ACTA HISTRIAE
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UDK/UDC 94(05) ISSN 1318-0185ACTA HISTRIAE 30, 2022, 1, pp. 1-262
UDK/UDC 94(05) 
Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko - Koper
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ACTA HISTRIAE
30, 2022, 1
KOPER 2022
ISSN 1318-0185
e-ISSN 2591-1767
ACTA HISTRIAE • 30 • 2022 • 1
ISSN 1318-0185                UDK/UDC 94(05)             Letnik 30, leto 2022, številka 1
e-ISSN 2591-1767
Darko Darovec
Gorazd Bajc, Furio Bianco (IT), Stuart Carroll (UK), Angel Casals Martinez (ES), 
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Darovec, Lucien Faggion (FR), Marco Fincardi (IT), Darko Friš, Aleš Maver, Borut 
Klabjan, John Martin (USA), Robert Matijašić (HR), Darja Mihelič, Edward Muir 
(USA), Žiga Oman, Jože Pirjevec, Egon Pelikan, Luciano Pezzolo (IT), Claudio 
Povolo (IT), Marijan Premović (MNE), Luca Rossetto (IT), Vida Rožac Darovec, 
Andrej Studen, Marta Verginella, Salvator Žitko
Urška Lampe, Gorazd Bajc, Lara Petra Skela, Marjan Horvat, Žiga Oman
Petra Berlot
Urška Lampe (angl., slo.), Gorazd Bajc (it.), Arnela Abdić (angl.)
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ACTA HISTRIAE • 30 • 2022 • 1
Volume 30, Koper 2022, issue 1
VSEBINA / INDICE GENERALE / CONTENTS
Vid Žepič: Kužni privilegiji v občepravni doktrini in evropskih civilnih kodifikacijah ........
Privilegia pestis nella dottrina del diritto comune e nei codici del diritto civile europeo
The »Plague Privileges« in the Legal Doctrine of the ius commune and in the 
European Civil Codifications
Mario Novak & Tamás Hajdu: Život i smrt u zaleđu kvarnerskog zaljeva tijekom srednjeg 
vijeka: bioarheološka analiza ljudskih koštanih ostataka iz Triblja, iskopavanja 2015. godine. 
Bioarheologija srednjovjekovne populacije iz Triblja .................................................................
La vita e la morte nell’entroterra della baia del quarnero medioevale: analisi 
bioarcheologiche dei resti di ossa umane a Tribalj, scavi nel 2015. 
Bioarcheologia della popolazione medievale di Tribalj 
Life and Death in the Hinterland of Kvarner Bay During the Middle Ages: 
Bioarcheological Analysis of Human Bone Remains from Tribalj, Excavations 
in 2015. Bioarcheology of the Medieval Population from Tribalj 
Loris De Nardi: Una modalità di contribuzione indiana per i domini italiani meridionali 
degli Asburgo di Spagna? I donativi extra-assembleari del 1629, 1630 e 1637 ...........
An Indian Contribution Modality for the Southern Italian Domains of the 
Habsburgs of Spain? The Extra-Assembly Gifts of 1629, 1630 and 1637 
Indijski model dajatev za južno-italijanske dominione Habsburgov v Španiji? 
Izredne dajatve v letih 1629, 1630 in 1637
Vanja Kočevar: Generalni mandat cesarja Ferdinanda II. o verskih razmerah na Kranjskem 
iz leta 1631: (ne)prilagoditev kranjskih elit na protireformacijo in katoliško prenovo .............
Il mandato generale dell’imperatore Ferdinando II del 1631 relativo alla situazione religiosa in 
Carniola: il (dis)adattamento delle élite carniolane alla controriforma e alla riforma cattolica
The 1631 General Mandate of Emperor Ferdinand II on the Religious Situation in Carniola: 
(Non-)Adaptation of Carniolan Elites to the Counter-Reformation and Catholic Revival
Nikola R. Samardžić & Marija V. Kocić: Naples and Sicily after 
Utrecht and Rastatt 1713–1714. From the British Perspective  ..........................................
Napoli e Sicilia dopo Utrecht e Rastatt 1713–1714. Dalla prospettiva britannica 
Neapelj in Sicilija po Utrechtu in Rastattu 1713–1714. Iz britanske perspektive
1
23
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Remzi Avci: Writing the Orient: The Representation of the Ottoman 
Society in the Travel of Eduard Sachau (1845–1930) ...........................................................
Scrivere sull’Oriente: la rappresentazione della società ottomana nel 
viaggio di Eduard Sachau (1845–1930) 
Pisanja o Orientu: upodobitev otomanske družbe v potopisu Eduarda Sachaua (1845–1930)
Yizheng Zou: The collaboration of Chinese and British radicals 
and the role of Hong Kong in modern Chinese history ........................................................
La collaborazione tra i radicali cinesi e britannici e il ruolo di 
Hong Kong nella storia della Cina moderna 
Sodelovanje kitajskih in britanskih radikalov ter vloga Hong Konga v 
moderni kitajski zgodovini
Manca G. Renko: Razredni boj proti nacionalizmu. Primer Trsta med 1888 in 1914 ....
La lotta di classe contro il nazionalismo. L‘esempio di Trieste 1888–1914
Class Struggle vs. Nationalism. Example of Trieste 1888–1914
Iskra Iveljić & Miha Preinfalk: From the Habsburg to the Karađorđević Dynasty.
The Position of Croatian and Slovenian Nobility in the Yugoslav State ......................
Dagli Asburgo ai Karadjordjevic. La posizione della 
nobiltà croata e slovena nello stato jugoslavo
Od Habsburžanov do Karađorđevićev. Položaj hrvaškega in 
slovenskega plemstva v jugoslovanski državi
Egon Pelikan: Odstavitev zadnjega slovenskega škofa v 
Julijski krajini – Frančiška Borgie Sedeja .............................................................................
La deposizione dell’ultimo vescovo sloveno della Venezia Giulia – Francesco Borgia Sedej 
Removal of the Last Slovene Archbishop in Venezia Giulia – Frančišek Borgia Sedej
Tomaž Ivešić: Exchanging the “Progressive Experiences” in a Transnational Perspective: 
Nationality, Economy and Federalism in Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia in the 1960s ....
Scambiare “l’esperienza progressista” nella prospettiva transnazionale: nazionalità, 
economia e federalismo in Jugoslavia e Cecoslovacchia negli anni sessanta
Izmenjava “progresivnih izkušenj” v transnacionalni perspektivi: nacionalnost, 
ekonomija in federalizem v Jugoslaviji in Čehoslovaški v šestdesetih letih
215
161
239
185
141
121
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NAPLES AND SICILY AFTER UTRECHT AND RASTATT 1713–1714. 
FROM THE BRITISH PERSPECTIVE 
Nikola R. SAMARDŽIĆ
University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of History,
Čika Ljubina, 18–20, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia
e-mail: nikola.samardzic@f.bg.ac.rs
Marija V. KOCIĆ
University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of History,
Čika Ljubina, 18–20, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia
e-mail: marija.kocic@f.bg.ac.rs
ABSTRACT
The research is based on documents from the National Archives in London, State 
Papers, Foreign, Venice (n° 99), folders n° 60 i 61. These documents contain precious 
information on political changes in Italy after 1714 in the light of British interests and 
from the perspective of British contemporaries as the Treaty of Rastatt has ordered a shift 
of authorities in the Naples and Sicily. The Austrian takeover of these Spanish posses-
sions has produced important consequences for British interests in the Mediterranean. 
This research reconstructed the events from the perspective of these interests. 
Keywords: Kingdom of Naples, Sicily, Great Britain, Vittorio Amedeo II, pope Clement XI
NAPOLI E SICILIA DOPO UTRECHT E RASTATT 1713–1714.
DALLA PROSPETTIVA BRITANNICA
SINTESI
Alla base della presente ricerca ci sono i documenti custoditi negli Archivi Na-
zionali di Londra, gli State Papers, Foreign, Venice n° 99, fasc. 60 e 61. Contengono 
preziose informazioni sui cambiamenti politici in Italia dopo il 1714 dal punto di 
vista degli interessi britannici e della prospettiva dei britannici contemporanei. Il 
trattato di Rastatt dal 1714 prevedeva il cambio di governo a Napoli e in Sicilia e 
l’acquisizione austriaca di questi possedimenti, precedentemente in mano spagnola, 
ha avuto conseguenze importanti per gli interessi britannici nel Mediterraneo. La 
ricerca ha ricostruito gli eventi tenendo conto del punto di vista di questi interessi.
Parole chiave: Regno di Napoli, Sicilia, Gran Bretagna, Vittorio Amedeo II, papa 
Clemente XI 
Received: 2018-01-30                            DOI 10. 92 3/AH.202 .05
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INTRODUCTION1
Since the beginning of the 18th century Italy was coming back into the focus of 
international relations. Its new political prominence almost resembled the already 
distant era of the Renaissance. The Austrian conquest of the Kingdom of Naples 
(1707) took place during the Spanish succession war (1701–1714), a major European 
conflict that followed the long-awaited death of the last Spanish Habsburg, Carlos 
II (1661–1700, king: 1665–1700).2 The war threatened to seriously upset European 
relations. France sought the Spanish throne on behalf of Philip V (1683–1746, 
king: 1701–1724), a grandson of Louis XIV (1638–1715, king: 1643–1715): that 
would enable a new leverage of strategic power, but France was lacking the military 
strength, although possessing the largest single European ground force. Swedish 
king Charles XII (1682–1718, king: 1697–1718) opened the Great Northern War 
front (1700–1721) against the coalition of Russia, Denmark and Poland. 
In the Spanish succession war England and Netherlands supported candidacy of 
Charles of Habsburg, future Charles VI (1685–1740, emperor: 1711–1740), the son 
of Leopold I (1640–1705, emperor: 1658–1705). Charles VI, directly engaged in 
Catalonia, considered Naples as an important financial and strategic stronghold in 
the struggle for the Spanish succession, although southern Italy was not on the way 
of strategic operations. Austrians entered in Naples on July 7, 1707, ending a long 
period of Spanish rule.3
Right after taking over the throne, Charles VI gave a lot of prominence to Italy.4 
Divided and moved towards margins of international relations, Italy somehow re-
tained its specific significance, as control over Italy was still considered as a key to 
influence in the Mediterranean. Austrian conquest of Kingdom of Naples threatened 
British and Dutch interests (Granito, 1861, II, 120).
During the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714) Savoy (Piedmont) also 
became more important. Vittorio Amedeo II (1666–1732, reign: 1675–1730) showed 
more and more ambitions from the end of the 17th century, easily willing to switch 
1 This article is a result of research on a scientific project Modernization of Western Balkans (n° 177009), 
financed by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. 
We especially owe a gratitude to the colleague of ours Haris Dajč, assistant professor. 
2 The previous success in a long and the challenging so-called Great Turkish War (1683–1699) enabled 
Austria to take over initiative in international relations. Spanish succession and possible gains in 
Italy have been set as new Austrian Habsburg priorities. The Spanish succession war engaged both 
the Western Europe and Austria.
3 From the beginning of the 18th century, new priorities in Austrian foreign policy were Italy and the 
Danubian provinces along the border with Turkey. Some provinces such as Friuli and Veneto became 
located on the watershed of strategic directions of Austrian interests. Austrian activities, especially in 
Italy, were also of interest for Britain, Netherlands and France. (Since the mid 15th century, Naples 
and Sicily partly substituted the role of Eastern Mediterranean, primarily eastern coasts of Adriatic 
and Ionian seas, fallen into Turkish spheres of influence).
4 Charles VI succeeded his elder brother, Joseph I (1678–1711, emperor: 1705–1711), as Holy Roman 
Emperor, King of Bohemia, King of Hungary and Croatia, and King of Serbia, Archduke of Austria, etc. 
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sides for territorial compensation. Ending alliance with Bourbons (1703), he turned 
to Austria, Britain and the Netherlands. He was given promises for money and new 
possessions in northern Italy (Storrs, 2000b, 3). While he resisted pressure from 
Bourbon army at Turin, Vittorio Amedeo II was compelled to displace his family 
to Genoa (1706). Austrian successes in Italy helped him to finally obtain new ter-
ritories (Storrs, 2000b, 4). Savoy had possession of Sicily confirmed in Utrecht, 
while until then it was controlled by English fleet (Storrs, 2000b, 4).5 Anyway, 
English influence on Vittorio Amedeo II was obvious, as shown in recent research 
that emphasizes their relations after 1684 (Storrs, 2000a, 214).
Historical analyses of the disintegration of the Spanish rule in Italy emphasized 
unfavorable conditions in economy, politics and army, and internal discontent facili-
tated a change of government (Cremonini, 2013, 184–185). In processes that took 
part after Utrecht and Rastatt, Gaetano Sabatini was tracking roots of modern Italian 
national movement. He considered Spanish rule as backward and degrading force 
(Sabatini, 2007, 594). Later studies followed his footsteps and pointed even more 
weaknesses of Spanish rule in the Kingdom of Naples. A significant step forward in 
clarifying the circumstances in the Kingdom of Naples was achieved in the volume 
Naples in the Eighteenth Century. The Birth and Death of a Nation State (Imbruglia, 
2000). In this collective project, structured to follow certain segments of Neapolitan 
society in the eighteenth century, proceedings almost do not affect the establishment 
of the Austrian authorities, nor the international relations context. During decades 
back John A. Marino explores Neapolitan society revealing the essential tendencies 
of economic development, the details of everyday life, even the cultural climate 
(Marino, 1988; Marino, 2011). His results have facilitated our understanding of 
the internal circumstances. Collection of archive documents Baroque Naples. A 
Documentary History 1600–1800 is a dense volume of curios data and bibliographi-
cal suggestions following the Naples history, contemporary travelers’ testimonies, 
descriptions of the art, architecture and classical inheritance, literature, music and 
theater (Porter, 2000).
After losing Naples and Sicily, Spain was facing new challenges in international 
politics. In the otherwise rich and profound study Napoli capitale. Identità cittadina. 
Studi e ricerche 1255–1860 (Galasso, 1998) the Austrian intermediate period was 
neglected together with the international scene where Britain has emerged as an 
ultimate force in the Mediterranean. Italian historians observed eighteenth century 
Naples primarily in the light of “proto-national” interests. Therefore, of a significant 
importance was the volume Peace Was Made Here: The Treaties of Utrecht, Rastatt 
and Baden, 1713–1714, edited by Renger E. de Bruin and ‎Maarten Brinkman: “for 
the British ... the Treaty of Utrecht was an enormous success, creating a balance of 
powers in Europe and British dominance at sea” (Bruin & Brinkman, 2013, 238). 
5 Sicily remained possession of Vittorio Amedeo II of Savoy for only several days. The island was 
recaptured by Spanish fleet in the war 1718–1719. By decision of Quadruple Alliance (Great Britain, 
Netherlands, France and Austria) Vittorio Amedeo II had to switch Sicily for Sardinia. 
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We noticed a shift in interpretations of a perspective of long-term historical conse-
quences, especially in comparison with the significance of the 1648 Westphalian 
treaties, in the volume Performances of Peace: Utrecht 1713 (Bruin et al., 2015). A 
collection of works that brought together significant connoisseurs of the era, seek to 
shed light on the various aspects of the negotiations and peace concluded in Utrecht 
and its immediate aftermath. In particular, the British public attitude related to the 
Utrecht treaty was presented by Samia Al-Shayban, The Treaty of Utrecht and Ad-
ddison’s Cato: Britain’s War of the Spanish Succession, Peace and the Imperial 
Road Map (Al-Shayban, 2015, 123–141). Cited article encouraged our research of 
the British politics during the government shifts in Naples and Sicily. We have also 
observed the events following the 1713 Utrecht peace that led to the Triple Alliance 
between the Dutch Republic, France and Great Britain against Spain in 1717, with 
all the consequences for relations in the Mediterranean. Frederik Dhondt examined 
the shift in general political relations in the study “Balance of Power and Norm 
Hierarchy: Franco–British Diplomacy after the Peace of Utrecht” placing emphasis 
on the alliance of Britain and France from 1716. Dhond also quested European 
diplomacy from the point of the alliance’s sustainability, stressing its consequences 
in Italy (Dhondt, 2015, 108–155). 
In Britain, changes after 1713 and 1714 contributed to the development of home 
policies, with exceptionally stimulating economic implications (McKay & Scott, 
1983, 43–66). The presence of British traders became a significant factor observed 
by several analysts in the mid-18th century Naples. Antonio Genovesi (1713–1769), 
as revealed by Franco Venturi, emphasized the basic principles of British foreign 
trade, prejudging how they could be reflected in the Kingdom of Naples (Venturi, 
1962, 122–163). Genovesi highlighted the case of the trader John Cary (1649–1722), 
for many years involved in overseas trade with the West Indies (Carribean), and 
later even ran as a candidate in the parliamentary elections. The highly personalized 
entrepreneurship of the British traders could not go unnoticed by Italian contempo-
raries, emerging from a different sphere of understanding of commercial business. 
Our research has revealed the high commitment of British diplomacy to commercial 
interests in every corner of the Mediterranean, while they occasionally had to be 
adjusted to frequent and complex changes in the relations of European powers.
The purpose of this research is to shed light on the Kingdoms of Naples and 
Sicily immediately after the treaties in Utrecht and Rastatt, using the British sources. 
For the first time, these sources were completely examined in this study, both from 
the British perspective, and from the need to further highlight very sensitive circum-
stances in Italy, reflecting the general European relations, especially those involving 
Austria, the Ottoman Empire and France. Of particular importance are, we must 
stress, the British reports from Venice. From the British point of interest, Venice 
was becoming an useful information center, rather than being any important trade 
competitor. In Venice could be heard the latest news and hints of political change. 
These reports allowed us to explore the British perspective after the abolition of the 
Spanish rule and the transition of the Savoy and Austrian authorities the Kingdoms 
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of Naples and Sicily respectively. This methodological approach is also justified by 
Britain’s role as a guarantor of the implementation of the Utrecht Treaty. Events of 
a “local character” did not attract the attention of historians who already used the 
British sources, since they were preoccupied with crucial diplomatic relations that 
charted the post-Utrecht Europe.
THE ATTEMPTS TO DEFINE THE BRITISH MEDITERRANEAN POLICY
FROM THE BEGINNINGS OF THE 18TH CENTURY
During the reign of Queen Anne (1665–1714, queen: 1702–1714) Britain has 
not yet clearly defined its Italian policies. From the point of view of potential Brit-
ish interests, the state of the Apennine peninsula was marked by the decadence of 
Venice. The decline of Venice in political and economic power opened up new op-
portunities for the British relations with the Levant and the Middle East. However, 
lowering the level of diplomatic relations did not prevent Britain and Venice to 
continue to tolerate the freedom of trade. The similar model was noticeable in Brit-
ish relations with other Italian merchant states. In relations with the Kingdom of 
Naples and Sicily, Britain has also paid attention to their strategic role in Mediter-
ranean navigation. In particular, during the War of the Spanish Succession British 
ships had to sail in convoys, as in the Mediterranean the merchant vessels were 
followed by warships as protection from the pirates, especially from the Sallee 
Barbary pirates (TNA SP 99/60, f. 6r).
British expansion into Western Mediterranean started with the conquest of 
Gibraltar (1704). After Britain captured Menorca (1708),6 Port Mahon became 
significant anchorage for the British Mediterranean fleet. Gibraltar and Menorca 
remained mostly strategically important for Britain, although also several economic 
projects were envisaged with Menorca (some circles in London planned to build a 
commercial centre, in a fashion of Livorno or Marseille) (Anderson, 2003, 336). 
From Gibraltar and Menorca, British fleet could supervise ports of southern France, 
and eastern and southern Spain. 
The Spanish succession war brought Sicily partly under British control. English 
merchants decided to take advantage of the British fleet supremacy and submitted 
“A memorial from the Sicily merchants”. The document was read in the Parliament 
on December 10, 1712, and afterward forwarded to Sir Edward Gould (?–1728) for 
further analysis. The project on trade with Sicily was soon confirmed and signed. 
British merchants, however, did not succeed in achieving favorable relations with 
Venice (Atkinson, 1925, 396–400; Kocić, 2018a, 147 and further on).
6 The British conquest of Menorca also faced the local pontifical influence. The pope possessed the 
right of appointing bishops. A report from the beginning of February 1713 reveals that both the lo-
cal clergy and the Vatican accused the British government on the island of acting against Catholic 
interests and papacy, and expected the protection of France (TNA SP 99/60, ff. 44r–44v). Complaints 
about the British behavior continued to arrive in Vatican from Menorca also after the Utrecht treaty 
(TNA SP 99/60, ff. 165r–165v). 
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Peace conference in Utrecht was convened in order to close the Spanish suc-
cession war, but the conflicts did not end until the beginning of 1713.7 Anyway, 
new demarcations were taking shape. Charles VI did not take part in peace 
negotiations in Utrecht, but continued operations in Spain, Italy and Flanders. 
The Treaty of Utrecht recognized Louis XIV’s grandson Philip, Duke of Anjou, 
as King of Spain, as Philip V. The Treaty confirmed the rise of Great Britain 
under Queen Anne and later the House of Hanover. On behalf of Spain, Phillip 
V renounced his rights over Sicily in favor of Savoy. The Spanish territories in 
Europe were divided as Savoy obtained Sicily and parts of the Duchy of Milan, 
and Austria (Charles VI, the Holy Roman Emperor and Archduke of Austria) the 
Spanish Netherlands, the Kingdom of Naples, Sardinia, and the other part of the 
Duchy of Milan. Austria compensated the loss of Spanish Habsburg inheritance 
by possessions in Italy: Milan, Naples, Sardinia. Spain was the single state that 
lost territories in the Succession war (Spanish Netherlands taken over by Austria). 
The peace agreement in Rastatt (1714) provided Austria with Flanders, Milan, 
Sardinia, Kingdom of Naples and administration of Tuscany (Anderson, 2003, 
335; Ingrao, 2000, 117–119). 
In Utrecht, Britain performed as a dictating force. Philip V was forced to re-
nounce Sicily and Savoy possessions on behalf of the Spanish throne. And it was just 
his personal unwillingness to compromise the Utrecht agreement that paved the way 
to the Austrian dominance in southern Italy.
THE NEW GOVERNMENT OF THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES 
Christian Cole (1673–1734)8 emphasized that “The Neapolitan Nobil[i]ty, which 
loves changes, is very weary of the Germans, and it is thought they would gladly 
chose a new Master” (TNA SP 99/60, f. 40v). The same source claim that: “The 
Neapolitan Nobil[i]ty is very ill pleased with their present Government, & would 
willingly change Master” (TNA SP 99/60, f. 43r). Pope Clement XI (1649–1721, 
pope: 1700–1721) was not contended when Carlo Borromeo Arese (1657–1734, 
viceroy: 1710–1713) was removed and replaced by Wirich Philipp von Daun 
(1669–1749, viceroy: 1713–1719), who took part in Austrian conquest of Naples 
(TNA SP 99/60, f. 77r).9 Austrian administration inherited habits of Spanish ad-
ministration, as certain historians believed, to impose decisions from the central 
administration to Naples. That manner applied primarily to the fleet, army and for-
tifications (Mafrici, 2007, 637). Supremo Consiglio d’Italia was moved to Vienna, 
where Kingdom of Naples had two representatives (Schipa, 1904, 6).
7 About the same conference: Pitt, 1971, 446 and further on.
8 Christian Cole arrived in Venice in 1707 as a Secretary of the British Embassy in this State. From 1708 
until 1714 he was on the position of a chargé d’affaires, but his rank was that of a Secretary. In 1715, 
for a brief period he was named a Resident. 
9 Conte di Teano, marchese di Rivoli, occasionally noted as Dhaun, in British sources Thaun.
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The viceroy Carlo Borromeo, described by British sources as kind but inactive, 
was at the port of Baia, overseeing construction of a new ship. In mid-April arrival 
of count Daun was awaited, and that was supposed to mean an administration with 
experience and authority (TNA SP 99/60, ff. 82r–82v). For that reason count Daun 
was named a viceroy of Naples for the second time,10 despite the fact that “a military 
man was necessary in these times” (TNA SP 99/60, f. 84v). 
Circumstances became even more complicated when the plague, that devas-
tated most of Apennine peninsula, attacked the Papal States (Kocić & Dajč, 2014, 
145–154). After news of plague outbreak came to Vienna, Clement XI insisted that 
viceroy of Naples takes part in defense. “The Pope wrote to Naples desiring all 
vessels coming from Trieste, Fiume, & that coast may be forced to doe contumacia, 
and if His desire be refused He will stop all commerce with Kingdom of Naples” 
(TNA SP 99/60, ff. 86r–86v).
British trade took place in convoys, that is, accompanied by warships. Two 
warships, “Superbe” and “Ormond”, who had previously sailed from Messina and 
Palermo to Naples (TNA SP 99/60, f. 98v), in mid-May 1713 left this port and set 
sail for Livorno accompanied by a merchant ship “Crown Galley” (TNA SP 99/60, f. 
110r). At the same time the largest warship of the Neapolitan fleet “Sant Leopold”, 
accompanied by several tartans loaded with grain and other groceries shipped from 
Barcelona, sailed further south (destination not specified), along with several British 
merchant ships (TNA SP 99/60, f. 110v). 
Count Daun remained in Rome, where he managed to avoid meeting the pope 
(Kocić, 2017, 49). Just at that time the pope decided to appoint eight new bishops for 
Naples, mostly friars, while Monsignor Jérôme Alexandre Vicentini (1672–1723) 
was to travel to Naples as a papal (apostolic) nuncio (1713–1723) (TNA SP 99/60, 
f. 112v). With these decisions, Vatican de facto recognized the new government in 
the Kingdom of Naples.
Count Daun arrived in Naples at the end of May 1713 “and had took possession 
of the Government of that Kingdom”. New viceroy urgently needed money, so he 
ordered 300,000 ducats are to be collected (TNA SP 99/60, f. 116r). He decided to 
tax also the clergy, asking for one tenth of the income. He refused appointment of 
two of papal bishops, with explication that they were not born on the territory of 
the Kingdom of Naples. He required Council and all supreme institutions to enforce 
the laws more strictly (TNA SP 99/60, f. 118v; Kocić, 2017, 49). Viceroy Daun has 
political and economic support from the local nobility (TNA SP 99/60, f. 126r). 
At the end of May, 40 tartans were sent from Naples to Barcelona with the task 
of embarking German troops (TNA SP, 99/60, f. 118v). Thus began exchange of 
soldiers, after defining the boundaries in Utrecht. At the same time strengthened a 
political party in Naples with the idea of the conquest of Sicily - (TNA SP 99/60, 
f. 126r). Anti-clerical measures by the new government received approval from 
Neapolitan subjects (TNA SP 99/60, ff. 126r–126v). An indicative attitude towards 
10 First time he was named in 1707, after conquest of the city.
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the policy of Charles VI in the Kingdom of Naples was described by the words of 
Christian Cole “The Germans are now a going to shew what they can doe when 
they will, and that both we and the Dutch have been too forward during all the 
war by charging our selfs wholy with it” (TNA SP 99/60, f. 126v). Cole criticized 
British support for Charles VI during the War of the Spanish Succession, although 
he was aware of the difficulties the British government faced in implementing the 
Utrecht treaty. The time that followed revealed that the role of the guarantor heavily 
burdened the British court, and also its representatives in the Kingdoms of Naples 
and in Sicily (Kocić, 2017, 49 and further on).
The Armistice between Austria and France was announced on June 30, 1713 “but 
the Correspondence with Sicily was not yet thereby opened” (TNA SP 99/60, f. 138r). 
The viceroy Daun soon after inspected the Spanish and German troops, stationed 
in the Kingdom of Naples. The local Spanish soldiers were required to give oath of 
faithfulness to Charles VI, and those who refused had to leave the Kingdom (TNA SP 
99/60, f. 144v). Anyway, Spanish soldiers who refused to join the Austrian army were 
to be transported to Spain on first convenient opportunity with passports. Several sol-
diers soon changed their minds, but viceroy Daun refused their offer (TNA SP 99/60, 
f. 150v). Spaniards who took oath previously, deserted the army. Three of them were 
captured, and viceroy Daun condemned them to death (TNA SP 99/60, f. 154r).
Imposition of the Austrian administration in Naples was impeded by preroga-
tives of Papal States. Charles VI refused to confirm bishops named for Kingdom 
of Naples by Clement XI (TNA SP 99/60, f. 165r). Relations between Kingdom of 
Naples and the Holy See worsened during events here reconstructed according to the 
British sources. Francesco Pignatelli (1652–1734), Archbishop of Taranto (and from 
1703 until 1734 Archbishop of Naples), summoned the Grand chamber and excom-
municated the whole Naples Judicatura on pretext that they breached the immunity 
of the church. Viceroy Daun sent soldiers to archbishop’s palace, and they arrested 
some clerks. Afterwards they sent prisoners to Rome (TNA SP 99/60, f. 178r; Kocić, 
2017, 52–53). For his part, the Pope decided to act with caution with the Kingdom of 
Naples, hoping a protection from Charles VI. British reports reveal that within some 
circles of the Austrian authorities in Naples persisted the idea of conquering Sicily. 
For this reason Daun ordered the armament of the troops and came to an agreement 
with his confidants in Palermo (TNA SP 99/60, f. 185r). Meanwhile, three ships 
with German soldiers from Barcelona returned to Naples (TNA SP 99/60, f. 190r). 
Several ships with soldiers sailed for Calabria under command of don Giuseppe 
de Liguori (TNA SP 99/60, f. 190r). Under pressure, or in order to maintain good 
relations with Charles VI, Vatican decided to withdraw the excommunication of the 
Archbishop of Naples (TNA SP 99/60, f. 190v).
Atmosphere in Kingdom of Naples remained, however, restless. Approxi-
mately a hundred “German” soldiers appeared in front of prison Benevento with 
a request to have delivered “state enemy”.11 Prison principal answered there is no 
11 Provincia di Benevento in the Campania region. 
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such a man, and that he will not deliver it without approval of the pope himself. 
After that, soldiers broke into the prison. The mutiny caused a local population 
discontent. Five soldiers and two locals were killed, and soldiers forced to retreat. 
After news of that incident Clement XI addressed the emperor Charles VI com-
plaining that viceroy Daun breached his “temporary jurisdiction” (TNA SP 99/60, 
f. 214v; Kocić, 2017, 53).
The Austrian authorities in Naples were still afraid of the behavior of the 
Spanish troops. The ships that were supposed to transfer Spanish troops from 
Naples were ready to sail in early November 1713. Half of the Spanish soldiers 
on board were born in the Kingdom of Naples and had no other homeland (TNA 
SP 99/60, f. 224r). Charles VI’s order caused some dissatisfaction but also con-
firmed the authorities’ intention to put it into action (TNA SP 99/60, f. 224v). 
There were 3.000 Spanish soldiers in the Kingdom in Naples. A group of Span-
ish deserters fled to Sicily instead of being transported via Rijeka to Hungary 
(TNA SP 99/60, f. 231r). Austrians feared they could be followed by the rest 
of Spanish soldiers. Spanish soldiers were transported on several occasions by 
convoys, supervised by British warships, during the autumn of 1713 until the 
late spring of 1714. 
Since Spain was taken over by a French dynasty, the viceroy Daun ordered 
on October 31, 1713 that all Frenchmen and all “French supporters” leave the 
Kingdom of Naples within 15 days (TNA SP 99/60, f. 231v; Kocić, 2017, 53). 
Between Sicily and Naples, tensions continued in 1713, but British war and 
merchant ships continued to traverse their ports. Two British warships (the 
Colchester and the Bristol) left Naples after four days stay in mid-October 1713 
to join the British Mediterranean fleet in Palermo. Previously in Naples they 
transferred the claims related to the British ships’ damages, and the vice-king 
Count Daun accepted the British requests (TNA SP 99/60, ff. 214r–214v), and 
they returned quickly to Palermo (TNA SP 99/60, f. 216r). A few days later, 
the British “Gayhound” was sent to find out whether the government in Naples 
decided in favor of the British merchants. Admiral John Jennings (1664–1743) 
was also expected to arrive in Naples as the commander of the British Mediter-
ranean fleet, in order “to finish that affair” (TNA SP 99/60, f. 220r). The Brit-
ish interests were threatened again by Charles VI’s decision to ban imports of 
foreign goods to Naples (silk, silver, etc.). It was followed by a Decree, which 
prescribed the clothing that every social group was allowed to wear (TNA SP 
99/60, f. 232v). A few months later, new trade taxes were introduced, “by which 
Our Navigation thether (Read as: thither)  would suffer very much” (TNA SP 
99/60, f. 267v). 
The government in Naples became particularly upset about the arrival of the 
new British fleet in the Mediterranean in early March 1714 (TNA SP 99/60, f. 
294r). At the same time, the government banned any trade between Calabria and 
Messina, and issued an order to repair Gaeta and other fortresses in the Kingdom 
of Naples (TNA SP 99/60, f. 296r). The peak of tension was triggered by the 
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Daun’s order to ban grain exports from Naples under the pretext of a bad harvest. 
Regarding the attitude of the King of Sicily, and the emergence of a new British 
Mediterranean fleet, the British sources claim that “They have strang[e] notions 
in their heads there about the King of Sicily, and of the designs of Her Majestys 
Squadron lately come into the Mediterranean” (TNA SP 99/60, 345v). Count Daun 
has ordered that the cannons should be turned towards the sea, and fortifications 
to be supplied with guns and grenades (TNA SP 99/60, ff. 345v–346r). Thanks to 
the growing tensions, the Kingdom of Naples could hardly wait for the conclusion 
of a peace treaty between France and Austria, concluded on 7 March 1714 in the 
Baden city of Rastatt, and across the Kingdom Te Deum was played for months 
in the Churches, and the free trade was established with Germany, Hungary and 
other states or territories (TNA SP 99/60, f. 355v). The new Naples authorities 
continued to work on rebuilding the army and navy. A decision was made to build 
a new pier at the port. The arrival of 500 German soldiers from Manfredonia was 
also expected (TNA SP 99/60, 352v). 
VITTORIO AMEDEO II IN SICILY
Britain did not hold consuls in the ports of Sicily, contrary to the practice in 
Naples. For this reason, the news Cole received from his confidants came largely 
from his Naples intelligence circles, possibly from Rome or from the press. The 
archive sources allow conclusion that the Naples kept attractiveness for the Brit-
ish of aristocratic origin, but they were less likely to visit Sicily. Sicily gained 
importance for the British, especially the merchants, only after 1713, when some 
British merchants also decided to settle on the island.
Another important circumstance has affected different developments in Sic-
ily, in relation to the kingdom of Naples. Until 1713, Sicily was the possession 
of Spain, and its military base. Philip V initiated reforms in 1701 that produced 
important political, social and financial consequences, according to the histo-
rian Valentina Favarò (Favarò, 2019, 107). This is how the Spanish authorities 
brought in order their rule in Sicily until the peace in Utrecht. Consolidation 
of Spanish governance made it difficult for Vittorio Amedeo II to establish 
his own rule on Sicily. Defined as the Nueva Planta, reforms included the 
Kingdom of Naples, but were suspended as Naples fell under Austrian rule 
already in 1707. 
Britain primarily tried to protect commercial positions in Sicily, defined by 
Utrecht treaty, on March 8, 1713 (Cooper, 1832, II, 373). Local nobility was 
pleased to hear that the duke of Savoy will soon arrive at Sicily as a king (TNA 
SP 99/60, f. 94r). While addressing previous viceroy of Sicily (Carlo Antonio 
Spinola, 4th Marquis of the Balbases 1665–1721, viceroy 1707–1713), Vittorio 
Amedeo II informed him that mediation of Britain and admiral Jennings was 
secured in Utrecht. He considered that the danger was coming from Kingdom 
of Naples, where 5.000 Catalan soldiers were stationed (Stellardi, 1862, 27). 
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The military preparations that followed pointed out a determination of Austria 
to seize Sicily. With that, Charles VI threatened to violate the peace agree-
ments. He specially endangered principle of “neutrality of Italy”, emphasized 
by several Apennine states. 
In the first days after the signing of the Utrecht treaty, Vittorio Amedeo 
II began to act as a sovereign of Sicily, seeking to put under his control even 
the ecclesiastical possessions (TNA SP 99/60, f. 92v). Unable to cope with 
his decisions, the Pope published the Second Monitorio in early August 1713 
demanding that all those who violate church privileges have a period of 50 days 
to repent, and in the future to refrain from any violation of church immunity. As 
punishment was intended excommunication, regardless of sex and social status 
of the offender. The First Monitorio, previously enacted with a similar purpose, 
was annulled by the Turin Edict issued by Vittorio Amedeo II. Then already, a 
British source predicted a more radical move by the Pope, as Vittorio Amedeo 
II rejected a reconciliation proposal (TNA SP 99/60, f. 154v). 
In August 1713 “An Excom[m]unication in primo grado was affix[ed] at 
Rome against the Judges in Sicily, and against al[l] who assisted [Him] in 
executing the orders of their King in banish the Bishop of Catania, and these 
cannot be absolved but by the Pope himself” (TNA SP 99/60, f. 178r; Kocić, 
2017, 52). Otherwise, the pope considered Sicily as a feud of the Holy See 
(TNA, SP, 99/60, f. 206v). Sicilian bishop in Giurgenti excommunicated all 
king’s officials and ordered all churches in his diocese to be shut. The dispute 
threatened to further deterioration of the relations between the Holy See and 
Savoy. Therefore Clement XI sent to Palermo Dominican friar Gamardi (TNA 
SP 99/60, ff. 202r–202v).12 
British sources shed light on the strained relations between Savoy and 
Rome. Vittorio Amedeo II directly opposed the pope in order to take over Sic-
ily. He was ceremoniously crowned in the Savoy capital, Turin, on September 
22, 1713, on Saint Maurice Day. Public celebration lasted for three nights 
(Stellardi, 1862, 33–34). Vittorio Amedeo II started towards Sicily already on 
September 25 1713 (Stellardi, 1862, 41; Di Casalgerardo, 1899, 9). He arrived 
in Palermo in mid October, where he received “loud and joyfull acclimations 
of their Subjects” (TNA SP 99/60, f. 220r; Di Casalgerardo, 1899, 11 and 
further on). Soon he revoked two most hated taxes and ordered release of all 
prisoners “even those who wer[e] condemned for crimes of the State” (TNA 
SP 99/60, f. 224v). 
The army of Vittorio Amedeo II took over all the fortifications on the island, 
and all Spanish soldiers had to leave Sicily (TNA SP 99/60, f. 232r). As Britain 
was a signatory and guarantor of the Treaty of Utrecht, the British Mediter-
12 In October 1713 “An Excomunication was again affixed & fulminated against the Marquis de Los 
Balbasos, and all the Government in Sicily, because they banished the Bishops of Messina & Gior-
gento” (TNA SP 99/60, f. 217r).
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ranean fleet had the task of ensuring the safe arrival of Vittorio Amedeo II in 
Palermo. The fleet under Admiral John Jennings remained in Sicily (Messina) 
overseeing the transfer of power. 
For several reasons, Sicily became a sort of a test field showing how the im-
plementation of the Utrecht provisions could easily fail. Of particular importance 
is the fact that, in the new redistribution of forces in the Apennine Peninsula, 
the island became isolated territory that could not be controlled from the Savoy. 
Despised as an ally, Vittorio Amedeo II had the desire, though not the ability, 
to retain power by flirting with the support of France. But the Vatican did not 
easily relinquish its property rights. British reports reveal that Pope Clement XI 
was close to the idea of reunion of the Two Sicilies, i.e. the Kingdoms of Naples 
and Sicily.  This is indicated by the document from the end of 1713 referring a 
conversation between the Pope and French representative with the Vatican, Cardi-
nal Joseph–Emmanuel de La Trémoille (1659–1720). The cardinal persuaded the 
pope to surrender his investiture over Sicily to Vittorio Amedeo II. The Cardinal 
claimed that the inhabitants of the Kingdom of Naples hated the Germans, and 
that Clement XI would be assisted by the fleet and armies of France, Spain and 
Sicily, in case of an attack from Naples. The pope replied that he would consider 
the proposal only after he sees Vittorio Amedeo II “in possession of bo[th] the 
Sicilies”, and after that he changed the topic of conversation (TNA SP 99/60, f. 
242v). In his second report, a week later (December 15, 1713), Cole announces 
the results of Clement XI’s conversation with Charles VI’s envoy Marquis di 
Priè13 and he appealed to Pope “agains[t] the sending to treat with the King of 
Sicily”. The pope promised the Austrian envoy that he would “not medle att all 
in that affair, nor to send any body to treat w[ith] His Sicilian Majesty” (TNA SP 
99/60, f. 244v). Cole was at that time already convinced that Venice decided not 
to accept Vittorio Amedeo II as the king of Sicily (TNA SP 99/60, 285r).
The intentions of the Spanish soldiers camped in tents around Messina, were 
unclear, although it was assumed they will soon be taken back to Catalonia (TNA 
SP 99/60, f. 234v). In a tense situation following the shift in local Sicilian admin-
istration, and within the conflict between Spain and the pope, Vittorio Amedeo 
II delayed the public crowning ceremony. There were even rumors that he will 
soon return to Savoy “where his presence is thought necessary, whilst a war 
seems14 unavoidable in Italy” (TNA SP 99/60, f. 234v). Vittorio Amedeo II was 
crowned in Palermo on December 21, 1713.15 Nobility and ordinary subjects joy-
fully greeted the new ruler, expecting a support of their prerogatives and rights. 
13 Ercole Giuseppe Lodovico Turinetti, marchese di Priero e di Pancalieri, and marchese di Priè (1658–
1726), began his career at the court of Vittorio Amedeo II. Since 1706 in Austrian service, since 
1708 Austrian ambassador in Rome. Charles VI appointed him as governor of Austrian Netherlands 
in 1716.  He held the post until 1725, when he was dismissed. 
14 Writes: seemees.
15 A short pamphlet was published that described the whole ceremony and all achievements of Vittorio 
Amedeo II that recommended him for a ruler of Sicily; Fontana, 1714. 
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However, new king was more inclined to entrust high positions to his personal 
loyalists instead to the local nobility who soon started to feel nostalgic in regard 
to the previous Spanish rule (Symcox, 1983, 171).16 
Vittorio Amedeo II considered Sicily an important conquest and property. 
Sicily exported grain, raw silk and olive oil. Palermo was a huge commercial 
port, Messina exporter of a raw silk. According to the census, ordered by him 
personally, there were 1,125.120 inhabitants in Sicily in 1714. By the end of Feb-
ruary 1714 a parliament convened in Palermo declared new taxes (Symcox, 1983, 
171–172). In June 1714 Vittorio Amedeo II moved to Messina and confirmed 
old privileges, established a status of a free port and founded a trading company 
for export of goods from the Sicily (Symcox, 1983, 172). He left Messina on the 
2nd of Septembre and returned to Palermo (Di Casalgerardo, 1899, 39). In the 
domain of his authority over the church in Sicily, Vittorio Amedeo II remained in 
conflict with Rome ordering that papal decisions are not to be accepted without 
his personal permission (TNA SP 99/60, f. 294r).
Vittorio Amedeo II left Palermo on September 8, 1714, and appointed for a 
Sicilian viceroy count Annibale Maffei (1666–1735, viceroy 1714–1718), previ-
ously his former representative in Utrecht (Symcox, 1983, 173).17 Maffei was 
elected viceroy of Sicily in Messina on August 28, 1714. On the next day Vittorio 
Amedeo II traveled to Palermo (Di-Blasi & Insegna, 1842, II, 485). Charles VI 
was still refusing to accept the Savoyard possession of Sicily. Savoyard Sicily 
was also left in the unsolved conflict with the pope, who remained deprived of 
his local jurisdictions. 
The viceroy Maffei appeared in Palermo on September 10, 1714, and the next day 
officially took power in Sicily (Candela, 1996, 100). Although he was considered 
one of most successful Sicilian grandees, he faced a plot against his rule in March 
1715 (Di-Blasi & Insegna, 1842, II, 486). Sicily remained a “calamita grafissime”, 
a reflection of dissatisfaction with Savoyard rule (Sanfilippo, 1843, 276).
FURTHER IMPLICATIONS
A new shift took place when the Queen of England, Scotland and Ireland Queen 
Anne was succeeded by Elector of Hanover George I, on 1 August 1714. George 
I (1660–1727, reign: 1714–1727), was prone to the cooperation with Austria, as 
16 Vittorio Amedeo II remained in Sicily for the most of 1714. In Savoy, his absence encouraged 
the development of the heretical Waldensian movement. Vittorio Amedeo II previously, in 1686, 
banished their pastors, forbade public worship and forced parents to give their children a Roman 
Catholic baptism, and violently crushed their rebellion. London was warning that the basic Wal-
densian religious rights must be respected. The appeal, in that sense, by the British envoy in Turin, 
was accepted favorably (Muston, 1866, II, 239). The Savoy cooperation enabled Britain to support 
Vittorio Amedeo II, even in domain of religious relations.
17 The book that contains significant bibliographic data on Maffei family, and on previous duties of 
Maffei, 1737.
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Charles VI was suddenly endangered with the relations between Savoy and Brit-
ain. In the meantime, Austria contested the rights of Savoy on Sicily. Similarly, 
Britain started to consider that Vittorio Amedeo II was becoming too influential in 
Italy, and endangering the British relations with Austria. As a signatory guarantor 
of the Utrecht peace treaty from the previous year, Britain gained Gibraltar and 
Menorca, consolidating its presence and influence in the Mediterranean. Situation 
in the Kingdom of Naples was becoming complex. News arrived in Naples at the 
beginning of March 1714 that Britain sent a large fleet to Mediterranean (TNA SP 
99/60, f. 294r). To distance themselves from relations with Savoyard Sicily, the 
first answer of Austrian administration was to ban any trade between Calabria and 
Messina (TNA SP 99/60, f. 296r).
Relations with the Vatican were again disturbed when Vittorio Amedeo II de-
cided in early 1715 to expel the Jesuits from Sicily and close their colleges. The 
pope responded with a new bull against Sicily (TNA SP 99/61, f. 22r). However, 
Vittorio Amedeo II had to face his Sicilian subjects and their readiness to settle 
the relations with the pope while he relied in vain on British support. The British 
sources state that the conflict with the pope also distracted Vittorio Amedeo II to 
support Charles VI against the Turks (TNA SP 99/61, f. 37r).
Unresolved issues following the Utrecht and Rastatt settlements (1713–
1714) led to hostilities between Austria and Bourbon Spain. New war against 
the Ottoman empire did not match Austrian interests, as Austria was involved 
primarily to protect Venice (1716–1718). In complex circumstances, Charles 
VI was prepared to take into account the needs of Spaniards settled in previ-
ous Spanish dominions, including the Kingdom of Naples. In negotiations with 
the Ottoman Empire, Austria was more willing to accept French than British 
mediation “avoiding the unconditional character implied in the confirmation 
of the Utrecht settlement” (Dhondt, 2015, 121). It was a significant shift in the 
structure of European relations.
The navigation on the Mediterranean remained threatened by the attacks of 
pirates, or corsairs (Kocić, 2018b, 504–505; Kocić & Samardžić, 2019, 294). The 
British government was dedicated in order to ensure safe navigation in the waters 
of Sicily and the Kingdom of Naples after the Utrecht peace. The War of Venice 
with the Ottoman Empire (1714–1718) fully actualized the issue of the Ulcinj 
pirates, but also emphasized personalities such as George Aptal. It was his career 
that confirmed that the maritime merchant could turn into a pirate, and then he 
himself accepted the role of the corsair (i. e. privateer) after being recruited into 
the service of the Papal State (Kocić, 2018b, 508–515). The Ottoman wars in the 
Mediterranean in particular contributed to the strengthening of piracy. The Ulcinj 
pirates were particularly considered exempt from any responsibility. The wars 
would usually activate North African pirates who were also under the nominal 
authority of the Sultan. British merchants, damaged in pirate attacks, rarely man-
aged to compensate the damages, although British ambassadors to the Porte and 
Venice worked in that sense (Kocić & Samardžić, 2019, 298–300). 
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The War of the Quadruple Alliance (1718–1720) was mainly a result of the ambi-
tions of King Philip V of Spain, his wife Elisabeth Farnese (1692–1766), and his 
first minister Giulio Alberoni (1664–1752) to retake territories in Italy on account of 
the France. Charles VI refused to recognize Philip V as the King of Spain. In return, 
Philip V decided to withhold his claims to Naples, Milan, and the Netherlands. 
Philip V was roused by his influential wife, Elizabeth Farnese, daughter of the Duke 
of Parma, who personally held dynastic claims in the name of her son Don Charles to 
the duchies of Tuscany and Parma. Representatives from a newly formed alliance of 
Britain and France, determined on European peace for their own dynastic securities, 
called on both parties to affirm each other’s sovereignty, but Philip V remained 
intractable. On August 22 1717 Spanish first chief minister Alberoni launched the 
invasion of Austrian Sardinia in what seemed like the beginning of the re-conquest of 
the Spanish former Italian empire. In June 1718, Philip V unleashed another assault, 
this time on Savoyard Sicily, as a preliminary for attacking the Italian mainland. 
Realizing that only British fleet could prevent further Spanish landings, and that 
pro-Spanish groups in France might push the regent Orléans into war against Aus-
tria, Charles VI signed the contract with Britain and France on August 2 1718, based 
on British plan that he renounces his claims to Spanish throne if Philip V renounces 
his expectations of previous Spanish possessions in Italy. Savoy had to cede Sicily 
and gain Sardinia in exchange, and Charles VI had to confirm the rights of the house 
of Savoy to the Spanish throne if the Bourbon line fails to survive.
Philip V and Elizabeth Farnese, however, remained resolute. Austrian military 
effort in Sicily proved derisory. Only after the British Navy’s attacks on the Spanish 
fleet and shipping, Philip V and Elizabeth Farnese dismissed Alberoni and made 
peace with the allies – Britain, Austria, Netherlands, Savoy – with the Treaty of 
The Hague on February 17 1720 (Samardžić, 2011, 23–24). During the conflict, 
Britain faced a strengthening of Russian aspirations in northern Europe (Samardžić 
& Kocić, 2019, 108), and the Russian challenge limited the operation of its fleet in 
the Mediterranean.
On cases of Naples and Sicily Britain mastered techniques of managing inter-
national relations and economy that surpassed the limits of traditional territorial 
states and contemporary mercantilist theories. British interests in the Mediterranean, 
both Western and Eastern, were accomplished due to weaknesses of disjoined Italy 
and retreat of Spain and Turkey to the level of second-rate powers. Simultaneously, 
using its possessions in Italy, Austria was trying to improve conjuncture of reduced 
agrarian economy, oriented towards limited continental market. That is why Austria 
was so dedicated to Italy from the beginning of the 18th century – trade, seafaring, 
manufacturing, mining (Di Vittorio, 1973, 3–21). 
Britain was so concentrated on Austrian role in Italy and Germany both from 
the points of its strategic interests in the Mediterranean and the Baltic, and after 
the experiences of the previous from the seventeenth century that impeded general 
European prosperity. Ending the Quadruple Alliance war, The Treaty of The Hague, 
signed on 17 February 1720, confirmed the 1713 Utrecht peace provisions, and 
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Philip V repeated his renunciation of the French throne and the claims to former 
French possessions in Italy. Emperor Charles VI renounced again his claim on the 
Spanish throne. The four-year-old Philip’s third son Charles of Spain (future Carlos 
III, 1716–1788, King of Spain 1759–1788) was recognized as heir to the Duchies of 
Parma and Tuscany. Savoy and Austria exchanged Sicily for Sardinia.
During the Quadruple Alliance war Britain used its economic and diplomatic 
strongholds in the Ottoman Empire in order to clearly consider the complexities of 
European relations, as the alliances and hostilities entered in dynamics of changes 
while any European power could not rely on previous historical or institutional 
experience. For the first time in history, clear and lasting political ties have been 
established between the European East and West, and also the Baltic and the 
Mediterranean. Britain restored alliances with Austria and Netherlands, while still 
restraining both Austrian continental pretensions, and the ones within the general 
relations of Catholicism and Protestantism. Britain used France to curb Spanish at-
tempts in the Mediterranean.
There were other important sequences of events in Italy. The War of the Spanish 
Succession and the wars of Austria and Venice against Turkey concluded with the 
Treaty of Passarowitz (1714–1718), produced indirect pressures on the province of 
Friuli. The war efforts and difficulties, especially since 1716, led to new economic 
troubles, in particular due to increased taxes on soy and skin in the counties of 
Gorizia and Gradisca, introduced by Charles VI. There were also rioting in Tolmin 
and Udine (Maniacco, 2015, 157–158). 
The rearrangement of Italian possessions after 1714 has also contributed to the 
importance of the provinces caught on the path of the Austrian extent on Italy. Tri-
este became a free port in 1719. Ships of all types were sailing to Trieste, Ancona, 
Rijeka, and Dubrovnik. “Golfo di Venezia” became “polycentric” and cosmopolitan. 
The Peace of Passarowitz 1718 was otherwise generally considered as the beginning 
of the “last phase” of the Republic of Venice, where a fatigue should have taken 
place after exhausting Turkish wars and economic recession. Venice already with-
drew from active Italian policies, and Austrian breakthrough limited its sovereignty 
and strategic maneuvering space. However, the mid-eighteenth century, and onward, 
a new economic dynamism was felt, associated with the engagement of Venice in 
connection with renewed conflicts at sea and British and French fleets. Cultural 
performance has persisted, even increased, and there has been no noticeable demo-
graphic decline until the end of the 18th century. The cessation of the Turkish wars 
(1645–1669, 1684–1699, 1714–1718), and, quite certainly, the new regional role 
of Austria and Britain contributed to the noticeable economic and social recovery 
of Istria, Dalmatia and the Bay of Kotor (Albania Veneta). Although the Peace of 
Passarowitz, 1718, was for Venice unfavorable due to the loss of the possessions in 
Ottoman Greece (Morea), the “territorial gains along the eastern Adriatic marked 
its greatest expansion ever” (Ivetić, 2011, 63–70). 
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NEAPELJ IN SICILIJA PO UTRECHTU IN RASTATTU 1713–1714. 
IZ BRITANSKE PERSPEKTIVE
Nikola R. SAMARDŽIĆ 
Univerza v Beogradu, Filozofska fakulteta, Čika Ljubina 18–20, 11000 Beograd, Srbija
e-mail: nsamardzic@f.bg.ac.rs
Marija V. KOCIĆ
Univerza v Beogradu, Filozofska fakulteta, Čika Ljubina 18–20, 11000 Beograd, Srbija
e-mail: marija.kocic@f.bg.ac.rs
POVZETEK
V prispevku so analizirane razmere v Neapeljskem kraljestvu in na Siciliji med pogajanji 
v Utrechtu in Rastattu in neposredno po njih. Po določbah pogodbe v Utrechtu je bilo Nea-
peljsko kraljestvo dodeljeno Avstriji, na Siciljo pa je bil pripeljan vladar savoyske vladarske 
hiše (Piemonte) Vittorio II. Amedeo. Neapelj in Sicilija sta bila tedaj španski posesti in 
papeški fevdi. Z osvojitvijo Gibraltarja in otoka Menorke si je britanska vlada zagotovila dve 
izjemno pomembni pomorski bazi na zahodnem Sredozemlju, kar je bilo bistvenega pomena 
za ohranitev njene levantske trgovine. Sprememba oblasti je povzročila izjemno pozornost 
britanske vlade, ki je, med drugim, imela vlogo poroka za izvajanje pogodb podpisanih v 
Utrechtu. Ta vloga je poudarjala novo in pomembno mesto Britanije v evropskih razmerjih 
in v Sredozemlju. Avtorja opozarjata, da je med primopredajo oblasti britanska trgovina še 
naprej krožila s posredništvom v pristaniščih v Neapeljskem kraljestvu in na Siciliji. Viri, 
na katerih temelji raziskava, razkrivajo, da je britanska vlada po prihodu kralja Jurija I. 
na oblast še naprej pozorno spremljala dogodke v Neaplju in na Siciliji, osredotočena na 
zagovarjanje svojih strateških in trgovinskih interesov ter v kontekstu ohranjevanja novega 
ravnovesja v mednarodnih odnosih. Kot sta avtorja potrdila na primeru dogodkov v Neaplju 
in na Siciliji, se z dodatnimi podrobnostmi iz britanskih poročil hitro postavijo pod vprašaj 
teritorialne rešitve dogovorjene v Utrechtu in Rastattu. Britanska podpora je prispevala k 
utrditvi položaja Vittorija Amedeja II. na Siciliji. Nekaj  let kasneje, ko je izgubil to podporo, 
se je moral odpovedati Siciliji. Avtorja ugotavljata, da britansko gradivo o dogodkih v Italiji 
dodatno osvetljuje zapletene odnose v Italiji in priča o vlogi Velike Britanije neposredno po 
Utrechtu in Rastattu. Tesni odnosi in stare težnje so privedle do Vojne štirikratne alianse 
(1718–1720), ki je bila zlasti posledica ambicij nove španske kraljice Elizabete Farense in 
prvega ministra v vladi Giulia Alberonija. V skladu z določbami mirovnega sporazuma v 
Haagu (1720), se je Filip V. ponovno odrekel svojim pravicam do francoskega, cesar Karel 
VI. pa do španskega prestola. Kot kompromisno rešitev je Avstrija dobila Sicilijo, Španija pa 
Sardinijo. Nesoglasja med Španijo, Francijo in Avstrijo so odprla prostor za krepitev britan-
skega vpliva na Apeninskem polotoku in na splošno v Sredozemlju. K temu so prispevali tudi 
notranji italijanski konflikti ter šibkost Španije in Osmanskega cesarstva.
Ključne besede: Neapeljsko kraljestvo, Sicilija, Velika Britanija, Vittorio Amedeo II., papež 
Klemen XI.
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