened according to questions asked, rather than their particular contexts. Questions with social implications are few in our discipline. Suggestions on what they might contain are also limited to specific fields in medieval archaeolo- gy. When such studies are mentioned they are strongly connected to what can be called social economy. In the mid 1990's Heiko Steuer presented topics for further work on social archaeology (Steuer 1995). Those mentioned were social hierarchies interpreted from Early Medieval graves, ways of living and representation, communication and literacy, emergence of the guilds and the social topography of towns. In a recently published survey on British medieval archaeology, the final chapters are dedicated to con- temporary and future fields of study. Gerrard points out the usual four spheres, urban and rural life, churches and monasteries, as well as castles (Gerrard 2003, 185 ff). Additional subjects are buildings, artefacts and industry, well-known topics studied as sub-themes under the four primary subjects. Gerrard nevertheless touches on some fields that can widen our perspective. At the end of his book he points out some "challenging concepts and ideas" such as identity and society, arte- facts and meaning, architecture and the use of space, landscapes and time. In the future, there will surely be Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 65 65 Arheo 23, 2005, 63–78 raziskovalnih podroèij, ki lahko razširijo naše obzorje. Ob koncu svoje knjige opozarja na nekatere "izzivalne kon- cepte in ideje", kot so identiteta in družba, artefakti in pomen, arhitektura in raba prostora, krajine in èas. V pri- hodnje bomo temu seznamu zagotovo dodali še nove. Vsaka generacija bo sooèena s potrebo po bolj poglobljeni vednosti, ki jo bo oviralo zgolj njeno lastno pomanjkanje domiselnosti. Moja kritika študij, ki temeljijo na teoriji o štirih redovih, ne pomeni, da se mi zdijo konference o temah, kot so mesta, agrarna naselja, gradovi in cerkvene institucije, zastarele. So del naše tradicije, enako kot so bile nekdaj realne srednjeveške kategorije. Vsi raziskovalni nazori in interpretacije pa tudi še kako potrebujejo široko, v èasovnem in družbenem smislu dobro utemeljeno družbenogospodarsko ozadje za nadaljnje raziskave. Rad bi le poudaril, kako tvegano je zanemarjati tiste predmete raziskav, ki jih ne moremo umestiti v omenjene štiri ka- tegorije, ali pozabljati na omrežno naravo srednjega veka in tedanje družbene zavesti. Osredotoèanje na družbeno interakcijo je bilo seveda ses- tavni del poprocesnega diskurza v zadnjem desetletju preteklega stoletja. V pomenu kritike tako antikvarstva kot procesualizma v srednjeveški arheologiji je John Moreland poudaril potrebo, da bi ureditve srednjeveškega èloveka razumeli kot "vrsto interaktivnih omrežij družbenih odnosov razliènega trajanja in gostote" (More- land 1991, 19). Takšen pogled nas sili opustiti teorijo o štirih redovih kot izkljuènem okviru preuèevanja. Nujnost osredotoèanja na družbeno interakcijo, je bila ponovno poudarjena v èlanku, ki je izšel leta 1998. V njem je Frans Verhaeghe trdil, da bi študij srednjeveške arheologije lahko veliko pridobil, èe bi to obdobje razumeli kot pre- plet družbenih omrežij. Poudaril je, kako pomembno je raziskovanje družbenih odnosov skupno z "ideologijo, vedenjem, družbenimi strukturami in dinamiko, percepci- jami in prilagoditvami na realni svet", èe želimo dojeti celovitost srednjega veka (Verhaeghe 1998, 267). Ver- haeghejev izraz družbena omrežja vkljuèuje vse vrste baziènih interaktivnih odnosov, stikov in medsebojnih komuniciranj med posamezniki ali skupinami. Kot pogosto poudarjamo, so mesto, vas, grad in cerkvene ustanove med seboj povezani. Kljub temu pa niso toliko družbene entitete same kolikor naša lastna vprašanja tista, ki postavljajo omejitve naši vednosti. Èe se ukvarjamo s added new concepts to this list. Each generation will find a need for deeper knowledge, hampered only by its own lack of ingenuity. My critique of studies based on the four estates does not mean that I see conferences on topics such as towns, agrarian settlements, castles and clerical institutions as obsolete. They are a part of our tradition as well as they were medieval categories. All perspectives and interpre- tations are also very much in need of a broad, well-found- ed time- and space-bound socio economic background for further inquiries. I only want to emphasize the risk we take in disregarding subjects, which do not fit in these cat- egories or by forgetting the network character of the Mid- dle Ages, and the social awareness of that time. A focus on social interaction was clearly part of the post- processual discourse during the final decade of the last century. As a critique of both antiquarianism and proces- sualism within medieval archaeology, John Moreland emphasised the need to perceive the arrangements of medieval Man as "a series of interacting networks of social relations of varying duration and density" (More- land 1991, 19). Such a perspective forces us to leave the four estates as the only framework for studies. In an art- icle from 1998, the need for concentrating on social inter- action was stressed once more. Here, Frans Verhaeghe declared that the study of medieval archaeology could benefit from seeing the period as consisting of social net- works. He stated the importance of social relations as a field of research, together with "ideology, behaviour, social structures and dynamics, perceptions of and ad- aptations to the real world" if we want to grasp the total- ity of the Middle Ages (Verhaeghe 1998, 267). When speaking of social networks he included all kinds of basic interactive relations, contacts and intercommunication between individuals or groups. As often emphasized, town, village, castle and clerical institutions are all interconnected. Nevertheless, it is not so much the social entities as our own questions that put a limit to our knowledge. If we work with Medieval and Early Modern society as a whole we can capture some obvious issues on economic interaction such as the nobil- ity's interest in towns, churches and monastic rural estates, the social rise and technical development of arti- sans in town and countryside. Thus, my critique is not so much directed against such an effort, as a desire to pro- Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 66 66 Mats Roslund Preseganje meja srednjeveško in zgodnjenovoveško družbo kot celoto, si lahko zastavimo nekatera oèitna vprašanja o gospodarski interakciji, kakor so denimo zanimanje plemstva za mesta, cerkve, samostanska podeželska posestva ter družbeni vzpon in tehnièni razvoj obrtnikov v mestih in na podeželju. Moja kritika torej ni usmerjena proti tak- šnim prizadevanjem, marveè jo vodi želja, spodbuditi tovrstno vpraševanje, ki bi v razpravo vkljuèilo vse redove in tudi druge družbene teme, ne le gospodarski položaj. Èe želimo doseèi novo razumevanje kulturnih vzorcev v srednjem veku, bi bilo koristno uporabiti per- spektivo, ki presega meje štirih redov družbe. Lahko reèemo, da je Verhaeghejeva opredelitev družbenih omrežij navdihujoèa in daljnosežna. Èe smo natanènejši – vprašanja etnosa, družbene mobilnosti, poj- movanja otroštva in staranja, konceptov èasa in prostora so prepletena in vpeta v veè razliènih kontekstov. Tu bi se rad osredotoèil na en sam bazièni koncept, namreè inovacijo in njeno povezavo z dvema razliènima oblika- ma družbene identitete, urbano in kulturno. Recepcija novih kulturnih prvin je vprašanje, ki vkljuèuje številne razliène družbene akterje in poteka skozi številna vozlišèa. Kontrasti v arheološkem zapisu nam omogoèa- jo pojasniti, kako so bile inovacije uvedene, sprejete in razširjene, pomagajo pa nam lahko razumeti tudi, kako so posamezniki in skupine v preteklosti delovali. V tej ugotovitvi se skriva morebitni kljuè za razumevanje spre- jemanja tujcev, delitve dela in družbenogospodarskih sprememb v družbi kot celoti. Prav tako je jasno, da te spremembe izražajo regionalne vzorce in razlike znotraj same družbe. Da bi podkrepili to trditev, bomo pred- stavili primer s podroèja inovacij v lonèarstvu in razšir- itve v dobi od 11. do 13. stoletja v mestih Lund in Sigtu- na in njuni okolici. Takšni primeri lahko ponazorijo razmerje med urbanimi in ruralnimi identitetami, pa tudi kulturno identiteto kot osnovo za etnièno afiliacijo (Roslund 2001). Lonèenina baltskega tipa in kulturna sprememba Vse od 19. stoletja so uèenjaki trdili, da so posode, okrašene z vzporednimi ali valovitimi linijami, ki so bile odkrite v severni Evropi, slovanskega izvora. Friedrich Lisch je opozoril na slogovne razlike med germanskimi kroglastimi posodami (Kugeltöpfe) in slovanskimi poso- mote further issues, thereby drawing all estates into the discussion, and to add social topics other than the eco- nomic position to the discussion. If we want to acquire a further understanding of the cultural patterns of the Mid- dle Ages, it could be fruitful to use perspectives tran- scending the borders of the four estates in society. Verhaeghe's definition of social networks can be regard- ed as inspiring, yet wide reaching. To be more specific, issues on ethnicity, social mobility, views on childhood and ageing, concepts of time and space are all interlaced within several contexts. Here, I would like to concentrate on one basic concept, innovation and its bond to two dif- ferent forms of social identity, i. e. urban and cultural. The reception of new cultural elements is one issue that involves many different actors in society and runs through many nodes. While contrasts in the archaeolo- gical record make it possible for us to explain how in- novations were introduced, accepted and spread, they can also make us understand how individuals and groups acted in former times. Hidden in the observation lies a possible key to the acceptance of strangers, division of labour and socio-economic change in society as a whole. It is also clear that these alterations express regional patterns and differences within society itself. To emphas- ise this statement, an example drawn from the experience of pottery innovation and dispersal during the 11th to the 13th century in the towns of Lund and Sigtuna and their environs is put forward. Such examples can be used in order to understand the relation between urban and rural identities, as well as cultural identity, as a basis for eth- nic affiliation (Roslund 2001). Baltic ware and culture change Since the 19th century, scholars have stated that vessels decorated with parallel or wavy lines found in Northern Europe were of Slavonic origin. Friedrich Lisch pointed out the stylistic difference between German Kugeltöpfe and Slavonic vessels in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (Lisch 1847). Some decades later, Beltz divided the style into two chronological groups, based on observations of hoard finds with a distinct change around the turn of the millen- nium (Beltz 1893). Outside the primary "homelands" of Slavonic groups the presence of these vessels became a matter of discussion. In 1922, Georg Karlin held a lecture Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 67 67 Arheo 23, 2005, 63–78 dami v nemški deželi Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (Lisch 1847). Nekaj desetletij kasneje je Beltz na osnovi ovred- notenja zakladnih najdb, ki so opozarjale na oèitno spre- membo okrog preloma tisoèletij, slog razdelil v dve kro- nološki skupini (Beltz 1893). Navzoènost teh posod zunaj obmoèja prvotne "domovine" slovanskih skupnosti je postala predmet razprav. Leta 1922 je imel na nordijski arheološki konferenci v Stockholmu Georg Karlin preda- vanje, v katerem je trdil, da so bile omenjene posode v velikem številu distribuirane tudi na obmoèju onstran slo- vanskih etniènih meja (Karlin 1923). V svojem predava- nju je poleg tega ugotavljal, da so skandinavski lonèarji v 11. stoletju razvili nove sloge, ki so bili vse bolj odmak- njeni od pravih slovanskih posod. Karlin je v svojih izva- janjih uporabljal oznake, kot sta "slovansko-baltska" in "vendsko-baltska" lonèenina. Èetudi so uèenjaki sprejeli dejstvo, da so posode slo- vanskega izvora izdelovali in uporabljali tudi zunaj izvorne slovanske "domovine", pa so v poroèilih iz tiste- ga èasa opazne težave pri doloèanju njihovega izvora. Že samo opazovanje razširjenosti je vodilo v nesporazume, kot je bilo denimo mnenje Karla Augusta Wildeja, da so bile nekatere uvožene v Wollin iz Birke (Wilde 1939). Tej napaèni predstavi je botrovalo dejstvo, da je bilo tedaj dobro znano predvsem gradivo iz Švedske; tam je Stolpe že v 19. stoletju objavil podatke o artefaktih iz svojih izkopavanj. Skromno poznavanje drugih najdišè na južnih obalah Baltika je pripomoglo k temu, da je Birka obve- ljala kot izvorno obmoèje teh posod. S poveèanjem števila izkopavanj v slovanskih deželah, posebno po drugi svetovni vojni, je postalo oèitno, da je treba njihov izvor iskati med Slovani samimi. Z upoštevanjem gradiva s širšega geografskega obmoèja je Karlin leta 1922 prvi zabeležil pojav, ki ga danes imenujemo lonèenina baltskega tipa (östersjökeramik, Ostseeware). Wolfgang Hubener je oblikoval ta izraz, ko je delal v Haithabuju, nekaj desetletij pozneje je Karlin predstavil svoja opažanja (Hubener 1959). Danes lonèenino baltskega tipa pojmujemo kot tradicijo, ki ima korenine v slovanski lonèarski produkciji, vendar jo sreèamo zunaj njenega jedrnega obmoèja od okoli leta 1000 dalje (slika 1). Posode z znaèilnimi lastnostmi v Skandinaviji je potrebno razumeti kot bodisi pozne prave slovanske izdelke bodisi kot del nordijske kulturne sfere. at a Nordic archaeological conference in Stockholm, where he claimed that they had also been distributed on a large scale outside the ethnic Slav boundaries (Karlin 1923). In his lecture, he also stated, that during the 11th century, Scandinavian potters had developed new styles, increasingly remote from Slavonic pots proper. Karlin himself used terms such as "Slav-Baltic" or "Wendic- Baltic" ware to express his opinion. Even if scholars accepted the fact that pots of Slavonic origin were produced and in use outside the original Slavonic "home-lands", difficulties in pinning down their origin still haunted the reports of that time. Mere obser- vation of the dispersal led to misunderstanding, as when Karl August Wilde believed some to be imported to Wollin from Birka (Wilde 1939). This misconception was due to the well-known material from Sweden, where Stolpe, already in the 19th century, produced information on artefacts from his excavations. Meagre knowledge about other sites on the South Baltic coast, made it easy to make Birka their place of origin. When the number of excava- tions increased in the Slavonic countries, especially after the second world war, it became obvious that the origin should be sought among the Slavs themselves. By introducing a wider geographical material in 1922, Georg Karlin was the first to observe a phenomenon we today call Baltic ware (östersjökeramik, Ostseeware). Wolfgang Hübener created this term when working in Haithabu, some decades after Karlin made his observa- tions (Hübener 1959). Today, Baltic ware is considered a tradition with roots in Slavonic pottery production, yet found outside its core area from around the year 1000 and onwards (fig. 1). When vessels with typical traits appear in Scandinavia, they must be considered to be either late Slavonic proper or part of a Nordic cultural sphere. A sharper definition can be gained through stylistic and petrologic studies. In addition to the growing awareness about the origin of the Baltic ware, theoretical considerations on ethnic interpretations must be discussed when defining it. According to cultural-historical archaeology, assem- blages in the same style were supposed to be connected to a group of people with common heritage. Since the 1960's, efforts have been made to explain the relation between ethnic identity and material culture. Historians, anthropologists and archaeologists have come to realise Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 68 68 Mats Roslund Preseganje meja Slika 1: Preliminarni oèrt razširjenosti lonèenine baltskega tipa v Skandinaviji od konca 10. do srede 13. stoletja. Opazna je skrom- na navzoènost v okolici jezera Mälaren. V Schleswigu in njego- vem zaledju je najti tako pravo slovansko lonèenino kakor tudi lonèenino baltskega tipa, vendar je etnièno afiliacijo teh najdb težko doloèiti. Skromnejše najdbe na zahodu Danske, Norveškem in Finskem na karti niso oznaèene. Fig. 1: A preliminary outline of the distribution of Baltic ware in Scandinavia from the late 10th to the middle of the 13th century. A vague presence can be noted around Lake Mälaren. Both late Slavonic ware proper and Baltic ware are found in Schleswig and hinterland, but the ethnic affiliation is difficult to determine. Minor finds in western Denmark, Norway and Finland are not marked on the map. Ostrejšo opredelitev lahko doloèimo s pomoèjo slogov- nih in petroloških analiz. Poleg vse moènejše zavesti o izvoru lonèenine baltskega tipa je potrebno pri opredeljevanju pretresti tudi teoretske premisleke o etniènih interpretacijah. V kulturnozgodo- vinski arheologiji je veljalo, da so zbiri najdb istega sloga povezani s skupino ljudi, ki si deli skupno dedišèino. Od šestdesetih let 20. stoletja potekajo prizadevanja, da bi pojasnili razmerje med etnièno identiteto in materialno kulturo. Zgodovinarji, antropologi in arheologi so prišli do spoznanja, da je èlovekovo delovanje bolj zapleteno, kot smo domnevali (Jones 1997). V središèu zanimanja sedaj niso veè prizadevanja, da bi opredelili in zamejili kulturne skupine, marveè poskusi, da bi pojasnili in razumeli kulturno izmenjavo in spremembo. Izrazita inovacija oziroma kulturna sprememba je tudi pojav lonèenine baltskega tipa v Skandinaviji od konca 10. stoletja dalje. Posebno pozornost posveèamo obmoèju, ki je do leta 1658 predstavljalo vzhodno Dan- that human action is more intricate than we have pre- sumed (Jones 1997). Interest is now focused, not so much on defining and delimiting culture groups, as on explain- ing and understanding cultural exchange and change. One very distinct innovation, or culture change, is the emergence of Baltic ware in Scandinavia from the late 10th century onwards. Special attention is here given to what was Eastern Denmark (east of the Sound) until 1658 and the region around Lake Mälaren in Sweden. Even if the style seems similar in both places, distinct differences in both form and spatial distribution patterns can be observed. Such differences are used to interpret both the levels of interaction between town and countryside and the differences in the presence of Slavonic-speaking groups. Historically, the two regions under study held large differ- ences. From the 10th century, Denmark became a part of the German Ottonian and Salian spheres of interest, thus influenced by Continental political ideas and economic development. Further North, the Svear had a looser polit- ical structure, built on personal networks and vague ter- ritoriality. Their Slavonic counterparts were also differ- ent. The Danes had, at least from the 8th century onwards, close interaction with tribes in what is today known as Schleswig-Holstein, Mecklenburg-Vorpom- mern, including the Oder estuary. In the Lake Mälaren district, interest was directed to the area around Lake Ladoga and along the Volchov River, leading further inlands to the South and East. Scandinavians clearly had a strong influence on the political development of what became Rus'. An ethnically diverse population of Balts, Finno-Ugrians, Slavs and Scandinavians constituted this political entity. This point of departure, naturally put both regions in dif- ferent geographical contexts, which in turn were instru- mental in defining their respective contacts with Slavonic societies. Another obvious effect of the difference por- trayed above, is that the contacts were constituted by diverse political reasons. To understand Baltic ware as innovation and a manifestation of culture change these contextual facts must be a part of the interpretation. Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 69 69 Arheo 23, 2005, 63–78 sko (vzhodno od morske ožine Øresund), in regiji okoli jezera Mälaren na Švedskem. Èetudi se zdi slog podoben na obeh obmoèjih, pa lahko opazimo izrazite razlike v obliki in vzorcih razširjenosti. Takšne razlike lahko uporabimo pri interpretaciji stopnje interakcije med mestom in podeželjem in razlik glede navzoènosti slovan- sko govoreèih skupnosti. Po zgodovinski plati so razlike med obravnavanima obmoèjema precejšnje. Od 10. stoletja je bila Danska del nemškega, turškega in salijskega interesnega obmoèja in tako so nanjo vplivale kontinentalne politiène ideje in gospodarski razvoj. Dalje proti severu je imelo švedsko ozemlje (Svear) bolj ohlapno politièno strukturo, zgrajeno na osebnih omrežjih in slabo opredeljeni teritorialnosti. Tudi njuni slovanski sodobniki so bili drugaèni. Danci so, vsaj od 8. stoletja dalje, imeli tesne stike s plemeni na obmoèju današnjih nemških zveznih dežel Schleswig- Holstein in Mecklenburg-V orpommern, tudi v ustju Odre. V pokrajini okoli jezera Mälaren pa so se zanimali pred- vsem za obmoèje okoli jezera Ladoga in vzdolž reke Vol- chov, ki je vodila dalje v notranjost na jug in vzhod. Skan- dinavci so oèitno imeli moèan vpliv na obmoèje, ki je postalo Kijevska Rusija. To politièno entiteto je sestav- ljala etnièno raznolika populacija Baltov, Fino-Ugrijcev, Slovanov in Skandinavcev. Takšno izhodišèe je seveda obe obmoèji postavljalo v razlièna geografska konteksta, ki sta na drugi strani pripo- mogla k opredelitvi njunih stikov s slovanskimi družba- mi. Druga oèitna posledica oèrtane razlike je, da so bili ti stiki utemeljeni z razliènimi politiènimi razlogi. Da bi lonèenino baltskega tipa mogli razumeti kot inovacijo in manifestacijo kulturne spremembe, je potrebno v inter- pretacijo vkljuèiti ta kontekstualna dejstva. Preèkanje meje med mestom in podeželjem – razšir- jenost lonèenine in urbano-ruralni vzorci porabe Na prvi pogled se zdi, da je lonèenina baltskega tipa nov slog, ki je prišel na vzhod Danske in v pokrajino okoli je- zera Mälaren. Podatke, ki jih pridobimo s temeljitim pre- gledom vzorca razširjenosti, lahko uporabimo za obliko- vanje družbeno-gospodarskih interpretacij. Èe se ozremo na nasprotje med uporabo lonèenine v urbanih in ruralnih naseljih, je oèitno, da je stopnja integracije v obeh obmoèjih razlièna. Crossing the border between town and countryside – pottery distribution and urban-rural consumption patterns At a superficial glance, Baltic ware can be seen as a new style being distributed to Eastern Denmark and the Mälaren region. The information achieved by scrutinising the distribution pattern can be used in forming socio-eco- nomic interpretations. Looking at the contrast in pottery consumption in urban and rural settlements, integration levels are clearly different in the two regions. Trade is a very strong explanatory mechanism for culture change within medieval archaeology. Throughout the ongoing discussion, a so called "formalist" standpoint is commonly chosen in explaining the forces of economy. The term relates to a modern market economical point of view, presumed to have also permeated pre-industrialised societies. When foreign pottery is found in archaeological contexts, it is often regarded as an "import". By choosing an opposite opinion, I claim that pottery production dur- ing the 10th to the late 12th century in Scandinavia should be considered outside such a system. Instead, it must be seen as part of a local household-level socio-eco- nomic network. This interpretation has implications for further investigations on pottery change and innovation in Scandinavia examined below. In Skåne, an Eastern province in medieval Denmark, it is clear that a very quick change can be seen. The event must have taken place around the year 1000, more wide- ly defined between c. 980 and 1050 AD. In the last two decades of the 10th century, late Slavonic pottery was suddenly produced in large quantities and soon altered the everyday life. Potters ceased to produce their local crude, but functional, cooking vessels before 1050 AD. After this date, the Baltic ware dominated both town and country kitchens until the middle of the 13th century. From a hypothetical innovation area in the south-west- ern part of Skåne, the new style spread quickly and thor- oughly in the 11th century all over the eastern part of the Danish realm. Looking at sets of vessels in villages around the town of Lund, no delay or qualitative differ- ence can be observed. All households, irrespective of location, used the same forms and decorations for their products. They were made with inverted rims on squat bodies, incised with lines mostly covering the upper part of the vessel's shoulders (fig. 2). Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 70 70 Mats Roslund Preseganje meja Trgovina je v srednjeveški arheologiji zelo moèan meha- nizem za pojasnjevanje kulturnih sprememb. V nenehni razpravi o tej tematiki je za razlago gospodarskih sil navadno izbrano t. i. "formalistièno" stališèe. Izraz se nanaša na sodobno gledišèe tržnega gospodarstva, ki naj bi prežemalo tudi predindustrijske družbe. Kadar je v arheoloških kontekstih najdena tuja lonèenina, jo pogosto obravnavamo kot "uvoz". Sam sem nasprotnega mnenja in trdim, da je potrebno lonèarsko produkcijo med 10. in koncem 12. stoletja v Skandinaviji opazovati zunaj takšnega sistema. Razumeti jo je potrebno kot del lokalnega družbenogospodarskega omrežja na ravni gospodinjstev. Ta interpretacija ima implikacije tudi za nadaljnje raziskave sprememb in inovacij v lonèarstvu na obmoèju Skandinavije, ki jih obravnavam v nadaljevanju. V pokrajini Skåne, vzhodni provinci srednjeveške Danske, je brez dvoma moè opaziti zelo hitro spremem- bo. Verjetno se je zgodila okoli leta 1000, širše med letoma ok. 980 in 1050 n. š. V zadnjih dveh desetletjih 10. stoletja so nenadoma prièeli v velikih kolièinah izdelovati pozno slovansko lonèenino in kmalu je spremenila vsak- danje življenje prebivalstva. Lonèarji so prenehali izdelo- vati lokalno, grobo, a funkcionalno, kuhinjsko posodje pred letom 1050 n. š. Potem je lonèenina baltskega tipa prevladala tako v mestnih kot v podeželskih kuhinjah vse do srede 13. stoletja. Iz hipotetiènega obmoèja, ki je dalo inovacijo – jugozahodnega dela pokrajine Skåne – se je novi slog v 11. stoletju hitro in temeljito razširil po celot- nem vzhodnem delu danskega kraljestva. Èe pogledamo sestave posod v vaseh okoli mesta Lund, ne opazimo èasovne zamude ali kakovostnih razlik. Vsa gospodinj- stva, ne glede na lokacijo, so za svoje izdelke uporabljala iste oblike in okrase. Posode so imele uvihano ustje in èokat trup, ki je bil predvsem na zgornjem delu ramena prekrit z vrezanimi linijami (slika 2). V nasprotju s tem pa je v okolici jezera Mälaren oèitna pomembna razlika. V mestu Birka so uporabljali nekaj posod z obmoèja Kijevske Rusije, ki so jih semkaj verjet- no prinesli v obdobju od druge èetrtine 10. stoletja dalje (Callmer 1989, 672). Potrebno pa je poudariti, da je bilo 80 % uporabljanega posodja vendarle domaèega izvora. Ta vzorec se je ponovil v Sigtuni, mestu, ki je bilo ustanovljeno okoli leta 970 ali 980 n. š. Tam najdemo veliko lokalnih posod, majhno število lonèenine baltskega tipa in pešèico poznih slovanskih posod, ki so bile v rabi In contrast, a significant difference is evident around Lake Mälaren. Some vessels from Rus' were used in Birka, probably brought in from the second quarter of the 10th century (Callmer 1989, 672). It must be stressed that 80 % of the pottery consumed nevertheless was of domestic origin. This pattern was repeated in Sigtuna, a town established around 970 or 980 AD. We find an over- whelming quantity of local vessels, a small amount of Baltic ware and few late Slavonic pots in use until the third quarter of the 11th century (fig. 3). From that peri- od to the middle of the 13th century, the Baltic ware was the most common pottery type in Sigtuna. Thus, the situ- ation slowly changed to the benefit of the Baltic ware. In contrast to the Danish situation, rural settlements did not partake in this change of style. Very few Baltic ware ves- Slika 2: Posode baltskega tipa iz mesta Lund v pokrajini Skåne. Oblike, ki so jih v zaèetku 11. stoletja uporabljali na južni obali Baltika, so v zgodnjih letih tega stoletja hitro sprejeli tudi na vzhodu Danske. Merilo 1:3. Fig. 2: Baltic ware vessels from Lund, Skåne. The forms in use during the early 11th century on the southern shore of the Baltic Sea were rapidly accepted in Eastern Denmark in the early years of the century. Scale 1:3. Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 71 71 Arheo 23, 2005, 63–78 do tretje èetrtine 11. stoletja (slika 3). Od tega èasa pa do srede 13. stoletja je bila lonèenina baltskega tipa najbolj vsakdanja vrsta lonèenine v Sigtuni. Položaj se je torej poèasi spremenil v prid lonèenine baltskega tipa. V nasprotju s položajem na Danskem tod ruralna naselja niso bila deležna omenjene slogovne spremembe. Na podeželju so uporabljali le pešèico posod baltskega tipa glede na bogat priliv tega posodja v Sigtuno. Na nekate- sels were used in the countryside in contrast to the rich influx in Sigtuna. At some farms, sherds are found, but never exceeding 1 % of the total amount of pottery, a handful compared to the omnipresent local ware. Only few local hybrids were produced at these places, stress- ing a very conservative consumption pattern. A distribu- tion map presenting the hybrid Baltic ware, indicates an affiliation to the water route leading into Lake Mälaren, a b c d Slika 3: Lonèenina iz Sigtune od konca 10. do srede 13. stoletja. a) Domaèe skandinavske posode, b) Lonèenina baltskega tipa, ki so jo izdelovali skandinavski lonèarji in pri tem uporabljali domaèe oblike, c) Pozna lonèenina slovanskega tipa z obmoèja Kijevske Rusije, odkrita v Sigtuni, d) Lonèenina baltskega tipa, ki so jo v Sigtuni izdelovali bodisi Slovani bodisi Skandinav- ci. Merilo 1:3. Fig. 3: Pottery used in Sigtuna from the late 10th to the middle of the 13th century. a) Domestic Scandinavian vessels, b) Baltic ware made by Scandinavian potters using local forms, c) late Slavonic ware from Rus' found in Sigtuna, d) Baltic ware made in Sigtuna by either Slavs or Scandinavians. Scale 1:3. Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 72 72 Mats Roslund Preseganje meja rih kmetijah je najti posamiène èrepinje, ki pa nikoli niso presegle 1 % celotne kolièine lonèenine, to pa je le prgišèe v primerjavi s povsod prisotno lokalno lonèenino. Tod so izdelovali le nekaj lokalnih hibridov, ki samo še podèrtujejo, kako zelo konservativen je bil vzorec uporabe. Karta razširjenosti, ki prikazuje hibridno lonèenino baltskega tipa, nakazuje afiliacijo na vodno pot, ki je vodila proti jezeru Mälaren ter v Sigtuno in staro Uppsalo. Lonèenina baltskega tipa je tako na tem obmoèju postala in ostala urban pojav (slika 4). Ko uporabljamo lonèenino kot vir za preuèevanje urban- ih in ruralnih povezav na vzhodnem Danskem in v okoli- ci jezera Mälaren, lahko opazimo nekaj izrazitih znaèil- nosti. Èe se ozremo k Lundu in Skåne, položaj lahko pojasnimo kot specializirano in razvito delitev dela tako v samem Lundu kot tudi v ruralnih naseljih. To je bila zago- tovo posledica prihoda slovanskih lonèarjev, ki so preob- likovali staro keramièno monokulturo. Vendar pa ni dvoma, da je bil novi naèin proizvodnje rezultat dela pro- fesionalnih obrtnikov, ki so delali za anonimni trg. Najverjetneje je bila proizvodnja za domaèo rabo še vedno sezonska, omogoèala pa je obenem tudi, da so po- sestva in veèje kmetije presežek zamenjevala za druge dobrine. Vidimo lahko moèno integracijo med mestom in podeželjem, ki jo je povzroèila ekspanzija ruralne proizvodnje, kar je vodilo v ustvarjanje presežkov in razvoj neagrarnih specializiranih dejavnosti. Na doloèen naèin lahko skanijsko ruralno prebivalstvo vidimo kot "urbanizirano" v tem pomenu, da je imelo skupne kul- turne kode z okoljem v Lundu in drugih mestih v provin- ci. Razširjenost posod lahko interpretiramo kot kazalec velike mobilnosti prebivalstva – tako naj bi se zlahka gibalo med obema družbenima okoljema. Pri preseganju meje med mestom in podeželjem so se posamezniki sreèevali s skupnimi kulturnimi potezami. Zapleteni položaj v Sigtuni, kjer je bilo v uporabi veè tipov lonèenine, je v velikem nasprotju z ruralno konser- vativnostjo. Zdi se, da je bila delitev dela na nizki stop- nji, vsaj kar zadeva lonèarsko proizvodnjo, mesti Birka in kasneje Sigtuna pa sta bili središèi, v katerih je vse vrvelo od razliènih obrtnih dejavnosti. Nasprotje med sestavoma lonèenine v Sigtuni in na podeželju težko pojasnimo, èe je bilo ljudem mogoèe presegati družbeno mejo med obema okoljema. Èe ju prevedemo v èloveško delovanje, obe lonèarski tradiciji kažeta izrazito dvojnost. Kar zadeva to Sigtuna and Old Uppsala. The Baltic ware thus became, and remained, an urban phenomenon in the region (fig. 4). When using pottery as a source for studies on urban and rural connections in Eastern Denmark and around Lake Mälaren some distinct features can be observed. Turning to Lund and Skåne we can explain the situation as a spe- cialised and developed division of labour both in Lund itself, but also in the rural settlements. This must have been caused by an influx of Slavonic potters transform- ing the old ceramic monoculture to a new one. It is how- ever not unambiguously so, that the new mode of produc- tion was a result of professional artisans working for an anonymous market. Most likely, the production still was executed seasonally for domestic use, but also making it Slika 4: Razširjenost razliènih tipov lonèenine na podeželju v okolici jezera Mälaren. Sigtuna je oznaèena z veèjo piko. a) Najdišèe lonèenine baltskega tipa, b) lokalne lonèenine skandi- navskega tipa, c) lonèenine baltskega in lokalnega skandi- navskega tipa (po Roslund 2001, 228). Fig. 4: Rural distribution of wares in the Lake Mälaren region. Sigtuna marked by a larger dot. a) Find spot with Baltic ware, b) local Scandinavian ware, c) Baltic and local Scandinavian ware (after Roslund 2001, 228). Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 73 73 Arheo 23, 2005, 63–78 lonèenino, so izdelovalci lokalne skandinavske lonèenine obiskovali obe okolji, le maloštevilni Skandinavci, ki so posnemali slovanski slog, so svoje znanje pokazali tudi zunaj mesta, noben slovanski obiskovalec pa ni zapustil obmoèja, ki je bilo pod jurisdikcijo mesta. Kaže, da so prebivalci Birke in Sigtune bolehali za "kulturnim zaprt- jem" in so višjo stopnjo delitve dela in inovacije zadržali zase. V mnogih pogledih se je med prebivalci mest izob- likoval mestni naèin življenja, v nasprotju z življenjskim slogom ruralnega prebivalstva v pokrajini. Na drugih podroèjih lahko vidimo bogato izmenjavo dobrin, kakor denimo priliv hrane, ki je dopolnila nezadostno urbano subsistenèno proizvodnjo. Od samega zaèetka je bila Sig- tuna razumljena kot naselje, zgrajeno na kulturnih kodih, ki so bili drugaèni od vrednot, znaèilnih za ruralno oko- lje. Najbližje mesto v zelo razpršeni mreži urbanih središè je bilo od njega precej oddaljeno. Nasploh je oèitno, da je mestno življenje ljudem na kmetijah okoli jezera Mälaren kaj malo pomenilo. Prihod tujcev – lonèenina in kulturna identiteta Podatki o urbani in ruralni distribuciji lonèenine baltskega tipa nam omogoèajo poudariti regionalne razlike pri obvladovanju èloveške mobilnosti v srednjem veku. Asimilacijo ali zavraèanje novega stila lahko pojasnimo kot razlièni stopnji integracije. Za družbeni predmet preuèevanja s pomoèjo lonèenine baltskega tipa sicer lahko izberemo tudi kaj drugega, ne le vzorce uporabe in razširjenost populacije. Kot prišlek iz tujine v kuhinjah Sigtune in vzhodne Danske pa je bila ta lonèenina v ospredju kot znak kulturnega prenosa, ki presega meje urbano-ruralnih študij. V vendelskem in vikinškem obdobju je bila lokalna lonèenina v Skandinaviji zelo osnovna. Kuhinjske posode so bile preprosti, toda funkcionalni roèno narejeni izdelki. Niso bile okrašene, kar kaže, da okrasa niso razumeli kot pomembno sredstvo za izražanje skandinavske kulturne identitete. Èe privzamemo analogije iz kasnejših obdobij, je veè kot verjetno, da so te posode na kmetijah izdelovale ženske. Sezonska izdelava lonèenine v sodobnih "tradi- cionalnih" družbah je pogosto potekala v obdobju, ko ženske niso imele veliko opravkov z osnovno proizvod- njo hrane. Ko odkrivamo lonèenino baltskega tipa na vzhodnem Danskem in okolici jezera Mälaren, je oèitno, possible for estates and larger farms to exchange the sur- plus for other commodities. We find strong integration between town and countryside caused by an expansion in rural production, leading to surplus and non-agrarian specialised activities. In some senses, the rural popula- tion of Skå ne can be seen as "urbanised", having com- mon cultural codes with the environment in Lund and other towns in the province. The distribution of pots can be interpreted as indicating high mobility among the population, which moved between the two social scenes with ease. When transcending the border between town and countryside, individuals met common cultural traits. The intricate situation in Sigtuna, where many types of ware were in use, contrasts greatly with rural conser- vatism. The division of labour seems to be on a low scale, at least in pottery production, while the towns Birka and later Sigtuna were centres, bustling with artisan activi- ties. The contrast between the set of pottery in Sigtuna and the countryside is hard to explain if people were able to transcend the social border between the two environ- ments. Transformed into human action, the pottery tradi- tions carry a strong duality. Those who made local Scan- dinavian ware visited both environments, very few Scan- dinavians who copied Slavonic style expressed their knowledge outside the town and no Slavonic visitor went outside urban jurisdiction, as far as pottery is concerned. The inhabitants of Birka and Sigtuna seem to have suf- fered from "cultural constipation", keeping a higher divi- sion of labour and innovation to themselves. In many ways, an urban lifestyle was created among the inhabi- tants, in contrast to that of the rural population in the region. In other fields a rich exchange of goods can be seen, such as the influx of food to the insufficient urban subsistence production. From the beginning, Sigtuna was seen as a settlement built on cultural codes other than rural shared values. The closest town was situated far away in a sparsely spread network of urban centres. Obviously, in general, town-life meant very little to peo- ple on the farms around Lake Mälaren. The coming of strangers – pottery and cultural iden- tity Evidence of the urban and rural distribution of the Baltic ware makes it possible to stress regional differences in Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 74 74 Mats Roslund Preseganje meja da se je zgodila temeljna sprememba v primerjavi s staro tradicijo. V obdobju od leta 900 do leta 1200 n. š. trgo- vina z lonèenino v Skandinaviji ni bila del medregional- nih gospodarskih transakcij. To spremembo moramo zatorej obravnavati kot kulturni prenos nove dobrine za porabo v gospodinjstvu. Spremembo so najverjetneje vpeljali posamezniki nizkega družbenega stanu, dom- nevno sužnji. Kulturni prenos je posledica moène družbene interakcije med posamezniki in skupinami z razliènim naèinom živ- ljenja. Razloge za sprejem ali zavrnitev mentalnih in materialnih znaèilnosti moramo iskati v družbenem delo- vanju. Pri lonèenini baltskega tipa se moramo osredotoèi- ti na medèloveške stike in delovanje v gospodinjstvih. Toda preden pridemo do interpretacije širitve novega sloga, moramo upoštevati razliène razmere. Splošnih razlag, kot je trgovina, ne moremo sprejeti kot pojasnitev inovacije in kulturnega prenosa, èe želimo delovati v okvirih kontekstualne arheologije. Trgovina je lahko le spodbuda, ne pa razlog za sprejetje novosti. Razmere ses- tavljajo številni dogodki, ki so vsi družbeno specifièni v èasu in prostoru. Dave Davis je trdil, da na proces kul- turnega prenosa vpliva veè splošnih dejavnikov (Davis 1983, 60). Izhajajoè s procesnega stališèa in z uporabo modelov iz ekonomske geografije in sociologije se je osredotoèil na materialne kontekste in kontekste uporabe, da bi pojasnil, na kakšen naèin je bila inovacija sprejeta. Te okolišèine so: - objekt ali vrsta entitete, ki je predmet difuzije, - enote, med katerimi difuzija poteka, - medij difuzije, - družbeni kontekst, v katerem difuzija poteka. Davisovo osredotoèanje na družbeno ozadje inovacije v prispevku, ki je nastal sredi osemdesetih let 20. stoletja, je še vedno relevantno tudi za današnjo kontekstualno arhe- ologijo. Marie Luise Stig Sørensen poudarja podobne osnovne razmere in idejo, da mora biti uvoženi predmet kompatibilen z družbo, v kateri se pojavi, tj. del notranje družbene logike in delovanja (Sørensen 1989, 198). Zgolj sama navzoènost ali geografska bližina ne zadostujeta za uspešen prenos novih kulturnih znaèilnosti. Èe preprosti fizièni stiki niso zadostna razlaga, kako torej lahko razumemo družbene procese, ki so bili v ozadju spremembe od lokalne skandinavske do lonèenine coping with human mobility in the Middle Ages. We can explain the assimilation or rejection of the new style as different levels of integration. However, not only con- sumption patterns and population dispersal can be cho- sen as social subjects of study through the Baltic ware. As a foreign newcomer in the kitchens of Sigtuna and Eastern Denmark, it stands out as a sign of cultural trans- mission, transcending the borders of urban-rural studies. Local pottery in Scandinavia was very basic through the Vendel and Viking periods. Cooking pots were simple, but functional, handmade products. No decoration was used, indicating that it was not seen as an important means of expressing Scandinavian cultural identity. If we accept analogies from later periods, it is more than likely that women on the farms were the producers of these pots. Seasonal manufacturing of ceramics is often performed within contemporary "traditional" societies when female tasks are not involved in basic food production. When we find the Baltic ware in Eastern Denmark and around Lake Mälaren, it is obvious that a fundamental change from the old tradition has taken place. In the period from 900 to 1200 AD, the trade of pottery was not a part of interre- gional economical transactions in Scandinavia. We must therefore regard the change as cultural transmission instead of a new commodity for household consumption. Most likely, individuals of low social status, presumably slaves, carried this alteration. Cultural transmission is the effect of strong social inter- action between individuals and groups with different ways of living. Reasons for acceptance or rejection of mental and material traits must be sought in social agency. In the case of the Baltic ware, our focus must be upon human contact and action on a household level. But before arriv- ing to an interpretation for the spread of the new style, several conditions for transmission must be considered. General statements, such as trade, cannot be accepted as explanations for innovation and cultural transmission if we want to work within the field of contextual archaeolo- gy. Trade can only be an incitement, not a reason, for the acceptance of novelties. Conditions lie in many events, all socially specific in time and place. The process of cultur- al transmission has been stated by Dave Davis to be affected by several general factors (Davis 1983, 60). From a processualist standpoint, and drawing models from economic geography and sociology, he focuses on Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 75 75 Arheo 23, 2005, 63–78 baltskega tipa? V tem prispevku ne moremo pretresti vseh razliènih modelov kulturnega prenosa. Enega od pogledov, ki posežejo globlje v èloveško delovanje, je predstavila Polly Wiessner. Poudarja pomen dinamike med posamezniki in skupinami v razmerju do zunanjih spodbud (Wiessner 1989). Po njenem mnenju lahko družbeni proces izrazimo kot družbeno identifikacijo s pomoèjo primerjave. V odnosih znotraj skupine lahko razvoj vidimo v prizadevanju, ustvariti pozitivno samopodobo v oèeh drugih, da bi nas sprejeli. V tem primeru je družbena struktura tista, ki omejuje naèin obnašanja. Toda na proces vpliva tudi nenehno dogovar- janje o statusni, spolni, starostni ali drugih družbenih identitetah znotraj skupine. Tako spoznavni proces vpli- va na posameznika, pri èemer so vrednote vedno znova prevrednotene v odnosu do novih kulturnih vzorcev. Èe naj bo torej tuja lonèarska tradicija sprejeta in posnem- ana, mora obstajati primarno pozitivno vrednotenje izde- lovalca. Druga kljuèna pogoja, ki sta potrebna, da je ino- vacija lahko cenjena, sprejeta in reproducirana, sta èasovna intenziteta in kvaliteta dobrin. V tem primeru je hitrost kulturnega prenosa majhna. Èe so navzoèi lokalni hibridi z referencami na tuje slogovne prvine, lahko predpostavimo, da gre za dolgo, intenzivno in pozitivno razmerje. Èe se skupina tujcev z lastnim slogom lonèe- nine naseli v neki skupnosti, naj bi bil njihov vpliv nenaden in v tem primeru naj ne bi našli soèasnih hibrid- nih artefaktov. V obeh primerih pa sèasoma družbeni sta- tus prišlekov nujno vpliva na zavrnitev ali sprejetje ino- vacije. Prvine kulturne spremembe so torej nenehno pre- verjane, preverjanje pa je posledica dogovarjanja o družbenem statusu znotraj skupin in med njimi, zato je zelo pomembno, da se raziskovalci zavedamo èasovnih in prostorskih kontekstov. Èe se ponovno ozremo k obravnavanima obmoèjema, je razlike v sestavih lonèenine mogoèe gledati tudi kot posledico pristranskosti oziroma predsodkov proti slo- vanskim gostom, ki so bili utemeljeni s politiènim položajem. Verjetna zgodovinska razlaga razvoja v provinci Skåne je ta, da je sporazum med Obodriti in Danci za skupni boj proti poganskim Liutijcem ob koncu 10. stoletja povzroèil priliv nesvobodnih posameznikov na vzhodno Dansko v desetletjih med letoma 980 in 1050 n. š. Uporabili so jih za sužnje v tedanji agrarni ekspanz- iji. V obdobjih nizke aktivnosti ali primarno zato, da bi the material-, and use-contexts of an innovation, in order to explain how it was accepted. The circumstances are: - The object, or kind of entity, that diffuses. - The units between which diffusion occurs. - The media of diffusion. - The social context in which diffusion occurs. Davis' focus on the social background for innovation in his article from the mid 1980's is still relevant for contex- tual archaeology today. Marie Louise Stig Sørensen stresses similar basic conditions, and the notion that an import must be compatible with the society in which it occurs, i. e. a part of internal social logic and action (Sørensen 1989, 198). A mere presence or geographic closeness is not sufficient for the transference of new cul- tural traits to occur. If a mere "rubbing of shoulders" is insufficient as an explanation, how can we understand the social processes at work behind the change from local Scandinavian ware to Baltic ware? It is not possible to discuss several differ- ent models of culture transference in this article. One per- spective that moves deeper into human action is that pre- sented by Polly Wiessner. She stresses the dynamics between individuals and groups as important in relation to external incitements (Wiessner 1989). According to her , the social process can be expressed as social identifica- tion by comparison. In intra-group relations, development can be seen in efforts to create a positive self-image in the eyes of others for acceptance. In this case, it is the social structure that limits the way of conduct. But the process is also influenced by continuous intra-group negotiations on social status, gender, age or other social identities. Thus, a cognitive process influences the individual where values are permanently reassessed in relation to new cultural patterns. Therefore, if a foreign ceramic tradition is to be accepted and copied, a primary positive assessment of the producer must exist. Other vital conditions for an innova- tion to be appreciated, win acceptance and be repro- duced, are intensity in time and quantity of goods. This should lead to a slow pace of cultural transmission. If there are local hybrids with references to foreign stylistic elements, a long, intense and positive relation can be assumed. If a foreign group with its own style of pottery settles in a community, the impact should be observed as sudden and no contemporary hybrid artefacts should be Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 76 76 Mats Roslund Preseganje meja delali kot specialisti, so Slovani izdelovali posode za gospodinjstva in tako naredili veliko posodja v slogu, ki so se ga nauèili v otroštvu. Po koncu prve polovice 11. stoletja je v Skåne prišla le še pešèica ljudi s tem zna- njem. Zato se je ohranila stara slogovna tradicija, v domovinah Slovanov, kjer so lonèarji že zaèeli izdelovati nove oblike, pa ne. Hitra in razširjena sprememba se je zgodila v omejenem èasovnem obdobju in je spremenila kuhinjsko kulturo. Potomci prvih lonèarjev so se obrti nauèili z neartikuliranim znanjem in so oblike spremi- njali le poèasi in na konservativen naèin. Èe se ozremo k modelu P. Wiessner, ki govori o družbeni identifikaciji s pomoèjo primerjave, je jasno, da na vzhodnem Danskem ni bilo dolge, pozitivne interakcije med zahodnoslovan- skimi in skandinavskimi lonèarji. To lahko sklepamo iz dejstva, da tod niso našli hibridnih posod, ne iz èasa pred kulturno spremembo ne iz kasnejšega èasa. Še bolj pre- senetljiva indikacija, da so bili za spremembo odgovorni slovanski lonèarji, pa so posode, najdene v pokrajini Skåne, ki so bile obešene nad ognjišèem in so po svoji funkciji skandinavske, toda izdelane po slovanski modi. Funkcijo je narekovala lokalna potreba, toda slog je bil prinesen z juga. V osrednji Švedski je kulturni vzorec izrazito zazna- movala interakcija s Kijevsko Rusijo. Vsaj od konca 8. stoletja dalje so ljudje potovali med Kijevsko Rusijo in pokrajino Mälaren. Ugotovimo lahko, da se je v Birki priliv iz Kijevske Rusije poveèal v 10. stoletju; to kažejo najzgodnejše posode, izdelane na lonèarskem vretenu v obdobju 930–950 n. š. dalje. Veè je tudi grobih, roèno izdelanih posod tipa Ladoga, ki nakazujejo tesno sobiva- nje razliènih etniènih skupin (Roslund 2001, 203; Bäck, v tisku). To tesno razmerje na veè ravneh lahko vidimo tudi v Sigtuni. Kvalitativna raziskava je prinesla dokaze o zapletenem sestavu slogov lonèenine, ki so bili v rabi. V desetletjih od približno 970–980 pa do srede 13. stoletja so uvožene pozne slovanske posode prišle v mesto skozi pristanišèe. Posode visoke kakovosti, izdelane iz lokalnih glin in izrazito slovanskih oblik, so uporabljali v mestu, Skandinavci pa so izdelovali hibride v slovanskem slogu (slika 3b). To kaže, da so posamezni Slovani živeli zelo blizu Skandinavcev in da so ti želeli posnemati material- no kulturo svojih "gostov". Prevzem slovanskega sloga lahko opazimo že v Birki, saj so bile lokalne posode okrašene z valovnicami. Nekaj desetletij kasneje so bili found. With time, the newcomers' social status will inevitably influence the rejection or acceptance of the innovation in both cases. Elements of culture change are thus under constant revision due to intra- and inter-group negotiations on social status, making it essential for scholars to be aware of the time and space contexts. Turning once more to our regions of study, it is possible to look upon the differences in the sets of pottery as guided by biased opinions towards the Slavonic guests based on the political situation. A plausible historical explanation of the development in Skåne is that the agreement between Abodrits and Danes to fight the pagan Lutizians in the end of the 10th century created a flow of unfree individu- als into Eastern Denmark during the decades from 980 to 1050 AD. They were used as slaves in the agrarian expan- sion of that time. During seasons of low activity, or with a primary aim to be used as specialists, the Slavs made pots for the households, thus producing a large volume of vessels in a style learnt from childhood. After the first half of the 11th century, few persons with this knowledge arrived to Skåne. Therefore, an old style tradition was maintained in contrast to the homelands of the Slavs where new forms were produced by the hands of potters. The quick widespread change took place over a limited time, altering the kitchen culture. Descendants of the first potters were taught the handicraft through tacit knowl- edge, slowly altering the forms in a conservative fashion. Turning to the Wiessner's model of social identification by comparison it is clear that there was no long, positive interaction between West-Slav and Scandinavian potters in Eastern Denmark. This can be deduced from the fact that no hybrid vessels have been found, neither from before the cultural change, nor after it had occurred. An even more striking indication that Slavonic potters were responsible for the change, are the vessels suspended over the hearth found in Skåne, that are functionally Scandina- vian but made in Slavonic fashion. Function was based on a local need, but style was brought in from the South. In central Sweden, intense interaction with Rus' left a dis- tinct mark on the cultural pattern. Since the end of the 8th century at least, people travelled between Rus' and the Mälaren region. In Birka, we can state that the influx from Rus' increased during the 10th century, expressed by the earliest pots made on a turn-table from c. 930–950 AD. Several crude, Ladoga type, handmade pots were also Roslund25.qxp 8.12.2005 17:49 Page 77 77 Arheo 23, 2005, 63–78 vidni rezultati procesa akulturacije v Sigtuni v preprostih oblikah lonèenine baltskega tipa; oblike ustij in trupa so oèitno prevzete iz proporcev lokalnega posodja. Vse to kaže zelo pozitivno in raznoliko družbeno interakcijo, ki je segla vse do temnih kotièkov kuhinj. Tu je resnièno mogoèe slediti predpostavki P. Wiessner o družbeni iden- tifikaciji s pomoèjo primerjave. Sklepni komentar V svoji kritiki hegemonije štirih redov sem poskušal pokazati možne poti, ki jih lahko uberemo, da bi našemu raziskovalnemu obmoèju dodali nova vprašanja. Na kon- ferencah je potrebno družbene teme obravnavati kot na- ravni sestavni del naših študij, namesto da jih uvršèamo v posebne sklope o teoriji in metodi. Najveè je mogoèe narediti v izobraževanju, ko nove generacije arheologov seznanjamo s programom discipline. Èe na konference in v študijske programe zavestno vkljuèujemo družbene teme, ki temeljijo na specifiènih raziskovalnih vprašanjih, in ne le kontekstov, kot so mesta, vasi, gradovi ali cerkve, je mogoèe postaviti pod vprašaj in preseèi splošno spre- jete meje srednjega veka in srednjeveške arheologije. Zahvala Èlanek je nastal s finanèno podporo Centra za evropske študije Univerze v Lundu v okviru projekta "Evropske meje". Prevedla Katarina Predovnik present, indicating a close ethnic co-occupation (Roslund 2001, 203; Bäck, in print). This close relationship on sev- eral levels can also be seen in Sigtuna. A qualitative investigation has provided evidence of an intricate set of pottery styles in use. During the decades from approx. 970–980 to the middle of the 13th century, imported orig- inal late Slavonic vessels came through the harbour area. High quality pots, made of local clays, and with distinct Slavonic forms, were present in the town, and Scandina- vians made hybrids in Slavonic style (fig. 3: b). This indi- cates that individual Slavs lived very close to Scandina- vians, and that the latter group wanted to mimic the mate- rial culture of their "guests". Adoption of the Slavonic style can already be observed in Birka where local vessels were decorated with wavy lines. Some decades later, the results of the acculturation process can be seen in Sigtu- na on simple forms of the Baltic ware with rim-forms and shapes obviously drawn from local vessel proportions. A very positive, and diverse, social interaction is expressed deep into the dark corners of the kitchens. Here it is indeed possible to follow Wiessner's assumption on social identification by comparison. Concluding remarks In my critique against the hegemony of the four estates, I have tried to point out possible steps that can be taken to add new questions to our field of study. At conferences, social themes must be regarded as natural, integral ele- ments to our studies, and not be put into specific theory and method blocks. Greatest impact can be made in edu- cation were new generations of archaeologists are intro- duced to the subject's agenda. If we consciously include social themes based on questions, not only contexts as towns, villages, castles or churches at conferences and in study programmes, it is possible to question and tran- scend the well-accepted borders of the Middle Ages and of medieval archaeology. Acknowledgement I was able to write this article thanks to the funding from the Centre for European Studies at Lund University with- in the project "European borders". 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