V . HERMAN KAURI Ć: How to Feed a City during the First World War – The Case of Zagreb 392  
HERMAN KAURI Ć Vijoleta, PhD, research 
associate, Croatian Institute of History, HR-
10000 Zagreb, Opati čka 10, vherman@isp.hr
How to Feed a City during the First World 
War – The Case of Zagreb
Zgodovinski časopis (Historical Review), 
Ljubljana 72/2018 (158), No. 3-4, pp. 392–411, 
84 notes
Language En. (Sn., En., Sn.)
This paper shows the importance of the work 
of individual charities in feeding the women 
and children of soldiers mobilized during the 
First World War, and the poorest ones among 
them in particular. Although the associations 
worked with the permission of the Royal Land 
Government and in cooperation with the City 
Government, the burden of catering to an ever-
-increasing number of users for the most part 
rested on a small number of individuals in 
a few associations during the fi rst two years 
of the war. This was later reduced to a single 
charity and one man – Šandor A. Alexander 
and “Nourishment”.
Key words: First World War, Zagreb, nutrition, 
charities, Šandor A. Alexander
HERMAN KAURI Ć Vijoleta, dr., znanstvena 
sodelavka, Hrvaški zgodovinski inštitut, HR-
10000 Zagreb, Opati čka 10, vherman@isp.hr
Kako prehraniti mesto med prvo svetovno 
vojno – primer Zagreba
Zgodovinski časopis, Ljubljana 72/2018 (158), 
št. 3-4, str. 392–411, cit. 84 
1.01 izvirni znanstveni članek: jezik En. (Sn., 
En., Sn.)
Prispevek prikazuje, kako pomembno je delo 
posameznih dobrodelnih organizacij pri prehrani 
žena in otrok mobiliziranih vojakov med prvo 
svetovno vojno, še posebej tistih najrevnejših. 
Čeprav so zveze delovale z dovoljenjem deželne 
vlade in v sodelovanju z mestnim glavarstvom, 
je v prvih dveh letih vojne breme skrbi za na-
raščajo če število uporabnikov v najve čji meri 
slonelo na peš čici posameznikov in združenj. 
Kasneje je pristalo na ple čih enega samega 
moža ter dobrodelne organizacije – Šandor A. 
Alexander in Prehrana.
Klju čne besede: prva svetovna vojna, Zagreb, 
prehrana, dobrodelne organizacije, Šandor A. 
Alexander.
Vijoleta Herman Kauri ć
How to Feed a City during the First 
World War – The Case of Zagreb

On the eve of the First World War,
1
 Zagreb had all the characteristics of a 
modern capital of one of the countries within the frame of the Austro-Hungarian 
Monarchy, including those of a local administrative, political, traffi c, economic, 
and cultural hub.
2
 The people of Zagreb particularly liked being compared to Vi-
enna, which served as their model in all respects,
3
 and somewhat less to Budapest, 
though today it’s diffi cult to compare such a small city with these two metropolises.
According to the 1910 census, Zagreb was inhabited by 79,038 people, and 
its area was divided into six cadastral municipalities. Six of the neighbouring vil-
lages also belonged to the city’s administrative area, but only 6.85% of the city’s 
population was involved in agriculture. Precisely 33.88% of the inhabitants were 
involved in crafts and industry, while 10.89% worked in trade and banking. The 
large number of people employed in public services (14.02%) and traffi c (8.35%) 
are a refl ection of Zagreb’s role as the traffi c hub of the state.
4
 According to the 
next census from 1921, Zagreb had 108,674 citizens, i. e. 37.07% more than in 
1910. In addition, the City Government estimated in 1914 that there were around 
86,000 people living in the city. It is also known that the city’s population grew 
“signifi cantly” due to an infl ux of refugees from the occupied areas, but there are 
no records on their exact number.
5
 Some sources mention another population census 
from 1918, but the exact nature of this census remains unclear. According to it, the 
city was inhabited by 87,000 people, not including soldiers.
6
 In any case, further 
research is needed to determine how many people were living in Zagreb during 
each year of the war, as permanent or temporary residents.
Three days after partial mobilization was declared, a call was issued to “patriotic 
fellow citizens”, asking them to help provide for the families of mobilized soldiers 
who were left in poverty and distress after their “breadwinner” had left to serve in 
1
 This paper was created on the basis of a presentation held at the conference The Great 
War: Regional Approaches and Global Contexts. International Conference on the Occasion of 
the First Centennial of the Beginning of World War One, Sarajevo 18 – 21 June 2014.
2
 Grijak and Goldstein, „Na vratima 20. stolje ća“, 1: 352-407.; Kampuš and Karaman, 
Tisu ćljetni Zagreb, pp. 187-254; Bi ćani ć, „Zagreb kao multifunkcionalni grad“, pp. 313-328; 
Kraus, Dva stolje ća povijesti i kulture Židova, pp. 12-268; Kolar, Radni slojevi Zagreba, p. 12; 
Banik-Schweitzer, „Der Prozess der Urbanisierung“, p. 188, pp. 208-211.
3 Strecha, „O pitanju utjecaja be čkog središta“, pp. 79-88.
4
 Vranješ-Šoljan, Stanovništvo gradova, pp. 147-148; Kolar-Dimitrijevi ć, „Struktura 
privredno“, p. 142. 
5
 Zagreb godine 1913-1918, p. 116, p. 154, p. 158.
6
 Jurić, „Zagreb u Prvome svjetskom ratu“, p. 138.
Zgodovinski časopis | 72 | 2018 | 3-4 | (158) | 392–411 393

V . HERMAN KAURI Ć: How to Feed a City during the First World War – The Case of Zagreb 394  
the Army. By 1 August, 43,686 crowns had been gathered by the editorial board 
of Narodne Novine (Offi cial Gazette), intended for the Royal Land Government 
in Zagreb, at that moment the only body responsible for making priority lists after 
local districts (oblasts) assessed the fi nancial status of the person requesting assis-
tance.
7
 They quickly saw how slow such a system was, so that a provision on the 
“immediate” forming of local and county committees for providing for the families 
of mobilized soldiers was issued on 31 July. The “Central Land Committee for the 
Protection of Families of Mobilized Soldiers and War Dead from the Kingdoms 
of Croatia and Slavonia” was formed on 1 September 1914 by the permission of 
ban Ivan Baron Skerlecz.
8
 It was subordinate to the Wartime Assistance Offi ces 
in Vienna and Budapest.
9
On 31 July 1914, ban Skerlecz gave an order for a list of the families of mo-
bilized soldiers to be made, with the goal of determining the number of families 
and the support which they were to receive. Since no instructions were given on 
how to implement the order, on 3 August the city authorities forwarded a notice to 
the families of mobilized soldiers, requiring them to report within 15 days. During 
the mobilization, the city administration was left without a suffi cient number of 
offi cials for performing such a complex procedure in a relatively short time, and 
so it called upon the assistance of primary school teachers.
10
On the same day the order to make the list was issued, the “Children’s Pro-
tection League” society, whose purpose was caring for neglected and “needy” 
children from the age of six up to working age, received approval to continue its 
work. The League was supposed to achieve its goals through fi eld work done by 
its commissioners and other legal methods, among which the support of extant and 
founding of new children’s shelters are mentioned.
11
 The war-related purpose of 
7
 „Njegovo c. i kr. apoštolsko Veli čanstvo…“, Narodne novine (further: NN), vol. 80, 
no. 169, special edition 26 July 1914; „Našim patrioti čnim sugradjanima!“, NN 80, no. 175, 29 
July 1914; „Za obitelji naših vojnika.“, NN 80, no. 176, 30 July 1914; „Darovi za obitelji naših 
vojnika.“, Jutarnji list (further: JL), vol. 3, no. 733, 31 July 1914; „Za obitelji naših vojnika.“, 
NN 80, no. 178, 1 August 1914; „Za svojtu mobilizovanih pri čuvnika i za ‘Crveni križ‘.“, JL 3, 
no. 738, 4 August 1914.
8
 Ivan Baron Skerlecz de Lomnicza (1873–1951), lawyer. He graduated Law at Pécs 
and Budapest, after which he worked as a judicial trainee in the Presidency of the Hungarian 
Government. In 1911 he became a ministerial adviser, and in 1913 the acting Commissioner for 
Croatia and Slavonia. Once the situation became stable again and the commissariat was abolished, 
he served as the Croatian ban until his resignation in 1917 (Vuji ć, HL, 2: 528).
9
 Hrvatski državni arhiv (further: HDA), Predsjedništvo Zemaljske vlade (further: PrZV), 
vol. 6-22, box no. 5.429 Pr./1914.; HDA, PrZV, vol. 6-22, box no. 5.927 Pr./1914.; „Ratni pri-
pomo ćni ured.“, NN 80, no. 180, 14 August 1914; „Ratni pripomo ćni ured.“, JL 3, no. 749, 15 
August 1914; „Poziv.“, NN 80, no. 192, 19 August 1914; „Ratni pripomo ćni ured.“, JL 3, no. 
755, 20 August 1914; „Svim velikim županima.“, NN 80, no. 192, 19 August 1914; „Županije 
za obitelji vojnika.“, JL 3, no. 755, 20 August 1914; „Za obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika.“, NN 
80, no. 206, 2 September 1914.
10
 Zagreb 1913-1918, pp. 72-73.
11
 HDA, Unutrašnji odjel Zemaljske vlade Serija pravila (further: UOZV SP), box no. 
2.091/1912., Pravila društva „Liga za zaštitu djece“ u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji.

Zgodovinski časopis | 72 | 2018 | 3-4 | (158) 395
the League’s work is obvious from a recommendation written by Janko Holjac,
12
 
which mentions that the society and City Government would provide care for the 
children of soldiers by securing shelter for them and assessing the fi nancial and 
other status of each family in order to make sure the neediest get the most support.
13
 
Although the society is called the “League for the Protection of Children and the 
Families of Mobilized Soldiers” in source material, the regulations of the League 
from 1916 call the society by its old name, and the regulations themselves remain 
almost unchanged. The most notable changes were that care “for the families of 
soldiers fallen in combat” is mentioned among the goals of the society, and that 
the minimum age for the children it cared for was abolished.
14
The “Humaneness Society”, whose purpose was to provide fi nancial or other 
forms of aid to impoverished citizens, especially widows and orphans, received 
permission to continue its work in early August.
15
 From 1875, a soup kitchen oper-
ated within the frame of that society, offering good meals for cheap, and it was often 
visited by lower-wage workers and high school pupils.
16
 The society’s request for 
the soup kitchen to continue operating was granted on 4 August, after it pledged 
to provide food for 100 women (perhaps even more later) designated by the City 
Government every day the war lasted.
17
 It remains unknown how many people ate 
at this kitchen, but the number of meals provided each year is known.
18
 Their work 
was co-fi nanced by the Land Government (3,000 crowns per year) and the City of 
Zagreb (2,000 crowns per year) during all the war years, but they were still losing 
a substantial amount of money.
19
Eighty committee members of both sexes participated in the making of a list 
of the families of mobilized soldiers from 10 to 12 August. They made a census of 
around 4,000 “wretches” who needed assistance in the form of food and clothing 
and, as they encountered cases of utter poverty, they were allowed to offer mon-
12
 Janko Holjac (1865–1939), architect. Served as the mayor of Zagreb from 1910 until 
1917. During his mandate, the city was modernized, the National and University Library was 
built, and a series of infrastructure works were performed. He was a member of the Croatian 
Parliament (Sabor), the president of the City Savings Bank in Zagreb, and a member of the 
Supervisory Council of the “Croatia” Insurance Association in Zagreb. (Vuji ć, HL, 1: 446) 
13
 HDA, PrZV , vol. 6-22, box no. 4.232/1914., no. 4.651 Pr./1914., Preporuka gradskoga 
na čelnika Holjca. 
14
 Pravila društva „Liga za zaštitu djece“, p. 3.
15
 HDA, Unutrašnji odjel Zemaljske vlade (further: UOZV), vol. 14-4, box no. 9.084/1875., 
Pravila zagreba čkoga družtva čovje čnosti.
16
 Kolar-Dimitrijevi ć, Prvo zagreba čko dobrotvorno društvo, p. 28, p. 106. 
17
 HDA, PrZV, vol. 6-22, k. no. 4.232/1914., no. 4.622 Pr./1914., Molba uprave društva 
od 1. svibnja. 
18
 195,593 meals were supplied in 1914 (53,096 were pupils’ meals), with a total value 
of 17,531 crowns; in 1915, the number of meals was 195,174 (including 55,272 pupils’), with 
a total value of 18,013 crowns; in 1916, the number was only 130,758 meals (30,544 pupils’) 
worth 16,513 crowns; in 1917, the number of meals amounted to 169,037 (27,231 pupils’) worth 
28,260 crowns; in 1918, 158,829 meals were handed out (32,227 pupils’), worth 38,572 crowns. 
(Kolar-Dimitrijevi ć, Prvo zagreba čko dobrotvorno društvo, p. 110)
19
 Kolar-Dimitrijevi ć, Prvo zagrebačko dobrotvorno društvo, p. 107; Zagreb 1913-1918, 
p. 91.

V . HERMAN KAURI Ć: How to Feed a City during the First World War – The Case of Zagreb 396  
etary assistance in exceptional circumstances. They had 10,000 crowns at their 
disposal, which was provided to them by the Central Committee for the Care of 
Mobilized Soldiers’ Families.
20
 An appeal made by Mayor Holjac to ban Skerlecz 
on 10 August, in which he begs him to allow the City Government to assign the 
entire funds collected for helping the families of soldiers to the neediest among 
them shows how badly the departure of a “breadwinner” could affect a family. The 
committee members of the League counted over 3,200 women and children who 
hadn’t paid their monthly rent and needed immediate monetary assistance. The 
Land Government approved the advance payment of 10,000 crowns to the city 
from the gathered contributions.
21
Near the end of the census-making process, an order arrived from the Depart-
ment for Internal Affairs, according to which families were required to be noted 
on sheets printed specifi cally for that purpose, and the fi nished list was then to be 
copied into forms. When that was also fi nished, a new order arrived from the same 
Department, which instructed that the census should be made in accordance with 
the order and instructions of the Royal Hungarian Ministry of Finance issued on 
15 August 1914, which determined who had the right to receive assistance, dur-
ing which period, and how its exact amount is calculated. The instructions were 
detailed, and the procedure of calculation was extremely complicated. The census 
was to be made by early September, but this was only partially successful in Zagreb, 
because the fi rst part of the census was sent in on 5 September, and it was fi nished 
by the end of the month and included a total of 2,200 soldiers’ families.
22
 From 
the beginning of the war and until 1916, the League provided for 3,726 families 
with a total of 10,493 members, but after those with state support are taken out, 
this leaves only 765 families with 2,118 members.
23
Those who had the right to support included the lawful wife, children, grand-
children, parents, grandparents, and parents-in-law of the mobilized soldier. The 
condition was that the person in question was fully or at least partially dependent 
on the mobilized person. Those who didn’t have the right to support included 
illegitimate wives i. e. the mothers of their illegitimate children, and families of 
soldiers who were still in active service. The state started paying support to families 
of soldiers killed in action only six months after the declaration of death, because 
20
 „Liga za zaštitu djece...“, NN 80, no. 181, 5 August 1914; „Dozvoljeno djelovanje 
družtva ‘Liga za zaštitu djece‘.“, JL 3, no. 739, 5 August 1914; „Liga za zaštitu djece.“, Obzor 
55, no. 214, 5 August 1914; „‘Liga za zaštitu djece‘...“, NN 80, no. 183, 7 August 1914; „‘Liga 
za zapuštenu djecu‘.“, JL 3, no. 741, 7 August 1914; „‘Liga za zapuštenu djecu‘.“, Obzor 55, 
no. 215, 6 August 1914; „Liga za zaštitu djece.“, NN 80, no. 187, 12 August 1914; „Potpore 
obiteljima mobiliziranih.“, JL 3, no. 762, 25 August 1914; „Liga za zaštitu djece. (Izvanredna 
glavna skupština od 25. studenoga 1915.)“, NN 81, no. 291, 16 December 1915.
21
 HDA, PrZV , vol. 6-22, box no. 4.495 Pr./1914., no. 5.021 Pr./1914. 
22
 Zagreb 1913-1918, p. 73.
23
 „Potpore obiteljima mobiliziranih.“, JL 3, no. 762, 25 August 1914; „Popis obitelji 
mobilizovanih.“, NN 80, no. 204, 31 August 1914; „Popis obitelji mobilizovanih.“, NN 80, no. 
205, 1 September 1914; „Liga za zaštitu djece. (Izvanredna glavna skupština od 25. studenoga 
1915.)“, NN 81, no. 291, 16 December 1915; „Rad ‘Lige‘ od po četka rata.“, NN 83, no. 119, 24 
May 1917; Zagreb 1913-1918., 72-73.

Zgodovinski časopis | 72 | 2018 | 3-4 | (158) 397
by that time the procedure for paying out his pension was supposed to be fi nished, 
though this often wasn’t the case.
24
 Such a broad circle of users was the result of 
antiquated legal provisions and the unpreparedness of the administration for such 
a broad mobilization as was introduced during the First World War. For now, it 
remains unknown whether all who had the right to support actually received it. 
Thus, the assistance of particular associations was invaluable at this time, and 
there were even more people who didn’t have the right to receive support and were 
completely dependent on others’ assistance.
During the making of the census of soldiers’ families, it became obvious that 
the acquisition of food was a burning problem – it became necessary to fi nd a way 
to feed an ever-increasing number of people, particularly children aged up to two. 
At fi rst, individuals volunteered to provide or pay for food for a certain number of 
children, but later a popular action was launched. In late August, a warehouse of non-
perishable food was established under the wing of the League, and food was allocated 
only to those approved by the City Government.
25 
A sub-committee of the League 
was founded in early August, titled the “Citizens’ Committee for Feeding the Poor 
Children of our Warriors”. Already on 8 August, the Committee sent an appeal to the 
people of Zagreb, asking them to help the soldiers on the front by taking care of their 
“small children” like they were their own. Since there were thousands of children in 
need of assistance, citizens were pleaded to provide for at least one child. The appeal 
was particularly directed towards tavern keepers and coffee shop owners because it 
was believed that they could provide for a larger number of children.
26
 The Central 
Land Committee initiated a similar action in early October 1916.
27
Within four days of the appeal, 400 families were willing to provide for the 
children, but not the wives, of soldiers. The children were supposed to pick up 
their fi rst meals on 15 August and bring with them proof of the League’s permis-
sion. The number of families later grew to 700, and they were asked to allow the 
children to take their food home in case they couldn’t eat it. Within around 10 days, 
the Committee provided food for 1,398 children and accommodation for around 
24
 HDA, Zbirka Stampati, no. 6/55, 58.819/1914.; „Naredba. Na temelju zak. čl. XI. od 
god. 1882. …“, NN 80, no. 190, 17 August 1914; „Potpora obiteljima vojnika.“, JL 3, no. 752, 
18 August 1914; „Liga za zaštitu djece. (Izvanredna glavna skupština od 25. studenoga 1915.)“, 
NN 81, no. 291, 16 December 1915; „Skrb za porodice vojnika palih u ratu. (Pu čko sveučilišno 
predavanje dra. Josipa Šilovi ća, držano 8. o. mj.)“, NN 82, no. 32-33, 10-11 February 1916. 
25
 „Liga za zaštitu djece...“, NN 80, no. 187, 12 August 1914; „Za prehranu siromašnih 
obitelji vojnika.“, NN 80, no. 195, 22 August 1914; „Za prehranu siromašnih obitelji vojnika.“, 
JL 3, no. 759, 22 August 1914; „Za prehranu siromašnih obitelji vojnika.“, NN 80, no. 200, 27 
August 1914; „Za prehranu siromašnih obitelji vojnika.“, JL 3, no. 765, 28 August 1914.
26
 „Za djecu vojnika.“, NN 80, no. 183, 7 August 1914; „Gradjanski odbor za prehranu 
siromašne djece naših ratnika.“, JL 3, no. 740, 6 August 1914; „Za vojni čku djecu.“, Obzor 54, 
no. 216, 7 August 1914; „Pomozimo našim vojnicima i njihovim obiteljima!“, NN 80, no. 184, 
8 August 1914; „Za prehranu siromašne djece ratnika.“, JL 3, no. 742, 8 August 1914; „Za djecu 
naših vojnika.“, Obzor 54, no. 217, 8 August 1914; „Skrb za našu djecu.“, JL 3, no. 766, 29 
August 1914.
27
 „Dužnost svakoga kod ku će.“, NN 82, no. 227, 4 October 1916; „Skrb za obitelji palih 
ratnika.“, JL 5, no. 1636, 6 October 1916.

V . HERMAN KAURI Ć: How to Feed a City during the First World War – The Case of Zagreb 398  
2,000 people. However, the project’s bad sides soon became apparent. Some were 
forbidden to go pick up food by their mothers, while others simply failed to appear. 
Some people complained about the quality of the food they received, and there were 
cases where families didn’t provide the food they had promised. The behaviour 
of individuals who didn’t allow mothers with small children to take leftover food 
home was considered particularly barbaric. Because of all this, it was decided that 
only those families who themselves sought the League’s help would receive food. 
Instead of the food being distributed among families, the decision to open a soup 
kitchen was made.
28
In answer to the declaration of the Citizens’ Committee for Nutrition, supply 
stations run by the Croatian Commercial Association “Merkur” (Mercury) were 
opened, catering to the children of shop assistants and attendants, while the Tavern 
Keepers’ Union ran those who catered to all others. Both kitchens were fi nanced 
through donations, and all food except meat was also bought with the help of do-
nations, which made the preparation of meals very cheap in the beginning. In the 
second half of August, the Tavern Keepers’ Union provided food for 130 people, 
even though its offi cial capacity was 100, while “Merkur” provided for 70 instead 
of 50. However, this was nowhere near the demand, so the Committee sought ap-
propriate space for new kitchens in various parts of the city, whose operating costs 
would be covered through the contributions of citizens who couldn’t or wouldn’t 
take into their homes the wives or children of soldiers, but were willing to make 
monetary contributions.
29
The Society for the Feeding of the Poor School Youth of Zagreb began op-
erating in 1891 and its only purpose was to provide food for poor schoolchildren 
during the winter months (November to March).
30
 Its vice president was Šandor 
Aleksandar Alexander,
31
 who in August 1914 became the head of the Administrative 
28
 „Za djecu ratnika.“, NN 80, no. 187, 12 August 1914; „Prehrana djece vojnika.“, JL 3, 
no. 747, 13 August 1914; „Društvo za prehranu...“, NN 80, no. 189, 14 August 1914; „Za djecu 
ratnih obveznika.“, JL 3, no. 752, 18 August 1914; „Gradjanski odbor za prehranu djece naših 
ratnika.“, Obzor 54, no. 228, 19 August 1914; „Liga za zaštitu djece...“, NN 80, no. 199, 26 August 
1914; „‘Liga za zaštitu djece‘.“, JL 3, no. 763, 26 August 1914; „Prehrana djece mobilizovanih 
vojnika.“, JL 3, no. 764, 27 August 1914; „Skrb za našu djecu.“, JL 3, no. 766, 29 August 1914.
29
 „Za djecu vojnika.“, JL 3, no. 743, 9 August 1914; „Za djecu vojnika!“, NN 80, no. 186, 
11 August 1914; „Za djecu ratnika.“, NN 80, no. 187, 12 August 1914; „Društvo za prehranu...“, 
NN 80, no. 189, 14 August 1914; „Proslava kraljeva rodjendana medju djecom naših ratnika.“, NN 
80, no. 192, 19 August 1914; „Skrb za našu djecu.“, JL 3, no. 766, 29 August 1914; „Gradjanska 
pekarna u Zagrebu.“, NN 80, no. 201, 28 August 1914; „Plemenito djelo Gradjanske pekarne u 
Zagrebu.“, JL 3, no. 766, 29 August 1914; „Obskrbna stanica ‘Merkur‘ za obitelji mobilizovanih 
vojnika.“, NN 80, no. 229, 23 September 1914. 
30
 Pravila družtva za prehranu siromašne školske mladeži, p. 1.
31
 Šandor Aleksandar Alexander (1866–1929), wholesaler. A member of the board of the 
Chamber of Trades and Crafts and the vice president of the “Trgova čki dom” (approx. Traders’ 
Centre) in Zagreb, president for life of the Croatian Commercial Association “Merkur”, and 
honorary vice president of the Traders’ Alliance of Croatia and Slavonia. He began his career 
in the offi ce of Paromlin in Zagreb and later became a business partner in his father’s wheat 
wholesale company. He was a board member of several banks and companies, and a member of 
almost 60 civil associations. He gained renown through his work and charity activities. He bore 

Zgodovinski časopis | 72 | 2018 | 3-4 | (158) 399
Board and began preparations for opening a larger kitchen. The Society owned a 
small kitchen in the primary school in Draškovi ćeva Street until the school became 
a reserve military hospital.
32
In an appeal to the ban asking permission for the Society to start its work, 
it was mentioned that the Society had decided to open a kitchen for feeding the 
families of “warriors” on the ground fl oor of the Art Pavilion within 10 days. Per-
mission was granted on 27 August.
33
 The Society pledged to feed 500 members of 
soldiers’ families at its own expense and another 500 for a minimum contribution 
of 12 crowns per month. It set aside 10,000 crowns for this purpose, while other 
expenses were to be covered through citizens’ contributions. The Children’s Pro-
tection League asked all members of the families of mobilized soldiers who were 
not yet receiving food to report by 5 September at the latest, warning them that 
only those possessing a League membership card would receive food. The opening 
ceremony of the kitchen was held on 7 September, and was attended by numerous 
dignitaries and even more numerous paupers who sought a free meal.
34
On the fi rst day, 658 people bearing permission from the League came to 
receive their meals. The following day there were 807, and by 13 September their 
number had grown to exactly 1,000. There was a constant infl ux of new people 
seeking food: illegitimate wives of soldiers, high school pupils, and other poor 
people, so that the Society was giving out over 3,500 meals per day by the end of 
September. Expenses outstripped the Society’s capacity to provide, so it sought 
the help of citizens, legal persons, and the Land Government. On 27 September, 
the ban approved 100 crowns per day to cover the expenses of feeding 250 high 
school pupils.
35
 The City Government made a monthly payment of 6,000 crowns 
for 500 soldiers’ family members, but the money was paid retroactively.
36
 Even 
though one could count on receiving that money, there always remained an element 
of uncertainty as to when it would be paid out. The amount of money provided 
remained the same until April 1918, when an appeal of the Society to increase the 
the title of royal adviser from 1909, and in 1917 he received the War Cross for Civil Merits 2
nd
 
Class. (Mirnik, „Obitelj Alexander“, pp. 105-106)
32
 Mayer, Dobrotvorno društvo „Prehrana“, pp. 5-6.
33
 HDA, PrZV , vol. 6-22, box no. 4.232/1914., unnumbered, Molba uprave društva od 25. 
kolovoza; HDA, PrZV , vol. 6-22, box no. 4.232/1914., no. 5.695 Pr./1914., Dozvola za rad.
34
 „Društvo za prehranu siromašne školske mladeži grada Zagreba.“, Obzor 54, no. 237, 
28 August 1914; „Za prehranu siromašnih obitelji.“, NN 80, no. 206, 2 September 1914; „Za 
prehranu siromašnih obitelji.“, JL 3, no. 772, 2 September 1914; „Društvo za prehranu siroma-
šne školske mladeži grada Zagreba.“, NN 80, no. 205, 1 September 1914; „Društvo za prehranu 
školske mladeži...“, JL 3, no. 771, 1 September 1914; „Društvo za prehranu siromašne školske 
mladeži.“, NN 80, no. 209, 5 September 1914; „Društvo za prehranu siromašne školske mladeži.“, 
JL 3, no. 778, 5 September 1914; „Otvorenje kuhinje za prehranu siromaha.“, JL 3, no. 781, 7 
September 1914; „Otvorenje kuhinje za prehranu obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika.“, Obzor 54, 
no. 248, 8 September 1914; „Sve čano otvorenje kuhinje za prehranu obitelji vojnika.“, NN 80, 
no. 214, 9 September 1914.
35
 Mayer, Dobrotvorno društvo „Prehrana“, pp. 7-8.
36
 Državni arhiv Zagreb (further: DAZ), Gradsko poglavarstvo Zagreb (further: GPZ), 
Op ći spisi, no. 1.250 Prs./1914.

V . HERMAN KAURI Ć: How to Feed a City during the First World War – The Case of Zagreb 400  
amount was approved. The Society had asked for a 100% increase, but the actual 
increase was to 10,000 crowns per month, starting 1 April 1918.
37
 This time, the 
City Government took two months to reply to the letter.
Those responsible for the kitchen’s success included Šandor A. Alexander, the 
teacher Lavoslava Tekli ć, and the secretary Ružica Šimatovi ć.
38
 Only three days 
after its opening, the Administrative Board concluded that another stove has to be 
installed to feed an additional 250 people. In order to encourage potential donors, 
an article on the donors who helped equip the new kitchen was published, as was 
a series of articles on the necessary amount of meals and funds. By the end of 
October 1914, a large stove which could provide 2,500 meals had been installed, 
which increased the total output to 5,000 meals per day.
39
 In contrast, “Merkur” 
provided food for 204 meals per day for 77 people, while the Tavern Keepers’ 
Union fed 130 people daily.
40
 In January 1915, “Merkur” moved to a new location 
where it couldn’t have a kitchen, and since the new renter demanded the removal 
of the kitchen, it seemed likely it would close. Although they had to pay rent, they 
arranged for a new kitchen of increased capacity, which could provide three meals 
for 110 soldiers’ families per day, starting in 9 February. Until 1 February 1916, 
expenses were covered by the Citizens’ Committee for Nourishment through citi-
zens’ contributions, and were then taken over by the Society.
41
From its humble beginnings, the kitchen of the Society for Feeding School 
Youth grew to a much larger size after eight months. Since the Society’s activities 
37
 DAZ, GPZ, Op ći spisi, no. 11.801 Prs./1918.
38
 „Sve čano otvorenje kuhinje za prehranu obitelji vojnika.“, NN 80, no. 214, 9 September 
1914.
39
 „Društvo za prehranu školske mladeži.“, NN 80, no. 220, 12 September 1914; „Dru-
štvo za prehranu siromašne školske mladeži.“, JL 3, no. 788, 12 September 1914; „Društvo 
za prehranu sirom. škol. djece u Zagrebu.“, NN 80, no. 231, 18 September 1914; „Društvo za 
prehranu siromašne školske mladeži u Zagrebu...“, NN 80, no. 233, 19 September 1914; „Dru-
štvo za prehranu siromašne školske mladeži...“, JL 3, no. 803, 20 September 1914; „Prehrana 
obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika...“, NN 80, no. 251, 29 September 1914; „Prehrana obitelji mo-
bilizovanih vojnika...“, JL 3, no. 817, 29 September 1914; „Školska mladež za prehranu obitelji 
mobil. vojnika.“, NN 80, no. 276, 14 October 1914; „Trinajst hiljada kruna za prehranu obitelji 
mobilizovanih vojnika u Umjetni čkom paviljonu...“, NN 80, no. 279, 17 October 1914; „13.000 
kruna za prehranu obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika u Umjetni čkom paviljonu...“, JL 3, no. 850, 
17 October 1914; „Iz „Društva za prehranu siromašne školske mladeži“.“, NN 80, no. 290, 30 
October 1914; „Proširenje djelokruga prehrane obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika u Umjetni čkom 
paviljonu.“, JL 3, no. 876, 1 November 1914.
40
 „Obskrbna stanica „Merkur“ za obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika.“, NN 80, no. 229, 23 
September 1914; „Iz opskrbne stanice Gostioni čarskog saveza.“, JL 3, no. 902, 17 November 1914.
41
 „Velika neprilika i molba ‘Merkurove‘ kuhinje.“, NN 81, no. 24, 30 January 1915; 
„Velika neprilika i molba ‘Merkurove‘ kuhinje.“, JL 4, no. 1019, 31 January 1915; „Neprilika 
‘Merkurova‘ kuhinje.“, NN 81., no. 26, 2 February 1915; „Neprilika Merkurove kuhinje.“, JL 
4, no. 1022, 3 February 1915; „‘Merkurova opskrbna kuhinja‘.“, NN 81, no. 32, 9 February 
1915; „‘Merkurova‘ opskrbna kuhinja.“, JL 4, no. 1030, 11 February 1915; „Obskrbna kuhinja 
‘Merkurova‘.“, JL 4, no. 1072, 25 March 1915; „V elika neprilika i molba ‘Merkurove‘ kuhinje.“, 
NN 81, no. 24, 30 January 1915; „Ratne dobrotvorne institucije ‘Merkura‘.“, NN 81, no. 130, 7 
June 1915; „Ratne dobrotvorne institucije ‘Merkura‘.“, JL 4, no. 1148, 9 June 1915; „‘Gradjanski 
odbor za prehranu siromašne djece naših ratnika‘.“, NN 83, no. 27, 3 February 1917. 

Zgodovinski časopis | 72 | 2018 | 3-4 | (158) 401
weren’t linked to its offi cially approved regulations, it was agreed to let it merge with 
the “League for the Protection of Mobilized Soldiers’ Families” into the “Society for 
Feeding the Poor Families of Mobilized Soldiers”. The founding assembly was held 
on 15 May 1915, and Šandor A. Alexander was elected president, Dr Josip Šilovi ć 
vice president,
42
 Viktor Mayer secretary, and Lavoslava Tekli ć kitchen manager.
43
 
In early December 1914, in addition to the other activities caused by the 
war, the Society returned to its basic activity – feeding the poor children from the 
primary schools. According to the estimate of the directorate of all 15 of Zagreb’s 
primary schools, there were 629 such children. Apart from them, a further 400 
children of mobilised soldiers received food in the Society’s kitchen, which was 
just over the estimated number of 1000 poor children that the Society agreed to feed 
at the beginning of the war. A few days after the distribution of meals began, word 
spread that children from the city’s periphery rarely come to receive food since it’s 
too far from them, so some voices concluded that the children aren’t truly hungry, 
which the Society’s management vigorously denied. The problem was that certain 
schools didn’t have attendants who’d come to distribute the food to the children, 
as it was the case before the war, so this problem needed to be resolved as soon as 
possible.
44
 Despite this refutation, this merely confi rmed that the children from the 
periphery indeed arrived less often, which was completely understandable when 
the poor availability of shoes among these children is taken into account.
On 13 December 1915, the Society again became involved in feeding poor 
primary school pupils, but now there were around 800 of them. Approximately 
another 800, or perhaps slightly more, were fed from 27 November 1916 in the 
Art Pavilion, but a difference compared to the year before was the introduction 
of breakfast for 500 primary schoolchildren. Schoolchildren sometimes became 
sick from hunger during class, so it was decided that they should be given “a lit-
tle piece” of wheat bread and a cup of tea. Breakfast for children from the more 
distant parts of the city was sent to schools, and the teachers immediately informed 
the public of this benefi cial effect. However, the delivery of food still presented a 
considerable problem, so, in mid-February 1917, Šandor A. Alexander appealed 
to the commander of the military district, who put seven soldiers at his disposal 
as food deliverymen for seven school districts. Thanks to this, the number of fed 
children grew to around 1000, which required some 250 litres of tea and 100 kg of 
42
 Dr. Josip Šilovi ć (1858–1939), lawyer. Attained his PhD in Law in Zagreb in 1884. 
Served with the Land Government from 1883 until 1893. Later he taught criminal law, legal 
procedure, and philosophy of law at the Faculty of Law of the Royal University of Francis Joseph 
I in Zagreb. He served as dean in several terms, and was the rector of the Zagreb University from 
1898 until 1899. (Vuji ć, HL, 2: 518)
43
 Mayer, Dobrotvorno društvo „Prehrana“, 11.
44
 „Trideset hiljada kruna.“, NN, vol. 80, no. 308, 20 November 1914; „Trideset hiljada 
kruna...“, JL, vol. 3, no. 910, 21 November 1914; „Siromašnim obiteljima mobiliziranih vojni-
ka...“, NN, vol. 80, no. 319, 3 December 1914; „Prehrana školske djece.“, NN, vol. 80, no. 327, 
14 December 1914; „Prehrana školske djece.“, JL, vol. 3, no. 948, 15 December 1914; „Prehrana 
školske djece.“, NN, vol. 80, no. 328, 15 December 1914; „Prehrana školske djece.“, JL, vol. 3, 
no. 950, 16 December 1914.

V . HERMAN KAURI Ć: How to Feed a City during the First World War – The Case of Zagreb 402  
bread per day. This practice was maintained at least till the end of March, though 
the precise length of its duration remains unknown.
45
The Society didn’t abandon its efforts to feed poor schoolchildren in 1917/18, 
except that now the goal was to deliver food to almost all schools, since the children 
were poorly dressed and shod, and the winter was quite severe. Feeding was to 
begin on 1 December but, apart from this announcement, I couldn’t fi nd any data 
that would confi rm or disprove that it indeed took place.
46
The Children’s Protection League and the Society cared for the poorest strata 
of the City of Zagreb, but their defi nition of poverty is unknown, only one of many 
questions which remain unanswered in attempts to re-construct daily life in Zagreb 
during the First World War.
47
The Provisional Department of the City Government was in charge of acquir-
ing food for all others, through its shops in the city centre. In 1916 the Department 
became responsible for large-scale trading of food and its distribution among the 
citizens. Later, state centres for an increasing amount of food supplies were intro-
duced, through which the government tried to distribute meagre amounts of food 
throughout the Monarchy. The originally set amounts were insuffi cient for feeding 
the population and rarely reached their destinations.
48
 For example, around 65 tons 
of fl our were needed to feed Zagreb each month, but the quotas were reduced and 
certain types of food became rare near the end of the war. Food whose distribu-
tion wasn’t regulated by law could be freely traded and its price was formed on 
the free market.
49
A poor harvest in autumn 1914 and troubles with the sowing in spring 1915 
forced the military and civil authorities to enact a series of provisions, according 
to which landowners would be forced to extract the maximum possible food from 
their land. For this reason, in spring 1915, the City Government started converting 
45
 „Družtvo za prehranu siromašnih obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika.“, NN, vol. 81, no. 287, 
11. December 1915; „Rad ‘Prehrane’.“, NN, vol. 81, no. 298, 24 December 1915; „‘Družtvo 
za prehranu siromašnih obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika’...“, NN, vol. 82, no. 267, 21 November 
1916; „Zajutrak za školsku djecu u ‘Prehrani’.“, NN, vol. 83, no. 11, 15 January 1917; „Zajutrak 
za siromašnu školsku djecu.“, NN, vol. 83, no. 24, 30 January 1917; „Zajutrak za školsku djecu u 
‘Prehrani’.“, NN, vol. 83, no. 37, 15 February 1917; „Za zajutrak školskoj mladeži u ‘Prehrani’.“, 
NN, vol. 83, no. 43, 22 February 1917; „Dostava zajutarka siromašnoj školskoj djeci po vojnici-
ma.“, NN, vol. 83, no. 44, 23 February 1917; „Zajutrak siromašnoj školskoj djeci u ‘Prehrani’.“, 
NN, vol. 83, no. 57, 10 March 1917; „Tre ći ogromni štednjak u ‘Prehrani’ postavljen.“, NN, vol. 
83, no. 75, 31 March 1917.
46
 „‘Prehrana’ za djecu zagreba čkih pu čkih škola.“, NN, vol. 83, no. 271, 26 November 
1917.
47
 An exhaustive bibliography can be found in: Geiger and Fabry, „Racionirana i zajam čena 
opskrba“, pp. 88-89, note 4. The paper contains examples of provision cards, most of which 
pertain to Zagreb (Geiger and Fabry, „Racionirana i zajam čena opskrba“, pp. 92-105). In the 
meantime, a series of exhibition catalogues on has been published on the occasion of the First 
World War centenary throughout Croatia, but they contain very little or no information about 
food-related topics. For Zagreb, see: Struki ć, Odjeci s bojišnice, pp. 67-68.
48
 Burek, „Djelovanje poglavarstva grada Varaždina“, pp. 282-290; Ko čevar, „Zrno do 
zrna pala ča“, pp. 16-35.; Bar čot, Prešućeni rat, pp. 108-137, pp. 143-158.
49
 Zagreb 1913-1918, pp. 152-165.

Zgodovinski časopis | 72 | 2018 | 3-4 | (158) 403
city property to vegetable gardens. Small fi elds proved of little practical use, so 
the city’s fi elds on the southern coast of the Sava River were expanded, covering 
former military training grounds and thickets. Potatoes and various vegetables were 
grown there, and sold at prices 25-50% lower than on the market. Up until 1918, 
there was no systematic plan for production or professional personnel, because it 
was thought the economy only made sense during wartime. However, a chronic 
shortage of milk led to the introduction of planned milk production.
50
In 1914, the Provisional Department placed on the city market all kinds of 
meat (beef, veal, pork, fi sh, game), milk, vegetables (sauerkraut, potatoes, beans), 
eggs, barley porridge, rice, coffee, and sugar, but also wood, coal, and petroleum.
51
 
Next year there was a shortage of beef, but this was mitigated by larger amounts of 
pork and fi sh. In addition to the mentioned foodstuffs, they started selling oil, corn, 
and soap.
52
 In 1916, the city authorities became aware that the allocated food was 
insuffi cient to feed the city, and arranged the transport of all sorts of foodstuffs with 
“provincial” producers and opened their own pork processing plant. They bought 
a forest in Slavonia in order to secure fi rewood and, next year, a crisis in the wood 
supply prompted them to buy another one.
53
 In 1918, they had trouble acquiring 
anything of good quality, and used turnip, peas, pasta, oats, onions, and later even 
something called “oil cakes”.
54
 One of the Provisional Department’s shops was 
located on Ban Jela či ć Square, where the largest queues formed, especially when 
potatoes were being sold. Even though the shop opened at 6 in the morning, queues 
comprised of people of all ages began forming around midnight. Everyone sought 
to be at the head of the queue, and the wait proved futile for many.
55
 Fights often 
broke out while food was being distributed,
56
 and in the late war, food started to 
be openly sold at exorbitant prices on the black market.
57
In June 1918, the Society organized the daily selling of fruit and vegetables 
at its stands on Ban Jela či ć Square, and all interested institutions were required to 
register with the Society. Peas, cucumbers, kale, string beans, cherries, currants, 
and pears arrived in wagons from Srijem and were sold at lower prices than the 
ones set at the Zagreb market. Since even contemporaries estimated that 2/3 of 
50
 Zagreb 1913-1918, pp. 45-46.
51
 Zagreb 1913-1918, pp. 152-153.
52
 Zagreb 1913-1918, pp. 154-157.
53
 Zagreb 1913-1918, pp. 158-162.
54
 Zagreb 1913-1918, pp. 162-165.
55
 Jurić, „Zagreb“, p. 128.
56
 „Baraka za prodaju brašna“, Ilustrovani list (further: IL) 2, no. 32, 7 August 1915; 
„Utorak i petak bez mesa u Zagrebu“, IL 2, no. 32, 7 August 1915; „Sa zagreba čkog bojišta“, 
IL 2, no. 37, 11 September 1915; „Jagma za solju u Zagrebu.“, IL 3, no. 32, 5 August 1916; 
„Nekada i danas u Zagrebu“, IL 4, no. 20, 19 May 1917; „‘Planinarstvo‘ u Zagrebu“, IL 4, no. 
27, 7 September 1917; „Aprovizacija grada Zagreba drvima“, IL 4, no. 37, 15 September 1917; 
„Zagreba čke slike“, IL 4, no. 39, 29 September 1917; „Slike iz zagreba čkih ulica.“, IL 4, no. 49, 
8 December 1917.
57
 „Slike sa zagreba čkog trga.“, IL 5, no. 20, 22 June 1918; „Ratno lihvarenje u Zagre-
bu“, IL 5, no. 25, 27 July 1918; „Uli čna aprovizacija“, IL 5, no. 28, 17 August 1918; „Slike iz 
Zagreba.“, IL 5, no. 31, 7 September 1918.

V . HERMAN KAURI Ć: How to Feed a City during the First World War – The Case of Zagreb 404  
the city’s inhabitants couldn’t afford the market prices for fruit and vegetables, the 
“scramble” for food within the Society’s organization shouldn’t come as a surprise. 
Next week, stands were erected on two other city squares.
58
 
In mid-December 1914, the Society kitchen used around one ton of various 
sorts of vegetables (beans, potatoes, cabbage, kale, and turnips) and large amounts 
of wood and coal to make over 3,000 meals of stew. The monthly expenditure for 
this amounted to around 20,000 crowns, or around 600 crowns per day.
59
 Expenses 
grew around Christmas and Easter because meals at that time also included meat 
and cakes. The Society had the right to buy bread made of 1/3 barley fl our at a 30% 
discount, and were supplied with vegetables by the Provisional Department.
60
 It is 
believed that it was this discount that allowed the Society to expand its activities 
at a time when other associations had diffi culty covering their basic expenses.
61
In summer 1915, food prices grew up to three times pre-war levels and the 
reasons for the Society’s success became apparent. Namely, Šandor A. Alexander 
had made long-term contracts with food suppliers at the beginning of the war, and 
these obliged them to supply food at signifi cantly lower prices. Once supplies were 
exhausted, he started an initiative to centralize the food supply for all wartime as-
sistance institutions, claiming that this would save a lot of money. He took upon 
himself the acquisition of fl our and baking of bread at prices signifi cantly lower 
than the ones on the market, and concluded an agreement with the Citizens’ Bakery 
for the privileged acquisition of bread for 30,000 people at their stores. This time, 
the census of soldiers’ families, workers, and other poor people was made by the 
people themselves, and food stamps were introduced. These projects were realized 
during the second half of October 1915. The Society took over the supply station of 
the Tavern Keepers’ Union, but the project of acquiring cheaper bread fell through 
after two weeks due to insuffi cient quantities of fl our.
62
58
 „Prodaja ‘Hortusova‘ povr ća i vo ća u korist ‘Prehrane‘.“, NN 84, no. 141, 22 June 1918.
59
 In four months of its existence, the Society distributed around 300,000 meals, using 
30,500 kg of bread, 115,000 kg of vegetables, around 60,000 pairs of sausages, 2,000 kg of fat, 
1,400 kg of salt, 500 mtc of coal, and 22 fathoms of wood. Within 10 months, 35 tons of food, 
50 fathoms of wood and 10 railcars of coal had been spent. („Potrošak za prehranu siromašnih 
obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika u Umjetni čkom paviljonu.“, NN 81, no. 12, 16 January 1915; 
„Potrošak za prehranu siromašnih obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika u Umjetni čkom paviljonu.“, 
JL 4, no. 1000, 17 January 1915; „Kolik je potrošak za milijun obroka jela s kruhom.“, NN 81, 
no. 148, 28 June 1915)
60
 „Do dvadeset hiljada kruna mjese čno...“, NN 80, no. 331, 18 December 1914; „Do 
dvadeset hiljada kruna mjese čno...“, JL 3, no. 956, 19 December 1914; „Prehrana siromašnih 
obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika u Umjetni čkom paviljonu.“, NN 80, no. 334, 22 December 1914; 
„Prehrana siromašnih obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika u Umjetni čkom paviljonu.“, JL 3, no. 962, 
23 December 1914; „Do 26.000 Kr. iznosi izdatak za sie čanj...“, NN 81, no. 24, 30 January 1915; 
„Do 26.000 K iznosi izdatak za mjesec sie čanj...“, JL 4, no. 1019, 31 January 1915; „Družtvo za 
prehranu siromašnih obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika u Umjetni čkom paviljonu.“, JL 4, no. 1084, 
7 April 1915.
61
 Kolar-Dimitrijevi ć, Prvo zagreba čko dobrotvorno društvo, p. 42.
62
 „Kolik je potrošak za milijun obroka jela s kruhom.“, NN 81, no. 148, 28 June 1915; 
„Centralizacija dobava živežnih potrepština dobrotvornih ratnih institucija.“, NN 81, no. 214, 15 
September 1915; „Centralizacija dobava živežnih potrepština dobrotvornih ratnih institucija.“, JL 4, 

Zgodovinski časopis | 72 | 2018 | 3-4 | (158) 405
Prompted by the high prices and scarcity of food, in January 1917 the Impe-
rial and Royal Nutrition Offi ce in Vienna issued a regulation on the opening of 
new war kitchens, whose implementation was to be done by the political bodies 
of individual countries. Since the Society was the largest in Zagreb whose sole 
activity was feeding the population, Šandor A. Alexander started an initiative for 
founding a War Kitchen within its frame. Already in early February, a menu was 
published, listing the prices of meals, while anyone could acquire bread on their 
own or at maximum price, provided they were properly registered. Two or three 
different meals were offered each day (priced from 25 fi llérs to 1 crown), and those 
who could apply included families with state support, lower-ranking clerks at public 
or private companies, those employed in crafts or trade, and industrial workers.
63
 
There had been talk of a similar project since the beginning of the war, and again 
in April 1916, but it seems they simply failed to come to fruition – until then.
64
News of the War Kitchen’s opening ignited polemics on the Society’s method 
of operation, its lack of readiness for the implementation of such a complex project, 
its fi nancing, and its methods of acquiring the necessary foodstuffs. A large number 
of complaints originated from the Tavern Keepers’ Union, whose leaders believed 
that the War Kitchen should be decentralized and replaced with a system where 
tavern keepers distribute food in various parts of the city, while the Society would 
acquire the food and oversee its distribution. Since the Kitchen was directly linked 
to a charity, it was assumed that it was fi nanced through citizens’ contributions and 
charitable plays, which was considered bad because it meant that not all citizens 
had the right to use it. Šandor A. Alexander refuted this, revealing that the Society 
had always functioned as a company which buys food, while the above-mentioned 
contributions and plays were used only to fund emergency acquisitions.
65
Despite everything, the opening of the Kitchen was announced for 11 February 
1917, and all those who wished to receive food were asked to pay for eight days 
in advance. Over 100 families and an unknown number of individuals applied for 
no. 1250, 16 September 1915; „Društvo za prehranu siromašnih obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika...“, 
NN 81, no. 241, 8 October 1915; „Kruh ‘Prehrane‘.“, NN 81, no. 243, 19 October 1915; „Društvo 
za prehranu siromašnih obitelji mobilizovanih vojnika...“, NN 81, no. 252, 29 October 1915; 
„Organizacija ratne prehrane.“, JL 6, no. 1762, 7 February 1917; „Organizacija ratne prehrane. 
Mišljenje i izjava kr. savjetnika Š. A. Alexandera.“, JL 6, no. 1764, 9 February 1917.
63
 „Ratna kuhinja i centralizacija svih zagreba čkih ratno-dobrotvornih kuhinja u ‘Prehra-
ni‘.“, NN 83, no. 22, 27 January 1917; „Ratne kuhinje.“, NN 83, no. 22, 27 January 1917; „Ratna 
kuhinja u Zagrebu. Centralizacija svih zagreba čkih ratno-dobrotvornih kuhinja u ‘Prehrani‘.“, JL 
6, no. 1752, 28 January 1917; M. P., „Ženski obzor.“, JL 6, no. 1754, 30 January 1917; „Cjenik 
jela ratne kuhinje u ‘Prehrani‘.“, NN 83, no. 27, 3 February 1917; „Ratna kuhinja u ‘Prehrani‘.“, 
NN 83, no. 28, 5 February 1917; „Ratna kuhinja u ‘Prehrani‘.“, NN 83, no. 30, 7 February 1917; 
„Prodaja kiselog zelja u ‘Prehrani‘.“, NN 83, no. 36, 14 February 1917.
64
 „Jeftinija prehrana.“, JL 5, no. 1457, 11 April 1916.
65
 „Organizacija ratne prehrane.“, JL 6, no. 1761, 6 February 1917; „Organizacija ratne 
prehrane.“, JL 6, no. 1762, 7 February 1917; „Organizacija prehrane i ratne kuhinje u Zagrebu.“, 
JL 6, no. 1763, 8 February 1917; „Organizacija ratne prehrane. Mišljenje i izjava kr. savjetnika 
Š. A. Alexandera.“, JL 6, no. 1764, 9 February 1917; „Ratna kuhinja u Zagrebu.“, JL 6, no. 1767, 
12 February 1917; „Rad ‘Prehrane‘.“, NN 83, no. 172, 28 July 1917.

V . HERMAN KAURI Ć: How to Feed a City during the First World War – The Case of Zagreb 406  
the fi rst day, and were offered tomato soup and dry sausages with ri čet (barley 
porridge boiled with beans) for 1.25 crowns, without bread. Each meal could be 
bought separately, and one ration consisted of half a litre of stew. The number 
of users doubled already the very next day, but many were turned back because 
they had arrived without previous notice.
66
 In order to supply all those interested, 
a large stove was acquired for cooking an additional 2,000 meals and installed 
by the end of March. In early March, the larger factories were asked for help in 
acquiring “mobile war kitchens”, while workers were notifi ed that some factories 
are already getting food from the War Kitchen and invited to “take advantage of 
this blessing”. Most of the families which received food took it back home, while 
the dining hall in the Art Pavilion was mostly used by people employed by the 
government or private companies.
67
The War Kitchen remained open until October 1919, when it moved out of 
the Art Pavilion at the behest of the City Government. This had been expected 
since back in April, when their great hall was taken away and given to the French 
military mission for quartering “colonial troops”. The hall was later returned, but 
the storage space was not, which led to “much of the food spoiling due to the damp 
and warmth of the kitchen”.
68
 Work in poor conditions continued for only a short 
time, since the president of the “Humaneness” Society Guido Stern
69
 suggested 
Šandor A. Alexander to take over the Soup Kitchen and the feeding of its users, 
while “Humaneness” would provide funding.
70
In mid-June 1917, news arrived in Zagreb about Šandor A. Alexander being 
awarded a medal for his services in charity, but this fact had no effect on the work 
of the Society. However, when news that the largest house in the city had been 
bought were confi rmed, this caused suspicion towards the Society’s work because 
its income was supposed to have served as the basis for a foundation for feeding 
the widows and orphans of fallen soldiers, disabled soldiers and their families, and 
all others who were left unfi t for work due to the war.
71
 Even though the amount 
66
 „Ratna kuhinja u ‘Prehrani‘.“, NN 83, no. 31, 8 February 1917; „Ratna kuhinja u ‘Pre-
hrani‘.“, JL 6, no. 1764, 9 February 1917; „Otvorenje ratne kuhinje u ‘Prehrani‘.“, NN 83, no. 33, 
10 February 1917; „Otvorenje ‘Ratne kuhinje‘ u ‘Prehrani‘.“, JL 6, no. 1766, 11 February 1917; 
„Otvorenje ratne kuhinje.“, NN 83, no. 34, 12 February 1917; „Ratna kuhinja u ‘Prehrani‘.“, NN 
83, no. 35, 13 February 1917; „Cijene jela u Ratnoj kuhinji u ‘Prehrani‘.“, JL 6, no. 1768, 13 
February 1917.
67
 „Ratna kuhinja u ‘Prehrani‘.“, NN 83, no. 40, 19 February 1917; „Putuju ća ratna kuhinja 
‘Prehrane‘.“, NN 83, no. 50, 2 March 1917; „Putuju ća ratna kuhinja ‘Prehrane‘.“, JL 6, no. 1786, 
3 March 1917; „‘Prehrana‘ i ‘Ratne kuhinje‘.“, NN 83, no. 60, 14 March 1917; „Tre ći ogromni 
štednjak u ‘Prehrani‘ postavljen.“, NN 83, no. 75, 31 March 1917; „Ban u umjetni čkom pavi-
ljonu.“, JL 6, no. 1816, 2 April 1917; „Rad ‘Prehrane‘, ‘Ratne kuhinje‘ i ‘Vojni čkog doma‘.“, 
NN 83, no. 105, 7 May 1917.
68
 Mayer, Dobrotvorno društvo „Prehrana“, p. 15, pp. 21-22.
69
 Guido Stern (1867 – 1937) was the president of the „Humaneness“ Society from 1911 
until 1920, and his family was one of its founders (Kolar-Dimitrijevi ć, Prvo zagrebačko dobrot-
vorno društvo, p. 86).
70
 Mayer, Dobrotvorno društvo „Prehrana“, p. 22; Kolar-Dimitrijevi ć, Prvo zagreba čko 
dobrotvorno društvo, p. 45.
71
 The „Foundation of Nourishment President and Founder Šandor A. Alexander” was 

Zgodovinski časopis | 72 | 2018 | 3-4 | (158) 407
of 20,000,000 crowns was not disclosed, the Society was accused of illegal food 
trading and malfeasance with fl our at the expense of the Provisional Department.
72
 
However, today it appears that the money was part of the income of the Zagreb 
Brewery, whose majority owner was Samuel David Alexander,
73
 Šandor A. Alex-
ander’s brother.
74
 
On 10 August 1917, the City Council established a Revision Committee, which 
was supposed to provide a report as soon as possible. The report was fi nished on 
15 September, but the City Council acknowledged it only on 3 December. Despite 
this, the fi ndings were published in the newspapers in order to remove suspicion 
from the Society and its president. The report shows that the Society was founded 
by Šandor A. Alexander in September 1914, who gave 60,000 crowns from his 
own pocket, so that the feeding of the population could start as soon as possible. 
Since citizens’ contributions and the city and state subsidies could not cover the 
expenses, Alexander decided to engage in food trading at his own risk, with the 
potential profi ts being used for the benefi t of the Society. By 14 September 1917, 
the society managed to achieve an income of 721,431 crowns, while expenditures 
reached 1,971,815 crowns. A defi cit of 1,250,384 crowns was covered by selling 
tea, which had been acquired in large quantities at the beginning of the war, and 
by selling cabbage and turnips during the winter of 1916/17. In fact, the selling of 
these foodstuffs on the market resulted in a profi t, since they were sold for a total 
of 2,443,626 crowns, which were used to buy the mentioned controversial house, 
securities and goods, cover claims, etc. The offi cial report ends with a critical 
note on the “truly modest support” of the city for this endeavour, claiming it was 
supposed to use all available funds to help the Society rather than leaving it all to 
an individual who “is acquiring the funds necessary for that purpose through suc-
cessful speculation”.
75
 Of course, the last part wasn’t published in offi cial organs.
76
 
The entire revision report was composed of data offered to the auditors by 
Šandor A. Alexander, which allowed potential critics to continue to make com-
established on 12 March 1918 and fi nanced the soup kitchen until 1966, when it ceased to exist. 
A fond of the same name exists in the Croatian State Archives, but doesn’t contain any relevant 
documents from the First World War period.
72
 „Odlikovanje Š. A. Alexandera.“, NN 83, no. 138, 18 June 1917; „Šandor A. Alexander.“, 
JL 6, no. 1892, 17 June 1917; „Prihod najve će ku će u gradu u korist ‘Prehrane‘.“, NN 83, no. 
167, 23 July 1917; „Kukovi ćeva ku ća.“, JL 6, no. 1932, 27 July 1917.
73
 Samuel David Alexander (1862–1943) graduated at the Business Academy in Graz, 
after which he worked in his father’s company and led a subsidiary in Sisak. During the time of 
the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, he owned breweries and malt factories in Sisak and Zagreb. 
He also owned a large number of shares of the Royal Leather Factory in Zagreb, and founded 
the fi rst oil factory in Croatia. He was a board member of many banks and business associations, 
participated in the activities of singing and other associations, and became one of the founders 
of the Israeli holiday camp in Zagreb in 1914. (Mirnik, „Obitelj Alexander“, pp. 101-103)
74
 Kolar, „Zagreba čka pivovara“, pp. 36-37.
75
 DAZ, GPZ, Op ći spisi Predsjedništvo, no. 1.696 Prs/1917.
76
 „Revizija ‘Prehrane‘.“, NN 83, no. 212, 17 September 1917; „U ‘Prehrani‘ sve u naj-
boljem redu!“, JL 6, no. 1984, 17 September 1917; „‘Prehrana‘ pred gr. zastupstvom.“, NN 83, 
no. 278, 4 December 1917.

V . HERMAN KAURI Ć: How to Feed a City during the First World War – The Case of Zagreb 408  
plaints. After publishing the report, criticism died down or at least wasn’t as public. 
Through public polemics, we can see that fat was acquired from Hungary because 
it was unavailable in Croatia in 1917. From Bohemia they acquired 30 wagons of 
cabbage, but it was seized by the Army, and the same happened to the 10 wagons 
of potatoes stored in Slavonia. The Society bought cabbage and turnips en masse, 
grated and pickled them, and then sold them to hospitals at a certain profi t. When 
these foodstuffs disappeared from the market, they publicly announced that they 
would start selling their supplies to the populace.
77
After the mentioned controversy, there was talk in December 1917 about the 
need for changing the Society’s business model and introducing new regulations. 
Even though the Land Government approved the regulations on 3 August, just 
before the Revision Committee was founded, the founding assembly was held on 
18 December 1917, i. e. after the City Council received the report.
78
 The Society 
was named “Nourishment” and its Administrative Board was for the most part 
composed of the same people who were active in its predecessor.
79
 The Society’s 
previous work was formulated into fi ve offi cial goals, which were to last throughout 
the war, but also while its effects continued to be felt. The feeding of poor members 
of the families of mobilized or killed soldiers, and of those who were left unfi t for 
work due to the war, had priority. Next in line was the poor school youth, older 
and/or disabled people and other poor folk, the upkeep of the “Soldier’s Home” 
(an establishment where soldiers can relax and socialise without getting involved 
with the civilian population), and providing food to poorer people at a discount.
80
On 13 August 1918, King Charles IV gave Šandor A. Alexander a hereditary 
title of Hungarian nobility, with the adjective “of Sesvete” for his work in providing 
wartime relief, and this was received with approval among the general populace.
81
 
A ceremonial session of “Nourishment” was held one month later, and on this oc-
casion Josip Šilovi ć congratulated the Society members for providing food for the 
families for tens of thousands of soldiers as well as “countless peasants from the 
countryside”, “many soldiers passing through Zagreb”, disabled people, teachers-
in-training, school youth, and “thousands upon thousands” of poor children from 
Dalmatia, Istria, and “Herzeg-Bosnia” during the four war years. This would never 
have been possible without Šandor A. Alexander, and it was said that “Nourishment” 
was Alexander.
82
 Newspapers reported that it was precisely thanks to “Nourishment” 
that nobody died of hunger in Zagreb.
83
 Even though the offi cial reason for the 
77
 DAZ, „Prehrana“, Podaci o radu 1917./1947., unnumbered, „Agramer Tagblatt“ from 
8 September 1917.
78
 „Reorganizacija ‘Prehrane‘.“, JL 6, no. 2067, 8 December 1917; „Glavna skupština 
društva ‘Prehrane‘...“, NN 83, no. 283, 11 December 1917.
79
 DAZ, „Prehrana“, knjiga Zapisnika godišnjih skupština, 1; Mayer, Dobrotvorno društvo 
„Prehrana“, p. 15.
80
 HDA, UOZV , (1915.-1917.), no. 55.649/1917., Pravila društva „Prehrana“ u Zagrebu.
81
 „Službeno.“, NN 84, no. 206, 10 September 1918; „Odlikovanje predsjednika ‘Prehra-
ne‘.“, NN 84, no. 207, 11 September 1918.
82
 DAZ, „Prehrana“, knjiga Zapisnika godišnjih skupština, pp. 15-16.
83
 „Sve čana sjednica odbora ‘Prehrane‘.“, NN 84, no. 210, 14 September 1918.

Zgodovinski časopis | 72 | 2018 | 3-4 | (158) 409
ennoblement was exclusively his charity work, it is hard to believe that it was the 
only one. It is far more likely that it was a reward for war loans (actually grants) 
totalling 1,000,000 gold crowns.
84
Conclusion
The initial confusion of the central authorities after the outbreak of the war 
and their slow response to the resulting problems made room for the local authori-
ties and enterprising individuals. The basis of a relief system was established a few 
weeks after the mobilization and was in constant need of updating due to increasing 
demand, and the acquisition of food presented a burning problem. Even though it 
was diffi cult to acquire certain kinds of food, it seems food was always available 
on the market in Zagreb, albeit in minimal amounts and at maximum prices. The 
proximity of the Slavonian breadbasket and the rural surroundings of the city al-
lowed for a constant infl ux of food to the markets, including the black market. The 
Provisional Department’s shops offered the most basic food at lower-than-market 
prices and thus enabled the feeding of the poorer citizens. The poorest were catered 
to by the Society, and soup kitchens were opened for various types of users, primar-
ily soldiers’ wives and children. In addition, the Society sent meagre breakfasts to 
the poorest primary school pupils.
Food was in very short supply of food in late-war Zagreb, but it appears that 
there weren’t any deaths from hunger, albeit a great many people fell into extreme 
poverty. It would have been even worse were it not for the efforts of Šandor A. 
Alexander, a man of great personal wealth who was supported by a very large and 
powerful family with strong business and private connections throughout Croatia 
and the Monarchy.
Sources and literature
Sources
Ilustrovani list (IL), vol. 1-5 (1914-1918).
Jutarnji list (JL), vol. 3-7 (1914-1918).
Narodne novine (NN), vol. 80-84 (1914-1918).
Obzor, vol. 55-59 (1914-1918).
Državni arhiv Zagreb (DAZ), „Prehrana“.
Državni arhiv Zagreb (DAZ), Gradsko poglavarstvo Zagreb (GPZ), Op ći spisi Predsjedništvo.
Državni arhiv Zagreb (DAZ), Gradsko poglavarstvo Zagreb (GPZ), Op ći spisi.
Hrvatski državni arhiv (HDA), Predsjedništvo Zemaljske vlade (PrZV). 
Hrvatski državni arhiv (HDA), Unutrašnji odjel Zemaljske vlade Serija pravila (UOZV SP).
Hrvatski državni arhiv (HDA), Unutrašnji odjel Zemaljske vlade (UOZV).
Hrvatski državni arhiv (HDA), Zbirka Stampati.
84
 Mirnik, „Obitelj Alexander“, p. 107.

V . HERMAN KAURI Ć: How to Feed a City during the First World War – The Case of Zagreb 410  
Pravila društva „Liga za zaštitu djece“ u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji, Zagreb: Kr. zemaljska tiskara 
u Zagrebu, 1916.
Pravila družtva za prehranu siromašne školske mladeži pu čkih škola u Zagrebu, Zagreb: Tisak 
Ign. Granitza, s. a.
Zagreb godine 1913-1918. Izvještaj Gradskog poglavarstva o sveop ćoj upravi slobodnog i kralj. 
glavnoga grada Zagreba, Zagreb: Knjigotiskara bra ća Kralj, 1927.
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POVZETEK
Kako prehraniti mesto med prvo svetovno vojno – primer 
Zagreba 
Vijoleta Herman Kauri ć
Na predve čer prve svetovne vojne je imel Zagreb vse atribute modernega glavnega mesta 
ene od dežel Avstro-Ogrske, vklju čujo č vse zna čilnosti lokalno-upravnega, politi čnega, prome-
tnega, gospodarskega ter kulturnega središ ča. Po popisu prebivalstva leta 1910 je imel Zagreb 
79.038 prebivalcev, v mestno upravo je bilo vklju čenih tudi šest sosednjih vasi, a le 6,85 % 
mestnega prebivalstva se je ukvarjalo s kmetovanjem. Glavne gospodarske panoge so obsegale 
obrt in industrijo, trgovino in ban čništvo, visok odstotek prebivalstva je bil zaposlen v oskrbi in 
prometu. Natan čno število ljudi, ki so živeli v mestu med prvo svetovno vojno, ostaja neznanka. 
Po oceni mestnega glavarstva je v mestu živelo približno 86.000 ljudi, gre za edini podatek za 
obdobje med uradnima popisoma − drugi od obeh je bil leta 1921. Znano je tudi, da je mestno 
prebivalstvo “znatno” naraslo zaradi prihoda beguncev iz zasedenih obmo čij, a njihovo natan čno 
število ni zabeleženo.
Kmalu po razglasitvi splošne mobilizacije je postalo jasno, kako zelo so bile družine 
vpoklicanih vojakov odvisne od svojih prehranjevalcev in koliko bi jih težko preživelo brez 
pomo či, ne glede na čas trajanja vojne. Osrednja oblast se je sprva slabo odzvala na nove okoli-
š čine in le po časi reševala težave, ki jih je prinesla vojna, kar so kmalu zatem popravili lokalna 
oblast ter podjetni posamezniki. Sistem pomo či, ki ga je bilo zaradi vedno ve čjih potreb treba 
nenehno dopolnjevati, so vzpostavili nekaj tednov po mobilizaciji in nabava hrane je bila pere č 
problem. Čeprav je bilo težko nabaviti dolo čene vrste živil, se zdi, da je bila hrana na zagrebški 
tržnici vedno na razpolago, čeravno v minimalnih koli činah ter z maksimalnimi cenami. Bližina 
slavonske žitnice in ruralna okolica mesta sta omogo čali stalen pritok hrane na tržnice, tudi na 
črni trg. V trgovinah odseka za preskrbo so najbolj osnovna živila prodajali po cenah, ki so bile 
nižje od tržnih, s čimer so omogo čili prehrano najrevnejših prebivalcev mesta, za katere je skr-
belo društvo, ljudske kuhinje so bile namenjene razli čnim tipom uporabnikov, predvsem ženam 
in otrokom vojakov. Društvo je poskrbelo tudi za skromen zajtrk najrevnejših osnovnošolcev.
Proti koncu vojne je v mestu vladalo pomanjkanje živil, a zdi se, da nih če ni umrl zaradi 
lakote, čeprav je veliko ljudi utrpelo skrajno revš čino. Položaj bi bil še slabši brez Šandorja 
A. Alexandra, izjemno premožnega moža s podporo velike in mogo čne družine z razvejanimi 
poslovnimi in zasebnimi kontakti na Hrvaškem in v drugje po monarhiji.