Further continuation of theoretical and practical propositions for achieving local and regional identity took place during the 1950s in England. These initiatives were largely assocI­ated with the townscape approach which emphasises the visual perception of the urban environment. 
Very much embedded in the English picturesque landscape school of thought and the work of Cullen (1961) this method assumes that the visual perception of the urban environ­ment, and consequent improvements of it, can be accom­plished in an objective way. These improvements can be achieved through an understanding of the emotional effects created by the juxtaposition of its physical and visual ele­ments. Architectural and urban design' components of the physical form are seen as an art of ensemble. 
Urban design themes that evolved from this approach found a firm application in the development of urban de­sign gUides and urban design briefs in England. The guides were largely used by local planning authorities (Essex Design Guide, 1973) to promote the design of new settlements in the spirit-of the local and regional built form character. 
Noake Bridge, Brentwood and South Woodham Ferres are 
typical examples of efforts made by Essex County Council 
to promote a particular regional character through new de­
signs. Urban design principles ranging from landscape to 
large and small scale built form cues such as layouts, ma­
terials, characteristic grouping of dwellings and building de­.tailing, were derived from the existing Essex settlements. Following the recommendations contained in the 'guide' was a pre-condition for obtaining planning or building permits. 'New' Essex' identity is today widely appreciated by its many residents who see it as a positive departure from I the earlier built 'anywhere' type speculative housing developments or shopping precinc~s. 
Equally important has been the use of urban design briefs which contain urban design guidelines for specific sites. Some of the best examples of the British briefing practice designed specifically to promote a particular local character have been used in the designs of Broadgate Arena and Richmond Riverside developments in London. In these ex­amples contextual reference is made to the ex~sting mor­phological and typological patterns in order to create new places that would reflect the identity of that locality. Broadgate Arena, designed by Peter Foggo and Arup Associates "echoes great Georgian Squares, in this case the nearby Finsbury Circus" (Butina Watson, t 993, p.67) whilst Quinlan Terry's Riverside Development fits well into the overall Georgian morphological tissue of the area. 
Some recent attempts have extended the practice of guid~ . ance and briefing into the sphere of local plans. The identi­fication of 'design areas' as proposed by Hall (1996) or methods advocated by Evans (1996) make a significant contribution to the planning and design of local urban areas and small new settlements. EVans discusses a range of ur­ban design qualities which are important in the achievement of local distinctiveness and sustainable settlements. He also proposes instruments and methods for achieving these qualities. Specific design guidelines, developed by Evans, are tested and incorporated into the Purbeck District Plan which will direct future planning and design of both the ex­isting and new small settlements in Dorset. 
No. 32, 3311997 
Similar attempts to reinforce and achieve local identity of places are also being made in other developed and devel­oping countries. Aldo Rossi's Centra Direzionale in Perugia, Jimmy Urn's houses in Malaysia or Boston's redevelopment strategy for its downtown artery are only a few examples that illustrate well the current directions being explored by designers and other professional and user groups. What seems impqrtant now is to develop conceptual frameworks for both articulating what local identity means In specific cul­tural contexts and to develop tools for the potential ex­change of ideas and practices employed. Especially impor­tant in this debate and exchange of ideas are the views of the local users as they are the critical groups that decode messages put forward by designers and other producers of the built environment. 
Prof. Dr. Georgia Butina Watson, co-chairperson, Joint Centre for Urban Design, Oxford Brookes University, United Kingdom 
Figure 1: Finchingfield vii/age in Essex Figures 2, 3: Noake Bridge in Essex Figures 4, 5: South Woodham Ferres in Essex Figure 6; A typical 1960s speculative development in Essex 
For sources and literature see page 8 
Roberto RDCCD 
Urban Policies and Citizenship 
Some Mechanisms for the Production of Urban Space in the City of Sao Paulo 
1. Introduction 
Modern Brazil, was the result of a commercial venture. The territory of what is today the Federative Republic of Brazil, was "discovered" in the year 1500 by the Portuguese cap­tain Pedro Alvares Cabral, who was, of course, searching for a passage to India and its immense riches of spices, precious stones and metals. Victim of a virulent exploitative colonial system, the country saw its original inhabitants eliminated by massacre and disease, and large populations transplanted from Africa to the new plantations of sugar cane and later to the gold mines. As many Portuguese sought prosperity in Brazilian lands, it became evident to the metropolis that the colony was no more than an easy opportunity for profit, and thus did not allow .the building of a domestic economy. This is the historical frame in which the Brazilian identity was formed. 
Slovenia on the other hand emerged as a modern nation with an established cultural identity, which we could largely Identify by certain aspects of common heritage, such as lan­guage and religion. 
No. 32, 3311997 

2. Recent Historical Background 

It was not until the independence of the country and the abolishment of slavery that massive currents of Europeans, Japanese and Syria-Lebanese emigrants found their way to the southern part of the country, working first in agriculture and then migrating to the urban centres, where they soon constituted a solid middle and upper class. However, the pre­rogatives of power remained with the ancient Portuguese aristocracy, whose source of economic success and power in the country was always based on the external market. The aristocracy remained tied to its bonds of external capital, thus finding its specific place. in the international division of labour as supplier of coffee. The "coffee elite's" 01 Sao Paulo and Belo Horizonte (Belo Horizonte is the capital of the state· of Minas Ge rais, in southern central Brazil; today it has a population of around 5 million inhabitants) found some kind of pre-eminence in such a balance of power, 
However, Europeans brought with them revo lutionary ideas, culture and initiative, and soon the signs of industrialisation begun to be felt. Meanwhile, the ancient bonds that united international capital to the national elite suffered a great coup, when in 1929, the New York stock exchange market crashed, taking with it the fortunes and the lives of many. In order to keep the price of coffee in the international market high, thousands of tons of coffee were burnt or used as fu­el for locomotives. The coffee elite took to industry as an al­ternative for investment. 
This coincided with the emergence of a new cultural elite, largely composed of Italians and Jewish immigrants, as well as members of the ancient elite who had been educated in Europe. Industry and modernism solidified together. 
Meanwhile, in the Northern part of the coul)try, the ancient sugar aristocracy conducted their business in the usual way. Although slavery had been abolished, the conditions of rur­al workers had not improved at all. The region of the Nordeste remained a colonial enclave. As opposed to the events in USA, where the industrial North won in the civil war against the agrarian South, thus imposing its hegemo­ny, industrial Brazil would never take c?mplete leadership in the country's political network and would be forced into al­liances and concessions to the agrarian North. Eventually this led to a "dual" situation in civil society. 
The Second World War gave a new impulse to industry, as well as to agriculture. The gap left by England, yet to be filled by the USA, gave space to Brazilian industrialists to affirm their position · in the internal market. However, capital remained tied to international interests and it was not until 1960, with the installation of the first entirely Brazilian car plant (a Volkswagen plant which produced "Seatles"), that the industrial revolution really reached this part of the World, 
From the 50s to the late 70s, mass migration took place from the Nordeste region to the more industrialised ·regions of Sao Paulo and Rio" de Janeiro. Millions of peasants left their land, bought by rich landowners at very low prices, who thus increased their power and wealth, Social issues were being discussed by a certain part of the elite, but when socialist vice president Joao Goulart took power in 1963, the ancient "owners of power", as described by Brazilian intellectual Mado de Andrade, frowned. At the peak of the Cold War, United States had already occupied a place of hegemony in the Americas, with the exception of Cuba. Any talk of socialism in the Continent would be re­garded as a threat to the very own existence of tile United States. Since the ancient elite's of Brazil feared loosing their "divine" control over the destiny of the country, a military coup was organised with the assistance of American spe­cialists and supported by large sectors of the Army, for whom Socialism was somehow "anti-Christian" and "danger­ous to the Brazilian family and Brazilian values". The mid­dle-classes, overwhelmed by the perspective at" a socialist government in Brazil and guided by American propaganda, supported the coup and gave it legitimacy. They soon dis­covered their error when their sons started disappearing in the dark basements of the dictatorship. 
The chasm between the ruling ·classes in Brazil and the "people" (a term used to disqualify citizens of the lower classes) got larger and larger, and no social policy was ever implemented. Brazilian capitalists were even more tied to International Capital after massive investment to the country and International indebtedness increased spectacularly, in the 80s becoming the highest in the world. The petroleum crisis of 1973 only reinforced the dependence of Brazilian capital. Meanwhile, the city of Sao Paulo, the epicentre of industry in the country, rece ived millions of destitute migrants from the Nordeste, impoverished by successive droughts. 
The city jumped from 1 million inhabitants in the 30s to 16 million at the end of the 20th century. Large numbers have never found their place· in the industrial revolution experi­mented by the country in the 60s and 70s. They constitute a non-class of disinherited people. The elite's have never made any attempt to include these populations in the con­cept of true citizenship, as it became clear, specially after redemocratization in the late 80s. Uneducated and deprived people were easier to control in a so called "democracy". Therefore, the country exists on a dual" basis: a part of its population enjoys a high standard of living while a larger part dwells in complete poverty, comparable ·only to the poorest countries in the world, 
These are the circumstances from which the scenario for the Production of Urban Space in the City of Sao Paulo was developed: complete separation of classes and therefore completely different projects of nationality and citizenship. 


3. A Master Plan for the Megalopolis 

3.1 A new (unsuccessful) approach to urban planning 
The city of Sao Paulo has had several proposals for new Master plans since 1971, when the last one was voted on. None of them has been approved, mainly for political rea­sons. In 1990, the socialist administration of Luiza Erundina ("PT", Workers Party) proposed a new Master plan, which has been discussed with passion since then. Some of the proposed mechanisms were actually adopted later on by following administrations. 
The most important contribution of the latest Plan were pro­posals for more democratic relations between the civil soci­ety and government. The idea was to emphasize the emi­nently political character of any Master Plan proposed by any administration, thus rejecting any technocratic concep­tions that could have prevailed. 

One of the concepts was that the Master Plan should be understood as a plan intended to guide the global process of physical development of the city according to certain so­cial, economical and political aims previously chosen. Such a conception represented a great step in the direction of an ensemble of laws and rules less committed to technical is­sues (often used as an ideological instrument). The new concept would help create a dynamism of popular participa­tion in the production of urban space and allow continuous changes in the perspectives of the plan itself, at the same time admitting the complexities of the processes of the pro­dUction of urban space and the appropriation and use of such space. "This would be achieved through various In­stances of popular participation and consultation. 
The Master Plan would create the grounds for "transforma­tion from the dynamism of urban space", both in the socio­economical and physical-territorial fields. These transforma­tions would be taken as objectives in order to alter the his­torical tendencies of worsening of life conditions in the me­tropolis. Such an "historical tendency" is the progressive marginalisation of the populations with low income in rela­tion to the benefits of urban life considered to be "univer­sal", such as housing, public transportation and public ser­vices. Worsening of life conditions in the city is also related to the increasing costs of urbanisation, which make the city more and more expensive for all society and thus make it impossible for the government to operate on an acceptable level, causing degradation of services, public spaces, natur­al environment and the destruction of natural and cultural heritage. 
Another objective was to "condition" the private sector (landQwners and investors) to take responsibilities for the externalities of their actions, which are actually funded by the whole society, e.g. big developments, which need public investment in infra-structure. At the same time, it would di­rect the distribution of land-use in the ensemble of the ur­ban territory, aiming at the optimisation of existing infra­structure, redirecting the proce.sses of urbanisation and reurbanisation, whose uncontrolled tendencies of occupa­tion, density, and land value generate undesired effects for the city as a whole. 
This would be done by encouraging private investors to lo­cate housing developments and some commercial and ser­vice activities in areas where the infra-structure of roads, electric power, sewage, etc., is currently under used, at the same time preventing the increase of density in regions where infra-structure is insufficient or already at full use. This would be organised "by defining the current "stock" of buildable area in each part of the city, according to the in­stalled infra-structure, as well as to others factors such as history, environment, preservation of landscape, etc. Apart from permitting a better usage of currently installed infra­structure, new developments would only be allowed in ar­eas where more infra-structure was to be built with the par­ticipation of private investors. Speculation over property WOUld, therefore, be directly connected to the capacity of in­vestment of the Municipality and to the infra-structure al­ready installed, and not exactly the contrary, as is the case nowadays. 
The city would also be able to influence investors to direct investment in some strategic areas, by means of the Urban Operation, which is going to be discussed later. 
No. 32, 33/1997 

The actual decrease of urban space prices resulting from this strategy would result in a tender for new housing devel­opments and buildings in general. Such a decrease in prices would also coincide with the proposed increasing of the Urban Zone of the Municipality, cutting into rural land, which would increase the offer of land for development. Moreover, speculation would be inhibited by introducing a new form of taxing: The Progressive Urban Territorial Tax. 
Finally. a Fund for Urbanisation was proposed. This Fund would ba financed by a new form of taxation: The Created Soil. 
Urban Planner Carlos Ll.Jiz Costa, one of those who helped elaborate the Plan, defin es what he calls a ucovenant" be­tween the various social classes and the social agents in­volved in the construction of the city. Such a covenant would be based on "conditions of objectivity and trust acceptable by all social forces". In order to fulfill such conditions of ob­jectivity, the Master plan would have to be explicitly polaris~d by precise objectives of a deep and evident significance to society as a whole and specifically for the "popular" classes fighting for better life conditions. Such objectives are ex­tremely difficult to define in the Brazilian society, where there is no common denominator between the various social stra­ta. The absence of such a "common social project" resu lted, finally, in the rejection of the Plan by the powerlul economi­cal forces who dwell in the city, such as entrepreneurs, real estate societies, construction companies, landowners, etc ... 
In short, this "covenant" was made impossible by the elite's, who, in the propositions of the Plan, couldn't see any real opportunity for gain. Moreover, the redistribution of wealth, caused by such a plan, would represent a menace to the hegemony of certain political and economic groups. 

3.2 Some of the mechanisms 
The "Created Soil" 
Created Soil constituted the most polemic mechanism pro­posed by the Master Plan. It implied the general reduction of the coefficient for building in the city, which generally repre­sented from 2 to 4 times the total araa of the plot. The new proposed coefficient would be 1 time the total area of the plot for new edification's. Every investor wishing to build 
more, would have to buy this right from the Municipality, which would be the one and only propri~tor of all aerial space in the metropolis. This strategy would coincide with the previous strategies already described here, that is to say, the Municipality would be able to control speculation and oc­cupation of saturated areas by tightly controlling the density in the areas where infra-structure was considered inade­quate or inefficient. Each district of the city would have a "stock of created soil", which would set the limit for new Investments. Beyond that limit, investors would be asked to contribute to const ruction of n9YJ infra-structure if they want­ed to invest in a saturated area. Some areas, considered to be over-saturated, would simply have no new developments, until conditions changed. The periodical revision of such con­ditions would be carried out by a Paritary CommiHee, with members from the Public and Private sectors (investors, landowners. citizens, architects, urban planners, commercial associations, etc.). This committee would also be in charge of the definition of the so called "stock of created soil". 
No. 32, 3311997 
The Progressive Urban Territorial Tax 

This mechanism, already in use in many cities all over the world, would allow the municipality the taxation of vacant plots, which are not being developed for speculative and other reasons. The taxation would be progressive according to the size of the plot, the existing infra-structure, but also progressive in time, discouraging speculation in areas well served by public infra-structure. 
The polemics generated around the Progressive Tax had their origin in the misunderstanding and maldefinition of cer­tain aspects of the Tax in relation to the Brazilian Constitution, which defines the "Social Use of Urban Soil" (it applies to the notion of productivity through use and doesn't infer the benefits of production of wealth to the so­ciety as a whole, i.e. an exclusive lUxury con80minium also has aspects of "social usen). Investors and Companies feared over taxation of plots and big landowners and com­panies violently rejected the new tax, fearing big losses in the real estate market. In fact, the strategy of such landown­
. ers and companies included heavy speculation with large plots in well served areas. Their activities somewhat explain the dynamics of occupation of soil in the metropolis of Sao Paulo, i.e. under the pretence of clearing illegal develop­ments (slums) in distant areas, public investment is "attract­ed" to areas situated farther and farther away, which are then developed mainly for upper and middle class residents. This causes a continuous expansion of the urbanised area making infra-structure more and more expensive. 
The "Urban Operation" 
This was to be one of the main tools of government for di­recting investment into some "key" points of the city. In such operations, the usual building coefficient would be temporar­ily annulled in a specific area and investors would be able to build big developments, as far as they paid for the right of building vertically and financed the new infra-structure re­quired. The urban operation would generally be connected to the construction of a new avenue or the occupation of in­dustrial or public plots, which are generally very vast in a city in the process of de-industrialisation. Such urban oper­ations could also be suggested by private persons such as developers and urban planners, or even district associa­tions. Such projects would then be analysed and tested in public hearings. 
The idea was that the local government would get back the money invested in the construction of the avenue or in the required infra-structure. The amount of new developments would be controlled by the "Paritary Committee", so that they wouldn't affect adversely the quality of life, environment and landscape undergoing change. 
Since it would be impossible to conduct such an operation in a short periOd of time, the Municipality would issue bonds which would allow the construction of a set quantity of space at any time in the area of the urban operation. These bonds would be negotiated in the Stock Market, therefore allowing the general public to invest. The transaction of such bonds would be a source of revenue for the Municipal Administration and by good management of an urban oper­ation the Municipality could in a re latively short period re­pay the initial investment. 



3.3 Two Experiences 
Two Urban Operations were actually conducted in the last years by right wing administrations: Aguas Espraiadas and Avenida Faria lima. The former was an operation proposed by investors in order to remove a large slum on the banks of a small river, therefore liberating the area for large com­mercial developments. The area around it was already con­sidered to be the new pole of attraction for ultra modern of­fices and multinational companies headquarters. A new av­enue was build over the ,small water course, which was run through a pipe. Investors -offered to build houses in faraway periphery for some of the 50.000 people removed. Since the slum occupied a public area, there were no legal constraints for their removal, and "of course" all the former dwellers of the slum would gel better houses, although faraway. 
A research conducted by architect and planner Mariana Fix showed that reality was not so rosy. Some dwellers were able to engage lawyers, who, supported by the Brazilian constitu­tion, achieved large indemnities for their clients. At the same time, other dwellers were completely helpless and were forced to move to the periphery up to 50km from their previous homes, which in certain cases caused a complete brake of family and work ties. Public transportation being quite expen­sive in Sao Paulo, living near one's workplace constitutes a matter of great importance. It was proved that many families were not given any houses at all, and were simply forced to move to other slums in less privileged areas in the outskirts of the city. Many were removed by the Municipality itself to a supposedly ecologically protected area, where the city water reservoirs are. The area is subject to frequent floods. 
Nevertheless Aguas Espraidas was considered to be a suc­cess. Middle class dwellers of the area were extremely thank­ful and their opinions were shown on interviews on TV and in the main newspapers. Only some voices of the removed peo­ple were heard, but not enough to change public opinion. Large buildings were erected in the area called "The Post­Modem City", housing banks and international companies. 
The Avenida Faria Lima was proposed by architect Julio Neves, the "official" architect of the Sao Paulo right wing ad­ministration. It consisted of extending a very prestigious ex­isting avenue into a residential areas and connecting it with other commercial avenues to the South and to the North, creating a super avenue called the "South Boulevard'. This time the dwellers affected by the project were middle class and were able to establish an important movement for the defense of their neighbourhoods. Their activity was given media coverage where they questioned the necessity of the project. In fact, the Avenida Faria Lima was not a major traf­fic corridor, but building companies were eager to create new opportunities for investment in a prestigious area. 
The local government started a large programme for con­vincing the population of Sao Paulo that the city needed its own "5th Avenue" and that the construction of new avenues was absolutely necessary for the functioning of a city plagued by constant traffic jams, although its own invest­ments in public transportation are considered to be irrele­vant. The economically driven groups also involved the me­dia, where they stigmatised their opponents as romantic and backward people who wanted to deter "progress". Meanwhile, the organised civil movements engaged urban planners to present alternative proposals to Julio Neves' project. These had their counterpart in "public caravans" or­ganised by the local government, who would transport peo­ple from distant peripheries in order to demonstrate their ~upport for an avenue which their would probably never use, In exchange for snacks, T-shirts and colourful caps. 


The resistance of the civil movement began to fail when some of its members were offered large sums of money for plots which would actually not even be used in the avenue, but would remain on its borders. Again, those who could bargain did so. Others, such as elderly people and single mothers, had to accept minimal prices from the Municipality for the purchase of their plots, and were not able to find similar houses in the vicinity. EVen then, from the total a~?unt of USD 120 million spent in the project, only ten million were actually spent on the building of the avenue it­self, the rest being used in the various indemnities required. Those who had plots near the future avenue, and who at the beginning had fought against it, found themselves being offered enormous quantities of money by private investors, in some cases millions of dollars. . 
Again, the Avenida Faria Lima was considered to be a suc­cess, even though a small amount of bonds had been actu­ally sold. Mr. Julio Naves, apart from being commissioned by the Municipality to complete the whole project of the avenue, also did some very important buildings that now stand on it. 

4. 	Conclusion 
There is no such a thing as a perfect mechanism for the development of Capitalist cities. Simply because mecha­nisms are not "good" or "bad" in themselves. Such mecha­nisms depend on a number of other factors, such as a dili­gent administration, a strong civil society, and above all, a common social project, which would allow society to sort its priorities and to protect the weak. 
We can say, notwithstanding, that some mechanisms can be very "bad" if they are used ideo·logically, hiding the true mo­tives of an administration or of the dominant classes behind it. It is very difficult to talk against ''progress'', because those groups that strive for domination, use the tenn to disqualify those who oppose their projects. In fact, what these hege­monical forces call "progress" is generally merely ano.ther opportunity for investment and the multiplication of capital and will not necessarily represent an imprqvement in the quality of life of the majority. In some cases, the contrary is true, "Progress", as it is understood by some, causes ir­reparable losses for society as a whole, but even greater losses for those who are not able to defend themselves. 
Creating new opportunities of investment is therefore not necessarily the main role of a public administration, if it is not able to conduct the process properly, and to redirect pri~ vate gain into public benefit. 
Roberto Rocco, Architect and Urban Planner, University of Sao Paulo, Brazil. 
Figure 1: Avenida Paulista -business and commercial area Figure 2: A recent housing developement Figure 3: Structuring of urban space 
For references see page 15 
No. 32, 3311997 

Natasa PICHLER MILANOVIC 
Vladimir STEFANOVIC 




The Image of Ljubljana: Problems, Needs and Questions on Development 
1. Introduction 
Ljubljana, the capital city of a new country and a typical midsize Central European town is interesting for scientific and professional comparisons. For the city itself, relevant comparative research are beneficial, when they enable a re­liable choice between development strategies, which are based on a real estimate of possibilities and maintaining comparative advantages of the city in the family of European cities, The process of European political and eco­nomic integration and the parallel process of strengthening regional differentiation also raise the issues of position, role and competitiveness between urban centres, the bearers of economic development and social transformation. 
In the last years, emphasis has been given to cities, the dominant economic factor in ,he developed World. Namely, 80 % of all goods and services, in the European Union and North America, are produced in urban economies, Le. cities and their pertaining areas or suburban regions. With the abolishment of trade barriers urban regions of the devel­oped World have become true arena's of global economic competitiveness. 
In all cities, especially in the most developed areas of the World, we can see, that they are the place of numerous and profound economic, sociaf, sometimes even ethnic-racial dif­ferentiation, that hinder effective competition, thus hindering development on the national leveL Today, problems of un­employment, pollution, uncontrolled immigration, even age­ing of the population, coupled with obsolete economic and communal-technical infrastructure, weakening of social pro­grammes, meaning less training for modern production needs and social activities, are in the forefront. Many of these problems connect and manifest themselves as syner­getic effects, e.g. ageing and immigration, education and unemployment, etc. 
Slovenian cities, especially the larger ones, operating under transition conditions, present concentrated problems in ar­eas such as: reform of government and local self-govern­ment, privatisation, development of partnerships between the public and private sector, promotion of new housing poli­cies in construction, renewal, maintenance etc. 

2. 	The Background of the Project (European Urban Observatory) 
The European Urban Observatory (in continuation EUO) was established in 1992 in the framework of the DG XVI RECITE programme of the European Union. The goals of the project were: -establishing an Integrated tele-communicational network 
and a decision support system to encourage strategic 
management of European cities,