UDK 2(05) ISSN 0006 – 5722 Bogoslovni vestnik Theological Quarterly EPHEMERIDES THEOLOGICAE TOMAŽEVA PROSLAVA 2021 Robert Cvetek Videti sence, strmeti v Sonce RAZPRAVE Konstantin V. Vodenko et al. The Reception of Aristotle in Martin Luther‘s Late Theological Writings Rok Gregorcic Sokratska prevara za resnico kot Kierkegaardov prehod ... Lubomír Majtán Č vero che Timoteo sostituisce Paolo a Tessalonica in 1 Ts 3,1-10? Marie Roubalová et al. Rabbinic Judaism’s Perspective on the First Crimes Against Humanity Aljaž Krajnc Vloga Abrahama v koranski historiografiji Aldona Piwko Contemporary Islamic Law between Tradition and Challenges ... Klemen Kocjancic Ne samo vez z Bogom Anh Thuan Truong The Society of Foreign Missions of Paris ... Iva Nežic Glavica Geštalt pedagogika v službi oblikovanja duhovno-religiozne dimenzije... Boštjan Kolaric Pravna opredelitev zatiranja verske svobode in nasilja... David Kraner Medijske reprezentacije kot odsev problema institucionalizacije ... Eva K. Mirazchiyski idr. Stališca osmošolcev v Sloveniji o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo Hedviga Tkácová et al. Existence and Prevention of Social Exclusion... Marko Marinic et al. The Correlation of Some Characteristics of Religious Identity ... Glasilo Teološke fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani 2021 • 1 Letnik 81 Bogoslovni vestnik Theological Quarterly EPHEMERIDES THEOLOGICAE 1 Letnik 81 Leto 2021 Glasilo Teološke fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani Ljubljana 2021 Kazalo KAZALO / TABLE OF CONTENTS TOMAŽEVA PROSLAVA 2021 / CONVOCATION IN HONOUR OF ST. THOMAS 2021 9 Robert Cvetek - Videti sence, strmeti v Sonce: travma, potravmatska rast, bivanjska vprašanja in varanje samega sebe Seeing Shadows, Staring at the Sun: Trauma, Post-traumatic Growth, Existential Questions and Self-Deception RAZPRAVE / ARTICLES 23 Konstantin V. Vodenko, Yulia N. Sushkova, Nikolay N. Kosarenko, Olga V. Popova, Anton S. Skotnikov and Elmira R. Khairullina - The Reception of Aristotle in Martin Luther's Late Theological Writings Sprejemanje Aristotela v poznih teoloških delih Martina Lutra 35 Rok Gregorcic - Sokratska prevara za resnico kot Kierkegaardov prehod med iracionalnostjo in racionalnostjo Socratic Deception in Service of the Truth as Kierkegaard's Pathway between Irrationality and Rationality 47 Lubomír Majtán - Č vero che Timoteo sostituisce Paolo a Tessalonica in 1 Ts 3,1-10? Ali drži, da Timotej nadomesti Pavla v Tesalonikah v 1 Tes 3,1-10? Is it True that Timothy Substitutes Paul in Thessalonica in 1 Thess 3:1-10? 57 Marie Roubalová, Roman Kralik, Natalia A. Zaitseva, George S. Anikin, Olga V. Popova and Peter Kondrla - Rabbinic Judaism's Perspective on the First Crimes Against Humanity Prvi zlocini proti cloveštvu z vidika rabinskega judovstva 75 Aljaž Krajnc - Vloga Abrahama v koranski historiografiji The Role of Abraham in Qur.anic Historiography 91 Aldona Piwko - Contemporary Islamic Law between Tradition and Challenges of Modernity: Some Examples Worth Consideration Sodobno islamsko pravo med tradicijo in izzivi modernosti: nekaj upoštevanja vrednih primerov 103 Klemen Kocjancic - Ne samo vez z Bogom: razvoj vloge in dolžnosti vojaških duhovnikov skozi zgodovino Not Only a Connection with God: Historical Development of Roles and Duties of Military Chaplains 115 Anh Thuan Truong - The Society of Foreign Missions of Paris and Building Indigenous Missionary Force: A Study on Vietnam during the 17th and 18th Centuries Pariška družba zunanjih misijonov in vzpostavljanje domorodne misijonarske sile: študija o Vietnamu v 17. in v 18. stoletju 135 Iva Nežic Glavica - Geštalt pedagogika v službi oblikovanja duhovno­religiozne dimenzije življenja Gestalt Pedagogy in the Service of Shaping the Spiritual and Religious Dimension of Life 149 Boštjan Kolaric - Pravna opredelitev zatiranja verske svobode in nasilja nad verskimi skupnostmi The Legal Classification of the Repression of Freedom of Religion and the Violence against Religious Communities 163 David Kraner - Medijske reprezentacije kot odsev problema institucionalizacije Cerkve Media Representations Reflect the Problem of the Institutionalisation of the Church 185 Eva Klemencic Mirazchiyski in Plamen V. Mirazchiyski - Stališca osmošolcev v Sloveniji o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo: analiza podatkov ICCS Attitudes of Eighth-Graders in Slovenia on the Role of Religious Influence in Society: An Analysis of ICCS Data 199 Hedviga Tkácová, Martina Pavlíková, Miroslav Tvrdon and Alexey I. Prokopyev - Existence and Prevention of Social Exclusion of Religious University Students due to Stereotyping Obstoj in preprecevanje družbenega izkljucevanja vernih študentov zaradi stereotipizacije 225 Marko Marinic and Jasna Curkovic Nimac - The Correlation of Some Characteristics of Religious Identity with the Quality of Life of Persons with Disabilities Povezanost posameznih znacilnosti religiozne identitete s kakovostjo življenja oseb z invalidnostjo OCENE / REVIEWS 241 Maciej Potz, Political Science of Religion: Theorising the Political Role of Religion (Klemen Kocjancic) 243 .Abd al-Gabbar al-Niffari, Knjiga misticnih postajališc in nagovorov (Aljaž Krajnc) 246 Marcin Godawa in Bojan Žalec, ur., Image and Man – Correlations (Urška Jeglic) 250 Mihai Dragnea, Christian Identity Formation Across the Elbe in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries (Simon Malmenvall) SODELAVCI / CONTRIBUTORS George S. ANIKIN medicina, dr., izr. prof. Medicine, PhD, Assoc. Prof. Prva moskovska državna medicinska univerza Sechenov I.M. Sechenov First Moscow State Medical University Trubetskaya Street 8, RU - 119991 Moskva medi321@mail.ru Robert CVETEK zakonska in družinska terapija, dr., prof. Family and Marital Therapy, PhD, Prof. Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology Poljanska 4, SI – 1000 Ljubljana robert.cvetek@teof.uni-lj.si Jasna CURKOVIC NIMAC teologija, dr., izr. prof. Theology, PhD, Assoc. Prof. Hrvaška katoliška univerza Catholic University of Croatia Ilica 242, HR - 1000 Zagreb jasna.curkovic@unicath.hr Rok GREGORCIC filozofija, mag. teol. Philosophy, M.A. in Theology Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology Poljanska 4, SI – 1000 Ljubljana rok.gregorcic1997@gmail.com Urška JEGLIC islam, mag. relig. in etike, mlada raziskovalka Islam, M.A. in Religiology and Ethics, Jun. Res. Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology Poljanska 4, SI - 1000 Ljubljana urska.jeglic@teof.uni-lj.si Elmira R. KHAIRULLINA pedagogika, dr., prof. Education, PhD, Prof. Kazanska državna tehnološko-raziskovalna univerza Kazan National Research Technological University Karl Marks Street 68, RU - 420015 Moskva elm.khair73@gmail.com Eva KLEMENCIC MIRAZCHIYSKI edukacija, dr., izr. prof., viš. znan. sod. Education, PhD, Assoc. Prof., Sr. Res. Assoc. Pedagoški inštitut Educational Research Institute Gerbiceva 62, SI - 1000 Ljubljana eva.klemencic@pei.si Klemen KOCJANCIC obramboslovje, dr., asist. raz. Defence Studies, PhD, Jr. Res. Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za družbene vede University of Ljubljana, Faculty Social Sciences Kardeljeva plošcad 5, SI – 1000 Ljubljana klemen.kocjancic@fdv.uni-lj.si Boštjan KOLARIC pravo, dr. Law, PhD Katoliški inštitut, Fakulteta za pravo in poslovne vede Catholic Institute, Faculty of Law and Business Studies Krekov trg 1, SI – 1000 Ljubljana bostjankolaric@gmail.com Peter KONDRLA religijski študiji, dr., izr. prof. Religious Studies, PhD, Assoc. Prof. Univerza Konstantina Filozofa v Nitri Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra Hodžova 1, SK - 949 74 Nitra pkondrla@ukf.sk Nikolay N. KOSARENKO pravo, dr., izr. prof. Law, PhD, Assoc. Prof. Ruska ekonomska univerza Plekhanov Plekhanov Russian University of Economics Stremyannyi Pereulok 36, RU - 115093 Moskva nkosarenko@yandex.ru Aljaž KRAJNC islam, mag. arab. in isl. študijev, mladi raziskovalec Islam, M.A. in Arabic and Islamic Studies, Jr. Res. Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology Poljanska 4, SI – 1000 Ljubljana aljaz.krajnc@teof.uni-lj.si Roman KRALIK teologija, dr., prof. Theology, PhD, Prof. Ruska univerza mednarodnega prijateljstva RUDN University Miklukho-Maklaya Street, RU - 117198 Moskva roman.kralik73@gmail.com David KRANER didaktika in pedagogika religije, dr., asist. Didactics and Pedagogy of Religion, PhD, Tch. Asst. Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology Poljanska 4, SI – 1000 Ljubljana david.kraner@teof.uni-lj.si Lubomír MAJTÁN biblicna teologija, mag. teol. Biblical Theology, M.A. in Theology Škofijska kurija Žilina Diocesan Curia of Žilina Jána Kalinciaka 1, SK – 011 36 Žilina 1 lubomir-majtan@libero.it Simon MALMENVALL religiologija in religijska antropologija, dr., doc. Religiology and Religious Anthropology, PhD, Asst. Prof. Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta / Katoliški inštitut, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology / Catholic Institute, Fakulteta za pravo in poslovne vede Faculty of Law and Business Studies Poljanska 4, SI – 1000 Ljubljana / Krekov trg 1, SI–1000 Ljubljana simon.malmenvall@teof.uni-lj.si Marko MARINIC sociologija in teologija, dr., viš. znan. sod. Sociology and Theology, PhD, Sr. Res. Assoc. Inštitut za družbene vede Ivo Pilar Institute of Social Sciences Ivo Pilar Marulicev trg 19, HR - 1000 Zagreb marko.marinic@pilar.hr Plamen Vladkov MIRAZCHIYSKI edukacija, dr., doc., znan. sod. Education, PhD, Asst. Prof., Res. Assoc. Pedagoški inštitut Educational Research Institute Gerbiceva 62, SI - 1000 Ljubljana plamen.mirazchiyski@gmail.com Iva NEŽIC GLAVICA didaktika in pedagogika religije, dr., doc. Didactics and Pedagogy of Religion, PhD, Asst. Prof. Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology Poljanska 4, SI – 1000 Ljubljana iva.nezicglavica@teof.uni-lj.si Martina PAVLÍKOVÁ mednarodni odnosi, dr. International relations, PhD Univerza Konstantina Filozofa v Nitri Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra Tr. A. Hlinku 1, SK - Nitra 949 01 mpavlikova@ukf.sk Aldona PIWKO islam, dr., prof. Islam, PhD, Prof. Poljski kolidž teologije in humanisticnih ved Polish Senior College of Theology and Humanities v Podkowi Lesni in Podkowa Lesna ul. Jana Pawla II 39, PL - 05 807 Podkowa Lesna aldonapiwko@tlen.pl Olga V. POPOVA pravo, dr., izr. prof. Law, PhD, Assoc. Prof. Financna univerza Ruske federacije Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation Leningradsky prospect 49, RU - 125993 Moskva helga-popova@yandex.ru Alexey I. PROKOPYEV pravni študiji, dr., izr. prof. Legal Disciplines, PhD, Assoc. Prof. Ruska ekonomska univerza Plekhanov Plekhanov Russian University of Economics Stremyannyi Pereulok 36, RU - 115093 Moskva alexeyprokopyev@mail.ru Marie ROUBALOVÁ Stara zaveza, dr. Old Testament, PhD. Karlova univerza v Pragi, Husitska teološka fakulteta Charles University in Prague, Hussite Theological Faculty Pacovská 350/4, CZ - 140 21 Praga 4 roubalova@htf.cuni.cz Anton S. SKOTNIKOV medicina, dr., izr. prof. Medicine, PhD, Assoc. Prof. Prva moskovska državna medicinska univerza Sechenov I.M. Sechenov First Moscow State Medical University Trubetskaya Street 8, RU - 119991 Moskva skotnikov.as@mail.ru Yulia N. SUSHKOVA zgodovina, dr., prof. History, PhD, Prof. Mordovska državna univerza Ogarev Mordovia State University Bolshevistskaya Street 68, RU - 430005 Saransk yulenkam@mail.ru Hedviga TKÁCOVÁ teologija, dr., doc. Theology, PhD, Asst. Prof. Univerza v Žilini, Oddelek za religijske študije University in Žilina, Department of Religious StudiesUniverzitná 8215/1, SK - 010 26 Žilina hedwiga.tkacova@gmail.com Anh Thuan TRUONG kršcanska zgodovina, dr. Christian History, PhD. Univerza znanosti in izobraževanja (Univerza v Danangu) University of Science and Education (University of Danang) Ton Duc Thang street No. 459, VN - 50000 Danang tathuan@ued.udn.vn Miroslav TVRDON sociologija, dr., doc. Sociology, PhD, Asst. Prof. Univerza Konstantina Filozofa v Nitri Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra Tr. A. Hlinku 1, SK - 949 01 Nitra mtvrdon@ukf.sk Konstantin V. VODENKO filozofija, dr., prof. Philosophy, PhD, Prof. Južnoruska državna politehnicna univerza Platov South-Russian State Polytechnic University Prosveshcheniya Street 132, RU - 346428 Novocerkassk vodenkok@mail.ru Natalia A. ZAITSEVA ekonomija, dr., prof. Economics, PhD, Prof. Ruska ekonomska univerza Plekhanov Plekhanov Russian University of Economics Stremyannyi Pereulok 36, RU - 115093 Moskva zaitseva-itig@mail.ru TOMAŽEVA PROSLAVA 2021 / CONVOCATION IN HONOUR OF ST. THOMAS 2021 Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1, 9—21 Besedilo prejeto/Received:03/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2021 UDK/UDC: 159.964 DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Cvetek © 2021 Cvetek, CC BY 4.0 Robert Cvetek Videti sence, strmeti v Sonce: travma, potravmats­ka rast, bivanjska vprašanja in varanje samega sebe Seeing Shadows, Staring at the Sun: Trauma, Post-traumatic Growth, Existential Questions and Self-Deception Povzetek: Številne raziskave kažejo, da procesi v možganih, tako v fizicnem, še bolj pa v socialnem okolju, v veliki meri izbirajo, kaj bomo kot posamezniki opazili in naredili za pomembno, s tem pa si ustvarjamo tudi subjektivne sisteme za interpretacijo sveta in življenja. Travmaticne izkušnje imajo zaradi specificne spominske narave pri tem posebno vlogo, zaradi pogoste navzocnosti ogrože­nosti življenja pa predvsem tudi za bivanjski vprašanji koncnosti in smisla življe­nja. Ti dve vprašanji današnji družbi delata velike probleme, na nekatere njune vidike pa dajeta vera in religija prepotrebne in pomembne odgovore. Odgovo-re je treba sprejeti ne le na kognitivni in razumski ravni, ampak jih uvrstiti tudi v vedénje in življenje, predvsem pri žrtvah travme pa jih dajati v socutnem, pristnem, ljubecem in varnem odnosu, v katerem je možno regulirati intenziv­ne afekte in anksioznost. Pri tem je lahko v veliko pomoc akademsko delo v smislu interdisciplinarnega dialoga, h kateremu mocno poziva tudi papež Fran­cišek. Kljucne besede: travma, potravmatska rast, eksistencialna vprašanja, nenamerna slepota Abstract: Numerous studies show that processes in our brain essentially select what we perceive and consider essential, both in the physical and even more so in the social environment. Thus, we also create subjective systems for inter­preting the world and life. Because of the specific nature of memory, traumatic experiences play a unique role in this process, because of the frequent presen­ce of life threats on such occasions, especially for the existential questions of the finality and meaning of life. These two questions pose significant problems for contemporary society, and faith and religion provide many needed and vital answers to some of their aspects. The answers must not be accepted only on a cognitive and rational level and translated into behaviour and life, especially for trauma victims, given in a compassionate, genuine, loving, and safe relati­onship where intense emotions and anxieties can be regulated. Scientific work in the sense of interdisciplinary dialogue, Pope Francis also strongly calls, can be of great help. Keywords: trauma, post-traumatic growth, existential questions, unintentional blin­ dness 1. Nenamerna slepota in naša slika sveta Številne raziskave (Simons in Chabris 1999, 1059–1074; Hannon in Richards 2010, 309–319; Hughes-Hallett et al. 2015, 3184–3189; Remington, Cartwright-Finch in Lavie 2014, 1–11; Oktay in Cangöz 2018, 59–66) so potrdile fenomen tako imeno-vane nenamerne slepote. Raziskave (Chabris et al. 2011, 150–153) so pokazale, da nastopa tudi v dogodkih vsakdanjega življenja. Nenamerna slepota je nezmo­žnost videti dobro vidne objekte, ki jih direktno gledamo, ko je naša pozornost drugje (Mack 2003, 180). Navadno se izraz uporablja za vidne objekte, lahko pa tudi za druge (slušne, tipne ipd.) (Mack 2003, 180). S fenomenom nenamerne slepote je povezan fenomen selektivne pozornosti. Da bi bili v naših nalogah (pre­brati casopis) ucinkoviti, je treba, da procesiramo za naloge pomembne informacije (smo osredinjeni na besede v casopisu), hkrati pa ignoriramo za naloge nepo­membne informacije (pogovore okrog nas v polni restravraciji) (Cosman in Vece­ra 2012, 576). V znameniti raziskavi, ki sta jo izvedla, sta Simons in Chabris (1999) udeležen­cem prikazala posnetek, v katerem si trije igralci bele in crne ekipe podajajo žogo. Glede na njune ugotovitve, ki so bile pozneje v drugih raziskavah tudi veckrat po­trjene, približno polovica opazovalcev ne vidi osebe, oblecene v gorilo, ki se pri­kaže in sprehodi cez celotno sceno v posnetku, ce se opazovalcem naroci, naj štejejo število podaj bele ekipe. Ta in podobne raziskave nam kažejo, da procesi v možganih torej mocno izbirajo, kaj bodo opazili ali naredili pomembno celo v fi-zicnem okolju, kaj šele v našem socialnem ali psihicnem. Naše slike realnosti so tako mocno filtrirane. Fenomen nenamerne slepote in selektivne pozornosti nam pomaga laže razu­meti nekatera ekstremna, na primer negativna stališca nekaterih do zakonskega partnerja, do nošenja mask pri ukrepih zaradi virusa COVID-19, do katoliške Cerkve in tudi do vere. Ta stališca so odvisna od tega, katere njihove vidike bomo naredi­li za pomembne in za katere bomo nenamerno (seveda pa lahko tudi namerno) slepi. V depresiji se, na primer, mocno zoži pozornost na negativno (Beck 2002, 31). Tudi v predajanju skušnjavi bi lahko v nekem smislu govorili o zožitvi pogledov, v katerih je deaktiviran reflektivni sistem (Vohs 2006, 217; Milyavskaya et al. 2015, 677–678). Z razumevanjem teh fenomenov tudi laže razumemo težave novinarjev z objektivnostjo. Nekateri raziskovalci navajajo, da bi morali biti novinarji previdni celo pri navajanjih pricevanj in upoštevati možnost nenamernih napak (Blom 2018, 345–354). Vsak od nas si scasoma na podlagi svoje lastne pozornosti (pri tem igrajo po­membno vlogo tudi globoka custva) ustvari neko sliko sveta, v katerem živi, oziroma si ustvarimo sistem, ki ga uporabljamo za interpretacijo sveta in življenja. Ta sistem ali slika vsebuje odgovore na za naše razmišljanje pomembna vprašanja, kakor so: Je življenje za nas varno in predvidljivo? So ljudje v njem dobri, neškodljivi, prijazni in zaupanja vredni? Je dobri Bog tisti, ki ne bo dovolil, da se nam v življenju kaj hu­dega zgodi? Ob tem pa je zelo pomembno vprašanje, koliko je ta naša, nedvomno do neke mere subjektivna slika sveta v skladu z realnostjo. Nekatere poenostavitve realnosti so nujno potrebne, da se lahko v kompleksnih dražljajih sploh znajdemo, vendar so lahko vir mnogih težav, ce slike sveta niso posodobljene, ce so naivne, prevec poenostavljene in nesofisticirane. Ce bi vozili avto in pri tem nenehno gle­dali v aplikacijo z neposodobljenim Googlovim zemljevidom, namesto da bi gledali na cesto, bi verjetno imeli hude težave. Lahko se celo zgodi, da imamo celotna po­membna podrocja realnosti našega življenja brisana ali neizdelana. 2. Travmaticne izkušnje Naša podoba sveta, življenja in eksistencialnih vprašanj je lahko mocno odvisna od travmaticnih izkušenj. Te izkušnje imajo namrec posebno vlogo v možganih in posebno spominsko naravo. Navadno spomini zbledijo v casu, clovek se že po ne­kaj dnevih težko spomni senzornih elementov (na primer barve, zvokov) neke dolocene izkušnje. V travmaticnih spominih pa se slike, barve, custva, zvoki in te­lesne reakcije prav vtisnejo ali vžgejo v možganske sisteme in lahko vztrajajo v precej nespremenjeni obliki mesece, leta in celo desetletja (Cvetek 2010, 55; van der Kolk, Hopper in Osterman 2001, 27; van der Kolk 1994, 254). So zamrznjeni v casu (Shapiro 2001, 42; 47). Neka klientka, ki je bila spolno napadena in medtem zvezana, je ob razgovoru o dogodku po vec letih cutila na zapestjih vrvi, torej ime-la celo fizicne obcutke, ki so bili ,zamrznjeni‘ v casu. Kaj šele custva in druge sen-zorne (npr. vidne, slušne, tipne) vtise! Problem travm, tudi spolnih zlorab, je torej, da se nepredelana travma ne konca, ko se izkušnja konca. Lahko bi rekli, da je ujeta v neke vrste casovni zanki in se lahko nenehno podoživlja ali retravmatizira, ko kaj spomni na njo. Tudi zato so takšne izkušnje tako problematicne in v prete­klosti so morda strokovnjaki premalo osvešcali o tem. Travmaticne izkušnje so dokaj pogoste. Po ozki definiciji travme, kakor je opi­sana v klasifikaciji DSM (American Psychiatric Association 2013, 271), travme do-živi 60–90 % ljudi (Benjet et al. 2016, 334), po širši definiciji pa prakticno vsi, in to veckrat. Rezultati raziskave, ki smo jo na naši fakulteti opravili na odrasli slovenski populaciji glede pogostosti takšnih dogodkov (Cvetek, Ahcin et al. 2006), so pri­kazana v tabeli 1. % enkrat % veckrat Skupaj 1. Življenjsko nevarna bolezen odgovarjajocega 9,44 4,41 13,85 2. Življenjsko nevarna nesreca ali poškodba odgovarja­jocega (npr. avtomobilska, letalska, pri delu…) 21,3 5,83 27,13 3. Uporaba fizicne sile ali orožja na odgovarjajocem v ropu ali napadu 3,89 1,06 4,95 4. Smrt bližnjega družinskega clana, intimnega partner-ja ali zelo bližnjega prijatelja odgovarjajocega zaradi nesrece, umora ali samomora 19,49 8,94 28,43 5. Fizicna prisila (starša, drugega družinskega clana, intimnega partnerja, tujca ali koga drugega) v spolno obcevanje ali v oralni ali analni spolni odnos proti volji odgovarjajocega ali ko je bil odgovarjajoci nemocen, ko je spal ali bil omamljen 2,53 1,95 4,49 6. Poleg izkušenj iz prejšnjega vprašanja izkušnje doti­kov privatnih (intimnih) delov telesa odgovarjajocega; prisila odgovarjajocega, da se dotika telesa drugega, ali poskus prisile, da bi imel nekdo spolne odnose proti volji odgovarjajocega 7,25 6,74 13,99 7. Veckratno oklofutanje, pretep ali drugacen napad ali poškodba odgovarjajocega v otroštvu, ki jo zagrešijo starši, skrbnik ali druga oseba 5,86 31,47 37,33 8. Obrcanje, pretep, oklofutanje ali kaka drugacna fizicna poškodba odgovarjajocega v odraslosti, ki jo zagreši intimni partner, oseba, s katero je bil odgovar­jajoci na zmenku, družinski clan, tujec ali kdo drug 6,97 5,87 12,84 9. Veckratno zasmehovanje, poniževanje in ignoriranje odgovarjajocega, ki jih zagrešijo starši, intimni partner ali družinski clan 1,94 32,54 34,47 10. Poleg že opisanih izkušenj grožnja odgovarjajoce­mu z orožjem, kakor je nož ali pištola 5,86 2,5 8,36 11. Navzocnost odgovarjajocega pri umoru, resni poškodbi, spolnem, fizicnem nasilju ali pri napadu 6,69 6,7 13,39 12. Druge situacije z možnostjo resne poškodbe ali nevarnosti za življenje odgovarjajocega – vkljucenost v vojaški spopad ali življenje na vojnem obmocju 6,68 1,91 8,59 13. Resen požar, potres, poplava, plaz ali druga narav­na nesreca 12,77 7,5 20,28 14. Življenjsko nevarna bolezen bližnjega prijatelja ali družinskega clana odgovarjajocega 34,88 20,9 55,78 15. Izkušnja, da je bil bližnji prijatelj ali družinski clan žrtev resnega napada, mucenja, ugrabitve ali vzet za talca 4,48 2,48 6,96 16. Razbijanje stvari, ki ga zagrešijo starši odgovarjajo-cega, ali njihovo medsebojno poškodovanje 6,42 19,19 25,61 17. Locitev ali razhod staršev odgovarjajocega 9,88 1,15 11,03 18. Odvzem odgovarjajocega njegovi družini 8,56 4,17 12,73 Opomba: % enkrat – procent odgovarjajocih udeležencev, ki so neko travmo oziroma hujši stresni dogodek doživeli enkrat; % veckrat – procent odgovarjajocih udeležencev, ki so neko travmo oziroma hujši stresni dogodek doživeli veckrat; Skupaj – sešteti procenti za eno in za vec doživetij neke travme oziroma hujšega stresnega dogodka. Tabela 1: Procent nastopanja nekaterih vrst travme oziroma vecjih stresnih dogodkov v slovenski populaciji. 3. Travmaticne izkušnje in njihov vpliv na našo podobo sveta in življenja Jedro problema težav ali psihopatologije, ki se razvije po travmi, lahko pogosto vidimo kot problem regulacije custev. Mnogi strokovnjaki (Shapiro 2001, 47; Pe­terson 2017a, 2019) pa kot jedro takšnih težav ali psihopatologije vidijo tudi v tem,da je slika, podoba realnosti (npr. ali smo v nevarnosti ali ne) izkrivljena. Že za samo potravmatsko stresno motnjo je znacilno, da posameznik v sedanjosti, ko ni realnih razlogov za to, podoživlja pretekle spomine (Svetovna zdravstvena orga­nizacija 2018). Ce se petdeset let star odrasel posameznik, ki ga je mama kot otro­ka pretepala, s strahom, veliko frustracijo in anksioznostjo odzove na pogovor s svojo mamo, to ni ustrezna reakcija na sedanjo realnost. Mama mu ne pomeni vec grožnje, da ga bo fizicno pretepla, ce je, denimo, ta mama petinsedemdese­tletna invalidka na vozicku (Shapiro 2001, 47). Ce so nekega otroka nadlegovali vrstniki, to še vedno lahko nosi s sabo kot odrasel clovek – v drži, v predvidevanjih o ljudeh, v reakcijah, strahu, negotovosti, pri štiridesetih letih je tej sliki realnosti rok uporabe že zdavnaj potekel, vendar ni posodobljena, da bi odsevala realnost sedanjosti (Peterson 2017a). Raziskave kažejo, da je eden od vecjih dejavnikov za psihopatologijo po travmi (korelacije tudi do 0,5) (Park, Mills in Edmondson 2012, 70; Peterson 2019), koli­ko travma (lahko pa tudi dogodki, kakor so locitev, afera ali izdajstvo) zruši posa­meznikov sistem prepricanj o svetu ali razumevanja sveta. Koliko je torej dogodek tako nepricakovan, da ga posameznik ne more vkljuciti v okvir sistema, ki ga upo­rablja za svoje interpretacije sveta in življenja in narave cloveka. Travmo definitivno lahko razumemo kot veliko zlo, ki se lahko prenaša iz genera-cije v generacijo, nekatere novejše raziskave nakazujejo celo medgeneracijski prenos travme prek epigenetike (Perroud et al. 2014, 334–344; Jawaid, Roszkowski in Man-suy 2018, 7–20). Raziskave tudi potrjujejo možne številne negativne biološke, psi-hološke, socialne in duhovne posledice. Pa vendar, stroka ima tudi dobre novice za žrtve travm. Raziskave predvsem v zadnjem casu posvecajo vecjo pozornost tudi tako imenovani potravmatski rasti, pozitivnim izidom travme, ki so predmet te raz­prave in ki seveda ni preprosta in je vsi ne zmorejo. Vendar 10–77 % oseb, ki jih pri­zadene travma, doživi pozitivne psihološke spremembe po travmi (Wu et al. 2019, 408). Tako jih je v metaanalizi, v katero je bilo vkljucenih 10 181 udeležencev, 52,58 % porocalo o srednjih do velikih stopnjah potravmatske rasti (Wu et al. 2019, 412). Ceprav torej travma lahko povzroci, da so nekatera podrocja življenja manj izdelana in v skladu z realnostjo, pa raziskave potravmatske rasti kažejo, kako travma lahko pomaga, da je naš sistem interpretacije in razumevanja sveta bolj realen, sofisticiran, z manj pomembnimi podrocji življenja, ki jih ne vidimo, pa tudi z manj varanja samega sebe (Gersons et al. 2020, 260; Vis in Boynton 2008, 70–80; Sigmund 2003, 227). Navajamo nekaj zgledov, ko lahko travmaticna izkušnja pov­zroci bolj realen pogled na svet in življenje. – »Svet lahko kontroliramo, in ce lepo in pravilno (dobro) živimo svoje življenje, igramo po pravilih v življenju, zaupamo po svoji predstavi v dobrega Boga, se nam ali našim bližnjim slabe stvari ne bodo zgodile.« Travmaticna izkušnja nam lahko pokaže, da se v življenju zgodijo težke stvari, ki lahko niso pod našo kontrolo. – »Svet/življenje je varno.« Življenje ni absolutno varno, v bistvu je lahko zelo nevarno. Vsi namrec umremo, zato bi lahko rekli, da je smrtno nevarno. Ni pa se­veda kompletno nevarno na vsakem koraku in v vsakem trenutku. – »Verjetno mi bo uspelo, da bom v življenju srecen in brez vecjih problemov, ustvaril bom srecno družino ali življenje.« Raziskave in klinicna praksa kažejo, da je zelo majhen procent ljudi dalj casa brez hujših problemov vsaj na enem podro-cju svojega življenja. V življenju bomo zelo verjetno imeli najmanj eno resno kro-nicno bolezen, verjetno vsaj dve. Svetovna zdravstvena organizacija (2001, 20) poroca, da samo mentalne in vedenjske motnje prizadenejo vec kakor 25 % ljudi. Vecja raziskava (Kessler et al. 2007, 172) pa je pokazala, da je pricakovani procent ljudi, ki imajo v svojem življenju mentalno motnjo (najveckrat depresivno ali an-ksiozno) v Franciji 47,2 %, v Nemciji 33 %, v Italiji 26 %, na Nizozemskem 42,9 %, v Belgiji 37,1 %, v Španiji 29 % in v ZDA 55,3 %. Ce nimamo problemov na podro-cju zdravja, so lahko problemi na podrocju odnosov, financ, otrok, staršev, poklica in podobno. Ce vecjih problemov nimamo sami, je velika verjetnost, da jih imajo naši bližnji. Zelo verjetno bomo v življenju nekajkrat na robu ali prek roba svojih zmogljivosti reševanja problemov. Novejše psihološke teorije (terapija sprejema­nja in predanosti) poudarjajo, da placamo precejšen davek za tako imenovani te­ror srece oziroma za zahteve, da je v našem življenju vse funkcionalno, uspešno in brez problemov in trpljenja (Harris 2008, 8–10). Vecje zavedanje o temnih aspektih življenja pa je pomembno, ker lahko pomeni tudi vecje zavedanje o nje­govih svetlih oziroma lepih plateh (Vachon, Bessette in Goyette 2016, 185). – »Ljudje imajo dobre namene, verjamem v dobro ljudi, niso nevarni.« Ljudje imamo lahko zelo temne motivacije, in to tudi zavestne in premišljene. Ce ne iz­delamo bolj sofisticiranega in manj naivnega pogleda na svet in ljudi, lahko hitro postanemo žrtev manipulacije (Peterson 2017b). V racun je treba vzeti obstoj zlobnosti v ljudeh, s tem pa tudi obstoj zlobnosti v sebi (Peterson 2017c; 2017d). Pastoralna konstitucija o Cerkvi v sedanjem svetu v zvezi s tem navaja: »Kajti ce clovek gleda v svoje srce, odkriva, da je nagnjen tudi k zlu in pogreznjen v mno­gotero zlo, ki ne more izvirati od njegovega dobrega Stvarnika.« (GS, tc. 13,1) Biti dober ob vseh tragikah, pa tudi krivicah, ki se nam neizogibno dogajajo v življenju, ni preprosto. Tudi zase je dobro vedeti: ce te življenje postavi v težke okolišcine in pritisne na prave gumbe, skrciš svoj pogled, zelo verjetno postaneš zagrenjen, mašcevalen in opravicuješ svoja slaba/zlobna dejanja. S tem lahko razumemo vr­tiljak tragicnih zgodb tako na osebni ravni kakor tudi na ravni družbenih skupin in narodov. Ce to res dojamemo, potem lahko pristno obcudujemo Jezusa na križu in lahko do neke mere razumemo, kaj je bil tudi kot cloveško bitje (celo Bog ga je zapustil) sposoben narediti s preoblikovanjem najhujših krivic v odpušcanje. Treba se je torej zavedati svoje kapacitete za zlo (Peterson 2017c; 2017d). Seveda pa razumevanje svojih temnih plati in temnih plati v vsakem posamezniku nikakor ne pomeni, da kakorkoli dajemo odgovornost žrtvam travme (ali jih celo krivimo), sajnikakor ne upravicujejo zlobnih dejanj. Žrtev travme mora dobiti sporocilo, da je storilec skopal luknjo, ne ona, lahko pa kaj naredi, da se v prihodnje izogne luknji (Peterson 2019). Imeti zemljevid, kako se v prihodnje izogniti takšnim ‚luknjam‘, je lahko bistveno za okrevanje od potravmatskih simptomov. 4. Travmaticne izkušnje in eksistencialna vprašanja Poseben izziv pa pri travmi pomenijo eksistencialna vprašanja (Hoffman, Hoffman in Vallejos 2013, 3–6; Vis in Boynton 2008, 74). Travma namrec po vecini definicij (klasifikacija DSM) (American Psychiatric Association 2013, 271) pomeni dogodek z grožnjo smrti ali resno poškodbo (v zadnjem casu je še vecji poudarek na spol­nem nasilju) in tako pomembno zadeva predvsem dva od štirih glavnih virov an-ksioznosti in groze clovekovega življenja glede na glavne avtorje (Yalom 1998, 172–173) eksistencialne psihoterapije. 4.1 Neizogibna smrt za vsakega od nas in za ljudi, ki jih imamo radi V splošnem je še posebno sodobna družba razvila nekatere mehanizme, ki nam omogocajo, da se navadno ne ukvarjamo prav veliko s tem vprašanjem, in ki nam dajejo resda lažen obcutek varnosti in neranljivosti. Pogosto se s to frustracijo naši vrojeni težnji po obstajanju in brutalni omejitvi našega bivanja na tem svetu sooca-mo tako, da z obcutkom nelagodja gledamo proc (od smrti). Veliko psihicne energi­je se porabi za zanikanje (na to mi še ni treba misliti; smrt je za starejše od mene; ce bom zdravo živel, bom to preprecil) in za potlacevanje. Z evtanazijo se hocemo prepricati, da smrt ni nic groznega, lahko jo naredimo neboleco in celo prijetno. Precej jasno so s to anksioznostjo povezane psihicne motnje, kakor so hipohon­drija, panicne motnje, kompulzivno umivanje rok, fobije in podobno. Predvsem eksistencialni terapevti (Yalom 2008, 18–30) pa ugotavljajo, da bi lahko to anksi­oznost, ce bi le želeli, videli v ozadju še veliko vec problemov in nacinov našega vedénja (kopicenje premoženja, pretirana kontrola, razni družinski problemi, hle­penje po casti, odkloni v spolnosti…). V splošnem je nacin, kako premagaš svoj strah pred necim, to, da se prostovolj-no soociš z njim, seveda z ustrezno velikimi koraki, ne pa z begom od tega. Štu­dentje lahko pomislijo na odlašanje ali soocanje s kakim težkim izpitom. Ideja o škodljivosti potlacevanja in zanikanja se nedvomno v nekem dolocenem vidiku pripisuje Sigmundu Freudu, vendar je iskanje resnice, ne glede na stroške, mocna kršcanska ideja. Problem zanikanja je tudi v tem, da je ob vedno številcnejših dogodkih, kakor so življenjske prelomnice, upokojitev, smrti bližnjih in podobno, vedno manj ucinkovita. Za nas pa je bistveno, kar Yalom (1980, 32–33), najbolj znani predstavnik dana­šnje eksistencialne psihoterapije, tako lepo formulira: »Zanikanje smrti na kateri­koli ravni je zanikanje posameznikove narave in povzroci vedno vecje predirljive restrikcije (omejitve) zavedanja in izkušnje. Integracija ideje smrti nas reši; name-sto da bi nas obsodila na eksistenco terorja ali potrtega pesimizma, deluje kot katalizator, ki nas pahne v bolj pristne nacine življenja in ojaca naša zadovoljstva v življenju.« Raziskovalci navajajo: ce resnicno hocemo pogledati na koncnost našega življe­nja, gremo psihološko v drugo stanje zavedanja, imenovano stanje zavesti ali cu-jecnosti bivanja (30), drugace od stanja zavesti vsakodnevnih skrbi. Mnogi obole­li z razširjenim rakom – namesto da bi obstali otopeli in v obupu po diagnozi – do-živijo prebujenje, zacnejo voditi življenje bolj bogato. V življenju postavijo priori-tete in naredijo za nepomembne tiste stvari, ki so nepomembne. Recejo na primer, da je škoda, ker so morali cakati toliko casa, da se naucijo živeti (2008, 34). Glede na to, da pa imamo vsi diagnozo smrtnosti že od rojstva, nam verjetno ni treba cakati na diagnozo raka, da bi dosegli te spremembe, ce bi le hoteli bolj jasno po­gledati na koncnost našega življenja. Ni pa gledanje smrti v svoji prihodnosti in inkorporiranje tega v naše sisteme nekaj preprostega. Eksistencialni psihoterapevti uporabljajo metaforo o strmenju ali zrenju v sonce (2008). Na prav poseben, pogosto celo prevec brutalen nacin, ko je dejstvo naše minljivosti prezentirano v zelo jasni luci, pa je to prav v travma­ticnih izkušnjah, v katerih je navzoca grožnja smrti (Vachon, Bessette in Goyette 2016, 184). Ob tem so težko ucinkovite kakršnekoli obrambne strategije pred za­vedanjem. In po travmi se mora za neko mentalno in duhovno zdravje pogosto oseba vsaj do neke mere nauciti spoprijemati – namesto ga zanikati – z vprašanjem smrti. Zanimivi so tudi mešani rezultati raziskav, ki ugotavljajo, kako sta strah ali anksi­oznost pred smrtjo povezana z verovanjem v posmrtno življenje in z religioznostjo. Raziskave namrec ne kažejo jasno, da bi vera pri vseh zmanjševala takšen strah ali anksioznost. Raziskava Mesaric (2018, 51), izvedena na Univerzi v Ljubljani, na Te-ološki fakulteti, je med anksioznostjo pred smrtjo in mocjo religiozne vere odkrila korelacijo 0,036, to pomeni: prakticno nicno povezanost. Podobno govorijo tudi nekatere druge raziskave; res je, da so razlike med posameznimi verstvi in pa pred­vsem v tem, kakšna je ta vera (Bakan, Arli in Yildiz 2019, 2241; Jong et al. 2017, 11–12). Ce nekdo verjame, da ga v posmrtnem življenju caka kazen ali pekel, to verjetno ne vpliva razbremenjujoce na strah. Podrobnejša analiza teh ugotovitev in njihova implikacija sta zunaj namena te razprave, ob tem naj omenimo le pape­ža Franciška (Francišek 2013), ki v okviru teologije obcutljivosti oziroma nežnosti (angl. tenderness) opozarja na razumevanje odnosa z Bogom kot na protistrup za strah. Verjetno bi bilo treba delati na vecji implementaciji teh sporocil. 4.2 Problem smisla v življenju Drugo tako pomembno eksistencialno vprašanje je, ali ima ob vseh težavah, trplje­nju, omejenosti in koncnosti našega življenja naše življenje kak pozitiven smisel. V splošnem številne raziskave kažejo na velik pomen smisla za clovekovo zdra­vo funkcioniranje. Steptoe s sodelavci (Steptoe, Deaton in Stone 2015, 640–648) je odkril, da je med starejšimi udeleženci v 8,5-letnem obdobju umrlo 29,3 % lju­di, ki so imeli majhen obcutek smisla v življenju, v primerjavi z le 9,3 % tistih, ki so imeli vecji obcutek smisla v življenju. Nekateri raziskovalci psihoterapije celo trdi­jo, da je pomoc klientom pri najdenju ustreznih smislov celo najpomembnejši cilj psihoterapije (Metz 2016, 27–33). Glede na to, da so nekateri zaradi pozitivnega obcutka smisla dali celo svoje življenje, lahko sklepamo, da je vsaj pri nekaterih obcutek smisla še mocnejši od strahu pred smrtjo. Za našo razpravo pa so pomembne tri težave v zvezi s smislom, ki se izkazujejo v raziskavah in literaturi. 1. V današnjem vsakdanjem modernem življenje je smisel lahko zelo zožen, vcasih celo zreduciran na pridobivanje denarja in materialnega dobrega ali na pri­zadevanje za neke površinske in kratkotrajne užitke. Ti smisli so precej ranljivi, travmaticna izkušnja, tudi s svojim sporocilom o minljivosti življenja in o posta­vljanju cloveka v stanje zavesti ali cujecnosti bivanja, je hud udarec za takšne zo­žene, reducirane smisle, ki jih zamaje, seveda pa zagotavlja v tem smislu tudi pri­ložnost za rast (Vachon, Bessette in Goyette 2016, 179; Sigmund 2003, 224). 2. Glede na zavedanje cloveka o koncnosti njegovega življenja se lahko pri lju­deh pokaže vir smisla, ki presega sámo življenje posameznika. Torej nekaj, kar ostane tudi po njem: na primer narediti neko pozitivno spremembo v svetu, na­rediti svet boljši, vzgojiti otroke, ki bodo nadaljevali tvoje vrednote; pomagati drugim in podobno. Vendar pa ne želimo predstavljati prevec preprostih rešitev na vprašanje smisla. Ce razumsko razmišljamo, vsaj kakor razumsko tukaj pojmu­jemo, nam namrec zavedanje, da nam fosili s pomembno verjetnostjo kažejo, da vsaka vrsta nekoc izumre (tudi dinozavri so izumrli) in da bo cez par milijonov let sonce eksplodiralo in unicilo zemljo, da ne govorimo o crni luknji, ki nas bo vse požrla, lahko poraja neko doloceno stopnjo frustracije, ce seveda v enacbo, da se nam sploh izide, ne vstavimo tudi onostranstva. Številne raziskave v splošnem kažejo, da imata resnicna, notranja (intrinzicna) vernost in religioznost posameznika lahko zelo pomembno vlogo pri razreševanju teh bistvenih življenjskih vprašanj. Teologija v tem smislu lahko zagotovi pomemb­ne in prepotrebne odgovore. V zvezi s tem pa je treba opozoriti na še neko težavo v zvezi s smislom, pa tudi širše. 3. Raziskovalci potravmatske rasti (Vis in Boynton 2008, 74; Mattis 2002, 317– 318) poudarjajo problem samo kognitivne ravni razumevanja smisla in potrebo po globljem dojemanju in izpeljavi v življenje teh razumskih odgovorov glede smi­sla. Ta proces imenujejo tudi presežno ustvarjanje smisla (Vis in Boynton 2008, 74). Odgovori na smisel življenja so namrec lahko zelo neavtenticni, nepristni, nereflektirani in naloženi od zunaj. Zgolj nekakšni deklaratorni, kognitivni, dogma-ticni, razumski ali intelektualni odgovori imajo lahko majhno vrednost in so pogo-sto precej neuporabni. Lahko razumsko za svoje življenje vemo, da je smisel življe­nja ljubezen, služenje bližnjim, širjenje božjega kraljestva, slavljenje Boga ali kaj podobnega, vendar tega v resnici ne dojemamo niti ne živimo. Lahko funkcioni­ramo, ne da bi se spraševali o veljavnosti, pravi vrednosti in pomenu teh smislov za naše življenje, odlocitve in vedénje. Lahko nekdo iskreno misli, da veruje v Boga ali da je treba v življenju delati dobro in da ima plemenit smisel življenja, vendar njegova dejanja (prvenstveno prizadevanje za materialne dobrine, da ne govorimo o zlorabah) kažejo, da glede tega vara samega sebe. Psihoterapevti govorimo o stiku s sabo, tudi s svojimi sencami in temnimi cutenji in o vcasih grozi, spoznati o sebi, kdo v resnici si. Šele ponižno opazovanje sebe in predvsem svojega vedénja nam bo povedalo, kakšna je naša vera ali smisel življenja in koliko so naši zavestni odgovori na smisel življenja lažni ali avtenticni in resnicni. Za zmanjševanje notranje razcepljenosti posameznika med ,razumskim, inte­lektualnim‘ védenjem, med tem, kar posameznik misli, in tem, kar potem dejansko odigrava v življenju, je verjetno lahko v veliko pomoc tudi v akademskem prostoru dialog med razlicnimi disciplinami (teologija, filozofija, psihologija ...), ki je tako poudarjen v apostolski konstituciji Veritatis Gaudium (Petkovšek 2019, 25–26). Predvsem pa je potrebno vecje vkljucevanje razlicnih izkustvenih, doživljajskih, custvenih, vedenjskih, problemskih, relacijskih in celo telesnih aspektov (novejše teorije govorijo celo o instinktu smisla življenja) v razumevanje, znanje in tudi po-ucevanje glede teh vprašanj. Vodicar (2016, 375–382) govori v tem smislu o vzgoj­ni poti etike pristne skrbi za drugega, o poti zgleda in dialoga, ki morata nujno voditi v prakticno življenje. Sedaj že mednarodno razširjena relacijska družinska terapija, ki jo je razvil prof. Gostecnik s sodelavci na Teološki fakulteti Univerze v Ljubljani (Gostecnik 2017; Gostecnik et al. 2011; Gostecnik et al. 2017; Cvetek 2015; Cvetek, Kompan Erzar et al. 2006; Gostecnik 2011; Gostecnik, Repic in Cve­tek 2008; Cvetek, 2012; Gostecnik et al. 2009), s svojim globinskim celostnim pri­stopom, ki poudarja tudi telesne, temeljne afektivne, custvene, pristne odnosne, vedenjske in duhovne aspekte clovekovega doživljanja, lahko pomeni pomembno dodano vrednost omenjenemu dialogu tudi v svetovnem merilu. Ocenjujemo, da nas papež Francišek (Francišek 2013, 2019) prav s poslanico univerzitetnim usta­novam s poudarjanjem kerigmaticne teologije, teologije obcutljivosti ali nežnosti, kakor jo imenuje, s poudarjanjem potrebnosti upoštevanja custev v teologiji in povezovanja teologije z življenjem spodbuja tocno v tem smislu. 5. Sklep Clovek, ki bo v svoji eksistencialni poštenosti priznal svojo ranljivost in se spoprijel s svojimi ,sencami‘, bo tudi, tako kakor Kristus, lahko pristno pristopal k trpecim, izrinjenim in ponižanim. Še posebno pri tistih, ki so preživeli travme, je pomemb-no, da se raziskovanja eksistencialnih vprašanj in danosti življenja lotimo v socu­tnem, ljubecem in varnem odnosu, v katerem je možno regulirati intenzivne afek­te in anksioznost, ki se ob teh vprašanjih kažejo. V današnji družbi je bistveno, da teologija oznanja evangeljsko sporocilo na tem podrocju, in to v smislu, da ni treba zanikati ,sencnih‘ podrocij življenja. Karkoli že je bolecega, težkega, ,sencnega‘, vedno je možnost vstajenja in upanja. Nobene cloveške neumnosti ni, ki ne bi mogla biti odpušcena, nobenega cloveškega žalo­vanja, ki ne bi bilo do neke mere potolaženo, nobene cloveške temine in sence, v katero ne bi mogel prodreti žarek svetlobe. 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The Yalom Reader: Selections from the Work of a Master Therapist and Storyteller. New York, NY: Basic Books. – – –. 2008. Staring at the Sun: Overcoming the Terror of Death. San Francisco, CA: Jossey--Bass. ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 73 Jan Dominik Bogataj Preobraženi: zgodnjekršcanska teologija Kristusovega spremenjenja na gori V monografiji avtor predstavi grško in bizantinsko umevanje evangeljskega dogod­ka Jezusove spremenitve na gori in ga umesti v širši grški religijski koncept meta-morfoze. Temu doda svojsko latinsko tradicijo na zahodu in z vzhodne strani še semitski element iz sirskega izrocila, potem pa predstavi tudi vizijo za sodobno teološko in filozofsko misel. Dogodek in njegovo patristicno interpretacijo namrec umesti v tri teološke »poddiscipline«: kristologijo, soteriologijo in eshatologijo. Bogato poznavanje patristicnih besedil in prodorno razmišljanje mu je omogocilo, da je prišel do poglobljenega uvida v zapleteno dinamiko bizantinske, latinske in sirske patristicne misli, ki je vredna ne le študija, pac pa tudi umestitve v sodobno miselno avanturo. Ljubljana: TEOF in KUD LOGOS, 2020. ISBN 978-961-6844-84-0, 20€ Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si RAZPRAVE / ARTICLES Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1, 23—33 Besedilo prejeto/Received:10/2020; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2021 UDK/UDC: 274-28:929Luther M. DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Vodenko © 2021 Vodenko et al., CC BY 4.0 Konstantin V. Vodenko, Yulia N. Sushkova, Nikolay N. Kosa­renko, Olga V. Popova, Anton S. Skotnikov and Elmira R. Khairullina The Reception of Aristotle in Martin Luther’s Late Theological Writings Sprejemanje Aristotela v poznih teoloških delih Mar­ tina Lutra Abstract: The ambiguous legacy of Martin Luther, the sixteenth-century German reformer, includes his expressive, intellectual reactions to Aristotle’s ideas. His vehement criticism of the ancient philosopher in some of his later writings may have eclipsed Luther’s more balanced reception of Aristotle in his early career. Furthermore, careful distinctions must be made between Luther’s views on medieval Aristotelianism vs the original ideas of Aristotle. Finally, when asses­sing the German reformer’s appraisal of Aristotle, it is vital to distinguish bet­ween the vertical, coram Deo, horizontal, coram hominibus, human situate-dness, and interaction dimensions. This article argues that, despite the strong rejection of Aristotle’s usefulness for theology by Luther, we can discern a limi­ted use of Aristotelian categories by Luther when dealing with some matters of politics and ethics (the rule of law in a state and an individual’s virtues). Ba­sed on Luther’s mature writings, we will examine Luther’s notions of sin, con­cupiscence, justification, divine grace, and human will, as these topics resona­te in his treatment of Aristotle’s philosophical heritage. Keywords: Aristotle, Aristotelianism, Martin Luther, justification, reason, free will Povzetek: Dvoumna zapušcina Martina Lutra, nemškega reformatorja iz 16. stole-tja, vkljucuje njegove custvene odzive na Aristotelove ideje. Zdi se, da je Lutro­va ostra kritika anticnega filozofa v nekaterih njegovih poznih delih zameglila bolj uravnoteženo sprejemanje Aristotela v zgodnjih letih. Poleg tega je treba izpostaviti jasno razlikovanje med Lutrovim pogledom na srednjeveški aristo­telizem in izvornimi Aristotelovimi idejami. Pri obravnavi vrednotenja, ki ga je o Aristotelu izražal nemški reformator, je nadalje kljucno, razlikovati med ver­tikalno (coram Deo) in horizontalno (coram hominibus) razsežnostjo cloveške­ga stanja in sporazumevanja. Clanek zagovarja stališce, da je kljub izrazitemu zavracanju koristnosti Aristotela za teologijo pri Lutru mogoce opaziti omejeno rabo aristotelskih kategorij na podrocju politicnih in eticnih zadev (vladavina prava v državi in kreposti pri posameznih osebah). Na podlagi Lutrovih zrelih spisov obravnavamo njegovo razumevanje greha, poželenja, opravicenja, bož­je milosti in cloveške volje, saj prav te teme odmevajo skozi njegovo obravnavo Aristotelove filozofske dedišcine. Kljucne besede: Aristotel, aristotelizem, Martin Luther, opravicenje, razum, svobo­dna volja 1. Introduction Martin Luther is arguably one of the best-known and most controversial figures of the sixteenth century. Born at a time of late scholastics, in Europe torn amid warring factions (internal struggles) during the era of fascinating discoveries (the Americas) and inventions (such as the Gutenberg’s printing press), and threatened by a potent outside enemy (the Ottoman Turks), the German reformer is hailed by many in the Protestant camp as a champion of the Christian Gospel, while cursed by others as the man who tore the seamless canvas of Western Christendom to pieces. His appe­al to the primacy of divine revelation (revelatio specialis) as interpreted by the Church’s tradition and perceived and internally digested by the individual believer’s conscience, introduced a curious mix of mysticism (as seen, e.g., in his emphasis on the mystical union of Christ and the believer in faith; LW 31, 359), strict Augustinia­nism (as evidenced by his leaning toward Augustinian’s doctrine of predestination and primacy of divine grace; LW 27, 255), and individual voluntarism into the theo­logical discourse of his era. Luther’s voluntaristic mysticism, as Jacques Maritain cal­led it, »unbridled the human self in the spiritual and religious order, as the Renais­sance /…/ unbridled the human self in the order of natural and sensible activities« (Maritain 1928, 8). Among the numerous contentious points in Luther’s theological legacy is un­doubtedly his stance toward Aristotle or, more generally, philosophy as a path to spiritual wisdom. Already in Medieval times, intellectuals between the 1200s to 1500s used surprisingly diverse ways to interpret competing currents of ancient and Christian moral thought to formulate a philosophical ethic fitting to their times (Bejczy 2008). The ever-increasing »emphasis upon dialectic as a primary instru­ment of formal inquiry was augmented in the mid-12th century by the recovery of critical works on logic by Aristotle« (Luy 2017). These attempts, naturally, con­tinued after Luther through to the birth of the modern era, which further testifies to their theological significance. For example, attempts were made to establish a clear line from Aristotle through St. Thomas Aquinas to modern, democratic po­ Konstantin V. Vodenko et al. - The Reception of Aristotle ... litical thought (Jefferson, Truman, etc.) to substantiate the existence of ,western political philosophy‘ (Jaffa 1952). However, not all in and outside the Church viewed Aristotle’s ideas with sym­pathy. Luther’s nominalist training in philosophy seemed to predispose him to question rational, intellectual explanations (Schwarz 1962) and assume a pro­found anti-intellectual approach. Thus, when speaking of Aristotle and St. Tho­mas, he allegedly said: »Aristotle is the godless bulwark of the papists. He is to theology what darkness is to light. His ethics is the worst enemy of grace.« (Ma­ritain 1928, 15) Among his derogatory comments targeted at Aristotle were many ad hominem attacks and hyperbolic ridicule against the Greek philosopher. Luther writes that Aristotle is »an urchin who must be put in the pigsty or donkey’s stable« (WA VII, 282, 15–16) and that he is a mediocre philosopher (IX, 43, 5) who should be rejected by faithful Christians (I, 647, 33–34). On the other hand, Luther had good things to say about Aristotle, too, recommending his writings on methodology and ethics and even stating explicitly that, at least on some topics, »Aristotle philosophizes about such matters, and he does it well« (LW 25, 434). However, what made things complicated was that »people do not understand him well,« as Luther complained (434). Luther often complained that both the scholastic teachers before him and many of his contemporaries had misundersto­od Aristotle’s thinking (Eckermann 1978). St. Thomas Aquinas, according to the German reformer, belonged among those who »never understood a chapter of the Gospel or Aristotle« (Maritain 1928, 15). If this observation carries any weight, Luther’s criticism of Aristotle could be partially interpreted as his opposition to the typical scholastic intellectual rendering of Aristotle’s ideas rather than to Ari­stotle himself (Nitzsch 1883; Oberman 1966). Luther became familiar with Aristo­tle by collecting the writings translated into Latin and became accessible to him in his Erfurt city school (1502–1505). He also read commentaries on Aristotle’s works by renowned medieval teachers – Peter Lombard, Duns Scotus, Pierre d’Ailly, Gabriel Biel, etc. (Dieter 2015). In our research, we will primarily focus on Luther’s later, more mature writings. These include (1) Luther’s commentaries – Commentary on the prophetic books Zachariah and Isaiah; Commentary on Ecclesiastes; Commentary on Galatians; (2) Luther’s scholastic disputations – Concerning Man (Disputatio de homine, 1536) (WA 39, I, 175–177); Concerning Justification; Concerning Christ’s divinity and humanity; and (3) Luther’s lectures given during his late Wittenberg university teaching career – Lectures on Titus, 1 Peter and 1 John. This source material will provide us with concrete examples of Luther’s views on important theological topics, including justification, grace, the natures of Christ, and free will, and the nature of sin and concupiscence. Rather than providing a detailed description and critical analysis of these topics from Luther’s perspective, our goal will be to exa­mine Luther’s treatment of Aristotle’s ideas and his influence on Luther’s contem­poraries (from Luther’s limited perspective) relative to the selected theological issues. 2. Luther’s commentaries: Zachariah, Isaiah, Ecclesiastes Luther wrote his commentaries on Zachariah, Isaiah, and Ecclesiastes between 1527–1532. They all belong among his more mature writings. His relationship with Aristotle is ambivalent, as one can witness by reading Luther’s early works (Dieter 2015; Brecht 2009). His positive comments usually relate to the philosopher’s ideas about the matters of the state (namely, the rule of law in the state) and civic moral­ity (WA 20, 120, 19–20). This can further be evidenced by Luther’s exposition of Luke 2:15-20 contained in his Collection of Sermons (Kirchenpostille, 1522): »Thus in our active life, we are to stick with the needy, while in our studies and in our contemplative life we are to stay only with God’s word so that Christ alone is in both respects the man who is everywhere before us. The books of Aristotle and those of the pope and of any other man should be avoided, or they should be read in such a way that we do not seek in them information concerning the edification of the soul, but we should use them to improve our temporal life, to learn a trade or civil law.« (LW 52, 39) It is here, in the earthly realm or, as Luther puts it, coram hominibus, where reason and unredeemed conscience play an important role. We can trace this idea in Luther’s other commentary, on the Book of Revelation 3:20, where he argues that »no one is so evil that he does not feel the murmur of reason and the voice of conscience, according to the statement, ›reason always speaks for the best.‹ And this explanation is indeed very attractive.« (LW 10, 99; Aristotle, Nicoma­chean Ethics I, 1102b, 15) Elsewhere in his texts, Luther admits that humans did not lose rationality after the Fall: »After the fall of Adam, God did not take away this majesty of reason, but rather confirmed it.« (LW 34, 137; Janz 2011, 48) Com­menting on Ecclesiastes 1:7, Luther openly acknowledges Aristotle’s scientific ob­servations regarding the origin of the ,springs‘ and ,winds‘, while lifting Solomon’s wisdom as superior to the wisdom of the philosophers: »Aristotle disputes about where springs and winds come from and sweats over this investigation, as do many others. However, nowhere do we find what Solomon says here, that all streams come from the sea and in turn fill the sea.« (LW 15, 16–17) Passages with a more critical flavour can be found more abundantly, however. In the preface to his Lecture on Zachariah (20, 156), Luther points out, somewhat sar­castically, that Aristotle is not of much use to people who lack proper education because his writing style is too complicated. The polemical tone increases as soon as Luther engages more theologically essential topics, such as the nature of the hu­man soul. He vehemently rejects Aristotle’s teaching about the mortality of the soul. »The world, of course, cannot understand or believe that the soul is immortal. In fact, if you look at how things go and at the appearance about which Solomon is speaking when he says, ›Man dies as the beast does,‹ they do have the same breath as the beast. In appearance, therefore, we coincide. The philosophers have indeed disputed about the immortality of the soul, Konstantin V. Vodenko et al. - The Reception of Aristotle ... but so coldly that they seem to be setting forth mere fables. Aristotle above all argues about the soul in such a way that he diligently and shrewdly avoids discussing its immortality anywhere; nor did he want to express what he thought about it.« (15, 59; Aristotle, De anima I, 1; Sorabji 1974, 63–65) Even a harsher tone comes across to readers from Luther’s Commentary on Isaiah (based on his lectures from 1527–1530). The German reformer appears to be incredibly unforgiving when dealing with the topics of the sacraments and the human will. Luther argues that when the faithful forsake the simple, biblical tea­ching of Christ, they are led astray by the sophistries of the philosophers. »Once we have forsaken Christ, all monsters, beasts, and demons lead us astray; error follows upon error. This we see today, first concerning Bapti­sm, then concerning the Eucharist, then concerning free will so that one error follows hard upon the other. As one wild beast falls in with another, so it was hitherto under the papacy. Aristotle, Scotus, etc., fell in with each other.« (LW 16, 297) Complaining about the perceived unfaithfulness of many of his contemporari­es, including monks and scholastic teachers, Luther laments in the second volume of his Commentary on Isaiah 42:7 that Christ »is despised by so many monasteri­es and schools that it is impressive. We ignore Him and read the monstrous ma­terial of Aristotle.« (17, 69) The immediate reference here is to the doctrine of free will which Luther utterly despised. He is adamant that »apart from Christ there is nothing but darkness and dungeon. Away with free will!«, exclaims Luther emphatically, for »it is not enough to shine. One must also see and act. Nor is it enough to burn. Thus here, too, all lights apart from Christ are darkness, as is free will. Afterwards there is also captivity. Even though we see the Gospel, we cannot perform it, and there is nothing but prison.« (69) If philosophical reason ever at­tempts to understand what God is like or offer guidance in the human quest for salvation, Luther further argues, it will inevitably lead us to error (Janz 2011, 49), as evidenced by Erasmus’ foolish insistence on the freedom of the will coram Deo inspired by humanism and Aristotle (WA 10, I, 532, 1–12). 3. Luther’s scholastic disputations: concerning man, concerning justification, concerning the divinity and humanity of Christ Luther took part in scores of scholastic disputations from as early on as 1516. Among these, the disputations Concerning Man (1536; WA 39, I, 174–180; LW 34), Concer­ning Justification (1536; WA 39, I, 78–126; LW 34), and Concerning the divinity and humanity of Christ (1540; WA 39, II, 92–121) contribute to an important theological legacy of the reformer. They also happen to be revealing when it comes to assessing Luther’s relationship to Aristotle. All three disputations bear the same fundamental testimony: when choosing one’s epistemological starting point, Luther (representing revealed theology) and Aristotle (representing philosophy, i.e., human wisdom ba­sed on revelatio naturalis) stand on the opposite sides. However, Luther freely employs Aristotle’s linguistic/semantic and logical tools and categories to prop up his theological arguments, and he is even willing to acknowledge it by citing Aristotle’s name. For example, to defend a proper distinction between the concre­te sense of the term ,human‘ as opposed to the general sense of the term ,huma­nity‘, Luther appeals to Aristotle’s differentiation between nature (general) and per­son (concrete): »Aristoteles dicit: Abstracta sonant naturam, concreta personam [abstract terms refer to nature, the concrete ones to a person]« (108; 116–117). While fitting examples of Luther’s fair use of Aristotle are scarce, his criticism of the philosopher finds ample expressions. Defending his hermeneutical under­standing informed by his presupposition of the literal theological meaning of vital biblical accounts (i.e., those directly related to salvation history), Luther argues that Christ’s humanity and divinity must be understood as having been manifested in a concrete historical person: »Christ is not a mathematical or physical word but a divine, uncreated Word, who signifies the essence as well as the person becau­se God’s Word is divine. Christ is God’s Word. Thus, Christ is divine. Philosophical­ly, a word stands for a sound or an utterance, but when we speak theologically, Word signifies the Son of God [Verbum significat filium Dei]. Aristotle would never allow this, that is, that a word should signify the true God.« (WA 39, II, 103, 11) We find a similar reservation in two more places of the disputation when Luther argues that »Aristotle would not agree with this« (112, 19) and »Aristotle would not be able to understand this matter« (118, 27). The same type of ,limitation‘ on the side of the philosophical reason as repre­sented by Aristotle can be found in several places of Luther’s Disputation concer­ning Justification. Instead of focusing on the inner life of the Trinity or the essen­ce and characteristics of the three divine persons, the topic here revolves around some critical issues of theological anthropology and hamartiology. The main line of reasoning consists of Luther’s insistence on scholastic theology being perme­ated with (and therefore limited by) Aristotelian presuppositions, which steers it away from traditional,gospel-oriented biblical theology. While scholastic theology, in Luther’s view, perceives the human condition more optimistically, biblical re­velation paints a much more pessimistic picture that brings us (theologizing hu­mans) down from the clouds of our arrogant reasoning to the grim reality of sin. Luther argues against the scholastic insistence on man being merely weak, which makes one prone to sin, but which in and of itself is not harmful. »But the scholastic doctors contend that it is only a condition and not sin of the kind that would cast us away from the eyes of God. Just as Aristotle speaks of affections which are in us but bring us neither blame nor praise, so according to them as according to him, concupiscence is a kind of indifferent affection, or, as they call it, ,adiaphoron‘, which does not damn us, and which is neither advantageous nor injurious to us.« (LW 34, 186) Konstantin V. Vodenko et al. - The Reception of Aristotle ... We find here an explicit reference to Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, in which Aristotle argues that »we are not called good or bad on the ground of our passions« (Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics II, 4; Polansky 2014, 4). Concupiscentia, according to Luther, is far more than an inclination toward sin; it is a Sin itself. It is the very es­sence of human sinfulness (WA 39, I, 118, 1–7). »For original sin is not only the lack of righteousness, but a kind of inborn evil, as said before, which makes us guilty of sin and eternal death, subject to divi­ne wrath. It remains in us even after baptism and resists the law of God and the Holy Spirit. These are the sound distinctions of this definition, which the papists did not understand at all. Therefore, they did not define original sin correctly. For anyone who has not truly learned all aspects of this definition of original sin does not know sin.« (LW 34, 186) Original sin, Luther opines, is »a kind of corruption of nature, which drives us to resist the Spirit« (34, 186). In place of Aristotle, whose misleading role had Luther just exposed, Christians should place their faith in St. Augustine and St. Paul (above all his letters to Romans and Galatians). »Accordingly, since that very concupiscence is really that evil which is innate in us by nature and which even in the righteous struggles against the law of God and finally lasts until the grave, it is necessary for us to examine original sin diligently, to see what it is. Augustine, who is one of the preservers of the definition of original sin, truly acknowledged this.« (34, 186–187) Luther blames Aristotle for not being honest enough to himself, i.e., failing to see the true depravity of his sinful nature. »If Aristotle had understood the innate sinful condition, he would have called it a disposition [habitum], not only an affection [passionem].« (34, 165) Luther’s conviction about the necessity of distinguishing and separating the theo­logical from the philosophical reasonings is best evidenced in his Disputation concer­ning Man. Commenting on the failure of philosophy to properly understand the es­sence of sin and its effect on human nature, Luther says: »Therefore those who say that natural things have remained untainted after the fall philosophize impiously in opposition to theology.« (Thesis 26; LW 34, 139) This is also true »of those who intro­duce Aristotle (who knows nothing of theological man) to witness that reason aspires to the best things« (Thesis 28; LW 34, 139). According to Luther, Aristotle, along with his contemporaries – the philosophizing scholastic theologians – know nothing about a man (Thesis 31; LW 34, 139) because they speak from without the biblical tradition as mundane, carnal men. To avoid their mistakes, Luther argues, theologians must approach these issues from within as ,theological men‘. Hence Luther’s conclusion that a genuine theologian must clearly distinguish between philosophy and theology and refrain from using fundamental philosophical presuppositions about man, God, sin, grace, the free will (and alike) in one’s theological treatment of these topics. This, according to Luther, is precisely where Aristotle fails the most. »Therefore, if philosophy or reason itself is compared with theology, it will appear that we know almost nothing about man, inasmuch as we seem scarce to perceive his material cause sufficiently. For philosophy does not know the efficient cause for certain, nor likewise, the final cause, because it posits no other final cause than the peace of this life and does not know that the efficient cause is God the creator. Indeed, concerning the formal cause which they call soul, there is not and never will be agreement among the philosophers. For so far as Aristotle defines it as the first driving force of the body which has the power to live, he too wished to deceive readers and hearers.« (Theses 11–16; LW 34, 137–138) 4. Luther’s lectures in Wittenberg: lectures on Titus, 1 Peter, and 1 John Luther lectured on these biblical books sometime between 1525–1527. In his lec­tures, we find clear passages commending the ideas of Aristotle. Among them is Luther’s exposition on Titus 3 where Luther invokes Aristotle’s definition of the Greek term .p.e..... »We began to treat this word .p.e...., gentle. This term is quite famous among the Greeks but not so famous among the Latins. /…/ Jurists define it as equity when on account of an intervening case, they soften the rigour of the law. Aristotle says in the fifth book of his Ethics (Nicomachean Eth­ics V, 10) that when a legislator sets down a law, he makes a distinction: The law is impossible because moral questions concern themselves with the person.« (LW 29, 74–75) Luther prefers Aristotle’s explanation to that of the ›jurists‹ who preferred to translate the term with the Latin word aequitatem. Likewise, in a lecture delivered on Titus 1 in November 1527, Luther observed that St. Paul had quoted a heathen poet in Tit 1:12. »That verse is true, even though it was written by a heathen poet. These are spoils which we can take away from them. But it requires art to apply these things to spiritual matters. Plato and Aristotle wrote well about political matters, Pliny described the works [of nature], etc.« But he is quick to add that Christians should »not undertake to have a heathen instruct conscience. Only Christ, our Teacher, is competent for this.« (29, 39–40) In most other instances, however, Luther’s apocalyptic reading of the Scriptu­res comes to the forefront, as we saw in his commentaries and other types of li­terature. He views the world as the arena of a raging war between the Devil’s forces and the divine forces under the leadership of the risen Christ. Aristotle is often depicted as a tool in Satan’s hands to lead the people of God astray. We can see this in Luther’s comments on the text from 1 Pt 3,15. The reformer maintains that all Christians are to be prepared to make a defence of their faith, account for the hope in them, and only achieve this through a careful study of Scriptures. Konstantin V. Vodenko et al. - The Reception of Aristotle ... »Now up to this time, the laity has been forbidden to read Scripture. For here, the Devil came up with a pretty trick for the purpose of tearing the people away from Scripture. He thought: ›If I can keep the laity from rea­ding Scripture, then I shall bring the priests from the Bible into Aristotle. Then the priests can babble what they please, and the laity has to listen to what they preach to them.‹« (30, 105) Aristotle is elevated above the Scripture, according to Luther, with the preten­ce that the philosopher’s teaching is more apt »to overthrow heretics« (30, 107). Such a view is misleading and dangerous to the simple minds of Christians and the teachers of the Church, who should find solace and inspiration in the Bible instead. 5. Conclusion As his theological views matured through his study of the Scriptures and the Tra­dition, Luther grew ever more convinced that to reform the Church, philosophy (above all the Aristotelian metaphysics) must be excluded, along with Scholastic theology and Canon Law. He even suggested that those holding the view that if something is true for philosophy must necessarily be true for theology, they sho­uld be condemned. Hence his emphatic denunciation of the theologians at the Sorbonne University, which he labelled ,the mother of all errors‘, ,the most abo­minable prostitute‘, and ,the damned synagogue of the devil‘ (Zahnd 2018, 460). Moreover, hence his rage oriented toward »the most famous Aristotle, that noble light of nature, that heathen master, that arch master of all masters of nature, who rules in all of our universities and teaches in place of Christ« (LW 52, 165). While we can see some development in his treatment of Aristotle’s ideas du­ring the turbulent decades of Luther’s polemics, disputations, and writings, his basic stance did not change much. We can observe this in the last sermon he pre­ached at Wittenberg, towards the end of his life, as Maritain rightly points out in his criticism of the reformer: »Reason is the Devil’s greatest whore; by nature and manner of being she is a noxious whore; she is a prostitute, the Devil’s appointed whore; who­re eaten by scab and leprosy who ought to be trodden under foot and destroyed, she and her wisdom... Throw dung in her face to make her ugly. She is, and she ought to be, drowned in baptism... She would deserve, the wretch, to be banished to the filthiest place in the house, to the closets.« (ERL 16, 142–148; Maritain 1928, 16) Reason can only dishonour and blaspheme God and everything He has made (LW 51, 374). Thus, we may ask: Is Luther’s dramatic denunciation of the power of reason viable as a constitutive principle in healthy theology? Is it based on a correct understanding of theological anthropology, or does it instead stem from Luther’s over-derogatory conception of human nature, plagued by original sin? Luther’s contempt for the power of reason is understandable if it can be establi­shed that human nature is, indeed, severely afflicted by the original, rendering the human agent incapable of adequately responding to God when left to his/her powers. If Luther’s unfounded presuppositions were true, then the use of Aristo­tle in particular and human reason, in general, would be illegitimate in uncovering, comprehending, and adopting the mysteries of the Christian faith (the realm of theology). It would then be true that »reason is contrary to faith « (ERL 44, 158) and that »reason is directly opposed to faith, and one ought to let it be; in belie­vers, it should be killed and buried« (ERL 44, 156–157; Maritain 1928, 16). However, such a negative perception of human nature is unfounded and rela­tively scarce in the ecumenical tradition of the Church (even more so in the Ea­stern Tradition than in the West). One would need to go all the way to Augustine to identify the roots of this doctrine, later developed in the form of,strict Augu­stinianism‘ of John Calvin and his supporters (Bayer 2008; Schwarz 1962). Revea­lingly, Luther himself was an Augustinian monk, partially explaining his affinity to this strand of theology (Wriedt 2011). Furthermore, owing to his existential stru­ggle and, perhaps, his tragic and melancholic character, Luther seemed to have preferred the mysticism of inner faith to employ philosophical reason to solve questions about faith or those growing out of one’s fundamental spiritual outlook. On the other hand, Luther was willing to concede that philosophical reasoning has had a practical value for daily use in earthly life. After all, he used Aristotle’s categories of logic and claimed that some of the philosopher’s ideas were useful when dealing with the mundane realm, coram hominibus. In addition to logic, he considered poetics, rhetoric, and semantics beneficial to theologians and all who strived for a good education. However, in the spiritual sphere, it allegedly only shed darkness, which contrasts to a great majority of the Western Christian intel­lectual tradition and even more so to Russian Orthodox theological thinking (Obo­levitch 2015; Khoruzhy 2015; Allen et al. 2016). This feature of Luther’s theology, among other problems, may have been the reason why his thinking never made any significant inroads into the Russian cultural-religious landscape. To delve dee­per into this issue, however, a separate study will need to be conducted. Abbreviations ERL – Luther 1826–1857 [Dr. Martin Luther’s sämmtliche Werke]. LW – Luther 1955–1986 [Luther’s Works]. WA – Luther 1883–2009 [D. Martin Luthers Werke: Kritische Gesamtausgabe]. Konstantin V. Vodenko et al. - The Reception of Aristotle ... References Allen, Artur Mrówczynski-Van, Obolevitch, Teresa,and Rojek Pawel, eds. 2016. Beyond modernity: Russian Religious Philosophy and Post-Secular­ism. Eugene, OR: Pickwick Publications. Aristotle. 2000. Nicomachean Ethics. Cambridge Texts in the History of Philosophy. Translated and edited by Roger Crisp. Cambridge: Cam­bridge University Press. – – –. 2016. De anima. Translated by Christopher Shields. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Bayer, Oswald. 2008. Martin Luther’s Theology: A Contemporary Interpretation. Grand Rapids: William Eerdmans Publishing. Bejczy, István, ed. 2008. Virtue Ethics in the Mid­dle Ages: Commentaries on Aristotle’s Nicoma­chean Ethics, 1200-1500. Leiden; Boston: Brill. Brecht, Martin. 2009. Martin Luther: Shaping and Defending the Reformation 1521–1532. Vol. 2. Minneapolis: Fortress Press. Dieter, Theodor. 2015. Der junge Luther und Aristoteles: eine historisch-systematische Untersuchung zum Verhältnis von Theologie und Philosophie. Berlin; New York: Walter de Gruyter. Eckermann, Willigis. 1978. Die Aristoteleskritik Luthers: Ihre Bedeutung für seine Theologie. Catholica Mster 32, no. 2:114–130. Jaffa, Harry V. 1952. Thomism and Aristotelianism: A Study of the Commentary by Thomas Aquinas on the Nicomachean Ethics. Chicago: Univer­sity of Chicago Press. Janz, Denis R. 2011. Whore or Handmaid? Luther and Aquinas on the Function of Reason in Theology. In: Jennifer Hockenbery Dragseth, ed. The Devil’s Whore: Reason and Philosophy in the Lutheran Tradition, 47–52. Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress Publishers, Khoruzhy, Sergei. 2015. Eastern-Christian Dis­course and Russian Philosophy: Basic Struc­tures, Modern Problems. In: Teresa Obolevitch and Pawel Rojek, eds. Faith and Reason in Russian Thought, 25–40. Krakow: Copernicus Center Press. Luther, Martin. 1955–1986. Luther’s Works. Edited by Jaroslav Pelikan. Philadelphia: Fortress Press. – – –. 1883–2009. D. Martin Luthers Werke. Kri­tische Gesamtausgabe. 121 vols. Weimar: Hermann Böhlau. – – –. 1826–1857. Dr. Martin Luther’s sämmtliche Werke. Erlangen-Frankfurter Ausgabe. 134 vols. Erlangen: Heyder. Luy, David. 2017. Martin Luther’s Disputations. In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Religion. https://oxfordre.com/religion/view/10.1093/ acrefore/9780199340378.001.0001/acrefo­re-9780199340378-e-285. DOI: 10.1093/ acrefore/9780199340378.013.285. (accessed 10. 10. 2020). Maritain, Jacques. 1928. Three Reformers: Luther, Descartes, Rousseau. London: Sheed & Ward. Nitzsch, Friedrich A. 1883. Luther und Aristoteles: Zu haben in der Universitäts-Buchhandlung. Kiel: Universitäts-Buchhandlung. Oberman, Heiko. 1966. Forerunners of the Refor­ mation: The Shape of Late Medieval Thought. New York: Lutterworth Press. Obolevitch, Teresa. 2015. Faith as the Locus Philo­sophicus of Russian Thought. In: Teresa Obo­levitch and Pawel Rojek, eds. Faith and Reason in Russian Thought, 7–23. Krakow: Copernicus Center Press. Polansky, Ronald, ed. 2014. The Cambridge Com­ panion to Aristotle’s Nicomachean ethics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Schwarz, Reinhard. 1962. Fides, spes und caritas beim jungen Luther. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Sorabji, Richard. 1974. Body and soul in Aristotle. Philosophy 49, no. 187:63–89. Wriedt, Markus. 2011. Luther and Augustine – Re­visited. In: Jennifer Hockenbery Dragseth, ed. The Devil’s Whore: Reason and Philosophy in the Lutheran Tradition, 39–46. Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress Publishers. ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 76 Christian Gostecnik Nevroznanost in relacijska družinska terapija Relacijski družinski model predpostavlja, da posameznikovi zgodnji odnosi s star-ši in pomembnimi drugimi, zelo radikalno vplivajo na vse kasnejše pomembne odnose v posameznikovem življenju. Vedno znova si bo izbiral, predvsem intimne partnerje, na osnovi teh zgodnjih izkušenj, ki so globoko vtisnjeni v njegov neza­vedni psiho-organski spomin. Relacijska terapija zato skuša, ravno na osnovi sa­kralnosti intimnih odnosov v sedanjosti, preoblikovati stara, še tako travmaticna izkustva v odnose, ki osrecujejo. Ljubljana: TEOF, ZBF in FDI, 2021. ISBN 978-961-6844-90-1, 20€ Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Pregledni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.02) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1, 35—46 Besedilo prejeto/Received:03/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2021 UDK/UDC: 165.61/.63Kierkegaard S. DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Gregorcic © 2021 Gregorcic, CC BY 4.0 Rok Gregorcic Sokratska prevara za resnico kot Kierkegaardov prehod med iracionalnostjo in racionalnostjo Socratic Deception in Service of the Truth as Kierkegaard‘s Pathway between Irrationality and Rationality Povzetek: Kierkegaardov pogled na clovekove razumske zmožnosti v odnosu do vere predstavlja v interpretaciji njegovih del pomemben problem. Clanek seosredotoca na vprašanje racionalnosti. Želi nasloviti dejstvo, da se Kierkegaar­dova misel na nekaterih mestih izraža iracionalno, medtem ko se na drugih kaže v bolj racionalni luci. Clanek dilemo poskuša videti v luci posebne metode, so-kratske prevare, ki jo je Kierkegaard oblikoval po Sokratovem zgledu. Najprej prikažemo mesta, kjer se Kierkegaardova misel izraža kot iracionalna – v smeri bodisi fideizma bodisi relativizma. Clanek nadalje ob zavedanju teh iracionalnih potez opiše, kako danski pisec z zgledovanjem po Sokratu predstavi posebno metodo prevare za resnico. Gre za hermenevticni kljuc, ki nam omogoca Kier-kegaardove prvotne ocitke racionalnosti brati v luci širšega smisla. V zadnjem delu se osredotocamo še na konkretne posledice, ki iz tega sokratskega preho­da izhajajo. Tako lahko še bolje osvetlimo, kakšne so znacilnosti Kierkegaardo­ve paradoksalne racionalnosti. Kljucne besede: Kierkegaard, Sokrat, psevdonim, prevara za resnico, racionalnost, razumeti, naravni razum. Abstract: Kierkegaard’s view on rational human abilities in relation to faith pres­ents an important problem when researching his works. The article focuses on the question of rationality. It aims to explain the fact that in specific segments, Kierkegaard’s thought seems irrational, while in others, it appears more ratio­nal. The article tries to see this dilemma in light of a particular method, the Socratic deception devised by Kierkegaard himself, whom Socrates inspired. First of all, segments in which Kierkegaard’s thought appears irrational, either in the way of fideism or relativism, are shown. Being aware of these irrational characteristics, the article then describes how the Danish author presents a Socrates-inspired method of deception in service of the truth. This presents a hermeneutic key that offers his initial irrationalities to be read in a broader sense. The last part of the article aims to show specific consequences that emerge from this Socratic pathway. Thus, more characteristics are presented regarding Kierkegaard’s paradoxical rationality. Key words: Kierkegaard, Socrates, pseudonym, deception in service of the truth, rationality, to understand, natural reason. Kot vsak filozof, ki se je kdaj ukvarjal z vprašanjem vere, se tudi Sřren Kierkegaard ni mogel izogniti dilemi o pravem razmerju med vero in razumom. Vprašanje, ka­kšen odnos je do te problematike danski pisec vzpostavil, ostaja odprto za razlicne interpretacije – gotovo pa je, da ta tematika zavzema v njegovem pisanju pomemb-no mesto. Na tem mestu predstavljamo razmeroma izvirno interpretacijo, ki za Kierkegaarda v odnosu do vere priznava, da je pisec z mnogimi iracionalnimi pote­zami, a hkrati vse te poteze po Sokratovem zgledu zmožen povezati v smiselno skladnost. Da bi o tej njegovi metodi izvedeli vec, moramo najprej upoštevati tisti del vsebine Kierkegaardovega pisanja, ki govori v smeri iracionalnosti. Zato je treba na zacetku povzeti pomembnejše poteze, v katerih se danski pisec kaže kot naspro­tnik razuma – kot zagovornik fideizma, individualizma in morda celo relativizma. Pri ugotavljanju Kierkegaardovega odnosa do razuma moramo vsaj nekaj pozor­nosti nameniti avtorjevi osebni plati. Ta je namrec pomembno vplivala na njegova stališca in na nacin, kako je Kierkegaard razumel vero v svoji notranjosti ter kako jo je razlagal navzven, tudi v svojih delih. Dobro je vedeti, katere so bile tiste najpo­membnejše poteze, ki so zaznamovale njegovo notranje dojemanje. Na prvem me-stu je bil to lik njegovega oceta, ki mu je globoko v notranjost vcepil krivdo zaradi lastne velike zavrnitve Boga. Velik vpliv na Kierkegaardovo pisanje je imelo tudi do-gajanje okoli njegovega ljubezenskega razmerja in zarocne zveze z Regino Olsen. Globoko ga je zaznamoval spor z dansko protestantsko skupnostjo, ki je v Kierkega­ardovih oceh predstavljala primer poplitvenega množicnega kršcanstva (Stres, 1998, 212). Ob teh treh poudarkih je njegovo notranje dojemanje bistvenih tematik, kot so Bog, vera, svet, družba in etika dobilo zelo specificen znacaj, ki se pogosto kaže v paradoksalnosti in ekstremnosti. Pomemben izraz Kierkegaardove radikalnosti je tudi njegov odkrit boj proti Heglovi filozofski dedišcini in nasprotovanje nemškemuidealizmu (Štrajn 2014, 103). Tu se pojavlja vprašanje, v kolikšni meri je Kierkegaar­dov napad na ustaljeno misel njegovega casa res odraz splošne zavrnitve racional­nosti? Ali je Kierkegaard s svojimi prispevkom res odlocno usmerjen v napad na razum ali bi pri njem lahko našli tudi temelje za drugacno interpretacijo njegovih del – interpretacijo, ki navsezadnje, ceprav v paradoksalnem smislu, le išce racionalno skladnost? Namen našega prispevka je prikazati osnovne znacilnosti Kierkegaardo­ve obravnave razuma in razumevanja – tu je znacilen poseben nacin branja, ki pr-votne iracionalne poteze vkljucuje v racionalno skladnost. Prispevek poskuša na izviren nacin izvesti analizo hermenevticnega kljuca, kot ga v svojem pisanju pred­stavlja Kierkegaard sam. Ta princip je tudi za nas kljucnega pomena, saj nam omo­goca, da na prvotne ocitke Kierkegaardovi iracionalnosti gledamo v drugacni luci. 1. Iracionalnost, fideizem in relativizem Pri mnogih bralcih Kierkegaardova dela pušcajo vtis, kot da jih je napisal nekdo z radikalno iracionalnim stališcem do clovekovega ravnanja in verovanja. Na prvem mestu lahko k temu prispeva Kierkegaardovo razmišljanje o veri. Zanjo pogosto pravi, da gre za skok, zaradi cesar je navadno oznacen za fideista (Rae 2010, 55). Vera se mu kaže kot radikalna vsebina, za katero velja skrajna razlicnost od clove­škega (Kierkegaard 1987, 49). Vera torej v duhu Luthrovega razmišljanja cloveka nikakor ne preoblikuje od znotraj, temvec mu odrešenje prinese popolnoma od zunaj (Stres 1998, 216). Zakljucek, ki lahko izhaja iz takšnih vtisov je, da Kierkega­ardova vera pomeni neko arbitrarno odlocitev volje in da clovekove razumske sposobnosti nanjo ne morejo vplivati pozitivno (Coplestone 1963, 346). Sposobnosti clovekovega razuma se morajo po Kierkegaardovem mnenju varo­vati težnje po umni sintezi. Heglova misel se od Kierkegaardove najizraziteje razli­kuje ravno v tej tocki – slednji svojo dialektiko (341) utemeljuje na zavedanju, da znotraj uma do sprave med bistvenimi nasprotji v življenju ne more priti, Hegel pa umu pripisuje zmožnost, da do sprave privede vsa nasprotja, na katera naleti, in si na tak nacin vse podredi v nekakšno obco umnost. Pri Kierkegaardu je denimo mocno naglašena razlika med notranjostjo in zunanjostjo, med Bogom in clovekom (Kierkegaard 2005, 94). Od tod njegovo vero prežema mocna individualisticna ko­notacija – Kierkegaard namrec vero oznacuje kot novo notranjost, do katere clovek pride s tako imenovanim subjektivnim obratom. Vztrajanje v veri je tako neobho­dno povezano s subjektivnim mišljenjem, ki pomeni naravnanost na lastno posta­janje (Kierkegaard 1992, 73), naravnanost na zavedanje lastne eksistence. Ko bra-lec pri Kierkegaardu naleti na takšne misli, si zlahka ustvari vtis, da gre za misleca, ki vero razume na izrazito fideisticen, individualisticen ali celo relativisticen nacin. Vtis o njegovi iracionalnosti pa se na tem mestu ne konca. Nekateri interpreti, kot sta Conant in Diamond, pri Kierkegaardu prepoznavajo še mocnejšo misel, ki želi nad vse povzdigniti idejo (ce jo sploh smemo oznaciti za idejo) nesmisla (Lippit in Hutto 1998, 269). Prav tako niso redke interpretacije v smislu, da Kierkegaard vse obravnavane tematike izpostavlja nevarnosti absolutne negacije (Novak 2014, 305). V podporo iracionalnemu znacaju njegovega pisanja govori tudi dejstvo, da se po­gosto zelo izrazito izreka proti vsakršnemu dokazovanju Boga (Kierkegaard 1987, 45), proti eticnemu stadiju, ki pomeni življenje znotraj okvirov obcega (2005, 77), in da ponekod s pridom uporablja izraze z mocno iracionalno konotacijo (1987, 127). Kierkegaard s svojimi psevdonimnimi deli ustvarja obcutek, kot da je vera zanj vse, kar radikalno nasprotuje razumu. Izjave, v katerih zavraca zgodovino, razum, politiko in predvsem sistem (Stres 1998, 218), dajejo mocan obcutek, da se njego­va misel o veri v vseh pogledih kaže kot fideizem. Kot bomo videli v nadaljevanju, pa psevdonimno pisanje ni edino, kar je Kierkegaard pri podajanju svoje misli upo­rabil. Upoštevanja vreden je tudi prispevek, ki ga je podpisal z lastnim imenom in priimkom – njegova primarna avtorska dela. Tu so Kierkegaardove iracionalne iz­jave postavljene v drugacno luc. Tu je, kot bomo videli, avtor sam razložil nacin, kako vse njegovo še tako protirazumsko pisanje služi širšemu smislu. 2. Zgled Sokrata Kierkegaard je v svojem intelektualnem ustvarjanju pokazal veliko naklonjenost dogrške filozofske tradicije. Že v tej potezi lahko spoznamo, da danski pisec ne kaže vec tako radikalne drže, saj podobno kot racionalno usmerjeni filozofi osrednjemu ob-dobju zgodovine filozofije priznava zelo visoko mesto. Grški dedišcini, ceprav pred-kršcanski, je po njegovem treba vsaj v necem prikimati (Kierkegaard 1987, 149). Osrednja tocka, kjer grško dedišcino Kierkegaard prepoznava za pozitivno, je dejstvo, da lahko starogrške filozofe smiselno uporabi v svojem intelektualnem spopadu s heglovstvom (149). Posamezne predstavnike grške misli, kot so Heraklit in njemu nasprotni eleati, je v njihovih konkretnih dilemah prepoznal kot navdih v svojemboju proti nemškemu idealizmu (Štrajn 2014, 103). Med mnogimi velikimi osebnost-mi pa mu je dalec najvec pomenil plemeniti modrijan Sokrat (Kierkegaard 2014, 236). Lahko bi rekli, da si ga je vzel za vzor svojemu filozofskemu razglabljanju – pred­stavljal mu je poglavitni navdih pri formiranju lastnega filozofskega jezika. Lik staro­grškega Sokrata moramo zato upoštevati, tudi ko se želimo dotakniti vprašanja Ki-erkegaardove racionalnosti. Atenski modrec namrec predstavlja temeljni vzor za Kierkegaardov odnos do razuma – in prav tako za njegov nacin posredovanja vere. V razumevanju sokratskega znacaja Kierkegaardove misli lahko spoznamo globljo perspektivo Kierkegaardove misli, tudi tiste, ki se izraža iracionalno. Ob proucevanju tega lika v Kierkegaardovih delih najprej opazimo zanimivo navezavo na Sokratov odnos do modrosti: »Obcudoval sem njegovo modrost, ob­cudoval sem ga, da je v svoji modrosti postal preprost in bil sposoben premagati spretneže« (236–237). Navdihuje ga Sokratova splošno znana dvojna poteza: po eni strani je moder, da premaga spretneže, po drugi strani pa z modrostjo posta­ne preprost, celo neveden (236). Prav ta dvojni vidik Sokratove (ne)vednosti je Kierkegaard prepoznal kot izjemno ucinkovit za podajanje resnice, za poucevanje in pisanje. Ne samo, da si je Atenec s takšnim nacinom pridobil vrlino samoodpo­vedi, ampak si je s tem ustvaril lažji dostop do ucenca (2012, 351). Biti ucitelj v sokratskem razumevanju pomeni biti ucencu povod za njegovo razumevanje, prav tako pa je tudi ucenec lahko povod za uciteljevo boljše razumevanje (1987, 28). V središcu je torej vrlina samoodpovedi, ki jo je Kierkegaard pri Sokratu visoko cenil. Njena pomembnost je v tem, da je danskemu piscu omogocila vkljuciti Sokratove smernice v lastno kršcansko razmišljanje. Kierkegaard je namrec svojo versko for-macijo pridobil v okolju, prežetem z izrazito ortodoksnimi protestantskimi temelji, po katerih pretirano vkljucevanje posvetne, še manj pa predkršcanske filozofije v religijo ni bilo dobrodošlo. Zato nikakor ni samoumevno, da je kljub tej strogi po­ziciji, s katero doktrinalno ni imel težav (Rae 2010, 13–14), v svoje misli tako in-tenzivno vkljuceval tudi misel atenskega modreca. Slednje mu je omogocil ravno Sokratov poudarek na samoumiku (Kierkegaard 2012, 351), saj le zaradi ideje sa­moodpovedi ni prišlo do nasprotja s kršcanskim naukom – kjer je samoodpoved, tam je tudi mesto za kršcanstvo. Biti povod ucencu in potem še prikriti svojo po­moc (351), to je Kierkegaard prepoznal ne samo kot nekaj za kršcansko oznanilo neškodljivega, ampak tudi kot nekaj precej koristnega za uvajanje v pravi odnos do Boga. Sokrata zato razmeroma utemeljeno oznacuje za najbližjega kršcanstvu (2014, 236). Sicer drži, da o vseh podrobnostih pogleda na cloveka in resnico Ki­erkegaard Sokratovega mnenja ni delil (Rae 2010, 42) – njuna podobnost pride najbolj do izraza v tem, da se je želel zgledovati po Sokratovem vedęnju, po nje­govem nacinu življenja, ucenja in izražanja. 3. Poteze sokratske prevare Sokratski pristop v mišljenju in izražanju misli je Kierkegaarda zaznamoval v mno­gih potezah. Eden zanimivejših nacinov, s katerim je svoje pisanje uvedel v sokrat­sko metodo, je uporaba psevdonimov – velik del Kierkegaardovega korpusa na­mrec obsegajo dela, ki so podpisana z izmišljenimi imeni. Tako je nastalo vec kot deset psevdonimov, s katerimi je podpisan tudi pod svojimi najslavnejšimi deli. Ob spraševanju, zakaj se je Kierkegaard odlocil za takšen nacin pisanja, je najprej treba upoštevati predvsem njegove lastne razlage, ki jih morda lahko apliciramo tudi na konkretna dela. Knjiga, ki predstavlja nekakšen prehod med psevdonimni-mi in avtorsko podpisanimi deli, Zakljucni neznanstveni pripis k Filozofskim drob­tinicam, tako prinaša nekaj pomembnih poudarkov. V njej namrec Kierkegaard pri nekaterih svojih psevdonimih razlaga, kako izmišljene osebnosti deloma prinaša­jo vsebino njegovih stališc, delno pa se od njih tudi razlikujejo (Kierkegaard 1992, 24). Poudariti je treba, da takšna dela in razmišljanja, ki jih vsebujejo, njihov de­janski pisec do neke mere preklicuje. V kolikšni meri ta preklic velja, sicer ostaja vprašanje, a središce pozornosti želi Kierkegaard prenesti na pricevanjsko vlogo – kot pricevanje o bivanjskih odnosih posamicnika (Ule 2014, 186–190). Poleg tega je med interpreti Kierkegaardovih del razširjeno mnenje, da vsebina psevdoni­mnega pisanja služi širšemu pomenu in smislu. Ceprav dejstvo njihovega obstoja znotraj Kierkegaardovega korpusa izraža nekakšno zmedo, marsikateri razlagalec trdi, da takšen vtis ustvarjajo namenoma – da torej danski pisec z njimi »zavestno pristane na to, da bi izpadel nerazumljivo« (McCombs 2013, 20). Tudi vidik Kier-kegaardove dialekticnosti je pri njegovih psevdonimih precej jasno izražen. Z upo­rabo psevdonima namrec Kierkegaard poglobljenega bralca vabi v novo razmerje. Psevdonim ne pove veliko v smislu ustaljenih informacij – vec pove s tem, da bral-ca s svojo dialekticnostjo privabi v iskanje razlage (Vodicar 2014, 365). Vsekakor je Kierkegaard s psevdonimom želel posredovati neko svojo vsebino, toda s spe­cificno konotacijo, znacilno za vsak izmišljeni lik – in s prav posebnim ciljem pri bralcih (Mulder 2010, 6). Z vidika mojega pisateljstva – osrednje delo, v katerem Kierkegaard razlaga svoj nacin pisanja – psevdonimno pisanje povezuje s temo, ki je kljucna za ugotavlja­nje njegovega vrednotenja razuma: »Vendar je z vidika celote pisateljstva esteticno pisanje prevara, in v tem je globlji pomen psevdonimnega. Toda prevara, ali ni to nekaj nadvse od­vratnega? Na to bi odgovoril: ne pustite se zavesti z besedo prevara. Ne­koga lahko prevaramo zaradi resnice in – spomnimo se na starega Sokrata – cloveka lahko prevaramo v tem, kar je resnica. Ja, prav res, edinole na tak nacin, da ga preslepimo, je mogoce cloveka, ki je v utvari, privesti k resnici.« (Kierkegaard 2012, 54) Tema prevare, ki je za Kierkegaarda osrednja znacilnost Sokratove govorice, dodobra zaznamuje njegovo pisateljsko delo, v katerem želi zamajati množicni tok poplitvenega kršcanstva (109). Prevara pomeni preprosto to, da sporocila ne zac­nemo neposredno s tistim, kar želimo od poslušalca doseci (55). Razlog za to je dejstvo, da poslušalec za resnico ni dovzeten in namesto nje vztraja v esteticni zablodi. Iz tega izhaja Sokratovo didakticno nacelo, da je takšnega cloveka treba na neki nacin preslepiti (54). Ker je v Kierkegaardovih oceh vecina ljudi v resnici živela v stadiju esteticnega, ob tem pa je sama menila, da je popolnoma kršcanska (55), je v Sokratovi prevari videl najboljšo možnost za oznanilo resnice. Zacel je pisati v esteticnih opredelitvah (55), sporocila resnice pa se je v neposrednem smislu vzdržal (109). Ena pomembnejših potez prevare je torej izogib neposrednosti sporocila. Tak nacin izražanja bi v dolocenem smislu lahko povezali s pojmom metaforicne go-vorice. Ta je namrec na podoben nacin – z izogibanjem jasnosti in enopomensko­sti – razlicnim filozofom služila kot sredstvo za prikaz obcih jasnosti v luci neja­snosti in iluzije (Vodicar 2017, 574). Po besedah Kierkegaarda je težnja po nepo­srednosti v clovekovem odnosu do Boga »preprosto receno poganstvo«, da torej na tak nacin Bogu želi vsiljevati lastne podobe in želje (Kierkegaard 1992, 243). S tem se odpira možnost prevare kot tiste, ki s svojo posrednostjo – ta vkljucuje vsaj minimalno zavedanje presežnosti – lahko precej ucinkovito pokaže na pravo resnico (2012, 54). Kierkegaardova psevdonimna dela so po njegovih lastnih be-sedah namenjena prav temu, da intenzivneje uporabljajo prevaro v odnosu do esteticno zavedene javnosti. Ceprav so namenjena predvsem ljudem brez prave­ga zavedanja lastne eksistence in Božje izmuzljivosti (1992, 243–244), pa po dru­gi strani niso prav nic škodljiva za tiste, ki vero že razumejo pravilno in jo v življe­nju tudi uresnicujejo – tem, ki vse ljubijo in verujejo, nobena prevara ne more do živega, saj v tem, da verujejo in ljubijo, ne morejo biti prevarani (2012, 306). Sicer pa bralcem, ki se v svoji notranjosti že iskreno trudijo vstopiti v religiozni stadij in tako v glavnini svoje biti zavreci esteticno, Kierkegaard bolj izrazito namenja dela svojega primarnega avtorstva, torej dela podpisana z dejanskim imenom in priimkom. Dva reda njegovega pisanja – primarno in psevdonimno – sta torej namenjena smiselnemu prepletu med sokratsko prevaro za resnico in bolj jasnim, a še vedno posrednim oznanilom resnice, ki pa je vselej resnica kršcanstva. Za celoto Kierkegaardovega pisateljstva, bodisi primarnega bodisi psevdonimnega, torej vseskozi stoji precej presenetljiva smiselnost, predvsem pa vztrajen razlog religioznega.1 Postavlja se vprašanje, ali je imel Kierkegaard nacrt takega dvojnega pisateljstva v religioznem pomenu, kot ga sam razlaga v delu Z vidika mojega pisateljstva, zares v mislih že od zacetka svojega pisanja. Nekateri interpreti, med njimi Caputo, namrec sumijo, da je religiozno razlago svojih psevdonimnih del ustvaril šele v poznih letih (Caputo 2008, 71). Pomembna poteza, ki je znacilna za Kierkegaardov sokratski nacin izražanja, je tudi izrazit odpor sveta, ki ga takšen sokratski ucitelj pri svojem delovanju vselej doživlja. Ker »svet ni bil nikdar dorasel temu, da bi vecina ljudi glasovala za resni-co ali imela o njej pravilno predstavo«, je potemtakem jasno, da do pravilnega posredovanja resnice, ki ga prinaša sokratski ucitelj, obcuti mocno nelagodje (2012, 459). Po Kierkegaardovih besedah se ob stiku med svetom in clovekom re-snice ustvarijo pogoji, da lahko pride do »pravcatega trcenja« (453), tako pa tudi do priložnosti, da clovek, ki izhaja iz množice, izstopi iz esteticnega ugodja in se obrne navznoter (452) – tudi mimo zunanjih predmetov (453). Svet, ki pomeni množicno predajanje družbe esteticnemu, sokratske nesebicnosti ne zmore pri­znati za pozitivno (351). V kršcanskem razumevanju se lahko sokratska prevara uporabi za klic k zavedanju Božje presežnosti, da se na tak nacin zavaruje pred neresnico (1992, 244). Misel množice, zaznamovana z nenasitno težnjo po nepo­srednosti in obvladovanju vsega, pa takšnega samoponižanja ne sprejema. Pri­stnemu oznanjevalcu resnice namesto priznanja namenja trpko zavrnitev, zato velja Kierkegaardovo opozorilo, da vsakega avtenticnega ucitelja resnice caka huda preizkušnja: skušali ga bodo spodkopati, ga vpeljati nazaj v množico ter uniciti ves njegov oznanjevalni trud. (2012, 459) Na kocki je pravzaprav pravilno razumevanje resnice – tega pa množica ni sposobna ponuditi. Kierkegaard gre v svojem razmi­šljanju celo tako dalec, da lahko prav nasprotovanje množice uporabi za argument pravega razumevanja – dokaz za to, da je oznanjevalec zvest resnici, je to, da je preganjan (79). Pravilno razumevanje se lahko zgodi le v cloveku samem, dogaja se v notranjosti in v njegovi notranjosti ga tudi doloca. Pravo razumevanje sega v globino in je neobhodno povezano s smislom življenja (Pavliková in Žalec 2019, 1023). Nemogoce je nekaj pravilno razumeti, ne da bi nas tisto, kar razumemo, dolocalo kot cloveka. »Imeti razumevanje za nekaj pomeni že neke vrste sporazum, dogovor med osebo, ki je razumela, in med stvarjo, ki je razumljena« (Kierkegaard 2012, 363). Zavest pravega razumevanja je torej tisto, k cemur Kierkegaard želi spodbuditi svoje bralce. Najvecja laž, ki jo cloveku želi prodati svet, je v tem, da je razumljeno lahko lo­ceno od osebe, ki razume. Bitka za resnico, v kateri Sokrat in Kierkegaard upora­bljata tudi prevaro, odpira zavest poslušalca in bralca za drugacno dojemanje – táko, ki ne pristaja na udobno locevanje med tistim, ki razume, in stvarjo, ki je razumljena. V nasprotju z lažnim ponuja pravo razumevanje kot tisto, ki cloveka celostno doloca, ceprav mora clovek v ta namen žrtvovati svojo lahkotno ustalje­nost. Tu se kaže še ena pomembna lastnost sokratske prevare, torej razlocevanje med pravim in lažnim razumevanjem, med razumeti in »razumeti« (1987, 123). V Kierkegaardovem casu je v filozofski misli prednjacila paradigma o locenosti med predmetom (objektom), ki je proucevan, in osebo, ki ga proucuje. Ta pojav, nava­dno imenovan objektivizacija, je Kierkegaard pogosto problematiziral – predvsem ko je šlo za vprašanje eksistence. Razumeti sebe v tem, kar razumemo (1998, 172), za ucenjake njegovega casa ni bilo tema, o kateri bi bilo vredno razmišljati. Kier­kegaard je s svojo prevaro klical k nasprotnemu – k notranjosti, k obrnjenosti nav­znoter, k zavesti o sebi in o lastnem delovanju (2012, 452). Želel je povedati, da življenje cloveka ne poteka samo po znanstvenih nacelih, po nacelih objektiviza­cije in distance do samega sebe. Lahko bi rekli, da mora biti življenje ne zgolj pro-ucevano, ampak res v polnosti živeto (Klun 2014, 387). Kierkegaardovo svarilo pred tem, da bi znanstvena obravnava prekomerno posegla v odnos do lastne eksistence in ga tako poplitvila, izvira iz nevarnosti, da bi bivanje izgubilo lastno avtenticnost (Evans 1987, 179). Skrbi ga, da je cloveška družba zaradi osredoto-cenosti na trenutek izpred oci izgubila vecnost: »Kar koli spoznavamo, spoznamo na lahkoten nacin, kot pamflet ali uglajeno laž, kjer ena neresnica podpira drugo« (Kierkegaard 2012, 461). Realnost tega nepravega spoznanja je torej laž, še vec – je pravi preplet laži, kjer te druga drugo podpirajo. Kierkegaard pa po drugi stra­ni skupaj s Sokratom trdi, da je nemogoce nekaj prav razumeti, ce nas to razume­vanje ne nagne tudi k pravemu ravnanju (1987, 123). Od tod se potrjuje tudi So-kratova opredelitev greha kot nevednosti (119). Na poti k razumevanju preko sokratske prevare se kot pomembni kažeta tudi ironija in humor. Ironija kot sredstvo je za cloveka priložnost, da sam do sebe za­vzame nekakšno obliko distance (Golomb 1991, 72). To je – drugace kot znanstve­ni pristop, ki v odnosu do eksistence ni primeren – pozitivni nacin vzpostavitve distance, v katerem se clovek poniža (2012, 42) in v katerem je zmožen preveriti svoja dejanja ter biti do sebe iskren (1991, 72). Podobno kot je Sokrat Atencem, zaslepljenim od sofizma, z ironijo želel pomagati k resnici, želi tudi Kierkegaard bralce, ujete v esteticno zmoto, s humorjem predramiti za religiozno resnico. So-kratova ironija se po Kierkegaardovih besedah spopada s protislovjem med obema vrstama razumevanja (Kierkegaard 1987, 121). Iz napisanega bi lahko sklepali, da po Sokratovem mnenju na neki nacin že s tem, ko se tega protislovja zacnemo zavedati, vstopamo v pravo razumevanje. Zahvaljujoc kršcanskemu nauku se Ki-erkegaardovo stališce na tem mestu od Sokratovega malenkostno razlikuje – dan­skemu piscu je za razliko od atenskega misleca že dostopen zaklad vere v Kristusa. Vloga ironicnega je zato v njegovih delih prilagojena oznanilu kršcanske resnice, ki pa je clovek ne more osvojiti zgolj s sokratskim zavedanjem, ampak z vero v odrešenika Jezusa,2 ki mu omogoca novo življenje. Zaradi tega Kierkegaard svoje oznanjevanje veckrat oznacuje z besedo humor, Sokratovo ucenje pa z besedo ironija. Izraza sta si podobna v tem, da se v odnosu do sveta oba izražata polemic­no (2012, 79). Poleg tega se oba jasno izražata zgolj kot sredstvi in ne kot cilja neke filozofske misli (Golomb 1991, 72). Humor se od ironije razlikuje zgolj v tem, da z izražanjem protislovja bivanja hkrati izraža tudi religiozno resnico eksistence (Evans 1987, 179). Medtem ko beseda ironija v Kierkegaardovi govorici oznacuje bolj prehod med esteticnim in eticnim, ima beseda humor že znacaj prehoda k religi­oznemu – oznanjevalec ga uporablja izkljucno z namenom, da bi v kršcanskem smislu oznanjal in vabil k veri in k novemu življenju (1998, 269). Med najpomembnejše poteze Kierkegaardovega sokratskega poucevanja je treba prišteti tudi poudarek na pozornosti do ucecega se. Zdi se razvidno, da vsak Tu se kaže skoraj edina mocnejša razlika med Sokratovim in Kierkegaardovim mišljenjem – vprašanje dostopa do resnice (Rae 2010, 42). clovek, ne zgolj ucitelj, že stopa po neki poti k popolnosti. Zato se tudi Kierkega­ardu zdi edino smiselno, da prva uciteljeva dolžnost ob interakciji z ucencem ni to, da ga zacne neposredno uvajati v vecje razumevanje. Ceprav seveda ucitelj ve vec kot uceci se, mora najprej sam spoznati, na kateri tocki uceci se je – šele ko se pred njim tako poniža, mu postane sposoben zares pomagati (2012, 42). Ucitelj pravega razumevanja je to vedno pripravljen storiti. Ko denimo sreca nekoga na ulici ali – v Kierkegaardovem primeru – ko nagovarja svojega bralca, se mora naj­prej spustiti na njegov nivo, da lahko potem njega povabi višje – na mesto, kjer je on sam (44). Ucitelji, ki se po tem nacelu ne ravnajo niti v najmanjši meri, svojim ucencem ne morejo nuditi pomoci. Boljše razumevanje, ki ga glede na ucence posedujejo, se na druge ne more prenesti zaradi drže zaprtosti – in jim tako pri ucenju nic ne pripomore (42). Uceca ponižnost je torej tisto metodološko izhodi-šce, iz katerega sokratski ucitelj izhaja vedno znova. Sokrat je to uresniceval v po­govorih na atenskih ulicah in v svojem krogu ucencev, Kierkegaard pa je to želel posnemati še pri pisanju knjig. Uporablja prakticno vse mogoce oblike estetskega življenja, jih pretvarja v psevdonime – izmisli si njihove osebne situacije in zgodbe, potem pa se vanje vživi ter napiše knjigo, kot bi jo ti napisali sami. Vse to je storil v sklopu majevticne prevare – in z izkljucnim namenom posredovati oznanilo Je­zusa Kristusa. Uporabil je Sokratovo nacelo, da »biti ucitelj v resnici pomeni biti uceci« (44). 4. Konkretne implikacije prehoda k pravemu razumevanju Vprašanje racionalnosti je torej pri Kierkegaardu zaznamovano s prehodom od lažnega k pravemu razumevanju s pomocjo sokratske prevare. Ob upoštevanju te ideje lahko ob proucevanju Kierkegaardovih del najdemo mesta, pri katerih se zdi, da je ta prehod že upoštevan. V njegovih delih tako v odnosu do racionalnosti prepoznamo nekakšno dvojnost: v psevdonimnih delih do razuma odklonilen od-nos, v avtorsko podpisanih pa afirmativen. Razlog za to je, da clovek na tem svetu resnico vidi zgolj zamegljeno, »temacno skozi steklo, bi lahko rekli« (Rae 2010, 54). Tudi dvoumnost terminologije, ki na eni strani poudarja vero kot paradoks (Kierkegaard 1992, 205), na drugi pa kot izpolnjenost zavesti (2017, 92) in razu­mevanja (1987, 121), je Kierkegaard razložil z izjavo, da vecna resnica ni paradoks v odnosu do sebe, se pa kot paradoks kaže v odnosu do omejenega cloveka (1992, 205). Prehod od perspektive paradoksa do perspektive resnice, kjer se ta ne kaže vec kot paradoks,3 je možen prav po poti sokratsko obarvanega vstopa v vero. Po-leg terminologije racionalnosti je kot rezultat sokratske prevare za resnico mogo-ce prepoznati tudi poudarek na konkretnosti. Ta izhaja iz poudarka glede poveza­nosti med pravim razumevanjem in življenjem posamicnika. Kierkegaard tu nagla­šuje nevarnost, ki jo pomeni znanstveno proucevanje v odnosu do eksistence: S poudarjanjem paradoksa Kierkegaard želi pokazati, da transcendentne resnice Boga ne gre jemati zlahka ali je enostavno povezovati z zemeljskimi kategorijami (Petkovšek 2015, 238). tvori sicer pomembne objektivne miselne strukture, a te posamezniku nic ne ko­ristijo, ce jih ne usvoji tudi njegov subjekt in jih naposled privede v konkretnost (Grlic 1973, 229). Kljucen problem cloveka je prehod od razumevanja do ravnanja – tu se zacenja kršcanstvo, ki s svojo paradoksalnostjo premosti razdaljo med enim in drugim (Kierkegaard 1987, 123). Konkretna posledica sokratskega prehoda je tudi Kierkegaardovo priznavanje pozitivne vloge naravnih pogojev za spoznanje Boga. Tu lahko do neke mere go-vorimo tudi o priznanju naravnega razuma, ki cloveku do dolocene mere lahko pomaga do vere. Gre za to, da vsak posameznik v sebi že zaradi naravne ustvarje­nosti poseduje neko spoznanje o Bogu, s tem spoznanjem pa potem bodisi v vero vstopi bodisi ga v grehu zavrne (2012, 106). Ideja fundamentalnega spoznanja o Bogu je pri Kierkegaardu sicer nejasna, ocitno pa je, da jo avtor na neki nacin pri­znava (Mulder 2010, 28). Ker torej po njegovem mnenju obstaja neko splošno naravno razumevanje, dano vsem ljudem, je potemtakem logicna tudi izpeljava o vrednotenju teološkega govora. Slehernemu izmed nas so po naravnem razumu dana merila, da se s pomocjo njih izražamo o vsem okoli nas. Tako se, ce le želimo kaj povedati oziroma ce hocemo oznanjati svojo vero, ljudje moremo in moramo poslužiti teh meril tudi v odnosu do Boga (Kierkegaard 2014, 284). Danosti, ki so predhodno dane vsem, so po uporabi sokratske prevare, ki je preprecila njihovo zlorabo, in so prikazane kot del Božjega nacrta. In ceprav Kierkegaard kot bistveno, kar vse nas povezuje, izpostavlja bistveno drugacnost, je ta vsem skupna – in v perspektivi kršcanske celote poenotena (2012, 118). Ni pa poenotena na nacin heglovske sprave (Coplestone 1963, 341) – Kierkegaardova misel pravi zgolj to, da posamicnik v stremljenju k eksistencialni resnici postaja zvest svoji celovitosti (Col­lins 2014, 257), ni pa mu tega stremljenja treba nujno uresniciti – posameznik ima pri Kierkegaardu v nasprotju s Heglovo mislijo tudi možnost, da eksistencialno resnico dokoncno zavrne. Spoznali smo, da je v tej celostni perspektivi tudi clove­ški razum vsekakor mogoce videti v pozitivni luci (McCombs 2013, 11). Kierkega­ardovo priznavanje naravnih zmožnosti se tu ne konca. Pozitivno namrec vredno-ti tudi koncept naravne ljubezni, ki se je sicer resda dolžna umakniti cisti ljubezni, ostane pa še vedno pomembna na sekundarni ravni (Mulder 2013, 76). Ta ljubezen se mora tako v zakonskem (Kierkegaard 2003, 404) kot v prijateljskem (551) od­nosu presojati tudi z naravno mocjo razuma. Posameznik ima na voljo dejavnike, ki mu pomagajo presojati, ali je neka ljubezen, ki jo izkuša, prava ali neprava (Ža­lec 2016, 288). Poleg tega na tej tocki kot smiseln prepoznava tudi eticni stadij, ki ga pri vstopu v vero oznacuje za možni sprožilni dejavnik (Teodorescu 2016, 115).4 Etika namrec dokoncno utemeljitev dobi samo z vero, vsaka druga utemeljitev tako ali drugace privede do neodlocenosti (Jamnik 2018, 344). Potemtakem priKierkegaardu biti veren postane smiselna razrešitev vprašanja eticnosti (Žalec 2019, 635). Teodorescu poleg tega kot sprožilni dejavnik za Kierkegaardovo vero prepoznava pragmaticni postulat na podlagi eksistencialnega obupa. Posameznik pragmaticno predpostavlja, da obstaja osebni Bog, ki ga lahko reši iz osebnega obupa (Teodorescu 2016, 113). 5. Sklep Kierkegaard pri vprašanju racionalnosti izstopa v tem, da mocno poudarja razliko med pravim razumevanjem, ki ga povezuje tudi z religioznim podukom (Kierkega­ard 2012, 94), in lažnim. Zametek slednjega danski pisec prepoznava v napacni zamisli ljubezni (2012, 212), ki želi locevati med živetim in razumljenim. Za Kier-kegaarda je kljucnega pomena predvsem subjektivno védenje – védenje, poveza-no s clovekovo eksistenco in zmožno notranje vplivati na subjekt (Teodorescu 2016, 107). Subjektivno védenje, kot nam razlaga Kierkegaard, vkljucuje tudi spo­sobnosti, ki jih imamo ljudje kot naravne danosti. V subjektivnem védenju te na­ravne sposobnosti nikakor niso preklicane, so pa z vero obvarovane pred samo­ljubjem (Žalec 2017, 253). Poglavitna naloga cloveka v življenju je, da uresnicuje samega sebe v tem, da je najbolj on sam (Teodorescu 2016, 114) – da torej posta­ne posamicnik. Tu je temelj Kierkegaardove paradoksalne misli, ki preko sokrat­skega prehoda iz iracionalnih izhodišc postane na neki nacin racionalna. Po Kier-kegaardu je pravo razumevanje tisto, ki posamezniku pomaga pri njegovem pro-jektu postati posamicnik. Pravo razumevanje posamicnika usmerja, da je vse bolj »prosojno zasidran v moci, ki ga je vzpostavila« (Kierkegaard 1987, 156). Tu pa je, kot smo lahko spoznali, zelo v pomoc prav sokratska prevara za resnico. Reference Caputo, John D. 2008. How to Read Kierkegaard. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. Collins, James Daniel. 2014. The Mind of Kierkeg­aard. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Copleston, Frederick. 1963. A History of Philoso­phy. Zv. 7. New York: Paulist Press. Evans, C. Stephen. 1987. Kierkegaard’s View of Humor: Must Christians Always be Solemn? Faith and Philosophy: Journal of the Society of Christian Philosophers 4, št. 2:176–186. https:// doi.org/10.5840/faithphil19874220 Golomb, Jacob. 1992. 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Boj za clovekov jaz in pristnost: Kierkegaardova kritika javnosti, uveljavljenega reda, medijev in lažnega kršcanstva. Bogoslovni vestnik 79, št. 4:1015–1026. Petkovšek, Robert. 2015. Demonicno nasilje, laž in resnica. Bogoslovni vestnik 75, št. 2: 233– 251. Rae, Murray. 2010. Kierkegaard and Theology. London: T&T Clark International. Repar, Primož, ur. 2014. Nova oikonomija odnosov: bližnjik in eksistencialni preobrat. Ljubljana: KUD Apokalipsa. Stres, Anton. 1998. Zgodovina novoveške filozofi­je. Prirocniki Teološke fakultete 15. Ljubljana: Družina. Štrajn, Darko. 2014. O zacetku Kierkegaardove filozofije. V: Repar 2014, 97–105. Teodorescu, Valentin–Petru. 2016. Kierkegaard and the Knowledge of God. V: Titus Corlatean in Ioan-Gheorghe Rotaru, ur. Proceedings of Harvard Square Symposium: The Future of Knowledge. Zv. 1, 105–127. Beltsville: Scientific Press. Ule, Andrej. 2014. Zaletavanje v paradoks pri Witt-gensteinu in Kierkegaardu. V: Repar 2014, 180–198. Vodicar, Janez. 2014. Konflikt interpretacij – med vero vase in negotovostjo sveta. V: Repar 2014, 362–375. – – –. 2017. Živa metafora kot možna pot do tran­scendence. Bogoslovni vestnik 77, št 3/4:565– 576. Žalec, Bojan. 2016. Kierkegaard, ljubezen kot dolžnost in žrtvovanje. Bogoslovni vestnik 76, št. 2:277–298. – – –. 2017. Kierkegaard in politicno: vera kot premagovanje nasilja in vir demokracije. Bogo­slovni vestnik 77, št. 2:247–259. – – –. 2019. Liberalna evgenika kot unicevalka temeljev morale: Habermasova kritika. Bogo­slovni vestnik 79, št. 3:629–641. Kratki znanstveni prispevek/Article (1.03) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1,47—56 Besedilo prejeto/Received:12/2020; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2021 UDK/UDC: 27-248.3-277 DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Majtan © 2021 Majtán, CC BY 4.0 Lubomír Majtán Č vero che Timoteo sostituisce Paolo a Tessalonica in 1 Ts 3,1-10? Ali drži, da Timotej nadomesti Pavla v Tesalonikah v 1 Tes 3,1-10? Is It True that Timothy Substitutes Paul in Thessalo­nica in 1 Thess 3,1-10? Riassunto: Dopo la partenza di Paolo dalle comunitŕ da lui fondate sorgono vari tipi di problemi. Preso atto delle varie difficoltŕ in cui vivono le comunitŕ cristi­ane, Paolo manda Timoteo per risolvere situazioni pesanti. Avendo spesso ac-compagnato Paolo, Timoteo conosce bene situazioni e problemi. Il suo compi-to č di calmare la situazione, unire le fazioni che si sono divise, risanare il ra­pporto deteriorato tra l’Apostolo e la comunitŕ a Tessalonica. Per rafforzare l’autoritŕ del suo collaboratore, Paolo lo propone ai fedeli come modello. Nel-la 1 Tessalonicesi, Timoteo sostituisce Paolo e compie quello che avrebbe fat-to l’Apostolo se avesse potuto recarsi in quella cittŕ per incoraggiare ed esor-tare i fedeli (1 Ts 3,2). Timoteo, come alter Paulus, con l’autoritŕ dell’Apostolo deve incoraggiare la comunitŕ, sconfortata dalla brusca e forzata separazione. L’assenza di Paolo č, dunque, colmata con l’arrivo di Timoteo. Parole chiave: Paolo, Timoteo, Tessalonica, rappresentante, alter Paulus, delegato Povzetek: Po Pavlovem odhodu iz skupnosti, ki jih je ustanovil, se med verniki po­kažejo razlicne vrste težav. Zaradi njih Pavel pošlje Timoteja, da reši kocljive spore. Ker je Timotej pogosto spremljal Pavla, je dobro poznal njihove razmere in težave. Njegovo poslanstvo je, umiriti dogajanje, združiti razdeljene strani, pozdraviti porušene odnose med apostolom in skupnostjo v Tesalonikah. Da bi poudaril avtoriteto svojega sodelavca, ga Pavel vernikom predstavi kot vzornika. V 1 Tes Timotej nadomešca Pavla in opravlja enako vlogo kakor sam apostol, ko bi bil lahko osebno navzoc v mestu, da bi okrepil in spodbudil vernike (1 Tes 3,2). Timotej kot alter Paulus z avtoriteto apostola krepi skupnost, oslabljeno z grenko in nasilno locitvijo. Pavlovo odsotnost tako umiri Timotejev prihod. Kljucne besede: Pavel, Timotej, Tesaloniki, predstavnik, alter Paulus, delegat Abstract: After Paul departs from the communities founded by him, various pro­blems arise among believers. On this basis, Paul sends Timothy to resolve ten­se situations. Having often accompanied Paul, Timothy knows their circumstan­ces and problems well. His mission is to calm the situation, unite divided par­ties, and heal broken relations between the Apostle and community in Thes­salonica. To emphasize the authority of his co-worker, Paul presents him as a model to the community of believers. In 1 Thessalonians, Timothy represents Paul and does what the Apostle would have done if he had been able to go to the city – he encourages and exhorts the faithful (1Thess 3,2). Timothy, as alter Paulus, with the Apostle’s authority, must encourage the community, dishear­tened by the abrupt and forced separation. Paul’s absence is, therefore, com­pensated by Timothy’s arrival. Key words: Paul, Timothy, Thessalonica, representative, alter Paulus, delegate 1. Introduzione Il presente articolo propone un’analisi del testo di 1 Ts 3,1-10 dove si descrive il compito di Timoteo a Tessalonica. Quando non č possibile la visita di Paolo nella comunitŕ, raggiunge i cristiani inviando uno dei suoi collaboratori. Timoteo non č sconosciuto ai Tessalonicesi e cosě puň incoraggiare la comunitŕ, sconfortata dalla brusca e forzata separazione. L’articolo analizza la situazione a Tessalonica dopo la separazione dei missionari e la consolazione dei fedeli dopo la visita di Timoteo nella cittŕ. Si descrive sia la missione di Timoteo a Tessalonica (1 Ts 3,1-5) che il suo ritorno (vv. 6-10). Poi si presentano alcune ipotesi se Timoteo č (o non č) co-fon­datore della comunitŕ. Timoteo č decritto come il rappresentante dell’Apostolo. Egli si sostituisce a Paolo, che non puň essere fisicamente presente per dirimere le questioni di persona. Timoteo rappresenta dunque Paolo in sua assenza. 2. Paolo e i Tessalonicesi Durante il secondo viaggio missionario, Paolo con i suoi compagni lascia Filippi, dopo la prigionia e la liberazione miracolosa, e arriva a Tessalonica (At 17,1). Sor­prende come negli avvenimenti menzionati a Filippi e a Tessalonica non si faccia riferimento a Timoteo, ma si parli esclusivamente di Paolo e di Sila (Trevijano Et-cheverría 2002, 209). Paolo rimane a Tessalonica e per tre settimane1 discute nella sinagoga dei giu­dei (At 17,2).2 Benché la sua predicazione non abbia ottenuto il risultato aspetta­ 1 Č impossibile determinare quanto tempo Paolo e i suoi compagni siano rimasti a Tessalonica. Gli Atti dicono che ha discusso per tre settimane nella sinagoga, ma questo non vuole dire che il suo soggiorno sia durato tre settimane. Paolo avrebbe potuto restare a Tessalonica per diverse settimane, se non per mesi. (Fant and Reddish 2003, 135) 2 La discussione si apre sull’esistenza della sinagoga menzionata. Poiché sino ad oggi non sono stati trovati i resti di questa sinagoga, alcuni pensano che si tratti di una glossa (Fant and Reddish 2003, 134). Contro quest’ipotesi si pone il fatto che in varie cittŕ le sinagoghe erano istallate in abitazioni. In diver­ to, un piccolo gruppo di ebrei, compresi i greci credenti, aderisce al messaggio cristiano (v. 4). La loro missione, comunque, agita i giudei ingelositi che provoca-no il conflitto (v. 5).3 Paolo č costretto a lasciare Tessalonica durante la notte e a partire verso Berea (v. 10).4 I giudei da Tessalonica sono venuti, infatti, anche lě, a Berea, per agitare il popolo (v. 13). Paolo poi prosegue per Atene, da dove manda Timoteo per conoscere la situazione a Tessalonica.5 A Corinto incontra di nuovo Sila e Timoteo, e ascolta le notizie riguardanti i Tessalonicesi (18,5). Gli abitanti di Tessalonica, in prevalenza gentili e in minoranza giudei della di­aspora, vissuti secondo la loro religione giudaica o le divinitŕ che confessavano i greci, sono ora evangelizzati da Paolo e dai suoi compagni e pregati di lasciare il loro modus vivendi per cominciare a credere in Cristo (Brodeur 2013, 117–118; Pitta 2013, 78). Gli Atti menzionano l’attivitŕ di Paolo nella sinagoga solo per tre settimane. Infatti, solo nel caso della comunitŕ di Tessalonica notiamo che la per-manenza e l’evangelizzazione di Paolo sono assai brevi (Smith 2000, 711). Paolo perde il contatto personale con gli abitanti della cittŕ. Ci sono delle do-mande nella comunitŕ nascente che sono rimaste aperte: la santitŕ di vita e la caritŕ (1 Ts 4,1-12), la speranza nella risurrezione (vv. 13-18), l’attesa della parusia (5,1-11). Paolo non puň rispondere personalmente a queste richieste e quindi in-via il suo collaboratore Timoteo. Paolo, con i suoi compagni, non solo fonda la comunitŕ, ma si preoccupa anche della crescita di questa chiesa. Egli la invita a riprendere il contatto (Fabris 2014, 105). 3. Timoteo come delegato autorevole di Paolo: il testo (1 Ts 3,1-10) e la delimitazione del brano » 1 Per questo, non potendo piů resistere, abbiamo deciso di restare soli ad Atene 2 e abbiamo inviato Timoteo, nostro fratello e collaboratore di Dio nel vangelo di Cristo, per rafforzarvi ed esortarvi nella vostra fede, 3 perché nessuno si disturbi in queste tribolazioni. Voi stessi, infatti, sapete che a questo siamo destinati; 4 infatti, quando eravamo tra voi, vi prean­ si luoghi della 1 Tessalonicesi si rileva il retroterra semitico. Infine, non si puň negare la presenza di una comunitŕ giudaica a Tessalonica. Altrimenti non si puň spiegare la costrizione alla fuga dalla cittŕ da parte dei missionari. (Pitta 2013, 74) 3 Si pensa al conflitto tra cristiani e non-cristiani. Tratta della tensione non solo verso Paolo, ma anche contro i fedeli di Tessalonica (1 Ts 1,6). I Tessalonicesi sono imitatori dei missionari e del Signore (Bar­clay 1993, 512–513). Oltre le tensioni outside, dunque i giudei ingelositi, si parla anche degli opposito­ri inside nella chiesa, cfr. Weima 2002, 210. 4 Paolo visita soprattutto le cittŕ di notevole importanza. Berea in tutta la Bibbia č menzionata solo due volte (proprio in At 17) per la sua importanza rimarchevole. Era una delle porte d’accesso alla Macedonia occidentale. (Brodeur 2013, 121) 5 Qui si dividono le informazioni tra la 1 Tessalonicesi e gli Atti degli Apostoli. Mentre 1 Tessalonicesi ci porta la testimonianza, che Paolo manda Timoteo da Atene (1 Ts 3,1), Luca menziona che Paolo s’isola giŕ a Berea, e Sila, assieme a Timoteo, resta a Berea (At 17,14); Paolo prosegue verso Atene (vv. 15-16), dove si svolge il famoso discorso nell’Areopago (vv. 22-31). Poi parte per Corinto (At 18,1), dove aspetta il ritor-no di Timoteo con le notizie dalla comunitŕ di Tessalonica (v. 5). nunziavamo che avremmo dovuto subire tribolazioni, come č accaduto e voi lo sapete. 5 Per questo motivo, non potendo piů resistere, ho inviato [Timoteo] per avere le notizie sulla vostra fede, se il tentatore non vi aves-se tentati e cosě diventasse vana la nostra fatica. 6 Ma ora che Timoteo č tornato da voi a noi, e ci ha portato la buona notizia sulla vostra fede e sulla vostra caritŕ e che sempre avete il buon ricordo di noi, desiderosi di vederci, come noi vogliamo [vedere] voi; 7 per questo siamo stati consolati, fratelli, a vostro riguardo, di tutta la nostra angoscia e tribolazione per la vostra fede, 8 perché ora, ci sentia-mo rivivere, se rimanete saldi nel Signore. 9 Infatti, quale ringraziamento possiamo rendere a Dio riguardo a voi, per tutta la gioia con la quale abbiamo gioito per voi davanti al nostro Dio, 10 noi che notte e giorno, con viva insistenza, chiediamo di poter vedere il vostro volto e completare ciň che ancora manca alla vostra fede?« (1 Ts 3,1-10) Mentre 1 Ts 2 descrive la separazione di Paolo dai Tessalonicesi e la successiva consolazione, con 1 Ts 3 si cambia clima, anche se ci sono termini che ritroviamo in ambedue i capitoli (»vedere il volto« in 1 Ts 2,17; 3,6.10; »io Paolo« in 1 Ts 2,18; 3,5). Paolo introduce un nuovo personaggio inviato come suo delegato autorevo­le. Dopo la separazione dei missionari, Paolo tenta di riprendere dei contatti con i Tessalonicesi (1 Ts 2,17-20). All’inizio di 1 Ts 3, l’Apostolo decide di inviare a Tes­salonica Timoteo per avere notizie dei fedeli (1 Ts 3,1-5). In ciň che segue viene descritto il ritorno di Timoteo da Tessalonica: egli porta con sé buone notizie e un buon ricordo dei Tessalonicesi (vv. 6-10). 4. La separazione e la consolazione Dopo la fuga dei missionari da Tessalonica, la comunicazione personale č inter-rotta. Paolo stesso parla di una »separazione« (1 Ts 2,17). Lui esprime non solo il progetto di andare da loro piů volte, ma anche il desiderio di vedere il loro volto.6 Benché Paolo non ci informi della situazione dopo la partenza da Tessalonica, non cessa di preoccuparsi per la comunitŕ: »Eravamo nell’impazienza di rivedere il vostro volto, tanto il nostro desiderio era vivo« (2,17); »Abbiamo desiderato una volta, anzi due volte, proprio io Paolo, di venire da voi« (v. 18); »Non potendo piů resistere« (3,1); »Abbiamo inviato Timoteo« (v. 2); »Per confermarvi ed esortarvi nella vostra fede« (v. 2); »Chiediamo di poter vedere il vostro volto« (v. 10). Pao­lo non scrive per trasmettere le informazioni, ma per esprimere il proprio affetto e le proprie preoccupazioni (Gaventa 1998, 40). Non si puň negare la connessione amichevole intrecciata tra i missionari e i Tes­salonicesi tanto che, dopo la partenza, Paolo dice: »eravamo separati.« (1 Ts 2,17) Al desiderio di »rivedere il vostro volto« (1 Ts 2,17) corrisponde la risposta della comunitŕ a Tessalonica: »Desiderosi di vederci come noi lo siamo di vedere voi« (3,6). Per le altre somiglianze dell’analisi strutturale nella parte 2,17–3,13, cfr. Fee 2009, 124. Il testo greco qui usa l’aoristo .p..fa..s...te., che č un hapax nel NT. Nella ra-dice si scopre l’aggettivo ..fa... (orfano, senza i genitori). Letteralmente, qui Paolo dice che »siamo diventati orfani«. Separandosi dai Tessalonicesi, i missio­nari si sentivano come bambini senza genitori. L’eco del verbo .p..fa..s...te. la troviamo in 3,1 quando Paolo dice: »Abbiamo deciso di restare soli ad Atene.« Lui si sente come orfano.7 Paolo e i suoi compagni non possono ritornare a Tessalonica perché »Satana ce lo ha impedito« (1 Ts 2,18). Pochi versetti dopo, per paura di vanificare la loro fede, ripete: »Per timore che il tentatore vi avesse tentati.« (3,5) Qui si apre la do-manda: perché Paolo si preoccupa tanto per la fede dei Tessalonicesi e non, per esempio, per la loro vita o il loro futuro? L’altra domanda che poniamo č: come mai Satana impedisce il ritorno di Paolo a Tessalonica, mentre il viaggio di Timo­teo non č bloccato? Cerchiamo di sviscerare le risposte in ciň che segue (Gaventa 1998, 42). Per due volte Paolo qui usa la parola ,tribolazione‘ (il sostantivo ...... dei Tes­salonicesi in 1 Ts 3,3; il verbo ...ß. di Paolo in 3,48). Probabilmente non si tratta di attacchi fisici, anzi qui č presente il pericolo della defezione o dell’apostasia (e.. .e... in 1 Ts 3,59). Secondo Smith, i credenti rischiano di tornare alla vita prece­dente, prima di essere evangelizzati da Paolo, perdendo i valori insegnati da Pao­lo durante l’evangelizzazione e l’Apostolo si preoccupa della comunitŕ, come emer­ge dall’intervento mediante Timoteo e dalla lettera, affinché i Tessalonicesi non continuino la loro prassi religiosa precedente, che non č conforme al vangelo annunciato. Ecco, le tribolazioni preannunciate e accadute in 3,4 (Smith 2000, 711). 5. La consolazione dei Tessalonicesi mediante la lettera La 1 Tessalonicesi č una lettera reale, non un discorso retorico (Pitta 2013, 79). Pa­olo esprime il proprio rallegramento personale, quando Timoteo ritorna portando con sé una buona notizia da Tessalonica. Alcuni studiosi pensano che la lettera sia stata scritta subito dopo l’arrivo di Timoteo a Corinto (1 Ts 3,6), dove Paolo era gi-unto e dove lavorň per un anno e mezzo (At 18,11). Fra l’evangelizzazione di Tessa-lonica da parte dei missionari e la stesura di 1 Tessalonicesi intercorre, dunque, un intervallo breve. La lettera risulterebbe databile all’inizio del 51 (Brodeur 2013, 122). Il compito di Timoteo si puň dividere in due fasi principali: 7 Il senso di e.d...saµe. al plurale puň esprimere Paolo insieme con Sila, la gente ad Atene, o plurale epistolare – plurale maiestatis (Malherbe 2000, 190). Perň, secondo la versione in At 17,16-34, Paolo si reca ad Atene, senza Sila e Timoteo. Per la problematica di ,noi‘ in 1 Ts 3,1, cfr. Morris 1991, 93. 8 Nelle lettere paoline il termine ...... si orienta verso la persecuzione escatologica, cioč la persecuzione dei credenti dagli aggressori o la sofferenza per la fede (Rm 8,35; Fil 1,17). 9 L’espressione e.. .e... (.e...) Polo la usa anche negli altri luoghi per indicare la stabilitŕ del suo insegnamento o della resistenza delle comunitŕ (1 Cor 15,58; Gal 2,2; Fil 2,16). 5.1 La missione di Timoteo a Tessalonica (1 Ts 3,1-5) Per scoprire la situazione a Tessalonica, Paolo manda uno dei co-fondatori della comunitŕ. In 1 Ts 3,2, Timoteo, chiamato .de.f.. e s..e...., sarŕ perfettamen­te riconosciuto e (come Paolo spera) accolto dai credenti di Tessalonica. Qual č il compito di Timoteo a Tessalonica? Innanzitutto, confortare i credenti. Paolo lo dice chiaramente: »Abbiamo inviato Timoteo /…/ per confermarvi ed esor­tarvi.« (1 Ts 3,2) Il secondo compito di Timoteo č verificare se vi č stabilitŕ nella co-munitŕ, a causa della brusca e forzata separazione (v. 5). I fondatori si preoccupano di quanto accaduto nella vita dei Tessalonicesi dopo la fuga dei missionari: µ.d..a sa..es.a. (v. 3). L’hapax nel NT del verbo sa...µa. si puň tradurre come ‚turbare, disturbare, mescolare, accalappiare‘. Non č visibile solo la preoccupazione nel pre­sente, ma anche la continuazione delle azioni accadute durante la presenza di Pa­olo a Tessalonica (nel v. 4 si notano i verbi nell’imperfetto: .µe. e p..e....µe.). Con il v. 5 non si conclude solo questa prima parte (vv. 1-5), ma si ripete anche il motivo del v. 1 (µ...t. st....te. nel v. 1 – µ...t. st.... nel v. 5). Mentre nel v. 1 vediamo il verbo al plurale (e.d...saµe.), nel v. 5 si usa al singolare: .peµ.a (.... distingue Paolo dagli altri). In sintesi, si puň affermare che la missione di Timoteo ha lo scopo di testimo­niare la fede, l’amore nella comunitŕ e il ricordo di Paolo. Non a caso Paolo sceglie in 1 Ts 3,2 due titoli per Timoteo. Lo fa per approfondire il tema dell’affetto dei fedeli (»nostro fratello«) e della fede in Dio (»collaboratore di Dio nel vangelo di Cristo«).10 5.2 Il ritorno di Timoteo con la notizia (1 Ts 3,6-10) Eseguita la missione, Timoteo ritorna da Paolo e lo informa della situazione a Tes­salonica (Barclay 1993, 517). Non č importante parlare solo del movimento ‚da voi‘, ma sottolineare soprattutto la relazione ‚da voi – a noi‘. Timoteo lo informa su tre questioni: la fede dei Tessalonicesi, il loro amore e il loro ricordo di Paolo. Dal punto di vista sintattico, tutto il versetto di 1 Ts 3,6 č costruito come la frase subordinante e si riferisce alla frase principale nel v. 7: »Ci sentiamo consolati, fratelli.« Paolo non gioisce solo per le buone notizie portate da Timoteo, ma prin­cipalmente sente che la comunitŕ da lui fondata rimane salda nel Signore (v. 8). Alla preoccupazione iniziale riguardo la perdita della fede dopo la partenza dei missionari, ora si sostituisce l’assicurazione finale: »rimanete saldi (st..ete) nel Signore«. Il verbo st... mantiene in sé il senso militare, cioč rimanere forte, mantenere la posizione nella battaglia (Fabris 2014, 112). Con i versetti conclusivi (1 Ts 3,9-10), Paolo esprime il ringraziamento (1 Ts 1,2; 2,13) con cui nell’Antichitŕ si chiude di solito la lettera, glorificando gli dči per la comunicazione avvenuta con successo. Nel nostro caso ciň significa che la missi-one di Timoteo ha portato buon frutto e che i contatti con i fedeli a Tessalonica 10 Anche negli altri luoghi Paolo usa l’idea della collaborazione per descrivere l’importanza della missione di una persona alla quale si attribuisce questo titolo (Iovino 1992, 165). sono nuovamente riannodati. Il ringraziamento di Paolo, come reazione immedi­ata al ritorno di Timoteo, dura senza interruzione: »notte e giorno« nel v. 10 (Mal­herbe 2000, 203–204). 6. Il rapporto personale (. µe .. – Timoteo – . µe ..) Č importante soffermarsi sulla massiccia presenza dei pronomi personali in 1 Ts 3,1­ 10.11 La loro frequenza misura l’intensitŕ del dialogo epistolare (Fabris 2014, 103). Il gioco tra la prima e la seconda persona plurale esprime il rapporto profondo tra Paolo e i Tessalonicesi. Nel v. 2 Timoteo č mandato per confermare .µ.., nel v. 6 lui ritorna p... .µ... L’accento si pone ora sul ritorno; ciň tranquillizza la relazione personale di Paolo (vv. 1-4). La stessa funzione incoraggiante compie anche l’appel­lativo dei destinatari .de.f.. (v. 7), che esprime di nuovo la situazione pacificata e amichevole. Mentre non si puň negare l’invio di Timoteo a Tessalonica, tra gli stu­diosi si discute circa la sua presenza nella cittŕ durante la fondazione della comunitŕ. Crescono, dunque, due ipotesi: 6.1 Timoteo non č co-fondatore della comunitŕ Quest’ipotesi si basa sull’assenza di Timoteo durante il secondo viaggio missiona­rio da Filippi fino a Berea. Non č coinvolto nell’agitazione nella piazza di Filippi, quando Paolo e Sila subiscono la punizione e sono messi in carcere (At 16,19-24), né a Tessalonica (Paolo e Sila in At 17,4-5), né a Berea (v. 10).12 A questa ipotesi si oppone Luca, il quale non menziona tutti i dettagli dell’evangelizzazione, ma si con-centra sugli eventi piů rilevanti. Cosě emerge la realtŕ, ovvero che Timoteo viene accettato agevolmente a Tessa-lonica. Se non č presente in cittŕ durante la prima evangelizzazione di Paolo e Sila, non viene dunque riconosciuto come un personaggio ,problematico‘ e quindi puň tornare in cittŕ con facilitŕ per rintrecciare la comunicazione, senza sollevare sospet-ti o reazioni pericolose nell’ambiente giudaico e fra la popolazione della cittŕ (Fabris 2014, 34). Satana ha impedito a Paolo di andare a Tessalonica (1 Ts 2,18); invece, il viaggio di Timoteo non č stato bloccato. 6.2 Timoteo č co-fondatore della comunitŕ Nominare Timoteo come uno dei co-mittenti della Prima lettera ai Tessalonicesi in 1 Ts 1,1 (espressione genuina: »Paolo, Silvano e Timoteo«) significa conferma-re la sua sicura presenza nella cittŕ. In 3,2 Timoteo viene nominato con la descri­zione semplice di »nostro fratello e collaboratore di Dio«. Timoteo ritorna alla comunitŕ, la quale lo riconosce subito e non č necessario attribuirgli altri termini (vedi »mio figlio diletto e fedele nel Signore« in 1 Cor 4,17; »Paolo e Timoteo, 11 Solo nella parte seconda (1 Ts 3,6-10) .µe.. si ripete 7 volte e .µe.. 10 volte. 12 Ci stupisce anche l’informazione di Sila. Al di fuori della menzione iniziale nel prescritto, nella 1 Tessa-lonicesi non si parla di Silvano-Sila, ma solo di Timoteo (Fabris 2014, 108). servi di Cristo Gesů« in Fil 1,1; »mio vero figlio nella fede« in 1 Tm 1,2). Secondo Malherbe, Timoteo era con Paolo quando la chiesa di Tessalonica č stata fondata ed č appena ritornato lě dalla sua missione (1 Ts 3,6). Dunque per Paolo non c’č alcun bisogno di raccomandarlo ai suoi lettori. Timoteo mantiene contatti piů vi-vaci con i Tessalonicesi dell’Apostolo stesso (Malherbe 2000, 190–191). 7. Timoteo come rappresentante Luca non tratta del percorso di Timoteo verso Tessalonica. Tanto non ci informa del tempo trascorso da Paolo e Sila ad Atene, aspettando Timoteo. Timoteo č mandato a Tessalonica come il rappresentante di Paolo per esortare i fedeli (pa.a.a..sa. in 1 Ts 3,2). Richard sostiene che Timoteo fu mandato a Tessalonica con le notizie di Paolo e Sila; e che ritorna, invece, con le notizie dei Tessalonicesi (Richard 1995, 157–158). Non solo: ritorna con lo scopo di consolare i missionari (pa.e.....µe. nel v. 7). Adesso la stabilitŕ della comunitŕ dimostra il rapporto tra i fondatori e i credenti. Nella notizia di Timoteo č evidenziato che i Tessalonicesi ,sempre‘ (p..t.te) li ricordano (v. 6). Lo stesso termine č usato nel ringraziamento epistolare: »Ringra­ziamo sempre (p..t.te) Dio per tutti voi.« (1,2) Timoteo č descritto in 1 Ts 3,1-8 come il ministro fedele. Lui sostituisce Paolo e Sila e opera a Tessalonica mediante la sua responsabilitŕ. Č inviato come team­-worker a Tessalonica per continuare la missione dei fondatori che č stata inter-rotta. L’invio di Timoteo a Tessalonica significa la soluzione alternativa per rista­bilire i contatti con quella chiesa (Fabris 2014, 108). 8. Timoteo come alter Paulus Qualche volta, nella corrispondenza con i Tessalonicesi, Paolo parla di imitazione (1 Ts 1,6; 2,14) facendo riferimento alla parola t.p.. (1,7).13 Paolo presenta se stes-so come esempio: »Voi ricordate infatti, fratelli, la nostra fatica e il nostro travaglio: lavorando notte e giorno per non essere di peso ad alcuno vi abbiamo annunziato il vangelo di Dio.« (2,9)14 Da Paolo, come modello concreto, si passa alla comunitŕ di Tessalonica, che č diventata modello per tutti i credenti, nella Macedonia, nell’Acaia, dappertutto (1 Ts 1,7).15 La missione di Timoteo non si compie solo come conseguenza della situazione fastidiosa (vedi d.. in 1 Ts 3,1), ma egli č visto anche come il sostituto di Paolo a 13 Piů tardi nella Lettera agli Ebrei si esorta l’imitazione degli altri (6,12; 13,7). 14 Contro l’opinione di Malherbe 2000, 188–211, che sottolinea l’approccio di Paolo di diventare modello per i Tessalonicesi, sta Kim (2005, 528–533), che parla dell’assenza di qualsiasi persona chiamata a imitare Paolo. 15 Le due province romane allargano la missione dell’esemplaritŕ di Paolo. Poco prima lui č stato a Filippi (provincia della Macedonia), dove subisce la carcerazione (At 16,20-24). Partendo da Tessalonica Paolo punta la sua missione verso Corinto (18,1-17), capitale della provincia dell’Acaia (Pitta 2013, 95). Tessalonica. Ciň che Paolo preannuncia, Timoteo lo fa (Malherbe 2000, 196). Timo­teo a Tessalonica fa quello che avrebbe fatto Paolo se avesse potuto rivedere i cri­stiani, cioč rafforzarli ed esortarli nella loro fede (Fabris 2014, 109). Se Paolo č co-lui che con coraggio annunzia il vangelo (e.a....... in 2,2) in mezzo ai fedeli, Ti­moteo ritorna da Tessalonica portando il lieto messaggio (e.a..e..saµ.... in 3,6). La missione di Timoteo non consiste solo nel consolare i Tessalonicesi (3,2), ma anche nel ricevere le notizie sulla loro fede (3,5). Timoteo rappresenta l’Apostolo durante la sua assenza nella comunitŕ. In nome di Paolo, Timoteo raggiunge i destinatari, li conferma ed esorta (1 Ts 3,2) e tenta di scoprire se nella comunitŕ č vivo il ricordo di Paolo (v. 6). Timoteo arriva nella comunitŕ ed č designato come »collaboratore« (v. 2) per esprimere la sua condi­zione – egli deve essere accettato come uno che č inviato dall’Apostolo. Attraver-so la missione di Timoteo, il contatto tra Paolo e i Tessalonicesi č di nuovo rian­nodato. 9. Conclusione Timoteo č il fedele collaboratore di Paolo nel servizio del vangelo. L’Apostolo lo pre­senta e lo raccomanda ai Tessalonicesi come suo delegato. Quando Paolo non puň recarsi a Tessalonica, Timoteo fa da collegamento tra Paolo e la chiesa macedone. Quando Timoteo rientra da Tessalonica, Paolo si sente rivivere, perché gli reca buo­ne notizie. I Tessalonicesi conservano un buon ricordo di Paolo e dei suoi collabo­ratori nella predicazione del vangelo e restano saldi nel loro cammino di fede (Fabris 2014, 115). Paolo, dunque, manda Timoteo a Tessalonica come se mandasse se stesso. Egli svolge il compito dell’Apostolo, cioč sostiene i credenti. Oltre a questo, Timoteo deve verificare la stabilitŕ della comunitŕ fondata da Paolo. Egli, come alter Pau­lus, con l’autoritŕ dell’Apostolo cresce nella responsabilitŕ e deve incoraggiare la comunitŕ, sconfortata dalla brusca e forzata separazione o a causa della morte di alcuni. Riferimenti bibliografici Barclay, John M.G. 1993. Conflict in Thessalonica. Catholic Biblical Quarterly 55, num. 3:512–530. Brodeur, Scott Normand. 2013. Il cuore di Paolo č il cuore di Cristo: Studio introduttivo esegetico--teologico delle lettere paoline. Theologia 2. Roma: Gregorian & Biblical Press. Fabris, Rinaldo. 2014. 1–2 Tessalonicesi: Nuova versione, introduzione e commento. I libri biblici: Nuovo Testamento 13. Milano: Paoline. Fant, Clyde E., e Reddish, Mitchell G. 2003. A Gui­de to Biblical Sites in Greece and Turkey. Ox­ford: Oxford University Press. Fee, Gordon D. 2009. The First and Second Letters to the Thessalonians. The New International Commentary on the New Testament. Grand Rapids; Cambridge: Eerdmans. Gaventa, Beverly Roberts. 1998. First and Second Thessalonians (Interpretation). Louisville, KY: John Knox Press. Iovino, Paolo. 1992. La prima lettera ai Tessaloni­cesi. Scritti delle origini cristiane 13. Bologna: Dehoniane. Kim, Seyoon. 2005. Paul’s Entry (eisodos) and the Thessalonians’ Faith (1 Thessalonians 1–3). New Testament Studies 51, num. 4:519–542. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0028688505000275 Malherbe, Abraham J. 2000. The Letters to the Thessalonians: A New Translation with Intro­duction and Commentary. Anchor Bible 32B. New York: Doubleday. Morris, Leon. 1991. The First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians. The New International Commentary on the New Testament. Grand Rapids; Cambridge: Eerdmans. Pitta, Antonio. 2013. L’evangelo di Paolo: Introdu­zione alle lettere autoriali. Graphé 7. Torino: Elledici. Richard, Earl J. 1995. First and Second Thessaloni­ans. Sacra Pagina 11. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Smith, Abraham. 2000. The First Letter to the Thessalonians. In: Leander E. Keck, ed. The New Interpreter’s Bible: General Articles & Introduction, Commentary & Reflections for Each Book of the Bible, Including the Apocry­phal/Deuterocanonical Books in Twelve Vol­umes. Vol. 11, 671–737. Nashville: Abingdon. Trevijano Etcheverría, Ramón Manuel. 2002. Estudios Paulinos: Plenitudo Temporis. Estudios sobre los orígenes y la antigüedad cristiana 8. Salamanca: Publicaciones Universidad Pontifi­cia de Salamanca. Weima, Jeffrey A. D. 2002. Infants, Nursing Mother, and Father: Paul’s Portrayal of a Pa­stor. Calvin Theological Journal 37, num. 2:209–229. Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1,57—74 Besedilo prejeto/Received:10/2020; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2021 UDK/UDC: 26-27:343.33 DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Roubalova © 2021 Roubalová et al., CC BY 4.0 Marie Roubalová, Roman Králik, Natalia A. Zaitseva, George S. Anikin, Olga V. Popova and Peter Kondrla Rabbinic Judaism’s Perspective on the First Crimes Against Humanity1 Prvi zlocini proti cloveštvu z vidika rabinskega judo-vstva Abstract: This article focuses on the first recorded crimes (sins) against humanity in the context of the broader and more fundamental issue of human life’s in­trinsic value and dignity. An analysis of the views of rabbinic Judaism reveals a network of concepts that are dynamically intertwined. They originate from a strictly monotheistic framework (worldview) of Judaism that helps resolve whe­ther a person is allowed to end his life for the sake of others. Careful analysis and interpretation of the first three acts of violence recorded in the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh) reveal the catastrophic consequences of choosing to end another’s life without considering its intrinsic value while ignoring the intrinsic value of the other and his dignity and assuming that humans have the power to decide the fate of another human being, to distance humanity from God (from God’s presence), trapping humans in the idolatry of materialism. More­over, the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh) allows for a factual assessment and distinction between different acts of violence. It offers guidance, protection, and hope, for both victims and perpetrators, in the drama of creation and salvation. Keywords: rabbinic Judaism, crimes against humanity, sin, murder, Cain, Abel, the value of human life, Hebrew Bible (Tanakh) Povzetek: Clanek se osredotoca na prve zabeležene zlocine (grehe) proti cloveštvu v kontekstu širšega in bolj temeljnega vprašanja notranje (intrinzicne) vrednosti in dostojanstva cloveškega življenja. Analiza pogledov rabinskega judovstva This article was published with the support of the Slovak Research and Development Agency under contract No. APVV-17-0158 - Constantine the Philosopher University in Nitra, the Kazan Federal Univer­sity Strategic Academic Leadership Program, Russian Academic Excellence Project 5 - 100 of the I M Sechenov First Moscow State Medical University (Sechenov University), the Program of Development of Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation for 2020. The correspondent author of the article is Roman Králik(RUDN University). razkriva mrežo pojmov, ki so dinamicno prepleteni. Izvirajo iz strogo mono­teisticnega okvira (pogleda na svet) judovstva, ki pomaga razreševati vprašanje, ali je cloveku dovoljeno, da konca svoje življenje zaradi drugih. Skrbna analiza in interpretacija prvih treh dejanj nasilja, zabeleženih v hebrejski Bibliji (Tanak), razkriva katastrofalne posledice izbire koncanja življenja drugega, ne da bi pri tem upoštevali njegovo notranjo vrednost. Medtem sta neoziranje na intrinzicno vrednost drugega in na njegovo dostojanstvo in predpostavljanje, da imamo pristojnost, odlocati o usodi drugega cloveka, oddaljili cloveštvo od Boga (od božje navzocnosti) in ga ujeli v past malikovanja materializma. Še vec, hebrejska Biblija omogoca stvarno oceno in razlikovanje med razlicnimi dejanji nasilja. Zagotavlja vodstvo, zašcito in upanje, tako za žrtve kakor tudi za storilce, v drami stvarjenja in odrešenja. Kljucne besede: rabinsko judovstvo, zlocini proti cloveštvu, greh, umor, vrednost cloveškega življenja, Kajn, Abel, hebrejska Biblija (Tanak) 1. Introduction Humans tend to consider their lives to be the most valuable thing in the world. However, human life itself does not have the highest value. Rabbinic Judaism re­cognizes three other categories that exceed the value of human life: (1) believing in the existence of one God; (2) protecting the lives of other human beings; and (3) maintaining the purity of sexual intercourse (BT, Sanhedrin 74a). A person who is forced to disobey one of these commandments (e.g., he/she is forced to con­vert, to murder another human being, or participate in a forbidden sexual act) is allowed to end his life either by committing suicide or by letting his friends or enemies end his life. A death like this is called »Kiddush Hashem – sanctification of God’s Name« (Zozulak and Valco 2018, 1037–1050). Rabbinic Judaism accepts an unnatural ending of human life only in the situations mentioned above. The most intriguing question is whether a person should be allowed to end his own life for the sake of others. One group of rabbis strongly supports the idea that this is possible only under specific circumstances. In contrast, another group is con­vinced that a person should never be allowed to do so (Lamm 2007, 139). Cases in which one’s life and the lives of one’s relatives must be protected need further discussion. Every human being is considered a relative (or, in religious terminology, ,a ne­ighbor ‘) because we all have one common ancestor – Adam. Besides, all humans have been created in God’s image (imago Dei),2 which gives them a stamp of eter­nal value and destiny (Zozulak and Valco 2018, 1037–1050). Therefore, deep re­spect and protection of human life are natural and expected for everyone and should not be considered a subjective or national matter only. Tanakh (the most Christian exegetes would interpret this passage christologically in a Trinitarian fashion in which ,imago Dei‘ is understood as ,imago Trinitatis (Valco et al. 2019, 176–192). Marie Roubalová et al. - Rabbinic Judaism’s Perspective on the First Crimes... famous and most-cited form found in Decalogue)3 directly forbids putting human life in danger. Hence it directly opposes murder and killing and forbids a believer to commit murder. A mythopoetic description of the first three acts of violence is mentioned at the beginning of Tanakh (in the third and fourth chapters of Bereshit). These acts of violence occurred in the First, Second, and Seventh generations of humankind. The three acts of violence drew humankind apart from God (God’s Presence) (Kar-dis 2019, 121), trapping them in a materialistic civilization. To recover a clear no­tion of justice and sanctity, including a sense of mutual dependency and solidari­ty, an intentional, carefully designed system of conducive environments, educa­tion, and upbringing need to be implemented in the lives of communities of be­lievers (Šoltés 2018, 81–90; Vansac and Gulašová 2018, 216–225). 2. The first intentional murder – a choice between life and death The first intentional murder mentioned in Bereshit is Cain’s murder of his brother Abel. However, long before the first murder, there had been an attempt to put human life in danger. Nachash, the speaking serpent (Targum and Midrashim per­ceived as the angel of death Samael (Targum Pseudo-Jonatan; Bereshit 3,6)), threatened human life in the Garden of Eden for the first time. Snakes were con­sidered to be the most intelligent animals. Having promised deep knowledge to Eve, the serpent deceived her into eating the forbidden fruit from the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil, even though consumption of the fruit was punish­able by death. The consumption of the forbidden fruit, as mentioned in Midrash, is the main reason why death came to take Adam, Eve, and all their offspring (Bereishit Rabbah 16,6). According to Rabbinic Judaism, humans were created immortal. Ideas mentioned in Bereshit, however, do not support this claim. Bereshit also states that after Eve had eaten the forbidden fruit, God decided to prevent humans from eating fruits from the Tree of Life. The fruit from the Tree of Life represents immortality (Gn 3,22-24). The sacred text does not mention an immediate death after consumption of the forbidden fruit. However, it is stated that humans remain mortal (3,19). Rabbis think that humans became mortal only after eating from the Tree of Knowledge. When the Israelites were given Torah on Mount Sinai, they were also given back their immortality. However, the sin of worshipping the Golden Calf divested them of their newly-received immortality, and they became mortal once again (Shemot Rabbah 32,1). Rabbis claim that the Torah represents and supports life in general but disobeying one of the command­ments ultimately leads to death. Adam and Israel lost their immortality because they decided to disobey the Torah. For a treatment of Talmudic literature on relevant topics see Slivka 2018, 37– 44. 3. The first fratricide – a choice between good and evil The first fratricide happened in the Second Generation. It is mentioned in the fo­urth reading of Bereshit. This reading can be divided into four parts: (1) Gn 4,16: the story of Cain and Abel, (2) Gn 4,17-22: Cain’s genealogy, (3) Gn 4,23-24: Lamech’s poem, which is presumably a part of a longer poem, (4) Gn 4,25–26: Appendix about Sethand Enosh.4 Some of the ideas mentioned above remain unclear, however: »No one can claim to be able to explain these parts with absolute certainty.« (Žák 1990, 66) When studying the chapter, rabbis uncovered new aspects and ideas (see below) that became the subject of follow-up analyses worked out in the form of com­mentaries. The analyses are focused on the following aspects: (1) The aspect of the Law: Crime and punishment; (2) The aspect of humanity: Humankind, Frater­nity, Mutual responsibility, and dependency; (3) The aspect of ethics: Good and evil; (4) The theological aspect: Sin, atonement, redemption; (5) The didactic as­pect: Acceptance and rejection of a child; (6) The psychological aspect: Man’s character and variability of human characters. Animal impulses in humans; (7) The mystical aspect: secrets that a rational approach cannot uncover. Composed of the mentioned elements, the Biblical narrative is a narrative about the rise of human civilization and humanity’s adaptation to the world after being banished from the Garden of Eden. The author (or an editor) interconnected it with the first chapter of the Book of Bereshit. Bereshit contains the Creation myth describing the Seven days of Creation. The fourth chapter of Bereshit narrates about the Seven Generations that gave birth to human civilization. The peaceful life of humanity in the Garden of Eden is forever lost. Humans now must face struggles, danger, and violence. The civilized world gradually developed (or decayed according to some) because of farming (Cain), herding (Abel, Jabal), city culture (Cain, Enoch, Irad), metallurgy (Tubal-Cain), music (Jubal), and faith (Enos). As shown below, some rabbis have promoted the idea that civilization’s early development was also supported by the first human sovereign (Lamech), prostitution, and sacred prostitution (Naa­mah). The author of the scripture claims that humankind played a crucial role in developing the civilized world. This view contrasts with other nations’ belief that developing civilized world results from help and support from deities. The most noticeable aspect of the narrative is its smooth development (or changes) in the way of life of humans,walking‘ and later ,sitting‘. The former ,walk­ing human‘ (gatherer and shepherd) became a ,sitting human‘ (a farmer who settled in one place). The connection between these two lifestyles increased hu­man prosperity in the world. Farmers feed their cattle with crops, and the cattle fertilize fields. Humans grow richer; they build cities, develop culture and faith. Humankind inevitably becomes a slave to wealth and money. A settler (a man who settled in one place) is the stronger one (Cain survives); however, the nomadic Seth replaced deceased Abel. Midrashim states that (Numbers Rabbah 14,20). Marie Roubalová et al. - Rabbinic Judaism’s Perspective on the First Crimes... type (deceased Abel) will always represent the archetype of the original human lifestyle. The history and traditions of shepherds and farmers are interconnected (Skol­nik and Berenbaum 2007). The fourth chapter of the Book of Bereshit (describing the conflict between Cain and Abel) presumably contains two layers reflecting the lifestyles mentioned above. The story of Cain and his offspring is a part of the older scripture that talks about nomadic Cainite people, their forefather Cain and the first ancient murder (see the fragment of the ancient poem of Lamech) that cursed them to become settlers and bound them to one place. The murder of Abel is a part of a more recent scripture (because the author of the text had al­ready known the story told in the second and the third chapter of the Book of Bereshit). However, the editors of Tanakh provide the reader with separate stories, and this is how the text has been interpreted and commented on for many rab­binic generations. 3.1 The second generation The story of the first fratricide begins with Adam meeting Eve for the first time. The word ,jada‘ (to know) includes both mental and physical knowledge. Howe­ver, the word used in this context is also a euphemism for sexual intercourse be­tween men and women. In this very context, the verb ,to know‘ refers to ,conce­ive‘ and ,give birth‘.5 Rashi (Bereshit 4,1.) believes that Adam knew his wife Eve before they disobeyed God, i.e., before they were banished from the Garden of Eden. Other rabbis suppose that he knew her for the first time after being banis­hed from the Garden (Yad David). Eve gave birth to her first son Cain (Gn 4,1a). She delivered her child in the Garden of Eden (Rashi, Bereshit 4,1. Hirsch, Bereshit 4,1.). Eve was happy that she gave birth to a baby boy. Her son Cain was another man in a hard-working family that cultivates the land for living, representing hope for a better and more comfortable future in which he will be able to help his father with »his work under the sun« (Eccl 2,22). We can see the same happiness and sense of joy in the words of Noah’s father after Noah was born. His father hopes that the baby boy will make the living easier for his family: »Truly, he will give us rest from our trouble and the hard work of our hands, because of the earth whi­ch was cursed by God.« (Gn 5,29b) The firstborn son was keenly awaited because, in the future, he would take care of his old parents and be the successor of his father’s work, and he will continue to carry the family values and traditions. Every baby boy was a long-awaited sa­viour who would crush the head of the serpent (3,15). However, the exact expec­tations are associated with the birth of a baby girl because she may be the one who will finally give birth to another man in the family. Midrashim states that she conceived by a miracle and gave birth immediately (Bereishit rabbah 22,2). Eve is just as happy as a man who saw his wife for the first time.6 Cain’s act of violence would be perceived as disappointing as his mother’s consumption of the forbidden fruit. Eve expressed her great expectations and hoped that she imme­diately put them into her newborn son after giving birth (4,1b). However, trans­lating this short and clear sentence is not an easy task to do. Von Rad claimed that it is hard to translate each word of the sentence and keep its meaning (Rad 1972, 103). The main difficulty with the translation is that there are various possibilities to translate the words »kaniti ish et Adonai« in the sentence, each of them pro­ducing a different meaning. According to commentaries, Eve expressed her gratitude for the newborn son, for she thought she had given birth to a Messiah (or God’s angel). Unfortunately, she was holding the first murderer in the history of humankind. However, at that moment, she was nothing more than a mother holding her innocent child—the child she and her husband would raise and take care of for many years. Later, Eve gave birth to another baby boy named Abel (Gn 4,2a) – Cain’s brother. The social status of a younger child is expressed in the following verse: »in pain you shall bring forth children, yet your desire shall be for your husband [Gn 3,16].« (Prudký 2018, 224) The text, however, does not mention whether Adam ,knew‘ her wife once again before the birth of Abel (it only mentions that she »gave birth again« or in a literal translation, »she added one birth«). Based on this statement, many rabbis think that Cain and Abel were twins (Pirkei DeRabbi Eliezer 21). The text also does not mention any expectations or hopes put into Abel. 3.2 Cain’s and Abel’s occupation Adam and Eve’s children are put into a more challenging life position than their parents originally had been. They must deal with demanding circumstances in stark contrast to the Garden of Eden’s ideal life. As was already mentioned, these two men represent archetypes of settlers (farmers) and nomads (shepherds). Tanakh, however, does not depict farming as an inferior lifestyle. Adam is the very first farmer who has to take care of and protect the Garden. Since this moment, Jews have been longing to have their land that was promised to their forefather Abraham. Even though Adam was a farmer, the classical and archetypal lifestyle is not considered farming neither hunting, but herding (Žák 1990, 70; Beneš and Vadura 2010, 118). It is also important to mention that the text of Tanakh does not label farming as evil; neither does it mark herding as good, nor does it differ­entiate specifically between these two. One brother cultivates land on which the other brother shepherds his cattle. Since Cain was the firstborn, he followed his father’s footsteps and became a farmer just as he was predestined to do. In the Hebrew scripture, he is called »the one who slaves (serves) the land« or »slave of the land« (Beneš and Vadura 2010, 114; 118). Cain does exactly what his parents, having been banished from the »This is now bone of my bone and flesh of my flesh: let her name be Woman because she was taken out of Man.« (Gn 2,23) Marie Roubalová et al. - Rabbinic Judaism’s Perspective on the First Crimes... Garden of Eden, were commanded to do by God – he works hard to feed himself and his family. The cultivated land called ,adama‘ resembles the first man Adam, who has to cultivate land to survive. They work hard on the land cursed by God. Cain takes an example from his father’s diet as well. He primarily eats plants be­cause God forbade killing God’s creatures and consuming their flesh (Rashi, Be-reishit 1,29.): »See, I have given you every plant yielding seed that is upon the face of all the earth, and every tree with seed in its fruit; you shall have them for food.« (Gn 1,29) Since the two brothers did not sin until that time, some propose that Cain cultivated soil free of God’s curse and lived according to the words of God. Another perspective considers the possibility that their parents’ sin may have cursed the land cultivated by their children. The strong Cain (unlike the weak Abel) is not afraid of God’s curse on the land. He decides to try and break it with his strength. Midrashim mentions that he became obsessed with cultivating the cur­sed soil, hence growing further from God (Bereshith Rabbah 22,6.). There is a resemblance to his mother, who became obsessed with the forbidden fruit in the Garden of Eden after meeting the serpent. The second son, Abel, became a shepherd (4,2b). His occupation, too, is con­nected to past circumstances. However, it is not as obvious. He produced animal fur that served as clothing for humans to protect them from cold (when humans were not allowed to eat animal flesh). Abel provided clothes to his parents and, therefore, followed God’s example, who gave them clothes after they had realized they were naked (3,21). Rashi (Bereishit 4,2) thinks Abel chose this occupation because he wanted to be as distant from the cursed soil as possible (unlike his brother Cain). He feared the curse. However, many people associate this occupa­tion with a meat diet allowed by God only after the Great Flood (9,3). Rabbis were deeply concerned about this fact. Therefore, they emphasized that the only ani­mal products Abel used were animal skin, milk, and wool, but never meat (Miz­rachi, Bereishit 4,2). 3.3 The first attempt to gain God’s favour – the first sacrifice Working and serving God have always been connected because a human being can offer nothing more to God but his servitude. In the past, the figure of a father represented a sacrifice. However, as we see, it is not applied in this case. The main participants of the sacrifice are the two brothers. Products of their work are pre­sented to God as a sacrifice. This type of sacrifice is called ,mincha‘ (,additional sacrifice/a gift‘) in Hebrew. The word ,mincha‘ is also used for a king’s gift to win his favour (Dubovský 2008, 195). The word ,mincha‘ mentioned in the following chapters of Tanakh expresses gratitude and dependency on God (most frequent are plant products). Cain presented God with a sacrifice that came from land cul­tivation (Gn 4,3). Abel offered God his firstborn sheep and their fat (4,4a; Lv 3,16; Lv 7,23; Lv 7,25). God, however, accepted (,looked at it‘; ,gave attention‘) Abel’s sacrifice and refused Cain’s sacrifice (,did not look at it‘). How the two brothers found out about the acceptance and refusal of their sacrifice is unclear from the scripture. God did not communicate with them directly about his decision. When translating the Bible from Hebrew to Greek, translator Theodore decided to use the verb »set on fire« (Jb, 1,16). He assumes that God set Abel’s sacrifice on fire because he accep­ted it, and as a sign of refusal, he left Cain’s sacrifice unnoticed (Dubovský 2008, 195).The same idea is mentioned in Midrashim, and Rashi supports this explana­tion as well (Bereishit Rabbah 22,10; Midraš Zuta 35; Raši, Bereishit 4,4). The acceptance and refusal of sacrifice may as well be linked to God’s approval and disapproval of their occupations (Mrázek 1989, 31). Rabbi Hirschensohn sees things differently. He believes that the first real sac­rifice (as we understand it today - on the altar) was offered to God for the first time by Noah (Drazin 2014).Noah’s Ark sheltered humans and animals, and God did not allow these animals to be eaten. After surviving the flood, humans kill animals saved from death on Noah's Ark without any reasonable explanation. God smelled the burned flesh of animals and said: »I will never again curse the ground because of humankind, for the inclination of the human heart is evil from youth; nor will I ever again destroy every living creature as I have done.« (Gn 8,21) Every sacrifice (even the temple sacrifice) is nothing more but a way for people to get closer to God and express gratitude to Him. The same compromise is later made by God himself when he approves eating meat (a diet which is typical for carni­vores), even though it was never his plan in the first place. Cain and Abel (accord­ing to Hirschensohn) did not build altars, they did not slit throats of cattle as a part of the sacrifice, and they did not burn their offerings. It was better to offer God a living creature than its dead body. The two brothers brought their sacrifice to a specific place (either a mountain or to the entrance of the Garden of Eden) and left it there. Cain’s sacrifice remained untouched by God, and he thought, mistakenly, that God did not accept it. Animals brought to one of the places men­tioned earlier ran away as soon as Abel had left, and he, again mistakenly, thought it was a sign of God’s acceptance (Drazin 2014). The acceptance of Abel’s sacrifice is one of many cases mentioned in Tanakh when the second brother is shown more favour than the firstborn. The Torah, however, does not provide us with any reasonable explanation for God’s decision. This fact has been discussed for centuries, and opinions vary: »However, it is as­sumed that God is always fair, and humans understand his decisions.« (Prudký 2018, 239) Rabbis think that the main reason for God’s decision lies in the type of sacrifice and its purpose. According to most rabbinic tradition, the difference may be either in the qua­lity of sacrifice or the man who presented it,7 in its quantity8 or the form of con­sumption of the sacrifice (239).When it comes to sacrifice quality, rabbis cannot agree on what should be considered the best sacrifice. Their opinions differ: it 7 »By faith Abel offered to God a more acceptable sacrifice than Cain’s. Through this he received appro­ val as righteous, God himself giving approval to his gifts; he died, but through his faith he still speaks.« (Hb 11,4) 8 The first sacrifice was offered by Cain; Abel saw it and he presented God with greater offering. Josephus Flavius though Abel was close-fisted (Antiquitates Judaeorum I 2,1). Marie Roubalová et al. - Rabbinic Judaism’s Perspective on the First Crimes... could be things such as the firstborn animal from the herd, an animal (better than a plant), Paschal lamb (better than a plant or any other animal), anything valuable, things of a natural origin (better than products linked to land cultivation), substi­tute sacrifice or a sacrifice for redemption (better than any other type of sacrifice). When differentiating between men who presented a sacrifice, the focus may be on their physical qualities, moral qualities, social status, origin, or intentions. One of these may be why the scripture mentions that God looked only at Abel’s sacri­fice and did not look at Cain’s sacrifice or that he (God) paid attention only to Abel while ignoring Cain. Some rabbis come with a different perspective. They think that there is no re­ason at all for God’s actions (the secret of the chosen one) (Rad 1972). God is the ultimate authority, and he is free to act as he wishes, just as he, later on, explains to Moses: »I will have mercy on whom I will have mercy, and I will have compas­sion on whom I will have compassion.« (Ex 33,19) Cain did not get offended by God for not accepting his offering; however, he got angry with Abel. To be more specific, it seems that Cain got envious of his brother. Midrashim tries to provide a few other possible reasons for Cain’s anger and the murder. The explanations are based on three aspects (Leibowitz 2004, 39): (1) Material aspect (an argument focused on their parents’ heritage9 or divi­sion of the world; (2) Sexual aspect (a dispute about a woman - mother or a sister); (3) aspect of belief (future of the world, placement of the Temple, the ultimate authority and the purpose of humankind). Another possible explanation is that there can be no reasonable explanation for the argument between the two brothers. It seems that the question of why a human being is willing to kill another will remain unanswered. 3.4 Events before the murder Cain’s sacrifice was overlooked by God, as we read: »but for Cain and his offering he had no regard. So, Cain was furious, and his countenance fell.« (Gn 4,5). The expression that consists of words »set on fire« – ,chara‘ and »a lot« – ,meod‘ (as can be seen in this case) or the infinitive used in Tanakh, express a state of mind that leads a man to the worst action (usually murder) (Gn 4,5; 34,7; Nu 16,15; 1 S 18,8.).Some rabbis, however, support the opinion that ,chara le‘ indicates de­speration and anger that comes from strong anxiety (it is not a pure rage which is usually expressed by ,chara af‘). Another expression, »his face turned grey« (in Hebrew: »his countenance fell«), described Cain’s reaction to the situation. An expression that someone »loses one’s countenance« (lip corners and eyebrows are down) is a common indication of sadness, disappointment, and anger. Cain’s reaction to being overlooked by God is the same as the reaction of a child whom his parents reject. This is frequently stated in the scripture of Tanakh itself (envy, cries, insistence, and hatred towards the accepted ones lead to an attempt to re­move the enemy) (Gn 25,28; 27,34; 27,41; 37,3-4; 37,11.18.). It’s very likely that the dispute took place, because there was no heritage law. As soon as Cain got angry with his brother (Gn 4,5), his parents were supposed to act accordingly and quiet the situation. They were supposed to talk to the di­sappointed and confused child; they were supposed to offer care and support to free him from anger. However, they did not show any interest in Cain’s feelings. Cain’s parents are not even mentioned in this part of the text. God is the only one who is trying to calm him down. He speaks to Cain and takes the role of his loving mother. He tries to determine why Cain is unhappy: »Why are you angry, and why has your countenance fallen?« (4,6) At the same time, God emphasizes that Cain still has a choice and shows him (just like in the book Deuteronomy) two possible paths (two ways of living): good or evil, life or death, life in God’s presence or life without him. 3.5 The first fratricide Tanakh describes the first fratricide very briefly: »›Now Cain said to his brother Abel: Let us go out to the field.‹ And when they were in the field, Cain rose again­st his brother Abel, and killed him.« (Gn, 4,8) Cain had decided not to answer God when God asked him to choose one path of the two. Fighting God is way more complex than fighting a human, however. That is why he goes to his brother and talks to him (4,8a). The Hebrew script does not contain Cain’s words addressed to Abel. It appears that something is missing in the manuscript (Dubovský 2008, 200). Commentators are not able to find one common explanation for the missing words.Some think that God’s words (Gn 4,7) eventually stopped Cain from talking to Abel, and he remained silent (which would indicate that a lack of communica­tion can lead to murder) (Kaveh 2019). Others think that Cain had already spoken to Abel, and the author thought it was unnecessary to repeat his ideas and feel­ings.10 Another group of scholars supports the idea that the words were left out intentionally because Cain said something horrible. Another possible explanation seems to be that the author intentionally left out the words to create tension, or that this part of the script got lost when it was copied by hand, causing the tran­scriber to skip from one line to the end of the following line, which contained the same end-word (homoioteleuton) (Dubovský 2008, 200). It seems that Cain originally had evil intentions and lured his brother to a distant place. Older translations of the script contain the expression: »let us go to the field« (Hebrew Samaritanus, Greek Septuaginta, Sirian Pešitto, Ramban); »come on, let us go outside« (some Aramean targumim) or »let us go outside« (Latin Vulgata). These translations indicate that the murder took place out in a field. The meaning of a field stands in opposition to a garden. A field is also a natural habitat of the serpent who »was craftier than any other wild animal« (Gn 3,1). The fratricide is described in one sentence. A man encountered evil which re­sulted in the death of his brother. The script does not mention how Abel was killed. It happened in the fields, in a distant place where one would only call for help in 10 Ibn Ezra thinks that he repeated and appealed on Cain with previous words of God (Ibn Ezra, Bereshit 4,8). Marie Roubalová et al. - Rabbinic Judaism’s Perspective on the First Crimes... vain (compare Dt 22,25-27). It is a typical place for murder without witnesses. Maybe there was another reason (religious reason) for the choice of this place. In Tanach’s narrative, Cain behaves like an enthusiastic religious thinker who can­not agree that his brother brought a better offering to God (a firstborn cattle) and received God’s favour. Cain thought that Abel intended to present God with a more excellent offering. Maybe he said to himself: I presented God with plants, which was not enough to win his favour. God liked the animal sacrifice presented by my broth­er better. I have to offer him something even more incredible than he did. What is better than a living creature? Maybe he would like a living human being; people of other nations regularly sacrifice humans. Could he offer more than his brother? It may be possible (in connection to ideas of Baal religion) that »he thinks that spilt blood will give birth to a new generation, new strength« (Žák 1990, 70). His brother’s blood spilt in the field was an offering to God, and it was supposed to bless the soil. However, it resulted in the exact opposite because God did not want human life to be sacrificed for him (Beneš and Vadura 2010, 130). Cain became the first man who saw a man die (death caused by another man). In addition, Cain was the first human who became afraid of death (Gn, 4,14). 3.6 Events after the murder God does not punish Cain immediately after the murder. Instead, God tries to talk to him calmly, just as if he is his loving and patient father. Again, God puts himself in a position where he takes on the role of a parent. He expects Cain to be sorry for what he did, confess his sin, take responsibility for the damage, and atone for his deed. God wants to know what happened: »Where is your brother Abel?« (Gn 4,9a). Cain, however, does not want to atone for his sin. His answer resembles the answer of a lying child. It seems that the way he answers to God is not appropriate. On the contrary, one would expect a more respectful response to the Almighty supreme being – he, unlike his parents, does not have experience with God’s wrath. Cain answers with a brief »I do not know«. Therefore, Josephus assumes that Cain hid the dead body of his brother immediately after the act (Antiquitates Ju­daeorum I 2,1). After this, Cain adds: »Am I my brother’s keeper?« (Gn 4,9b) (Ginz-berg 2004) According to Wiesel: »When God asks Cain: Where is your brother? Cain answers: ›I don’t know. Am I my brother’s keeper?‹ From the point of view of Midrashim, it is pos­sible to change punctuation which would result in an expression with a different meaning, such as ›I didn’t know that I am supposed to be my brother’s keeper‹.« (1994, 42) Cain is trying to get rid of any responsibility for his brother. However, he an­swers that the first word: »I do not know!« betrays him (Prudký 2018, 246). His parents decided to accept death to gain knowledge. Adam was blessed with kno­wledge (his naked body, his wife, etc.). Another man – Cain, pretends that he does not know anything: »Even though it is obvious that he knows!« (247) Cain’s reaction is horrible. Cain killed his unsuspecting brother just like a wolf kills sheep – the same sheep that Abel, his brother, took care of. As already men­tioned, the name ‘Cain’ resembles the word ,kana‘ (the one who bought, received, created) and the derived word ,mikne‘ (herd). Cain’s name implies that he is a brave and robust protector of herds. Cain, however, did not follow his destiny. The future of Israel is to protect the Pesach (Easter) lamb as its sons because the Pa­schal Lamb will save the lives of the firstborn sons of Israel and lead them to fre­edom. God educates the Israelites to treat each other as brothers and sisters who will not follow in Cain’s footsteps. The attempt to keep secrets from God is childish. God, however, does not give Cain another chance to confess. Now, he speaks to him as a strict father and a judge who is about to punish him: »What have you done? Listen! Your brother’s blood cries out to me from the ground.« (Gn 4,10) Then God punishes Cain for what he did. It would be reasonable to expect a punishment by death: »Show no pity: life for life, eye for an eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot.« (Dt 19,21; compare: Ex 21,12-24; Lv 24,17-20; Mt 5,38-42)Torah mentions that the punishment by death would be reasonable because Cain intentionally murdered his brother (Nu 35,16-21). Cain is, however, not punished by death. Many people think that it is not fair, while others respect and understand God’s decision. Bere-shit Rabbah (22,26) states that »He did not know that his blow would kill his brother«. Therefore, Cain did not commit murder; instead, he took someone’s life, which was later punished by banishment (that is why God banished Cain from his homeland and did not kill him). If we think about this killing as a murder, it is evident that many people want Cain to be punished by death. People feel this way mainly because they cannot relate to him in his original context when they read his words. However, let us look at the situation from the point of view of his mother. Cain is her son. He is now the only son that she has left. This changes the situation. Would his mother condemn him to death, or would she ask for mercy? She would probably ask for mercy and even lie just to protect her only son - just like the widow who lied and told her king an entirely made-up story: »Your servant had two sons, and they fought with one another in the field; there was no one to part them, and one struck the other and killed him. Now the whole family has risen against your servant. They say, ‘Give up the man who struck his brother, so that we may kill him for the life of his brother whom he murdered, even if we destroy the heir as well.’ Thus they would quench my one remaining ember, and leave to my husband neither name nor remnant on the face of the earth.« (2 S 14,6-7) The story of the widow, as was already mentioned, is entirely made up by Joab to save David’s son. However, the feelings of the mother are honest. In the case of Cain, God considers the punishment from all aspects. He is not an unmerciful judge; he is like a loving mother who has just lost one child and, if he kills Cain, Marie Roubalová et al. - Rabbinic Judaism’s Perspective on the First Crimes... his mother will lose the only son she has left. God talks to Cain as if he were his parent (a loving mother and a merciful father). He represents the role of both parents that are not mentioned in this part of the scripture. Cain will, however, receive a punishment. He is cursed (Gn 4,11a), according to Targum Onkelos (compare Bereishit Rabbah, Rashi), »more than soil«. He is ban­ished from the land (G). When he attempts to till the soil, it will no longer yield its produce to him11 (4,12a). He becomes a fugitive (4,12b) rejected by his own family, »a wanderer on the earth«12 (Wiesel 1994, 47). Cain’s reaction to the punishment is: »My punishment is greater than I can bear.« (Gn 4,13) The statement does not carry a clear meaning in Hebrew. It can be interpreted in various ways, one of which is an expression of regret (»My sin is too great to ever be undone /…/ than God can forgive me« [LXX]) and contem­plation of whether the evil act can be undone. On the other hand, God teaches humans that they can atone for their sins. Therefore, Cain can atone for his sin as well (Ramban, Bereishit 4,7). The punishment would lead Cain to realization and understanding that he has committed a horrible crime and that he cannot bear the guilt of this proportion (if Cain himself is the bearer of the guilt – see further below). There is also another interpretation: The crime is so horrible that there is no way to undo it (may insinuate: That is why I ask for the punishment by death), because God will never be able to forgive me (if the bearer of the guilt is God – see further below). Rabbi Eliezer Finkelman emphasizes that Cain’s speech may be interpreted as a question even though it does not include a question mark, which is very com­mon in Biblical Hebrew (Finkelman 2019). ,Avon‘ is a Hebrew word for ,crime‘, ,guilt for a crime‘ (Targum, Abravanel), and it can be translated as ,punishment for a crime‘ (Ibn Ezra Bereshit 4,13; Westerman 1984, 309; Torah y haftarot en versión Castellana).Some dictionaries, however, do not include this translation or even reject it (just like Abravanel). It may be because it is hard to understand that one word can mean ,crime‘, ,guilt‘ and ,punishment‘ for the crime as well. Ibn Ezra says that in the Hebraic Tanakh, ,avon‘ stands for ,crime/sin‘, ,guilt‘ and ,punishment‘ for a crime. He thinks that the translations as mentioned above of ,avon‘ cannot exist separately. If that is the case, Cain’s reac­tion expresses terror, outrage, and surprise from the extent of the punishment13 (even though the punishment is too light for murder): »My punishment is more than I can bear (Gn 4,13).« (Finkelman 2019). Is Cain worried about his past (horrified by what he did) or his future (results of the punishment)? It is entirely possible that the author or editor of the script tried to express both aspects because the ambig­uousness can be easily avoided. The author or the editor could have used a simple 11 Rashi claims that she is the reason why God sent an additional curse. 12 According to Midrashim, the greatest punishment for Cain was that he no longer knew what ,Shabbat‘ - Saturday meant. 13 Josephus Flavius believes that it was an expression through which he begged God not to be punished by death. word ,chataa‘ (sin) or ,onesh‘ (punishment, penalty), but instead he used a word that represents both – as if he were trying to draw attention to two choices that each human being has after committing such a terrible crime. The human individ­ual will either be horrified by what he has done and will try to provide atonement, or he will be scared of the punishment, and he will try to hide from God. The interpretation of ,avoni‘, which is translated as ,my punishment‘, corre­sponds to Cain’s expected a much greater punishment. However, Cain managed to understand only half of what God told him. He understood that he had to lea­ve the land (leave the soil alone) and that he now became a fugitive (Gn 4,14a,c). The rest of what God told him remained misunderstood. He thinks that he must also hide from God’s face (4,14b). Therefore, he makes the same mistake as his parents after being banished from the Garden of Eden. Ramban thinks that the sentence »go out of the presence of God« means that he »is not allowed to be in God’s presence by praying or offering a sacrifice« (Bereshit 4,14). Cain decides to leave God’s presence (4,16). Cain also mistakenly thinks that anyone who will ever find him will try to kill him (4,14d). However, it is not clear who would want to kill him. He could be killed by God, another man, or an animal. God, however, did not punish him by death. Therefore, there is no reason for God killing Cain. Is it possible that another man would attempt to kill Cain? If we as­sume that the word ,adam‘ stands for humankind created by God, people can punish him by death, but they do not have a supreme judge to make a decision. Besides, no law would put a sentence on Cain. Mrázek points out that »fratricide was not usually punished in ancient times because people did not know how to punish it« (1989, 32). If we assume that ,adam‘ stands for ,an individual‘, Cain could be killed (just as a rebellious son) only by his parents. Some rabbis empha­size the idea that Cain did not feel threatened by men or animals before the act. In most cases, they do not explain why he felt threatened after killing Abel. One group of rabbis think that after the murder, Cain was no longer perceived as an image of God (celem); therefore, he was left with his image (demut), and animals were no longer afraid of him – which is why he was scared they may kill him. God does not attempt to explain how mistaken Cain is. As if He is tired of ex­plaining the same thing to his parents. However, he explains the second misun­derstanding: »Then the Lord said to him, ›Not so! Whoever kills Cain will suffer a sevenfold vengeance.‹ And the Lord put a mark on Cain, so that no one who came upon him would kill him.« (Gn 4,15)14 What is he trying to achieve by the sevenfold revenge? Cain’s killer cannot be killed seven times. If there are other people, six of Cain’s relatives or offspring may die along with him. Some rabbis say that it is not a seven times greater punishment, but only a figurative way of expressing that the punishment will be significant since the number seven repre­sents completeness (Radak, Bereishit 4,15). Other rabbis (Rashi, Ibn Ezra) believe, just as is written in Targum Onkelos that it has nothing to do with the extent of the punishment but rather connected to the time of the punishment (Flavius Jo­ 14 The same motif is repeated in Christian tradition. Marie Roubalová et al. - Rabbinic Judaism’s Perspective on the First Crimes... sephus, Antiquitates Judaeorum I 2,1). The punishment will affect the Seventh Generation of Adam (or Seventh Generation of Cain, i.e., Tubal-Cain. It would mean that Cain was not given mercy. Frequently, number seven represents an end (or culmination) of an era. Just like Cain’s parents were given clothes by God (Gn 3,21) to protect them and remind them of their sin, Cain was given protection, and he would carry a reminis­cence of his guilt as well. God marks15 Cain: »Then the Lord put a mark on Cain so that no one who found him would kill him« (4,15). Torah does not explain how the mark was placed on Cain. Hebrew script uses the verb ‚to place‘, which is interpreted as carve, cut out, or painted by ink. The script does not mention the exact location of the mark. When we consider the ideas written in the Book of Ezekiel: »Who had the writing case at his side« (Ez 9,3), a mark is usually placed on the forehead, some scholars believe that the mark was a cutting located on Cain’s arm (Pirke Rabbi Eliezer 21). Slaves, soldiers, and people in servitude were marked in the same way (Prudký 2018, 251). According to Kohler, Bennett, and Ginzberg, opinions on what the mark looked like vary. Nevertheless, the most common concept is that Cain suffered from a disease, and its symptoms were visible on his appearance, writing or reading, seal, horn, a sign of acceptance, or on Cain’s dog. Cain left God’s presence (literally »went out of the presence of God«). He was homeless. The result of Cain’s act is a decay of soil. God cursed the land he culti­vated after his parents had sinned; however, he is the one who caused a complete decay of the already cursed soil by spilling innocent blood on it, and it seems that it would not make any difference if the blood spilt on the soil came from a magic ritual or an intentional murder. The soil that drank his brother’s blood will not provide Cain with any more products, and he is banished from it. Cain’s story resembles the story of his parents. Cain’s parents, as well as Cain himself: 1. Were warned before sinning; 2. They disobeyed God and sinned; 3. God allows them to confess. He asks the man: »Where are you?« (Gn 3,9); he asks the woman: »What is this you have done?« (3,13) He asks Cain: »Where is your brother Abel?« (4,9); »What have you done?« (4,10); 4. An evil act is followed by the curse (of serpent and soil) (3; 14,7); of Cain (4,11); 5. Sinners are banished from their home, and they must seek refuge (4,14); 6. They want to be close16 to God. Moshe Kaveh points out that even though these stories share similar charac­teristics, they differ in many aspects: 1. The sin of Adam and Eve is against God himself; Cain’s sin is linked to humankind; 2. Cain’s parents confess (even though they try to blame someone else), but Cain refuses to admit his crime (Kaveh 2019). 15 Exile cities and edges of altars will be marked with the same mark as mentioned here. The mark should prevent killing and never-ending avenge. 16 Adam and Eve wanted to be similar to God and be even closer to him, but at last they became dust and they were banished from the Garden. Cain wanted to be like his father and serve the soil but instead, he became a wanderer. He attempted to make a great offering to God who punished him for it. 4. Conclusion Humans are presented with a choice between knowledge and death in the Gar­den of Eden. They choose death. The serpent’s attempt to threaten the human’s life was flourishing. The human being rebels against the Creator is alienated from Him and participates personally and institutionally in producing oppressive beha­viour and structures that further alienate humans from one another (Žalec and Pavlikova 2019, 39–48; 2019, 1015–1026). This leads to a loss of human dignity as human persons turn against each other in acts of injustice, violence, and cru­elty (Bernaciak 2018, 25–26). This is not the last sin of humanity (sin leads to another sin). From a lie (Eve lied about what God told her about the forbidden fruit), Sin grows more significant to fratricide and murder. The first murder takes place. Humankind saw the difference between good and evil. Humanity is always taught to choose the good but fails to do so and chooses death instead. The con­cept of murder is presented by the conflict between settled and nomadic lifestyles. It may be a hidden criticism of a king who thinks that he holds control over life itself, including his subjects’ lives or deaths (even lifestyles). In addition, these texts imply the dangers stemming from idolatrous cults and pseudo-religious ide­ologies that rebel against the natural order of creation.17 Torah presents the idea that every human being (not only a ruler) is capable of this horrible act and adds that there are several types of killing: intentional mur­der, unintentional killing, killing in a battle, and execution of a criminal. On the other hand, Torah does not accept the concept of manslaughter because 1. The only supreme being is God, never a human ruler; 2. All men are created in the image of God; therefore, when a human is attacked, it is as if God were attacked as well; 3. The value that should be protected the most by humans is one’s life and the life of another human being (some rabbis include the lives of other living beings as well); 4. It is a natural right shared by all humans to live in their commu­nity; this, however, no longer applies after committing a sin that Torah established as punishable by death; 5. Even if a human carries a burden of his accentor’s sins, he/she always should choose life and live in the presence of God; they should not choose death or a curse; 6. A human being who made a mistake in a hardship still has a chance for atonement. A human (or a sovereign ruler) who disobeys one of the commandments written in the Torah finds himself in conflict with another human being as well as a commu­nity (whose laws he violated). Moreover, each time he/she gets into a conflict, this conflict is ultimate with God. A sinner is cut off from the presence of God, and he/ she is punished by banishment (either to the Land of Nod or ,Sheol‘). By not obeying the commandments written in the Torah (,chukim cadikim‘ in Dt 4,8), such a human being is cut off from the presence of the righteous God of Israel and finds himself/ herself in a state of deep alienation and lack of fulfilment. On the other hand, obe­ 17 In modern times, »the dangers of the naturalistic tendencies within the modern sciences« became evident in the post-enlightenment ideologies of »Hitlerism and /…/ Bolshevism«, as Valco (et al.) righ­ tly observe (2019, 176). Marie Roubalová et al. - Rabbinic Judaism’s Perspective on the First Crimes... dience to Scriptural commandments (both moral and cultic) »teaches us to correc­tly answer God’s calling so that [one] can fulfil one’s ultimate purpose« of being a good creature of God in His good creation (Petro 2018, 45). References Abraham Ben Isaiah, Benjamin Sharfman. 1977. The Pentateuch and Rashi’s Commentary: A Linear Translation Into English Leviticus. Brook­lyn: Publishing Company. Abraham Ibn Ezra. [n.d.]. Ibn Ezra’s Torah Com­mentary. AlTorah. http://mg.alhatorah.org/ Dual/Ibn_Ezra_First_Commentary/1.1#t1e0n6 (accessed 20. 1. 2018). Albeck, Chanoch, and Julius Theodor. 1965. Midrash Bereshit Rabba. Critical Edition with Notes and Commentary. Jerusalem: Wah­rmann Books. Alter, Robert. 1981. The Art of Biblical Narrative. New York: Basic Books. – – – . 1990. The Hebrew Bible: A Translation with Commentary. New York: WW Norton & Co. Beneš, Jirí, and Petr Vadura. 2010. Pradejiny. Prague: Kalich. Bernaciak, Juraj. 2018. Dôstojnost cloveka, ako subjektu, pre realizáciu spravodlivosti a lásky, vo svetle vyjadrení niektorých teológov a sociológov v XX. storocí a na zaciatku XXI. storocia. Theologos 20, no. 1:25–51. Bible, Písmo svaté Starého a Nového zákona vcetne deuterokanonických knih. 1991. Ceský ekumenický preklad. Prague: Zvon. Bic, Miloš, ed. 1978. Starý zákon: Preklad s výkla­dem I.: Genesis. Prague: Kalich. Drazin, Israel. 2014. An Unusual Interpretation of Cain and Abel’s Sacrifice. Books and Thoughts, 22. 6. https://booksnthoughts.com/an-unusu­al-interpretation-of-cain-and-abels-sacrifice/ (accessed 12. 8. 2019). Dubovský, Peter, ed. 2008. Genezis: Komentár k Starému zákonu I. Trnava: Dobrá kniha. Elliger, Karl, and Wilhelm Rudolph, eds. 1990. Torah Neviim Uchtuvim: Biblia Hebraica Stutt­gartensia. Editio Funditus Renovata. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft. Finkelman, Eliezer. 2019. Cain’s (Im) Penitent Response to his Punishment. The Torah. http:// thetorah.com/cains-im-penitent-response-to­his-punishment/ (accessed 17. 7. 2019). Ganzfried, Shlomo. 2012. Kicur šulchan aruch. Agadah: Tešín. Goldschmidt, Lazarus, ed. 1929–1936. Der Baby-lonische Talmud. Berlin: Verlag Biblion. Gunkel, Hermann. 1963. Genesis. Göttinger Handkommentar zum Alten Testament. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht. Hirsch, Chumash. 2002. The Hirsch Chumash: Sefer Bereshis. Jerusalem/New York: Feldheim Publishers, Judaica Press. Hirsch, Isidor, and Gustav Sicher, eds. 1932. Chamiša chumšej Tora: Pet knih Mojžíšových. Prague: Svaz pražských náboženských obcí židovských. Jeruzalémská bible 1: Geneze. 1992. Prague: Krystal OP Nakladatelství dobré teologie. Kardis, Mária. 2019. The Presence of God – Cer­tainty or Uncertainty? Religious Experience in the Biblical Tradition. Theologos 21, no. 1:121– 129. Kaveh, Moshe. 2019. Lasting Lessons from the First Family: Parashat Bereshit 5766. Bar Ilan Univer­sity. https://www.biu.ac.il/JH/Parasha/eng/ bereshit/ kav1.html (accessed 15. 8. 2019). Kocáková, Marianna. 2018. Motivácia k náboženskej cinnosti – exkurz do psychológie náboženstva. Theologos 20, no. 1:208–215. Kohler, Kaufmann, William H. Bennett, and Louis Ginzberg. 1901–1906. Jewish Encyclopedia. 12. vols. London: [s.n.]. http://www.jewishencyclo­pedia.com (accessed 16. 8. 2019). Landau, Dov. 2019. But to Cain and His Offering He Paid no Heed. Parashat Bereshit 5765. Bar Ilan University. https://www.biu.ac.il/JH/Parasha/ eng/bereshit/lan.html (accessed 20. 8. 2019). Leibowitz, Nehama. 2004. New Studies in Bereshit (Genesis): In the Context of Ancient and Mod­ern Jewish Bible Commentary. Jerusalem: Hemed Press. Mandelkern, Salomon, and Solomon Aadelkern. 1937. Veteris Testamenti Concordantiae Hebra­icae atque Chaldaicae. New York: Sumptibus Schocken. McCurdy, Frederic, Kaufmann Kohler, Louis Ginzberg, and Richard Gottheil. 2019. Abel. Jewish Encyclopaedia. http://www.jewishen­cyclopedia.com/articles/216abel?fb_com- Ginzberg, Louis. 2004. The Legends of the Jews. ment_id=10150430725658594_28189762 Montana: Kessinger Publishing. (accessed 12. 8. 2019). Midrash Rabbah. 1938. London: Soncino. Mikraot gedolot: Hamishah humshe Torah im Targum Onkelos veim shenayim vearbaim perushim 1–5. 1912.Vilna: Ram. Mishnah: A New Translation with a Commentary by Rabbi Pinehas Kehati. 1994. Jeruzalem: Eliner Library. Mrázek, Milan. 1989. Genesis 1–11. Prague: Syno­dní rada Ceskobratrské církve evangelické. Neusner, Jacob, ed. 1988. The Mishnah: A New Translation. London: Yale University Press. Pavlikova, Martina, and Bojan Žalec. 2019. Boj za clovekov jaz in pristnost: Kierkegaardova kritika javnosti, uveljavljenega reda, medijev in lažnega kršcanstva. Bogoslovni Vestnik 79, no. 4:1015–1026. Peschke, Karl-Heinz. 1999. Krestanská etika. Prague: Vyšehrad. Pet knih Mojžíšových vcetne haftarot s ceským prekladem rabína Efraima Sidona. 2012. Prague: Sefer. Petro, Marek. 2018. Clovek – Boží obraz. Theolo-gos 20, no. 2:45–54. Pirkej avot. Výroky otcu: Traktát Babylónského talmudu s paralelním ceským prekladem a komentárem. 1994. Prague: Sefer. Prudký, Martin. 2018. Genesis I (1,1-6,8): Ceský ekumenický komentár ke Starému zákonu 1. Prague: Centrum biblických studií AV CR a UK. Rahlfs, Alfred, ed. 1975. Septuaginta. Edition minor. Stuttgart: German Bible Society. Roubalová, M., Roman Králik, Daniel Slivka, and Igor Tavilla. 2018. Význam prinášení prvotin pudy do jeruzalémského chrámu: Historicko--teologická perspektiva. Historica Ecclesiastica 9, no. 1:3–13. Skolnik, Fred, in Michael Berenbaum, eds. 2007. Encyclopedia Judaica. 16. vols. Jerusalem Keter Publishing House. Sládek, Pavel. 2008. Malá encyklopedie rabínské-ho judaismu. Prague: Libri. Slivka, Daniel. 2018. Jeruzalemský Talmud a jeho význam v judaizme. Theologos 20, no. 2:37–44. Šoltés, Radovan. 2018. Vzdelanie a výchova k sociálnemu cíteniu ako neustály zápas medzi hladaním spravodlivosti a konfrontáciou sa s ludskou hriešnostou podla sociálnej náuky Cirkvi. Theologos 20, no. 1:81–90. Targum Onkelos. [n.d.]. Jeruzalem: Mamra. http:// www.mechon-mamre.org/i/t/u/u0.htm (ac­cessed 20. 1. 2018). The Schottenstein Daf Yomi Edition Talmud Bavli. 1997. New York: Menorah Publications. Tirpák, Peter. 2018. Význam náboženského puto­vania v živote Cirkvi. Theologos 20, no. 1:91– 98. Torah y haftarot en versión Castellana. [n.d.]. Jumash Bereshit. https://www.masuah.org/ Jumash/capitulos_tabla.htm (accessed 10. 3. 2019) Valco, Michal, Katarína Valcová, Kamil Kardis, and Daniel Slivka. 2019. Prorocka kritika Sa­muela Stefana Osuskeho proti Hitlerizmu, Fasizmu a Vojne. Historia Ecclesiastica 20, no. 2:176–192. Valco, Michal, Peter Šturák, Katarína Valcová, Ján Zozulak and Ioan Duram. 2019. Socialny Trini­tarianizmus vo svetle Lutherovych Dorazov v Uceni o Trojici. Historia Ecclesiastica 10, no. 1:176–192. Von Rad, Gerhard. 1972. Genesis. London: SCM Press. Werblowsky, Zwi, and Geoffrey Wigoder. 1966. The Encyclopedia of the Jewish Religion. Holt: Rinehart and Winston. Westerman, Claus. 1984. Genesis 1-11: A Com­mentary. Minneapolis: Augsburg. – – –. 1987. Tisíc let a jeden den. Prague: Kalich. Wiesel, Elie. 1994. Bible: Postavy a príbehy. Prague: Sefer. Zozulak, Jan, and Michal Valco. 2018. Byzantine philosophy of the person and its theological implications. Bogoslovni Vestnik 78, no. 1:1037–1049 Žák, Vladislav. 1990. Na pocátku: Výklad knihy Genesis. Prague: Evangelická církev metodis­tická. Žalec, Bojan, and Martina Pavlikova. 2019. Reli­gious tolerance and intolerance. European Journal of Science and Theology 15, no. 5:39–48. Pregledni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.02) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1, 75—89 Besedilo prejeto/Received:11/2020; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2021 UDK/UDC: 28-23-27:27-23-27 DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Krajnc © 2021 Krajnc, CC BY 4.0 Aljaž Krajnc Vloga Abrahama v koranski historiografiji The Role of Abraham in Qur.anic Historiography Povzetek: Koran zase trdi, da je eden od svetih spisov, ki so bili razodeti v cloveški zgodovini. V Koranu imata posebno mesto judovstvo in kršcanstvo, saj želi po­kazati svojo kontinuiteto s sveto zgodovino, kakor jo poznata ti dve religiozni tradiciji. Izhodišcni tekst tega clanka je K 3, 63-67. Sledi nekaterim sodobnim preucevalcem Korana in njegovega konteksta in analizira izraza .anif in ummi. Pokaže njuno pomembnost pri razumevanju koranske historigrafije in njenih polemicnih temeljev. Namen clanka je pokazati, da Koran dobro pozna nestri­njanje judov in kristjanov o liku Abrahama in svojo legitimiteto pokaže v pole-miki s to tradicijo. To pomeni, da je za razumevanje Korana potrebno solidno poznavanje biblicne tradicije pozne antike. Kljucne besede: islam, Koran, Abraham, pogan, sveta zgodovina, pozna antika, Bi- blija, Mohamed Abstract: The Qur.an has established itself as one in the sequence of sacred scrip­tures that have been revealed throughout human history. Judaism and Chris­tianity both play a crucial role in the Qur.an because the Qur.an aims to prove its continuity with the sacred history of these two religious traditions. The pres­ent paper explains the text found in Q 3:63-67. The paper offers an explanation of the expressions .anif and ummi, based on recent scholars’ study of the Qur’an in its historical context. It stresses the importance of these terms for the understanding of qur.anic historiography and its polemical foundations. The primary purpose of the paper is to show that the Qur.an demonstrates awareness of the disagreements between Christians and Jews regarding the figure of Abraham and that the Qur.an aims to prove its superiority by provid­ing a new answer to an old question. Consequently, this means that familiarity with the Bible and its reception in Late Antiquity is crucial for elucidating the context of the Qur.an. Keywords: Islam, Qur.an, Abraham, pagan, sacred history, Late Antiquity, Bible, Muhammed 1. Uvod Koran (al-Qur.an) je na Arabskem polotoku znan od prve polovice 7. stoletja po Kr. dalje.1 Geografski in casovni izvor svetega spisa muslimanov nam dovoljujeta, da vsaj delno rekonstruiramo kontekst, v katerem je Koran nastal. Poleg splošne­ga politicnogospodarskega dogajanja, ko sta se za prevlado borila sasanidski in bizantinski imperij, je za dojemanje okolja, v katerem nastane Koran, najpomemb­nejša verska dedišcina, ki so jo s seboj nosile skupnosti, živece na Arabskem po­lotoku ali v okolici. Pomembno vlogo so odigrale tudi judovske in kršcanske sku­pnosti. Polemiki s temi skupnostmi Koran posveti veliko prostora, pri tem pa po­nudi svojevrstno interpretacijo nekaterih biblicnih zgodb oziroma likov. Abrahama uporabi Koran za ponazoritev teologumenona o sveti zgodovini, prek katerega pokaže, da sta Mohamed in na novoustanovljena skupnost povsem zakonito ude­ležena v sveti zgodovini, kakor jo poznata judovstvo in kršcanstvo. 2. Nova zaveza in odprtje abrahamovskega vprašanja Pripoved o Abrahamu, ki jo najdemo v 1 Mz 12,1–25,11, je vse od njenega nastan­ka dalje uporabljena za ponazarjanje religioznih verovanj Izraelcev, na podoben nacin pa tudi Abraham v (nekaterih) tekstih Nove zaveze. Novozavezni spisi mo-rajo med drugim namrec dokazati judovskim vernikom, da je celotna skupnost, ki izpoveduje vero v vstajenje Jezusa Kristusa, vkljucena v zgodovino odrešenja, in da je Jezus Kristus Gospod in Odrešenik, v katerem so se izpolnile obljube, dane Izraelcem. Abrahamova figura je problematizirana že v evangelijih in v Apostolskih delih (Mt 3,7-9; 8,11-12; Lk 1,70-73; 16,19-31; Jn 8,39-59; Apd 7), vendar polemika o Abrahamu v teh spisih še precej spominja na polemiko o Abrahamu znotraj judo-vstva (Firestone 2015, 7–8). ,Abrahamovsko vprašanje‘ v pravem pomenu besede odpre Pavel v svojem Pismu Rimljanom in v Pismu Kološanom. Pavel želi v Rim 4 pokazati, da so tudi pogani (gr. éthnos) vkljuceni v odrešenjsko zgodovino, v Gal 4 pa predloži svojo vizijo dveh zavez, sklenjenih z Abrahamom. Pismo Rimljanom – ki nas tukaj najbolj zanima – je Pavlovo najdaljše in bržkone tudi najvplivnejše pismo. Pavel ga je rimskim vernikom poslal spomladi leta 57med svojim bivanjem v Korintu. Že prej je Pavel spoznal nekaj vernikov iz Rima, ki so morali od tam zbežati zaradi Klavdijevega edikta, izdanega okrog leta 49. Skle- Prispevek je nastal v okviru raziskovalnega programa „Judovsko-kršcanski viri in razsežnosti pravicnosti", P6-0262 (A), ki ga financira Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije. Zahvaljujem se Samu Skralovniku in anonimnemu recenzentu za branje rokopisa tega clanka in za predloge izboljšav. Gršcino in hebrejšcino transliteriram po Slovenskem pravopisu (Pravila), arabšcino po sistemu založbe Brill. Transliteriram samo izraze, ki nimajo slovenske ustreznice. Uporabljen je Slovenski strandardni prevod Svetega pisma, konzultiral pa sem tudi hebrejski izvirnik Stare zaveze (Biblia Hebraia Stuttgar­tensia, Peta [popravljena] izdaja). Vsi prevodi Korana so moji, prevajam pa po kairski izdaji iz leta 1924, torej razlicici recitacije, ki jo je posredoval .af. od .A.ima in je danes prevladujoca, ceprav je to bolj ali manj stvar nakljucja, saj obstajajo tudi drugi nacini recitacije Korana (Reynolds 2008, 2–3; Bauer 2014, 53–58). pamo lahko, da je bila ob koncu tridesetih let v Rimu znotraj sinagog že navzoca posebna vrsta gibanja verujocih v Jezusa Kristusa. Nova vera v Jezusa pa ni bila omejena samo na judovske vernike, ampak je zajela tudi pogane. Zaradi delitve na Jude in pogane in zaradi nekaterih drugih družbenih neenakosti so se razvila socialna trenja, ki so postavljala izziv skupnostim verujocih v Jezusa Kristusa. (Je-wett 2003, 91–92) Pavel vprašanje poganskih vernikov obravnava že v Pismu Galacanom (5,2), kjer omenja, da so napetosti med poganskimi verniki in Judi, ki so zahtevali obrezo za pogane, še vecje kakor v Rimu. Pismo Rimljanom je Pavel napisal, da prepreci po­dobne nemire v rimski skupnosti. Svojim sorojakom, pokristjanjenim Judom – Pa­vel namrec pravi »Abraham, naš praoce po mesu« (Rim 4,1) –, je jasno povedal, da imajo tudi poganski verniki v Jezusa Kristusa delež v odrešenjski zgodovini, predvsem pa to, da jim ni treba izpolnjevati navodil postave in se dati obrezati. Ceprav si preucevalci niso edini o tocni sestavi rimske skupnosti (Cambier 1982, 442–443), pa je ne glede na razmerje med judovskimi in poganskimi verniki jasno: eno od glavnih sporocil Pavlovega pisma je, da so tudi pogani, verujoci v Jezusa Kristusa, udeleženi v odrešenjski zgodovini, ne da bi morali slediti judovski postavi. Ta teologumenon je Pavel uporabil za konsolidacijo svoje misijonarske dejavnosti. (Brown 1997, 562–564 [2008, 556–560]) Pavel v svojem argumentu glede novega teologumenona o Abrahamu poudari dva dogodka v Abrahamovem življenju. Prvi je Abrahamova vera, o kateri poroca 1 Mz 15,6,2 drugi pa je obreza iz 1 Mz 17,10.3 Pavel poudari, da je bil Abraham opravicen že po veri oziroma da se mu je že vera štela v pravicnost (Rim 4,3.9). Obreza je poznejša od dejstva, da se je vera Abrahamu štela v pravicnost, in je po Pavlu »pecat pravicnosti iz vere« (4,11). Abrahamu se je vera štela v pravicnost in po tej pravicnosti je prejel obljubo potomstva, ki jo srecamo že v 1 Mz 12. Prav to, da je obstajala vera še pred deli in da je Bog to vero štel v pravicnost in Abrahamu obljubil potomstvo, je za Pavla pokazatelj, da k pravicnosti vodi v prvi vrsti vera in ne dela. Dela, in s tem je mišljena tudi postava, so poznejša od vere in zunaj nje nimajo bistvenega pomena. Pavlov namen ni diskreditacija judovskih zapovedi, ampak prej pokazati, da imajo tudi pogani delež v odrešenjski zgodovini oziroma svoje mesto v njej prav prek vere v Jezusa Kristusa, ne da bi morali izpolnjevati postavo in brez obreze. Kakor je namrec Bog Abrahamu vero štel v pravicnost, ko še ni bil obrezan, tako tudi poganom vera zadostuje in jim ni treba izpolnjevati postave oziroma se jim ni treba obrezati. »Judje so imeli Abrahama za svojega prednika, za Pavla pa je ›oce vseh nas‹ (4,16), ki smo njegove vere.« (Brown 1993, 567 [2008, 563]) 2 »Veroval (he.emin) je Gospodu in ta mu je to štel v pravicnost (.e.aqah).« (1 Mz 15,6) 3 »To je moja zaveza (berî.î), zaveza med menoj in vami ter tvojimi potomci (zar.a.a) za teboj: vsak moški pri vas naj bo obrezan (himm).« (1 Mz 17,10) 3. Koran in polemicna retorika Orientalisti so že vse od srede 19. stoletja dalje preucevali zgodovino nastanka Korana in skušali rekonstruirati zgodovinski kontekst, v katerem je nastal.4 Veliko­krat so izhajali iz koranskega opisa navad in iz nauka kristjanov in Judov, pri tem pa skušali ugotoviti, za katere skupine kristjanov in Judov bi ti opisi lahko veljali (Griffith 2013, 36). Uporabljali so razlicna hereziografska porocila o zgodnjekršcan­skih sektah, najveckrat o judeokristjanih, kakor so to bili, recimo, ebioniti in naza­rejci.5 Za ta pristop je torej znacilno, da poskuša mesta, kjer se zdi, da Koran kr-šcanskih in judovskih naukov ne predstavlja pravilno,6 razložiti s hipotezo, da so bile v predislamski Arabiji ali drugod na Bližnjem vzhodu navzoce sekte, ki so ta­kšne nauke imele za svoje in so Koranu posredovale ‚napacne‘ kršcanske nauke. Takšno preucevanje Korana velikokrat rezultira v prepricanje, da je Koran v resni­ci slabo obvešcen o ‚pravi‘ kršcanski in judovski teologiji in da je bil Arabski polo-tok v zacetku 7. stoletja ‚azil‘ za heretike. Vendar so nekateri raziskovalci takšno avtomaticno iskanje vzporednic med koranskim besedilom in zgodovinsko realnostjo, ki naj bi ga odsevalo, upraviceno postavili pod vprašaj. Iskanje vzporednic in vplivov na Koran namrec postane pro­blematicno, ko preucevalec pozabi, da je Koran retoricen tekst z zase znacilno agendo, ki za njen prikaz uporablja razlicna literarna sredstva. Potrebno se je za­vedati, da Koran ni tekst, ki bi ga bilo mogoce analizirati samo preko analize virov, ki so vplivali na njegov kontekst, ampak je potrebno Koran pojmovati kot distink­tivni in neodvisen glas, ki je podal povsem svojske odgovore na nekatera vpraša­nja, ki so se zastavljala v takratnem versko-družbenem kontekstu in za ponazoritev le-teh uporablja svojske literarne oblike in retoricna orodja. Sidney Griffith, ki je poleg Gabriela Saida Reynoldsa (2019) morda najvec prispeval k temu korektivu v koranskih študijah, v zvezi s tem govori o polemicni retoriki Korana (Griffith 2013, 24; 37). Griffith, drugace eden najvecjih poznavalcev zgodnjega arabskega kršcanstva sploh, svoje poglede na razumevanje polemicne retorike Korana najobsežneje iz­razi v monografiji The Bible in Arabic: The Scriptures of the ‚People of the Book‘ in 4 Zgodovinski podatki o življenju preroka Mohameda niso predmet tega clanka. Namen tega clanka ni govoriti o življenju preroka Mohameda, ampak predvsem doumeti Koran sam, to je, kaj sporoca, komu sporoca in kako sporoca. Zato bo subjekt stavkov velikokrat Koran sam. Iz takšnega, po svojem bistvu skromnega in nepretencioznega pristopa h Koranu, ki po eni strani ne zavraca a pripori muslimanske tradicije o nastanku Korana, po drugi strani pa islamskega izrocila ne obravnava nekriticno, lahko posta­vimo skromne, a dokaj trdne in zanesljive temelje, ki bi lahko v prihodnosti pripomogli k našemu po­znavanju Korana in predvsem tega, kaj je želel povedati svojemu kontekstu. Cilj te študije je izkljucno razložiti enega od koranskih argumentov in ne rekonstrukcija zgodovinskih dogodkov po sebi. 5 Porocila o teh skupinah so se nam ohranila v zgodnjekršcanski hereziografski literaturi. Ce odštejemo Ireneja Lyonskega, je morda najpomembnejši zgodnjekršcanski hereziograf Epifanij iz Salamíne († 403). V svojem delu Panárion opiše in ovrže nauke raznih herezij. Omenja tudi ebionite in nazarejce (Panárion, 29–30). Predstavniki obeh skupin so spoštovali zapoved sobote, obrezo in druge judovske zakone. Dodatno so ebioniti – zaradi svojega samarijanskega izvora – zavracali vsak fizicen stik s pogani. Najodmevnejša študija, ki trdi, da je Koran nastal v okolju takšnih judovsko-kršcanskih skupnosti, je verjetno delo Hagari­sm: The Making of the Islamic World, ki sta ga leta 1977 izdala Patricia Crone in Michael Cook. 6 Npr. trditev, da je je tudi Marija, Jezusova mati, del Svete Trojice (K 5, 116). the Language of Islam. Svoj razmislek zacne z ugotovitvijo, da poleg problematic­nega branja Korana nimamo nobenih drugih jasnih dokazov, da bi na zacetku 7. stoletja v Arabiji ali kje drugod v okolici poleg obicajnih orientalskih kršcanskih skupnosti7 obstajale tudi povsem posebne skupnosti, ki bi izpovedovale nauke, kakršne Koran pripisuje kristjanom.8 Ceprav so v zgodovini te skupnosti bile izpri-cane še v 4. stoletju, pa od takrat dalje o njih nimamo nobenega trdnega dokaza, ki bi nam dovoljeval postulirati obstoj takšnih skupin na Arabskem polotoku v za-cetku 7. stoletja po Kr.9 Po Griffithu je treba nacin predstavitve kršcanskih naukov v Koranu pripisati dejstvu, da ima Koran svojo lastno agendo in da za njen prikaz uporablja polemicno retoriko, katere glavni namen je razkriti absurdnost naukov, ki jih izpovedujejo orientalski kristjani. Koran ni hereziografsko porocilo, ampak ga moramo brati kot literarno besedilo, ki se za ponazoritev svojih argumentov veckrat zateka h karikiranju kršcanstva in judovstva. (2013, 28–29; 2011, 310–312). Griffith pa poleg vztrajanja pri tezi, da so kristjani koranskega konteksta pred­niki orientalskih Cerkva, poudarja tudi dejstvo, da so te kršcanske Cerkve v pozni antiki proizvedle tudi svoj lastni interpretacijski aparat, s katerim so razlagale bi­blicne odlomke (2013, 26–27).10 Pri razlaganju odlomkov Biblije so ustvarile svojo lastno teološko dedišcino, ki jo moramo nujno upoštevati, ce želimo razumeti kontekst, v katerem je nastal Koran. Del tega širšega poznoanticnega poskusa ra­zumevanja Biblije so tudi razlicna apokrifna oziroma psevdoepigrafska besedila, ki po svoje razlagajo biblicne pripovedi. Kljucno pri razumevanju teh del je, da jih vecina ni nastala v raznih hereticnih skupnostih, ampak so bile oziroma postale del teološke dedišcine še danes ohranjenih skupnosti. 11 Za razumevanje Korana je pomembna teološka dedišcina sirskih Cerkva in eti­opske Cerkve, saj so bile prav te najbolj navzoce na Arabskem polotoku na zacet­ku 7. stoletja po Kr. V zadnjih nekaj letih se govori predvsem o vplivu sirske cer­kvene dedišcine na okolje v katerem je nastal Koran, tako da nekateri preucevalci 7 Torej tiste, ki so se po nastopu islama izkristalizirale v melkitsko, nestorijansko, jakobitsko, koptsko, etiopsko in maronitsko Cerkev (Griffith 2008, 129–155). 8 Drugacnega mnenja je François de Blois (2002, 1–16). Za kritiko de Bloisa gl. Shadel 2016, 23–24. 9 Ceprav se je treba strinjati z Griffithovo hipotezo o neobstoju takšnih ,hereticnih‘ skupin v Arabiji 7. stoletja, pa je Holger Zellentin z nekaj odlicnimi študijami (2013; 2019) pokazal, kako bi bilo napacno trditi, da so nauki teh skupin popolnoma ,izpuhteli‘. Zellentin prav prek branja koranskih pravnih pred­pisov pokaže, da je bilo izpolnjevanje judovskih predpisov še dolgo del kršcanstva in se ni omejevalo le na hereticne skupine – katerih obstoj po 4. stoletju ni vec izprican –, ampak je bilo integralni del kršcan­stva, saj so nekateri kristjani želeli izpolnjevati vec od minimuma, ki ga predpišejo Apd 15,20 (2013, 25–32). 10 Za dober vpogled v interpretacijske možnosti in potencial, ki ga daje že sama pokrajina, kjer se dogaja­jo glavni biblicni dogodki, gl. Ostrowski in Wiater-Kawecka (2021). 11 Koran je bil – kakor smo pokazali zgoraj – najverjetneje v stiku samo s ‚pravovernimi‘ kršcanskimi sku­pnostmi. To dokazuje, da apokrifne literature ne moremo brati zgolj kot deviacijo oziroma odklon od pravovernega kršcanskega nauka, ampak da je ta literatura velikokrat nastala sredi povsem pravovernih skupnosti, ki so želele o dogodkih iz zgodovine odrešenja vedeti vec oziroma so si jo želele dodatno razložiti. V tem smislu je treba apokrifno literaturo videti v prvi vrsti kot vajo v pristnem teološkem razmisleku: ne zaustavi se pri tekstu ki, ga že imamo, ampak se prav iz poglobljenega uvida v resnico, ki jo ti teksti posredujejo, zaveda, da je realnost odrešenjskih dogodkov nezaobsegljiva za kakršenkoli kanon. porocajo tudi o sirskem obratu v koranskih študijah.12 Raziskovalci so ugotovili sledi sirske kršcanske dedišcine v koranskih besedilih tako v obliki izvorno sirskih besed kakor v vplivu na vsebino nekaterih pripovedi.13 Vpliv etiopskega kršcanstva na besedilo Korana doslej še ni bil tako dobro raziskan, obstaja pa kar nekaj nea­rabskih koranskih izrazov, ki so najverjetneje etiopskega izvora, na primer .awariyyun, ki oznacuje Jezusove sledilce/ucence (Reynolds 2013). Koran ima tako delež v kulturi pozne antike, ko so Judje in kristjani svete spise razlagali in jim pri razlagah dodajali povsem svoje elemente. Vsebuje veliko vzpo­rednic s poeticnimi pridigami, ki so jih poznali sirski kristjani in so se nam ohrani­le predvsem v opusu Efrema Sirskega in Jakoba iz Seruga (Griffith 2013, 91–95), in s teksti rabinskega judovstva, ki vsebujejo reinterpretacijo biblicnih pripovedi. Prek podobnosti Korana z besedili orientalskega kršcanstva in rabinskega judovstva lahko dobimo vsaj delni vpogled v okolje, v katerem je nastal Koran. Govorimo o nenehni interpretaciji biblicnih pripovedi, ki so jim tako Judje kakor kristjani po­gosto dodajali povsem svoje elemente, vse v želji, da bi pravilno doumeli smisel razodetih spisov in dogodkov svete zgodovine. Prav prek te želje po pristnejšem in izvirnejšem sledenju božjemu razodetju pa Koran tudi jasno prelomi s takratnim judovstvom in kršcanstvom. Kristjani in Jud-je namrec ne sprejmejo novega razodetja, ki ga prinaša Koran.14 Scasoma se v skupnosti prvih muslimanov rodi potreba, da svojim kršcanskim in judovskim sodobnikom jasno povedo, kaj je napacnega pri njihovem nauku, pa tudi, da predložijo svojo lastno vizijo zgodovine oziroma razodetja.15 Prav v to okolje mo-ramo umestiti polemicno retoriko Korana, saj je v kontekstu nastanka primarni namen Korana prav to: prepricati takrat živece Jude in kristjane o tem, da je na novo rojena muslimanska skupnost, zbrana okrog Mohameda, prava naslednica serije razodetij.16 12 Še posebno se je ta obrat razmahnil po tem, ko je do sedaj še vedno neznani avtor pod psevdonimom Christoph Luxemberg objavil študijo Die syro-aramäische Lesart des Koran, v kateri je trdil, da je Koran arabski prepis sirskega lekcionarja in da je zato v Koranu vse polno sirijanizmov. Ceprav je Luxembergo­va teza o sirskem izvirniku danes ovržena – za zelo ostro, ampak v bistvu pravilno kritiko Luxemberga gl. Saleh 2011 –, pa je treba priznati, da je bila eden od glavnih generatorjev sirskega obrata v koranskih študijah, saj je nesporno pokazala, da je treba Koran razumeti v kontekstu sirskega kršcanstva. 13 Gabriel Said Reynolds je nedavno (2018) izdal delo The Qur.an and the Bible: Text and Commentary, v katerem je tekst Korana opremil z opombami oziroma komentarji; v njih napotuje na biblicno in post­biblicno literaturo, ki razjasnjuje koranski kontekst. Literatura sirskega kršcanstva je polega same Biblije zagotovo najveckrat omenjeni vir, ki razjasnjuje kontekst Korana. Za poglobljeno primerjalno študijo med aramejskimi evangeliji ter Koranom gl. El-Badawi 2014. 14 Mehdi Azaiez je napisal odlicno študiju o kontradiskurzu v Koranu (Azaiez 2018), ki predpostavlja živo dinamiko med tekstom in prvimi naslovljenci. Koran nekatere svoje teologumenone predloži prav kot odgovor na neposredni kontradiskurz, ki ga proizvedejo nasprotniki v preteklosti (npr. nasprotniki pre­rokov), v sedanjosti (nasprotniki Mohameda) in v prihodnosti (predstava nasprotnikov v eshatološki prihodnosti). Po Azaiezovi analizi približno 10 % Korana sestavlja kontradiskurz, ce pa temu prištejemo še odgovore, ki jih daje Koran, znaša to 16 % vsega teksta, to pa – in to Azaiez ves cas poudarja – ni zanemarljiv delež (2018, 91–93). 15 Ena od velikih – morda celo najvecjih – zaslug nemške preucevalke Angelike Neuwirth je, da nas je znova spomnila: Koran predpostavlja skupnost, ki ji je namenjen. Temu posveti celotno monografijo (2019), ki dobro predstavi njeno misel. 16 Danes je na podrocju islamskih študij veliko govora o možnosti zanesljivih podatkov o preroku Moha­ Vendar je bilo treba za koherenten religiozni nauk poiskati tudi elemente iz skupne tradicije, ki bi potrjevali resnico koranskega razodetja oziroma prek katerih bi skupnost prvih muslimanov lahko sebe umestila v zgodovinsko pripoved zgo­dovine odrešenja oz. Božjih posegov. Koran na tem mestu poseže po Abrahamu, ki so ga – kakor smo razložili zgoraj – tudi prvi sledilci Jezusa Kristusa uporabili, da so sebe umestili v judovsko odrešenjsko zgodovino, oziroma natancneje, da so v judovsko zgodovino umestili še pogane. Tudi tukaj Koran ponovno pokaže, da nje­gova kritika kršcanstva in judovstva prihaja ‚od znotraj‘, to je, iz judovstva in kr-šcanstva samega. 4. Abraham: Jud, kristjan ali musliman? ................... ............................... .. ... ... .... . .. ...... . ..... ... ... ..... ........ ....... .. . .. ... .. ... ... .... .. .... .... . ......... .................. ................................. ...... . .... ... .. .. ... .. .. ...... . .... ... ... .. .. ... .... .... ..... . ...... ..... ..... ... .... .................................................. ...... .. .... ... ... ..... .. .... ... ... ...... . .. ... .. .... .. ... ..... ...... ... ... ... ...... .............. ... ............. .... ... ...... ... ..... .... .. ...... ...].. ..... [68-65 : ..... »(65) O, ljudstvo knjige (ahl al-kitab), zakaj se prepirate (tu.agguna) o Abraha-mu? Tora (al-Tawra) in Evangelij (al-Ingil) sta bila razodeta (unzilat) šele po njem. Ali ne razumete? (66) Ali ste vi tisti, ki ste se prepirali o tem, o cemer ste imeli védenje? Zakaj se torej prepirate o tem, o cemer nimate védenja. Bog ve, vi pa ne veste. (67) Abraham ni bil ne Jud, ne kristjan, ampak je bil .anif, musliman, ter ni bil [eden] izmed politeistov.(68) Resnicno, od vseh ljudi so Abrahamu najbližje (awla) tisti, ki so mu sledili, ta prerok (nabi) [t. j Moha­med, op. A. K.] ter tisti, ki so verjeli. Bog je blizu verujocim.« (K 3, 65-68) Ta odlomek iz tretje sure – poimenovane ,Imranova družina‘ (Al .Imran) – je bil po tradicionalni islamski pripovedi tako kakor vsa tretja sura razodet v Medini. Tudi tista smer znanstveno-kriticnega preucevanja Korana, ki sprejema razdelitev na meške in medinske sure,17 je potrdila tradicionalno islamsko prepricanje, saj medu. Tudi najvecji skeptiki ne dvomijo o obstoju preroka Mohameda, vecina raziskovalcev pa sprejema, da je bil prerok, ki je deloval na Arabskem polotoku v prvi polovici 7. stoletja po Kr. Težava pa nastopi pri sprejetju hadisov, tradicionalnih islamskih porocil o življenju in dejanjih preroka Mohameda in nje­govih prvih sledilcev (al-.a.aba). Vse od Goldziherja (umrl 1921) dalje so hadisi predmet kritike o nji­hovi avtenticnosti, saj pogosto odsevajo nekatera poznejša verska vprašanja. Obe strani, tako tista, ki dvomi o zanesljivosti hadisov, kakor tista, ki v njih vidi bolj ali manj zanesljive price o življenju Mohame­da, pa sta primorani svoje trditve braniti prek poglobljenega študija. Ta študij nam je v zadnjem casu prinesel nekaj odlicnih monografij o hadisih – na primer Brown 2020, Anthony 2020 in Juynboll 2007 –, ki se precej razlikujejo v pristopu in ponujenih rezultatih. Tudi v konfesionalni islamski literaturi je veliko govora o avtenticnosti hadisov. Iskanje avtenticnih hadisov in dolocanje prave metodologije je tako glavna naloga tradicionalne islamske znanosti o hadisih (.ilm al-.adi.). Danes obstaja smer sodob­ne teologije, ki se ukvarja z reavtentifikacijo hadisov in jo najveckrat povezujemo z Mu.ammadom Na.ir al-Din al-Albanijem (umrl 1999), albanskim teologom oziroma mu.addi.om (preucevalcem hadisov). 17 Pristop, ki je Koran bral v optiki razdelitve na meško in medinsko obdobje, torej tradicionalni islamski pristop, je prevzel tudi oce znanstveno-kriticnega preucevanja Korana, Theodor Nöldeke. Ni bilo veliko dvoma v ta pristop do nastopa Wansbrougha, Cronejeve in Cooka (,revizionisti‘); ti avtorji so konec sedemdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja objavili nekaj študij, ki so radikalno podvomile v izvor Korana na Arabskem polotoku in predvsem v uspešnost branja Korana skozi optiko biografije preroka Mohameda. sura vsebuje vse znacilnosti medinskega obdobja, vkljucno z relativno visoko pov­precno dolžino verza (Sinai 2017, 119–120). Koran že takoj na zacetku tega odlomka pokaže, da je nagovor namenjen ljud­stvu knjige (3, 65), s tem so tukaj mišljeni Judje in kristjani.18 Iz odlomka je jasno, da je njegov glavni namen, vstopiti v polemiko z Judi in kristjani in predložiti svoj odgovor na vprašanje o tem, kdo je Abrahamu »najbliže« (K 3, 68).19 Iz vprašanja »Zakaj se prepirate o Abrahamu« (3, 65) je jasno, da Koran pozna polemiko med judovstvom in kršcanstvom glede statusa Abrahama. Kakor smo omenili zgoraj, se ta rodi že v Novi zavezi, pozneje v pozni antiki pa se le še nadaljuje. Na figuro Abrahama se obraca in jo po svoje interpretira že kumranska skupnost (Skralovnik 2018, 710–719), rabinsko judovstvo si ustvari podobo Abrahama, ki postavo iz­polnjuje še pred njenim uradnim prihodom z Mojzesom, medtem ko kršcanske Cerkve v skladu s Pavlom poudarjajo, da je Abraham veroval še pred obrezo in da je zato obreza nepotrebna (Said Reynolds 2010, 77–81). Koran se na tem mestu vkljuci v debato, ki je razdvajala Jude in kristjane, in predloži svoj lastni odgovor, s katerim legitimira na novo ustanovljeno skupnost. Odgovor je pomemben predvsem zato, ker Koran tako predstavi svojo vizijo svete zgodovine, hkrati pa tudi pojasni, kako je skupnost prvih muslimanov udeležena v tej zgodovini. Skupnost prvih muslimanov je namrec sestavljena primarno iz lju­di, ki pred sprejetjem islama niso pripadali ne Judom ne kristjanom. Da bi upravi-cil legitimiteto nove skupnosti pred Judi in kristjani, se Koran obrne k Abrahamu in pri tem poseže po izvorno pavlinski interpretaciji. Kljuc za razumevanje tega odlomka je v K 3, 67: »Abraham ni bil ne Jud, ne kri­stjan, ampak je bil .anif, musliman, ter ni [bil eden] izmed politeistov«. Dejstvo, da Abraham ni bil ne Jud in ne kristjan, je utemeljeno v koranskem prepricanju, da sta bila Tora in Evangelij razodeta šele po Abrahamu, Tora z Mojzesom, Evan-gelij pa z Jezusom. V tem smislu je po Koranu judovstvo nastalo z Mojzesom in s Toro, kršcanstvo pa z Jezusom in z Evangelijem. Ce je do tukaj Koran razmeroma jasen, pa se crux interpretum tega odlomka pokaže pri besedi .anif, saj njen po-men v arabšcini ni jasen. Danes je predvsem berlinska šola, z Angeliko Neuwirth in z njenim ucencem Nicolaiem Sinaiem na celu, tista, ki zagovarja tradicionalno razdelitev na meške in medinske verze Korana. Glavni glas opozicije k temu pristopu je Reynolds, ki se, po našem mnenju upraviceno, vpraša: »Ali nas sam Koran res obvezu­je k branju glede na meška in medinska obdobja?« (2011, 502) Po Reynoldsu je ta razdelitev produkt islamske eksegeze (tafsir), ki je kot poskus razumevanja Korana proizvedla Mohamedov življenjepis (2010, 18–22). Ceprav je zgodovinskost Mohameda zunaj dosega razumnega dvoma, pa je treba dati Reynoldsu prav, ko pravi, da je na podlagi Korana nemogoce razlociti, kateri verzi so bili razodeti v Meki in kateri v Medini. Tudi islamska eksegetska tradicija si za kar nekaj verzov ni enotna o tem, kdaj so bili razodeti, poleg tega pa najzgodnejši rokopisi Korana nikjer ne vsebujejo kakršnegakoli namiga, da bi bili posamezni deli Korana razodeti v Meki oziroma Medini. Kljub problematicnosti razdelitve Meka – Me­dina pa je dokaj jasno, da lahko prek analize rasti (angl. growth) Korana vsaj delno dolocimo, katere sure oziroma verzi so nastali prej in kateri pozneje (Sinai 2011). 18 O izrazu ahl al-kitab in možnih referentih tega izraza gl. Sharon 2011. 19 Za primerjalno študijo o Abrahamu in njegovem potomstvu v Bibliji in v Koranu gl. Flisar 2019. V sloven-šcini razpolagamo tudi s primerjalno študijo najpomembnejših tekstualnih vzporednic med Koranom in kanonicnim Svetim pismom (Osredkar 2016). 5. .anif Beseda .anif je eden od koranskih izrazov, ki jasno pokaže, da je treba za pravilno razumevanje Korana dobro poznati besednjak Judov in kristjanov tistega casa. Ceprav je klasicna islamska eksegeza predložila nekaj zanimivih in inovativnih po­skusov razlage tega termina (The Study Qur.an 2015, 60), pa je treba priznati: po­manjkljivo poznavanje judovske in v tem primeru predvsem kršcanske misli tiste­ga casa ji je onemogocilo, da bi razumela to besedo in kot posledico tega argu­ment, ki ga predlaga Koran. Sodobno preucevanje, kateremu so na voljo obsežna in detajlna primerjalno-leksikalna orodja, je tako izraz .anif kot izraz ummi, ki nas bo tudi zanimal v tem poglavju, interpretiralo tako, da je pogledalo, kako sta ti besedi oziroma ta semitska korena rabljena v drugih semitskih jezikih (de Blois 2002).20 Izraz .anif se v Koranu najde dvanajstkrat (K 2, 135; 3, 67.95; 4, 125; 6, 79; 6, 161; 10, 105; 16, 120.123; 22, 31; 30, 30; 98, 5). V K 10, 105 se obraca na naslovljenca v drugi osebi ednine, v K 98, 5 pa na naslovljence v drugi osebi množine. V preostalih primerih velja ta za Abrahama. Razen v K 3, 67 je s sintakticnega vidika beseda ve­dno rabljena kot .al, to pa pomeni, da izraža stanje subjekta, ki ga opisuje. Da ni jasno, kaj tocno naj bi izraz .anif pomenil, je vidno že iz prevajalskih re-šitev, ki jih uporabljajo prevajalci Korana. Mohsen in Margit P. Alhady izraz preva­jata kot ,pravoveren‘ (2014, 60), Erik Majoron kot ,pravi vernik‘ (2017, 70), Abde-el Haleem v svojem angleškem prevodu kot ,upright‘ (2016, 39), nekateri preva­jalci pa izraz pustijo nepreveden, na primer The Study Qur.an (2015, 148). Podob-no tudi islamski eksegeti nimajo enotnega mnenja o pomenu tega izraza (Reynolds 2010, 76–77). Izraz .anif in z njim povezani koranski argument iz K 3, 65-68 lahko v polnosti razumemo šele, ce pogledamo, kakšen pomen imajo v semitskih jezikih besede, ki izvirajo iz istega korena. Ceprav so že orientalisti s konca 19. in iz zacetka 20. stoletja uporabljali to metodo, da bi razložili pomen izraza .anif (Jeffrey 2007 [1938], 112–115), pa je bil nedavno predvsem François de Blois (2002) tisti, ki je najprepricljiveje razložil njegov pomen in pokazal, da ga je treba brati v kontinui­teti z ,abrahamovskim vprašanjem‘, kakor ga je odprl Pavel v Rim 4. Koren .-n-f/p21 ima v semitskih jezikih razlicne pomene. Na prvi pogled nam za razlago arabskega izraza .anif zatekanje k semitskim izvorom ne ponudi veliko, še posebno ker ima koren .-n-f/p vse od najstarejših ohranjenih napisov v seve­rovzhodni semitšcini vecinsko pejorativen pomen v smislu ‚slab‚neprepricljiv‘ (de Blois 2002, 19). V hebrejski Bibliji je glagol .anep uporabljen v smislu ‚biti umazan,‘ 20 Ceprav je etimološki pristop lahko do neke mere koristen in nam lahko razjasni nekatera nejasna mesta, pa takšen pristop postane problematicen, ko preucevalec pozabi, da je arabšcina popolnoma poseben jezik in da so besede rabljene glede na semanticne zakonitosti tega jezika. Ko v tem clanku predlagamo etimološki pristop za razumevanje koranskega izraza .anif, to delamo z zavedanjem, da lahko takšen pristop hitro eskalira, kakor na primer pri Luxembergu. 21 Konzonanta p in f se pogosto rabita izmenjaje iz enega semitskega jezika v drugega, nekateri semitski jeziki pa uporabljajo celo oba (Garbini in Durand 2019, 78–79; 86). ‚profan‘ ali celo ‚neveren‘ (Brown, Driver in Brigs 2020 [1906], s. v. ».-n-p«) in je tako uvršcen v polje religiozne govorice. V palestinski in babilonski judovski aramejšcini imajo besede, povezane s tem korenom, pomen ‚zavesti‘ ali ‚prilizovati se‘, v mandejšcini pa so povezane z lažnimi bogovi oziroma s cešcenjem lažnih bogov (de Blois 2002, 18–19). Izraz .anif razumemo šele, ce ga povežemo s siršcino, dialektom aramejšcine, ki so ga uporabljale sirske orientalske Cerkve in ki je še danes uradni liturgicni je­zik vecine od teh Cerkva. V sirskih prevodih Biblije – s Pešito na celu – namrec izraz .anpa nekajkrat prevaja grški samostalnik množine éthne (narodi), pridevnik ethnikós, samostalnik hellen (Grk), v enem primeru pa tudi izraz ápistoi (neveren) (1 Kor 10,27). Vsi ti grški izrazi so mestoma prevedeni tudi z drugimi sirskimi be-sedami. Za razumevanje izraza .anif v Koranu je pomembno predvsem dejstvo, da sirski izraz .anpa nima nujno pejorativnega pomena, ampak lahko preprosto oznacuje nekoga, ki ni judovske narodnosti. Sirska Pešita namrec za prevod novo­zaveznih mest, na katerih so pogani oziroma Grki opisani v negativni luci, pravilo-ma ne uporabi besede .anpa. (de Blois 2002, 20–21) Da je arabska beseda .anif prevzeta iz sirske besede .anpa, prica tudi raba te besede v kršcanski arabšcini. V rokopisu Sinai Arabic 154, ki ga hranijo v knjižnici samostana sv. Katarine na Sinaju in je nastal okrog leta 800, se nam je poleg prve kršcanske apologije v arabšcini ohranil tudi delni prevod Apostolskih del in katoliških pisem. To je eden najzgodnejših, ce ne celo najzgodnejši ohranjeni rokopis v kršcan-ski arabšcini. Vecino rokopisa je leta 1899 izdala britanska orientalistka Margaret Gibson. Arabski prevod Apd, ki ga najdemo v tem rokopisu, takole prevaja Apd 18,4: »Vsako soboto je govoril v sinagogi (al-gama.a) in spraševal (ya.lab) Jude (al-yahud) in pogane (al-.unafa[.]).« (Gibson 1899, ar. 21) Beseda .unafa[.]22 je množinska oblika samostalnika .anif. Tudi Pešita na tem mestu grški izvirnik hellenas prevaja s korenom .-n-p. Izraz .anif torej v kršcanski arabšcini pomeni nekoga, ki ni Jud, tukaj Grka. Tudi nadaljnja kršcanska literatura v arabšcini uporablja izraz .anif, da oznaci pogane. To rabo prevzamejo nekateri zgodnji muslimanski zgodovinarji, ki so se zanašali na sirske kršcanske vire (de Blois 2002, 19–20). Ce se sedaj vrnemo h K 3, 67, lahko razumemo, zakaj je uporabljen izraz .anif. Koran namrec hoce povedati, da Abraham ni bil ne Jud ne kristjan, ampak pogan. Pogan v tem kontekstu pomeni nekoga, ki ni pripadal skupnosti, kateri je bil dan sveti spis oziroma kitab. Zato je tudi potrebna nadaljnja specifikacija tega termina. Koran namrec omembi izraza .anif skoraj vedno doda »in ni bil izmed politeistov« (wa-ma kana min al-mušrikin), da razloži, katere vrste pogan je bil Abraham. Zgovorna je tudi omemba besede muslim. To bo namrec naziv, s katerim bodo sledilci razodetja, danega Mohamedu, imenovali sami sebe, da bi se locili od Judov 22 Zadnja hamza odpade oziroma ni zapisana; to je nasploh znacilno za srednjo arabšcino, torej arabšcino Judov in kristjanov prvih stoletij islama. in kristjanov. Koran z uporabo tega izraza že nakaže temeljno podobnost med Abrahamom in Mohamedom. Vendar je treba poudariti tudi, da je izraz muslim uporabljen v dveh pomenih. V prvem pomenu besede je muslim tisti, ki je predan Bogu, in v tem smislu moramo razumeti tudi mesta, na katerih Koran pravi, da je bil Abraham musliman. V drugem pomenu besede pa izraz muslim pomeni neko­ga, ki sledi Koranu oziroma razodetju, kakor ga je prinesel prerok Mohamed. Tako muslimanski eksegeti rešijo zagato, v katero bi lahko zapadli ob trditvi, da je bil Abraham musliman v pomenu sledilec preroka Mohameda.23 6. Ummi Da pa bi v polnosti razumeli intenco argumenta, ki ga najdemo v K 3, 65-68, pa moramo – kakor je to odlicno pokazal Reynolds (2010, 85–87) – razjasniti pomen še nekega drugega koranskega izraza: ummi. Izraz se v Koranu dvakrat najde v ednini (ummi) (K 7, 157.158) in štirikrat v množini (ummiyyun) (K 2, 78; 3, 20.75; 62, 2). Vecina islamskih eksegetov in teologov pravi, da ta izraz pomeni ‚nepismen‘, torej oznacuje dejstvo, da prerok Mohamed ni znal pisati in brati. Vendar je takšna razlaga problematicna. Na to so vse od Geigerja (umrl 1874) dalje opozarjali ori­entalisti in je bilo problematizirano že znotraj samega islama, predvsem v delih velikih šiitskih eksegetov.24 Danes v koranskih študijah prevladuje prepricanje, da izraz ummi v resnici po­meni nekoga iz skupnosti, ki nima svetega spisa (kitab). Izraz je zato vselej treba brati kot oznacitev za vse tiste ljudi, ki ne sodijo v ahl al-kitab.25 Koranski verz 2,78 – ki bi lahko bil izjema, saj pravi, da so nekateri Judje ummiyyun – velja najverje­tneje za judovske spreobrnjence, ki so se spreobrnili šele pred nedavnim in zato še ne poznajo spisov (Shadel 2016, 35). Vidimo torej, da sta izraza ummi in .anif v Koranu skoraj sinonima. Oba namrec oznacujeta predstavnika ljudstva, ki nima svetega spisa (kitab), z drugimi beseda-mi: pogana. Ko Koran uporabi besedo ummi in z njo oznaci preroka Mohameda (K 5, 157), je to poimenovanje treba razumeti v navezavi na Abrahama, ki je bil 23 Ta zagata je najverjetneje nastala šele po smrti preroka Mohameda. Ceprav tudi sam Koran vernike imenuje ‚muslimani‘, iz Korana še ne moremo trditi, da velja izraz musliman samo za sledilce Mohame­da. Nasprotno se zdi, da Koran uporablja besedo muslim in islam kot oznacitev verskega stanja, v kate-rem je nekdo, in ne za oznacitev pripadnosti skupnosti preroka Mohameda, ceprav so pravi pripadniki Mohamedove skupnosti samo tisti, ki so predani Bogu in torej muslimani. 24 Shadel (2016, 2) med drugim opozori na Šay.a Abu Ga.far al-.u.ija, enega najvecjih šiitskih teologov, ki je živel v 11. stoletju po Kr. V svojem komentarju h Koranu Tibyan fi tafsir al-Qur.an (8: 216) al-.usi za­piše tole: »Eksegeti Korana (mufassirun) pravijo, da prerok ni bil zmožen pisanja. Vendar verz [K 29, 48] ne kaže na to. V njem je [povedano] le to, da [Mohamed] ni pisal (lam yakun yaktub al-kitab). Ne-pisa-ti pa lahko pridevamo tako osebi, ki ne zna pisati, kot osebi, ki zna pisati.« al-.usi želi poudariti, da ta specificni verz iz Korana (29,48), ki so ga muslimanski eksegeti imeli za dokaz, da je bil Mohamed nepi­smen (ummi), v resnici sploh ne pravi, da je bil Mohamed nepismen, ampak pove samo to, da Mohamed, preden je prejel razodetje, ni pisal, neodvisno od tega, ali je znal pisati ali ne. 25 Za malo drugacno interpretacijo pojma ummi, ki ta izraz razume kar v treh smislih, gl. Günther 2006, 400. prav tako kakor Mohamed pogan, to je .anif. Zato lahko K 3, 68 rece, da so »Abra­hamu najbližje tisti, ki so mu sledili, ta prerok [t. j Mohamed, op. A. K.] ter tisti, ki so verjeli«. Predstavniki ljudstva knjige (ahl al-kitab) se motijo, ko se prepirajo, ali je bil Abraham Jud ali kristjan, saj je bil Abraham .anif in mu je zato še najbliže Mohamed, ki je al-nabi al-ummi, poganski prerok. Še jasneje to povezavo Koran izrazi v 2, 128-129, ko Abraham in njegov sin molita za svoje ljudstvo pri postavitvi svetišca, imenovanega ‚Hiša‘ (al-bayt), ki ga islamska tradicija identificira s Kabo: (128) O Gospod, naredi naju predana Tebi (muslimayn laka), iz najinega po­tomstva pa Tebi predan narod (umma muslima laka). Pokaži nam naše obrede (manasik) ter nam odpusti.26 Resnicno, Ti si Odpušcajoc ter Milo-stljiv. (129) O Gospod, obudi jim poslanca (rasul) izmed njih, ki jim bo reciti­ral Tvoje verze (ayat) ter jih ucil spisa (al-kitab) in modrosti ter jih ocistil (yuzakkihim). Resnicno, Ti si Mogocen ter Moder. Tukaj je z vso jasnostjo izražena genealoška povezava med prerokom Mohame­dom in Abrahamom in Izmaelom. Koran namrec namiguje na neposredno rodov-no povezanost med Mohamedom in Abrahamom prek Izmaela. 7. Polemicna historiografija Reynolds na neki tocki svoje obravnave izraza .anif v povezavi z Abrahamom pra-vi, da smisel tega koranskega argumenta ni razlaganje zgodovine, ampak polemi­ka s kristjani in Judi. Vsekakor se je treba strinjati, da je polemicnost ena od glav­nih znacilnosti Korana in tudi tega odlomka. Vendar se zdi: Reynolds premalo poudarja, da polemicnost ni zadnji cilj Korana, ampak da Koran v polemiki predlo­ži svoje lastne teologumenone. Koran v polemiki z judovstvom in kršcanstvom ustvari svoje lastno videnje svete zgodovine, ki je z veliko vidikov nedvomno pov­sem razlicno od judovskega in od kršcanskega dojemanja svete zgodovine. Ker pa Koran svoje videnje svete zgodovine prikaže v polemiki z judovstvom in s kršcanstvom, je neizogibno tudi, da prevzame del biblicne tradicije. Koran, spis, razodet poganskim Arabcem v »jasni arabšcini« (K 16, 103), biblicno tradicijo upo­rabi in jo za svoje poslušalce na novo pove. Pri tem se sklicuje na like, ki so pozna­ni že iz biblicne tradicije: Adam, Kajn in Abel, Noe, Abraham, Izak, Jakob, Izmael, Jožef, Mojzes, Aron, Savel, David, Salomon, Zaharija, Marija, Jezus in še nekaj dru­gih. Vsak od teh likov igra v Koranu neko doloceno vlogo. Nekateri so bolj obrob­ni in omenjeni le enkrat ali dvakrat, na primer Savel ter Abel in Kajn. Drugi igrajo pomembnejšo vlogo in jih Koran omenja veckrat, na primer Adam, Noe, Mojzes, Marija, Jezus. Vsem tem likom pa je skupno, da v koranski pripovedi dobijo neka­tere posebne znacilnosti, ki jih kanonicno Sveto pismo ne poudarja Eden od glavnih teologumenonov, ki jih Koran razgrne v polemiki z Judi in s kri­ 26 Dobesedno: »se obrni k nam«. stjani, je pojmovanje svete zgodovine.27 Koran namrec sebe vidi ne kot deviacijo v poteku svete zgodovine – kakor bodo to pozneje trdili kršcanski apologeti, na primer Janez Damašcan (Bogataj 2019, 199–201) –, ampak kot spis (kitab), ki je bil razodet (unzila)28 podobno, kakor so bili razodeti prejšnji spisi, in torej v konti­nuiteti z njimi. Da pa bi tudi teološko podkrepil svoje mesto v zgodovini razodetja (tanzil) svetih spisov, mora Koran v polemiki z judovstvom in s kršcanstvom razgr­niti svoje lastno videnje svete zgodovine, ki bo veljalo kot korektiv judovskemu in kršcanskemu pojmovanju zgodovine, hkrati pa bo jasno pokazalo, da je prav sku­pnost, zbrana okrog Korana in Mohameda, tista, ki je legitimna naslednica svete zgodovine. V tem smislu lahko govorimo o polemicni historiografiji, saj Koran svo­je izvirno videnje svete zgodovine predloži v polemiki z judovstvom in s kršcan­stvom. 8. Sklep Koransko pojmovanje Abrahama kot .anifa moramo brati predvsem v luci pole-micne historiografije, s katero želi Koran legitimirati svojo skupnost in poganski izvor preroka Mohameda. Mohamedu so njegovi kršcanski, še bolj pa judovski sogovorniki nedvomno ocitali, da je pogan in da mora za udeleženost v sveti zgo­dovini vstopiti v judovstvo oziroma kršcanstvo. Ko Koran govori o biblicnih temah, moramo predpostavljati, da je bila tematika poznana tudi Judom in kristjanom in da Koran daje svoj odgovor na vprašanja, ki so se postavljala ob biblicnih pripove­dih. Eno od teh je tudi, kdo je bil Abraham oziroma katera skupnost ga je najbolj vredna. Kakor smo pokazali, Koran pokaže seznanjenost z argumentom kristjanov o Abrahamovi neobrezi. Ni pomembno to, da bi Koran izkazoval neposredno literar-no vez z Rim 4 – in to velja za skoraj celotno Biblijo, saj ne moremo z zanesljivostjo 27 Drugi pomembni teologumenon za koransko vizijo svete zgodovine in predvsem za koransko razume­vanje preteklih religij je ta.rif oziroma namerno predrugacenje svetih spisov, ki jih Koran ocita Judom in kristjanom. Koran je izredno skop z informacijami o podrobnostih namernega predrugacenja svetih spisov in ne uporablja besede ta.rif, ampak samo glagol .arrafa. Stežka predpostavimo, da ima Koran v mislih dejansko zamenjavo teksta. Verjetnejši je scenarij, da Koran Judom in kristjanom ocita: narobe so interpretirali svete spise, to pa je nekaj, kar bo poznejša islamska tradicija imenovala ta.rif al-ma.ani. Tezo, da so kristjani in Judje zanalašc spreminjali tekst v pomenu, da so nekatere besede odstranili oziroma jih zamenjali, je treba, vsaj po našem mnenju, brati v kontekstu prvih prevodov Biblije v arab-šcino v zacetku 8. stoletja po Kr. To je terminus post quem razlage o tekstualni poneverbi (ta.rif al-na..) svetih spisov, saj je šele takrat Biblija postala dostopna širšemu krogu islamskih teologov. Tudi drugace so nekateri islamski teologi, na primer Ibn .aldun, jasno nastopili proti ideji o tekstualni poneverbi (Lazarus-Yafeh 2000, 111). 28 Glagol nazzala, ki ga tukaj prevajamo kot ‚(nekaj) razodeti‘, v Koranu velja samo v zvezi s spisom (kitab). Zato sta se slovenska prevajalca Korana odlocila, da bosta ta glagol prevajala z ‚objaviti‘. Nobenemu prevodu pa ne uspe pokazati izvirnega smisla glagola nazzala, ki pomeni ‚storiti, da se nekaj spusti‘. Ce nekoga na primer primoramo, da sestopi s kamele ali konja, bi rekli ,nazzalnahu‘, dobesedno: ‚storili smo, da je sestopil‘. Moj prevod je pomanjkljiv, ker bi, strogo vzeto, ‚(nekaj) razodeti‘ moralo prevajati arabski glagol aw.a. Razodetje se namrec ne kaže nujno v tekstovni obliki. Po drugi strani pa tudi prevod ,objaviti‘ – ceprav se navdihuje po bošnjaški teološki tradiciji in ohranja vez s tekstualnostjo – ne posre­duje dobro arabskega originala, saj glagol nazzala v arabšcini v nobenem primeru ne more pomeniti objave kakega drugega teksta. reci, da Koran kadarkoli citira Biblijo –, ampak prej to, da je Koran ta argument poznal iz kršcanske tradicije, katere poznavanje predpostavlja. Koran ,abrahamo­vsko vprašanje‘ pozna in obenem ponudi nov odgovor nanj, tako da hkrati predlo­ži svojo vizijo svete zgodovine in utemelji svojo legitimnost in legitimnost pogan­skega preroka Mohameda. Mohamed je – prav tako kakor poganski kristjani v Rimu s preloma 1. stoletja po Kr. – pogan, ki mora svoje mesto v sveti zgodovini utemeljiti z novim teologu­menonom oziroma z novim pojmovanjem svete zgodovine. Besedilo K 3, 63-67 je treba brati prav kot mesto, na katerem Koran ponudi takšen teologumenon.29 Pri tem se opre na – iz kršcanskega izrocila podedovano – opažanje, da Abraham na­stopi še pred postavo (Toro); Koran to dopolni s tem, da Abraham nastopi tudi pred Evangelijem oziroma Jezusom kot ustanoviteljem kršcanstva. Pri tem se – podobno kakor v Rim 4 – pokaže v sveti zgodovini lik, ki, strogo gledano, ni ne Jud ne kristjan, ampak pogan. Mohamedu in poganskim Arabcem tako ni treba vsto­piti v judovstvo in kršcanstvo, da bi bili del svete zgodovine, ampak ji pripadajo, saj ji je pripadal tudi Abraham, in to kljub temu da je bil .anif, torej ne Jud ne kristjan, ampak pogan. Vendar ne politeist, kakor bi dodal Koran. Reference Anthony, Sean William. 2020. Muhammad and the Empires of Faith: the Making of the Prophet of Islam. Oakland, CA: University of California Press. Azaiez, Mehdi. 2018 [2015]. Le contre-discours coranique. Berlin: De Gruyter. Bauer, Thomas. 2015. 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V: Angelika Neuwirth, Nicolai Sinai in Michael Marx, ur. The Qur.an in Con­text: Historical and Literary Investigations in the Qur.anic Milieu, 649–698. Leiden: Brill. Shadel, Mehdy. 2016. Qur.anic ummi: Genealogy, Ethnicity, and the Foundation of a New Com­munity. Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 43:1–60. Sharon, M. 2004. People of the Book. V: Jane Dammen McAuliffe, ur. Encyclopaedia of the Qur.an. Zv. 4, 36–43. Leiden: Brill. Sinai, Nicolai. 2011. The Qur.an as Process. In: Angelika Neuwirth, Nicolai Sinai in Michael Marx, ur. The Qur.an in Context: Historical and Literary Investigations in the Qur.anic Milieu, 407–439. Leiden: Brill. – – –. 2017. The Qur’an: A Historical-Critical Intro­duction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Skralovnik, Samo. 2018. Podoba Abrahama v kumranski apokrifni Genezi (1QapGen). Bogo­slovni vestnik 78, št. 3:707–720. al-.usi, Abu Ga.far Mu.ammad b. al-.asan. [s.a.]. al-Tibyan li-.ulum al-Qur.an. 10 zv. Uredil A.mad .abib Qa.ir al-.Amili. Beirut: Dar i.ya. al-tura. al-.arabi. Zellentin, Holger Michael. 2013. The Qur.an’s Legal Culture. Tübingen: Mohr Sieback. – – –. 2019. Gentile Purity Law from the Bible to the Qur’an: The Case of Sexual Purity and Illicit Intercourse. V: Holger M. Zellentin, ur. The Qur’an’s Reformation of Judaism and Christian­ity, 115–215. London: Routledge. ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 75 Marjan Turnšek Zakramenti uvajanja v skrivnostno življenje cerkvenega organizma Delo posreduje in uveljavlja nekatera nova spoznanja na podrocju zakramentov uvajanja, predvsem pa odpira nove vidike za prakticno, to je pastoralno podrocje. V cerkveni pa tudi v ekumenski medkršcanski prostor monografija prinaša dopri-nos v smeri krepitve dialoga in zbliževanja v teološkem razumevanju zakramentov. V najširšem smislu monografija prispeva h krepitvi kulture samovrednotenja clo­veka kot osebe pa tudi k poglobljenemu razumevanju in ustvarjanju pristnih med­cloveških odnosov. Ljubljana: Teološka fakulteta, 2020. 163 str. ISBN 978-961-6844-88-8, 10€ Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Pregledni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.02) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1, 91—101 Besedilo prejeto/Received:06/2020; sprejeto/Accepted:12/2020 UDK/UDC: 28-74 DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Piwko © 2021 Piwko, CC BY 4.0 Aldona Piwko Contemporary Islamic Law between Tradition and Challenges of Modernity: Some Examples Worth Consideration Sodobno islamsko pravo med tradicijo in izzivi mo- dernosti: nekaj upoštevanja vrednih primerov Abstract: Islamic law is a perfect divine law; therefore, man cannot change it. This law was once and for all given to people to be fulfilled as something fixed and immu­table. Man can only interpret and explain it. Shari’a is a collection of Islamic religi­ous law written in the Quran. Islamic law covers all spheres of human life, precise­ly defining the duties of a believer towards the Creator. The changing world in modern times brings forth the notion that Islamic law must be modified. Thus, it is necessary to adapt Islamic legislation to the laws and legal norms of Latin tradi­tion. This is due to the development of economic cooperation between Islamic countries and other parts of the world. That is why a civil code formalizing Shari’a was developed and implemented. Islamic law is also a source of controversy due to the severity of penalties for offences. This article also analyses the situation of women in the Muslim world, which, despite the changes, is still complicated and often tricky. This article offers an interdisciplinary approach; it combines various fields of knowledge: theology, politics, law, and religious studies. Keywords: Islam, law, politics, Quran, Shari’a, modernity Povzetek: Islamsko pravo je popolno božje pravo, zato ga clovek ne more spremi­njati. To pravo je bilo ljudem dano enkrat za vselej, da bi ga izpolnjevali kot ne­kaj vnaprej dolocenega in nespremenljivega. Clovek ga lahko zgolj interpretira in razlaga. Šarija je zbirka islamskega verskega prava, zapisanega v Koranu. Is-lamsko ali šeriatsko pravo pokriva vsa podrocja cloveškega življenja in natancno doloca vernikove obveznosti do Stvarnika. Spreminjajoci se svet moderne dobe postavlja v ospredje prepricanje, da se mora islamsko pravo preoblikovati. To je posledica razvoja ekonomskega sodelovanja med muslimanskimi državami in drugimi deli sveta. Od tod izhajata tudi razvoj in uresnicevanje civilne zako­nodaje, ki šeriatsko pravo formalizira. Islamsko pravo je obenem vir nasproto­vanja zaradi ostrine kazni za storjene prestopke. Clanek analizira tudi položaj žensk v muslimanskem svetu, ki je kljub spremembam še vedno zapleten in pogosto težek. Clanek ponuja interdisciplinarni pristop, saj združuje razlicna podrocja védenja: teologijo, politiko, pravo in religijske študije. Kljucne besede: islam, pravo, politika, Koran, šarija, modernost 1. Introduction The law is a system of norms of conduct that arose with the existence and func­tioning of a state or other ordered social organism. Currently, there are various areas of state law, including secular and religious law, in the world. Islam is a unique religious system in which religious life is closely connected to everyday life. That is why religious law also applies to non-religious social life. The holy book of Islam Quran is the Word of God and a set of religious principles and a legal code and constitution for many Islamic countries. This is because there is no division between the sacred and the profane in Islam. All human deeds must be following God’s will, as communicated in Quran. An analysis of religious law in Islam has already been undertaken in Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly. Historically, this topic was dealt with by Marjana Har­cet (2008), Urška Flisar, and Mari Jože Osredkar (2018). Contemporary problems of the Muslim community in Slovenia analyses Urška Jeglic (2020). This article aims to analyze modern Islamic law, which must reconcile the hard-religious principles and moral norms arising from the Quran with the requirements of the contemporary world. In addition, Islamic law must adapt its principles to international relations (Ocvirk 2004) because Islamic World engages in lively economic and trade exchan­ges with the Latin world, in which state law is separated from religion. The literature on the analyzed topic is rich, but due to the dynamically occurring changes in legal principles, it constantly needs updating research on modern Islamic law. Undoubtedly, attention should be paid to the publications: Mohamed Al-No­waihi (1975), Jan Michiel Otto (2008), and Ann-Elizabeth Mayer (1995), in which researchers analyze the implementation of Islamic law in current conditions. This article also refers to Nedžad Grabus’ (2012) analysis of changes in Muslim societies and Drago K. Ocvirk (2012) showing social changes in the Islamic world due to the Arab Spring. On this basis, a critical interpretation of the sources will be carried out. 2. Analysis 2.1 Modern legal elements in Islam Contemporary times in the Islamic world begins with the fall of the caliphate in 1924. During the National Assembly of Turkey, held on March 3, 1924, led by Mu­stafa Kemal, the abolition of the caliphate was adopted. Thus, the separation from the old, hierarchical, and conservative power is closely connected with religion. In this way, a modern state was built - the Republic of Turkey (Shaw and Shaw 2012, 564–576). However, much earlier, in the dawn of Islam, changes were ini­tiated regarding the law, its interpretation, and adaptation to changing internati­onal conditions and civilization development. These changes have had varying degrees of impact and often continue to influence the shaping of legal systems in countries with Islamic dominance. The strengthening of the European countries in the international arena in the nineteenth century, while weakening the Turkish power, led to many reformist movements among Islamic scholars. They saw the need to renew Islam on the religious, legal, economic, and social levels. Muslim theologian Jamal ad-Din al--Afghani (1838–1897) questioned the closure of the possibility of creating law. He supported his concept by the fact that no historical scholar banned the creation of law. Only in the 10th century did most lawyers acknowledge this, but they did not issue a relevant, written document. Al-Afghani’s demands meant that Islamic law regained the opportunity to develop and take advantage of Latin law patterns. Beginning with the mid-nineteenth century, European codes started to be intro­duced in the Ottoman Empire, including the „Commercial Code“ (in 1850), „Penal Code“ (in 1858), „Code of Commercial Procedure“ (in 1861), and the „Maritime Code“ (in 1863). Modernizing the Islamic world at the time of international and economic cooperation with European countries was extremely important. Howe­ver, religious law could not cope with modernity (Hallaq 2009). The response to Islamic law’s westernisation was the „Ottoman Code“, known as Mecelle, first published in 1877 (Ayoub 2015, 121–124). The work on the code was led by Ahmed Cevdet, an Ottoman scholar and historian. This study was a civil code and was the first attempt to codify a part of Islamic law – Shari’a. He was recognized and valid throughout the Ottoman Empire. After the Empire’s col­lapse, the „Mecelle code“ became the foundation of law in the countries founded on Ottoman debris. This code remains the basis of civil law in Jordan and Kuwait (Hallaq 2009). Another Muslim scholar, an Egyptian professor of law, Abd ar-Raz­zak as-Sanhuri (1895–1971), was the author of the Egyptian „Civil Code“, publis­hed in 1948, based on the French model primacy, which, however, possessed Shari’a. Abd ar-Razzak al-Sanhuri also wrote legal codes for Iraq, the Syrian Baath party, and Jordan and Libya. His vision of state law was criticized because he left much room for freedom in interpreting legal principles to a judge who could appe­al to the principles of equity or natural law (Saleh 1993, 161–167). Despite many attempts to adapt local law to international standards, especially since the end of World War II, the top place still belongs to the holy Shari’a law (Otto 2008, 7–9). The reform of modern Islamic law requires a change in how the message of the Quran is read. Christian theology is constantly developing biblical exegesis, inter­preting God’s message in modern times. This problem is more complex in the Is­lamic tradition. For centuries it was considered that the Quran should be read literally, without any human interpretation. Till today, conservative Islamic scholars uphold this custom (Bhutto 2015, 310–314). However, modern times have natu­rally led to the necessity to interpret the Quran and read it in the light of the 21st century. The propagator of the contemporary reading of the Qur’an in the context of Islamic law was Abu Bakr Gumi (1922–1992), Nigeria’s most prominent Sharia expert. He considered it necessary to restart ijtihad (Kausar 2017, 153–155), i.e., adaptation of sharia law to changing conditions, through an independent inter­pretation of the Quran and Sunnah. He emphasized that only in this way can a thorough reform of the law be carried out, which must be in line with the Quran but must also be guided by the good of the entire Muslim community (Harnisch­feger 2008). 2.2 Islamism Changes taking place in the Middle East, especially after World War II, contributed to the intensive search for Muslim identities. The ideology of Islamism has beco­me an attempt to answer this search. Islamism is a political force in the Muslim world, deeply rooted in religious tradition and public awareness. The main as­sumptions of the ideology of Islamism primarily emphasize the importance of Islam not only as a religion but as a holistic socio-political system. It regulates va­rious aspects of the functioning of the state, and above all, legal, economic and social. The fundamental source of proper conduct is the correct interpretation of the Quran and Hadith. Islamism aims to introduce and maintain a religious state governed by the principles of religious law, i.e., Shari’a. Islamism does not have one ideology. Two main branches have developed— unification of the umma and establishment of the caliphate, and therefore the pursuit of theocracy. An example of this is the Islamic Liberation Party Hizb ut-Ta­hrir, founded in 1953 in Jerusalem. Currently, it is an international Islamic party proclaiming the reconstruction of the caliphate covering the entire Muslim world. He postulates the overthrow of pro-Western rule in Arab states, such as Saudi Arabia and pro-Russian. At the same time, he rejects the possibility of violent so­lutions, believing that postulates can be achieved through peace and dialogue. Hizb ut-Tahrir believes that an essential element in economic development is pro­moting the free market and private activities, while the state ownership and con­trol of public transport, health care, public buildings and gas, and oil deposits. The party operates in Denmark, Sweden, and the United States. In Germany, its acti­vities are prohibited (Wali 2017, 102–105). However, the second view of Islamism is a democratic system represented by Muslim Brothers. He postulates staying with current states, but an essential ele­ment is emphasising private property on the economic level. Islamism has taken three types of action. The first is universal suffrage, enabling the people to speak, but it is not always true that they respect freedom and justice. Bottom-up social initiatives, known as dawa, are an essential activity. Dawa in Arabic means a call and is a kind of missionary activity aimed at spreading religion among non-belie­vers and calling them to accept Islam. This activity is now called dawa islamijja and means the mission of spreading Islam. Undoubtedly, this element is increa­singly becoming a severe impediment in Christianity-Islam relations. Opponents of Islam see every kind of gesture or behaviour directed by Muslims towards Chri­stians, hidden aspirations for Islamization. Currently, dawa in the Muslim world also defines political organizations (Danecki 1997). The last, most controversial type of action present in the ideology of Islamism is armed struggle (Kepel 2002). Given the above, two currents can be distinguished in Islamism: extremist and modernist. The leading representative of extremist Islamism was Sayyid Qutb, who, as a fundamentalist ideologist, postulated the complete Islamization of so­cial and political life, and only a caliph, who holds the leader’s dignity of all Mu­slims, can guarantee proper social attitudes. He proclaimed the necessity of figh­ting against all manifestations of ungodliness and apostasy. Sayyid Qutb believed that the world of the twentieth century was again in the time of Jahilijah (Calvert 2010). Therefore, just as it was in the time of Muhammad, ignorance must be destroyed so that God’s rule on the earth will triumph again. Extreme Islamism of Sayyid Qutb sought to establish an Islamic regime based on four levels. Restoring the original order was God’s rule on earth; with the reservation, it is not to be a theocratic rule because Islam does not know the state and class of the priesthood. The establishment of such governments is inseparably connected with the resignation from the current state law and the introduction of sharia. The third postulate was to restore the office of caliph, although the thinker did not demand the establishment of a new Arab State. However, he believed that the very awa­reness of supreme authority in the person of the caliph would guarantee a sense of community and belonging to one political organization, and thus the abolition of a multi-party political system (Khan 2001, 221). The representative of modernist Islamism is Tariq Ramadan, the grandson of the founder of The Muslim Brotherhood. Tariq Ramadan was born in Geneva; he is a Muslim theologian and preacher. He lives in Switzerland and is a professor at the University of Oxford. The scholar propagates the idea of being a loyal citizen of European countries while maintaining a complete Muslim identity (Grabus 2012, 541). He founded the Swiss Muslim movement, which organizes various seminars and lectures on interreligious subjects. He actively participates in many actions for the dialogue between Islam and other religions. While remaining a Muslim, he perceives the misconduct of members of the religious community (Ramadan 1999). He is critical of human rights violations in many Muslim coun­tries. For this reason, he has the status of an undesirable person in Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Tunisia, and Syria. However, Tariq Ramadan is controversial among Muslims and European colu­mnists, especially in France and often also in the academic community. Sometimes accused of double morality, and thus conducting hidden Islamization of Europe. He is also often seen as an emissary of The Muslim Brotherhood in the Western world. Opponents of Tariq Ramadan also accuse him of practising taqiya, allowing in Islam, concealing actual views in their activities to protect themselves from imminent danger. The Muslim world has established the following documents: „Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights“ (1998) adopted by Islamic Council in Paris on 19 Sep­tember 1981 announced at the headquarters of UNESCO, „Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam“ (2012) adopted by Conference of Foreign Ministers in Cairo on 5 August 1990 and „The Arab Charter on Human Rights“ (2006) established in 1994, but no country has ratified it. The current version of the Charter was adopted by the Council of the League of Arab States on 22 May 2004. The Charter came into force in 2008 after seven of the League of Arab States members had ratified it. These documents highlight the universal principles of human life on earth, such as the equality of all people, non-discrimination on the grounds of sex, race, and language, and religious freedom. At the same time, these documents highlighted the values arising from Islam’s religion, thus being in line with Shari’a laws. It should also be emphasized that all the rights and freedoms provided in these documents are sub­ject to Islamic Shari’a law. It is also a source of interpretation for individual para­graphs. Furthermore, although most Muslim countries have recognized these doc­uments, they are still not always and not in all parts of the world dominated by Islam; their provisions are applied and respected (Ocvirk 2004, 328–329). 2.3 Controversies regarding Islamic law It should be remembered, however, that despite the changes taking place in the Muslim world, including on the legal plane, there is a constant struggle between what is religious, originating from Islam, and what is secular, and therefore foreign elements, imposed in a way by the Europeans on the Muslim world. Subsequent reforms of the law and attempts to adapt it to the requirements of modern times meant that secular laws entered areas reserved only for religious laws. Despite the partial adaptation of French or English legal systems to the conditions of the Islamic world, Shari’a has always dominated over foreign-derived patterns of Latin law. On this plane, the most significant misunderstandings in the interpretation of the law by the Muslim world are created, and at the same time, the fear of Is­lam is intensified. Often, the drastic steps taken by Islamic legislation are highly controversial in the Latin world. In Sunnis, theological schools emerged, whose representatives were considered the only source of the true faith and teaching the Quran and the prophet’s Tradition (Flisar and Osredkar 2018, 1081–1082). Departure from this path was treated and is often still heresy - bid’a. Traditiona­lists believe that man must follow God’s direction. Theological schools made it possible to learn about religion thoroughly. Scholars belonging to a given school promoted a specific way of interpreting the principles of faith and law. Over the centuries, many different theological schools were established. The most popular include Mutazilite, Asharic, and Wahhabite (Marchand 2004, 22–29). It is Wah­habism that has aroused the most significant controversy, especially recently. All Islam is identified with this ideology, and the entire Muslim world is perceived through the prism of the strict laws in Saudi Arabia. The ,eye for eye‘ principle still applies in the Saudi kingdom. A verdict was ca­rried out to remove the eye of a man who had spilt acid on another man, due to which the victim lost an eye (Rosenbaum 2013, 154). In addition, a vertebral cord rupture was carried out in a man who hit a pedestrian in a car, injured his spine, and was paralyzed. In addition, other controversial punishments are imposed by Saudi courts, such as public flogging, amputation of fingers or hands for theft, stoning for adultery, and beheading for murder. Humanitarian organizations esti­mate that in Saudi Arabia, more than 100 penalties of this kind are carried out each year (Penal 2015, 15). Despite such drastic penalties for offences, Saudi law is also subject to the requirements of modernity. A special symbol of the strictness of the law in Saudi Arabia was the ban on women driving a car. King Salman issued a decree lifting this ban, and thus, from June 2018, women will be able to hold licenses and offi­cially drive cars (Krane and Majid 2018). In a significant part of Muslim countries, there is a dual legal system: religious and state. Shari’a covers the Muslim community in three areas: religion, family life, and inheritance. On the other hand, other aspects of umma’s coexistence are governed by civil codes, which refer to Koran law to varying degrees. Religion and morality in many Muslim countries take precedence over statute law. In connec­tion with this, regulations are introduced which are following belief. For this reason, Kuwait introduced a ban on the sale of mother-of-pearl oysters because this activity, according to local law scholars, is related to gambling ban­ned in Islam. There was a custom on the market for taking bets as to the content of shells taken. Due to the concerns of the alims regarding the improper behavi-our of traders and buyers, the authorities closed the market, and gamblers were threatened with a curse (Hallaq 2009). An autopsy is problematic and difficult to reconcile with Shari’a. Islam prohibits the destruction of what God has created, which is why, in most cases, an autopsy is forbidden. It is also forbidden to donate someone’s own body after death for scientific purposes. At the same time, in the event of a justified necessity to carry out an autopsy for judicial and trial purposes, it can be performed, subject to the consent of the deceased’s relatives (Klöcker and Tworuschka 1995, 110). It should be emphasized that the ban on autopsies halted the development of medicine in the Arab-Muslim world. At present, most Arab countries with Islam dominance are seeking change in ci­vil law. Undoubtedly, the increasing number of countries in which citizens can enjoy relatively broad civil liberties speaks in favour of these changes. This is even the case in Lebanon, Tunisia, and Morocco. At the same time, the death penalty is still in force in Morocco, and those on death row are sentenced to death. The death of people in judicial and extrajudicial executions remains taboo in Morocco (Hood and Hoyle 2012, 65–67). In Egypt, the death penalty still applies. In many Muslim Middle East countries, non-governmental organizations and media freedom remain under the strict control of state administration offices in Arab-Muslim countries. Islam knew the institution of the court in which an independent judge, called Kadi, gave the judgment. However, during classical Islam, no appeal was known, so the sentence passed was final. There is a possibility of appealing against the sentence to a higher instance in the judiciary of Muslim countries. An essential element of the proceedings was and still are the testimonies of at least two wi­tnesses. At the same time, it should be clearly emphasized that the testimony of a woman, in many regions of the Muslim world, is still half worth a man’s testi­ mony to this day. 2.4 Women in modern Islamic law Contemporary Islamic law remains in the spotlight because of the position and status of women who profess Islam. Dominant patriarchalism in the Islam religion and culture of the Middle East assigns considerable privileges to men; thus, the role of women in society was and in many places in the Muslim world remains limited. Therefore, Islamic law contradicts the modern idea of equality between women and men (Przybyszewski 2010, 119). It should be noted, however, that this restriction resulted from cultural conditions and constitutional law. The Quran emphasizes the equality of all people towards God. Islam guarantees numerous rights for women, which may vary depending on the country or region. Of course, the most numerous groups of rights and privileges, and at the same time many restrictions, are those regarding married and family life. However, most emotions are caused by rules imposed on Muslim women. The most prominent issue is the clothing of women professing Islam. According to Islamic principles, the charac­teristic women’s dress raises many emotions in a world with Latin roots, seeing it as a symbol of the enslavement of a woman, striving for her elimination from so­ciety. This happened in Afghanistan during the Taliban regime in 1996–2001. The principles of Muslim dress are set out in the law because the fashion of the Islamic world is a synthesis of Shari’a and regional customs. The basic rule is to recommend a woman’s outer clothing, which cannot emphasize her body sha­pe, so Muslim women usually wear loose dresses or long coats. The order regar­ding the woman’s dress is written in the Quran: »Tell believers to look down mo­destly and keep their purity, and to show only those decorations that are visible on the outside and to impose curtains on the chest /…/«(Quran An-Nur, 31). The above words have become the primary recommendation for clothing, permanen­tly inscribing in the Muslim tradition. This veil, called the hijab, has become synonymous with the enslavement of a Muslim woman. Perpetual discussion about the positive and negative meanings of the headscarf in Islam has been go­ing on for centuries. Some see her as slavery and the ongoing objectification of a woman, which is still a manifestation of religious conservatism. In contrast, others see in hijab as a sign of respect and protection. The use of traditional clothing by Muslim women is also being discussed in a world dominated by Islam. Different views apply to his presence in the modern world; some women do not look for this specificity for centuries and present their dressing lifestyle as terrible. On the contrary, you can hear the following defence about the hijab: »I am a respected woman. I am not watching, touching or talking to any man. I am protected like a precious pearl, which when touched by every­one becomes black and dirty.« (Saleh 1972) Muslim countries indeed have far fewer sexual crimes against women than in other countries. However, it is difficult to state clearly to what extent the outfit has a significant impact on this. It should be remembered that Islamic law severely punishes all those who commit sexual offences. The lightest punishment is public flogging, while in extreme cases, a cri­me against morality is punishable by death. Opponents believe that, of course, the Muslim style of dress fulfils some protective functions. However, it is equally proof of the weaker sex of men who cannot control themselves at the sight of a beautiful woman (Amin 2002, 43–44). The Quran contains the following instructions regarding women’s clothing: »Tell believing women /…/ to put curtains on their breasts and show their decorations only to their husbands or fathers.« (Quran An-Nur, 31) On the other hand, in the Quran, we read: »O Prophet! Tell your wives and daughters and women believers to cover them tightly with their garments. This is the most appropriate way for them to be known and not to be offended.« (Quran al-Ahzab, 59). It should also be noted and clearly emphasized that none of the above texts requires covering the face. The obligation nowadays among orthodox Muslim women to cover their faces from unrelated men probably originates from pre-Islamic times. Muslim women do not have the freedom to choose a candidate for a husband because he must be an Islamic believer. Still, in many places of the Arab-Muslim world, marriages are arranged. A form of discrimination against women is also an unequal way of inheriting property. Shari’a emphasizes that the man is obliged to support his family, so he is responsible for a more significant proportion of the inheritance than the woman. The many rights guaranteed to women in the Quran are often disregarded. Women from the Arab-Muslim world are most often discriminated against in the following areas: violence against women, reproductive rights, treatment in the family, integration into society, their place in politics, and the economy. After so­cial changes known as the Arab Spring (Ocvirk 2012), Egyptians are in the most challenging situation, as they are sexually molested in the Middle East and victims of public rape. This happened at Tahrir Square in Cairo, during protests against President Muhammad Mursi (Johansson-Nogués 2013). In Egypt, despite the legal prohibition, there is a practice of female genital mutilation called clitoridectomy. This custom is not derived from the Muslim tradition and, in the past, was not known and practised in the Arabian Peninsula. In addition, Egyptian women are victims of human trafficking and are victims of domestic violence (Marroushi 2015). A problematic situation also affects women living in Iraq. With the overthrow of Saddam Hussein’s regime, the situation of women has deteriorated significantly. Many more women are forced into prostitution and are victims of violence. Due to warfare, the number of widows also increased, which entails the need for resettlement, and thus women become victims of human trafficking, ki­dnapping, and rape (Tawfik and Moety 2017). 3. Conclusions Islamic law regulates the life of a religious community, and in many cases, affects social relations, known as civil or administrative. This is because Islam, as a religi­ous and legal system, strives to embrace the whole person and to answer and meet all his needs. Referring to the history and tradition of law derived from the Quran shapes believers in the sense of community and the continuity and perma­nence of Islam. The practice of religion and the behaviour of believers have a legal dimension because improper human conduct may result in criminal sanctions. An offence against God’s recommendations is seen as breaking the established order also for the whole community. Therefore, part of religion is law because it provi­des the guidelines necessary for the proper spiritual existence of man. The inten­sively transforming modern world also requires Muslim scholars to introduce changes in legislation. Furthermore, although God’s law is immutable and inviolable, the regulations regarding community members’ daily lives are subject to modification. Therefore, the modern scientific community of Islamic lawyers and Muslim theologians calls for the reopening of the door of ijtihad. New interpretations of the texts are critical concerning the status of women, relations between Sunnis and Shiites, relations between Muslims and non-Muslims, the role of Muslims in non-Muslim societies, and Islamic economic theories. Updating activities in Islamic law is necessary beca­use old interpretations no longer provide suitable answers to the difficult questions facing the Muslim world. A new opening of the interpretation of the Quran should be the liberation of religious establishments from the influence of political regimes. Contemporary Shari’a contains several bans that apply to residents of Muslim co­untries. However, Islamic law should not be seen only in terms of restrictions. 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ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 69 Roman Globokar Vzgojni izzivi šole v digitalni dobi Monografija predstavi vpliv digitalnih medijev na celosten razvoj otrok in mladih. Izpostavi poudarke sodobne kulture (hitre spremembe, provizoricnost, globalnost, virtualnost, vrednotna praznina itd.) in predlaga vrednote, ki naj bi jih spodbujala šola v digitalne dobe (samospoštovanje, custvena vzgoja, kriticno mišljenje, kre­ativnost, skupnost). Del celostne vzgoje je tudi poznavanje religij, zato avtor za­govarja uvedbo nekonfesionalnega religijskega pouka za vse ucence v slovenskih javnih šolah. Ob koncu predstavi rezultate dveh obsežnih raziskav o katoliškem šolstvu pri nas. Ljubljana: Teološka fakulteta, 2019. 247 str. ISBN 978-961-6844-74-1. 10 €. Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1, 103—113 Besedilo prejeto/Received:01/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2021 UDK/UDC: 355.098:2-722.53 DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Kocjancic © 2021 Kocjancic, CC BY 4.0 Klemen Kocjancic Ne samo vez z Bogom: razvoj vloge in dolžnosti vojaških duhovnikov skozi zgodovino1 Not Only a Connection with God: Historical Deve­lopment of Roles and Duties of Military Chaplains Povzetek: Avtor v clanku preucuje razlicne naloge in dolžnosti, ki jih opravljajo vo­jaški duhovniki v sklopu duhovne oskrbe pripadnikov oboroženih sil. Zgodovin-ski zgledi kažejo, da je bil razvoj duhovne oskrbe v oboroženih silah v prvih dveh tisocletjih zelo pocasen, a je v zadnjih nekaj desetletjih presegel stare okvire delovanja vojaških duhovnikov. Ti duhovniki tako ne le zagotavljajo pastoralno oskrbo, ampak so postali svetovalci, terapevti itd., ki pomagajo ne samo voja­škemu osebju, ampak tudi njihovim družinskim clanom, sodelujejo z nevladni-mi organizacijami in imajo lahko tudi neposredni vpliv na razvoj vojaško-poli­ticnih dogodkov. Delo vojaških duhovnikov sedaj presega klasicni teološko-re­ligiološki okvir, posega namrec tudi na podrocja medicine, psihologije, kulturo­loginje zakonsko-družinske terapije in sorodnih ved. Kljucne besede: vojaški duhovnik, duhovna oskrba, religija, oborožene sile, vojaške družine, veterani Abstract: In the article, the author examines military chaplains’ different duties and responsibilities while providing spiritual care for military personnel. Historical examples show that while the development of spiritual care in the military (ar­med forces) in the first 2,000 years was slow, spiritual care surpassed the old framework of military chaplains in recent decades. Currently, military chaplains provide spiritual care and become counsellors, therapists, and so forth, not only for the military personnel but also for their family members. At the same time, they cooperate with non-governmental organizations and significantly impact military-political events. Military chaplains’ duties now exceed classical theolo­gical-religious activities, as they also cover areas of medicine, psychology, cul­tural studies, marriage and family therapy, and other related fields. Raziskovalni projekt št. J5-1786 (B): „Vojaško specificni dejavniki tveganja za dobrobit in zdravje vojaških družin" je sofinancirala Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije iz državnega pro-racuna. Keywords: Military Chaplain, Spiritual Care, Religion, Armed Forces, Military Fami­lies, Veterans 1. Uvod Vojske oziroma oborožene sile se že od nekdaj navzoce v cloveški zgodovini, ena­ko kakor je tudi religija. Presek teh dveh družbenih struktur pomenijo vojaški du­hovniki (tudi vojaški kurati, kaplani itd.), ki delujejo znotraj oboroženih sil in zago­tavljajo duhovno oskrbo vojaških oseb. Ta oskrba pomeni »pravico vojaškega ose­bja do izpovedovanja vere« oziroma »duhovno oskrbo vseh, ki jih zadeva vojska tako v casu miru, kot v casu vojaških vaj ali vojne, in tudi v multinacionalnih eno­tah: vojakov na rednem služenju; poklicnih vojakov, podcastnikov in castnikov; posameznikov, ki zacasno po pogodbi delujejo v vojski; in civilnega osebja, ki de­luje v vojski.« (Plut 2002, 16) Princip sodobnega organiziranega vojaškega duhovništva izhaja iz katoliške Cer­kve, ko je koncil v Ratisboni leta 742 potrdil, da imajo lahko vojaški voditelji pri sebi škofa in ali duhovnike, ki so imeli nalogo, »da poslušajo spovedi mož in jim odrejati primerno pokoro«. V naslednjih stoletjih so se dolžnosti vojaških duhov­nikov razširile (Johnston 2009, 25–26; Liuski in Ubani 2020, 2). Šele v drugi polovici 19. stoletja so na mednarodni ravni priznali nekatere pravice vojaških kaplanov in jim zagotovili podobno zašcito kakor vojaško­zdravstvenemu osebju, prek uveljavitve ženevske konvencije iz leta 1864, poznejših dopolnil in drugih mednarodnih pravnih aktov (Lunze 2004, 70). Ta clanek bo na podlagi zgodovinskih izkušenj analiziral razlicne vloge in naloge, ki so jih izvajali oziroma jih še izvajajo vojaški duhovniki, da bi ugotovili, kam lah­ko vodi nadaljnji razvoj njihovih zadolžitev. Hkrati bo clanek dopolnil zelo skromno bero znanstvenoraziskovalnih del na podrocju duhovne oskrbe oboroženih sil;poleg dveh doktorskih disertacij (Plut 2001; Šimac 2013) in na njih temeljecih pu­blikacij (Plut 2002; Šimac 2014) ter dveh zbornikov vojaškega vikariata (Pregelj, Plut in Petelinšek 2005; Plut, Mesaric in Sadar 2010) obstajajo tudi splošni clanki o duhovni oskrbi (Cepar 2000, 2010; Mesaric 2012; Plut in Mesaric 2003; Pregelj 2017; Kladnik 2017), pa tudi clanki o posameznih slovenskih vojaških duhovnikih (Ratej 2014; Šimac 2020a, 2020b). 2. Vez z Bogom prek svete daritve Že v anticnih casih so z vzpostavitvijo organizirane religije sveceniki, šamani ozi­roma duhovniki spremljali vojšcake, ki so odhajali v boj s sosednjimi plemeni, še posebno ce so jih vodili vladarji. O tem govori že Stara zaveza: »Kadar greš v boj proti sovražnikom in zagledaš konje in bojne vozove in ljudstvo, številnejše od tebe, se jih ne boj! Kajti s teboj bo GOSPOD, tvoj Bog, ki te je pripeljal iz egiptovske dežele. Ko boste blizu boja, naj nastopi duhovnik, govori naj ljudstvu in mu rece: ›Poslušaj, Izrael! Danes ste pred bojem s sovražniki. Naj vam ne upade srce; ne bojte se in ne plašite se in naj vas ne bo strah pred njimi! Kajti GOSPOD, vaš Bog, hodi z vami, da se bo bojeval za vas z vašimi sovražniki in vam dal zmago.‹« (5 Mz 20,1-4). Povezava med sveceniki in vojaškimi poveljniki je bila zelo mocna v starem Egip­tu, kjer je v predptolomejskem Egiptu okoli cetrtina castnikov imela (predhodne) sveceniške obveznosti, medtem ko je ta odstotek še narasel pod Ptolomejci – na 38 % (Fischer-Bovet 2014, 304). Vloga duhovnikov znotraj vojske se je zacela institucionalizirati z vzpostavitvijo stalnih vojska; prva takšna zabeležena vojska sega v cas vladavine asirskega kralja Tiglath-Pileserja III., ki je vladal v 8. stoletju pr. Kr. in se je tudi boril proti anticne-mu Izraelu (Schwartzwald 2014, 24). V anticni Evropi so Grki vzpostavili prve stal­ne vojske mestnih držav, pri tem pa je bila religija oziroma vera pomembna tudipri izvajanju vojaških nalog. Še pred zacetkom vojne so za mnenje prosili preroka, nato je moral kralj s pomocjo svecenikov opraviti daritev za pridobitev božjega blagoslova. Daritev je sledila pred odhodom vojske na bojišce, pred preckanjem vsake reke, pred vsako bitko in po vsaki bitki (Naiden 2019, 10). Podobno so v starorimski vojski imeli duhovnike, ki so spremljali vojake na bo­jišce, pa tudi z njimi živeli v vojaških postojankah, mestih itd. Prvi zapiski o vojaških duhovnikih v rimski vojski segajo v drugo polovico 5. stoletja. Tako je rimski gene­ral Evzebij ob nedeljah dovolil kršcanskim vojakom, da so se udeležili svete maše, medtem ko so se preostali vojaki morali udeležiti nedenominacijske, monoteistic­ne molitve. Še v 6. stoletju pa je bila navzocnost vojaških duhovnikov v posameznih legijah bolj privilegij kakor pravilo (Jones 1953, 239–240).2 V zgodnjem obdobju se je tako vzpostavila primarna naloga duhovnikov, ko so sledili vojski na bojišce – da so upravicili pravi namen vojske s pridobitvijo božje podpore, posledica tega pa je bil tudi vpliv na moralo vojakov. Voj(šc)aki sami so morali dokazati, da so upraviceni do božje pomoci (med bitko) z zglednim izpol­njevanjem verskih dolžnosti (Bachrach 2011, 13). Že v casu Karla Vélikega, ki je zacel združevati »vojskovanje s projekti pokršcevanja«, so škofje in duhovniki, ki so spremljali vojaške pohode, dobili nalogo, utemeljiti to delovanje, ko se kršcanstvo ni vec širilo s prepricanjem, ampak »prek prisile in svete vojne« (Moore 2018, 47). Tako so med križarskimi vojnami duhovniki, ki so bili del križarskih vojska, ime­li nalogo, da izvajajo dosledno in natancno pastoralno skrb. Prek pridiganja so morali vojake pozivati, naj se vedejo kot kršcanski vojaki, pri tem pa so morali sami biti »zgled pravega kršcanskega strahu pred Bogom in v ljubezni do Boga«. K vr­nitvi na pravo, kršcansko pot so morali pozvati tudi tiste, ki so se med spopadi (in v miru) izkazali za nemoralne (Bachrach 2004, 620). O vlogi kristjanov v prvih treh stoletjih po Kr., glej Harnack, Militia Christi (1905). 3. Obsežna (ne le duhovna) oskrba Do konca prve polovice 20. stoletja, obdobja, ki sta ga na koncu zaznamovali dve svetovni vojni, so vojaški duhovniki imeli nalogo, izvajati duhovne obrede pred spopadi in po njih in zagotoviti vojakom izpolnjevanje religioznih oziroma verskih norm. Tako so kršcanski vojaški duhovniki skrbeli za delitev svetih zakramentov, vojaški rabini in imami za blagoslovitev in ritualni zakol živine, vsi pa so imeli še dolžnost, skrbeti za ranjence in obolele (to je dostikrat presegalo samo duhovno oskrbo, saj so izvajali tudi osnovno medicinsko oziroma bolnicarsko oskrbo) ter poiskati in zagotoviti primeren (verski) pokop padlih in mrtvih vojakov (ter tudi civilistov) (Allison 2016, 1–2; Biro 2014, 399–400). Dalje so podpirali poveljniški, castniški kader pri njihovih odlocitvah, ki so pri­marno zadevale moralo podrejenih vojakov, pa tudi družine padlih vojakov. Na administrativnem podrocju so bili vojaški duhovniki zadolženi za izdajo potrdil o smrti in pokopu ter obcasno tudi porok. Kot visoko izobraženi ljudje so duhovniki v avstro-ogrskih oboroženih silah sodelovati tudi pri cenzuri pisem, ki so jih voja­ki pošiljali domov (Biro 2014, 399–400). Prav tako so vojaške duhovnike uporabi­li za širjenje propagande med vojaki, predvsem glede ohranjanje zvestobe avstro--ogrski monarhiji (Zaharia 2017, 293). Že prej so številni vojaški duhovniki, ki so bili med redkimi ljudmi z znanjem pisanja, delovali tudi kot (ne)uradni kroniki: pisali so zgodovino vojaške enote oziroma ekspedicije (Dalton 2009). 4. Apologeti in ucitelji Med drugo svetovno vojno so vojaški duhovniki morali preseci svoje duhovne na-loge tudi z apologetiko dejanj svoje lastne države in/ali oboroženih sil, to pa je znacilno predvsem za totalitarne države (Allison 2016, 2). Tako je v oboroženih silah tretjega rajha služilo tudi okoli tisoc katoliških in pro-testantskih vojaških duhovnikov; ubadali so se z dilemo služenja režimu, ki je pre­ganjal kršcanske Cerkve (Bergen 2001, 233–234). Georg Werthmann, ob koncu vojne v. d. katoliškega vojaškega škofa, je dejal: »Cutili smo, da smo bolj uporabni, ce ostanemo zunaj koncentracijskega taborišca. Toda nikdar nismo ogrozili naših nacel ali naših duš. Bili smo preganjani, vse odkar so nacisti prišli na oblast. In jaz vem osebno, da v primeru nemške zmage v tej vojni ne bi bilo vec duhovšcine v Nemciji.« (Faulkner 2010, 2) Druga svetovna vojna velja tudi za prvo ideološko vojno, za spopad med dvema nasprotnima poloma (demokraticni in totalitarni svet, verujoci proti nevernim); po­sledica tega je bila, da se je to preneslo tudi na versko raven (Allison 2016, 2). Tako so kršcanski vojaški duhovniki v oboroženih silah tretjega rajha dostikrat v svoje pridige vpletali (verski) boj proti boljševizmu (komunizmu) z vidika obrambe vere, pri tem pa so uporabljali tudi križarske primerjave (Faulkner 2010, 11–12). Podobno retoriko so razvili tudi vojaški duhovniki v slovenskem domobranstvu (Kladnik 2017, 715). Po drugi svetovni vojni je svet doživel obširno sekularizacijo, kar se je pokazalo tudi pri duhovni oskrbi v številnih oboroženih silah. V nekaterih državah so tako v celoti ukinili duhovno oskrbo (države Varšavskega pakta), drugje so zmanjšali vlogo vojaških duhovnikov (npr. leta 1946 so v Združenem kraljestvu ukinili obvezno nav-zocnost pri svetih mašah vojaških duhovnikov), zato so vojaški duhovniki postali le »nekaj vec kot povelicani socialni delavci« (McFarlane v Allison 2016, 2). Kot posledica tega je v modernem in postmodernem svetu postalo znacilno, da vojaški duhovniki ne skrbijo le za duhovnost vojakov, ampak se ukvarjajo s celotno skrbjo za pripadnike oboroženih sil,3 pri tem pa uporabljajo svoje versko, pasto­ralno znanje za primerno svetovanje (Allison 2016, 2). Pred koncem druge svetovne vojne je bilo delovanje vojaških kaplanov na splo­šno namenjeno vecjim skupinam oziroma vojaškim enotam. Tako so bile celotne vojaške enote navzoce pri verskih obredih, od svetih maš do skupinskih odvez grehov. Najveckrat je bila individualna obravnava vojakov namenjena le tistim, ki so bili ranjeni, so umirali ali dejansko že umrli. Tako se je v kršcanskem obredju po 4. stoletju po Kr. izoblikovala tradicija veckratnih svetih spovedi (in ne le ene pred­smrtne, življenjske spovedi), prav zaradi vojakov, ki so bili nenehno izpostavljeni smrti in zaradi svojega delovanja (možnost uboja/umora nasprotnika) izpostavlje­ni smrtnemu grehu (Bachrach 2011, 13–14). 5. Medicinsko-psihološka skrb Medtem ko so pred 20. stoletjem vojaški duhovniki pomagali pri medicinski oskr-bi ranjenih in obolelih vojakov, pa se je v drugi polovici 20. stoletja izkazalo, da lahko sodelujejo tudi pri psihološki oskrbi vojakov, še posebno tistih, ki so izpo­stavljeni travmaticnim dogodkom v miru in vojni (Adler in dr. 2018).4 Moss in Prince (2014, 151–2) to ponazorita: »Travmatizirani vojaki so tudi obre­menjene duše, spopadajoc se s krizami vere in konflikti vesti. /…/ Ob dolocenih casih in mestih, vseeno, z vidika frontnih vojakov, delo pastoralne oskrbe preko kaplanov se ne razlikuje od prakse in ciljev vojaških voditeljev. Toda drugic, je pa-storalna oskrba videna, kot da zagotavlja loceno in vredno službo za vojake vseh cinov v oboroženih silah.« V raziskavi, ki so jo naredili Morgan, Hourani, Lane in Tueller (2016) v skupini 889 aktivnih vojakov kopenske vojske ZDA, se je izkazalo, da so pri vojakih, ki so iskali pomoc pri vojaških kaplanih v zadnjem letu, zabeležili 50,8 % depresijo in 39,1 % možnost posttravmatske stresne motnje, 26,6 % jih je bilo pozitivnih na navzocnost generalizirane anksiozne motnje. Pri tem se je izkazalo, da je religioznost pozitivno vplivala na preprecevanje sa­ 3 Celostna skrb za pripadnike oboroženih sil v Slovenski vojski zajema zdravstveno, psihološko in social- novarstveno oskrbo, pravno pomoc in svetovanje, religiozno duhovno oskrbo, športno dejavnost, orga­ nizirano preživljanje prostega casa in skrb za družinske clane (Šebalj 2010, 113–114). 4 O vlogi duhovnosti in religioznosti v stresnih situacijah, tudi v psihoterapiji, glej Košir 2020. momorilnosti vojakov in veteranov, ki so trpeli za posttravmatsko stresno motnjo ali doživeli moralno rano (Ames in dr. 2018, 6; Drescher in dr. 2018; Kopacz in dr. 2018). Vloga vojaških duhovnikov pri mentalni higieni vojakov se je pokazala v postmodernih mednarodnih operacijah, saj so duhovniki znali identificirati, pre­precevati in svetovali glede duševnih motenj, od lažje custvene napetosti do po­skusa samomora (Besterman-Dahan in dr. 2012). Tako so vojaški duhovniki posta­li »partnerji v operativni psihologiji«, s tem pa razbremenijo vojaške psihologe, saj so navadno bolj navzoci med vojaki kakor psihologi (Frederich in dr. 2011, 168). Vse vecjo vlogo imajo vojaški duhovniki tudi pri preprecevanju in zdravljenju zasvojenosti med pripadniki oboroženih sil, in to prek pastoralne oskrbe (Robert­son 2016). 6. Povezovalci Ob vse vecjem številu mednarodnih (mirovnih) operacij po drugi svetovni vojni so vojaški duhovniki, ki so bili del kontingentov v tujini delujocih oboroženih sil, po­stali tudi pomemben del teh misij. Sodelovali so na sestankih z verskimi voditelji in tako vzpostavili stik z voditelji lokalnega okolja, to pa jim je omogocili dodatno delovanje med lokalnim prebivalstvom, še posebno med humanitarnimi misijami. Vojaški duhovniki tako zmorejo zapolnitvi ‚informacijsko vrzel‘, ki nastane zaradi nerazumevanja razlicnih kultur in religij. To nerazumevanje jezika, simbolizma, zgodovine in arheologije lahko privede do zaostritve odnosov med tujim kontin­gentom in lokalnim prebivalstvom, preprecijo pa jo lahko prav vojaški duhovniki, seveda v nesekulariziranem okolju (Lee, Burke in Crayne 2005, 3–18). Tako so leta 2001 v vojni mornarici ZDA razvili program, po katerem so vojaški kaplani postali orodje preprecevanja konfliktov na mednarodnih misijah, in to z vzpostavitvijo odkritih stikov z lokalnimi verskimi voditelji in s svetovanjem voja­škim poveljnikom glede verskih in kulturnih posledic morebitne poveljniške odlo-citve (Johnston 2009, 25). Vojaški duhovniki so prevzeli »mirovniško vlogo med verskimi voditelji in njihovimi skupnostmi«, pri tem pa si prizadevajo za »miroljub­ne odnose med razklanimi skupnostmi z zagotavljanjem priložnosti za izvedbo srecanj – z vzpostavitvijo varnega in preobrazbenega prostora za dialog« (Moore 2014, 95–96). Na mirovnih ali humanitarnih misijah so vojaške organizacije dostikrat, ce ne vecinoma prisiljene sodelovati z nevojaškimi subjekti, h katerim sodijo tudi razlic­ne nevladne, civilne organizacije. Vojaški kaplani, sami povezovalci med vojaškim in civilnim okoljem, tako primarno sodelujejo z organizacijami, ki delujejo na po­drocju humanitarnosti, clovekovih pravic, civilne družbe (vkljucno z vpeljavo de­mokracije) in razrešitve konfliktov (McLaughlin 2002, 21). Medverski dialog ni pomemben samo med delovanjem v tujini, ampak tudi znotraj same vojaške organizacije, v kateri so navzoci vojaki razlicnih veroizpove­di. Vojaško duhovništvo tako deluje na istem principu kakor širša (civilna) družba, z integracijo razlicnih (verskih) oziroma družbenih skupin v eno družbo, pri tem pa se zagotavljajo verske potrebe posameznikov oziroma skupin (Peterson 2015, 4–5). To v nekaterih oboroženih silah dosegajo tudi s tem, da vojaški duhovnik »usposablja vojaško osebje, da spoštuje verska prepricanja, promovira mir in har­monijo« (Seiple 2009, 45). V preteklosti, predvsem v multietnicnih državah, je bilo za vojaške duhovnike pomembno, da so poznali vec jezikov, tako so namrec lahkoduhovno skrbeli za pripadnike vec nacij, ki so služili v istih oboroženih silah (Šimac 2020b, 171). V zadnjem casu nekatere države uvajajo tudi ateisticne oziroma humanisticne vojaške duhovnike, ki naj bi skrbeli oziroma skrbijo za ateisticne pripadnike obo­roženih sil (Kolenc 2014, 395). 7. Branitelji reda in prava Vojaški duhovniki zaradi vloge, ki jo imajo znotraj oboroženih sil, in predvsem za­radi ugleda, ki ga uživajo med vojaškim osebjem, lahko preprecujejo tudi negativ­nost oziroma toksicnost vojaških voditeljev. Tako lahko nadrejene opozorijo na potrebe in zadržke podrejenih, ne da bi nadrejeni vedeli, kdo od podrejenih je to izrazil, in vzpostavijo dialog v organizaciji, ki velikokrat tega ne omogoca. To se dogaja predvsem zato, ker duhovnike vojaško vodstvo posluša, duhovniki pozna­jo organizacijsko kulturo oboroženih sil in osebnosti vpletenih oseb. S tem nasta­ne možnost za mediacijo oziroma rešitev problema na najbolj nekonflikten nacin, ne glede na cin vpletenih (Messinger 2013, 123). Benham Rennick (2011, 93) pravi, da vojaški kaplani, ki imajo simbolicni ‚nev­tralni‘ cin, delujejo prek ‚duhovništva prisotnosti‘ (ministry of presence), ko lahko posredujejo zunaj poveljniške linije in upoštevajo neujemanja med institucional­nimi cilji in cloveškimi potrebami. V nekaterih situacijah lahko vojaški duhovniki prek svoje pastoralne skrbi pri­dejo tudi do informacij glede vojnih zlocinov, storjenih znotraj njihove lastne vo­jaške organizacije. Med vietnamsko vojno leta 1968 je enota ameriških vojakov pobila prebivalce vasi My Lay. Ta vojni zlocin je videl pilot helikopterja, o tem je povedal je še isti dan vojaškemu kaplanu, ki je o tem porocal svojemu nadrejene-mu (Olson in Roberts 1998, 117–119). Kakor že receno, vojaški duhovniki naj bi si prizadevali tudi za ponovno vzpo­stavitev moralnosti med vojaki; to se v sedanjosti kaže med vojaškimi zaporniki, duhovna oskrba pa ima funkcijo v rehabilitaciji tega zapornika (Brink 1953, 36). 8. Tudi za vojaške družine in veterane Po drugi svetovni vojni, ko so se vzpostavile vecje, stalne oborožene sile, ki so bile v posameznih državah garnizirane v vojaških bazah, kjer so pripadniki oboroženih sil živeli s svojimi družinami (kakor tudi v državah, kjer profesionalni vojaki živijo zunaj vojašnic), se je hkrati pokazala potreba po duhovni oskrbi za clane družin vojakov, vpetih v vojaško okolje in vojaški nacin življenja. Poleg individualne pa-storalne oskrbe, ki je podobna, ce ne identicna s ‚civilno‘ pastoralno oskrbo, vo­jaški duhovniki izvajajo tudi zakonsko-družinsko svetovanje, še posebno zaradi specifik vojaškega življenja, kakor so dolgotrajna odsotnost, travmaticne izkušnje, možnost hude poškodbe ali smrti itd. (Moon 2016, 128–134). Sipe (1993, 25–43) izpostavlja, da imajo vojaški duhovniki možnost, biti vple­teni v vse ravni cloveškega življenja od rojstva do smrti. Poleg obicajnih življenjskih stresnih okolišcin morajo pri tem upoštevati še geografske preselitve, razbite od-nose, dnevne vožnje … Vojaški duhovniki imajo tudi pomembno vlogo pri zagotavljanju duhovne oskr-be umirajocim veteranom, ki jim lahko pomagajo »razrešiti stres, povzrocen zara­di z bojem povezanih dogodkov, ki so v konfliktu z njihovimi osebnimi prepricanji« (Chang, Stein in Skarf 2015, 635). 9. Glasniki miru Moss in Prince (2014, 152–153) sta naloge vojaških duhovnikov razdelila na tri skupine: 1) naloge, povezane z religioznostjo, 2) naloge, povezane z vojaško orga­nizacijo, in 3) naloge, povezane s svetovanjem in oskrbovanjem posameznih vo­jakov in morebiti njihovih družin. V prvo skupino sodijo verske norme, obicaji in obredi, ki se izvajajo ob razlicnih casih in n razlicnih krajih, pri tem pa vojaški du­hovniki skrbijo tudi za verske potrebe drugace verujocih (omogocanje stika vojakov z njihovimi (civilnimi) verskimi delavci). Naloge, povezane z vojaško organizacijo, so predvsem: vzdrževanje vrednot oboroženih sil, promocija samodiscipline, sve­tovanje poveljujocim glede kadrovskih zadev, sodelovanje z vojaško-medicinskim osebjem, poucevanje (npr. glede spolnosti) in vzdrževanje morale vojakov. V tretjo skupino sodijo svetovanje in pomoc ranjenim in bolnim, zagotavljanje prve pomo-ci, skrb za padle in umrle pripadnike, obvešcanje družin pripadnikov, svetovanje veteranom in tudi njihovim družinam. Moore (2008, po Volfu 2009) ima zgoraj navedene tri skupine nalog vojaških duhovnikov za njihovo osrednjo, splošno nalogo, a v zadnjem casu se vse bolj iz­postavlja vloga vojaških duhovnikov kot ‚agentov miru‘. Vojaški duhovniki morajo upoštevati nacelo pravicne vojne in ohranjanje miru v globaliziranem svetu, v ka­terem so razlicne religije »ena izmed najbolj mogocnih sil v svetu danes«. (Vojaška) sila je namrec sama nezmožna uveljaviti mir v svetu, v katerem so upoštevane clovekove pravice in uveljavljeni demokraticni ideali. To se lahko zgodi z uporabo religije, ki »igra vlogo pri definiranju ljudskih identitet skupnosti«. Vojaški duhov­niki imajo pri tem nalogo, da išcejo nacine pomiritve in združitve nasprotujocih si družbenih skupin, prav v moci religije (Volf 2009, 33–35). 10. Namesto sklepa Iz naštetih zgledov lahko razvidimo, da je duhovna oskrba v oboroženih silah vse od zacetkov do današnjih dni sklenila nekakšen krog: od prvotne skupinske, mno­žicne oskrbe celotne vojaške enote je prišla do individualne obravnave posame­znih vojakov. Hkrati vojaški duhovniki ne izvajajo samo duhovne, pastoralne oskr-be, ampak zagotavljajo tudi pomoc na drugih podrocjih (npr. na zdravstvenem, psihološkem itd.), to pa presega njihovo temeljno zadolžitev. Kot del vojaške in verske organizacije vojaški duhovniki presegajo in povezuje­jo obe organizaciji in so tako simbolicno hkrati posvetni in svetni. Njihovo delo se ne navezuje le na pripadnike oboroženih sil, ampak v zadnjih desetletjih v njihov delokrog sodijo tudi družinski clani, (vojni) begunci, nevladne organizacije itd. V današnjem svetu, v katerem vse bolj vladajo versko in nacionalno motivirani kon­flikti, imajo lahko prav vojaški duhovniki na podlagi poznavanja razlicnih kultur in religij odlocilno vlogo pri zagotavljanju in ohranjanju miru na konfliktnih obmocjih. Zato je treba pri usposabljanju bodocih (vojaških) duhovnikov zagotoviti, da prejmejo cim bolj širok nabor znanja, ki presega teološko-religiološke okvire in vkljucuje – ni omejeno s tem – kulturologijo, medicino, psihologijo, zakonsko-dru­žinsko terapijo itd. Tako lahko vojaški duhovniki znotraj oboroženih sil delujejo v luci miru, kot glasniki sprave in povezovalci narodov. Kljub vsem dodatnim vlogam in dolžnostim, ki so jih v zadnjih desetletjih zace­li opravljati, pa vojaški duhovniki še vedno ostajajo »avtenticne price pravega upanja, rojenega iz obljube Njega, ki je prava ljubezen«; tako v vojnih razmerah prinašajo upanje vojakom – na (vecno) življenje (Zelinskyy 2016). 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For God and/or Emperor: Habsburg Romanian Military Chaplains and Wartime Propaganda in Camps for Returning POWs. European Review of History: Revue européenne d’historie 24, št. 2:288–304. Zelinskyy, Andriy. 2016. A Ukrainian Military Chaplain’s Candid Reflections on Christmas. Euromaidenpress, 6. 1. http://euromaidan-press. com/2016/01/06/a-ukrainian-military-chap­lains-candid-reflections-on-christmas/ (prido­bljeno 11. 12. 2020). ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 72 Marjan Turnšek (ur.) Stoletni sadovi Clani katedre za dogmaticno teologijo v jubilejnem letu z zbornikom predstavljajo »dogmaticne sadove« na »stoletnem drevesu« TEOF v okviru UL. Prvi del z naslovom »Sadovi preteklosti« s hvaležnostjo predstavlja delo njenih rajnih profesorjev. Kako katedra živi ob stoletnici svojo sedanjost in gleda v prihodnost z upanjem, predstavljajo prispevki živecih clanov katedre v drugem delu pod naslovom »Sadovi sedanjosti«. 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Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1, 115—134 Besedilo prejeto/Received:01/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2021 UDK/UDC: 27-764(597)"16/17" DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Truong © 2021 Truong, CC BY 4.0 Anh Thuan Truong The Society of Foreign Missions of Paris and Build­ing Indigenous Missionary Force: A Study on Viet­nam during the 17th and 18th Centuries Pariška družba zunanjih misijonov in vzpostavljanje domorodne misijonarske sile: študija o Vietnamu v 17. in v 18. stoletju Abstract: Based on the original materials recorded by the missionaries of the So­ciety of Foreign Missions of Paris operating in Vietnam from the second half of the 17th century to the late 18th century and the achievements of French and Vietnamese scholars, this article addresses the building of indigenous force of missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in Tonkin and Cochin-china (Vietnam) during this period. In particular, the author of this article fo­cuses on comparing the results of training Vietnamese priest resources and building seminaries in the two above areas, and at the same time points out the reason for such difference. To complete the content of this article, the author combines two main research methods of historical science (historical method and logical method) with other research methods (systematic, statisti­cal, differential analysis, synthetic, etc.), especially the comparative method. The research result presented in the article makes specific contributions to studying the history of Christianity in Vietnam and the Society of Foreign Mis­sions of Paris in this country in the 17th and 18th centuries. Keywords: Vietnam, Tonkin, Cochinchina, priests, seminaries, catechists, semina­rians Povzetek: Na podlagi izvirnega gradiva, ki so ga ustvarili misijonarji Pariške družbe zunanjih misijonov, delujoci v Vietnamu v drugi polovici 17. stoletja in do pozne­ga 18. stoletja, in na podlagi dosežkov francoskih in vietnamskih preucevalcev se clanek posveca vzpostavljanju domorodne misijonarske sile pod okriljem Pariške družbe zunanjih misijonov ter v Tonkinu in Cochinchini (Vietnam) v tem obdobju. Avtor clanka se posebej osredotoca na primerjanje rezultatov in osvetljuje razlo­ge za razlike pri oblikovanju nabora vietnamskih duhovnikov in pri grajenju se­menišc na omenjenih podrocjih. Kot dopolnitev vsebine clanka avtor združuje dve glavni raziskovalni metodi zgodovinske znanosti (zgodovinska metoda in lo-gicna metoda) z drugimi raziskovalnimi metodami (sistematicna, statisticna, di­ferencialna analiza, sinteza itd.), zlasti s primerjalno metodo. Raziskovalni rezultat clanka je nov prispevek pri preucevanju kršcanstva v Vietnamu in dejavnosti Pa-riške družbe zunanjih misijonov, namenjene Vietnamu v 17. in v 18. stoletju. Kljucne besede: Vietnam, Tonkin, Cochinchina, duhovniki, semenišca, kateheti, se­menišcniki 1. Introduction From the second half of the 17th century, when arriving in Vietnam (including Ton-kin and Cochinchina)1 to preach the Gospel, the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris recognized the necessity of building up the indigenous missionary force. Because at that time, the workload to be done to ,incubate‘ for the ,seeds‘ of Christianity to develop in Vietnam was huge, entirely inversely proportional to the number of French missionaries dispatched due to this missionary organization. Meanwhile, political unrest in Vietnam created by wars between different politi­cal powers and the ban on Christianity imposed by the rulers of Tonkin and Co-chinchina in the 17th and 18th centuries disrupted the presence of French missio­naries in dioceses over which they were given authority. In such times, the indi­genous missionary force would have a significant effect. They were the ones who would replace the French missionaries to take care of the spiritual and religious life of the Christians as well as perform other pastoral care works. In particular, the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris also clearly saw the advantages of the indigenous missionary force when they not only did not enco­unter language barriers but also had a profound understanding of the culture, customs, and habits of indigenous people. Therefore, it would be easier for them to preach the Gospel and call people to join Christianity. Stemming from the abo­ve awareness, right from the beginning, building indigenous missionary human resources were outlined and implemented by the bishops of the Society of Fore­ign Missions of Paris from the second half of the 17th century to the late 18th cen­tury. In particular, the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris The 17th and 18th centuries were a turbulent period in Vietnamese history. From 1627 to 1672, Trinh’s family in the North and Nguyen’s family in the South fought each other 7 times but failed to come to an end. After 46 years of constant fighting, both sides exhausted their human resources and properties, so they had to accept a truce and a long division. Gianh River, historically known as Linh Giang, became the boundary dividing Dai Viet country into two regions: from Linh Giang to the South called Dang Trong (Cochinchina) under the administration of Lord Nguyen, and from Linh Giang to the North was called Dang Ngoai (Tonkin) under the administration of King Le Lord Trinh. This situation lasted until the end of the 18th century when the Tay Son peasant movement broke out (1771), which in turn destroyed the force of Lord Nguyen in Cochinchina (1777) and Lord Trinh in Tonkin (1786) (H.u Quýnh et al. 2006, 335–362; Thŕnh Khôi 2014, 291–352). obtained favourable results in training indigenous priests and building, organizing activities for seminaries in the territory of Vietnam during that period. Approaching the research issue from the perspective of history, the author ap­plies the historical method, with the desire to reproduce systematically and accu­rately the panorama of the training of indigenous priests as well as the seminary building activities in Tonkin and Cochinchina (Vietnam) of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in the 17th and 18th centuries with all its arising and development steps. The author applies selecting, collating, synthesizing, statistics, analyzing data and historical events and phenomena mentioned in Western and Vietnamese scho­lars’ original material source and academic achievements to achieve this goal. In particular, the process of training indigenous priests and building seminary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris’ missionaries in the 17th and 18th centuries at Tonkin and Cochinchina has always been placed in a close relationship, aiming to clarify the differences of this process in the two areas. Therefore, comparison be­comes one of the research methods used throughout the article. On that basis, the author analyses the cause of the difference and examines and evaluates the results of training indigenous priests and building seminary of the Society of Foreign Mis­sions of Paris in the 17th and 18th centuries at Tonkin and Cochinchina. That is the manifestation of the application of the logical method in the process of studying this issue. Thus, it can be affirmed that the clarified contents in the article are the result of the combined application of the research methods mentioned above. 2. The Society of Foreign Missions of Paris and training Vietnamese priests From the second half of the 17th century to the late 18th century, the presence of the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in Vietnam not only contributed to creating an exciting period of evangelization but also led to positi­ve changes in the process of building indigenous missionary force in this country. As latecomers compared to the Jesuits,2 moreover, at that time, there were not so many missionaries of this missionary organization operating in Vietnam, and the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris found that the most effective way for them to expand influence and promote evangelization quickly was nothing but to build a solid indigenous priest force. However, this issue was not initiated right from the beginning by the missiona­ries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris but posed by a Jesuit missionary: The Portuguese Jesuit missionaries were the first force to openly deploy their missionary work in Co-chinchina (1615) and Tonkin (1627). However, their activities quickly encountered obstacles from the Vietnamese monarchies that ruled these two areas at the time. In Tonkin, the religious ban and depor­tation of foreign missionaries issued by Lord Trinh in 1663 completely ended the Jesuit missionary work in the area. Meanwhile, a similar ban issued by Lord Nguyen in Cochinchina in early 1665 also made all Jesuit missionaries be deported. However, right in 1665, the Society of Jesus sought to return to Co-chinchina to evangelize (Bá C.n 2008, 39–173; Khánh Tu.ng 1956, 478; Launay 1923, 26–27). Alexandre de Rhodes.3 After more than 20 years of missionary work in Vietnam, in 1649, realizing the necessity of establishing dioceses to manage the missiona­ry work in Cochinchina and Tonkin (Vietnam), he returned to Europe to advocate for the establishment of Vicariate Apostolic in Vietnam. At the same time, ordai­ning the priesthood to indigenous people was also one of the contents that rece­ived Alexandre de Rhodes’ attention (Vaupot 2019, 827). Because according to him, at that time, there were about 300,000 Christians in Vietnam. 300 to 400 missionaries were needed to take care of their spiritual life. However, the Holy See certainly could not accommodate that quantity. Moreover, it needed many expenses to bring all these missionaries to Vietnam. Therefore, the best solution for the Holy See to solve this issue is to send a few Titular Bishops to Vietnam to ordain the priesthood to indigenous people. Mean­while, according to Alexandre de Rhodes, out of 100 catechists in Tonkin (Vietnam) at that time, there were many eligible and qualified candidates to become priests (Chappoulie 1943, 390–392). Based on the issues posed by Jesuit missionary Alexandre de Rhodes about the need to build up an indigenous missionary force, after the appointment of two missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris, namely François Pallu4 and Lambert de la Motte5 as Vicar apostolic of Tonkin and Vicar apostolic of Co-chinchina (September 9, 1659), on November 10, 1659, the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith of the Holy See gave them a directive on what to do as soon as they arrived in these two regions. The Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith emphasized the importance of training indigenous mis­sionary force. The directive clearly stated that one of the main reasons for the 3 Alexandre de Rhodes was born on 15 March 1593 in Avignon, in a Jewish family. On 14 April 1612, he joined the Jesuits in Rome and was ordained a priest in 1618. At the end of the year, he was accepted by the Jesuit Superior for the mission in Eastern Asia after having applied three times for a missionary trip between 1614 and 1618. He arrived in the Portuguese capital to board the ship to Eastern Asia, but because he was suspended for too long in Goa, until 29 May 1623, he reached Macao. Initially, he planned to go to Japan for the mission, but his wish was unsuccessful, so he was sent to Vietnam. He came to Cochinchina, Vietnam, for the first time in December 1624 and returned to Macau to go to Tonkin, Vietnam, in July 1626. On 19 March 1627, he arrived in Tonkin and was expelled from the area in May 1630. From 1630 to 1640, he taught theology at the Institute of Madre de Deus. Between 1640 and 1645, he returned to the mission in Cochinchina. In July 1645, he left Cochinchina for Macau and then went to Europe. In 1654, he went to Persia and died at Ispahan on November 5, 1660 (Quang Chính 1972, 106). 4 François Pallu (1626–1684) was a French missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris, who greatly influenced Chinese and Vietnamese Christianity in the second half of the 17th century. In 1659, he was appointed by the Holy See as Vicar apostolic of Tonkin to manage Tonkin’s missionary work (Vietnam), Laos, and five provinces in the southwest of China. In 1680, when the Vicar apostolic of Fujian .. was founded, he was appointed by the Holy See as Apostolic administrator to manage the missionary work of nine provinces and islands in South China. On October 29, 1684, he died in Fujian .. , China (Lach and Van Kley 1993, 231; 262; Moidrey 1914, 71–72; Baudiment 2006, 532). 5 Lambert de la Motte was a missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. He was born on Ja­nuary 16, 1624, in Lisieux, France. In 1655, he was ordained a priest. On July 29, 1658, he was appoin­ted Titular Bishop of Berytus and Vicar Apostolic of Cochinchina. During administering the missionary activities in Cochinchina, he only visited this mission area twice (the first time from September 1671 to March 1672 and the second time from July 1675 to May 1676). For most of the remaining time, he worked in Ayutthaya and died there in 1679 (Gauchat 1935, 114). Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith to send bishops François Pallu and Lambert de la Motte to Vietnam was that two bishops would apply dif­ferent methods to recruit, train and endeavour to educate indigenous catechists, helping them to qualify for the competency and qualities to become priests. They would then use the powers of an ordained bishop by the Holy See to ordain such catechists as priests and assign to these indigenous priests vast missionary areas to govern under the direction of two bishops (391–402). To realize this directive of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, after arriving in Siam (1662), Lambert de la Motte worked together with François Pallu to make a concrete plan of training indigenous priest resources for some Asian countries in general and Vietnam (including Tonkin and Cochinchina) in particular in the immediate and long term. On the one hand, they established the Seminary of Saint Joseph in Ayutthaya (1666) (Tarling 1992, 535; Lach and Van Kley 1993, 249). This was the place to receive a resource of elite catechists from Vietnam and the countries, to foster and ordain them. When the bishops were not present in the mission land due to the drastic ban on Christianity of the local government, on the other hand, during times when the bishops of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris were present in Vietnam, to directly administer and manage pastoral care in dioceses, the ordination of the priesthood in place to Vietnamese would be applied. In the 17th and 18th centuries, these two methods were combined and used by the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. They brought a particular effect in training the indigenous priest force for two mission areas of Tonkin and Cochinchina (Vietnam). Based on the materials recorded by the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris operating in Cochinchina in the 17th and 18th centuries, it could be known that, between 1668 and 1796, 4 out of 6 bishops6 of this diocese, na­mely Lambert de la Motte, François Pérez7, Guillaume Piguel8, and Pigneau de 6 From 1659 to 1799, the Diocese of Cochinchina was administered by six bishops appointed by the Holy See, including Lambert de la Motte (1659–1679), Guillaume Mahot (1682–1684), François Pérez (1691– 1728), Alexandre de Alexandris (1728–1738), Armand Lefčbvre (1741–1760), Guillaume Piguel (1760– 1771), and Pigneau de Béhaine (1771–1799) (Gauchat 1935, 114; Ritzler and Sefrin 1952, 119; 129; 278; Ritzler and Sefrin 1958, 65; 145; 304; 455). 7 François Pérez was not a missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris but a secular clergy. Around his background, there are many different records at the moment. According to a written appo­intment of the Bishop to him of the Holy See in 1687, he was Portuguese. However, according to a report by missioner Charles-Marin Lablé sent to the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in February 1701, Pérez was a Portuguese of Indian descent. In a letter dated July 10, 1702, Pérez stated that his father was Spanish in Segovia, served King Philippe V, and went to Negapatan, India in 1630, while his mother was a Portuguese. Author Louvet in La Cochinchine Religieuse said that Pérez was born in Tenasserion, of the Kingdom of Siam. His father was of Manille descent, and his mother was Siam. In 1668, he was ordained a priest. On February 5, 1687, he was ordained Titular Bishop of Bugia by the Holy See and Vicar Apostolic of Cochinchina. He held these positions until his death on September 20, 1728 (Launay 1923, 379; 506; 593; Louvet 1885, 310–311). 8 Guillaume Piguel was a missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. He was born on Decem­ber 4, 1762, in La Mézičre, France. He was ordained a priest on December 21, 1748. On July 29, 1762, he was appointed as Titular Bishop of Canatha and Vicar Apostolic of Cochinchina by the Holy See. He held these positions until his death on Jun 23, 1771 (Launay 1924, 394; Ritzler and Sefrin 1958, 145; 455). Béhaine9 conducted 12 times of priesthood ordination or sending Vietnamese catechists and seminarians to Siam to receive the Holy Orders, with a total of 19 ordained people. It is worth mentioning that the number of Vietnamese catechi­sts and seminarians ordained at each time was not impressive. The year 1690 was recorded when the Vietnamese received the priesthood the most, but this num­ber did not exceed four people (Launay 1923, 353–358; 378–415; H.u Tr.ng 1959, 221–222). The number in other times only ranged from 1 to 2 people. Not only that, but the training of Vietnamese priest resources by missionaries of the Soci­ety of Foreign Missions of Paris in Cochinchina also did not secure the regularity and continuity when there was quite a long period (1691–1703, 1708–1763, 1780– 1791) this work seemed to be completely stagnant. Regarding the place of ordination, depending on the specific historical situati­on at each stage, the bishops of the Cochinchina diocese chose one of two me­thods: send indigenous catechists and seminarians abroad to be ordained as pri­ests or conduct the ordination in place. From the second half of the 17th century to the late 18th century, out of 12 times of ordaining priesthood to the Vietname­se, to provide human resources for pastoral care in Cochinchina, there were five times that this activity was conducted in Siam and seven times right in this missi­on area. In particular, from 1668 to 1690, in the context that bishop Lambert de la Motte was mainly in Ayutthaya to administer the missionary work in Cochin-china, the ordination of the priesthood to Vietnamese catechists took place in Siam. From 1704, when Vicar Apostolic of Cochinchina such as François Pérez, Pigneau de Béhaine, etc., in this mission area, the activity of ordination of the priesthood to Vietnamese catechists and seminarians was conducted right in Co-chinchina and maintained until the late 18th century. Time Place of the ordination of the priest Quantity Vietnamese priest name 1668 Siam 2 Giuse Trang, Luca Ben 1672 Siam 1 Manuel Bon 1676 Siam 1 Louis Doan 1690 Siam 4 Francois Van (Nho), Thaddee Nghiem, Mauro Loc (Tran The Lao), Manuel Lan (Laurent) 1704 Cochinchina 1 Matthieu (unknown Vietnamese name) 1706-1707 Cochinchina 1 Francois (unknown Vietnamese name) 1763 Siam 2 Marino Phien, Nicolas Due 1775 Cochinchina 1 Paul Ho Van Nghi Pigneau de Béhaine was born on November 2, 1741, in Origny-en-Thiérache, France, was a missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. Around 1765, he was ordained a priest. On 24 September 1771, he was appointed as Titular Bishop of Adraa and Vicar Apostolic of Cochinchina. He held this position until he died at Qui Nhon (Binh Dinh province) in 1799 (Launay 1925, 374; Louvet 1896, 7–9; Ritzler and Sefrin 1958, 65; 455). Time Place of the ordination of the priest Quantity Vietnamese priest name 1776 Cochinchina 1 Andre Ton 1779 Cochinchina 1 Jean Nhuc (Nhat) 1792 Cochinchina 2 Thomas Nam, Nhon (unknown Holy name) 1796 Cochinchina 2 Andre Giang (Ngai), Dominique Tan (Van) Table 1: Quantity of Vietnamese catechists and seminarians who were ordained priests and served in Cochinchina in the 17th and 18th centuries. Sources: (Launay 1923, 52; 62; 197; 237; 353–358; 378–415; 491; 565; Launay 1924, 398; Launay 1925, 57–58; 70; 74; 144–145; 266; 273; 414; H.u Tr.ng 1959; 173; 221–222; Bá C.n 2008, 219). If the training of indigenous priest resources to serve the missionary activities of the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in Cochinchina in the 17th and 18th centuries did not achieve impressive results, in contrast, at the same time, this missionary organization’s missionaries achieved great success in Tonkin. Time Place of the ordination of the priest Quantity Vietnamese priest name 1668 Siam 2 Jean Hue, Benot Hien 1670 Tonkin 7 Martin Mat, Anton Que, Philippe Nhan, Simon Kien, Jacques Chieu, Leon Tru, Vite Tri 1677 Siam 2 Philippe Tra, Dominique Hao 1679 Siam 2 Francois Thuy, Michel Hop 1683 Tonkin 4 Thaddee Ly Thanh, Felix Tan, Dominique Quang, Melchior Lieu 1689 Tonkin (2 people), Siam (3 people) 5 Domingo Trach, Benoit Su (in Tonkin), Louis Lieu, Paulin Khanh Hoe, Joseph Phuoc (in Siam) 1694 Tonkin 3 Jean Tuyen, Antoine Nang, Tite Bon 1703 Tonkin 3 Joseph Huan, Jean Hau, Paul Tri 1710 Tonkin 3 Antoine Chi, Benoit Uyen, Thomas Mi 1714 Tonkin 3 Paul Bang, Dominique Minh 1719 Siam 1 Vite Thu 1720 Tonkin 1 Thomas Dou 1721 Tonkin 1 Marc Toan 1722 Tonkin 1 Ignace Hoan 1724 Tonkin 1 Marco Hoanh 1725 Tonkin 2 Vite Bang, Gioan Qui 1730 Tonkin (2 people), Siam (1 person) 3 Phanxico Liem, Andrea Thong (in Tonkin), Bento Nghiem (in Siam) 1732 Tonkin (1 person), Siam (2 people) 3 Jaques Chieu (in Tonkin), Joseph Chat, Sime­on Triem (in Siam) 1735 Tonkin 1 Pie Ly 1836 Tonkin 2 Barnabe Loi, Vicent Ngai Time Place of the ordination of the priest Quantity Vietnamese priest name 1737 Tonkin 1 Phaolo Thanh 1739 Siam 1 Pierre Lang (Phan) 1741 Tonkin 1 Paul Kieng 1743 Tonkin 1 Quintus Dong 1744 Tonkin 2 Anre Nhuong, Martino Luan 1745 Tonkin 2 Antoine Hien (Tram), Stephan That 1748 Tonkin 2 Gioan Hieu, Gioan Hien 1750 Tonkin 4 Gioan Tinh, Phero Kien, Phanxico Hau, Phanxico Huan 1751 Tonkin 1 Phaolo Giai 1752 Tonkin 1 Vito Tuyen 1753 Tonkin 3 Vite Tao, Anre Lieu, Dominico Phuc (Dat) 1754 Tonkin 1 Phero Triem (Dang) 1756 Tonkin 1 Phaolo Tai 1757 Tonkin 3 Denis Dien, Pio Vien, Giuse Chan 1761 Tonkin 7 Anton Kiem, Inhatio Trach, Phanxico Bau, Toma Luu, Toma Tu, Barnabe Chuong, Marco Nhuan 1763 Tonkin 1 Luy To 1765 Tonkin 1 Marco Quan 1766 Tonkin 13 Unknown10 Table 2: Quantity of Vietnamese catechists and seminarians who were ordained priests and served in Tonkin in the 17th and 18th centuries. Sources: (Néez 1925, 12–13; 19­21; 24–68; 70–78; 85–181; 183–206; 211–215; 220–230; 234–262; 266–270; Ma-rillier 1995, 7–52; Nouvelles Lettres Édifiantes des Missions de la Chine et des Indes Orientales 1821, 160–161). From the materials recorded by the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris working at Tonkin in the 17th and 18th centuries, it could be known that, between 1668 and 1766, the bishops of Diocese of Tonkin (the Di­ocese of Western Tonkin from 1698 onwards) of the Society of Foreign Missions 10 The material source recorded in the book Nouvelles Lettres édifiantes des Missions de la Chine et des Indes Orientales said, in 1766, Bertrand Reydellet – Bishop of the Diocese of Western Tonkin ordained priesthood to 13 Vietnamese people, of which 5 people were catechists trained by Jesuits, 2 people were former seminarians of the Seminary of Saint Joseph in Siam, and 4 people were seminarians of Vinh Tri seminary (Nam Dinh). However, this work did not specifically mention the name of 13 Vietna­mese seminarians and catechists who were ordained as priests at that time (Nouvelles Lettres Édifian­tes des Missions de la Chine et des Indes Orientales 1821, 160–161). of Paris namely François Pallu, François Deydier11, Jacques de Bourges12, Edme Bélot13, Francois Gabriel Guisain14, Louis Néez15 , and Bertrand Reydellet16 conduc­ted 38 times of ordination in place or sending Vietnamese catechists and semina­rians to Siam to be ordained from bishops in Ayutthaya, 3 times more than the number of times of ordination of the priesthood to the Vietnamese conducted by the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in Cochinchina at the same time (12 times). The number of indigenous priests trained to serve the missi­on in Tonkin was also relatively large, with 95 people, five times higher than the number 19 priests trained at the same time in Cochinchina. The number of Vietna­mese catechists or seminarians receiving the priesthood in each ordination time was also higher than that in Cochinchina, ranging from 2 to 7 people, but also up to 13 people (1766) (Nouvelles Lettres Édifiantes des Missions de la Chine et des Indes Orientales 1821, 160–161). Especially the ordination of the priesthood to indigeno­us people of the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in Tonkin was maintained regularly but later carried out with higher frequency and less inter­ruption for a long time Cochinchina at the same period. Regarding the place of or­dination, also as in Cochinchina, the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions 11 François Deydier was a missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. He was born on Septem­ber 28, 1634, in Toulon, France. In November 1660, he was ordained a priest. In August 1662, he and Bishop Lambert de la Motte went to Siam. There he began to study Vietnamese, and on June 22, 1666, he left Siam for Tonkin to work. On 25 November 1678, he was appointed as Titular Bishop of Ascalon by the Holy See and the Vicar Apostolic of Eastern Tonkin (Vicar Apostolic of Eastern Tonkin). He held the position until he died on 1 July 1693 (Bá C.n 2008, 373–374; Ritzler and Sefrin 1952, 100). 12 Jacques de Bourges was a missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. He was born in 1630 in Paris. In 1662, he accompanied Bishop Lambert de la Motte to go to Siam. However, in 1663, he re­turned to Europe. In 1669, he returned to Siam with his three missionaries (initially, there were 6 missionaries, however in the journey from Europe to Siam, three died on the way). In the same year, going with the Tonkin diocese’s inspection team led by Bishop Lambert de la Motte, he began his mis­sion in this area. On November 25, 1679, he was appointed as Titular Bishop of Auzia and Vicar Apo­stolic of Western Tonkin. He assumed the task of managing missionary work in the Western Tonkin diocese until 1712, when he was deported. He returned to Siam and died there on August 9, 1714 (Launay 1927, 80-83; Ritzler and Sefrin 1952, 106). 13 Edme Bélot was born on May 10, 1651, in Avallon, France, a missionary to the Society of Foreign Mis­sions of Paris. He was ordained a priest on January 1, 1678. On October 20, 1696, he was appointed as Titular Bishop of Basilinopolis and Coadjutor Vicar Apostolic of Western Tonkin. On 9 August 1714, he became Vicar Apostolic of Western Tonkin and held this position until he died in 1717 (Ritzler and Sefrin 1952, 115; Launay 1927, 144). 14 Francois Gabriel Guisain was a missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. He was born in 1666 in Paris. In 1692, he came to Tonkin when he was still a seminarian. In 1693, he received the Holy orders. On 3 December 1710, he was ordained as Titular Bishop of Laranda and Vicar Apostolic of Western Tonkin. He died on November 17, 1723, in Trang Den (Nghe An province) (Launay 1927, 230– 232; Ritzler and Sefrin 1952, 236). 15 Louis Néez was born February 11, 1680, in Verneuil, France, a missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. On October 8, 1738, he was appointed as Titular Bishop of Comana Armeniae and Apostolic Vicar of Western Tonkin. He held this position until he died in Ha Nam province (Tonkin) in 1764 (Ritzler and Sefrin 1958, 159; 455). 16 Bertrand Reydellet was a missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris, born around 1722 in Le Grand-Abergement, France. In 1748, he was ordained as a priest. In 1762, he was appointed as Ti­tular Bishop of Gabala and Coadjutor Vicar Apostolic of Western Tonkin. In 1764, he was appointed as Vicar Apostolic of Western Tonkin. He held this position until he died in 1780 (Nouvelles Lettres Édifi-antes des Missions de la Chine et des Indes Orientales 1821, 139–140; 144–145; 319–320; Ritzler and Sefrin 1958, 221; 455). of Paris in Tonkin also depended on the specific conditions at each stage, such as whether the bishop of the Diocese was present in the mission area or not or whe­ther the Tonkin government ban on the Christianity was drastic or not to decide whether ordination would take place in place or send their catechists and semina­rians to Siam to receive the priesthood. However, looking at the overall picture in the training of Vietnamese priests of the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Mis­sions of Paris in Tonkin, it could be seen that the ordination of the priesthood to indigenous people right in Tonkin accounted for the dominant number compared to the few ordination times that took place in Siam. Out of a total of 38 times ordi­nation of the priesthood to the Vietnamese in the 1668–1776 period, there were only eight times that this activity took place in Siam (accounting for 21%), with 14 ordained catechists and seminarians. Compared with a total of 95 trained priests during the whole period to serve the mission in Tonkin, the number only accounted for 14.7%. This showed that, in the Tonkin area, the ordination in place of the mis­sionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris played a crucial role in building an indigenous missionary force in the 17th and 18th centuries. So why in the same period, under the same administration and management of a missionary organization, but there were different results in training the indi­genous missionary force of the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in Cochinchina and Tonkin? Seeking the answer from the internal training of indigenous priest resources of the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in these two regions, it could be seen that, for Cochinchina, the frequent absence of bishops in this mission area17, especially in the second half of the 17th century in combination with conflicts arising between the missionaries of the So­ciety of Foreign Missions of Paris and several bishops. They were not part of this missionary organization but appointed by the Holy See between 1691 and 173818, which significantly affected indigenous priest resources’ training. Meanwhile, from the second half of the 17th century to the late 18th century, the activities of missi­on and training of the indigenous missionary force in Tonkin were always under the careful and unified management of the bishops who were missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris19, which created favourable conditions for the missionaries of this missionary organization to carry out the training of the indi­ 17 From 1665 to 1679, missionary work in Cochinchina was basically placed under the administration of several missionaries who were Vicar generals of Bishop Lambert de la Motte, such as Chevreuil, Hain­ques, etc. Lambert de la Motte only visited this area twice (the first time from September 1671 to March 1672 and the second time from July 1675 to May 1676). He was in Siam for most of his time to remo­tely administer the missionary work in Cochinchina. Thereafter, the absence of bishops in this mission area continued to occur in the periods of 1684–1691, 1760–1771 (Bá C.n 2008, 211–230; 279–285). 18 In the period 1691–1728 and 1728–1738, when the Holy See appointed François Pérez who was inhe­rently a secular clergy, and missionary Alexandre de Alexandris of the Barnabite Order, respectively, as the Bishop of Diocese of Cochinchina, between the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris working in Cochinchina at that time and two bishops had a fierce conflict (Launay 1923, 405–408; 477; 487; 493–494; 497; Louvet 1885, 341; Launay 1924, 4-6; 14–18). 19 From the second half of the 17th century to the late 18th century, the Diocese of Tonkin (after 1698, known as the Diocese of Western Tonkin) was under the management of seven Bishops of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris, including François Pallu (1659–1678), François Deydier (1679–1693), Jacques de Bourges (1679–1713), Edme Bélot (1713–1717), Francois Gabriel Guisain (1718–1723), Louis Néez genous priest resources in a planned way and with a long-term vision. Another equally important cause that determined the remarkable development of training missionary human resources in Tonkin compared to Cochinchina was that the So­ciety of Foreign Missions of Paris in Tonkin paid particular attention to and achi­eved tremendous success in constructing seminaries counterparts in Cochinchina. So, in fact, how did the construction and operation of seminaries of the missio­naries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in Tonkin and Cochinchina from the second half of the 17th century to the late 18th century happen? 3. The Society of Foreign Missions of Paris and constructing seminaries in Vietnam When setting foot in Vietnam for the missionary, the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris realized that the training of seminarians in place to ordain priesthood would be a suitable solution in this country and bring a higher efficiency than sending Vietnamese people to Siam to be ordained that was inhe­rently inconvenient, passive and potentially dangerous. Therefore, from the very beginning, establishing seminaries in Vietnam (both Tonkin and Cochinchina) was raised by the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. In Tonkin, right from the 70s of the 17th century, the construction of the semina­ries was initiated by the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. Specifically, in 1666, after being appointed as Vicar general by Bishop Lambert de la Motte, missionary François Deydier went to Tonkin. At Ke Cho - the capital of this kingdom, to develop the training of missionary force, he established a minor semi­nary and attracted 15 indigenous people to participate in the study. He taught them French and Latin and focused on fostering outstanding qualified people to prepare for the ordination of the priesthood (Launay 1927, 71–72). However, when Bishop Lambert de la Motte was not present in Tonkin20, the ordination of the priesthood could not be conducted right in this mission area. Therefore, missionary François Deydier must send seminarians trained by him to Siam to receive the Holy Orders21. In 1679, based on considering a proposal made in 1659 by missionary Franço-is Pallu -Bishop of the Diocese of Tonkin, the Holy See agreed to divide the Tonkin (1723–1764) and Bertrand Reydellet (1764–1780) (Gauchat 1935, 201; Ritzler and Sefrin 1952, 100; 106; 115; 236; Ritzler and Sefrin 1958, 159; 221; 455). 20 The Diocese of Tonkin was inherently entrusted by the Holy See to Bishop François Pallu to govern from 1659. However, from then to the time he died (1684), Bishop François Pallu never set foot in this mis­sionary area for many different reasons. Despite this, he showed his concern for the Tonkin missionary area by writing numerous letters to advise and encourage the Christian community. Also, he assigned the administration of missionary work in this area to the Bishop of the Diocese of Cochinchina, name­ly Lambert de la Motte. Therefore, the fact that the training of priests and seminary construction at Tonkin in the second half of the 17th century attached to Lambert de la Motte’s role was also comple­tely understandable (Launay 1927, 1–6; 9–10; 11–118; 171–175; 191–193). 21 On February 24, 1668, missionary Deydier sent two Vietnamese catechists named Jean Hue and Benot Hien to Siam to receive the priesthood from Bishop Lambert de la Motte (Néez 1925, 19–21; 24–27; Marillier 1995, 7–10). area into two dioceses and take the Red River as the boundary line. Accordingly, the East of the Red River became the Diocese of Eastern Tonkin under Bishop François Deydier. The West of the Red River became the Diocese of Western Ton-kin under Bishop Jacques de Bourges’ management. Despite such a division, in essence, the whole missionary work in both dioceses before 1698 was in the han­ds of the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. Both bishops François Deydier and Jacques de Bourges, cooperated very closely and had the same Vicar general who was missionary Edme Bélot22. Herefore, the seminary construction from 1679 to 1698 in both dioceses continues to be carried out and associated with the role and merit of the missionaries of this missionary organi­zation. In fact, during this period, there were three more seminaries in the Tonkin area, namely Trang Den seminary (Nghe An province)23, Kien Lao seminary (Nam Dinh province), and Ke Coc seminary (Bac Ninh province)24. However, the notes of the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in Tonkin at that time only showed such that, while they did not mention the specific activities of these seminaries. Perhaps during this period, the fierce ban on Christianity by Lord Trinh’s government in Tonkin caused these newly established seminaries not to achieve as many results as expected by the missionaries and suspend after a short period the seminarian training was implemented. However, this was an es­sential premise, laying the foundation for creating other seminaries in the Tonkin region later. From 1698 onwards, the Diocese of Eastern Tonkin was entrusted to the Do­ minican missionaries. The missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris were only active in the Diocese of Western Tonkin25. Therefore, the seminaries in Tonkin of the missionaries under this missionary organization until the late 18th century took place only in the Diocese of Western Tonkin. This time also marked a new change in training the indigenous missionary force when Bishop Jacques de Bourges established a seminary in Ke So village (Thanh Tri district, Hanoi at 22 Edme Bélot was born on May 10, 1651, in Avallon, France, a missionary of the Society of Foreign Mis­sions of Paris. He was ordained as a priest on January 1, 1678. On October 20, 1696, he was appointed Titular Bishop of Basilinopolis and Coadjutor Vicar Apostolic of Western Tonkin. On August 9, 1714, he became Vicar Apostolic of Western Tonkin and held this position until he died in 1717 (Ritzler and Sefrin 1952, 115; Launay 1927, 144). 23 The birth of Trang Den seminary (Nghe An province) is closely attached to the role of missionary Sar­rante of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. He was born around 1653 in Tartas. In 1683, he went to the Diocese of Eastern Tonkin to evangelize and work in Nghe An area. To ensure the safety of Sar­rante, the indigenous priest in charge of this area named Philippe Tra made a house for Sarrante in Trang Den village - where all people were Christian and quite far from the authority of the town. Here, Sar­rante founded a seminary, trained a few seminarians, and prepared some elite catechists for receiving the Holy orders (Launay 1927, 289–292). 24 Regarding the time of the birth of Kien Lao seminary (Nam Dinh) and Ke Coc seminary (Bac Ninh), so far, the French missionary’s documents did not mention them clearly. However, based on the event of 1682, missionary Delavigne arrived in Tonkin with missionary Sarrante and was assigned to take charge of these two seminaries before leaving Tonkin in 1685. It showed that Kien Lao seminary (Nam Dinh province) and Ke Coc seminary (Bac Ninh province) were born before 1682 (Launay 1927, 343; 387). 25 The Diocese of Western Tonkin in the late 17th century and early 18th century included the diocese of Hanoi, diocese of Hung Hoa, diocese of Phat Diem, diocese of Thanh Hoa, and diocese of Vinh at present (Bá C.n 2008, 403). present) and assigned a Vietnamese seminarian who completed the study of the­ology in Siam to manage. However, the fundamental seminary was located in Pho Hien (Hung Yen province) - where the French missionaries resided. Here, about 20 catechists and seminarians were directly trained by the French missionaries to prepare for the ordination of the priesthood in place or sending to Siam to study theology. Their lives were quite austere and destitute. They studied one session and did manual work in the other session. Catechists oversaw planting and caring for vegetables and fruits in a large garden, making fences, rowing, and other jobs. Meanwhile, seminarians had to cook and wash clothes alternately. Each day, each person was given a tiny amount of money, from 10 to 15 cents, to buy fish. They had to cook fish with much salt and eat it with rice. In terms of clothes, each year, they were only given two fabric clothing sets and belts. So, there was no surprise to see them wearing patchwork clothes. Despite such difficult living con­ditions, according to the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris, at that time, the number of indigenous catechists in the Diocese of Western Ton-kin who wanted to serve a long term for the mission career was quite crowded with about 200 people (Launay 1927, 456; 459). This was a plentiful human reso­urce for training indigenous priests. From 1712 onwards, when the Lord Trinh government in Tonkin stepped up the ban on Christianity, the indigenous seminarian training institution built by the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in Pho Hien had to cease work (Launay 1927, 567). Three French missionaries Jacques de Bourges, Edme Bélot, and Francois Gabriel Guisain, were all expelled. While Bishop Jacques de Bourges returned to Siam, two missionaries Edme Bélot and Francois Gabriel Gu­isain, tried to remain illegally in Western Tonkin. The pursuit of training great in­digenous missionary human resources to serve the evangelization in the Western Tonkin made these two missionaries always nurture the plan of building a new seminarian training institution with more extensive scale and more closely orga­nized than before. That led to the birth of Vinh Tri seminary (Nam Dinh province). From 1713 to 1723, Bishop Francois Gabriel Guisain made great efforts to main­tain the training of indigenous seminarians at this seminary. In 1719, he appointed Louis Néez - A capable missionary, and later became bishop of the Diocese of Western Tonkin (1723–1764), acting as Director of Vinh Tri seminary (Bá C.n 2008, 413). However, the Tonkin government’s ban on Christianity lasted from 1723 through 1764, i.e., the time of administration of the Diocese of Western Tonkin of missionary Louis Néez, which caused Vinh Tri seminary not to operate stably and perform the work of training seminarians in a large scale. It was not until 1765 when missionary Bertrand Reydellet was appointed as bishop and selected Vinh Tri as the headquarters of this diocese. The activities of Vinh Tri seminary were closely organized and vigorously promoted. As noted by the French missionaries operating in the Diocese of Western Tonkin, under the administration of Bishop Bertrand Reydellet (1765–1780), there were often from 40 to 50 and sometimes a more significant number of catechists and seminarians involving in the study in Vinh Tri seminary (Nouvelles Lettres Édifiantes des Missions de la Chine et des In­des Orientales 1821, 145). For the catechists - who have gone through missionary work in Western Tonkin and were over 40 years old, they were present at the se­minary to study theology every day under the direct preaching of Bishop Bertrand Reydellet. For the seminarians, learning Latin was a critical task that they must undertake. Accordingly, those who had good language capacity, could more or less listen to and speak Latin would be arranged to study in class directly taught by Bricart - a French missionary working at the seminary. As for the rest of the seminarians would be introduced to the most basic and essential things in Latin in another classroom, under two indigenous assistants’ guidance. In addition to Latin, seminarians at Vinh Tri seminary also had to practice reading and writing Chinese characters. In addition, seminarians also learned liturgy rituals and lear­ned to sing to serve for important Christian occasions. Although researchers were unable to find any specific statistic on the number of seminarians who graduated from Vinh Tri seminary under the administration of Bishop Bertrand Reydellet (1765–1780), from the materials recorded by the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris operating in Western Tonkin at that time, it could be known that Vinh Tri seminary in the late 18th century was the place to train a lar­ge number of catechists, to provide for 21 Tonkin priests in charge of parishes throughout the Diocese of Western Tonkin. Because at that time, each priest ne­eded 4 or 5 catechists to assist them in their pastoral care of the parishes (146). Thus, from the second half of the 17th century to the late 18th century, on the Tonkin missionary area in general (before 1698) and in the Diocese of Western Tonkin in particular (after 1698), there were at least six seminaries established by the bishops of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris for less than 150 years, which showed the extraordinary efforts in building the indigenous missionary force in Tonkin by the missionaries of this missionary organization. However, whi­le the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in Tonkin demon­strated rather vivid ,painting‘ with bright colours on the construction of indigeno­us catechists and seminarians training institutions, on the contrary, at the same time, the establishment of seminaries in Cochinchina did not receive much atten­tion from the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris working here. Therefore, this work did not get as many results as in Tonkin, affecting the training of priests in Cochinchina, which was also completely understandable. In fact, in the second half of the 17th century, the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in Cochinchina were even earlier than in Tonkin (1666). As early as 1664, missionaries Louis Chevreuil26 as Vicar general of Bishop Lambert de la Motte, set foot in this mission area. From then until 1739, when missiona­ 26 Louis Chevreuil was born in 1627 in Rennes, France, was a missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. In 1661, after joining the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris, he went to Siam to evangelize. From July 1664 to March 1665, acting as Vicar general of Bishop Lambert de la Motte, he came and operated in Cochinchina. However, it was not long before Lord Nguyen’s government in Cochinchina banned Christianity; he was deported and had to return to Siam in April 1665. From 1666, he did mis­sionary work in Cambodia. In 1670, he was arrested by Portugal in Macau. After being released (1673), he returned to Siam to work and died there on November 10, 1693 (Saraiva 2013, 40–41; Lach and Van Kley 1993, 239–240; 245–246; 1155–1156; 1275; Salles 2006, 17; Montézon et al. 1858, 250). ries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris and missionaries of other religious orders27 undertook to administer the Diocese of Cochinchina, they were well awa­re of the need to build an indigenous missionary force. However, stemming from many different causes28, the establishment of seminaries in Cochinchina was com­pletely stagnant during this period. The training of the indigenous catechists and seminarians to prepare the premise for the priesthood ordination mainly took place at the Seminary of Saint Joseph in Siam. It was not until 1739 when inspec­ting the missionary situation in Cochinchina and arriving in Sinoa (present-day Hue city), noticing a severe shortage of indigenous missionary human resources in this area that Bishop Elzear des Achards de La Baume29 provided funding to build a house next to Tho Duc church for a seminary (Launay 1924, 87). At the same time, he worked together with missionary Jean Antoine de Lacourt30 to tra­in the indigenous missionary force in this area by recruiting five seminarians to join the class at Tho Duc seminary. However, this work did not get the approval of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris working in Cochinchina at that time. That made Bishop Elzear des Achards de La Baume and missionary Jean Antoine de Lacourt choose one of two options, either continuing to maintain the semina­ry operation or abandoning the intention to build the indigenous priest force. In fact, after the death of the Elzear des Achards de La Baume (1741), Tho Duc Se­minary also remained active for the first few years under the time of Armand Lefčbvre (Launay 1924, 102–103) - A missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris, appointed by the Holy See as Vicar Apostolic of Cochinchina between 1741 and 176031. Despite that, the establishment of Tho Duc Seminary in Cochin­ 27 In the 1691–1738 period, the Holy See appointed François Pérez, who was inherently a secular clergy and missionary Alexandre de Alexandris of the Barnabite Order as the Bishop of Diocese Cochinchina (Launay 1923, 378-379; 595). 28 The seminary construction of the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in Cochinchi­na in the 1664–1738 period did not achieve remarkable results, stemming from the following reasons. The first was the frequent absence of bishops assigned to manage this missionary area, due to the impact of the war between the political powers in Vietnam and the indigenous government’s policy of banning on Christianity. The second was the conflict between the bishops appointed by the Holy See but not part of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris and the missionaries of this missionary organi­zation operating in Cochinchina at that time. The third was that the missionaries of the Society of Fo­reign Missions of Paris working in Cochinchina at that time did not pay much attention to the issue of building seminary and training indigenous priests (Bá C.n 2008, 211–230; 279–285; Launay 1923, 405–408; 477; 487; 493–494; 497; Louvet 1885, 341; Launay 1924, 4–6; 14–18). 29 Elzear des Achards de La Baume was a missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris, born in 1691 in Avignon, France. On July 31, 1726, he was appointed as Titular Bishop of Halicarnassus. In 1737, he was appointed as the Apostolic Visitor in Cochinchina by the Holy See, coming to this area to grasp the situation and resolve the contradictions and disputes between the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris and the Spanish Franciscan Order. He died in 1741 in Cochinchina (Ritzler and Sefrin 1952, 216; Favre 1746, 162–163). 30 Jean Antoine de Lacourt (1706–1746) was a missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. On May 11, 1731, he was ordained as a priest in Siam. Thereafter he arrived in Cochinchina to work. On June 13, 1741, he was appointed as Pro-Apostolic Vicar of Cochinchina. During his time in this missio­nary area, Jean Antoine de Lacourt made an important contribution to the establishment and operati­on of Tho Duc seminary (Hue city) - the first missionary human resource training institution built by the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in Cochinchina (Launay 1924, 110). 31 Arnaud-François Lefčbvre was born on December 21, 1709, in Pas de Calais, France, a missionary of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. On 6 October 1741, he was appointed as Titular Bishop of Nea Aule china during this period was an important event, marking the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris’s first efforts in building an indigenous priest training school in this missionary area. Interrupted for a long time, it was not until the early 80s of the 18th century that the issue of constructing and organizing the operation of the seminaries ma­naged by the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in the southern land of Cochinchina at that time (i.e., the Southern region of Vietnam today) was restarted, associated with the role of Bishop Pigneau de Béhaine. In fact, from the end of 1765, due to the unsafe situation in Siam, the Seminary of Saint Joseph based in Chantabun (Siam) moved to Hon Dat (Ha Tien town - Co-chinchina). At that time, missionary Andrieux was the seminary Director, and mis­sionary Artaud was a moderator (Launay 1924, 426). However, at the end of 1766, missionary Andrieux died. Missionary Boiret was appointed to replace until mis­sionary Pigneau de Béhaine arrived in Ha Tien (Cochinchina) and was appointed Director of Hon Dat seminary in 1767 (Louvet 1896, 33; Launay 1924, 428-430). In a letter to his parents dated July 3, 1767, missionary Pigneau de Béhaine stated that the seminary he was assigned to administer was located in a deserted place with about 40 Siamese, Chinese, Tonkin, Cochinchina seminarians, etc., studying here. His and his counterparts’ mission was to nurture and teach them what was necessary to become a priest (Launay 1925, 428–429). However, the seminary’s limited financial condition caused Pigneau de Béhaine and other missionaries and seminarians to stay in makeshift bamboo cottages built and experienced in a chal­lenging and austere. The missionaries showed their powerlessness to see many seminarians suffering from illness without having the necessary conditions, to help them. In late 1769, Hon Dat seminary was attacked by Cambodian robbers. In that situation, the seminary was relocated from Ha Tien (Cochinchina) to Ma­lacca and then to Virampatnam village of Pondicherry (India). Under the admini­stration of missionary Pigneau de Béhaine, the training of seminarians here was re-organized. The Society of Foreign Missions of Paris materials said that in 1771, the seminary had 39 seminarians, including 12 Chinese, 16 Cochinchinas, 5 Ton-kins, 4 Siam, 1 Macaoian, and 1 Malaysian. Seminarians were arranged into four classes, theology was studied in the first class, and Latin, literature, and religion were studied in the remaining three classes (Launay 1920, 285). After more than four years of undertaking the role of seminary manager in Pondicherry - the missionary human resource training establishment for both East Asia and South Asia at that time, in July 1774, missionary Pigneau de Béhaine handed over his position of the Director of the seminary to missionary Mathon and travelled to Cochinchina to act as bishop of this diocese. At that time, Pigne­au de Béhaine realized the complete reliance on the seminary in Virampatnam (Pondicherry) to train indigenous missionary human resources for the Diocese of Cochinchina would cause many inconveniences and losses. Because Pondicherry and Vicar Apostolic of Cochinchina. He held this position until he died in 1760 (Ritzler and Sefrin 1958, 304; 455; Launay 1923, 107–108). was quite far from Vietnam, travel was difficult and expensive. Furthermore, it would be hazardous if seminarians from Cochinchina were sent to the seminary in Virampatnam (Pondicherry) to study, after returning, were detected and caught by the authority of this region. To overcome these disadvantages, Bishop Pigneau de Béhaine outlined a long-term plan for training indigenous missionary human resources, expressed through the idea of building a separate seminary for this mission area. At the same time, he issued a convention called „Specific Regulati­ons for the Cochinchina and Cambodia missionary areas“, which clearly defined the goals and directions of training the indigenous missionary force (Launay 1925, 28; 51). However, in the context when the war between the forces of Nguyen Phuc Anh - A descendant of Lord Nguyen and the Tay Son dynasty took place fiercely in the late 18th century in Cochinchina, especially in South Vietnam today, it is im­possible to build and organize a permanent seminary somewhere in this area. Therefore, Bishop Pigneau de Béhaine thought of the model ,itinerant seminary, built to relocate the seminary location quickly depending on the war’s actual si­tuation. In particular, during this period, the close relationship between Bishop Pigneau de Béhaine and Nguyen Phuc Anh was gradually established32. That led to the fact that the seminary founded by Pigneau de Béhaine in this area in 177533 ,floated‘ through many different places in the land of South Vietnam today, from Cay Quao (1775–1777), Tan Trieu (1778–1782) to Lai Thieu (1789) (Phát Hu.n 1965, 228), associated with the footsteps of Pigneau de Béhaine and Nguyen Phuc Anh’s army in the confrontation with the force of Tay Son dynasty in the late 18th century. Thus, if the fact that the Seminary of Saint Joseph was relocated from Siam to Ha Tien (Cochinchina) and operated here for 5 years (1765–1769) was excluded, from the second half of the 17th century to in the late 18th century, in the entire territory of Cochinchina stretching from Quang Binh to the South of Vietnam to­day, there were two seminaries established by the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris to serve the training of indigenous missionary human resources. That number only accounted for one-third of the number of seminari­es established by missionaries who also belong to this missionary organization in 32 After two meetings with Nguyen Phuc Anh in 1784, Bishop Pigneau de Béhaine took over the task of bringing Prince Canh - Nguyen Phuc Anh’s son, to France for seeking reinforcement. On November 28, 1787, the Treaty of Versailles was signed between Count Montmorin, representative of French King Louis XVI, and Bishop Pigneau de Béhaine on behalf of Nguyen Phuc Anh. Accordingly, the French go­vernment pledged to help Nguyen Phuc Anh in terms of the military to regain his monarchy. However, this treaty was not implemented then by the French. In such a context, based on personal prestige, Pigneau de Béhaine mobilized warships, soldiers, weapons, and finance in Pondicherry and the Ile de France to help Nguyen Phuc Anh. And from 1789 until his death (1799), Pigneau de Béhaine served as a military and diplomatic adviser, making an important contribution to the restoration of Nguyen Phuc Anh’s monarchy (Launay 1925, 90–92; 106; 157–157; 163–165; 168–170; 194; 198; Maybon 1919, 231; 238; 268; 271–272; Vaupot 2019, 828). 33 In 1765, Guillaume Piguel - Bishop of Diocese of Cochinchina, intended to establish a separate semina­ry in Cambodia. However, it was not until five years later (1770) that Bishop Guillaume Piguel and missionary Levasseur built a small seminary on an island on the Mekong River in the territory of Kong Pong Soai province. In 1775, bishop Pigneau de Béhaine relocated the seminary to a place called Cay Quao in the South of Ha Tien (Cochinchina), arranged missionaries to administer the seminary, and conducted the training of the seminarians (Launay 1924, 431; Launay 1925, 12; 58; 130). Tonkin during the same period. If in Tonkin, the perseverance of the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in this area caused seminaries to be continuously organized and maintained in operation for nearly 150 years, in con­trast in Cochinchina, the establishment and organization of the activities of trai­ning institutions for indigenous catechists and seminarians was frequently inter­rupted. In 1664–1738 or 1750–1764, the seminaries were completely absent on this land. That was why the training of indigenous priests in Cochinchina in the 17th and 18th centuries did not achieve as many results as in Tonkin, although mis­sionaries of the same missionary organization did this, was the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. 4. Conclusion In the 17th and 18th centuries, together with the continual appointment of the Holy See as bishop of the mission areas in Tonkin and Cochinchina (Vietnam), the mis­sionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris with authority in hand stron­gly promoted the work of building the indigenous missionary force. This was re­flected in Vietnamese priests’ training and the establishment and operation of seminaries in both regions during this period. In fact, building the indigenous missionary force of the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris achieved positive results. From the second half of the 17th century to the late 18th century, that was less than 150 years, in two regions of Tonkin and Cochinchina, at least eight indigenous missionary human resources training institutions (semi­naries) were established and put into operation by the missionaries of the Socie­ty of Foreign Missions of Paris in Vietnam at that time. Accompanying that, 114 Vietnamese catechists and seminarians were ordained to the priesthood to serve mission work in both regions. Overall, this was the case, but when compared with specific numbers, researchers could see the dominance in the results of training priests (Tonkin: 95, Cochinchina: 19) and building seminaries (Tonkin: 6, Cochin-china: 2) of missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris in Tonkin com­pared with their counterpart at Cochinchina. What was the reason to explain this phenomenon? During this period, in Tonkin, the bishops, as the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris, were regularly present in the area they were assigned to administer. They also persisted and sought to surreptitiously operate under dangerous conditions, created by the indigenous authority’s ban on religion and expelling foreign missioners at that time. Meanwhile, in Cochinchina, a completely different situation compared to Ton-kin took place, when, in many periods, the work in this mission area was not ad­ministered by anyone or handed over to the representative of the bishop, while the bishop in Siam operated remotely and occasionally visited the mission area for a short time. Therefore, catechists and seminarians’ training and especially the ordination of the priesthood could not be carried out in the absence of a bi­shop. If in Tonkin, from the second half of the 17th century to the late 18th centu­ry, the work of training Vietnamese priests and building the seminary was placed under the unified management and administration of the missioners of the Soci­ety of Foreign Missions of Paris, on the contrary, in Cochinchina, the conflict be­tween the missioners of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris and the bishops appointed by the Holy See to oversee the pastoral care here but not belonging to this missionary organization, had adverse effects on the training of indigenous missionary force. In addition, the difference in enthusiasm and interest in building indigenous missionary forces of the missionaries of the Society of Foreign Missi­ons of Paris working in Tonkin and Cochinchina in the 17th and 18th centuries was also one of the other reasons for the significant difference in the results of train­ing priests and building seminaries in Tonkin and Cochinchina at that time. 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The Relationship between the State and the Church in Vietnam through the History of the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris. Bogoslovni vestnik 79, no. 3:825–836. https://doi.org/10.34291/BV2019/03/Vaupot Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1, 135—147 Besedilo prejeto/Received:02/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2021 UDK/UDC: 37.01:27-58 DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Nezic © 2021 Nežic Glavica, CC BY 4.0 Iva Nežic Glavica Geštalt pedagogika v službi oblikovanja duhovno­religiozne dimenzije življenja Gestalt Pedagogy in the Service of Shaping the Spiri­tual and Religious Dimension of Life Povzetek: Na Teološki fakulteti se izvaja program izpopolnjevanja iz geštalt peda­gogike, ki je namenjen pedagoškim, pastoralnim, svetovalnim, socialnim delav­cem in staršem ter vsem, ki si želijo nadgraditi svoje strokovne kompetence s celostnimi geštaltisticnimi pristopi in metodami. Program izhaja iz biografskega in celostnega ucenja, ki predpostavlja transformacijo posameznikove osebnosti. Povezana je z njegovo ranljivostjo in z odkrivanjem resursov, ki mu bodo omo­gocali osebno rast in ga naredili dovzetnega za vzgojno-pedagoške izzive. Do-dana vrednost programa se kaže v povezavi in korelaciji psihološkega in tera­pevtskega dela s številnimi biblicnimi vsebinami in razlicnimi religioznimi ele­menti, ki nagovarjajo tako globinsko psihološko kakor tudi duhovno-religiozno dimenzijo udeležencev. Posledica tega je, da jih dela dovzetnejše za njihovo duhovno religiozno doživljanje in za dialoški odnos z Bogom, kakor je potrdila tudi naša raziskava. Kljucne besede: osebna rast, poglabljanje duhovno-religiozne dimenzije, izpopol­njevanje iz geštalt pedagogike Abstract: The Faculty of Theology runs a training program in gestalt pedagogy, intended for pedagogical, pastoral, counselling, social workers, parents, and all those who want to upgrade their professional competencies with integrated gestalt approaches and methods. The program is based on biographical and holistic learning, which presupposes the transformation of an individual’s per­sonality. The latter is related to his or her vulnerability and the discovery of resources that will enable personal growth and make him receptive to educa­tional and pedagogical challenges. The program’s added value is reflected in the connection and correlation of psychological and therapeutic work with many biblical contents and various religious elements, which address both the profound psychological and spiritual, religious dimension of the participants. As a result, it makes them more receptive to their spiritual, religious experien­ce and dialogical relationship with God, which was also confirmed by our rese­ arch. Keywords: personal growth, deepening of the spiritual-religious dimension, impro­vement in gestalt pedagogy 1. Uvod Od leta 2015 dalje se na Teološki fakulteti v sodelovanju z Društvom za kršcansko geštalt pedagogiko izvaja program izpopolnjevanja za geštalt pedagogiko. To je mednarodno patentirana smer geštalt pedagogike (EU-Marke 0037 517 57), ki jo je utemeljil dr. Albert Höfer in deluje pod okriljem ustanove Albert Höfer Gesell­schaft. Cilje programa, ki je namenjen pedagoškim (uciteljem in katehetom), pa-storalnim, svetovalnim, socialnim delavcem in staršem, lahko povzamemo v treh tockah: – oblikovanje posameznikove pozitivne samopodobe, – prakticna uporaba in teoreticno fundiranje celostnih geštalt pedagoških in di­dakticnih metod v pedagoškem, pastoralnem in svetovalnem delu; – spoznavanje biblicne antropologije in poglabljanje svetopisemske duhovnosti, ki temelji na globinsko psihološki eksegezi (UL-TEOF 2015; Höfer 2001, 122). Izpopolnjevanje posreduje, širi in poglablja kršcansko usmerjeno geštalt peda­goško delo, medtem ko njegove vsebine in metode spodbujajo osebnostne, soci­alne, svetovalne, strokovne in religiozne kompetence udeležencev. Ker je poglabljanje religioznih kompetenc po besedah dr. Alberta Höferja spe­cifikum programa (Nežic Glavica 2017, v), bomo na podlagi teoreticnih izhodišc in izsledkov kvalitativne raziskave (172–255) predstavili, kako program v pedagoško teorijo in prakso integrira duhovno-religiozno dimenzijo življenja in ucenja. Najprej se bomo osredotocili na proces oblikovanja stabilne osebnostne podobe, ki po Höferju udeležence odpira za komunikacijo s presežnim. Clovek je namrec v svo­jem ,sebstvu‘, ustvarjen po božji podobi in je skrivnost, njegove globine so v pol-nosti razpoznavne le Bogu. Od Boga poklican uresnicuje s poslušanjem božje be-sede svoje življenje in vstopa v jaz – ti odnos, ki se po Bubru ne navezuje samo na medcloveške odnose, temvec tudi na njegov odnos z Bogom (Küstenmacher, Ha-berer, in Werner Tiki 2016, 153). »Duhovnost za cloveka ni nekaj poljudnega, am-pak cloveka opredeljuje.« (Höfer 2004, 8) Iz tega razloga se v izpopolnjevanju iz­kušnja odkrivanja samega sebe povezuje z izkušnjo Boga in jo predpostavlja. Po Höferju je v okviru izkušnje Boga utemeljeno in upraviceno clovekovo odkrivanje samega sebe. »Pri tem se ne sklicujem takoj na njegovo duhovnost in njegov od-nos do Boga, ampak na njegovo bit kot moškega in ženske ter na to, kako se raz­vija v božjih oceh /…/.« (10) 2. Oblikovanje stabilne osebnostne podobe Za geštalt pedagogiko je uciteljeva osebnost najbolj ucinkovito ,orodje‘ ali ,medij‘ njegovega delovanja (Höfer 2001, 123). Iz tega razloga udeleženci programa pod vodstvom trenerjev »cutece prodirajo vase in odkrivajo svoje življenjske moci v najgloblji notranjosti« (Gerjolj 2008, 142). V skupini in z njeno pomocjo spozna­vajo vzroke za svoje blokade in vedenjske vzorce, ki jih ozavešcajo in predelujejo. ,Tukaj in zdaj‘ se ucijo mobilizirati svoje lastne vire in neodkrite potenciale za re-ševanje svojih težav in hkrati sprejemati tako svoje pozitivne kakor tudi negativne strani. Ob tem postane skupina prostor, ki udeležence varuje, podpira in sooca z njegovimi problemi (izzivi) ter mu tako omogoca osebno rast in poglabljanje stro­kovnih kompetenc (Bernstädt in Hahn 2020, 97–106). Oblikovanje stabilne oseb­nosti, ki v procesu osebne rasti udeležencem odpira tudi vrata Presežnemu, te­melji na osnovnih nacelih geštalt pedagogike. V nadaljevanju se bomo osredoto-cili zgolj na štiri. 2.1 Nacelo zavedanja Nacelo zavedanja pomeni za geštalt pedagogiko temelj njenega delovanja Pri tem povzema zakonitosti oziroma principe posameznikovega zavedanja od geštalt psi-hologije, ki raziskuje »možnosti in pogoje zaznavanja cutnih resnicnosti in bistvo cutnega zaznavanja« (Höfer 2006a, 12). Zanima jo, kako posameznik zaznava ,like‘, ,ozadje‘, ,celost‘ in ,smiselne celote‘. Po geštalt psihologiji je ,lik‘ vse (npr. predmeti, osebe, potrebe …), kar pritegne posameznikovo pozornost in s tem izstopi iz ozadja. Vsak ,lik‘, ki je v ospredju, iz­zove v posameznikovem polju zaznavanja neki custven odziv in s tem postane zavestno dogajanje. Od posameznikovega custvenega odziva, motivov, znanja in dosedanjih izkušenj je odvisno, na kakšen nacin se bo lotil obdelave ,lika‘. ,Lik‘ lahko posameznik ozavesti in ga v procesu zaznavanja zapre oziroma razreši, lah­ko pa ga ponovno umakne v ozadje in s tem ostane dogajanje nezavedno in tudi nerazrešeno. Kot ,ozadje‘ oznacuje geštalt pedagogika biološki, socialni, kulturni ali duhovni okvir nekega dogajanja, iz katerega se ,liki‘ oblikujejo. Dinamiko doga­janje med ,ozadjem‘ in ,likom‘ pa opredeli kot ,polje‘, ki pomeni središce posame­znikove pozornosti (Šcuka 2007, 24–26). V procesu zaznavanja razlikuje geštalt pedagogika med zavestnim (awareness) in intuitivnim zavedanjem. Prvo omogoca osredotoceno, sistematicno in analitic­no zavdanje vsega, »kar posameznik v resnici doživlja, ne glede na to, ali se to nanaša nanj ali na ljudi okrog njega« (Stein 2005, 38). Intuitivno zavedanje pa ra­zume kot neosredotoceno, prosto ,prisluškovanje‘ vsemu, kar posameznik doživlja in ga obdaja. »Gre za stanje odprte ne osredotocenosti, v katerem je posameznik dovzeten za dolocene aspekte, ki se dogajajo okrog njega in v njem.« (Stein 2005, 38) Za geštaltpedagoško delo sta obe obliki zavedanja pomembni, saj druga drugo dopolnjujeta in sta si v pomoc. Prva omogoca udeležencem ozavešcanje in doje­manje ,lika‘, medtem ko se druga fokusira na ,ozadje‘. 2.2 Osredotocenost na sedanjost V procesu osebne rasti se geštalt pedagogika v prvi vrsti osredotoca na ,tukaj in zdaj‘. Po geštalt psihologiji in terapiji je namrec posameznikovo vedenje odvisno le od v tem trenutku navzocega polja dražljajev. »Zavedanje se vedno odvija v se­danjosti. Odpira možnosti za ukrepanje. Rutine in navade so trdovratne funkcije in vsaka potreba po njihovi spremembi predpostavlja, da jih v luci zavedanja na novo osvetlimo.« (Perls 2007, 84) S takšnim pristopom ne želi zanikati ucinkov preteklosti in prihodnosti, temvec samo izraziti, da je možno vplive iz preteklosti in prihodnosti zaznati le v sedanjem vedenju. Osredotocenost na sedanjost je geštalt pedagogika povzela po geštalt terapiji, ki je bila v primerjavi z drugimi terapevtskimi usmeritvami v veliki meri dovzetna za vzhodne discipline, kakor so na primer zen budizem, tantra, taoizem … Usmer­jenost na neposredno doživljanje ,tukaj in zdaj‘ je namrec sestavni del vzhodnih tehnik, ki ponavadi potekajo znotraj posameznika. Tehnike geštaltterapevtskega in geštaltpedagoškega dela se od njih razlikujejo v tem, da vkljucujejo neposredno verbalno in neverbalno izražanje doživljanja, da ga tako izostrijo in ozavestijo (La-movec 1997, 93–97). Pri tem pa se geštalt pedagogika v prvi vrsti posveca senzor­nemu in custvenemu doživljanju posameznika. Z uporabo razlicnih geštaltpeda­goških metod, ki velikokrat mobilizirajo aktivnosti celotne skupine, povecuje po­sameznikovo napetost in s tem intenzivira njegovo doživljanje. Osmišljanje in ,ana-liziranje‘ doživljanja, ki sta clovekovi naravni težnji, vkljuci šele po doživljanju, kajti velikokrat sta prav razmišljanje in ocenjevanje najpogostejša nacina izmikanja pred neposrednim doživljanjem. 2.3 Nacelo samouravnavanja Samouravnavanje je eden od treh kriterijev geštalta, ki jih je v zacetku 20. stoletja definiral graški filozof Christian von Ehrenfels, utemeljitelj geštalta (von Ehrenfels 2008, 125–128). Njegovi kriteriji geštalta so se pozneje implicirali na podrocje ge­štalt terapije, geštalt pedagogike, pa tudi geštalt pastorale. Vsi trije kriteriji izha­jajo namrec iz dejstva, da je clovek geštalt celota, ki je vec kakor le vsota njegovih posameznih celic, organov in okoncin. Njegova delitev na telo, dušo in duha pri­kazuje le razlicne poglede na eno in isto celoto. Pri tem pa je delovanje vseh clo­vekovih delov usmerjeno v funkcionalnost te celote in v uravnavanje notranjega ravnovesja in skladnega zadovoljevanja potreb. Zato zdrav organizem teži k temu, da iz okolja izbira to, kar potrebuje za rast, in to asimilira, medtem ko pa vse nepotrebno zavrže. Okolje, iz katerega crpa, zaje-ma njegovo naravnanost in držo, njegovo (pred)zgodovino in njegove izkušnje, to je vsota tega, cesar se je do sedaj naucil, kar je uvidel in se navadil. (Stein 2005, 17) Ce okolje posamezniku dopušca optimalni razvoj in s tem nemoten proces samouravnavanja, bo lahko na podlagi svojih primanjkljajev oziroma presežkov (1. stopnja) zaznal dražljaj oziroma neugodje, ki ga bo privedlo do zavedanja te potrebe. S stopnjevanjem neugodja se intenzivira posameznikovo zavedanje po­trebe, ki se kot ,lik‘ izriše iz ozadja (2. stopnja). Zavedanje te potrebe (3. stopnja) bo postalo zanj vedno bolj izostreno, medtem ko se zacnejo druge potrebe v pro-cesu zaznavanja pomikati v ozadje. Na podlagi zavedanje potrebe (4. stopnja) se zacne posameznik pripravljati na delovanje v smeri zadovoljitve. Zacne vzposta­vljati kontakt (5. stopnja) s tistimi vidiki okolja, ki lahko zadovoljijo njegovo potre­bo. Pri tem prevzema samoiniciativo in odgovornost. Takšno soocanje z okoljem omogoci posamezniku, da preizkuša razlicne opcije (6. stopnja). Odpirajo se mu nove možnosti, ki mu ponujajo ustvarjalno izbiranje med možnimi nacini zadovo­ljitve potrebe, tako dolgo, dokler se ne odloci za najbolj ucinkovito in ustrezno možnost (7. stopnja). S tem zadovolji svoje potrebe, elemente, ki jih je pridobil iz okolja, pa asimilira. Posledica tega je, da nastopi ravnovesje (8. stopnja), ki prina­ša ugodje, zadovoljstvo in sreco, saj je cilj dosežen in problem razrešen (geštalt koncan). Tako se lahko ,lik‘ ponovno vrne v ozadje (0. stopnja) in nastopi plodna praznina, v katero lahko vstopi nov dražljaj (Šcuka 2007–53). Ce pa se posameznik znajde v okolju, ki neustrezno vpliva nanj in s svojimi pritiski omejuje njegov proces samouravnavanja, lahko nastopijo na katerikoli stopnji ciklusa samouravnavanja motenje pri nastajanju in razgradnji ,likov‘. Tako lahko, na primer, ,lik‘ oziroma svoje potrebe zamenjuje s potrebami drugih (introjekcija), svoje lastnosti in custva pripisuje drugim (projekcija), zabriše razlike med seboj in drugimi (konfluenca), namesto da bi deloval navzven, svojo energijo usmeri vase in to, kar bi delal drugim, dela sebi (retrofleksija) itd. V takšnih primerih skuša izpopolnjevanje posameznika z razlicnimi geštaltterapevtskimi in geštaltpedagoškimi metodami najprej opolnomociti (nacelo ,self-supporta‘) na ravni zavedanja, obcutenja custev, obrambnih mehanizmov, ki zmanjšujejo njegov stik s samim seboj. Govorimo o ponovnem vzpostavljanju kontinuuma zavedanja – neposrednega in implicitnega védenje, ki je lahko tako motoricno kakor senzorno in je, po Perlsu, »samo po sebi zdravilno«. »V geštaltisticnem pomenu besede klientu odpira možnosti izbire ter s tem sprejetje svojega deleža odgovornosti pri oblikovanju realnosti vsakdanjega življenja.« (Flajs 2011) 2.4 Nacelo osredotocanja na stik oziroma kontakt V geštalt pedagogiki pomeni stik oziroma kontakt dinamicen proces (izmenjava lika in ozadja, kontakta in umika), ki poteka med posameznikom in okoljem. Zno­traj tega procesa se dogajajo spremembe na obeh smereh. Okolje vpliva na posa­meznika in posameznik vpliva na okolje »Skozi kontakt se clovek hkrati vzpostavlja, razmejuje od svojega okolja in se z njim povezuje /…/ V kontaktu z okoljem se v cloveku poraja doživljanje, na osnovi katerega se zaveda tako sebe kot okolja.« (Flajs 2011) Geštalt pedagogika razume celoten proces, poucevanje in ucenje, predvsem z vidika kontakta oziroma stika udeleženca/ucenca s samim seboj (jaz), z geštalt trenerjem/uciteljem (mi), z ucno snovjo (ono) in z okoljem. »Pri tem se poslužuje fenomenološke naravnanosti, na kateri temelji geštalt terapija, in iz nje izhajajocih konceptov in metod. V središcu njene pozornosti je celostno upoštevanje dožive­te osebe ter integracija njenega mišljenja, cutenja in delovanja.« (Burow 1998, 11) Torej je pomembna oseba oziroma osredotocenje na osebo. V pedagoškem procesu se to osredotocenje realizira z uporabo treh dejavnikov, ki jih je geštalt pedagogika prevzela po Rogersu (na klienta usmerjena pogovorna psihoterapija) in so se prvotno navezovali na držo terapevta v terapevtskem procesu (Stein 2005, 42). V pedagoškem usposabljanju se ti dejavniki, ki so spoštovanje, empatija in pristnost, realizirajo v odnosu trener – udeleženec. To so dejavniki, ki ne omogo-cajo samo osredotocenja na osebo, temvec tudi sprošceno ozracje, v katerem se lahko udeleženci razvijajo in ucijo in kot posledica tega prevzamejo te dejavnike (nacelo odgovornosti) kot svojo lastno držo v odnosu do sebe, do drugih in do Presežnega. Da so udeleženci izpopolnjevanja osvojili temeljna nacela geštalt pedagogike in jih realizirali na razlicnih življenjskih podrocjih, potrjuje naša raziskava, v kateri je sodelovalo 80 udeležencev iz šestih generacij, ki so uspešno koncali program izpo­polnjevanja. Od vseh udeležencev jih je 64 (80 %) potrdilo, da so se med izobraže­vanjem in po njem zgodile na njihovi osebni in poklicni ravni pomembne spremem-be (Nežic Glavica 2017, 179–180). Njihove odgovore lahko razvrstimo v štiri sklope. Prvi sklop se navezuje na njihov osebnostni razvoj, v katerem so prepoznali spremembe pri dojemanju in osmišljanju svoje lastne življenjske zgodbe in pri odkrivanju svojih lastnih virov moci, pozitivno naravnanost pri oblikovanju svoje lastne samopodobe (sprejemanje samega sebe, prepoznavanje svojih osebnostnih meja, manj obrambnih drž, vzpostavljanje notranjega ravnovesja in umirjenost). Drugi sklop odgovorov se navezuje na njihov delo, pri katerem izpostavijo na­slednje spremembe: celosten pogled na ucenca in pedagoško-didakticni proces; uporaba geštaltpedagoških didakticnih metod, ki so izboljšale njihovo kvaliteto dela in odnose z ucenci (vecja senzibilnost, empatija, globlja in odprta komunika­cija, boljši uvid v situacije …); vecja motiviranost (manj anksioznosti), kreativnost in samozavest pri izvajanju pedagoškega ali terapevtskega dela. Kot tretji sklop lahko izpostavimo odgovore, ki zadevajo njihove socialne in sve­tovalne vešcine; pri tem navajajo, da so postali bolj senzibilni, empaticni in cujeci v odnosu do sebe in do bližnjih (laže prepoznavajo osebnostne krize posameznikov in njihove vzorce vedenja); pravijo, da so uspešnejši pri razreševanju konfliktov in konfliktnih situacij (doma, v razredu, med sodelavci); lažje je vzpostavljanje zdra­ve distance do dela in do sodelavcev. Cetrti sklop odgovorov se navezuje na spremembe v duhovno-religioznem do-življanju. Pri tem izpostavijo temeljno zaupanje in vero, da se bodo stvari ,že‘ do-bro iztekle (ne morejo oz. jim ni treba imeti vedno vseh vajeti v rokah). Odgovore 16 anketirancev (20 %), ki pri sebi niso zaznali sprememb, bi lahko tolmacili s temi razlogi: v sklopu izobraževanja se niso bili pripravljeni aktivno vkljuciti v proces razreševanja aktualnih vprašanj, ki bi jim omogocil vzpostavljanje stabilne osebne podobe in kakovostnejše opravljanje poklica; geštaltpedagoški pristop zanje ni bil ustrezen pristop, da bi si z njim lahko okrepili zgoraj navedene kompetence; v okviru izobraževanja so želeli pridobiti zgolj specificne geštaltpe­dagoške metode, ki jih lahko uporabijo pri svojem izobraževalnem oziroma tera­pevtskem delu. Na vprašanje: Ali vam je izobraževanje iz geštalt pedagogike odprlo kake nove vidike, poglede, spoznanja na vaši osebni in poklicni poti?, je 78 udeležencev (97,50 %) odgovorilo pritrdilno in le 2 (2,50 %) udeleženca sta na vprašanje odgo­vorila z ,ne‘ (Nežic Glavica 2017, 181–183). Na osebni ravni anketiranci izpostavljajo globlje in kompleksnejše zavedanje, ki jim koristi na razlicnih življenjskih podrocjih. Postali so bolj senzibilni in cujeci do samega sebe, do svojega telesa, do drugih, do okolja oziroma vzdušja v posame­znih situacijah; odkrili so nove vidike pri razreševanju in prepoznavanju svojih la-stnih življenjskih zgodb (vzorci vedenja, razmejitev vlog, samoodgovornost, pre­poznavanje in skladno zadovoljevanje svojih lastnih potreb, iskanje nacinov, kako vzpostaviti notranje ravnovesje …); doživeli so osredotocenje na ,tukaj in zdaj‘, pozitivno vrednotenje neposrednega doživljanja in zavedanja, da je za vzpostavi­tev psihicnega ravnovesja treba posvetiti vec casa tudi senzornemu in custvenemu doživljanju in se za nekaj trenutkov odreci razmišljanju; nastopilo je pozitivno vzdušje v skupinah (varnost, zaupanje, sprejemanje, empaticno doživljanje, pristni stiki …); spoznali so vlogo postavljanja pravilnih vprašanj, na katera mora poiskati odgovore vsak sam; doseglo jih je prebujanje kreativnega ustvarjanje (risanje, pi-sanje, ples, petje …); prebudilo se je zaupanje, da se v življenju stvari dogajajo z nekim dolocenim namenom, da ni nakljucij, da ni nic nemogoce ipd. Na poklicni ravni anketiranci izpostavljajo osebno rast, ob kateri so postali bolj umirjeni, sprošceni, suvereni, kreativni pri svojem delu (pedagoškem in terapevtsko--svetovalnem); imajo celosten pogled na ucenje, povezovanje ucne snovi z izkušnja-mi (Nežic Glavica 2019); novo je vkljucevanje intuicije in custev pri sprejemanju poslovnih odlocitev, prav tako odkrivanje novih delovnih in raziskovalnih podrocij; izboljšala sta se sodelovanje in komunikacija s sodelavci; ni težko vzpostaviti zdra­vega ravnovesja med službo in privatnim življenjem. Prav to pa je tudi cilj katoliške vzgoje. »Vzgoja ni namenjena temu, da bi pomagala posamezniku ali skupnosti do vecje moci, ampak je usmerjena k razvijanju vecjega razumevanja cloveka, dogod­kov in stvari. Prek kršcanskega pojma ljubezni naj bi dosegali tudi skupnost, ki ne zlorablja svojega položaja v odnosu do drugih in do narave.« (Vodicar 2019, 697) 3. Osebna rast v korelaciji z duhovno-religiozno dimenzijo cloveka Na izpopolnjevanju je osebnostna in poklicna rast udeležencev tesno prepletena z življenjskimi zgodbami svetopisemskih oseb. Ker je svetopisemski clovek kon­kreten in ima številne obraze, se lahko udeleženci z njim identificirajo in najdejo orientacijo za svoje lastno življenje. Iz tega razloga ponuja izpolnjevanje številne svetopisemske cikluse, ki so v povezavi in korelaciji s psihološkim in terapevtskim delom in ga presegajo (Gerjolj 2006). To dokazuje tudi naša raziskava, v kateri smo udeležence vprašali, s katerimi svetopisemskimi liki oziroma zgodbami so se lahko najbolje identificirali (Nežic Glavica 2017, 222). Pri tem je 44 udeležencev (55 %) na prvo mesto pricakovano uvrstilo Jezusove cudeže (Jezus pomiri vihar, skljucena žena, mrtvoudni decek iz Naina, prešuštnica). To so zgledi, v katerih so se lahko poistovetili s svetopisem­skimi ljudmi, z njihovimi razlicnimi hibami in težavami, ki prav tako hromijo njiho­vo življenje (Šegula 2014, 774). Na podlagi identifikacije z liki in z aktualizacijo dogodkov so lahko neposredno doživeli, da Jezus ljudi razumevajoce sprejema, jih revitalizira in jim vraca njihovo izgubljeno dostojanstvo. Jezusov empaticni od-nos, ki je razviden iz Svetega pisma, udeležence opogumlja, da se mu približajo in zaupajo. Takšna srecanja z Bogom lahko vodijo udeležence do nove duhovne pre­obrazbe in eksistence. Pri tem pa udeleženci Jezusov pristop do ljudi aplicirajo tudi na svoje pedagoško in pastoralno delo (Höfer 2006b, 27–99). Jezus je sprejemal ljudi takšne, kakor so, ne da bi jih obsojal. Obracal se je na vse sloje, še posebno na nemocne, zatirane, konfliktne in izobcene iz družbe. Geštaltpedagoški nacin dela ucitelje in katehete spodbuja, naj se po vzoru Jezusove »pedagogike ljubezni« (Höfer in Thiele 1982, 76) tudi oni soocajo s težavami in naj jih ne poskušajo obi-ti. Naj bodo dovzetni za težave in konflikte v razredu, ucencem pa naj pomagajo pri premagovanju temnih plati in jih spreminjajo v pozitivne (82). Po Jezusovem zgledu naj ucitelji v ucencih vidijo tisto, kar posameznik lahko postane. Pomemb­na je vizija, pogled v prihodnost, ki daje ucencem upanje in vero vase. Druga svetopisemska zgodba, s katero so se lahko udeleženci identificirali, je pasijon (Nežic Glavica 2017, 22). Izbralo ga je 35 anketirancev (43,75 %). Pasijon, ki pripoveduje o Jezusovem trpljenju in o njegovi smrti, jim je odpiral eksistenci­alna vprašanja o vlogi in razsežnosti trpljenja v njihovem lastnem življenju. Ob dramatizaciji in z vživljanjem v razlicne vloge so lahko prepoznavali, kdo in kakšni so, ko trpijo, kako trpljenju kljubujejo, najdejo notranje ravnovesje, kako trpljenje osmišljajo, ali išcejo njegov imanentni smisel … Na tretje mesto je 21 anketirancev (26,25 %) uvrstilo pripoved o Abrahamu in Sari, v kateri je v ospredju njuna dinamika odnosov, ki se izraža v njunem zakon­skem in družinskem življenju. Na njunih zgledih so se udeleženci lahko ucili, kako biti dober mož ali žena, mati ali oce, »seveda ne v receptualnem smislu, marvec predvsem v obliki izzivov in artikulacije življenjskih vprašanj« (Gerjolj 2006, 14). V izpopolnjevanju se clovekova odprtost do transcendence in »transpersonal­na psihologija, kot vir odrešenja, udejanja tudi s pomocjo ritualov in liturgije« (Höfer 2001, 124). To potrjujejo tudi rezultati raziskave, v kateri so udeleženci ju­tranji duhovno-religiozni ritual doživljali kot uvodni impulz in usmeritev v delo in kot molitev oziroma hvalnice, s katerimi so v povezanosti s skupino in z Bogom stopili v nov dan (Nežic Glavica 2017, 214). Iz odgovorov anketirancev je prav tako razvidno, da je vecina udeležencev (81,25 %) globoko doživljala tudi maše, ki so jih dojemali kot sklepno dejanje, ki je smiselno povzelo posamezne vsebinske po­udarke srecanj in jih združilo v celoto. Doživljali so jih kot osebno, konkretno da­ritev oziroma izrocitev Bogu, pri kateri so lahko bili aktivni soustvarjalci in ne zgolj pasivni opazovalci. Svojo aktivno držo so še posebno izpostavili pri darovanju, ko so na oltar prinašali svoje izdelke (slike, tekste, kipce …). Tako so na simbolni rav­ni iz svojih izdelkov v kruh polagali svoje konkretne izkušnje, ki so jih tako pozitiv­no kakor negativno zaznamovale, v vino pa vsa nova spoznanja, želje in resurse, s katerimi lahko izboljšajo kvaliteto svoje življenjske (izkustvene) biografije (215– 218). Na podlagi njihovega poprejšnjega procesa osebne rasti in aktivnega sode­lovanja, ki je imel za posledico, da je prekoracil casovni okvir ,klasicne‘ maše, je vecina udeležencev izkustveno doživela bistvo evharistije. To bistvo pa se ne po­navzocuje in ne udejanja samo s Kristusovim darovanjem na križu, temvec tudi s konkretnimi daritvami njegove Cerkve. 4. Metodološka kreativnost Pri izpopolnjevanju se uporabljajo metode, ki prodirajo v vse plasti duše. »So kre­ativne, kar pomeni, da so sicer z neko temo dana pravila, ne pa tudi izid. Tega si kroji vsak posameznik po svoje.« (Höfer 2001, 125) Govorimo o metodah in o pri­dobivanju prakticnega znanja, ki jih morajo udeleženci najprej preizkusiti na sebi. To pomeni, da udeleženci na svoji lastni koži doživijo, kar v drugacni obliki doži­vljajo njihovi ucenci. »Sami tako rekoc spoznavajo možnosti in težave ucenja svo­jih ucencev in ucenk, da bi jih lahko od znotraj ucili.« (2007, 12) V širokem spektru ponujenih metod je udeležence na duhovno-religioznem podrocju najbolj nagovorila metoda bibliodrama, ki jo je na prvo mesto uvrstilo 46 udeležencev (57,50 %) (Nežic Glavica 2017, 208). Pri tem so izpostavili: »Zacutila sem neverjetno povezanost telesa s custvi, situacijami, ki se do-gajajo v mojem življenju.« »Ob dramatizaciji prešuštnice sem spoznala, da se v meni nahaja tako pre­šuštnica kot tudi ljudje, ki jo obsojajo.« »V Raheli in Labanu sem prepoznala moj odnos z ocetom.« »V igri vlog sem zacutil veliko napetost in dramaticnost svetopisemske pri­povedi ter jih na intenziven nacin prenesel v trenutne osebne situacije. Zelo pozitivno je name vplivalo upanje, da se bo ob koncu vse dobro izteklo.« Iz njihovih odgovorov je razvidno, da jim je ta metoda v obliki dramatizacije omogocila identifikacijo s svetopisemskimi osebami in vlogami in prevzemanje njihovega zaznavnega polja. Identifikacija sodi med osrednje metode geštalttera­pevtskega dela. V okviru razlicnih vaj udeležencem omogoci, da se soocajo z raz-licnimi stvarmi (z osebami, živalmi, predmeti, custvi, pojmi), ki obstajajo znotraj in zunaj njih. Takšne vaje krepijo njihovo zaznavanje, saj jim prek afektivnih, ko­gnitivnih in motoricnih izkušenj omogocajo intenzivnejši in neposredni pristop do obravnavanih vsebin (Gamper 2013, 30). Pri tem religiozne in svetopisemske vse­bine niso izvzete. Svetopisemske zgodbe poleg osebnega razvoja glavnih protagonistov udeležen­ce seznanjajo tudi z njihovo potjo do Boga. Njihova osebna vera je opisana kot dolg proces, ki je udeležencem s psihološkega vidika postopoma odpiral tudi pred­dispozicije za zaznavanje in izkušnjo Boga. Bolj ko je vloga prvinska in arhetipska, globlji je njen ucinek, saj deluje na udeleženceve podzavestne predstave in vzorce vedenja in mu daje konkretno podobo in ime (Küstenmacher, Haberer, in Werner Tiki 2016, 154). Prav v teh psiholoških procesih je najvecji ucinek izobraževanja, ki udeležencev ne zaznamuje le v njihovem obdobju tistega trenutka, temvec tudi v prihodnje, saj jih naredi dovzetnejše za nadaljnjo religiozno-duhovno doživljanje in komunikacijo z Bogom. To izkazuje tudi naša raziskava, saj je 71 udeležencev (88,75 %) potrdilo, da so ob svetopisemskih zgodbah postopoma anticipirali vlogo Boga in zaceli božje delovanje doživljati in povezovati s svojimi življenjskimi do-godki (Nežic Glavica 2017, 224–229), kakor potrjujejo tudi njihovo odgovori: »Ob premišljevanju Mojzesove zgodbe sem ugotovil, da tudi mene Bog vseskozi pripravlja za moj poklic, saj je vedno preko razlicnih ljudi in do-godkov izrazito posegel v moje življenje, ko sem bil na razpotju.« »Obicajno se šele po zakljucku dogodkov zavem, kako me je Bog vodil, ce­prav se mi je v posameznih trenutkih zdelo, da me je zapustil.« »Božje delovanje se je pricelo kazati preko razlicnih svetopisemskih likov: speci ucenec me je spodbudil, da sem v odnosih postala bolj aktivna (vec govorim, nisem tako prestrašena, sem bolj pogumna); Tobijeva Sara me je spodbudila, da sem zacela bolj gorece moliti za moža – ucinka sicer še ni, a verjamem, da bo kmalu; Abraham me je spodbudil, da se naj odprem; poistovetila sem se lahko tudi z Abrahamovo Saro, saj sem tudi sama ne­rodovitna, tako v odnosih kot drugace (brez otrok). Zaznavam ucinke, ki se kažejo v izboljšanih odnosih z nekaterimi sodelavkami.« Na drugo mesto je 35 anketirancev (43,75 %) uvrstilo kreativno pisanje, ki jim na razlicne nacine omogocilo literarno vizualizacijo in ozavešcanje njihovih lastnih misli, notranje monologe, neoprijemljive dimenzije, ki so vodile v drugo dimenzi­jo spoznanja. Pri kreativnem pisanju je najvec udeležencev izpostavilo metodo pisanja osebnega psalma, ki ima po Höferju zdravilne ucinke. Strukturo psalma primerja celo s terapevtskim procesom (Höfer 1995, 19). Tako kakor se pisec v psalmu obrne na Boga, se na terapiji klient obrne na terapevta, z željo po pomoci. V samem terapevtskem procesu lahko sname svoje maske in spregovori o tem, kar ga hromi. Nato lahko v varnem okolju s terapevtom, ki ga spremlja, najde po­moc in podporo na svoji poti ozdravljenja. Podobno pa pisanje psalma udeležen­ce postopoma vodi skozi njihove eksistencialne stiske in konkretne življenjske pre­izkušnje in jim v duhovno-religiozni komunikaciji omogoca avtorefleksijo njihovih lastnih dejanj v odnosu do samega sebe in Boga. To je notranji proces, ki posto­poma prehaja od žalosti v veselje, od tožbe in dvomov k slavljenju Boga. Na tretje mesto je 32 (40 %) anketirancev uvrstilo vaje, ki so vkljucevale telesno dimenzijo (Nežic Glavica 2017, 211). Od vseh vaj (sprostitvene metode, molitev s celim telesom, scenske uprizoritve …) je anketirance pri duhovno-religiozni dimen­ziji najbolj nagovoril skupinski ples. Vkljucevanje plesa je udeležencem pomagalo pri integraciji fizicnih in psihicnih dimenzij. Ples namrec prispeva k samozavedanju, ki »omogoca oblikovanje ustrezne telesne slike, daje obcutek notranje strukture, reducira impulzivnost, omogoca odkrivanje samega sebe, vzbuja zadovoljstvo s samim seboj, samozaupanje in obcutljivost za neverbalne znake.« (Kroflic 1999, 23) Prav tako pa ples spodbuja socialne sposobnosti oziroma socialno zavedanje, ki se kaže v spodbujanju stika z drugimi, v sodelovanju, v prilagajanju skupini, v empatiji, v vodenju in podrejanju, in ne nazadnje, v sprejemanju stikov prek tele­snega kontakta (24). Izobraževanje iz geštalt pedagogike se v procesu osebne in duhovno-religiozne rasti osredotoca na celega cloveka. Ples in gib sta vkljucena v jutranje duhovno--religiozne uvode in vecerne sklepe dneva; sta sestavni del intenzivnega dela na samem sebi, pa tudi sklepne maše. Pri takšnih mašah je še posebno vidno, da je religiozna komunikacija odprta za celega cloveka in ga s telesnimi držami spodbu­ja k celostni molitvi. Molitvene kretnje, drže in ples naredijo cloveka odprtega za božje delovanje. V njegovem telesu odpirajo prostore, ki bi drugace ostali za Boga zaprti. Vera ni nekaj, kar bi bilo vezano samo na clovekovega duha ali razum, tem­vec je nekaj, kar mora prodreti globlje, tudi v clovekovo telo in se v njem utelesi-ti (Platovnjak in Roblek 2005, 20–22). Na takšen nacin je izpopolnjevanje iz geštalt pedagogike udeležencem omogocilo, da so tudi telo doživeli kot kraj izkustva vere, ki cloveka celostno nagovarja in spreminja. 5. Sklep Na podlagi rezultatov raziskave in teoreticnih izhodišc ugotavljamo vec stvari. Oblikovanje osebnosti je ena od najpomembnejših prioritet izpopolnjevanja iz geštalt pedagogike. Izhaja iz biografskega in celostnega ucenja, ki z uporabo raz­licnih geštalterapevtskih pristopov vzpostavlja stabilno osebnostno podobo ude­ležencev (uciteljev). Govorimo o transformaciji njihove osebnosti, ki je povezana z njihovo ranljivostjo in z odkrivanjem resursov, to pa jim omogoca osebno rast in jih hkrati naredi dovzetne za vzgojno-pedagoške izzive in za situacijo, v kateri so ucenci v tistem trenutku. Za geštalt pedagogiko je namrec ucitelj tisti, ki ucenca uci in spodbuja k samostojnosti, bodisi pri iskanju odgovorov na osebne krize ali pri reševanju miselnih, prakticnih ali umetniških nalog. Pri poglabljanju strokovnih kompetenc udeležencev program ne izhaja samo iz celostnih pristopov geštalt pedagogike in humanisticne psihologije, temvec se zgleduje tudi po Jezusovi pe­dagogiki, ki je v svoji eticni drži do ljudi, tako v pedagoškem in svetovalnem kakor tudi v duhovno-religioznem smislu zgled verujocim in ‚neverujocim‘ udeležencem. Izpopolnjevanju iz geštalt pedagogike je uspelo v pedagoško teorijo in prakso uspešno integrirati tudi duhovno-religiozno dimenzijo življenja in ucenja. V proces osebne rasti nevsiljivo, z uporabo celostnih geštaltpedagoških metod vkljucuje razlicne biblicne vsebine in religiozne elemente (jutranji duhovno-religiozni ritu­ali, ,geštalt‘ maše …), ki nagovarjajo tako globinsko psihološko kakor tudi duhov-no-religiozno dimenzijo udeležencev. To je potrdila naša empiricna raziskava, saj je kar 95 % udeležencev navedlo, da jih je proces osebne rasti ‚senzibiliziral‘ za duhovno in religiozno dimenzijo življenja. Preostalih 5 % anketirancev, ki so na to vprašanje odgovorili z ‚ne‘, nikjer v anketi ni navedlo, da bi se zaradi tega pocutili v procesu izpopolnjevanja izolirane oziroma nesprejete. Religiozni elementi in vsebine jih niso odvrnili od izpopolnjevanja. Velik prispevek programa se kaže tudi v obširnem fundusu ponujenih svetopisemskih vsebin, ki so v korelaciji s psiholo­škim in geštaltterapevtskim delom udeležencem omogocile spoznati Sveto pismo v novi perspektivi (Nežic Glavica 2017, 203) in jih naredile dovzetnejše za njihovo nadaljnjo duhovno-religiozno doživljanje in za dialoški odnos z Bogom, ki jim lah­ko vliva upanje in daje oporo, ne da bi pri tem posegal v njihovo avtonomijo in odgovornost za njihova lastna dejanja. Reference Bernstädt, Josta, in Stefan Hahn. 2020. Gestalt-therapie mit Gruppen: Handbuch für Ausbil-dung und Praxis. Bergisch Gladbach: Edition Humanistische Psychologie. Burow, Olaf-Axel. 1998. Was ist Gestaltpädago­gik? V: Gestaltpädagogik in der Schule, 9–22. Hamburg: Bergmann + Helbig Verlag. Ehrenfels von, Christian. 2008. O gestalt-kvalite­tah. Anthropos, št. 209/210:125–128. Flajs, Tomaž. 2011. Predstavitev geštalt terapije. Flajs.net. https://www.flajs.net/clanki/predsta­vitev-gestalt (pridobljeno 2. 12. 2020). Gamper, Brunhilde. 2013. Gestaltpädagogische Ansätze im Unterricht: Erleichterter Zugang zu Schülerinnen uns Schülern durch gestaltpäda­gogische Ansätze im Unterricht. Beau Bassin: AV Akademiker Verlag. Gerjolj, Stanko. 2006. Živeti, delati, ljubiti. Celje: Mohorjeva družba. – – –. 2008. Geštaltpedagogika kot celostna peda­gogika. V: Petra Javrh, ur. Vseživljenjsko ucenje in strokovno izrazje, 139–148. Ljubljana: Peda­goški inštitut. Höfer, Albert. 2001. Von der Hoffnung der Lieben-den: Beziehungskrisen und biblische Therapie. München: Topos plus Verlagsgemeinschaft. – – –. 2004. Pädagogik. V: Höfer Albert in Katarina Steiner, ur. Handbuch der Integrativen Gestalt-pädagogik und Seelsorge, Beratung und Super­vision. Zv. 1, Unser Menschenbild, 8–12. Gra­dec: LogoMedia-Verlag Graz. – – –. 2006a. Hintergrund der Gestaltpädagogik. V: Höfer, Steiner in Feiner 2006, 10–14. – – –. 2006b. Jesusbegegnungen. V: Höfer, Steiner in Feiner 2006, 27–99. – – –. 2007. Dem Leben vertrauen lernen: Integra­tive Gestaltpädagogik und heilende Seelsorge. Zeitschrift für Integrative Gestaltpädagogik und Seelsorge 45:12–16. Höfer, Albert, in Johannes Thiele. 1982. Spuren der Ganzheit: Impulse f eine ganzheitliche Religionspädagogik. München: Verlag J. Pfeiffer. Höfer, Albert, Katarina Steiner in Franz Feiner, ur. 2006. Handbuch der Integrativen Gestaltpäda­gogik und Seelsorge, Beratung und Supervision. Zv. 4, Jesusbegegnungen durch Gestaltpädago­gik. Gradec: LogoMedia-Verlag Graz. Kroflic, Breda. 1999. Ustvarjalni gib: Tretja raz­sežnost pouka. Ljubljana: Znanstveno publicisticno središce Ljubljana. Küstenmacher, Marion, Tilmann Haberer in Küstenmacher Werner Tiki. 2016. Gott 9.0: Wohin unsere Gesellschaft spirituell wachsen wird. Gütersloher: Gütersloher Verlagshaus. Lamovec, Tanja. 1997. Nacela gestalt terapije za vsakdanje življenje. Zv. 2. Ljubljana: ARX. Nežic Glavica, Iva. 2017. Izkustveno ucenje in poucevanje po Albert Höferju. Doktorska disertacija. Teološka Fakulteta, Univerza v Ljubljani. – – –. 2019. Vloga izkustvenaga ucenja v geštalt pedagoškem modelu ucenja in poucevanja po Alber Höferju. Bogoslovni vestnik 79, št. 1:191– 202. Perls, Frederick. 2007. Grundlagen der Ge-stalt-Therapie: Einfrung und Sitzungsproto­kolle. Bonn: Succession H. Matisse/Vg Bild­kunst. Platovnjak, Ivan, in Jože Roblek. 2005. Moliti s telesom, dušo in duhom: Molitveni prirocnik. Ljubljana: Župnijski zavod Dravlje. Šcuka, Viljem. 2007. Šolar na poti do sebe: oblikovanje osebnosti: Prirocnik za ucitelje in starše. Radovljica: Didakta. Šegula, Andrej. 2014. Aplikativnost geštalt peda­gogike v formaciji prihodnjih redovnikov (mi-noritov). Bogoslovni vestnik 74, št. 4:671–679. Stein, Roland. 2005. Einführung in die pädagogi­sche Gestaltarbeit und die gestalttheoretische Sicht von Strungen. Stuttgart: Schneider Verlag Hohengehren. UL-TEOF. 2015. Program za izpopolnjevanje: Ge-štalt pedagogika. Teološka Fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani, http://www.teof.uni-lj.si/uploads/ File/BolonjskiProgram/SLO/predstavitveni_ zbornik_GESTALT_2016-2017.pdf (pridobljeno 19. 6. 2016). Vodicar, Janez. 2018. »In boste moje price« (Apd 1, 8). Bogoslovni vestnik 78, št. 1:9–15. – – –. 2019. Transhumanizem in katoliška vzgoja. Bogoslovni vestnik 79, št. 3:693–704. ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 61 Christian Gostecnik Psihoanaliza in sakralno izkustvo Psihoanaliticna relacijska paradigma predpostavlja, da imata tako religiozni kot nereligiozni clovek svoje psihicne razloge za vero oziroma nevero. Zato je pomemb-no ugotoviti v kakšnega Boga verujoci veruje oziroma v kakšnega Boga neverujo-ci ne veruje. Tudi religiozna oseba namrec ne veruje v Boga v katerega nereligiozna oseba ne veruje ali ne more verjeti. Ljubljana: TEOF, ZBF in FDI, 2018. 455 str. ISBN 9789616844611, 20€. Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1, 149—161 Besedilo prejeto/Received:01/2020; sprejeto/Accepted:11/2020 UDK/UDC: 2-67:342.731 DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Kolaric © 2021 Kolaric, CC BY 4.0 Boštjan Kolaric Pravna opredelitev zatiranja verske svobode in nasilja nad verskimi skupnostmi The Legal Classification of the Repression of Free­dom of Religion and the Violence against Religious Communities Povzetek: Clanek podrobneje pravno obravnava pojavno obliko nasilja, imenovano zatiranje verske svobode in nasilje nad verskimi skupnostmi. Pravna obravnava iz­kazanih oblik nasilja, ki so se izvajale v obdobju komunisticnega totalitarnega režima na Slovenskem, in njihov kazenskopravni konec namrec osvetljujemo in napolnju­jeta pravni vidik tranzicijske pravicnosti in narodne sprave v Republiki Sloveniji. Odgovor na znanstveno vprašanje, ali je zatiranje verske svobode in nasilje nad verskimi skupnostmi mogoce pravno opredeliti kot hudodelstvo zoper clovec­nost, smo dali s pravno opredelitvijo (pravno kvalifikacijo) po klasicni subsump­cijski shemi, ki zahteva ugotovitev na nacin najkasnejšega ujemanja pravno relevantnih dejstev dejanskega stanja in zakonskih znakov pravno relevantne pravne podlage, da lahko to pravno dokoncamo, to je: da izvedemo pravno opredelitev kot vrednostno sintezo ali sklep. Ugotovili smo, da sta preganjanje na verski podlagi kot zatiranje verske svobo­de in nasilje nad verskimi skupnostmi, ki sta bili opravljeni skupaj s kako drugo izvršitveno obliko hudodelstva zoper clovecnost, pravno opredeljeni kot hudo­delstvo zoper clovecnost. Nasilje nad verskimi skupnostmi, pri katerem je bilo dano ,samo‘ izvršitveno dejanje preganjanja na verski podlagi, pa je pravno opredeljeno kot sistematicna kršitev clovekovih pravic in temeljnih svobošcin. Kljucne besede: zatiranje verske svobode, nasilje nad verskimi skupnostmi, pravna opredelitev, hudodelstvo zoper clovecnost Abstract: The article discusses the legal assessment of violence called repression of freedom of religion and violence against religious communities. The legal evaluation of the forms of violence carried out during the communist totalita­rian regime in Slovenia, and their criminal legal conclusion illuminate and fill the legal aspect of transitional justice and national reconciliation in the Republic of Slovenia. We provided the answer to the scientific question of whether the repression of freedom of religion and the violence against religious communities can be legally classified as crimes against humanity by carrying out a legal assessment (a legal classification) based on the classic subsumption scheme, which requires establishing the closest match of the legally relevant facts and the legal signs of a lawfully applicable legal norm to determine the legal conclusion, that is the legal classification as a value synthesis or deduction. We found that the persecution on religious grounds in the form of repression of freedom of religion and violence against religious communities carried out along with some other form of crimes against humanity is legally classified as crimes against humanity. Violence against religious communities that consisted ,only‘ of the executive action of persecution on religious grounds is legally clas­sified as a systematic violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Keywords: repression of freedom of religion and violence against religious com­munities, legal classification, crimes against humanity 1. Uvod Nasilje komunisticnega totalitarnega režima na Slovenskem v obdobju med leto-ma 1945 in 1990 je bilo izvedeno v vec izkazanih oblikah, ki jih zgodovinopisje deli na: povojne zunajsodne množicne umore, koncentracijska in delovna taborišca, izgone prebivalstva, nasilne razlastitve premoženja, politicne sodne procese, po­liticne obsojence in politicne zapornike ter na zatiranje verske svobode in nasilje nad verskimi skupnostmi. Enako razdelitev izkazanih oblik nasilja uporablja tudi Ustavno sodišce RS (US RS 1992, odst. 8). Ce so zgodovinska dejstva in dogodki v zgodovinopisju dokaj podrobno obrav­navani in ugotovljeni, sta ugotavljanje in vrednotenje pravnih vidikov komunistic­nega totalitarnega nasilja na Slovenskem in uveljavitve prava v izvedeni kazenski odgovornosti storilcev in v obsodbi totalitarnega režima, ki pomenita temelja de­mokraticne in pravne države z delujoco vladavino prava, v slovenski pravni zna­nosti izrazito zanemarjeni. Prav odsotnost objektivne pravne analize, pravnega vrednotenja in uveljavljanje in uveljavitev prava z ugotovitvijo individualne kazen­ske odgovornosti storilcev in moralne odgovornosti ter dolžnosti Republike Slove­nije v najvecji meri preprecuje katarzo slovenskega naroda in povzroca vedno nove delitve, namesto doseganja cilja spravnega pomirjenja Slovencev. Namen prispevka je, s pravno opredelitvijo izkazane oblike nasilja zatiranje ver­ske svobode in nasilja nad verskimi skupnostmi pripomoci k uveljavljanju in utr­jevanju vladavine prava ter s preganjanjem in kaznovanjem storilcev prispevati k spravi v Republiki Sloveniji. Uveljavitev vladavine prava namrec pomeni najpo­membnejši element mehanizma tranzicijske pravicnosti v posttotalitarnih družbah, ki bistveno prispeva k spravi in k skladnemu civilizacijskemu razvoju ter utrjevanju vladavine prava in demokracije. De facto še ne popolnoma raziskave in de iure neopredeljene oblike množicne­ga in sistematicnega nasilja in s tem kršenja clovekovih pravic in temeljnih svobo-šcin namrec ležijo kot zgodovinska mora nad slovenskim narodom in povzrocajo travme ter politicne in osebne delitve. V prispevku bomo pravno opredelili izkazano obliko nasilja kot zatiranja verske svo-bode in nasilja nad verskimi skupnostmi s pravno opredelitvijo (pravno kvalifikacijo) po klasicni subsumpcijski shemi. Ta shema zahteva ugotovitev pravno relevantnih dejstev dejanskega stanja in zakonskih znakov pravno relevantne pravne podlage v obliki splošnega in abstraktnega pravnega pravila, ki pomeni zgornjo premiso (lat. pra­emissa maior), konkretno izkazano dejansko stanje pa spodnjo premiso (lat. praemis­sa minor) pravnega silogizma. Ce so v abstraktni pravni normi opisani znaki uresnice­ni v dejanskem stanju oziroma ko sepravno relevantna dejstva in abstraktno (zakonsko) dejansko stanje najtesneje ujamejo, lahko to pravno dokoncamo, to je: izvedemo pravno opredelitev kot vrednostno sintezo ali sklep (lat. conclusio). Prispevek tako prek analize ujemanja zgodovinskega dejanskega stanja in pravnih zakonskih znakov hudo­delstev zoper clovecnost povezuje znanstveni podrocji zgodovine in prava. Znanstveno vprašanje, ki ga zastavljamo. je, ali je nasilje v obdobju komunistic­nega totalitarizma na Slovenskem, ki je bilo izvedeno v izkazani obliki zatiranja verske svobode in nasilja nad verskimi skupnostmi, mogoce pravno opredeliti kot hudodelstvo zoper clovecnost. Ker za pravno opredelitev zadostujejo pravno relevantna dejstva, smo opravili sintezo zgodovinskih dejstev obravnavane izkazane oblike nasilja, ki jih pomenijo predvsem: – število žrtev in njihov družbeni ali pravni status, – obseg nasilja in njegova sistematicnost, – obstoj pravne podlage ali nacrta nasilja, – dokazi o morebitnem zavedanju storilca o okolišcinah nasilja, – dokazi o morebitnem posebnem namenu storilca po unicenju varovane sku-pine. Na podlagi najtesnejšega ujemanja konkretnega in zakonskega dejanskega sta­nja smo z metodo silogisticnega sklepanja izvedli pravno posledico v obliki pravne opredelitve zatiranja verske svobode in nasilja nad verskimi skupnostmi v obdobju komunisticnega totalitarizma na Slovenskem. 2. Hudodelstva zoper clovecnost Rimski statut stalnega Mednarodnega kazenskega sodišca (MKS), ki je stopil v ve­ljavo po 60 ratifikacijah dne 1. julija 2002, ko je bilo sodišce tudi formalno usta­novljeno in pristojno za preganjanje in kaznovanje storilcev mednarodnih hudo­ delstev, v prvem odstavku 7. clena definira hudodelstva zoper clovecnost kot »ka­terakoli od naslednjih dejanj, ki so sestavni del širokega ali sistematicnega napada na civilno prebivalstvo ob vednosti storilca, da gre za tak napad« ter taksativno našteva takšna dejanja: »umor; iztrebljanje; zasužnjevanje; deportacija ali prisilna preselitev prebivalstva; zapor ali drug odvzem prostosti ob kršitvi temeljnih pravil mednarodnega prava; mucenje; posilstvo, spolno suženjstvo, vsiljena prostitucija, prisilna nosecnost, prisilna sterilizacija ali katera koli druga oblika primerljivo hudega spolnega nasilja; preganjanje kakšne prepoznavne skupine ali skupnosti zaradi politicnih, rasnih, narodnih, etnicnih, kulturnih, verskih razlogov, razlogov, povezanih s spolom, kot je doloceno v tretjem odstavku, ali drugih razlogov, ki so po mednarodnem pravu na splošno priznani kot nedopustni, ce je takšno preganjanje povezano z drugim dejanjem, navedenim v tem odstavku, ali s katerim koli drugim kaznivim dejanjem iz pristojnosti sodišca; prisilno izginotje oseb; apartheid; druga podobna neclovecna dejanja, ki naklepno povzrocajo veliko trpljenje ali hude telesne poškodbe ali okvare duševnega ali telesnega zdravja.« Drugi odstavek 7. clena Rimskega statuta MKS pa obširneje pojasnjuje najpo­membnejše pojme iz prvega odstavka. Rimski statut MKS tako doloca naslednje elemente oziroma zakonske znake hudodelstev zoper clovecnost, ki jih mora izpolniti dejansko stanje, da ga lahko opredelimo kot hudodelstvo zoper clovecnost, in ki so postali del obicajnega med-narodnega prava: 1. fizicni element oziroma izvršitvena oblika dejanskega stanja (lat. actus reus): »umor, pokol, mucenje, iztrebljanje, zasužnjevanje, izvajanje poskusov, zunaj­sodno kaznovanje, deportacija, ugrabitev, neupravicen odvzem prostosti, su­ženjstvo, kanibalstvo, mucenje, posilstvo, preganjanje na politicni, verski ali ra­sni podlagi in druga necloveška ravnanja«; 2. kontekstualni element dejanskega stanja: »ce so izvršena kot sestavni del širokega ali sistematicnega napada na civilno prebivalstvo«; 3. mentalni element storilca dejanskega stanja (lat. mens rea): »ob vednosti storilca, da gre za tak napad«. Tako Rimski statut MKS ponuja najširši nabor kriminalnih dejanj, ki lahko po­menijo hudodelstva zoper clovecnost, ce so sestavni del velikega ali sistematicne­ga napada na civilno prebivalstvo ob vednosti storilca, da je to takšen napad, in hkrati ne zahteva, da je napad storjen na nacionalni, politicni, etnicni, rasni ali verski podlagi (razen v izvršitvenem dejanju preganjanja kake prepoznavne skupi­ne ali skupnosti, ki mora biti opravljeno v povezavi s katerim drugim naštetim iz­vršitvenim dejanjem ali katerim drugim hudodelstvom, za katero je pristojno MKS). (Cassese 2002, 376) Rimski statut MKS pomeni zadnje soglasje mednarodne skupnosti s 124 drža­vami clanicami statuta in tako danes velja kot najbolj avtoritativna mednarodno pravna opredelitev pojma hudodelstva zoper clovecnost. Vsebina 7. clena Rim-skega statuta MKS namrec dejansko odseva 6. (c) clen Nürnberške listine Medna­rodnega vojaškega tribunala iz leta 1945, katere nacela so postala del obicajnega mednarodnega prava, in v najširšem smislu odseva tudi splošna pravna nacela civiliziranih narodov. Ker pa se stricto sensu Rimski statut MKS ne more uporablja-ti za pravno opredelitev dejanskih stanj, ki so bila storjena pred 1. julijem 2002, ko je statut stopil v veljavo, to onemogoca ex post facto preganjanje in je tako uporabljiv strogo prospektivno.(Bourgon 2002, 543) Domaca pravna definicija hudodelstev zoper clovecnost je dana v Kazenskem zakoniku Republike Slovenije. Ceprav v Sloveniji vse do leta 2008, ko je bila sprejeta novela Kazenskega zakonika Republike Slovenije, nismo poznali domacih pravnih pravil o hudodelstvih zoper clovecnost, na tem podrocju ni obstajala pravna prazni­na, saj so se izvršitvena dejanja hudodelstev zoper clovecnost preganjala po že ob­stojecih pravnih pravilih o vojnem hudodelstvu, ce so bila dejanja storjena v vojnem casu ali oboroženem spopadu. Ce pa so bila izvršitvena dejanja hudodelstev zoper clovecnost storjena v obdobju miru, so organi pregona in kaznovanja storilcev upo­rabljali inkriminacijo splošnih dejanj (umor, telesne poškodbe, protipravni odvzem prostosti). Zakonodajalec pa je to pomanjkljivost odpravil na nacin vrinjenja, saj je v clene, ki so že obravnavali vojna hudodelstva zoper civilno prebivalstvo ter ranjen­ce in bolnike vrinil naslednje: » /…/ ali pri izvajanju ali v podporo politiki kakšne dr­žave ali organizacije, kot velik del sistematicnega napada /…/.« (Korošec 2009, 19) Kazenski zakonik Republike Slovenije (KZ-1) je leta 2008 domaco pravno opre­delitev hudodelstev zoper clovecnost predložil v 101. clenu, v katerem je vsebin­sko povzel besedilo 7. clena Rimskega statuta MKS tako, da je združil besedila prvega in drugega interpretativnega odstavka v eni alineji. Posebnost je nastala pri alineji o preganjanju, ki jo je KZ-1 še bolj zožil kakor Rimski statut, ki veže to izvršitveno dejanje alternativno na katerokoli drugo izvršitveno dejanje iz 7. clena ali na kako drugo dejanje iz pristojnosti MKS, to pa omejuje njegov namen. (Am­brož et al. 2012, 196). KZ-1 namrec zahteva, da morajo biti poleg izvršitvenega dejanja preganjanja kumulativno izpolnjeni še zakonski znaki kakega drugega iz­vršitvenega ravnanja hudodelstva zoper clovecnost in še zakonski znaki genocida (100. clen), vojnih hudodelstev (102. clen) ali agresije (103. clen). »Na podlagi jezikovne razlage je dopustna zgolj kumulativna uporaba vseh pogojev in ne alter-nativna. Takšno kumulativno predpisovanje kaznivih dejanj je zelo omejujoce, zlasti pa je v nasprotju z Rimskim statutom.« (Zgaga 2009, 18–19) 2.1 Prvi zakonski znak hudodelstev zoper clovecnost Prvi zakonski znak hudodelstev zoper clovecnost, ki ga dolocata relevantni pravni dolocbi 7. clena Rimskega statuta MKS in 101. clena KZ-1 in dodatno pojasnjuje sodna praksa mednarodnih kazenskih sodišc, je katerokoli od naslednjih izvršitve­nih dejanj (lat. actus reus): umor, iztrebljanje, zasužnjevanje, deportacija ali pri­silna preselitev prebivalstva, mucenje, zapor ali kak drug odvzem prostosti ob kršitvi temeljnih pravil mednarodnega prava, prisilno izginotje oseb, preganjanje, druga podobna necloveška ravnanja. Preganjanje sodna praksa opredeljuje kot »dejanja proti posamezniku zaradi njegove pripadnosti doloceni rasni, verski ali politicni skupini« (MKSJ 2004a, odst. 235), pri tem pa »preganjanje nujno ne zahteva fizicnega elementa, pri cemer se diskriminatorna podlaga, tj. politicna, rasna ali verska, razume kot vzajemno iz­kljucujoca«, pove torej: ni treba, da je dana kumulativno (1997, odst. 707), ce »storilec preganjanja ni prvenstveno ciljal na posameznike, ampak na pripadnost posebni rasni, verski ali politicni skupini« (2004a, odst. 244), in Rimski statut MKS v drugem odstavku 7. clena pojasnjuje preganjanje kot »naklepno in hudo kratenje temeljnih pravic v nasprotju z mednarodnim pravom zaradi prepoznavne lastnosti skupine ali skupnosti in sicer zaradi politicnih, rasnih, narodnih, etnicnih, kulturnih, verskih razlogov, razlogov povezanih s spolom, ali drugih razlogov, ki so po mednarodnem pravu splo­ šno priznani kot nedopustni, ce je takšno preganjanje povezano z drugim dejanjem, navedenim v tem odstavku, ali katerim koli drugim kaznivim dejanjem iz pristojnosti sodišca.« 2.2 Drugi zakonski znak hudodelstev zoper clovecnost Drugi zakonski znak hudodelstev zoper clovecnost, ki ga dolocata relevantni prav­ni dolocbi 7. clena Rimskega statuta MKS in 101. clena KZ-1 in dodatno pojasnju­je sodna praksa mednarodnih kazenskih sodišc OZN in MKS, je kontekstualni ele­ment izvršitvenega dejanja, ki zahteva, da je izvršitveno dejanje »izvršeno kot sestavni del širokega ali sistematicnega napada proti kateremukoli civilnemu pre­bivalstvu«. Terminološko opredelitev »izvršeno kot sestavni del širokega ali siste­maticnega napada« pojasnjuje drugi odstavek 7. clena Rimskega statuta MKS kot »veckratno izvršitev dejanj iz prvega odstavka zoper civilno prebivalstvo pri izvajanju ali v podporo politiki kakšne države ali organizacije, ki imata takšne cilje«. Pri hudodelstvih zoper clovecnost mora biti napad širok ali sistematicen, sem se ne prištevajo individualna dejanja obtoženih (MKSJ 2004b, odst. 94). Pojem ,širok‘ zadeva velik obseg napada in število žrtev (2005, odst. 183). »Koncept ‚ši­roko razširjen‘ bi lahko definirali kot množicno in pogosto delovanje v velikem obsegu, ki se izvršuje kolektivno z veliko težo in je usmerjeno zoper vecje število žrtev. Koncept ‚sistematicen‘ bi lahko definirali kot skrbno organiziran, ki sledi ure­jenemu vzorcu na podlagi skupne politike in vkljucuje bistveno kolicino javnih in zasebnih virov. Pri tem ni potrebno, da je ta politika uradna politika države. Kljub temu pa mora obstajati vnaprej pripravljen nacrt ali politika.« (1998, odst. 579– 580) Zato »so iz hudodelstev zoper clovecnost izkljucena tista dejanja, ki niso storjena kot del širše politike ali nacrta« (1999, odst. 124). Nasprotno MKSJ v svojih odlocitvah ni zahtevalo obstoja politike ali nacrta pri izvršitvi hudodelstev zoper clovecnost. »Napad ne potrebuje podpore z obstojem nacrta ali politike.« (2004a, odst. 120) »Obstoj nacrta ali politike napada je lahko dokazno relevanten, ni pa pravni element zlocina.« (2004b, odst. 100, 126) Sodna praksa je sistematicnost dodatno pojasnila kot: »podpornik (agent) sis-tema ne rabi delovati sistematicno; dovolj je, ce je njegovo posamezno dejanje bilo povezano s sistemom ter je tako izgubilo naravo posamicnega primera; deja-nja, storjena na sistematicen nacin, kot praksa držav s strani izvrševalcev ideološke hegemonije.« (Cassese 2002, 357–358) Opredelitev ,napad proti civilnemu prebivalstvu‘ zožuje podrocje pojma ,širok ali sistematicen napad‘, pri tem pa drugi odstavek 7. clena Rimskega statuta MKS dodatno opredeljuje, da napad pomeni »ravnanje, ki vkljucuje veckratno izvršitev dejanj iz prvega odstavka zoper civilno prebivalstvo pri izvajanju ali v podporo po­litiki kakšne države ali organizacije, ki imata takšne cilje.« 2.3 Tretji zakonski znak hudodelstev zoper clovecnost Tretji zakonski znak hudodelstev zoper clovecnost, ki ga dolocata relevantni prav­ni dolocbi 7. clena Rimskega statuta MKS in 101. clena KZ-1 in dodatno pojasnju­je sodna praksa mednarodnih kazenskih sodišc OZN in MKS, je zahtevani mental-ni element izvršitvenega dejanja (lat. mens rea), pravno opredeljen kot »vednost storilca, da gre za tak napad«, ki zahteva vedenje storilca o širokem ali sistematic­nem napadu zoper civilno prebivalstvo. Mentalni naklep storilca je najteže doka­zljiv zakonski znak hudodelstva zoper clovecnost. Tako je MKSR mentalni naklep pojasnilo, kot da je »storilec moral vedoma sto­riti hudodelstva zoper clovecnost v tem smislu, da je mogel razumeti celoten kon­tekst svojih dejanj. /…/ Storilec je moral vedeti, da je njegovo dejanje del širokega ali sistematicnega napada na civilno prebivalstvo in izvrševanja neke vrste politike ali nacrta.« (MKSR 1999, odst. 133–134) »Storilec mora vedeti, da poteka napad na civilno prebivalstvo, in mora vedeti, da so njegova dejanja del napada ali vsaj tveganje, da bi bila njegov del. Vendar to ne pomeni, da mora poznati podrobno­sti napada. Zadostuje, da je s svojimi dejanji ali funkcijo, ki jo je voljno sprejel, vedoma sprejel tveganje sodelovanja v izvršitvi napada.« (2002, odst. 59) 3. Pravna opredelitev zatiranja verske svobode in nasilja nad verskimi skupnostmi Po koncu druge svetovne vojne si je Komunisticna partija Slovenije (KPS), da bi preoblikovala družbeni sistem v skladu z novim svetovnim nazorom komunizmom, prizadevala, z razlicnimi sredstvi uveljaviti marksisticno ateisticno ideologijo. V ta namen je poskušala omejiti vpliv verskih skupnosti, posebno katoliške Cerkve, ki je bila dalec najvecja in pomembno vpeta v slovenski prostor, pa tudi vpliv manj­ših nekatoliških verskih skupnosti in jih hkrati nadzorovati. Po vojni je partija ,priredila‘ celo vrsto duhovniških in redovniških procesov, to so bili božicni proces, jezuitski proces, Rožmanov proces, proces proti franciška­nom, Lenicev proces, Bitencev proces, proces proti Katoliški akciji, procesi proti lazaristom, magdalenkam, franciškankam (Griesser Pecar 2005). Za razumevanje povojnega odnosa komunisticnih oblasti do Cerkve in do verskih skupnosti se je treba ozreti na medvojno obdobje oziroma medvojno obdobje revolucionarnega nasilja nad pripadniki katoliškega tabora (Hancic 2015, 649–657). V skladu z želeno marksisticno ateisticno ideologijo namrec religija ni imela mesta v komunisticnem režimu. To pooseblja izjava Franca Leskoška - Luka na seji Okrajnega komiteja Zveze komunistov Slovenije v Celju 28. junija 1954: »Mi smo nasprotniki vere. Mi vemo, da je vera šašava stvar. To je strašilo za ljudi. Vera v 20. stoletju ne spada vec v našo stvarnost. To je stvar, ki je bila pred 500 leti, danes pa je neumnost.« (Mikola 2012, 343) Enako pove Prirocnik za delo Milice na po­drocju varstva ustavne ureditve iz leta 1985, ki ga je izdal Republiški sekretariat za notranje zadeve, ko so posebne naloge v zvezi s spremljanjem Cerkve in njenih duhovnikov dobile postaje Ljudske milice (359). Za komunisticno oblast na Slovenskem je bila Cerkev notranji sovražnik številka ena, ker je ostala edina organizirana sila zunaj partije. Zato jo je komunisticna oblast skušala – ce že ne uniciti, pa vsaj podjarmiti. (Griesser Pecar 2013, 2) Obli­ka preganjanja verskih skupnosti so bili tudi montirani politicni sodni procesi. Za­pisniki politbiroja CK KPS od leta 1945 do leta 1952 potrjujejo izvajanje montiranih politicnih procesov proti pripadnikom Cerkve. Na seji CK KPS dne 25. decembra 1945 je minister za notranje zadeve Ivan Macek - Matija predložil organizacijsko--politicno porocilo o sodnem nacinu obracunavanja z duhovšcino in svojo name-ro glede nadaljnjega politicnega pritiska proti Cerkvi pojasnil z besedami: »Mi bomo v bližnji bodocnosti zaprli nekoliko farjev, kajti imamo dovolj podatkov, da bodo lahko obsojeni.« (Šcavnicar 2016, 113) Analiza ugotovljenih pravno relevantnih dejstev, okolišcin in dokazov izvršitve nasilja pri zatiranju verske svobode in nasilja nad verskimi skupnostmi, ki pome­nijo kršitve clovekovih pravic in temeljnih svobošcin, kaže, da so bili opravljeni v vsaj eni obliki izvršitvenega dejanja hudodelstev zoper clovecnost, to je: kot pre­ganjanje na verski podlagi. Drugi element oziroma zakonski znak hudodelstev zoper clovecnost, ki zahteva, da je izvršitveno dejanje opravljeno kot sestavni del širokega ali sistematicnega napada proti kateremukoli civilnemu prebivalstvu, to pa pomeni veckratno izpe­ljavo izvršitvenih dejanj hudodelstev zoper clovecnost, zoper civilno prebivalstvo pri izvajanju ali v podporo politike kake države ali organizacije s takšnimi cilji, se potrjuje v široki in sistematicno organizirani naravi nasilnih dejanj: – Od maja 1945 do leta 1961 je bilo obtoženih 429 duhovnikov od povprecno nekaj manj kakor 1000, 339 jih je bilo kaznovanih z zaporno kaznijo, 73 pa je bilo denarno kaznovanih; 9 duhovnikov, salezijanski pomocnik in neka usmi­ljenka so bili obsojeni na smrt, 4 duhovniki so bili usmrceni. Sodbe so pogosto vsebovale zaplembo vseh premicnin in nepremicnin. Zaradi obsodbe posame­znikov je bilo zaseženo premoženje redov, to pa potrjuje dejstvo, da so bile kazni nesorazmerne. Najbolj znani politicni montirani sodni procesi, v katere so bili vkljuceni duhovniki, so bili božicni proces, Rupnikov/Rožmanov proces in Bitencev proces. V teh procesih so bile obtožnice in sodbe skonstruirane, sestavljene na podlagi lažnega gradiva ali pricevanj, predlogi zagovornikov ne­mocni, pric in dokumentov v prid obtoženca pa sodišce ni upoštevalo. Številni sakralni objekti – cerkve, kapele, znamenja, križi, pokopališca – so bili oneca-šceni, nasilno porušeni ali rušeni pod kako ,strokovno‘ pretvezo, posebno po prekinitvi diplomatskih odnosov z Vatikanom leta 1952. Dodatno je bila Cerkev kot institucija pod krinko ,locitve cerkve in države‘ izlocena iz javnega življenja in zaznamovana z mocno protiversko in proticerkveno propagando. Da bi par-tija locila duhovnike od škofov, izigrala vodstva škofij med seboj in onemogo-cila vpliv Vatikana, je politicna oblast s podporo SDV dne 20. septembra 1949 ustanovila Cirilmetodijsko društvo katoliških duhovnikov. (Griesser Pecar, 2010) Cirilmetodijsko društvo so samo navidezno ustanovili ,napredni‘ duhovniki, dejansko pa je za njimi stala komunisticna oblast (2017, 435). – Med letoma 1951 in 1961 je bilo upravno kaznovanih 1411 duhovnikov na skupaj 1450 dni zapora (Griesser Pecar, 2005). Po podatkih s seznama obsoje­nih duhovnikov iz Nadškofijskega arhiva Ljubljana je bilo do leta 1951 na Slo­venskem obsojenih 185 pripadnikov Cerkve, od tega v mariborski škofiji 62, to je pomenilo 33 odstotkov vseh sodb. Med njimi je bila v 14 primerih izrecenatudi kazen zaplembe premoženja. (Šcavnicar 2016, 111–127) – Med letoma 1945 in 1955 je bilo upravno kaznovanih 1033 duhovnikov, od tega 969 z denarnimi kaznimi. Do leta 1961 je bilo po statistiki najmanj 1450 predstavnikov Cerkve kaznovanih upravno in denarno in 95 z zaporno kaznijo. (Griesser Pecar 2005, 635–636) – Cerkev je za tedanjo oblast pomenila ‚izrazitega razrednega sovražnika‘, zato so jo nameravali ideološko in ekonomsko uniciti, predvsem z zaplenitvijo cer­kva in cerkvenih veleposestev in z diskreditacijo duhovnikov v sredstvih javne­ga obvešcanja, ko so clanki o sodnih procesih, v katerih so bili obsojeni duhov­niki, izstopali po velikosti in poudarjenosti, porocanje pa je bilo pristransko,enostransko in zanicljivo (Šcavnicar 2016, 112). Juhant ugotavlja, da se je mar­ksisticno postavljanje sveta na glavo zacelo s propagandno vojno zoper nosilce dotedanjega kršcanskega duhovnega izrocila, ki je skušala postaviti na laž po-men teh ljudi in njihovih duhovnih korenin, temu pa je sledila dejanska nasilna odstranitev teh nosilcev (likvidacije) in z njo povezana oblast terorja (Juhant 2016, 132). Sistematicnost se potrjuje v organizirani naravi politicnih sodnih procesov proti Cerkvi, duhovnikom in drugim verskim skupnostim. Represija KPS se namrec ni ome­jevala samo na katoliško Cerkev in na njeno duhovšcino, ampak so ji bile v enaki meri izpostavljene tudi preostale verske skupnosti; najhuje so bili preganjani pripa­dniki Jehovovih pric in baptisti, prizaneseno pa ni bilo niti pravoslavni in evangeli-canski Cerkvi. (Mikola 2012, 359–367) Najvecji pritisk na nekatoliške verske skupno­sti se je izvajal od leta 1948 do leta 1953, pri tem pa je osrednjo vlogo odigrala SDV. Tako so leta 1948 potekali sodni procesi proti pripadnikom evangelicanske in pravo­slavne Cerkve in proti pripadnikom baptisticne verske skupnosti. Najvec sodnih po­stopkov je bilo proti pripadnikom Jehovovih pric leta 1948, leta 1949 in leta 1952, pritisk pa se je nadaljeval tudi v šestdesetih in sedemdesetih letih, zaradi ugovora vesti verskega prepricanja – odklanjanje orožja in odklanjanje služenja vojaškega roka. Na dan 15. marca 1987 je bilo v zaporih Ljubljana in Rogoza Maribor zaprtih še devet pripadnikov Jehovovih pric. Mnogi so bili veckrat obsojeni in zaprti zaradi istega kaznivega dejanja. (Strajnar 2014, 119–127) Sistematicnost se potrjuje tudi v razlicnih oblikah zatiranje verske svobode in nasilja nad verskimi skupnostmi. Veci­noma je to potekalo prek kazenskega sodstva z metodami zrežiranih politicnih pro-cesov, na katerih so jim ocitali protidržavno politicno delovanje, njihov namen pa naj bi bilo zrušenje obstojece družbene ureditve z nasiljem. Tako je KPS za unicenje verskih skupnosti na Slovenskem sistematicno izvedla naslednje ukrepe: – preimenovanje okoli sto petdeset slovenskih krajev, ki so dobili ime po katoli­ških svetnikih, na podlagi Zakona o imenih naselij in oznacb trgov, ulic in hiši iz leta 1948, – pritiske na verujoce ucitelje in profesorje in preostale državne uslužbence, – zbiranje podatkov o ucencih, ki so se udeleževali verouka, – ustanovitev posebne komisije za vprašanje vere pri partijskih komitejih, – izlocitev teološke fakultete iz univerze, – politicne sodne procese proti katoliškim duhovnikom, – agrarno reformo, po kateri so smele verske ustanove obdržati 10 ha posestev, izjemoma do 30 ha obdelovalne zemlje in do 30 ha gozdov, – unicevanje in skrunjenje sakralnih objektov in fizicne napade na duhovnike, s soglasjem partije, – izvajanje hišnih preiskav, stanovanjsko utesnjevanje in brisanje z volilnih list, – ukinjanje cerkvenih šol, omejevanje verouka in verskega tiska, – odpušcanje sester iz šol in bolnišnic, – pridobivanje zaupnikov SVD med katoliškimi in nekatoliškimi verskimi sku­pnostmi. (Mikola 2012, 343–367; Griesser Pecar 2005; 2010) Vpliv politicnega pritiska na katoliško Cerkev in zatiranja verske svobode so ob­cutili tudi verniki, ki so morali izražanje veroizpovedi umakniti v zasebno sfero. Nanje so najbolj vplivali sovražni govor, diskriminacija na podrocju izobraževanja in dela in prepoved javnega izražanja vere. Zaradi vsega tega lahko v sedemdese­tih letih že opazimo ucinke sekularizacije in mocno upadanje deleža vernih. (Pi­škuric 2018, 592–607) Ugotavljamo, da se zahtevani kontekstualni element hudodelstev zoper clovec­nost potrjuje v navedenih pravno relevantnih dejstvih, okolišcinah in dokazih, ki kažejo na širšo naravo hudodelstev, velik obseg napada in števila žrtev, to pa je v pravni teoriji razumljeno kot množicno in pogosto delovanje v velikem obsegu, ki se izvršuje kolektivno z veliko težo in je usmerjeno zoper vecje število žrtev. Sistema-ticnost se potrjuje v organizirani naravi kršitve nasilja v obdobju komunisticnega totalitarizma, ki ga je izvajala KPS kot dejanska oblast na Slovenskem. Prav tako ugo­tavljamo, da so bile kršitve clovekovih pravic in temeljnih svobošcin storjene v izva­janju politike diskriminacije ali preganjanja prepoznavne skupine na verski in razre­dni podlagi. Obenem so bile žrtve deležne sistematicnega spodkopavanja cloveške­ga dostojanstva, to pa kaže, da imamo lahko ta dejanja za del celostne politike in doslednega vzorca neclovecnosti. Neclovecnost napada namrec zahteva, da mora biti izvršitvena oblika nasilja neclovecne narave in pomena, ki povzroca veliko trplje­nje ali hudo telesno poškodbo ali škodo za duševno ali fizicno zdravje. Ugotavljamo, da sta bili zatiranje verske svobode in nasilje nad verskimi sku­pnostmi izvedeni kot del velikega napada na civilno prebivalstvo in da je zahteva po izpolnitvi terminološke opredelitve »proti kateremukoli civilnemu prebivalstvu« izpolnjena, saj je bil primarni objekt napada civilno prebivalstvo. Ugotavljamo, da se v izkazani obliki nasilja, imenovani zatiranje verske svobode in nasilje nad verskimi skupnostmi, zahtevani mentalni element hudodelstev zoper clovecnost potrjuje na podlagi ugotovljenih pravno relevantnih dejstev, okolišcin in dokazov izvršitve nasilja in obstoja razlicnih pravnih podlag, po katerih so organizi­rali vzpostavitev in delovanje razlicnih oblik izkazanih oblik nasilja, to pa pomeni, da so se storilci, ki so bili agenti sistema glede na svoj položaj, mogli in morali zavedati širšega konteksta napadov in dejstva, da so njihova dejanja del napadov. To izhaja: – iz sprejetja „Zakona o kaznivih dejanjih zoper narod in državo“ iz leta 1946, po katerem je bila kaznovana vecina duhovnikov do julija 1951 (Griesser Pecar 2005); – iz sprejetja „Zakona o prekrških zoper javni red in mir“ iz leta 1949, ko so mno­gim duhovnikom prostost odvzeli tudi upravni organi za notranje zadeve pri okrajnih in mestnih ljudskih oblasteh, z izrekanjem tako imenovanih admini­strativnih (upravnih) kazni oziroma ,varstvenih ukrepov‘. To ugotavlja tudi Ustavno sodišce Republike Slovenije, ki pravi, »da so bili jugoslovanski državljani, ki so ostali v državi, desetletja podvrženi trajnemu in sistematicnemu ogrožanju clovekovih pravic in temeljnih svobošcin v tedanjem družbenopoliticnem sistemu, velja v polni meri tudi za Cerkev. Posebej velja opozoriti, da pravni in dejanski položaj verskih skupnosti v tedanjem sistemu ni bil dolocen samo s splošno znanimi pred­pisi, ampak je bil njihov položaj, še posebej pa položaj Rimskokatoliške cerkve v Sloveniji podrobneje definiran s strogo zaupnimi, skrivnimi inter-nimi navodili, ki so tedaj skupaj z drugimi skrivnimi predpisi tvorila para­lelni skrivni pravni sistem. /…/ Oživljanje proticerkvene agitacije in posku­si stigmatizacije Cerkve kot fevdalne gosposke in tujka na Slovenskem po­menijo v bistvu perpetuiranje ideološko politicnih stališc iz dokumentov nekdanje tajne politicne policije o Cerkvi kot permanentnem notranjem sovražniku in generiranje novih umetno ustvarjenih nasprotij, kar vodi k protiustavnemu spodbujanju nestrpnosti do Cerkve v nasprotju z 63. cle­nom Ustave.« (Ustavno sodišce Republike Slovenije 1996, tc. 35) Dodatni pogoj, da lahko izvršitveno dejanje preganjanja opredelimo kot hudo­delstvo zoper clovecnost, je, da mora biti po Rimskem statutu MKS to dejanje ve­zano alternativno na katerokoli drugo izvršitveno dejanje hudodelstev zoper clo­vecnost ali katero drugo dejanje iz pristojnosti MKS, po KZ-1 pa kumulativno po­vezano še s katerim drugim izvršitvenim dejanjem hudodelstev zoper clovecnost in z genocidom, vojnim hudodelstvom ali agresijo. Tako preganjanje na verski podlagi kakor zatiranje verske svobode in nasilje nad verskimi skupnostmi, ki so bila opravljena skupaj s kako drugo izvršitveno obliko hudodelstev zoper clovecnost, kakor so na primer ,umori‘ (umor Lojzeta Grozde­ta 1. januarja 1943 itd.), »zapor ali drug strog odvzem prostosti ob kršitvi temelj­nih pravil mednarodnega prava« (zapiranje Jehovovih pric itd.), »mucenje, ki po­meni naklepno povzrocitev hude bolecine, telesnega ali duševnega trpljenja ose-bi, ki jo je storilec pridržal, pri cemer mucenje ne vkljucuje bolecine ali trpljenja, ki je izkljucno posledica izvrševanja zakonitih sankcij ali je z njimi povezano« (za­žig škofa Antona Vovka 20. januarja 1952, politicni sodni procesi proti duhovnikom itd.), pravno opredeljujemo kot hudodelstva zoper clovecnost. Na splošno pa zatiranje verske svobode in nasilje nad verskimi skupnostmi kot preganjanje na verski podlagi pravno opredeljujemo kot sistematicne kršitve clo­vekovih pravic in temeljnih svobošcin, kakor so pravica do življenja in telesne ne­dotakljivosti, clovekovega dostojanstva, pravica do osebne svobode, svobode go-vora in spoštovanja verskega prepricanja, pravica do svobode mišljenja, vesti in vere, in kot kršitve temeljnih sodnih pravic, kamor sodi predpostavka poštenega postopka. Razglasitev kolektivnih kazni in nedolocnost inkriminiranih dejanj sta bili v nasprotju z že takrat veljavnim 50. clenom „Haškega pravilnika o vojskovanju na kopnem“, ki prepoveduje kaznovanje celotnega prebivalstva zaradi dejanj po­sameznikov. V nekaterih primerih, ko so storilci pozivali k sovraštvu, diskriminaci­ji ali nasilju na verski podlagi, lahko govorimo tudi o sovražnem govoru. Kratice CK KPS– Centralni komite Komunisticne partije Slovenije. KPS – Komunisticna partija Slovenije. KZ-1 – Kazenski zakonik Republike Slovenije 2008. MKS – Mednarodno kazensko sodišce. MKSJ – Mednarodno kazensko sodišce za bivšo Jugoslavijo 1997/2002/2004/2004a/2005. MKSR – Mednarodno kazensko sodišce za Ruando 1998/1999. OZN – Organizacija združenih narodov. SDV – Služba državne varnosti. Reference Pravni viri – – –. 2002. Tožilec proti Krnojelcu. IT-97-25-T. 15. 3. – – –. 2004a. Tožilec proti Blaškicu. IT-95-14-T. 3. 3. Kazenski zakonik Republike Slovenije. 2008. V: Uradni list RS, št. 50/12. PISRS, 4. 6. http:// – – –. 2004b. Kordic in Cerkez. IT-95-14/2. 17. 12. pisrs.si/Pis.web/pregledPredpisa?id=ZAKO5050 – – –. 2005. Limaj et al. IT-03-66. 30. 11. (pridobljeno 28. 8. 2020). Mednarodno kazensko sodišce za Ruando. 1998. Mednarodno kazensko sodišce za bivšo Jugo- Tožilec proti Akayesuju. ICTR-96-4-T. 2. 9. slavijo. 1997. Tožilec proti Tadic. IT-94-1. 7. 5. – – –. 1999. Tožilec proti Kayishemi in Ruzindani. ICTR-95-1-T. 21. 5. Ustavno Sodišce Republike Slovenije. 1992. Opr. št. 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Ljubljana: Arhiv Republike Slovenije; Nadškofij-ski arhiv; Muzej novejše zgodovine Slovenije; Družina. – – –. 2013. Sodelavci iz duhovniških vrst: Udbo­vski prirocnik razkriva nekatere metode ‚verske vojne‘ proti veri in Cerkvi. Slovenski cas, št. 41:2–3. – – –. 2017. Cirilmetodijsko društvo katoliških duhovnikov LRS in ‚ljudska oblast‘ med najhujšo represijo. Bogoslovni vestnik 77, št. 2: 423–437. Hancic, Damjan. 2015. Katoliški tabor v Ljubljani v primežu revolucionarnega nasilja leta 1942. Bogoslovni vestnik 75, št. 4:649–657. Juhant, Janez. 2016. Ustrahovani narod na poti k resnici in svobodi. V: Marjan Maucec, ur. LETO 1945 – 70 let potem: monografija znanstvenih prispevkov, 130–141. Ljubljana: Državni svet Republike Slovenije. Korošec, Damjan. 2009. Mednarodno kazensko pravo v KZ-1 (1.): Genocid. Pravna praksa, št. 22:18–19. Mikola, Milko. 2012. Rdece nasilje: represija v Sloveniji po letu 1945. Celje: Mohorjeva druž­ba. Piškuric, Jelka. 2018. Omejevanje svobode veroiz­povedi v socializmu. Bogoslovni vestnik 78, št. 2:591–609. Strajnar, Neža. 2014. Sodni procesi proti pripadni­kom nekatoliških verskih skupnosti v obdobju komunizma v Sloveniji. V: Mateja Coh, ur. Revo­lucionarno nasilje, sodni procesi in kultura spominjanja, 119–127. Ljubljana: Študijski center za narodno spravo. Šcavnicar, Darko. 2016. Procesi proti duhovnikom in redovnikom v mariborski škofiji od leta 1945 do 1951. V: Mateja Coh Kladnik, ur. Brezpravje v imenu ljudstva, 111–127. Ljubljana: Študijski center za narodno spravo. Zgaga, Sabina. 2009. Mednarodno kazensko pravo v KZ-1 (2): Hudodelstva zoper clovecnost in vojna hudodelstva. Pravna praksa, št. 23:18–19. ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 65 Luka Trebežnik Med nihilizmom in mesijanizmom: Derridajeva filozofija religije Derridaju nikakor ne gre za zavracanje obstoja resnice, temvec gre le za sporocilo, da ta nastopa preko razlike. Dekonstrukcija trdi, da ne obstaja zunaj teksta, kar pomeni, da ne obstaja vecna resnica. Temu je tako, ker je sleherna resnica inkar­nirana v jezik in pripoved. Ta Derridajeva stališca pa so v veliki meri nasprotna tradiciji, ki veruje, da se za tekstom nahaja trden in nesporen smisel. Izmed vsega slovstva je to najocitneje izraženo pri religijah, ki sprejemajo nadnaravni izvor svo­jih tekstov. Od to sledi, da sta dekonstrukcija in teologija izvorno nerazdružljivi. Ljubljana: Teološka fakulteta, 2018. 264 str. ISBN 9789616844673, 17€. Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1, 163—183 Besedilo prejeto/Received:01/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:04/2021 UDK/UDC: 272(497.4)"2019":316.774 DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Kraner © 2021 Kraner, CC BY 4.0 David Kraner Medijske reprezentacije kot odsev problema insti­tucionalizacije Cerkve Media Representations Reflect the Problem of the Institutionalization of the Church Povzetek: Iz analize clankov slovenskih medijev o katoliški Cerkvi v letu 2019 ugotavlja-mo, da je v medijskih reprezentacijah Cerkve mocno navzoce izrazito subjektivno porocanje,s tempaškodljivi trojni medijski ucinek: prednostno tematiziranje(agen­da-setting), okvirjanje (framing) in vplivanje na javno mnenje z ucinkom spirale molka (spiral of silence). Pastoralna in spekulativna teologija bi morali z roko v roki odkrivati znamenja casov tukaj in sedaj, v teh razburkanih casih krize v Cerkvi, in biti trdna opora pastoralnim delavcem z aktualno teološko refleksijo, s slovenskim pastoralnim nacrtom in z vseslovenskimi pastoralnimi programi, izdelanimi v sin-hroniji s Slovensko škofovsko konferenco. Zdajšnja odsotnost refleksije, nacrtov in programov pri pastoralnih delavcih povzroca negotovost, nezaupanje, labilnost in celo odpor številnih duhovnikov do njihovih škofov. V stanju krize identitete so vse negativne novice o Cerkvi, tudi ce z majhno negativno konotacijo, videti kakor ve­liki napadi. Odzivi Cerkve pa so zato lahko nepremišljeni, to vodi v še slabše stanje. Kljucne besede: reprezentacije, Cerkev, vpliv, mediji, teologija Abstract: Analyzed articles of Slovenian media about the Catholic Church in the year 2019 show that in media representations of the Catholic Church, there is distinc­tly subjective reporting, which has a harmful triple media effect: agenda-setting, framing, and influencing public opinion with the effect of a spiral of silence. Pa­storal and speculative theology should discover hand in hand the signs of the clock here now, in these turbulent times of crisis in the Church, and be solid su­pport for pastoral workshops with current theological reflection, Slovenian pa­storal plans, and all-Slovenian pastoral programs made in sync with Slovenian bishop conference. The current lack of reflection, planning, and programs causes uncertainty among pastoral workers, mistrust, liability, and even resistance of numerous priests against their bishops. In a state of an identity crisis, all negati­ve news about the Church, even with a minor negative connotation, is seen as a powerful attack. Therefore, the Church’s reactions can be reckless, which leads to the worsening of the situation. Keywords: representations, Church, influence, media, theology 1. Aktivno delovanje medijev in izziv za spremembe prakticne teologije Prvi vtis ob negativnih medijskih novicah je, da mediji danes želijo katoliški Cerkvi (v nadaljevanju: Cerkev) zmanjšati moc in da pastoralisti ob tem pasivno in prestra­šeno molcijo. Vendar je bila v zgodovini, vse od prvega nastopa novicarskih medijev, vedno navzoca napetost med mediji in Cerkvijo, saj imata omenjeni ,instituciji‘ vsa­ka svojo lastno naravo delovanja, ki sta si v nekaterih tockah diametralno nasprotni: prva teži k novostim in konfliktnosti, druga pa k edinosti in kontinuiteti s svojimi koreninami (Dulles 1994, 6-9). Prakticna in spekulativna teologija morata nujno upoštevati razlicnost narav delovanja Cerkve in medijev in druga z drugo sodelova-ti v kulturi in prostoru, hic et nunc, se obojestransko podpirati tam, kjer v pastorali in teologiji izgubljata ucinkovitost (CS, opomba 1). »Teologi izgubljajo izpred oci svo­je pravo poslanstvo, ki ni ustvarjanje, ampak razlaganje tega, kar nam je razodeto, poglabljanje vanj in ne uveljavljanje svojih lastnih izvrstnosti.« (Sarah 2019, 106) Tudi glede medijev je kardinal Sarah popolnoma jasen: »Ne pustimo si vsiljevati rit-ma medijev, ki tako naglo govorijo o spremembah, preobratih ali revolucijah. Cas Cerkve je dolgotrajen. Njen cas je cas resnice iz kontemplacije, ki prinaša ves svoj sad, ce resnici pustimo, da v miru požene korenine v zemljo vere.« (106) V slovenskem pastoralnem nacrtu Pridite in poglejte je poudarjeno: »Danes pa vi-dimo, da je vse vec duhovne brezbrižnosti, moralnega relativizma in ideološke razde­ljenosti. V slovenski družbi se poglabljajo negativni ucinki sekularizacije.« (PIP, tc. 12) Devet let pozneje lahko dodamo, da so se brezbrižnost, ideološke razdeljenosti in moralni relativizem še dodatno poglobili. Cerkev s svojimi dejanji sama daje zadostno kolicino materiala, ki ga novinarji v manipulativnih in brezobzirnih informativnih clan-kih slovenskih medijev uspešno uporabljajo. »Zaradi prepletenosti sodobne govorice s številnimi negativnimi vplivi, katerim je sodobni clovek vsak dan izpostavljen, /…/ bo prihodnost zagotovo terjala vec dinamicnosti s strani kakršnegakoli oznanjevanja, ka­teheze in/ali druge komunikacijske dejavnosti.« (Kraner 2018, 89) V tej raziskavi ugo­tavljamo, da najpogosteje zapisane negativne besede v naslovih medijskih clankov o Cerkvi (zloraba, proti, obsoditi, žrtev, sodišce, pedofil, kriv, boj in stiska) odsevajo pro­blem institucionalizacije Cerkve. V informativnem medijskem diskurzu ne gre prica­kovati vsebin, ki bi Cerkev reprezentirale, kako skrbi za evangeljsko sporocilo ljubezni do najbolj ubogih. Namesto tega v objavah medijev najdemo cerkvene financne ne­pravilnosti, spolne škandale in neutemeljeno poudarjanje vpletanja Cerkve v politiko. Izbira nacina informiranja javnosti, ki jo uporabljajo mediji, je povezana z do-sego želenih ucinkov. V naši analizi ugotavljamo periodicno ponavljanje tem eks­tremnega žaljenja, etiketiranja, diskreditiranja in teptanja dobrega imena vecine katolicanov. S tem mediji dosegajo želeni ucinek spirale molka (Noelle-Neuman 2002, 40). V Sloveniji se je v letu 2019 podvojilo število evidentnih primerov kri­stjanofobije glede na prejšnjo leto. Cerkev v Sloveniji v Letnem porocilu 2019 na­vaja šest evidentnih primerov vandalizma, v katerih je pomembno vecinoma le unicevanje verskih simbolov (križi, kapele in drugi objekti), v enem primeru pažaljivo pisanje novinarke revije Mladina (Tajništvo SŠK 2019, 154-160). Poleg spirale molka bomo izpostavili še dva znacilna medijska vpliva: predno­stno tematiziranje in okvirjanje. S tem nacinom porocanja o Cerkvi slovenski me-diji zelo vplivajo na socialne reprezentacije Cerkve: najvecji vpliv imajo mediji na mnenja, veliko manj pa ga imajo na notranja stališca in drže (Kraner 2019). Omenjeni zunanji medijski vplivi so lahko dogmaticni in pastoralni teologiji v pomoc pri refleksiji, nacrtovanju, izvajanju in pri vrednotenju pastoralnega delo­vanja. Leta 2012 je bilo ugotovljeno: »Slovenski katolican je postal ‚izbirni vernik‘. Odloca o tem, kaj bo veroval in cesa ne, h katerim obredom in zakramentom bo pristopal in h katerim ne. Mocno ga privlacijo zakramenti, ki so podobni obredom prehoda (krst, prvo obhajilo in birma), ter blagoslovi, vse manj pa je prisoten pri nedeljski evhari­stiji. Od predstavnikov Cerkve pricakuje verske in obredne usluge ter tradicio­nalne množicne dogodke, tudi ce nima žive vere v Jezusa Kristusa, božjega Sina in Odrešenika. Tovrstni tip vernika imenujemo ‚oddaljeni kristjan‘, saj ostaja clan Cerkve, a je oddaljen od njenega evharisticnega jedra.« (PIP, tc. 21) Stanje se v Cerkvi od leta 2012 do leta 2019 ni izboljšalo. Tudi danes povprecen katolican sam izbira vsebino vere, se odloca glede na to, kaj mu v tem trenutku ustreza, ne obiskuje maš in od Cerkve pricakuje ,storitve‘ (pogreb, blagoslov, krst, poroko ...). Medijske reprezentacije Cerkve so izrazito pozitivne ob božicu, za veliko noc in ob blagoslovih (npr. konj, vina, nove ceste) in izrazito negativne ob diskurzu o financah, spolnosti, škandalih in o politiki. V tekstovni analizi naslovov clankov medijske reprezentacije vidimo: obcinstvu sporocajo, da Cerkev zlorablja, da je pro-ti ljudem, ima obsojanja vredne voditelje, povzroca žrtve, zadeve s Cerkvijo rešuje­jo sodišca, med voditelji so pedofili, potreben je boj proti Cerkvi, ker povzroca stiske ljudi itd. Takšne reprezentacije Cerkve nikogar ne privlacijo, do nje vzbujajo notranji odpor, spodbujajo negativna stališca in celo povzrocajo zapušcanje Cerkve (nekate­ri izstopijo, drugi nikoli ne obiskujejo verskih obredov ali pa zelo redko). Strah pred izpostavljanjem medijem, ki ga mediji vzbujajo v katoliških verskih uslužbencih in vernikih, je tipicen za spiralo molka. Ucinek vpliva medijev se meri v spremembi mišljenja, notranjih stališc in vedenja. Umikanje vernikov iz cerkvenih skupnosti to-rej pomeni spremembo vedenja, to pa je najvišja stopnja medijskega ucinka. 2. Medijsko vplivanje in teorije: agenda-setting, framing, spiral of silence V medijskem diskurzu kot zadeva (issue) redno nastopa Cerkev v Sloveniji. Repre­zentacije Cerkve v medijih so sestavljene iz fragmentov najpogostejših besed v naslovih in njihovih besednih parov, iz mrežne povezanosti najpogostejših besed, pa tudi iz konotacije samega clanka. Casovna obdobja objav, v katerih je zadeva Cerkev, so pogosto vezana na politicne dogodke (davki, šolstvo in zašcita mlado­letnih). Njihova vsebina je v skoraj polovici clankov postavljena v negativne okvire, dobra tretjina je pozitivnih, drugi pa so ,ideološki‘.1 Pomembnim sporocilom, ki jih želi Cerkev posredovati, ne uspe prodreti v javnost, ampak ostanejo nedota­knjena na katoliških medijskih kanalih. Pri reprezentiranju Cerkve v slovenskih medijih je navzoce prednostno tematiziranje (agenda-setting), okvirjanje (framing) in vplivanje na javno mnenje z ucinkom spirale molka (spiral of silence). Govorimo o konceptu ,reprezentacij‘. Za Stuarta Halla to pomeni: prek govori­ce proizvajati pomen nekega miselnega koncepta. Koncept reprezentacij je zanj bistvenega pomena za razumevanje procesa, v katerem clani neke kulture proi­zvedejo in si izmenjajo neki pomen z uporabo jezika, znamenj in podob, ki repre­zentirajo neko stvarnost. Hall si postavi vprašanje: »Na kakšen nacin koncept re-prezentacij poveže pomen in govorico s kulturo?« Odgovarja, da pri tem obstaja razlikovanje med tremi razlicnimi pristopi razlicnih teorij o reprezentacijah: refle­ksivna, intencionalna in konstruktivisticna teorija (Hall et al. 2013, 1). Na drugem mestu Hall poudarja, da obstajata dva procesa reprezentacij. V prvi vrsti je to individualni sistem, ki povezuje celotno kombinacijo predmetov, oseb in dogodkov s serijo miselnih konceptov ali reprezentacij, ki obstajajo v naših gla­vah (npr. ko govorimo o svojih konceptih o vojni, smrti, prijateljstvu ali ljubezni). Hall je mnenja, da individualni sistem sam po sebi ne zadostuje, zato teži k temu, da se izrazi oziroma reprezentira pomene in miselne koncepte. To lahko naredimo z govorico, ki je vsem skupna. Pri globalnem procesu konstruiranja govorice go-vorimo o drugem reprezentativnem sistemu. Svoje individualne konceptualne mape hocemo deliti z drugimi, zato jih moramo preoblikovati v skupni jezik tako, da jih povežemo s koncepti in idejami drugih. Pri tem so pomembna znamenja, kakor so besede, glasovi in podobe. Ta znamenja reprezentirajo koncepte in rela­cije med njimi. (3-5) V naši raziskavi smo se osredotocili na ,globalni proces konstruiranja‘ realnosti prek medijskih clankov in upoštevali tri osnovne teorije: prednostno tematiziranje, okvirjanje in spiralo molka. Prednostno tematiziranje ali teorija prednostnega tematiziranja je proces »ne­prestanega prizadevanja zagovornikov neke zadeve, da bi pridobili pozornost ljudi, ki delajo v medijih, javnosti in politicnih elitah. Teorija agenda-setting ponuja razla-go, zakaj so javnosti v demokraciji na voljo informacije o nekaterih zadevah, ne pa tudi o dolocenih drugih zadevah, in kako se oblikuje javno mnenje. /…/ Agenda je zbirka zadev, ki so posredovane v dolocenem casovnem obdobju v hierarhicni le­stvici po pomembnosti.« (Dearing in Rogers 2012, 42) Pomemben element agenda­-settinga je njegova potencialno konfliktna narava. Podrobno o tem govorita polito­loga Roger Cobb in Charles Elder, ki poudarita, da je ena od znacilnosti agenda-set- Z izrazom ,ideološki‘ smo oznacevali tiste clanke, ki niso bili ne pozitivni ne negativni, ampak so vsebo­vali oglaševalske elemente neke institucije, ustanove, osebe ali skupine ljudi. tinga tudi kontroverznost, »ki v dolocenem casovnem obdobju postane del legiti­mnega zanimanja, ki si zasluži pozornost politike« (Cobb in Elder 1983). Okvirjanje vkljucuje izbor in poudarke neke zadeve, s katerimi se vpliva na clo­veško zavest, in to s prenosom informacije z neke lokacije na zavest. »Okviriti po­meni, izbrati dolocene vidike realnosti, kot jo vidimo, in jih narediti bolj izstopa­joce v posredovalnem tekstu, in sicer tako, da se poudarijo dolocena definicija problema, vzrocna interpretacija, moralna sodba in/ali predlog, kako obravnavati zadevo, o kateri tece beseda.« (Entman 2012, 99) Spirala molka je teorija, ki trdi, da izražanje alternativnih mnenj neke manjšine lahko utiša mnenje vecine. Razvila jo je Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, ki trdi, da ljudje zavzemajo svoja lastna stališca v zadnjem trenutku, ker si želijo biti ‚na strani zma­govalca‘. Clovek zelo trpi, ko spozna, da so mu drugi obrnili hrbet, obenem pa z ve­seljem izkoristi to šibko tocko kot vajeti, da bi vladal nad drugimi. (Noelle-Neuman 2002, 40) Individualno mnenje vplivne manjšine se prek medijev zelo pogosto ponavlja in s tem ustvarja vtis, da je to mnenje vecine. Tako se hote vzbujata strah in nela­godnost pri drugace mislecih, ki so jih zaprli v spiralo molka. Ker nihce noce biti poraženec in hocejo biti vsi na zmagovalni strani, se jim ob tem ponuja roka, da sprejmejo javno mnenje kot svoje. (18-21) Iz predstavljenih teorij vplivanja medijev smo oblikovali raziskovalno vprašanje tekstovne analize naslovov clankov: Katere besede najpogosteje nastopajo v na­slovih? Kateri so najpogostejši besedni pari? Kakšna je mrežna povezanost najpo­gostejših besed? 3. Analiticna shema in število analiziranih clankov Analizirali smo 3735 clankov tiskanih, radijskih, televizijskih in spletnih medijev v štirih trimesecnih analiticnih obdobjih leta 2019. Kliping d. o. o., Družba za spre­mljanje in analizo medijev, nam je vsak dan posredoval clanke, v katerih je bila omenjena Cerkev. Relevantne clanke smo analizirali prek analiticne sheme oziro-ma vprašalnika v Excelovem dokumentu. Kvantitativne analize clankov smo izvedli s programom SPSS za vsako obdobje posebej, kvalitativne tekstovne analize na­slovov clankov pa vse skupaj s programom T-LAB.2 Analiza zaobjema casopisne clanke, radijske in televizijske prispevke informativnega programa in spletne no­vice Slovenske tiskovne agencije (STA). Razlicne vrste besedil so v nadaljevanju poimenovane ,clanki‘, tudi ce so to radijska oziroma TV porocila. Zaradi lažje ob-delave podatkov smo lokalne medije združili v naslednje kategorije: ,drugo – tisk‘, ,drugo – radio‘, ,drugo – TV‘ in ,drugo – web‘. Zanimalo nas je, kako slovenski mediji v naslovih svojih clankov predstavljajo Cerkev. Predpostavljamo, da uredniki dajo zadnjo besedo pri tem, kako bo neki Statisticni program T-Lab (http://www.tlab.it) je celoten sklop jezikovnih, statisticnih in graficnih orodij, ki omogoca analizo besedila. clanek naslovljen, in da njihove reprezentacije Cerkve potencialno vplivajo na to, kakšne socialne reprezentacije o Cerkvi imajo ljudje. Analiza je bila izvedena v štirih obdobjih. Prvo obdobje zaobjema 1246 clankov.Število clankov v tem obdobju je vecje od drugih obdobij, ker smo analizirali tudi tiste clanke, ki neposredno ne zadevajo Cerkve. S tem smo omogocili analizo tistih clankov, ki zadevajo vernost, religioznost, religije, islam, terorizem itd. Najvecji odstotek vseh analiziranih clankov je bil objavljen v lokalnih medijih oziroma kot ,drugo – tisk‘, v spletnem mediju Sta.si, v Dnevniku in v Delu. V drugem obdobju je bilo analiziranih 516 clankov, to je za dve tretjini manj od prvega obdobja. Kakor je že bilo omenjeno, je bil v tem obdobju spremenjen kri­terij izbire clankov za analizo: analizirani so bili samo tisti clanki, ki neposredno opisujejo Cerkev, izpušceni pa vsi tisti, ki opisujejo islam, pravoslavje, protestan­tizem ali druge religije brez povezave ali omembe Cerkve. Prav tako so bili izpu-šceni kratki clanki, ki bežno omenijo lokalni dogodek in obenem mimogrede še Cerkev. Najvec clankov, analiziranih iz tega obdobja, je bilo v Sta.si, v Dnevniku, v Slovenskih novicah in kot ,drugo – tisk‘. V tretjem obdobju je bilo analiziranih 834 clankov. Drugace kakor v drugem ob-dobju je kriterij izbire clankov dopušcal tudi clanke o župnijskih praznovanjih, ki so bili v drugem obdobju izkljuceni. V tem obdobju je bilo spet najvec clankov objavlje­nih kot ‚drugo – tisk‘, nato pa si sledijo še Sta.si, Dnevnik, Slovenske novice in Delo. V cetrtem obdobju je bilo analiziranih 1139 clankov. Kriterij izbire je bil enak kakor v tretjem obdobju in se je izkazal za najboljšega. V tem obdobju je bilo spet najvec clankov kot ‚drugo – tisk‘, v Sta.si, v Delu, v Dnevniku in v Veceru. N Obdobje 1 Obdobje 2 Obdobje 3 Obdobje 4 Delo 114 42 60 102 Demokracija 38 15 32 28 Dnevnik 125 75 78 97 Drugo – radio 13 15 21 20 Drugo – tisk 268 63 235 337 Drugo – TV 49 38 24 43 Mladina 35 16 20 18 Radio Slovenija 104 28 50 64 Reporter 34 20 36 24 Slovenske novice 56 34 73 76 Sta.si 176 65 83 155 Svet24 34 31 21 28 TV Slovenija 106 34 49 67 Vecer 94 30 52 80 Drugo – web 0 10 0 0 Skupaj 1246 516 834 1139 Skupaj vsi 3735 Tabela 1: Število analiziranih clankov po obdobjih glede na medij. Iz tabele 1 je razvidno, da se število analiziranih clankov v štirih obdobjih precej spreminja. V prvem obdobju so bili analizirani vsi clanki, v katerih je bila omenje­na religija ali verska skupnost, tudi ce niso bili neposredno povezani s Cerkvijo. V drugem obdobju so bili analizirani samo tisti clanki, ki izkljucno opisujejo Cerkev. V tretjem in cetrtem obdobju so bili vkljuceni še clanki, ki so povezani s kateroko­li temo (tudi necerkveno) in z lokalnimi dogodki, ki omenjajo Cerkev. Številcna razlicnost med prvim in tretjim oziroma cetrtim obdobjem kaže na to, da Sta.si, Delo, Dnevnik, Mladina, Radio Slovenija, TV Slovenija in Vecer porocajo o religio­znih in verskih temah skoraj toliko kakor o Cerkvi: njene številke se v tretjem in v cetrtem obdobju zmanjšajo za polovico. Takšnih sprememb pa ni med ,drugo – tisk‘ (oz. lokalnim tiskom), ,drugo – TV‘, Reporterjem in Demokracijo. 4. Tekstovna analiza naslovov clankov Tekstovna analiza naslovov je bila izvedena s statisticnim programom T-LAB. Naj­pogostejše teme (items), ki smo jih predstavili, so sestavljene iz razlicnega števila lem. Kakor je razvidno iz tabele 2, je tema ,papež‘ zastopana z najvec lemami. # Tema N # Tema N # Tema N # Tema N 1 papež 359 26 žrtev 51 51 dom 31 76 miren 24 2 biti 267 27 veliko 48 52 pozvati 31 77 obletnica 24 3 Cerkev 136 28 koncati 48 53 migrant 31 78 nad 24 4 nov 115 29 božic 45 54 manj 30 79 pomagati 23 5 cerkveno 110 30 pred 45 55 Slovenec 30 80 govor 23 6 slovenski 104 31 zaradi 44 56 slovesnost 29 81 Koroška 23 7 spolno 104 32 danes 42 57 družina 29 82 kajati 23 8 sveto 101 33 teden 41 58 naj 28 83 delo 23 9 duhovnik 94 34 prvi 41 59 spomin 28 84 sprejeti 23 10 Vatikan 92 35 praznik 40 60 vse 27 85 romanje 23 11 zloraba 81 36 obnoviti 39 61 pedofil 27 86 zvon 23 12 Slovenija 77 37 zacetek 39 62 dobrota 27 87 dva 22 13 otrok 73 38 svoje 38 63 akcija 26 88 arabski 22 14 obisk 66 39 vatikansko 37 64 imeti 26 89 pod 22 15 škof 65 40 sodišce 36 65 knjiga 26 90 orgle 22 16 katoliški 61 41 nadškof 35 66 Prekmurje 26 91 naše 22 17 kardinal 60 42 brez 35 67 niso 26 92 lahko 22 18 dnevni 60 43 Karitas 35 68 Ljubljana 26 93 ljudje 21 19 maša 60 44 finance 35 69 kriv 25 94 milijon 21 20 državno 57 45 pomoc 34 70 boj 25 95 nadškofija 21 21 župnik 56 46 blagoslov 33 71 stiska 25 96 praznovati 21 22 proti 54 47 Evropa 33 72 vrh 24 97 hrvaški 21 23 srecanje 54 48 drugace 32 73 clovek 24 98 želja 21 24 mladi 54 49 življenje 32 74 dobrodelno 24 99 vsako 21 25 obsoditi 54 50 svetovno 31 75 evro 24 100 vernik 21 Tabela 2: Najpogostejše teme v naslovih (N > 20). Slika 1: Vecdimenzionalno skaliranje vseh tem. Najpogosteje so nastopale v naslovih analiziranih clankov teme, ki zadevajo pet podrocij Cerkve: Cerkev kot institucija (Cerkev, cerkveno, papež, Vatikan, Ljubljana, župnik, škof, kardinal, državno, Karitas); škandali (zlorabe, žrtev in obsoditi, ped­ofil, kriv, stiska, boj); aktivnosti (obisk, srecanje, praznik, obnoviti, blagoslov, ži­vljenje, dobrodelno, obletnica, pomagati, romanje, praznovati); finance (nov, ve­liko, finance, evro) in zakramenti (maša, sveto, blagoslov). 4.1 Besedni korpus iz analiziranih naslovov clankov Besedišce naslovov vseh analiziranih clankov sestavlja 941 tem in 20 190 pono­vitev. Slika 13 prikazuje medsebojno oddaljenost oziroma bližino tem, razporejenih po štirih kvadrantih. Glede na vsebino tem jih lahko poimenujemo z naslednjimi imeni: v prvem kvadrantu Cerkev v tujini (požar, notredamski, stolnica, cvetje ...), v drugem Cerkev v civilni javnosti (Plecnik, javno, združitev, Vršic, Višarje ...), v tre­tjem pozitivne aktivnosti v Cerkvi (srecanje, god, odlocitve, blagoslov, konj ...) in v cetrtem negativni opis Cerkve (prikrivanje, sodba, zavrniti, braniti, izkljucenost ...). Na sliki 2 vidimo najbolj izostren pogled na tematska jedra. Tudi tem kvadran-tom lahko damo imena glede na teme, ki nastopajo: prvi kvadrant – Vatikan (Va-tikan, svetovno, imenovati, pomagati, pozvati, arabski, srecanje, obisk, papež, nad­škof …), drugi kvadrant – Slovenija (Slovenec, sodišce, blagoslov, mladi, pomoc, Maribor, Ljubljana …), tretji kvadrant – praznovanje in dobrodelnost (praznik, oble­tnica, slovesnost, želja, Karitas, evro …) in cetrti kvadrant – zlorabe (zloraba, spol-no, žrtev, kriv, pedofil, kardinal, cerkveno, katoliški …). Povzamemo lahko, da avtorji medijskih clankov uporabo besed razvršcajo bi-polarno v dve skupini. Prva bipolarnost je v tem, da Cerkev striktno delijo na Cer­kev v tujini – Vatikan in Cerkev doma – Slovenija. Cerkev v tujini (notredamski, MDS – Multi Dimensional Scaling. Vatikan, svetovno, arabski, obisk, obsoditi, papež …) je poleg tega še v diametral­nem nasprotju z aktivnostmi v Cerkvi – s praznovanji in z dobrodelnostjo (prizna­nje, srecanje, blagoslov, praznik, obletnica, slovesnost, Karitas, evro …). Drugo bipolarnost doloca negativni opis Cerkve v Sloveniji – zlorabe (konferen-ca, Zore, prikrivanje, sodba, braniti, izkljucenost, zloraba, spolno, žrtev, kriv, ped­ofil …), ki je poleg tega v diametralnem nasprotju s temami Cerkve v civilni javno­sti – Slovenija (Plecnik, javno, združitev, Slovenec, Maribor, Ljubljana …). 4.2 Teme v povezavi z besedami (lemami) Zanimalo nas je, s katerimi besedami so povezane teme, ki v celotnem korpusu besed najbolj izstopajo, so najzanimivejše in tematsko povezane. Na sliki 3 vidimo 12 radialnih diagramov. Najbolj relevantne teme (Slika 2) smo razporedili v štiri skupine. Cerkev v tujini (kvadrant 1) je predstavljena v prvi vrsti s temami papež, Vatikan in obisk. Vsaka od tem je povezana s štirimi negativnimi besedami: papež (bati, bankrot, diskriminacija), Vatikan (dvolicnost, bankrot, hinavšcina, nadlegovanje) in obisk (krvav, bankrot, peder, katastrofa). Druge izstopajoce teme so: begunec, arabski, arhiv, cvetje, heroj, emirat, kult, brezdomec, Japonska, nicelno. Te medij­ske teme casovno sovpadajo s politicnimi agendami. Cerkev doma (kvadrant 2), kakor vidimo v drugi vrsti, predstavljajo teme: slo­venski, mladi in maša. Vsaka tema je povezana z vsaj tremi negativnimi besedami: slovenski (dvolicnost, diskriminacija, bankrot), maša (bankrot, gluh, peder) in mla­di (bankrot, tožilstvo, zavrniti). Druge izstopajoce teme v povezavi s Cerkvijo doma (slovenski, mladi, maša) so: ihanski, cvetje, akademija, Gržan, vojaško, nacionalen, obvezno, oratorij. Vse to so teme, ki jih podpira levi pol politicnih strank. 172 MANDAT DEKLE HEROJ OMEJENO DRUZENJE BEGUNEC EMIRAT BATI KULT DANASNJI NADLEGOVANJE DESET ODDAJE DRAZBA HINAVSCINA BOB DVOLICNOST BANKROT VATIKAN PAPEZ KONFERENCI DAMA NAVODILO DIREKTOR NIHCE DOMNEVNO IHANSKI BRANITI CUTITI BANKA BANKROT ARABSKI JECA CVETJE NEKATERI DISKRIMINACIJA NICELNO DODATI BREZDOMEC JAPONSKA ARHIV CUTITI FILM NASELJE KLJUCNO BOLAN PREDSTAVNIK JECA BELTINCI IHANSKI DVOLICNOST GRZAN NASLEDNIK MOZAMBIK POZDRAV JURIJ BRANITI KATASTROFA BATI GOLOB SLOVENSKI OBISK DISKRIMINACIJA NAVODILO MAURITIUS HEROJ PEDER IZRAZITI KONFERENCI BRAT BANKROT GLAVAN BANKROT AKADEMIJA MAROKO DAROVATI NICELNO IHANSKI HOLDING NITI CVETJE KRVAV ARHITEKT CVETJE UKREP MAURITIUS MORALI TOZILSTVO POKOJNI DELITI MNOZICA CVETJE SILVESTER VOJASKO MADAGASKAR MOZAMBIK ZAVRNITI MOZAMBIK PODAJATI DOGOVOR MAURITIUS CEBELNJAK MLADI PRAVNI MASA BITI KULT OBVEZNO ZAKLJUCITI NATO PEDER GLAVAN BANKROT BELTINCI MADAGASKAR PEDER AKADEMIJA KRASOVEC LETNO NACIONALEN PANAMA POSEBNO ORATORIJ OPEKA TADEJ PRETEKLOST JURIJ DVAJSET DANASNJI CASOPIS IHANSKI BREZDOMEC PRAVNI PRILOG DAMA DEKLE SMEJ JUTRI DOZIVETJE CAST GLAVAN BOLNIK PARLAMENT ZUPNIK CIVILNA CERKVENO RUSKO DESNICA SKUPNOST DOMENO KRASOVEC CASU DRUZENJE BOGOSLUZJE NICELNO BELTINCI CESTA ARHITEKT SILVESTER SHOD DODATI DISKRIMINACIJA BITI NAVODILO BOB CEFERIN David Kraner - Medijske reprezentacije kot odsev problema... 173 PREGLED KATASTROFA SEDEM NICELNO KRST DAMA JAVNOST CERAR POSEL PREISKAVA INICIATIVA KONFERENCE REFEREMDUM LETNICA NAVODILO DODATI IHANSKI BREZDOMEC SKOF SPOLNO POKRAJINSKI IHANSKI PREJETI KRVAV RAZLICNO NADLEGOVANJE NAVODILO DVAJSET GLUH BOLNIK BANKROT ALKOHOL PODAJATI HOLDING PRENOVA MADURO PROMETNO MESECIH GLAVAN NICELNO BOB DZAMIJA KONFERENCA NITI VINO NAGRADA DAMA MESECIH CERAR KULT KONFERENCE KARTUZIJA VELIKONOCNO ZALNO MOLK DOGOVOR IZJAVA POSLANICA BREZDOMEC KATASTROFA ZLORABA ZRTEV JECA TEORIJA LAZARIST ZANIKATI MESECIH BITI DVOLICNOST PRIJAVITI BOB KARTUZIJA ALKOHOL BANKROT GOLOB SPOL MAKAROVIC MAMA ZARJA ZMAGA ARHIV GLUH JAVNOST SODELOVANJE Slika 3: Radialni diagrami povezanosti besed. Cerkveno praznovanje (tretji kvadrant) je predstavljeno v tretji vrsti s temami: cerkveno, škof in župnik. Tudi v tej vrsti sta le dve temi povezani z negativnimi be-sedami: cerkveno (diskriminacija) in škof (bankrot). Druge izstopajoce teme v po­vezavi s cerkvenim praznovanjem so: cast, doživetje, bolnik, arhitekt, desnica, krst, javnost, shod itd. Zlorabe v Cerkvi (kvadrant 4) so predstavljene v cetrti vrsti s temami: spolno, zloraba in žrtev. Vsaka od tem je povezana s tremi negativnimi besedami: spolno (katastrofa, nadlegovanje, krvav), zloraba (molk, gluh, alkohol) in žrtev (zanikati, prijaviti, bankrot). Druge izstopajoce teme v povezavi z zlorabami v Cerkvi so: Ce- rar, alkohol, jeca, Golob, mamila, Makarovic, lazarist, konference, zmaga, teorija, izjava, kult, žalno itd. Ob koncu lahko povzamemo, da so teme, ki so uporabljene v naslovih slovenskih medijev, ko govorimo o medijskem diskurzu o Cerkvi, povsod zaznamovane z nega­ tivnimi besedami. Teme v povezavi s Cerkvijo v tujini imajo najvec negativnih besed. Teme o Cerkvi v Sloveniji so tudi mocno zasicene z negativnimi besedami. Najmanj negativnih besed je pri opisu praznovanja in dobrodelnosti Cerkve. V medijskem diskurzu o zlorabah pa je pri izbranih temah povsod navzoc enak delež negativnih besed kakor med temami, ki jih najdemo v celotnem kvadrantu Cerkve v Sloveniji. 4.3 Besedne zveze V tem poglavju smo izbrali tematske pare in ocenjevali, kako so tematski pari med seboj povezani z istimi temami. Izbrali smo tiste pare tem, ki bi dali vec informacij o najpogostejših temah. V prvi vrsti smo zasledovali povezavo s temami financ in države (finance – Cerkev; cerkveno – državno), nato spolnost in spolne zlorabe (Vatikan – spolno; zloraba – obsoditi; obsoditi – duhovnik), potem povezavo s sve­tim (sveto – Cerkev), z nasprotovanjem Cerkvi (Cerkev – proti) in z duhovnikovimi odnosi (škof – duhovnik; otrok – duhovnik, duhovnik – sveto). Povsod prilagamo le po eno sliko. Tematski par finance – Cerkev najbolj povezujejo teme: sveto, Vatikan, imeti, odgovarjati, zaseben in Afrika; cerkveno – državno pa najbolj povezujejo teme: spolno, miren, ozadje, mesto, revež, jaslice in blizu. DUHOVNIK DRZAVNO Slika 4: Tematski par finance – Cerkev. Tematski pari, povezani z Vatikanom in s škandali, so: Vatikan – spolno (pove­zana z besedami Marija, prekmurski, revež); zloraba – obsoditi (povezana z bese­dami cerkveno, spolno, duhovnik, biti, sveto, Vatikan, Slovenija); obsoditi – du­hovnik (povezana z besedami kardinal, škof, blagoslov, danes, razglasiti …). Slika 5: Tematski par zloraba – obsoditi. Tematski par sveto – Cerkev najbolj povezuje tema finance. Slika 6: Tematski par sveto – Cerkev. Tematski par Cerkev – proti najbolj zaznamujejo teme: boj, Vatikan, imeti in praznik. Slika 7: Tematski par Cerkev – proti. Tematski par škof – duhovnik najbolj zaznamujejo besede: praznik, Šarec, ob-soditi, Slovenija in Marijin. Tematskemu paru otrok – duhovnik so skupne teme: Evropa, nadškofija in nedelja. Tematski par duhovnik – sveto opredeljujejo teme: papež, Slovenija, finance, Evropa, znamenje in Martin. Slika 8: Tematski par škof – duhovnik. Slika 9: Analiza na podlagi konkordanc – papež. Iz predstavljenih petih sklopov tematskih parov je razvidno, da slovenski mediji v naslovih clankov Cerkev povezujejo z državo in financami, pri tem pa se sklicuje­jo na Vatikan, imetje, odgovornost, reveže, jaslice, sveto itd. Zlorabe povezujejo z Vatikanom in se sklicujejo na duhovnike, na dogajanje v Sloveniji in v Vatikanu, na sveto, na kardinale in na škofe in uporabljajo glagola obsoditi in razglasiti. V naslo­vih medijev nastopata temi Cerkev in sveto, pri tem pa ju najbolj povezuje beseda finance. Temi proti in Cerkev sta najbolj zaznamovani z besedami: boj, Vatikan, imeti in praznik. Temo duhovnik, ki je v povezavi s temami: škof, otrok in sveto, za­znamujejo z besedami: obsoditi, Slovenija, papež, finance, Evropa, znamenje itd. 4.4 Konkordance Za predstavitev konkordanc ali besed oziroma pojmov s konkretno navedbo vseh mest v besedilih clankov, ki jih zadevajo, smo izbrali tiste, ki opisujejo Cerkev v tujini, Cerkev v Sloveniji in ocitke Cerkvi. Med njimi so besede: papež, Vatikan, Zore, Slovenija, spolne zlorabe, žrtev, sodišce in proti. Iz vseh treh sklopov so re-zultati bolj negativni kakor pozitivni. K besedilu prilagamo le en zgled (Slika 9). V povezavi s Cerkvijo v tujini smo izbrali besedi papež in Vatikan. Beseda papež je navzoca v najvec temah o Cerkvi, najveckrat je v povezavi s temami: o spolnih zlorabah, o obiskih, o imenovanjih oseb na pomembne funkcije, o odstopih, o pozivih itd. Beseda Vatikan se najpogosteje povezuje s temami: obisk, kardinal, konferenca, srecanje, danes, korupcija, jaslice itd. V povezavi s Cerkvijo v Sloveniji smo izbrali besedi Zore in Slovenija. Prva je povezana z besedami: nadškof, zmaga svetlobe, veliki petek, škofovska konferen-ca v Vatikanu, vrhovno sodišce, družina, pri nas ne vidi pedofilskega omrežja, lju­bljanska stolnica, spolne zlorabe, kriticen do politike itd., druga pa z besedami: imenovanje novega nuncija, najvecje orgle, samostojna itd. V povezavi z ocitki Cerkvi smo izbrali besede: spolne zlorabe, žrtev, proti in so­dišce. Besedno zvezo spolne zlorabe mediji povezujejo: s papežem, s Cerkvijo, z žrtvami, s prijavami in s prikrivanji. Beseda žrtev ni povezana le s spolnimi zlora­bami, civilno iniciativo, trpljenjem, zašcito, domnevanji, preziranjem, ampak tudi z drugimi temami, kakor so prometne nesrece, medvojno in povojno nasilje. Tema proti zadeva tako pozitivne kakor negativne besede: proti evtanaziji, proti zlu, proti ravnanju vlade z migranti, proti korupciji, pedofilom, Cerkvi, propadu, pod-nebnim spremembam, izkorišcanju, režimu, ukrepa proti, tožilka umaknila obto­žnico proti, protest proti, boj proti, tožbe proti, uporništvo proti. Iz predstavljenih konkordanc lahko povzamemo, da ima tema papež najštevil­nejšo mrežo besed. Skoraj povsod so navzoce negative besede. V konkordancah besede ‚proti‘ odkrijemo, da je Cerkev proti evtanaziji, proti zlu, proti ravnanju vlade z migranti, proti korupciji itd. Seveda ne manjka negativnih povezav: proti patru, proti obsodbam, proti Cerkvi itd. V vecini zgledov je pomembna negativna raba besede proti in s tem negativna reprezentacija Cerkve. 5. Raziskovalna vprašanja in skladnost analiziranih podatkov s teorijami Iz predstavljenih analiz je mogoce razbrati: medijska etiketiranost Cerkve je pri­vedena do te mere, da so negativne reprezentacije o njej postale nekaj, na kar se je obcinstvo navadilo. Hkrati so s tem Cerkvi odvzeti dobro ime, kredibilnost in smiselnost oznanjevanja evangelija, ki temelji na zapovedi ljubezni do Boga in do bližnjega. Obcinstvo kritizira medije in jim verjame zelo malo (Kraner 2019), hkra-ti pa jih financno podpira. Obcinstvo ima moc in lahko zahteva spremembe v po­sameznih medijih (Losito 2003; 2007). Potrditev tega so odgovori na raziskovalna vprašanja v povezavi z najpogosteje ponavljajocimi se besedami v naslovih, z naj­pogostejšimi besednimi pari in z mrežno povezanostjo najpogostejših besed, to pa kaže, da so predstavljene teorije medijskih vplivov mocno navzoce v clankih in v naslovih clankov in se ujemajo z medijskimi reprezentacijami. Slovenski mediji v naslovih clankov, ki so povezani s Cerkvijo, izrazito poudar­jajo nekatere teme in praviloma ponavljajo besede zloraba, proti, kriv, pedofil, obsoditi, žrtev, stiska itd. V naslovih clankov Cerkev povezujejo z nekaterimi te­mami in jo etiketirajo s posameznimi besedami: temo finance izstopajoce pou­darjajo besede imetje, odgovornost, reveži, jaslice in sveto; temo zlorabe pove­zujejo z Vatikanom, z dogajanjem v Sloveniji in v Vatikanu, s svetim, s kardinali in s škofi, sklicujejo se na temo duhovnik in uporabljajo glagola obsoditi in razglasiti; temo sveto povezujejo z besedo finance; temo proti povezujejo z besedami boj, Vatikan, imeti in praznik; teme duhovnik, škof, otrok in sveto povezujejo z bese­dami obsoditi, Slovenija, papež, finance, Evropa in znamenje. Iz celotne mreže besed smo ugotovili, da se povezujejo v štiri glavne skupine: Cerkev v tujini (Vati­kan), pozitivne aktivnosti v Cerkvi (praznovanja), negativni dogodki v Cerkvi (zlo­rabe), Cerkev in slovenska javnost (umetnost, zgodovina). Glede na omenjene teorije so to zgledi izražanja alternativnih mnenj neke manj­šine, ki želi s pomocjo medijev utišati mnenje vecine (Noelle-Neuman 2002, 40). Elementi teorije spirale molka so navzoci tudi v drugih zgledih in so evidentni na prikazanih slikah, razen pri temah, ki govorijo o praznovanju, o blagoslovih in o obnovitvah, pri katerih je navzoce minimalno število negativnih besed. Povsod drugod je koncentracija negativnih besed velika. Takšen nacin opisovanja dela Cerkve namerno v obcinstvu vzbuja obcutek: »Bolje biti tiho kakor pa drezati.« Takšen pristop se v teh zgledih pritiska ujema s teorijo o spirali molka, vendar je za Cerkev neugoden, saj vecina katolicanov pomisli, da imajo mediji prav. Ko postanejo zadeve medijskega diskurza o Cerkvi povezane s temami finance, zlorabe, politika, se z lahkoto doseže konflikt med javnostmi. Omenjene teme so bile v analiziranih clankih postavljene hierarhicno najviše, nastopale so v vnaprej nacrtovanih obdobjih in bile usklajene z dogajanji na politicni sceni. Zato tukaj govorimo o prednostnem tematiziranju (agenda-setting) ali teoriji prednostnega tematiziranja (Dearing in Rogers 2012, 42). V naših tekstovnih analizah smo ugotovili, da mediji v izbor novic vkljucujejo in poudarjajo naslednje: papež, Zore, žrtev, sodišce, otrok, proti, kardinal, Vatikan, spolne zlorabe. Razvidno je: mediji želijo vplivati na cloveško zavest tako, da izbi­rajo nekatere vidike realnosti in jih naredijo bolj izstopajoce v posredovalnem te­kstu, poudarijo nekatere definicije problemov, vzrocno interpretirajo, moralno sodijo (Entman 2012, 99). Na podlagi te analize lahko potrdimo, da je pri reprezentiranju Cerkve v sloven-skih medijih navzoce prednostno tematiziranje (agenda-setting), okvirjanje (fra­ming) in vplivanje na javno mnenje z ucinkom spirale molka (spiral of silence). Z ene strani Cerkev sama daje medijem dovolj gradiva za pisanje o njenih neo­pravicljivih napakah (na podrocju financ), z druge strani pa mediji ocitno poudar­jajo njene napake tako, da jih je mogoce razumeti kot razpihovanje sovraštva do katolicanov in kot etiketiranje katolicanov kot drugorazrednih državljanov. Neka­teri novinarji Dela, Vecera in Dnevnika, na primer, v svojih clankih še vedno ome­njajo ‚cerkveni financni holding‘, ‚cerkvena zvonova‘ itd., ceprav že skoraj desetle­tje Cerkev ni lastnik. Drugi primer je nacin pisanja novinarjev o spolnih škandalih v Cerkvi, ki se je ob nastopu civilne iniciative Dovolj.je v vecini clankov spustil pod nivo novinarskega porocanja. Tretji primer je zadeva Strehovec, ko v informativnih clankih zaznamo neke vrste oglaševanje organizacije oziroma gibanja, ki je s svo­jimi vrednotami diametralno nasprotno Cerkvi, s tem pa tudi vecini državljanov Republike Slovenije, ki so katoliške veroizpovedi. Opazno je podcenjevanje kato­liških vrednot, po drugi strani pa minimalno porocanje o izidu tožb, v katerih so sodišca potrdila, da je bilo Strehovcevo ravnanje pravilno, ali pa govorimo celo o zanemarjanju porocanja, kakor se je jasno pokazalo takrat, ko so neznanci gene-ralnemu tajniku SŠK z grafiti po ljubljanskih ulicah javno grozili s smrtjo. Vec kakor ocitno je, da pozitivna sporocila, ki jih želi v javnost posredovati Cer­kev (npr. izjave za javnost komisije Pravicnost in mir), ne prodrejo dlje kakor do majhnega deleža katoliške javnosti prek katoliških medijev, civilni mediji pa teh sporocil ne objavijo. 6. Sklep in izzivi za prihodnost Poudarjeno negativno pisanje o Cerkvi in povezovanje pomembnih vsebin katoli­škega nauka z negativnimi temami vplivata na notranja stališca obcinstva, saj jim preustvarjata merila za vrednotenje. Takšne reprezentacije o Cerkvi nikogar ne privlacijo, ker vzbujajo notranji odpor do Cerkve, negativna stališca do nje in celo zapušcanje Cerkve. Pri spremljanju teh tem nekdo lahko hitro sklene, da je vse, kar je povezano s Cerkvijo, negativno. V verskih uslužbencih in v vernikih se vzbu­ja strah pred tem, da bi razmišljali drugace od javnega mnenja (Vodicar 2020, 258). Svoje nestrinjanje so pripravljeni povedati v zaprtih krogih ali prek verige elektron­skih sporocil, nikoli pa se ne upajo izpostaviti v medijih (razen posameznikov). Mediji so uspešni, saj dosegajo želeni ucinek v treh stopnjah: najprej vplivajo na spremembo mišljenja, potem na notranja stališca in nazadnje na vedenje. Ker je opazen umik vernikov iz prostora Cerkve, je mogoce sklepati, da imajo tudi na to vpliv mediji. To vprašanje ostaja odprto in bi ga bilo treba v prihodnje tudi poglo­biti in raziskati. Ob koncu ugotavljamo izjemno ucinkovitost medijev, uvodoma pa smo izposta­vili pasivno delovanje Cerkve in njeno neucinkovitost. Zastavlja se vprašanje, kje je glavni vzrok za neucinkovitost pastoralnega delovanja Cerkve. Ob tem se navezujemo na Dullesa in na njegovih pet modelov Cerkve: institu­cionalni model, ko je Cerkev razumljena kot popolna družba; skupnostni ali ,ob­cestveno-udeležbeni‘ model, ki povzdiguje obcestvo ter znotrajcerkveno in zunaj­cerkveno soudeleženost; zakramentalni ali ,skrivnostno-ritualni‘ model, ki daje prednost verski praksi in tudi Cerkev obravnava kot zakrament; misijonarski ali ,doktrinalno-kerigmaticni vidik‘, ko ima Cerkev vlogo oznanjevanja in poslušanja Besede; sekularno-dialoški model, ki je po eni strani zaznamovan s svojim spreje­manjem, to pomeni, da je ‚dialoško odprt‘ in poudarja dialog s sodobnostjo, po drugi strani pa je zaznamovan z delovanjem, je torej ,diakonalno-aktivisticni‘ mo­del, ki postavlja v ospredje evangeljsko služenje, predvsem najmanjšim in zapo­stavljenim (Midali 2005, 373–374). Dulles razloži vsakega od modelov z uporabo sedmih kriterijev, na podlagi katerih oceni vsak model posebej. Kriteriji so nasle­dnji: spisi kot temelj; kršcanska tradicija kot temelj; zmožnost dati clanom druž­beno identiteto in poslanstvo; težnja po širjenju kršcanskih vrednot; ujemanje z versko izkušnjo današnjih ljudi; teološka rodovitnost; rodovitnost, ki clane Cerkve naredi zmožne, da vstopijo v pozitivni odnos z osebami zunaj skupine (Dulles 2005, 227). Ob koncu Dulles izpostavi, da z dajanjem prednosti nekemu dolocenemu mo-delu jasno stopijo v ospredje tudi tocno doloceni tipi oseb: duhovniki imajo raje institucionalni model, zagovorniki ekumenizma so naklonjeni modelu Cerkve kot misticne skupnosti, spekulativni teologi se navdihujejo pri zakramentalnem mo-delu, biblicisti in pastoralisti pri misijonarskem modelu, osebe, ki so vkljucene v sekularne dejavnosti, pa raje vidijo sekularno-dialoški model Cerkve (228). Naša raziskava potrjuje, da mediji najprej opazijo le vidne zadeve znotraj Cer­kve in jih po potrebi dodatno negativizirajo tako, da so v skladu s tematskimi po­udarki. Cerkev v Sloveniji se v javnosti kaže prevec kot institucija, premalo pa kot skupnost, ki si pomaga, ki pomaga drugim, ki drži skupaj. Rezultat obojega so ne­gativne socialne reprezentacije Cerkve. Bolj bo Cerkev pri svojem delovanju vztra­jala pri institucionalnem modelu, vec bo negativnih reprezentacij v medijih, vec odpora bo doživljala pri cerkveni in pri civilni javnosti. Da bi se trend zmanjševanja števila ljudi v Cerkvi obrnil, bo potreben vecji poudarek na skupnostnem, zakra­mentalnem in dialoškem modelu. Kratice CS – Drugi vatikanski cerkveni zbor 2004 [pastoralna konstitucija O Cerkvi v sedanjem svetu / Gaudium et spes (1965)]. PIP – Slovenska škofovska konferenca 2012 [Pridite in poglejte]. SPAD – Société Pour l’aviation et ses dérivés. SPSS – Statistical Package for Social Science. SŠK – Slovenska škofovska konferenca. T-LAB – Text Laboratory. Reference Cobb, Roger, Charles Elder. 1983. Participation in – – –. 2007. Il potere dei madia. Roma: Carocci. American politics: The Dynamics of agenda- Midali, Mario. 2005. Teologia pratica. Zv. 1, Cam- building. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University mino storico di una riflessione fondamentale e Press. scientifica. Roma: LAS. Dearing, James W., in Everett M. Rogers. 2012. Noelle-Neumann, Elisabeth. 2002. La spirale del Agenda setting. V: Breda Luthar in Dejan Jon- silenzio: Per una teoria dell’opinione pubblica. tes, ur. Mediji in obcinstva, 41-97. Ljubljana: Roma: MELTEMI. Založba FDV. Sarah, Robert. 2019. Proti veceru gre in dan se je Drugi vatikanski cerkveni zbor. 2004. Pastoralna že nagnil. Ljubljana: Družina. konstitucija o Cerkvi v sedanjem svetu. V: Slovenska škofovska konferenca. 2012. Pridite in Koncilski odloki, 570–667. Ljubljana: Družina. poglejte: Slovenski pastoralni nacrt. Ljubljana; Dulles, Avery. 1994. Religion and the News Media: Celje: Društvo Mohorjeva družba. A Theologian Reflects. America, št. 9, 6-9. – – –. 2020. Izredna navodila slovenskih škofov za – – –. 2005. Modelli di chiesa. Padova: Messaggero preprecevanje širjenja COVID-19: odpoved di sant’Antonio. svetih maš do preklica. Slovenska škofovska Entman, Robert M. 2012. Okvirjanje: Poskus konferenca, 13. 3. https://katoliska-cerkev.si/ razjasnitve razpršene paradigme. V: Breda izredna-navodila-slovenskih-skofov-za-prepre-Luthar in Dejan Jontes, ur. Mediji in obcinstva, cevanje-sirjenja-koronavirusa-covid-19-odpo­99-108. Ljubljana: Založba FDV. ved-svetih-mas-do-preklica (pridobljeno 13. 3. 2020). Hall, Stuart, Jessica Evans in Sean Nixon. 2013. Repre­sentation. London: The Open University SAGE. Vodicar, Janez. 2020. Kritika sekularizacije: tradici­ja kot pot do trdožive prihodnosti. Bogoslovni Kraner, David. 2018. Katoliška govorica pred vestnik 80, št. 2:253-266. sodobnimi izzivi. Tretji dan 47, št. 3/4:83-90. – – –. 2019. Le rappresentazioni sociali della Chiesa Cattolica in Slovenia. Rim: LAS. Losito, Gianni. 2003. Il potere del pubblico: La fruizione dei mezzi di comunicazione di massa. Rim: Carocci. ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 68 Branko Klun, Luka Trebežnik (ur.) Vracanje religije v postmodernem kontekstu Zbornik želi pokazati, da religija ni izginila iz filozofije, kot so napovedovali neka­teri razsvetljenski misleci, temvec se vanjo vraca in jo na novo vznemirja. Sicer je to vracanje raznoliko in pogosto nekonvencionalno, vendar pa to ne zmanjšuje njegovega pomena in s tem potrebe po dialogu med postmoderno filozofijo in teologijo. Ljubljana: Teološka fakulteta, 2019. 137 str. ISBN 978-961-6844-73-4, 9€. Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Pregledni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.02) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1, 185—197 Besedilo prejeto/Received:02/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2021 UDK/UDC: 316.74:2 DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Klemencic © 2021 Klemencic Mirazchiyski et al., CC BY 4.0 Eva Klemencic Mirazchiyski in Plamen V. Mirazchiyski Stališca osmošolcev v Sloveniji o vlogi vere pri vpli­vu na družbo: analiza podatkov ICCS1 Attitudes of Eighth-Graders in Slovenia on the Role of Religious Influence in Society: An Analysis of ICCS Data Povzetek: V Sloveniji in v nekaterih drugih izobraževalnih sistemih, sodelujocih v Mednarodni raziskavi državljanske vzgoje in izobraževanja (ICCS), smo v vpra­šalnik za ucence vkljucili vprašanja o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo. Rezultati sekundarnih analiz ICCS so pokazali, da imajo osmošolci v Sloveniji (N = 2844), ki pogosteje obiskujejo verske obrede zunaj doma, tudi pozitivnejše mnenje o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo. Prav tako so rezultati korelacijskih analiz poka­zali na resda šibko, vendar pozitivno in statisticno znacilno povezanost med pogostostjo obiskovanja verskih obredov zunaj doma s pripravljenostjo prosto­voljstva v prihodnje, ne nazadnje tudi s sodelovanjem v prostovoljnih akcijah za pomoc skupnosti sedaj. Zaznana je bila tudi povezava med stališci osmošol­cev o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo in obcutkom evropske identitete osmošol­cev v Sloveniji. Kljucne besede: vpliv vere na družbo, prostovoljstvo, participacija v družbi, obcutek evropske identitete, osmošolci, ICCS Abstract: In Slovenia and some other participating education systems in the Inter­national Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS), we included questions on the role of religion in influencing society in the Questionnaire for Students. The results of secondary analyses of the ICCS database showed that eighth­-graders in Slovenia (N = 2844), who more often attend religious services out­side the home with other people, also have a more favourable opinion role about religion in influencing society. The results of correlation analysis also showed a weak but positive and statistically significant association between the frequency of attending religious services outside the home and the willin- Prispevek je rezultat Raziskovalnega programa P5-0106 „Edukacijske raziskave“. gness to volunteer in the future, not least by participating in voluntary actions to help the community now. An association was also found between the atti­tudes of eighth-graders in Slovenia about the role of religion in society and the sense of European identity. Keywords: endorsement of religious influence in society, volunteering, participa­tion in society, perception of European identity, 8th graders, ICCS 1. Uvod V svetu je danes v šolskem kontekstu državljanska vzgoja priznana kot eno po­membnejših podrocij za vzgojo posameznika v aktivnega državljana. Pomen tega izseka vzgoje in izobraževanja ni le v smeri usvajanja državljanske vednosti, temvec sta enako pomembna tudi razvoj stališc in pripravljenost za delovanje v (politic­nem in) družbenem življenju. Pri tem je seveda pomemben tudi razvoj skupnih vrednot za (so)bivanje. Prav zato želimo izpostaviti, da državljanska vzgoja (danes) ne pomeni zgolj politicne socializacije kot takšne (še posebno ne politicne pisme­nosti v najožjem razumevanju tega termina), ampak ima mnogo širšo obliko. Del te vzgoje je tudi spoznavanje religij oziroma verstev.2 Se pravi: nekako je to druž­bena pismenost. Na eni strani so vsebine, ki se predajajo mladim posameznikom (npr. tudi v Sloveniji je v okviru obveznega predmeta domovinska in državljanska kultura in etika del ucnega nacrta, in to za 7. razred osnovne šole, posvecen ucnim ciljem/standardom znanja o verovanju, verstvih), na drugi strani pa razvoj vrednot, ki so prav tako skupne tudi nekemu bolj religijskemu pouku (ali pa prevladujocim verstvom po svetu), na primer vrednota strpnosti, moralna nacela, etika itd. Skrat­ka, tudi v Sloveniji je to obvezen del kurikula, in prav pri državljanski vzgoji (kakor bi nemara lahko poenostavljeno imenovali to predmetno podrocje) vkljucuje cilje, ki so širši od neke zgolj navezave na politiko, politicni sistem, pomembni so cilji, ki so pravzaprav družbeni in s svojimi komponentami (kriticno mišljenje, razvoj politicne in družbene pismenosti, dejavno vkljucevanje v družbeno življenje) pri­spevajo k sobivanju posameznikov, ne nazadnje k obstoju družbe. Podobno analogijo z državljansko pismenostjo (ki ne obsega le državljanske vednosti) lahko vpeljemo tudi za religijsko pismenost. Kakor ugotavljata Dinham in Shawova (2017, 11), z vidika religijske pismenosti to pomeni, da sta pomembni poucevanje in ucenje tako o religiji kakor o stališcih oziroma prepricanjih (glede religije). Kakor ugotavljata, pri tem ne sme biti pomemben zgolj instrument za kohezijo in državljanstvo, ampak se je nujno ukvarjati s pripravo ucecih se na prak-ticno nalogo sodelovanja z bogato raznolikostjo religij in prepricanj, v vsakodnev­nem življenju zunaj šole. Pri tem se je treba vprašati, kako mlade na obicajen in strpen nacin poucevati o religiji in o prepricanjih ob drugih šolskih predmetih in Tudi v nadaljevanju clanka skušamo dosledno uporabljati termina vera (kot osebno prepricanje) in re-ligija (kot institucionalizirana oblika izražanja vere v skupnosti). Pri citatih upoštevamo terminologijo, ki jo uporabljajo avtorji. Eva Klemencic Mirazchiyski idr. - Stališca osmošolcev v Sloveniji... ob etosu, saj jim to omogoca, da vstopijo v odraslost z razumevanjem religije in prepricanja v svojem življenju in okoli njega, doma in v službi (Dinham in Shaw 2017, 11). Pri tem sta Globokar in Rifel (2017, 361) nekoliko konkretnejša in na podlagi analize izvajanja predmeta vera in kultura v katoliških gimnazijah v Slove­niji ugotavljata, da je po mnenju dijakov religijski pouk pri tem predmetu vecino-ma »v precejšnji ali zelo veliki meri pomagal, da so celoviteje razumeli sebe in soljudi, kriticno vrednotili dogajanje v družbi in postali bolj usposobljeni pri zavze­manju za reševanje perecih osebnih, medosebnih ter življenjskih problemov«. Pa vendarle, kaj ima to opraviti z udeležbo državljanov v družbenem življenju oziroma s tako imenovano aktivno participacijo v družbi oziroma z državljansko vzgojo, katere pomembni del je ocitno tudi usvajanje religijske pismenosti? Ceprav se zdi, »da izginja religioznost cloveka, da religije izgubljajo svoj pomen ali se raztapljajo v postmoderni /…/ spreminjajo se religiozne institucije« (Pevec Rozman 2017, 300), nedavne raziskave kažejo, da je velika vecina svetovnega prebivalstva povezana z neko versko tradicijo (Pancer 2015, 72). Clanstvo v verski skupini ali organizaciji na vec nacinov vpliva na državljansko udeležbo: a) verski voditelji in kongreganti postanejo del posameznikove družbene mreže in ta mreža pogosto pomeni vir rekrutiranja za državljanske in politicne dejavnosti, b) skoraj vse verske tradicije podpirajo vero v služenje drugim in te vrednote sporocajo svojim privržencem, c) verski voditelji so moralni vzorniki, ki z zavzetostjo za izboljšanje družbe navdihujejo druge, d) vkljucenost v verske skupine posameznikom omogoca tudi, da se vkljucijo v široko paleto skupnostnih projektov in se naucijo vešcin, ki jih je mogoce uporabiti v drugih civilnih organizacijah in dejavnostih (72–73). Skratka, iz gornjega zapisa je razvidno, da ima vkljucenost v neko versko tradicijo za posameznika mnoge potencialne vplive, ki segajo ven iz ozkega prakticiranja verske tradicije, v razlicne sfere družbenega življenja, ne nazadnje tudi na podrocje aktivnega udejstvovanja v družbi. Kakor kažejo raziskave, je religija pogosto pomemben katalizator državljanske participacije (Pancer 2015; Schulz et al. 2016, 26). Kako? Verska prepricanja in prakse ljudi so povezani z vsemi oblikami državljanske udeležbe (Pancer 2015, 58). Tako so, na primer, številne študije pokazale na povezavo med religijo in prosto­voljstvom – sociologa Smith in Faris sta, denimo, preucila podatke iz raziskave, opravljene na nacionalno reprezentativnem vzorcu ameriških srednješolcev, da bi ugotovila povezavo med religijo in skupnostno dejavnostjo. Ugotovila sta: dijaki, ki so vsak teden obiskovali verske obrede, imajo vec kakor dvakrat vecjo verjetnost, da bodo redno sodelovali v skupnostnih zadevah ali prostovoljnem delu, v primer-javi z dijaki, ki nikoli ne obiskujejo verskih obredov (58). Religija je prav tako po­vezana s politicno participacijo, kakor povzema Pancer (2015, 58): Zaff in sodelav­ci (2003) so na podlagi longitudinalne raziskave v ZDA ugotovili, da je bilo pri mladih, ki so se v 10. razredu (to bi v Sloveniji pomenilo zacetek srednje šole) udeleževali verskih obredov, za 24 % bolj verjetno, da bodo cez štiri leta (op. p.), ko pridobijo volilno pravico, glasovali na volitvah, kakor mladi, ki na omenjeni sto­pnji formalnega izobraževanja niso obiskovali verskih obredov (Pancer 2015, 58). Pomembno ugotovitev, ki se prav tako veže na presek religije in politicnega delo­vanja, najdemo tudi pri Udovicu (2020, 145): v clanku, ki analizira maše za domo-vino, opozori, da je odnos mladih do maše za domovino pomemben predvsem zato, ker bodo mladi kmalu postali politicni odlocevalci, pri tem pa se bodo njiho­va sedanja stališca »pretopila tudi v stališca politicnih strank, katerih clani bodo«. V clanku se drugace ne osredotocamo na religijski pouk v Sloveniji ali Evropi, bolj nas zanima, kakšna stališca imajo osmošolci v Sloveniji (in v drugih evropskih državah oziroma šolskih sistemih) do vloge vere pri vplivu na družbo. Še posebej nas pa zanima, ali imajo osmošolci, ki se pogosteje udeležujejo verskih obredov zunaj svojega doma z drugimi ljudmi, nemara bolj pozitivna stališca do te vloge pri vplivu na družbo. Na reprezentativnih podatkih za Slovenijo bomo preverili tudi druge hipoteze, ki jih izpeljujemo iz zgoraj opisanih rezultatov tujih raziskav (na primer povezava z obiskovanjem verskih obredov in prostovoljstvom, poveza­va verskih obredov in politicne participacije – vezano na udeleževanje volitev v prihodnje). Ne nazadnje, raziskali bomo tudi povezavo z obcutkom evropske iden­titete, kakor jo definira mednarodna raziskava ICCS. 2. Vprašanja o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo (ICCS 2016) Prva mednarodna raziskava s fokusom na državljanski vzgoji in izobraževanju jebila v svetu izvedena leta 1971 (v sklopu Študije šestih predmetov), nato pa kot samostojna raziskava leta 1999 (kratica CivEd – Civic Education Study), leta 2009 in leta 2016 (ICCS – International Civic and Citizenship Education Study) (Klemen-cic, Mirazchiyski in Novak 2019, 17–18). Slovenija je sodelovala v zadnjih treh za­jemih podatkov, se pravi leta 1999, leta 2009 in leta 2016.3 Teme, ki se navezujejo na religijo oziroma vero, so pomemben del raziskave. Tako že pri sami definiciji skupnosti eden od delov opredeljuje clanstvo v neki skupnosti, to pa je doloceno s prepricanjem posameznika o njegovem clanstvu (na primer z identifikacijo s ,so­mišljeniki‘ glede politicnih, verskih, filozofskih ali družbenih vprašanj) (Schulz etal. 2016, 15). Še bolj je pa to razvidno iz same vsebine vprašalnikov in iz testa dr­žavljanske vednosti, na primer pri vsebinski domeni družba in njeni podsistemi se raziskava osredotoca tudi na civilne institucije, ki omogocajo prevzemanje razlic­nih vlog v družbi (Klemencic, Mirazchiyski in Novak 2019, 27): eden od sklopov je namenjen religijskim institucijam (Schulz et al. 2016, 16). Pri državljanskih princi­pih (pri subdomeni vladavine prava) je enako: v smislu enakosti pred zakonom, ne glede na versko prepricanje (16), ali to, da se vsi ljudje rodijo enaki, v smislu do-stojanstva in pravic, ne glede na to, kakšne so njihove osebne lastnosti (na primer vera) (20). Ocenjevalni okvir raziskave ICCS definira zelo pomembno dimenzijo v okviru preverjanja državljanske vzgoje in izobraževanja. Govori o razlicnih tipih percepcij ucencev in njihovega vedenja, ki so pomembni pri vzgoji državljana. Ena Na mednarodni ravni raziskavo koordinira Mednarodna zveza za evalvacijo izobraževalnih dosežkov (IEA oziroma The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement), v Sloveniji Pe­dagoški inštitut. Eva Klemencic Mirazchiyski idr. - Stališca osmošolcev v Sloveniji... od teh afektivno-vedenjskih domen so stališca (druga delovanje). Raziskava ICCS znotraj sklopa preverjanja stališc ucencev do družbe in do državljanskih sistemov izpostavi poseben sklop, namenjen stališcem o vplivu vere na družbo. To je med-narodna opcija, za katero ni nujno, da jo sodelujoce države (oziroma izobraževal­ni sistemi) vkljucijo v raziskavo na nacionalni ravni. V Sloveniji smo ta del vprašal­nika izvedli prvic prav v ciklu raziskave 2016. V tem clanku se bomo vecinoma posvetili prav temu sklopu. V tabeli 1 predstavljamo rezultate o stališcih osmošolcev v Sloveniji do vloge vere pri vplivu na družbo.4 Ucenci so pri tej nalogi lahko izbirali med štirimi kategorijami strinjanja s posamezno postavko (Likertova 4-stopenjska lestvica), in to od zelo se strinjam do nikakor se ne strinjam. Zelo se strinjam Strinjam se Ne strinjam se Nikakor se ne strinjam Vera je zame bolj po­membna kakor to, kar se dogaja v državni politiki. 14,4 % (0,96) 31,8 % (1,16) 34 % (1,11) 19,9 % (0,95) Vera mi pomaga pri odlocanju o tem, kaj je prav in kaj ni. 14,5 % (0,82) 34,7 % (0,88) 29,4 % (0,95) 21,5 % (0,92) Verski voditelji bi morali imeti vec vpliva na družbo. 7,4 % (0,61) 28,1 % (0,97) 41,4 % (1,02) 23,1 % (0,98) Vera bi morala vplivati na to, kako se ljudje vedejo drug do drugega. 13,5 % (0,80) 39,5 % (1,09) 27,20 % (0,85) 19,9 % (0,82) Življenjska pravila, ki temeljijo na veri, so pomembnejša kakor pravila civilnega prava. 7 % (0,56) 26,3 % (0,97) 44,3 % (1,03) 22,4 % (0,99) Vsi ljudje bi morali imeti svobodo, živeti v skladu z vero, ki jo sami izberejo. 45,8 % (1,07) 37 % (1,02) 9,8 % (0,62) 7,4 % (0,65) Verni ljudje so boljši državljani. 8,9 % (0,62) 18,8 % (0,82) 40,1 % (1,13) 32,2 % (1,05) Tabela 1: Stališca osmošolcev v Sloveniji do vloge vere pri vplivu na družbo. Vir: Baza ICCS 2016, naši lastni izracuni. Opomba: standardne napake so navedene v oklepajih ob odstotkih ucencev. Iz rezultatov tabele vidimo, da se je najvec osmošolcev v Sloveniji zelo strinjalo s trditvijo, da bi vsi ljudje morali imeti svobodo, živeti v skladu z vero, ki jo sami izberejo (približno 46 % osmošolcev). Prav tako se jih je z omenjeno postavko stri- Pri postavkah v slovenskem jeziku smo uporabljali termin vera, v smislu clovekovega osebnega odnosa z Bogom (oziroma z bogovi v nekaterih verstvih), in ne nekoliko širše oziroma splošnejše in bolj neoseb­ne terminologije, kakor je izraz religija. Prav zato pri identifikaciji postavk uporabljamo termin, ki je bil dejansko uporabljen v Vprašalniku za ucence, iz katerega crpamo podatke za našo analizo. njalo okoli 37 %. Da so verni ljudje boljši državljani, se vecina ucencev ni strinjala oziroma nikakor ni strinjala (prvo kategorijo je izbralo okoli 40 % osmošolcev in drugo okoli 32 %). Odgovori ucencev pri preostalih postavkah so nekoliko bolj raz­pršeni med kategorijami (ne)strinjanja. Pa vendarle vidimo, da se precejšen delež osmošolcev v Sloveniji strinja ali zelo strinja s postavkami, da je vera zanje po­membnejša kakor to, kar se dogaja v državni politiki, da jim vera pomaga pri od­locanju o tem, kaj je prav in kaj ni, in da bi vera morala vplivati na to, kako se ljudje vedejo drug do drugega. Pri tem velja posebej opozoriti, da ta tabela ne razlikuje med osmošolci, ki so dejansko verni, in tistimi, ki niso. Ta vidik (drugace vezan na obiskovanje verskih obredov zunaj doma z drugimi ljudmi) podrobneje analizira-mo v nadaljevanju clanka. Izobraževalni sistem 2016 2009 Razlike (2016 - 2009) 40 45 50 55 60 Belgija (flamski del) Bolgarija Cile Kitajski Tajpej Kolumbija Hrvaška Danska† Dominikanska republika (r) Estonija1 Latvija1 Litva Malta Nizozemska† Norveška (9)1 Peru Slovenija Švedska1 45 (0.3) • 51 (0.3) • 49 (0.2) 48 (0.2) • 55 (0.2) • 55 (0.3) .43 (0.2) • 60 (0.2) • 44 (0.3) .46 (0.3) • 48 (0.2) 54 (0.2) • 44 (0.4) .44 (0.3) • 56 (0.1) .48 (0.3) .42 (0.4) • 45 (0.2) 51 (0.3) 53 (0.2) 48 (0.2) 54 (0.1) ­44 (0.2) 58 (0.2) ­47 (0.3) 49 (0.2) 55 (0.2) ­45 (0.4) ­ ­44 (0.2) -0.3 (0.4) 0.2 (0.4) -4.0 (0.3) -0.4 (0.3) 0.3 (0.3) ­-0.4 (0.3) 1.5 (0.3) ­-1.4 (0.4) -0.1 (0.3) -1.7 (0.3) ­-0.8 (0.5) ­ ­-2.9 (0.5) Povprecje ICCS 2016 Skupno povprecje izob. Sistemov 49 (0.1) 49 (0.1) 50 (0.1) -0.8 (0.1) Izobraževalna sistema, ki nista dosegla standardov vzorcenja Hong Kong LRK Južna Koreja2 47 (0.3)42 (0.2) ­ ­ ­ - Primerjalna regija, ki ni dosegla standardov vzorcenja Severno Porenje-Vestfalija (Nemcija)1 46 (0.5) ­ - Nacionalni rezultati ICCS 2016 so: Vec kot 3 tocke nad ICCS povprecjem • Statisticno znacilno nad ICCS povprecjem • Statisticno znacilno pod ICCS povprecjem • Vec kot 3 tocke pod ICCS povprecjem • 2016 povprecni rezultat +/- interval zaupanja 2009 povprecni rezultat +/- interval zaupanja V povprecju imajo ucenci z vrednostjo znotraj tega obmocja vec kot 50 % možnosti, da na vprašanje o religijskemu vplivu v družbi odgovorijo z Nestrinjanje s pozitivnimi trditvami Strinjanje z pozitivnimi trditvami Slika 1: Stališca o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo pri osmošolcih v Sloveniji in Evropi. Vir: prirejeno po Schulz et al. 2018, 140. Eva Klemencic Mirazchiyski idr. - Stališca osmošolcev v Sloveniji... Na sliki vidimo prikaz lestvice, ki je izracunana iz prvih šestih postavk, prika­zanih v tabeli 1. Iz slike 1 vidimo rezultate, izracunane na podlagi te lestvice, prav tako pa tudi trende (nekateri izobraževalni sistemi, ne pa tudi Slovenija, so ta vprašanja vkljucili že v izvedbo raziskave leta 2009). Najprej si poglejmo tren­de med letoma 2009 in 2016. Ucenci (osmošolci) iz dvanajstih izobraževalnih sistemov so odgovarjali na ista vprašanja tako leta 2009 kakor leta 2016. Na podlagi tega vidimo, da so ucenci iz Dominikanske republike vlogi vere pri vpli­vu na družbo leta 2016 pripisali vecji vpliv kakor v zajemu podatkov predtem. Na drugi strani pa vidimo, da je vecina ucencev v letu 2016 pripisali vlogi vere manjši vpliv v primerjavi z letom 2009 (statisticno pomembne razlike so razvidne pri tistih številkah, ki so zapisane krepko). Tako je bilo, denimo, pri ucencih izCila, iz Latvije, z Malte in iz Švedske. Podobno je tudi z mednarodnim povpre-cjem. Kar vidimo iz prikaza, je tudi to, da je med osmošolci v sodelujocih izobra­ževalnih sistemih odnos do tega, kakšno vlogo ima vera pri vplivu na družbo, razlicen (razpršenost je kar velika). Mnenje osmošolcev v Sloveniji je pod med-narodnim povprecjem, to pa pomeni, da naši osmošolci niso ocenili tako velike vloge vere pri vplivu na družbo kakor, denimo, njihovi vrstniki iz Hrvaške ali z Malte (ce omenimo le ti dve evropski državi). Prav to nas je spodbudilo k nadalj­njemu raziskovanju te teme, zato smo opravili vrsto sekundarnih analiz, ki jih predstavljamo v nadaljevanju. 3. Analiticni okvir in rezultati 3.1 Okvir za analizo, postopki Okvir za analizo so podatki mednarodne raziskave ICCS 2016, ki so bili v Sloveniji zbrani pred poletjem 2016, prvic javno objavljeni konec leta 2017, s sprostitvijo mednarodne baze v letu 2018. V Sloveniji je v raziskavi sodelovalo 135 šol oziroma 2844 osmošolcev (realizacija vzorca je reprezentativna, to pomeni, da lahko go-vorimo o rezultatih na ravni populacije osmošolcev v Sloveniji).5 Za odgovore na vprašanja o povezanosti stališc osmošolcev o vlogi vere pri vpli­vu na družbo, vere kot katalizatorja državljanske participacije in pogostosti pro-stovoljstva, glede na pogostost obiskovanja verskih obredov zunaj doma z drugimi ljudmi, smo izvedli korelacijske analize. Na koncu empiricnega dela nas je tudi zanimala povezava med stališci o vplivu vere na družbo in zaznano evropsko iden­titeto; tudi tukaj smo izvedli korelacijsko analizo. Vprašanja, katerih podatke ana­liziramo v clanku, so bila vkljucena v Vprašalnik za ucence, postavljena so bila tako, da so pri postavkah ucenci izbirali svoje odgovore na 4-stopenjski Likertovi lestvi­ci (podrobneje jih opisujemo pri rezultatih vsake od analiz). Preden so bile izracu­nane lestvice oziroma korelacije med spremenljivkami, je bilo opravljeno naspro­tno kodiranje spremenljivk, da smo dobili vrednosti, ki so imele isto smer (druga- Sodelovali so tudi ucitelji in ravnatelji, vendar njihovih podatkov v tem clanku ne analiziramo, ker za vsebino tega clanka niso relevantni. Bogoslovni vestnik 81 (2021) • 1 ce analize, primerjave ne bi bile pravilne). Za analizo podatkov smo uporabili pro-gramsko orodje RALSA (Mirazchiyski in INERI 2020), ki upošteva kompleksni dizajn in kompleksno vzorcenje raziskave ICCS. 3.2 Rezultati in interpretacija 3.2.1 Osmošolci s pozitivnejšimi stališci o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo V naši analizi nas je najprej zanimala morebitna povezava med pogostostjo obi-skovanja verskih obredov zunaj doma z drugimi ljudmi in stališca osmošolcev o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo. V analizi smo izracunali Spearmanovo korelacijo, in to med lestvico »Stališca osmošolcev o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo« (S_RE­LINF) in pogostostjo obiskovanja verskih dogodkov zunaj doma z drugimi ljudmi. Lestvica S_RELINF je oblikovana na podlagi prvih šestih postavk, ki smo jih navedli v tabeli 1: vera je zame bolj pomembna kakor to, kar se dogaja v državni politiki; vera mi pomaga pri odlocanju o tem, kaj je prav in kaj ni; verski voditelji bi mora­li imeti vec vpliva v družbi; vera bi morala vplivati na to, kako se ljudje vedejo drug do drugega; življenjska pravila, ki temeljijo na veri, so pomembnejša kakor pravi-la civilnega prava; vsi ljudje bi morali imeti svobodo, živeti v skladu z vero, ki jo sami izberejo. Kakor že navedeno, je bila kategorija odgovorov 4-stopenjska Liker-tova lestvica (od zelo se strinjam do nikakor se ne strinjam). Preverili smo korelacijo (izracunali Spearmanov koeficient korelacije rangov) med omenjeno lestvico in vprašanjem o pogostosti udeleževanja verskih obredov zunaj doma z drugimi ljudmi. Osmošolce smo namrec vprašali prav to, obenem pa smo jim ponudili naslednje kategorije odgovorov, ki zadevajo pogostost ude­leževanja omenjenih obredov: nikoli, manj kakor enkrat na leto, vsaj enkrat na leto, vsaj enkrat na mesec, vsaj enkrat na teden. Korelacija s pogostostjo obiskovanja verskih obredov zunaj doma z drugimi ljudmi Standardna napaka p-vrednost Stališca osmošolcev o vplivu vere na družbo 0,53 0,02 < 0,001 Tabela 2: Korelacija pogostosti obiskovanja verskih obredov in stališc o vplivu vere na družbo med osmošolci V Sloveniji. Vir: Baza ICCS 2016, naši lastni izracuni. Rezultati analize (tabela 2) so pokazali, da je korelacija pozitivna in dokaj moc­na (0,53, s standardno napako 0,02) in je statisticno znacilna (p < 0,001). To po­meni, da imajo osmošolci, ki pogosteje obiskujejo verske obrede zunaj doma, tudi pozitivnejše mnenje o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo. 3.2.2 Religija oziroma vera kot katalizator državljanske participacije – prostovoljstvo, politicna participacija V uvodnem delu clanka smo povzeli rezultate nekaterih drugih raziskav, ki pricajo o pomenu religije oziroma vere kot pomembnega katalizatorja za državljansko Eva Klemencic Mirazchiyski idr. - Stališca osmošolcev v Sloveniji... participacijo. Zato bomo v nadaljevanju analizirali povezavo med pogostostjo ude­leževanja pri verskih obredih zunaj doma in stališci o prostovoljstvu v prihodnje oziroma dosedanje sodelovanje v prostovoljskih dejavnostih za pomoc skupnosti, prav tako pa tudi povezavo med pogostostjo udeleževanja pri verskih obredih zu­naj doma in politicno participacijo. V Spearmanovi korelacijski analizi smo uporabili že prej opisano spremenljivko pogostosti obiskovanja verskih obredov zunaj doma z drugimi ljudmi in spremen­ljivki o prostovoljstvu. Znotraj vprašanja »Kako pogosto sodeluješ pri dejavnostih organizacij, klubov oziroma skupin«, na katero so osmošolci odgovarjali tako, da so izbrali eno od treh ponujenih kategorij odgovorov (da, sodeloval sem v zadnjih dvanajstih mesecih; da, sodeloval sem, toda pred vec kakor letom dni, in ne, nik­dar nisem sodeloval), je bila tudi postavka: »Prostovoljna skupina, ki dela za po­moc skupnosti«. Drugo vprašanje, vezano na pricakovano participacijo na volitvah in v drugih organizacijah v prihodnje (ko bodo ti ucenci odrasli, pri volitvah je to, na primer, že približno štiri leta po tem, ko so bili testirani), je prav tako vsebova-lo postavko o prostovoljstvu: »Prostovoljno pomagal ljudem v lokalni skupnosti«. Glede na to, kako je bilo vprašanje zastavljeno, je to pomenilo: v prihodnje. Pri tem vprašanju so bile možne kategorije odgovorov: to bi zagotovo naredil; to bi verjetno naredil; tega verjetno ne bi naredil; tega zagotovo ne bi naredil. Korelacija s pogostostjo obiskovanja verskih obredov zunaj doma z drugimi ljudmi Standardna napaka p-vrednost Sodelovanje v prosto­voljni skupini, ki dela za pomoc skupnosti 0,11 0,02 < 0,001 Pripravljenost, prosto­voljno pomagati ljudem v lokalni skupnosti v prihodnje 0,14 0,02 < 0,001 Tabela 3: Korelacija med pogostostjo obiskovanja verskih obredov in prostovoljstvom osmo­ šolcev v Sloveniji. Vir: Baza ICCS 2016, naši lastni izracuni. Spearmanova korelacija med pogostostjo obiskovanja verskih obredov zunaj doma z drugimi ljudmi in sodelovanjem v prostovoljni skupini, ki dela za pomoc skupnosti, je resda šibka (0,11; s standardno napako 0,02), a je statisticno znacil­na (p < 0,001). Korelacija med odgovori osmošolcev na pogostost obiskovanja verskih obredov in pripravljenostjo, prostovoljno pomagati ljudem v lokalni sku­pnosti v prihodnje, je prav tako resda šibka (0,14, s standardno napako 0,02), ce­prav je tudi tukaj povezava statisticno znacilna (p < 0,001). To pomeni, da bodo osmošolci (takšna so vsaj bila njihova stališca ob izvajanju raziskave), ki pogosteje obiskujejo verske obrede z drugimi ljudmi zunaj svojih domov, pogosteje prosto­voljno sodelovali v svojih lokalnih skupnostih (vendar korelacija ni tako mocna). V nadaljevanju sta nas zanimala še dva vidika politicne participacije v prihodnje; v analizah smo uporabili dve lestvici: – pricakovana elektorska participacija v prihodnje – ta lestvica je sestavljena iz naslednjih postavk: glasovanje na lokalnih volitvah, glasovanje na nacionalnih volitvah, pridobitev informacij o kandidatih pred glasovanjem na volitvah; – pricakovana aktivna politicna participacija v prihodnje – ta lestvica je sesta­vljena iz naslednjih postavk: pomoc kandidatu ali stranki med volilno kampa­njo, pridružiti se politicni stranki, pridružiti se sindikatu, kandidirati na lokalnih volitvah, vkljuciti se v organizacijo, ki ima politicne ali dobrodelne namene. Pri postavkah obeh lestvic so kategorije možnih odgovorov naslednje: to bi za­gotovo naredil, to bi verjetno naredil, tega verjetno ne bi naredil, tega zagotovo ne bi naredil. Korelacija s pogostostjo obiskovanja verskih obredov zunaj doma z drugi-mi ljudmi Standardna napaka p-vrednost Pricakovana elektorska participacija osmošolcev 0,12 0,02 < 0,001 Pricakovana aktivna politic­na participacija osmošolcev 0,05 0,02 0,033 Tabela 4: Korelacija med pogostostjo obiskovanja verskih obredov in pricakovano (politicno) participacijo osmošolcev v Sloveniji v prihodnje. Vir: Baza ICCS 2016, naši lastni izracuni. V tabeli 4 prikazujemo rezultate Spearmanove korelacijske analize med pogosto­stjo obiskovanja verskih obredov osmošolcev in pricakovano udeležbo na volitvah v prihodnosti (se pravi: elektorsko participacijo) – povezava je šibka (0,12; s stan­dardno napako 0,02), ceprav je statisticno znacilna (p < 0,001). Povezava pogosto­sti obiskovanja verskih obredov ucencev in prihodnje politicne udeležbe je še šibkejša (0,05; s standardno napako 0,02), ceprav je tudi tukaj statisticno znacilna (p = 0,033). Iz teh rezultatov lahko sklepamo, da bodo osmošolci, ki pogosteje obiskujejo verske obrede zunaj doma, bolj verjetno udeleženi na volitvah kakor pa neposredno v politiki. Vendar je korelacija precej šibka. 3.2.3 Povezava med stališci o vlogi religije pri vplivu na družbo in evropsko identiteto Kakor so pokazali rezultati raziskave, opravljene na priložnostnem vzorcu 149 mla­dostnikov, starih med 15 do 22 let (se pravi: od zacetka srednje šole do praviloma vkljucenosti v 1. bolonjsko stopnjo študija), h kulturni razsežnosti evropske iden­titete najpomembneje prispeva religiozna identiteta (Golob, Makarovic in Tomšic 2019, 166;169). V naši bazi imamo dva sklopa spremenljivk, na podlagi katerih lahko za populacijo osmošolcev v Sloveniji izracunamo povezavo med obcutkom evropske identitete in stališci o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo.6 Seveda je treba povedati, da je naš konstrukt evropske identitete drugacen kakor v omenjeni raziskavi, ki pa nam je vendarle dala idejo za ta del našega clanka. Eva Klemencic Mirazchiyski idr. - Stališca osmošolcev v Sloveniji... Pri tej analizi smo izracunali Pearsonovo korelacijo med lestvico S_RELINF (sta­lišca osmošolcev o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo – to je lestvica, ki smo jo upo­rabili tudi pri prvi analizi) in lestvico E_EUIDENT (lestvica, ki je pri osmošolcih me-rila obcutek evropske identitete). Izracunana je na podlagi vprašanja, ki je bilo vkljuceno v tako imenovani Evropski modul raziskave ICCS 2016. Lestvico evropske identitete osmošolcev sestavljajo naslednje postavke: sebe imam za Evropejca; ponosen sem, da živim v Evropi; pocutim se kakor del Evrope; sebe imam najprej za državljana Evrope, potem pa za državljana sveta. Ucenci so pri teh postavkah lahko izbirali med štirimi možnimi kategorijami odgovorov: zelo se strinjam, stri­njam se, ne strinjam se, nikakor se ne strinjam. Korelacija s stališci ucencev o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo Standardna napaka p-vrednost Obcutek evropske identitete 0,07 0,02 p < 0,001 Tabela 5: Korelacija med stališci osmošolcev v Sloveniji o vplivu vere na družbo in obcutkom evropske identitete. Vir: Baza ICCS 2016, naši lastni izracuni. Korelacija med obema lestvicama je precej šibka (0,07; s standardno napako 0,02), ceprav je statisticno znacilna (p < 0,001). To pomeni, da obstajajo ucenci, ki se strinjajo s tem, da ima vera vpliv na družbo, in se ponavadi opredelijo za evrop­ske državljane, vendar v dokaj majhni meri. Skratka, kljub šibkost korelacije sta ta dva sklopa stališc osmošolcev v Sloveniji povezana. 4. Sklep V clanku nas je zanimala povezava med stališci do vloge vere pri vplivu na družbo in povezava med pogostostjo obiskovanja verskih obredov zunaj doma z drugimi ljudmi v smislu religije oziroma vere kot katalizatorja politicne oziroma družbene participacije (sem štejemo tako prostovoljstvo kakor elektorsko participacijo – pri­pravljenost voliti na volitvah, in pricakovano politicno participacijo v prihodnje). Prav tako nas je zanimalo, ali obstaja povezava med stališci osmošolcev do vloge vere v družbi in evropsko identiteto. Populacija, ki smo jo preiskovali, so osmošol­ci v Sloveniji. Vse podatke za našo analizo smo zbrali v okviru zadnjega zajema Mednarodne raziskave državljanske vzgoje in izobraževanja (ICCS 2016). Vprašanja, ki zadevajo vero, so v izbirnem delu. V Sloveniji smo jih prvic vkljucili v raziskavo prav v zadnjem ciklu izvedbe raziskave. V raziskavi ICCS 2016 se je približno 72 % osmošolcev v Sloveniji opredelilo kot verujocih (okoli 58 % vseh ucencev, sodelujocih v raziskavi, je navedlo, da so ka­toliške veroizpovedi), približno 28 % pa se jih je opredelilo kot neverujocih (Kle­mencic, Mirazchiyski in Novak 2019, 45). Okoli 32 % osmošolcev je povedalo, da se verskih obredov zunaj doma z drugimi ljudi udeleži vsaj enkrat na leto, na dru­gi strani se teh obredov nikoli ne udeleži okoli 24 % osmošolcev v Sloveniji (46). Naše dodatne analize so pokazale, da imajo osmošolci v Sloveniji, ki pogosteje obiskujejo verske obrede zunaj doma, tudi pozitivnejše mnenje o vlogi vere pri vplivu na družbo. Prav tako so rezultati pokazali na resda šibko, vendar pozitivno in statisticno znacilno povezanost med obiskovanjem verskih obredov zunaj doma s pripravljenostjo na prostovoljstvo za pomoc ljudem v skupnosti v prihodnje (ne nazadnje tudi povezavo s prostovoljstvom do sedaj). Zaznana je bila tudi poveza­va med stališci osmošolcev o vlogi vere kot vplivu na družbo in obcutkom evropske identitete osmošolcev. Clanek prinaša pomembne ugotovitve, ki so v skladu z raziskavami, resda na drugih populacijah, v svetu. Zato je ta del rezultatov pricakovan. Lahko pa smo jih prvic empiricno preverili tudi za Slovenijo. Pomembne so iz te perspektive, da bi nemara v nekem vsakodnevnem razmisleku celo menili, kako med prakticiranjem verskih obredov osmošolcev in njihovo, predvsem politicno, participacijo ni nobene povezave (zato so nas naši rezultati vsaj delno presenetili). Pri prostovoljstvu bi verjetno to povezavo laže predvideli. Pa so rezultati analiz pokazali na povezavo pri prav vseh izracunanih korelacijah, ceprav ponekod nekoliko šibkejšo, a še vedno govorimo o statisticno znacilni povezanosti. Seveda moramo omeniti tudi, da pri tovrstnih raziskavah – verjetno bi to lahko trdili za vecino ali celo vsako družboslovno raziskavo – rezultatov ne moremo interpretirati v smislu kavzalnosti, na nacin, da bi iskali vzrok in posledico. Najbrž to ni niti tako pomembno, vsekakor je pa pomembno spoznanje, da je med religioznostjo (recimo udeleževanje verskih obredov) in sedanjo in prihodno pripravljenostjo, participirati v družbi, povezava, ki je statisticno znacilna. Kot argument bi lahko navedli tudi to, da je participacija pri bolj verskih dejavnostih pomemben del grajenja aktivne participacije v prihodnje, participacije v smislu sodelovanja v družbenem življenju, ki ima seveda razlicne perspektive. Pri tem ne govorimo le o aktivni participaciji v politicnem življenju, ceprav smo potrdili tudi to povezavo. V tem oziru so rezultati vsekakor pomembni za slovenski šolski sistem. Dajejo namrec vpogled v to, da govorimo o dveh podrocjih našega življenja (vera, politicna participacija), ki se na prvi pogled zdita loceni, pa ocitno nista. To je vsekakor pomembno za nadaljnji razvoj podrocja državljanske vzgoje v Sloveniji. V publikacija Razvoj državljanske vzgoje v Sloveniji (Cepic et al. 2012, 166) avtorji predlagajo, »da se vsebina etika in vednost o verstvih izlocita iz ucnega nacrta za državljansko vzgojo« in »da dobita mesto kot samostojna obvezna predmeta, saj bodo samo v tem okviru vsebine etike in poznavanja verstev dobile tisti minimalni obseg, ki jima glede na vsebino splošne izobrazbe in primerjave z drugimi državami gre«. Naši rezultati temu na eni strani pritrjujejo, ceš kako pomembne so te vsebine v kurikulumu (zato se vsekakor strinjamo, da morajo tudi vsebine o verstvih imeti svojo vlogo v kurikulumu), vendar po drugi strani, morda se zdi paradoksno, temu lahko celo nasprotujejo. Rezultati so namrec pokazali, da govorimo o dveh sklopih (politicna participacija in vera), ki sta ocitno povezana. Eva Klemencic Mirazchiyski idr. - Stališca osmošolcev v Sloveniji... Reference Cepic, Mitja, Janez Justin, Eva Klemencic, ZdenkoKodelja, Mitja Sardoc, Marjan Šimenc inDarko Štrajn. 2012. Razvoj državljanske vzgoje v Republiki Sloveniji: konceptualni okvir in razvoj kurikulumov (državljanska vzgoja in etika, družba). Ljubljana: Pedagoški inštitut. Dinham, Adam, in Martha Shaw. 2017. Religious Literacy through Religious Education: The Future of Teaching and Learning about Religion and Belief. Religions 8, št. 7:119. Globokar, Roman, in Tadej Rifel. 2017. Medverski dialog pri religijskem pouku v Sloveniji. Bogo­slovni vestnik 77, št. 2:357–368. Golob, Tea, Matej Makarovic in Matevž Tomšic. 2019. Pomen religioznosti za evropsko identi­teto mladih. Bogoslovni vestnik 80, št. 1:161– 175. Klemencic, Eva, Plamen V. Mirazchiyski in JureNovak. 2019. Državljanska vzgoja v Sloveniji: Nacionalno porocilo Mednarodne raziskave državljanske vzgoje in izobraževanja (IEA ICCS 2016). Ljubljana: Pedagoški inštitut. Mirazchiyski, Plamen, in INERI. 2020. RALSA: R Analyzer for Large-Scale Assessments. R pac­kage version 0.90.1. Vodnik po racunalniškem programu. https://CRAN.R-project.org/ package=RALSA (pridobljeno 14. 6. 2020). Pancer, S. Mark. 2015. The Psychology of Citizen­ship and Civic Engagement. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pevec Rozman, Mateja. 2017. Pomen in vloga religije v sodobni postmoderni družbi in iskanje bistva religioznega fenomena. Bogoslovni vestnik 77, št. 2:289–301. Schulz, Wolfram, John Ainley, Julian Fraillon,Bruno Losito in Gabriella Agrusti. 2016. IEA International Civic and Citizenship Education Study 2016: Assessment Framework. Master-dam: The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement. Schulz, Wolfram, John Ainley, Julian Fraillon,Bruno Losito, Gabriella Agrusti in Tim Fried­man. 2018. Becoming Citizens in a Changing World: IEA International Civic and Citizenship Education Study 2016 International Report. New York: Springer Open. Smith, Christian, in Robert Faris. 2002. Religion and American Adolescent Delinquency: Risk Behaviors and Constructive Social Activities; National Study of Youth and Religion, CB #3057. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Caroli­na. Udovic, Boštjan. 2020. ‚Mass for the Homeland‘: (Just) a Religious Ceremony or a Religious, Diplomatic and Statehood Strengthening Activity? Bogoslovni vestnik 80, št. 1:145–159. Zaff, F. Jonathan, Kristin A. Moore, Angela Roma­no Papillo in Stephanie Williams. 2003. Impli­cations of Extracurricular Activity Participation During Adolescence on Positive Outcomes. Journal of Adolescent Research 18, št. 6:599– 630. ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 70 Simon Malmenvall Kultura Kijevske Rusije in kršcanska zgodovinska zavest Monografija spada v okvir kulturno-idejne zgodovine in historicne teologije. Gre za prvo celovito osvetlitev oblikovanja kršcanske kulture Kijevske Rusije (najsta­rejše vzhodnoslovanske državne tvorbe, ki je obstajala med 10. in 13. stoletjem) v slovenskemu znanstvenemu prostoru. Pri tem je posebna pozornost namenjena proucitvi zgodovinske zavesti (kot zgodovine odrešenja) takratne staroruske po­svetne in cerkvene elite v casu neposredno po uradnem sprejetju kršcanske vere. Poglavitni del monografije se posveca štirim zgodovinsko-religijskim narativnim virom, sestavljenim med sredino 11. in sredino 12. stoletja: pridigi Beseda o po­stavi in milosti, letopisu Pripoved o minulih letih, hagiografiji Branje o Borisu inGlebu in potopisu Življenje in romanje Danijela. Ljubljana: TEOF, 2019. 313 str. ISBN 978-961-6844-82-6, 11€. Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1, 199—223 Besedilo prejeto/Received:12/2020; sprejeto/Accepted:04/2021 UDK/UDC: 316.7:2 DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Tkacova © 2021 Tkácová et al., CC BY 4.0 Hedviga Tkácová, Martina Pavlíková, Miroslav Tvrdon and Alexey I. Prokopyev Existence and Prevention of Social Exclusion of Re­ligious University Students due to Stereotyping Obstoj in preprecevanje družbenega izkljucevanja vernih študentov zaradi stereotipizacije Abstract: Man is born into a tangle of standard processes and behaviour patterns created and modified over time. Through gradual socialization, he acquires the attributes of his own culture and gets acquainted with the admissible modus operandi for the social group he is a member of; he also deepens these princi­ples and confronts them with the experiences of others. Stereotyping is a pro­cess that represents the initial classification of phenomena and people, which it categorizes into groups and assigns them positive or negative characteristics. Stereotypes form the ideas that people have about themselves and ,their‘ gro­up with which they identify and are aimed at members of other groups with which they do not identify. Negative stereotypes about other people arise from pursuing one’s own positive social identity and positive self-presentation. Ste­reotyping of believers occurs precisely because of perceived differences bet­ween ,we‘ and ,them‘ (for example, in attitudes and values, possibly in ,religi­ous‘ practice). Stereotypes are often the unconscious ,beginning‘ of a range of known intolerant attitudes; they can lead to racism, anti-Semitism, ethnic di­scrimination, and other forms of intolerance. According to the experts, no na­tion has innate attitudes to hate, as they cannot be inherited in a biological­-psychological sense. Intolerance is acquired, often to justify negative attitudes and behaviours. Using the qualitative method of guided group interviews (the so-called focus group), we examine the existence of stereotypes in university students towards their religious classmates. We consider the potential of soci­al exclusion of young believers due to stereotypes and present current measu­res in prevention. Key words: stereotype, social exclusion, social identity, adolescents, controlled in­terview Povzetek: Clovek je z rojstvom postavljen v mrežo skupnih procesov in vedenjskih vzorcev, ki nastajajo in se spreminjajo skozi cas. Skozi postopno socializacijo prevzame znacilnosti svoje kulture in spozna dovoljeni modus operandi druž­bene skupine, ki ji pripada; ta nacela tudi poglobi in jih primerja z izkušnjami drugih. Stereotipizacija je proces, ki pomeni zacetno razvršcanje pojavov in lju­di, vse pa nato kategorizira v skupine in jim pripiše pozitivne ali negativne la-stnosti. Stereotipi oblikujejo predstave, ki jih imajo ljudje o sebi in o »svoji« skupini, s katero se identificirajo; usmerjeni so k clanom drugih skupin, s kate­rimi se ne identificirajo. Negativni stereotipi o drugih ljudeh nastopijo z name-nom krepitve svoje pozitivne identitete in pozitivnega vrednotenja samega sebe. Stereotipizacija vernikov se rodi prav zaradi prepoznanih razlik med ,nami‘ in ,njimi‘ (npr. v nacinu vedenja in pri vrednotah, morda tudi pri ,religiozni‘ pra­ksi). Stereotipi pogosto pomenijo nezavedni ,zacetek‘ vrste znanih nestrpnih drž; vodijo lahko k rasizmu, antisemitizmu, etnicni diskriminaciji in k drugim oblikam nestrpnosti. V skladu z ugotovitvami strokovnjakov ne obstaja narod, ki bi imel prirojeno sovraštvo, saj se to ne more dedovati v biološko-psiholo­škem smislu. Nestrpnost je naucena, pogosto zato, da bi z njo upravicevali ne­gativno razpoloženje in vedenje. Na podlagi kvalitativne metode skupinsko vo­denih intervjujev (fokusna skupina) preucujemo obstoj stereotipov med uni-verzitetnimi študenti v razmerju do njihovih vernih sošolcev. Obravnavamo po­tencial družbenega izkljucevanja mladih vernikov zaradi stereotipov in predsta­vimo aktualne ukrepe na podrocju preprecevanja takšnih fenomenov. Kljucne besede: stereotip, družbeno izkljucevanje, družbena identiteta, adolescen-ti, kontrolirani intervju 1. Introduction Religious pluralism in European countries has not achieved the expected wea­kening of faith. On the contrary, it turned out that a more significant number of religious alternatives leads to an overall increase in religiosity and market com­petition. The individual has more choice, which increases his ‚consumption‘ (religiosity) and, in Wohlrab’s words, his interest in stricter (i.e., more funda­mentalist) religious practice (Wohlrab-Sahr [n.d.]). After the fall of communist totalitarianism in 1989, Slovakia was no exception. At the last census in 2011, 75% of the state’s population declared their affiliation with churches and religi­ous societies registered in the Slovak Republic. There are currently 18 registered churches and religious societies and approximately 200 unregistered religious groups in the Slovak Republic; most of them are movements of Christian origin (Grešková 2013). The surprising return of interest in religion was reflected in its destiny - with the globalization of the world grew the globalization of religion and the pursuit of dialogue, ecumenism, and interfaith dialogue on the one hand and the activity Hedviga Tkácová et al. - Existence and Prevention of Social Exclusion ... of religious radicalism on the other. While the former was either ignored or wel­comed, the second led to a reaction in a global society that vehemently rejected forms of religious radicalism and fundamentalism; this was reflected not only in the structures of society but also in everyday interpersonal relationships. As a re­sult of the radicalism of religion, a sense of threat naturally grew in society, evo­king old stereotypes and creating new forms of intolerance; Stereotyping has become a tool for labelling ,difference‘ and contributes to the world view in two opposing terms daily – on the one hand, we are ,we‘ and, on the other hand, ,they‘. The subject of both attitudes is the question of ,what does ‘ and ,what is‘ the second group as opposed to ,what is doing‘ and ,what is‘ our group. Within this view, even in the university’s environment, it is possible to perceive the di­versity of young children of character or their interests and values and habits that can be the target of ridicule or condemnation. According to Plichtová and Podo­linská, the duality of the view ,we‘ – ,they‘ carries with it its own (usually negative) emotion and the current behaviour that follows from this view; in stereotypes and prejudices, according to the author, there is a present tendency to harm or cause discrimination (RTVS 2017). Similarly, Pickering states that ‚difference‘ is constructed as a deviation from normal, safe, or important. The definition of otherness is made consciously, i.e., to »ensure the unification of the collective identity and separate the privileged from the subordinate« (Pickering 2001, 49). Cipro agrees with this, referring to the tendency of the ‚superiority complex‘ as an objective undesirable and danger­ous moment, which aims at the social exclusion of underestimated minority groups and individuals within the social group (Cipro 2001). The school space – the classroom – is also one of many social groups. There is stress from exams and the fear of failure, but these unpleasant feelings last forever after college, and we realize that our college life has brought us many lovely memories. These are pleasant and full of experiences for most graduates. However, some such students come to mind when they have to immerse them­selves in books and scripts and face ridicule and paganism. The reason could be simplified, exaggerated, constantly recurring, and easily recognizable ‚truths‘ with a negative emotional charge, as Burton and Jirák or any describe stereo­types ,difference‘ that was not accepted by the majority. Such a ,difference‘ is also the individual’s religiosity (Burton and Jirák 2003, 196–197). One of the many definitions of religiosity speaks of it as a kind of belief in the existence of supernatural phenomena and beings, but the term religiosity already includes participation in activities that are directly related to this belief and its experi­ence; according to experts, it is a complex of phenomena such as religious be­liefs, experiences, and actions (Sekot 1985; Ševcíková 2004; Kuberová and Banasová, 2015 and others). Briefly, religiosity describes how religion is realized within individual social groups and how one ‚experiences‘ religion, i.e. to what extent his experience of religion affects his ordinary life, actions, decisions or understanding of duties, responsibilities for oneself and others, and so on; we consider interesting several different concepts of the role of humanity in the Bogoslovni vestnik 81 (2021) • 1 world which is represented by Vymetalová et al. (2020). Religiosity, in this sense, thus represents an observable manifestation of religion, which can be observed in a particular group of people over time and judged in various ways by an indi­vidual or another group of people. The paper will evaluate the religious mani­festations of religious individuals from the perspective of the non-religious ma­jority. We will evaluate the forms of stereotyping of non-religious students to­wards their religious classmates. The term stereotype refers to a highly stable belief, almost independent of people's experiences. The stereotype represents the initial classification of phe­nomena and people, categorizing them into groups and, consequently, assigns positive and negative values to the given phenomena and people. Stereotypes are relatively stable patterns that persist even when their new findings do not confirm or even refute them. The stereotype can also be positive, which can no longer be said of a deliberately harmful prejudice, and is negative for subjective reasons, not for objective conditions (e.g., lack of information, note) (Burton and Jirák 2003, 196-197). Prejudice can also be aptly described through its an­glicism; in the past, the term meant the English term prejudge, i.e., condemn in advance. Several experts describe stereotypes and prejudices as similar concepts, and we also come across opinions where the two concepts are in a kind of conditi­oned relationship. According to social psychology, stereotypes relate to preju­dices, but it is not the same. According to the experts, prejudices often begin as an expression of ethnocentrism, i.e., as we suggest above in the text, we judge others by the eyes of our group, and we consider that to be the best (Al-lport 1954; Šišková 1998; Vašecka 2013, and others). Hinton pointed out an exciting phenomenon: positive self-presentation and identification with one's group do not automatically create negative stereotypes about ,different‘ groups. The determining attribute is the ,type of foreign group‘ (Hinton 2000). In the study, we are interested in representing this ‚foreign group‘ for the researched university students of the humanities and what reasons the students give for judging (and not once condemning) their classmates from the ranks of Jews, Christians, and Muslims. As a starting point in thinking about stereotyping, we draw attention to the research conclusions by the Slovak Centre for Research on Ethnicity and Culture, which has long drawn attention to the deepening of ethnic tensions in society, discrimination against minorities, and intolerance of Slovaks to otherness. Despi­te the high social importance of religion, which is inherent in most Slovaks, there is tension in the relationship of the majority to any ‚difference‘. According to experts, the reason for the tension is mainly the long-term debate, which portrays minorities in Slovakia as a threat and a real threat to the territorial integrity, cul­tural sovereignty, and dominance of the majority nation, which are ethnic Slovaks (Centrum pre výskum etnicity a kultúry 2019). Hedviga Tkácová et al. - Existence and Prevention of Social Exclusion ... 2. Methodology and review of the related literature The research presented in this study consisted of a combination of qualitative pre-research using a focus group and a qualitative-quantitative questionnaire com­pleted by 140 university students. The chosen qualitative method of pre-research proved to be suitable, as the selected seven respondents were able to justify their statements in more detail or confront them with the opinions of other participants (see Table 1). The method was also valuable for identifying assumptions about stereotypes, verified in the quantitative part of the research, where the questio­nnaire was used. The focus group ended with a joint expression of the participants’ agreement with the conclusions of the interview, which eventually eliminated potentially misinterpretations of the pre-research. Number of members: 7 Sex: 4 men 3 women Education: 2 high school, 2 university 2 high school, 2 university The religious point of view: 2 believers, 2 unbelievers 1 believer, 2 unbelievers Table 1: Characteristics of focus group members. Source: own research. The focus group was followed by research using a questionnaire method. The research aimed to identify decisive stereotypes in the research sample of (non­-religious) respondents towards their religious classmates. The questionnaire was a combination of quantitative and qualitative questions and was designed to ena­ble the acquisition of data and data on deeper reflection processes of the research sample (Gavora 2007). Although more challenging to categorize and interpret, we chose the path of seven open-ended questions. Our goal was not to present any variants of answers to the respondents. The method was a benefit, as we obtai­ned many attitudes and exciting ideas from the respondents, which suitably com­plete the researched issues. There were 140 questionnaires; we categorized more than 980 answers. The other three questions of the questionnaire were closed. They either gave respondents the option to choose one of the options or asked the respondent to rank them according to preferences (i.e., on a scale of 1–5). The questionnaire was distributed to university students of humanities at theUniversity of Žilina. The two separate and time-phased parts of the research had different goals, used different research methods, and obtained their data, thus contributing to the main goal of the study, which was to research the decisive stereotypes of (non-religious) university students against their religious classmates, i.e., against Jews (1st partial objective), Christians (2nd partial objective) and Muslims (3rd partial objective). An overview of the research design is shown in Chart 2. Bogoslovni vestnik 81 (2021) • 1 Research questions 1st research question: What are the most common stereotypes of college students against Jews? (Q1) 2nd research question: What are the most common stereotypes of college students against Christians? (Q2) 3rd research question: What are the most common stereotypes of college students against Muslims? (Q3) 4th research question: What are the desirable measures to prevent stereotyping in higher education? (Q4) Research methods Qualitative group interview 7 members of the group discussed 2 times for 2 hours Qualitative-quantitative questionnaire 140 university students were contacted Table 2: Research design – Qualitative-quantitative research: research questions and rese­arch methods. Review of the related literature. The issue of stereotyping Jews, Christians, and Muslims is extensive. That is why we choose a qualitative selection of historical and current events based on the available literature and the richness of historical and current studies on this issue. The aim is to approach the current reality and describe and analyse mani­festations of stereotyping against Jews, Christians, and Muslims in Slovakia, yet in wider Europe. The choice of presented circumstances is conditioned by the real impact of these events on the present. We consider the optics of processing the issue to be essential - we notice members of religious minorities in Slovakia (i.e. Jews, Christians and Muslims) as ,victims of violence‘, not as ,actors of violence‘, as they are currently mainly Muslims, followed by Christians and Jews, as actors of violence have been the subject of many publications and comprehensive stud­ies (Spencer 2006; Sartori 2005; Müller 2005; Mendel 2000; McGoldrick 2007; Kung and Van Ess 1998; Kropácek 1996; Kepel 2006; Fletcher 2003; Barša 2001; Anderson 1990, etc.). The Stephen Roth Institute, an academic institution at Tel Aviv University, has long focused on studying anti-Semitism in Europe, presenting data on contempo­rary anti-Semitism and racism in Eastern Europe, including Slovakia. In addition to violence and vandalism, the institute also monitors the area of propaganda that interests us primarily due to the paper’s topic. Data from the Institute speak of anti-Jewish literature (e. g., the Protocols of the Sages of Zion) and publications (denying the Holocaust, attempts to rehabilitate racist and fascist figures, etc.), stereotypical newspaper attacks, as well as targeted propaganda in the media or on the Internet. Attacks on Israelis in Eastern Europe also take place through elec­tion campaigns, ,street art‘ (the so-called graffiti) or leaflets with stereotypical arguments (e.g., Jews as actors in vandalism on Christian heritage, etc.) (The Ste­phen Roth Institute on Antisemitism and Racism [n.d.]). Modern anti-Semitism identifies Jews, according to Vago, as the early spread­ers of globalization and as its primary users. Stereotyping presents the picture that, with globalization, Jews are concerned about the global interests of the United States, world Jewry, and Israel; they are presented as aggressive forces, destabilizing the economy and society of European nations to dominate the world (Vago 2000). According to Jelínek, stereotypical accusations of Jews of espionage, Hedviga Tkácová et al. - Existence and Prevention of Social Exclusion ... betrayal, or unfair practices ,favouring Israel‘ are common (Jelínek 2000). Thanks to globalization, the stereotypical image of a Jew in the eyes of Gentiles acquires other unflattering characteristics – in the words of Vago, he is »an eternally cun­ning Jew who has no roots and serves his interests spread all over the world« (Vago 2000, 26). Moreover, Jews always take a picture of the rich and influential, while others suffer misery. According to Jelínek, this view is based on another stereotypical belief, namely that »Jews manipulate facts or falsify them in order to suck out poor Eastern European states« (Jelínek 2000, 156–158). Vago also points to the stereotypical ways in which Jews’ claims for restitution and compensation are presented to the public in the countries of post-Christian Eastern Europe. The author aims to point out the stereotypical image of Jews who »extract money from post-communist states« (Vago 2000, 22). According to Vago or Králik, there is also a negative view of Jews because of the reasons for the Ho­locaust presented in society (Vago 2006; Králik 2020) As a result, right-wing ex­tremists have been clearly and gradually negating the Holocaust since 1989. Their efforts are to raise minimal doubts about what happened to the Jews, casting a grey shadow on the struggle for historical memory. In Slovakia, several experts map the issue of the relationship of the Slovak ma­jority to the Jewish minority. Hradská points to the Jewish community as the first oppressed and shouted minority, which experienced economic prosperity in the 19th century, and eventually became a ,scapegoat‘ responsible for all the ills and problems of Slovak society at the time. According to Hradská, the word ,Jew‘ was identified among Slovaks in the 19th century (and beyond) with the word ,usurer‘. The tendency to look at Jews through the prism of their property position in so­ciety prevailed; negative passions were aroused by the economic power of the Jews and their economic expansion (Hradská 2014). Even according to Rybárová, Jews were given the adjective ,bearers of social injustice‘ among Slovaks, as Slo­vaks were in poverty, while »Jews always had large supplies« (Rybárová 2014). Jelínek recalls that it was even a period when he shouts,»Away with the Jews! Death to the Jews!« (Jelínek 1999, 24). The stereotyping of Jews in Slovakia in the first half of the 20th century was also helped by the belief that Jews reported Slovaks and sympathized with Hun­garians. According to Krekovicová and Panczová, the Jews’ efforts to »be a support for the Hungarian political, cultural and economic elites« contributed to this ste­reotype, making them »the enemy of Slovak nationalism« (Krekovicová and Pan-czová 2013, 35). According to Hradská, Jews in Slovakia were described as an or­ganic part of Hungarian Jewry and bearers of Hungarianization – the enemy of the Slovak government and the nation (2014). Meštan pointed out that the accusation of Jews participating in the Hungarianization of Slovaks is also related to the cur­rent persistence of anti-Jewish nationalist and racial stereotypes. Finally, propa­ganda played an important role in the attitude of Slovaks towards Jews, proclaim­ing the question of whether »do Jews really have a Slovak national feeling?« Ex­perience has shown that they lived in Slovakia as foreigners, linguistically, eco­nomically, and religiously (Meštan 2000a). The answer to the question was no. Bogoslovni vestnik 81 (2021) • 1 That is also why, as Hradská points out, the image of a Jew has always been the same - a Jew was »a usurer, a merchant, a robber, a muggle, a speculator, an ex­ploiter« (Hradská 2004) According to Meštan, the assimilation policy of the forty-year-old communist regime also supported racial stereotypes concerning minorities in the thinking of part of the population in Slovakia (Meštan 2000a). After the fall of the communist regime in 1989, some anti-Semitic phenomena revived, which were studied by Fatranová. According to the author, three phenomena appeared briefly and mar­ginally after 1989: hatred towards Jews because Slovaks believed in the world-ruling intentions of Jews; the opinion that Jewish Jews are robbing and robbing and accusing Jews of participating in the Hungarizaion of Slovaks. Fatranová thinks that only one phenomenon persists to this day - it is political clericalism. This case has become an echo of the effort to recognize the existence of Slovak statehood (Fatranová 2000). Mikloško also explains this more broadly when he points out that Tiso’s execution after the war is still a Slovak trauma. »He was a priest, and hanging a priest is a disgraceful death that touches people deeply.« This made him a martyr, so» the idea of Slovak statehood spread further in his execution« (Vagovic 2012). In the 21st century, several groups of right-wing radicals (connected to the in­ternational network of extremist movements), which are characterized by nega­tionism, revisionism, the Auschwitz lie, and other phenomena directed against Jews or questioning Holocaust crimes, began to activate in the approach to Jews in Slovak conditions. According to K. Hradská, establishing such movements in Slovak society is based on the demand for racial purity, often accompanied by anti-religious attitudes. It is a targeted promotion of intolerance and open anti­-Semitism, which calls Judaism ,heretical Hebrewism‘ and Jews ,antichrists and liars‘. At the same time, the Jews are credited with efforts for world domination and the goals of world mixing of races or the destruction of true Christianity. Vago currently associates the stereotyping of Jews in Slovakia with the nature and de­eds of extremist movements. The author talks about the so-called ,Purifying hi­story‘, i.e., twisting the past, which is backed by extremists’ belief that the fate of the Jews during war-torn Slovakia was no different from the fate of ordinary Slo­vaks. According to the author, a new and current form of anti-Semitism is a sys­tematic attack on the historical memory of the Holocaust to relativize the Holo­caust (Vago 2000, 18–21). In the study, we further approach the forms of stereotyping of Christians in Europe by secular society. The stereotyping of Christians is manifested primarily by attacks in the social sphere. The current reminder of exemplary cases can be found in the so-called A shadow report on intolerance and discrimination against Christians in Europe. The text confirms the stigmatization of contemporary Euro­pean Christianity as well as the day stereotyping of Christians. The report talks about marginalization, restrictions on freedom, and the social exclusion of Chri­stians (which lead to a denial of Christian rights). According to several experts, at least four areas can be identified that are directly related to the problem of soci­ Hedviga Tkácová et al. - Existence and Prevention of Social Exclusion ... al exclusion of Christians in contemporary Europe: (1) Exclusion of Christians from public life (e.g., non-acceptance of Christian views in the public sphere); (2) Cre­ating stereotypes and prejudices against Christians based on their media image; (3) Focusing on the removal of Christian symbols (e.g., Christmas symbols); (4) Aggressive opposition to Christians in public positions. (Katolícka cirkev na Slo­vensku [n.d.]) Christians in Slovakia, according to members of the focus group, do not expe­rience (or only rarely experience) the exclusion of religious groups from public life and space (as we see in other Europe) or religious persecution (as we see in the world), which does not mean that they do not perceive the whole several other forms of stereotyping due to religious intolerance. We mean, for example, con­demnation for public and social expressions of faith (or refusal to understand fa­ith only as a matter of individual conscience), derogatory stereotypes, attacks on the Church and total slander of Christians, aggressive secularism in the media, ridicule Christian ethical norms and values (i.e. issues of ethics, human life, family, marriage, sexuality), etc. According to the focus group, the sources of conflicts between Christians and other societies are also becoming ,secular‘, i.e., power or economic interests of Christian churches. Carlin also speaks of the ,historical tricks‘ and ,outrage over evil‘ committed by Christians in society so far. According to the author, this is one of the fundamental reasons for the intolerance of Christians in today’s society, which does not forget the crimes committed by Christians over the last two thousand years and remem­bers the violence brought to society by the Crusades, the Spanish Inquisition, the index of forbidden books, the court with Galileo or Copernicus, burning of witches, Catholic-Protestant religious wars and finally the current sex scandals within the church (Carlin 2019). The focus group members also consider Nietzsche’s still su­rviving view of weak Christianity as a reason for stereotyping Christians today (Nietzsche 1995, 9). Another of the conclusions adopted in the focus group recalls the much ridicu­le from the backwardness faced by the Christian churches in Slovakia. According to group members, the church is associated with regression primarily to defend tradition; low capacity to reform and adapt to the ,new age‘; due to a conserva­tive attitude towards homosexuals, homosexual partnerships, adoptions, and bi­oethics issues (e. g., artificial insemination) and due to the church’s inability to accept a scientific shift. The conclusions of the focus group also suggest that the Christian church and believing Christians will be referred to as ,hypocrites‘. The precondition of the focus group is also the opinion that young respondents can perceive the Christian faith as a ,kind of mental disorder‘, event. Christians can be considered irrational to stupid.‘ Muslims are the second-largest religious and cultural community in today’s multi­cultural Europe. The attitude of the post-Christian world towards Muslims is greatly influenced historically. Let us recall that the current phenomenon and attitude are preceded by the 20th century, when the colonial empires collapsed, in which Islam Bogoslovni vestnik 81 (2021) • 1 prevailed until then. In most Muslim countries, secular political regimes and Western-backed governments have gained power. The penetration of ,oppression‘ prompted the emergence of more, from moderate to radical movements; in the West, these movements are often referred to as ,fundamentalist‘. Even in Eastern Europe, espe­cially after the fall of Communism, »the militant Islam became the new ideological antagonist, feared for its anti-democratic elements and propensity to violence« (Kar-dis et al. 2019, 113). The economic, cultural, or political influence of post-Christian countries manifested itself in the Muslim world in the 20th century under the pressure of unwanted modernization; a parallel phenomenon was the decline of Islamic com­munities. The reciprocal relationship between Islam and the post-Christian West di­vides the fatal view of Islam into Western civilization, the ,moral split‘ which Muslims interpret because of materialistic and immoral Western culture. At the same time, Islam presents itself as a bearer of correct values and true faith. The reaction of Europeans shows that the religious intolerance of Muslims in Europe is gaining strength and emotion in the 21st century. This is confirmed, among other things, by the findings of the Eurobarometer from the end of 2015. These suggest that Muslims feel the lowest level of social acceptance among re­ligious groups living in today’s Europe (Európska komisia 2015). The subject of the current stereotyping of Muslims is their immigration to Western countries; it is followed in particular by economic problems (e. g. growing poverty and social disparities) and demographic problems (e. g. declining birth rates in European countries and rising birth rates among Muslims); however, there is also more and more talk about Europe’s moral problems (significantly the increase in the anti­social behaviour of immigrants). According to Bedford, the ,phobia of Islam‘ began in Europe, but still in 1989, when the British writer of Indian origin, Salman Rushdie, published his novel Sa­tanic Verses in London. The book provoked a wave of unrest and protest demon­strations by Muslims; they demanded a death sentence for the novel’s author. The domestic or Western media, which have begun to portray Islamists as dan­gerous and threatening individuals close to terrorism and extremism, have not contributed to the overall unsatisfactory situation (Bedford 1999). In this context, another fact that has an impact on the present turns out to be true. The third monotheistic religion becomes more tolerant when it feels powerful and self-confident, and vice versa, when retreating from its positions of power, a message more intolerant. According to experts,»within themselves, they consolidate the fundamentalist currents which see the way out of difficulties as a return to the oldest rules« (Tonková 2007; Huntington 1996; Hykisch 2001; Laqueur 2006; Steyn 2006; Reeber 2006 and others). In Slovakia, the Muslim community is small (approximately 5,000 people), and according to Cikeš, most Muslims represent a group of educated, employed peo­ple with a solid economic background (2020). The social status of Slovak Muslims differs significantly from the status of Muslims, for example, in Germany, the United Kingdom, France, or another European country. Especially in the media, however, there is a homogeneous stereotyping of ,European Muslims‘, which does Hedviga Tkácová et al. - Existence and Prevention of Social Exclusion ... not consider the diversity of nations, social statuses, and social roles. A small num­ber of Muslims in Slovakia, yet a large media presentation of the problems asso­ciated with Islam, are also the subject of research that points to the hazardous consequences of Europeans’ mediated experience with Muslims. We also see in this one of the reasons for the stereotyping of Muslims living in Slovakia. Finally, Slovak Muslims also reflected the situation, who perceive most of society as high­ly stereotypical (Dugovic 2015). Semi-annual ethnographic research of Muslim migrants living in Bratislava is certainly interesting in the researched issue. It is a study of the attitude of Slovaks to Islam by Cenker, who states that in connection with Muslims in Slovakia, there is an »argument that is often distorted, simplified and rejected« (Cenker 2010, 223). The author brings a study with a detailed description of the experiences of the religious life of Muslims in our capital. Bratislava Muslims openly talk about the great degree of adaptation to the environment, i.e., the Slovak world in which they move. According to the conclusions of this research, the inadaptability of Slovak Muslims seems to be a stereotype. Finally, valuable research from the en­vironment of Charles University in Prague testifies to the negative attitude of Slo­vaks towards Islam. Its authors Polonský and Novotný examined whether knowl­edge of Islam influenced anti-Islamic prejudices and confirmed by research that the higher the level of knowledge, the more prejudices we hold against Muslims; the more our fear of Islam grows in our territory (Novotný 2001). The research concludes that respondents are most concerned about Islamic terrorism and the growing problems of the growing integration of Muslims. 3. Results Results of the study bring several findings that can be divided into three levels according to three research questions: In a preliminary survey dealing with the existence of stereotypes against Jews in a seven-member focus group and a survey of stereotypes against Jews in a re­search sample of 140 respondents, we noted a relatively rare agreement - in both cases defining the five most common stereotypes about Jews in the context of Slovak culture. Our findings are shown in Figure 1. Others Proclamation of one's own superiority Hostility and non-acceptance of Christ Jews - foreigners and weirdos World domination Wealth, greed and avarice Neutral attitude (nothing) 0 102030 4050 Figure 1: The most common stereotypes among university students against Jews. Source: own research. Bogoslovni vestnik 81 (2021) • 1 Figure 2 shows our findings, i.e., the description of the focus group members of presumed stereotypes towards Christians and the findings - stereotyping of Christians in respondents. Five central stereotypes about Christians were identi­fied in the pre-research and the questionnaire. Among the university students whose opinions we obtained through the questionnaire, there were two stereo­types that the focus group members did not anticipate: the respondents’ opinion of the intolerance and condemnation of others from Christians and an opinion that reflects the backwardness of Christianity. 0 102030 4050 Figure 2: * Stereotypes from the questionnaire that the members of the focus group did not anticipate The most common stereotypes among university students against Christians. Sour­ ce: own research. The opinions and attitudes of 140 Slovak university students in quantitative research revealed the most common reasons for the religious intolerance of young Slovaks towards Muslims. Based on the findings, we state that all five assumptions of the focus group members were confirmed. In addition, the focus group mem­bers did not anticipate the other two stereotypes, which found themselves to a relatively significant extent in the respondents’ statements in the questionnaires. The first stereotype or prejudice was the respondents’ belief that Muslims lead an ,unattractive‘ way of life. The second statement from the respondents is that Muslims are for most Europeans (and Slovaks) ,unwanted neighbours‘. According to the questionnaire respondents,»they are not able to participate in life in West­ern countries«. Our findings are shown in Figure 3. Neutral attitude (nothing) Others Others like everyone else Islam and the unattractive life of believers Inadaptability Intolerance and condemnation Backwardness Islam and the problem of immigration Islam and extremism Figure 3: * Stereotypes from the questionnaire that the members of the focus group did not anticipate The most common stereotypes among university students against Muslims Source: own research. Hedviga Tkácová et al. - Existence and Prevention of Social Exclusion ... 4. Discussion 4.1 1st partial objective – Stereotyping of Jews To the question »what hinders you the most about Jews?« (Which aimed to reveal the forms of stereotyping of respondents towards Jews), respondents answer as follows: In the questionnaire, the first three most common answers were »noth­ing, I do not know, and I did not meet with a Jew«. The results suggest a certain indifference in the evaluation of Jews. However, it cannot be ruled out that these three most common answers are interdependent - the lack of personal experience may mean that I do not find any mistakes in a person (i.e.,»nothing bothers me«) and that the question »I do not know to respond«. After the highest values assigned to the neutral answers, the assumption of a stereotype about the wealth, greed, and avarice of the Jews was confirmed. Be­hind this is the belief that the business abilities of Jews are always accompanied by the ,affection‘ of Jews for usury and fraud in the business. Based on these ste­reotypes, Jews are considered those who love wealth. At the same time, they are ,greedy and avaricious‘, because from what they give to others from what they own, i.e., do not share and are ,greedy‘, i.e., they desire to own more than they need in life. The assumption of the focus group on this stereotype was confirmed in the research sample in both its meanings, i.e. a Jew as a miserly man and a Jew as a greedy man. The number of opinions gave this stereotype the second-highest value of 41.3%. The questionnaire also includes a stereotypical view of a Jew as a ,foreigner‘ in the sense of ,weirdo‘ (29.4%). Respondents also give examples of different and not exactly understood Jewish customs and laws governing eating, celebrating holidays, or circumcision of young children. The appearance of the Jews is also evaluated negatively: »braids«, ,»bad hygiene«, »they are ugly«, »I do not like their appearance«, »they look unsympathetic, « and so on. Respondents also con­firm some antipathy towards Jewish culture and especially religion: »I do not know what bothers me, but we all know that Jews have always belonged to the group of less popular ones«; »Their customs and traditions are strange«; »They have always been different«; »My religious way of life hinders me«; »They do not try to resolve their relations with the Arabs« and so on. In the questionnaire, the argument that Jews oppose Christianity, possibly against Christ, was 25.2%, thus confirming the assumption from the focus group in the pre-research. K. Hradská, for example, also perceives this attitude as a dan­ger. She recalls the anti-Jewish attitudes presented in connection with Christian­ity in groups of right-wing radicals, known for calling Jews ,antichrists‘ and ,liars‘, attributing to them, among other things, efforts to destroy true Christianity (Hrad­ská 2007, 174). We record the answer that the Jews are »guilty of the crucifixion of Christ« only in the amount of 4.9%. The longest surviving anti-Semitic phenom­enon - the belief that the Jewish people are to blame for the crucifixion of the Son of God seems to weaken. Hradská similarly states this, evaluating this as a positive Bogoslovni vestnik 81 (2021) • 1 consequence of the church’s efforts for interfaith dialogue and cooperation with followers of other religions (Hradská 2007). In the context of our findings, we be­lieve that this stereotype helps to alleviate, among other things, the efforts of Christian churches to return to the Jewish roots of their faith. The so-called ,the superiority of the Jews‘ is a stereotype that hinders 11.2% of respondents. According to members of the focus group, »Jewish ethnocentrism (perceived as superiority) is associated with several other stereotypes of Jews in our country /…/ and evokes hatred, which has serious social consequences«. The focus group members talk about the consequences, such as conflicting social con­ditions, unsatisfactory coexistence of the majority and minority, violence against individuals on the streets, vandalism, and the destruction of cultural heritage. Negative references in the context of preferring the importance of Israelis can also be seen in the replies to the questionnaire; for example, there are claims that Jews are »guys with orthodox faith and a belief that they are chosen«; »They are picky and consider themselves superior to others«; »They promote their faith as the sole and only true truth and then rise above others«; »It prevents me from acting – they look conceited« and so on. The assumption that the respondents will stereotypically perceive Jews in the form of images »Jew as a tavern, usurer or impostor« was not confirmed (the as­sumption was presented in a study by K. Hradská 2014; J. Alner 2011 and others) – mention of »Jew the innkeeper« or »usurer« does not even appear at all in the answers as well as mention of »Jew as a traitor«, an event »collaborator with the Hungarians« (the assumption was presented in a study by P. Meštan 2000a; G. Fatranová 2000; K. Hradská 2014; E. Krekovicová and Z. Panczová, 2013 and oth­ers). Let us recall that the given stereotype is based on the idea of a Jew - inn­keeper and is based on the belief that Jewish innkeepers reported Slovaks and sympathized with the Hungarians by arousing hatred towards the Slovak govern­ment and the nation (Hradská 2014). Thirdly, we add that the questionnaire does not include a stereotype, which, according to Fatranová or Vago, persists in Slo­vakia – it is political clericalism (possibly the so-called ,The Tiso case‘) (Fatranová 2000; Vago 2000). On the positive side, the surveyed university students show no signs of attempting to relativize the Holocaust, as stated by Vago, nor do they mention the stereotypical view of Jews’ intentions to achieve world race mixing or the destruction of Christianity referred to by Hradská (Vago 2000; Hradská 2007). 4.2 2nd partial objective – Stereotyping of Christians We are aware of the tension between Christian teaching and the practical imple­mentation of this teaching in the lives of believers through the observations of the members of the focus group and the findings of the questionnaire. The ste­reotype of Christians - hypocrites was confirmed among the young people in our research sample to the highest extent (46.2%). Respondents refer to Christians primarily as ,hypocrites‘; fewer common descriptions of Christians are ,saints‘; »superficial people who hide behind incense« alike. According to respondents, Hedviga Tkácová et al. - Existence and Prevention of Social Exclusion ... Christians are ,pretending‘; »They choose from faith only what is right for them«; »They behave in the opposite way to their faith«; »They preach to others what they should do and do not do it themselves«; »They do not behave like true Chris­tians«; »They judge a man by going to church and behaving worse than he is«; »They pretend to be believers, but they go to church only to be seen by other people«, and so on. We believe that in this case, we can talk more about ,preju­dices‘, as these are negative attitudes of respondents, resulting from their subjec­tive reasons (Burton and Jirák 2003, 196–197). The focus group members did not assume that the respondents would associ­ate Christianity, i.e., Christian churches and Christians with ,backwardness‘. Ac­cording to the respondents, the church is associated with regression mainly for the defence of traditions; low capacity to reform and adapt to the ,new age‘; due to a conservative attitude towards homosexuals, homosexual partnerships, adop­tions, and bioethics issues (e. g. artificial insemination) and due to the church’s inability to accept a scientific shift. The stereotype of ,church backsliding‘ contin­ues in the questionnaires, mostly with accusations that the church is also ‚evil‘ because it denies a person everything nice and pleasant and forces him, in the respondent’s words, ,to follow the rules or live in constant renunciation‘. The ridicule of the backsliding of Christians is again followed by a stereotypical ,sar­casm‘ against basic Christian values. From the respondents’ point of view, Chris­tians are especially reproached for being »backsliding as their faith« and »blindly following the orders of their church and following tradition«. The same surprise that the focus group members did not anticipate was the stereotype of Christians as ,intolerant and alienating other people‘. Therefore, it is an interesting phenomenon, where the young generation expresses its opinion on what they see in their surroundings and does not perceive it positively. The opinion that »Christians are intolerant and alienate others« was stated in the questionnaire by 25.2% of respondents, which is the third most common answer. The statements in the questionnaire do point to the pressure to ‚accept the Chris­tian worldview‘ that respondents perceive from the Christians they meet. This is evidenced, for example, by the respondent’s opinion: »Religions in themselves are not a problem. The problem is extremism in faith. It is weird, but I feel ‚at home‘ - with our Christians«. The media presentation of church cases and affairs also significantly contributes to the increase in negativism towards Christianity and the church and to preju­dices (possibly stereotyping; for example, paedophilia and sex scandals, politiciza­tion and radicalism of the views of church leaders, presentation of ,efforts‘ to cover-up scandals in the church, etc.). The conclusions of our research, in which the assumption of the focus group was also confirmed in the questionnaire, also point to criticism of the church for the given reasons; we recorded 23.1%. Let us add that, in connection with the cases in the questionnaires. There are also alle­gations in which a significant part of the research set is openly separated from the church and states that »the church is a corrupt power«; that »one can believe in God, but one cannot trust the church«, or that »one can believe in God without Bogoslovni vestnik 81 (2021) • 1 the church«. A stereotypical view of the ,irrationality‘ of Christians in our research sample was confirmed in 22.4% of respondents (e. g., sexual intercourse after marriage, baptism of young children, decency, faith in the effect of prayer, etc.). We will also mention the more extensive statements from the questionnaire: »He who believes in some salvation must be a fool - we will all end up in the dust«; »It is a senseless belief in something that may not even exist«; »One has many shortcomings; it should be clear to them (Christians) that the saint was no one and believes in de­lusion« and so on. In the context of this stereotype, Christians are referred to in the questionnaire as ,blind faith heretics‘; ,naďve‘; ,prudish biblists‘, ,flocks of sheep‘ and ,mentally ill people‘. The statement confirms, among other things, the finding presented in the empirical part of the work that in most countries of con­temporary Europe, persecution of Christians has various forms of hatred, and Christians face them daily. This is largely related to Christian stereotypes, as it is stereotyping according to Sedlák that begins the process of »using derogatory names to describe groups considered« different »and continues to justify such reworked, prejudiced and judged differences, and symbolic distance« (Sedlák 2008, 201). According to Allport, the stereotype in this process often justifies and justifies mostly negative attitudes and behaviours. (Alport 1954, 191). Let us add that Nietzsche’s well-known claim about the ,death of God‘ does not appear in the respondents. In their statements, the respondents also show negativity towards the church, which they also associate with the ,secular‘ interests of the church, i.e., the as­sumption of focus group members that the respondents of the questionnaire will be hindered by »power and economic interests of the church« was confirmed. The variable was mentioned by 12.6% of respondents. Questionnaires also include a negative reference to the Christian historical heritage in the questionnaires, i.e., violent and military interventions ,in the name of the faith‘. The group members assumed the stereotype in the preliminary research and were confirmed by 12.6% of the respondents in the questionnaire. Interestingly, respondents needed to comment on the negative past of Christianity as a reason for their unbelief. In the context of qualitative statements from the questionnaires, it can be seen that the respondents’ attitude towards Christians includes not only the applica­tion of stereotypes but also the relatively frequent application of prejudices, which are harmful for subjective reasons. Our research group contributes to negativity towards Christians by encouraging individuals to view and innocently evaluate other people. However, it is an evaluation in opposite terms - on one side there are ,we‘ (i.e. ,normal‘ people) and on the other side they are ,they‘ (i.e. ‚radical‘, ‚fanatical‘, ‚irrational‘, ‚hypocritical‘ and similar Christians). In connection with the evaluation of Christians, we also find in the answer’s elements of negative think­ing, especially cynicism, simplification, underestimation, prejudices, belief in con­spiracy theories, and pessimism. In addition, a unique phenomenon is taking place among the respondents - the positive qualities are interpreted as negative in Christianity. We mention, for example, the statement: »Christians are too polite«; Hedviga Tkácová et al. - Existence and Prevention of Social Exclusion ... »They do not swear…«; »They see everything positively and thank God for every­thing (even for evil)«; or the opinion, »I am bored by the decency of Christians, it is not normal«. Although reverence, a positive perception of life circumstances, or decency are generally positive qualities, in the context of our findings, they surprisingly appear as ‚criticism‘, that is, negative feedback; The good news is that, according to experts, criticism helps us name the conflict so that, if there is a will, we can clarify things and look for constructive solutions to problems and misun­derstandings (University of Cambridge 2017). 4.3 3rd partial objective – Stereotyping of Muslims Muslims set a goal to unite the world in one good faith, that is, Islam. For this purpose, Muslims have ,jihad‘ (i.e. effort, activity, possibly spreading the faith). According to the focus group members, this fact is well known in our society, and therefore the stereotype ‚all Muslims are extremists‘ is well established in Slova­kia. The assumption of the research group was confirmed. More than half of re­spondents (56%) considered Muslims as extremists; throughout the survey, only this variable received an overwhelming majority of responses. From the answers to the questionnaire, the most common are ‚reproach of Islamic terrorism‘ and ‚condemnation of suicide attacks‘. Third, the respondents also refer to the fana­ticism of Muslims in practising the faith as extremism. In this context, our research findings also raise the doubts of respondents about the ,meaning of faith‘, edu­cation and ethics of Muslims or ,the value of Muslim culture and religion‘. Another stereotype contains a reproach of the inability to integrate Muslims in Western countries. This is an opinion that the research group members did not anticipate; that is, it came out of the questionnaire, and we recorded it in 36.4% of respondents. We see that the presence of Muslims in Europe is of concern to respondents, and perhaps the fear of over-immigration may be understood. The indicated problems provoke reactions -among other things; we see the stereo­typing of all Muslims without distinction and the generalization of media referen­ces that speak of the inability of the integration of Muslims in Western countries; According to several experts, including Weigl and Tkácová, the current Muslim minority in the West is passing through the so-called identification crisis. It is a perception of one’s non-acceptance by the majority society, which is often accom­panied by a feeling of uprooting and strong exclusivity (often even discrimination) by the majority (Weigl 2006, 31–37; Tkácová 2014, 79). The focus group members expressed the assumption that a stereotype about ,backwardness of Islam‘ may appear in the questionnaire. This has to do with the relationship of religious individuals to the ,scriptures‘ of Muslims. Also, in Chris­tianity, for example, the New Testament has a central place in the core of the concept of Christianity (Martin et al. 2020). However, as the intervention of the Qur’an and Sunnah in the case of Islam is visible in all areas of the lives of con­temporary Muslim believers (although »life had changed significantly since the 7th century when Islam originated«, as members of the focus group recall), there are currently controversial, contradictory formulations or concepts with different Bogoslovni vestnik 81 (2021) • 1 interpretations. In post-Christian Europe, we see arguments »that total exclusion of religious beliefs for example from public debate is wrong«, but the same argu­ments clearly »refuse extreme exclusivism and defend moderate exclusivism«(Žalec and Pavlíková 2019, 75). The assumption from the preliminary research was also confirmed in the questionnaire. The problem of the backwardness of Islam, mainly due to the exclusivity of the Qur’an and Sunnah, is perceived by up to 36.4% of respondents, which is the second most common answer. From our research findings, the respondents understand two areas as a manifestation of the backwardness of Islam‘ are more pronounced. The first is the understanding of the position of women in Islam based on the Qur’an and Sharia. The second thing is the Muslim belief that the Qur’an is God’s constant and unchanging rev­elation (Hadith 1:3 verses 55-57). Opinions on the backwardness of Islam, togeth­er with respondents’ belief in the inability to integrate Muslims in Western coun­tries, were the second most common statements made by respondents in the questionnaire. The focus group members also assume an opinion of Muslims, which will point to their ,intolerance and condemning‘ in the research sample. The seven-member team had in mind the moral judgments that result from the Qur’an and form the basis for the alienating attitude of believing Muslims toward ,unbelievers‘ that is, to the rest of the non-Muslim world. Sharia also proves to be problematic. »Mus­lims in the Qur’an is always orthodox and unharmed, Christians on the contrary«, says the participants in the preliminary research. We find similar statements in the questionnaire, so we state that the assumption about this stereotype was confirmed and was the third most common variable for young respondents with a value of 26.6%. Members of the research group refer to Muslims in European countries as »un­adaptable and intolerant«. Their assumption that the questionnaire respondents will similarly evaluate Muslims was confirmed; the variable acquired a value of 22.4%. The following statements of the respondents evidence the existence of the stereotype in our research sample: »Muslims lead a barbaric way of life, in contrast to our civilized«; »They impose their faith and way of life on others, which I consider intolerant«; »They are not sympathetic because they hate Christians«; We cannot see that ,inadaptability and intolerance‘ are attributed to Muslims pri­marily in the matter of religion, that is, concerning other believers. This finding is shared by prominent experts such as S. Huntington, professor B. Tibi, Islam spe­cialist professor G. Kepel and, in part, American political scientist B. Barber. They agree that contradictions and conflicts occur mainly between groups with differ­ent religions, as religion is their main distinguishing feature (Huntington 1996; Tibi 1995; Kepel 2006; Barber 1996). The list of the most common stereotypes continues with the conviction of re­spondents about the ,unattractive life of believing Muslims‘; 16.8% of respondents express this opinion through a questionnaire. All the examples that respondents describe as unattractive are significantly dominated by the obligation to cover women; it is a phenomenon that hinders almost half of respondents (49%). Re­ Hedviga Tkácová et al. - Existence and Prevention of Social Exclusion ... spondents do not comment on the ban on veiling women for religious reasons; they are aware, however, of the wider scope of this issue, in particular the ,fear of black clothing‘; »Discrimination and social distance of Muslim women from other people of Western culture« and »the problem of identifying Muslim wom­en in public«. The stereotype of Muslims who ,are different from everyone else‘ was con­firmed in a questionnaire of 12.6%. This finding confirms that in the case of ste­reotyping in religious intolerance, it determines the degree of positivism and neg­ativism concerning believers, according to Hinton, to a large extent »the type of foreign group« (Hinton 2000, 49). In the case of Muslims, it is a group that Slovaks perceive as ,the most distant‘. This attitude is reinforced not only by religion but also by customary, cultural differences, the relationship between politics and re­ligion, the significant participation of religion in the private life of Muslims, and the like in the evaluation of Muslims as ,other‘ and ,different‘, respondents rely mainly on the recent experience of violent manifestations (beliefs) of Muslims in European countries (historical conflicts are mentioned minimally, note). The result is a verbalized feeling of aversion and open hostility, which can be observed in most questionnaires. Respondents’ statements about the ,difference‘ of Muslims from the majority of Slovaks, possibly Europeans, can be uniformly described through the statement of one of the respondents – »Muslims are different from us; they are the greatest foreigners for us«. Finally, respondents to the question »what bothers me about Muslims« never once used the opportunity to answer with »I do not know« or »I did not meet a Muslim«. However, this possibility is highly probable in Slovakia (due to the small number of Muslims). Even more interesting is that the respondents did not once say that they did not mind ,nothing‘ about Muslims. The neutral attitude (noth­ing, I do not know, I did not meet), which was most common in the case of Jews (42.7%) and also in the case of Christians (26.6%), does not appear in the results of the research into the (non) existence of stereotyping of Muslims ( 0%). 4.4 4th partial objective – The desirable measures to prevent stereotyping in higher education To meet the fourth partial objective, we finally consider current measures in ste­reotyping young Jews, Christians, and Muslims in the environment of universities in Slovakia. Due to the complexity and the number of areas covered by the topic, we avoid formulating final recommendations in the following section. Instead, we will focus on proposals that could be supportive, as they emerged from the the­oretical and methodological background of this study, reflect the values and in­clinations of the authors of this study, and rely on the conclusions of the just pre­sented pre-research and research: Strengthening respect for diversity and variety in the university environment: Reducing the stereotyping of religious students determines their social inclusion and leads to strengthening respect for diversity and variety. Educational activities Bogoslovni vestnik 81 (2021) • 1 can lead to a greater degree of respect for different cultural, social, or ethnic ,dif­ferences‘, to increasing sensitivity to respect and protection of minorities as well as the identity of religious individuals; to increase students’ knowledge and skills in the field of human rights and intercultural dialogue and the like. Support for initiatives aimed at the complete elimination of manifestations of stereotyping: The university environment represents a suitable space for the im­plementation of activities whose primary and secondary goal is the elimination of stereotyping, xenophobia, racism, and ethnic intolerance. A parallel phenom­enon of these initiatives may be steps leading to strengthening social communi­cation channels that improve the quality of intercultural discourse, increase in-tercultural awareness, and eliminate prejudices and stereotypes in the university environment. Solving the emotional level of the problem and non-acceptance: Solving the emotional level of the consequences of stereotyping also proves necessary. The perception of one’s non-acceptance, feelings of uprooting, and exclusivity on oth­ers pushes religious young people out of university youth’s social life events. It thus robs them of an essential element of the so-called quality of life. The feeling of non-acceptance, uprooting, and non-participation is, among other things, re­sponsible for the phenomenon of social exclusion, and this, among other things, again influences the growth of stereotyping. It is a targeted creation of initiatives, which are also an excellent alternative to the shared experience of ,difference‘, which students have so far perceived mainly through the media. As Petrová and Nemec remind us, decades ago, the first theories on the impact of digital tech­nologies have started to appear. First, television and later computers were criti­cized by humans, such as their learning or reading (Petrová and Nemec 2019). Today we cannot doubt especially the negative impact of the media. Therefore, the support for initiatives aimed at the complete elimination of manifestations of stereotyping is even more welcome and necessary. Active participation of religious students in social inclusion: For successful in­clusion (especially Jews and Muslims), it is necessary to get these students to im­prove the quality and effectiveness of developed initiatives and programs. The participation of religious students is necessary, encouraged, and welcomed by program proponents, mediators, faculty leaders or their assistants, teachers, vol­unteers, etc. Active participation will undoubtedly contribute to greater inclusion of religious students or the development of their ,local identity‘, i.e.,»An expres­sion of belonging to a locality and a local society« (Králik et al. 2018, 69). Linking religious students with local authorities: Linking individuals with local authorities within a particular university could be an appropriate measure in the social inclusion of religious young people (possible members of religious minori­ties); we mean authorities such as educators, educational counsellors, school so­cial workers, heads of departments or faculties, and others. These people are important local actors in the university environment and can be available to a member of a minority if needed. In this sense, we consider their coordinated co­ Hedviga Tkácová et al. - Existence and Prevention of Social Exclusion ... operation as one of the possible solutions, as a rich network of experts and their competencies can contribute to solving potential problems through their own professional social and educational activities in the university environment (even outside the university) to the higher motivation to resolve conflicts, to lower ste­reotyping in the collective and ultimately to more secure social inclusion of reli­gious students in the university environment. Targeted programs for students as part of the school’s educational policy: Exclusive programs focused on stereotyping in society give the impression that Jews and Muslims in particular (as ,different‘ ones) need a unique approach, and relief leads to the opposite result. Special attention to activities and projects is sometimes needed. However, if possible, especially the participation of religious students - Jews and Muslims - in these programs should not be exclusive (the so-called special programs and policies), but on the contrary, incorporated into programs designed for all (with sensitive inclusion and addressing the specific needs of members of religious minorities). The measure can act as the putty in the local community, helping to reduce tensions and break down stereotypes and prejudices. 5. Conclusion We are sure that impartial research on the actual or potential motivation of ste­reotyping among young people in Slovakia can be helpful not only in the context of social exclusion of religious students but also in solving many problems in the context of discrimination and marginalization. This was also one of the motivati­ons for stereotyping research; today, we can talk about the significance or bene­fits of this study. We wanted to gain a deeper understanding of the causes that lead individuals, consciously or unconsciously, to stereotypical intolerant attitudes toward other people. The task of the focus group within the pre-research was to determine the forms of stereotyping towards Jews, Christians, and Muslims in Slovakia. To identify and describe the forms of stereotyping in religious students at a selected university in the Slovak Republic, we verified the assumptions from the preliminary research in 140 university respondents through a questionnaire. The research will carry out the fact that Jewish anti-Semitism is universal, has remorse for Jewish social, hi­storical, and religious ethnocentrism, contains stereotypical accusations, and stret­ches throughout the history of Slovaks. It seems that a new trend of anti-Jewish attitude is emerging in Slovakia - in short, Jewish anti-Semitism is, in addition to the traditionally religious character, increasingly secular, i.e., racially and ethni­cally oriented. Stereotypes about Christians have also persisted among Slovaks for decades. The existence of religious wars significantly influences the attitude of believers towards their religion (i.e., Christianity), violent re-Catholicization, declarations Bogoslovni vestnik 81 (2021) • 1 and behaviour of the Catholic priest and president of the fascist republic J. Tis in the pre-war period, anti-church communist propaganda, or scandalous image of Christian churches (mainly in tabloid) media. According to Grešková, distrust of religious institutions (we see it especially concerning traditional churches) is domesticated in Slovak society with the curi­osity of some and the suspicion of others (Grešková 2013). The stereotypes found against Christians in the university environment illustrate that stereotyping ma­nifests itself in ways beyond the usual expression of ,disagreement‘. It is increa­singly taking the form of verbal oppression, ridicule, and paganism, which are encouraged, among other things, by a stereotypical view of the ,difference‘ in the life of the church and its devotees. Based on mediated cases with elements of religious intolerance and stereotyp­ing towards Christians, we state, together with members of the research group, that the existence of anti-Christian stereotypes in contemporary Europe and Slo­vakia conditions many other phenomena: »Reinforcing existing prejudices, offer­ing negative media images of Christians, slander and defamation, which often creates social hostility and professional hardship, or the frequent misuse of art to desecrate Christianity«. Christians face »the suppression or removal of religious symbols, the marginalization of Christian ideas and individuals in the context of political correctness and the rules of political discourse«. Also common are »van­dalism, the desecration of Christian buildings, and hate crimes against individuals because of their convictions«. Probably Muslims have the worst picture among Slovaks. According to the re­search group from our preliminary research, the causes of stereotyping against Muslims in Europe and Slovakia are the loss of peaceful content of Islam, the rise of Islamization, and the fact that violence against Muslims in Europe is a response to ,fanatic‘ violence. Other significant problems (more or less based on stereo­typical views) include the vague differences between the ,political‘ and ,religious‘ motives of believers; regrets of the inability of Muslims to integrate into Western countries; conviction of obscurantism (event. backwardness) in Islam; moral judg­ments, which represent the alienating attitude of believing Muslims towards ,in­fidels‘; respondents’ beliefs about the inadaptability and intolerance of Muslims in European countries; the perception of life based on Islam as an unattractive life and the view that Muslims are different from us, that is, »they are the greatest foreigners to us«. For these reasons, Muslims in European countries, including Slovakia, may perceive that their religion is increasingly perceived as a radical re­ligious system without the possibility of change; a parallel phenomenon is the undeniable stereotyping of Muslims, both in the media and in ordinary streets. Among other things, this is confirmed by the final question of the question­naire, in which we asked about the definition of religious intolerance. Most re­spondents formulated their answers in relation to Islam and Muslims. Among the three groups examined in our research, we believe that Muslims face the highest level of intolerance in the context of qualitative findings from pre-research. More­ Hedviga Tkácová et al. - Existence and Prevention of Social Exclusion ... over, we do not find the hateful attitude and stereotyping of respondents only connected with radical Muslims. Once again, the respondents’ opinions represent the belief that ,our‘ is better, more correct, more attractive and, above all, more civilized. In short, the stereotypical view of Muslims is, due to the differences in this culture and religion, relatively visible among the young Slovaks studied. We can state that the objectives of the paper were met. The study presents an overview of relevant research in stereotyping of Jews, Christians, and Muslims and subsequently the own research findings – the forms and consequences of stereotyping religious young people in higher education. We see the importance of research in a set of established and subsequently verified assumptions about stereotypes against Jews, Christians, and Muslims in the research group, i.e., among young people in adolescence, which according to experts, is a period of significant holistic personality formation, i.e., accepting or rejecting the opinions of others, including opinion orientation on the ,difference of others‘. The design and verification of the usefulness of the research metho­dology also consider as a contribution of the research. The research shows the acute need to implement prevention measures that would positively reduce the stereotyping of religious students in higher education. 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Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 81 (2021) 1, 225—239 Besedilo prejeto/Received:12/2020; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2021 UDK/UDC: 2-184.3-056.26 DOI: 10.34291/BV2021/01/Marinic © 2021 Marinic et al., CC BY 4.0 Marko Marinic and Jasna Curkovic Nimac The Correlation of Some Characteristics of Reli­gious Identity with the Quality of Life of Persons with Disabilities Povezanost posameznih znacilnosti religiozne identi­tete s kakovostjo življenja oseb z invalidnostjo Abstract: Research on the correlation between religious identity and the quality of life of disabled persons is relatively rare and not always yielding the same results. In this paper, attempting to clarify the image of the mentioned relati­onship, we examine the correlation of some characteristics of religious identi­ty with happiness and personal well-being among persons with various disabi­lities. An empirical study was conducted (N=684), and the results suggest that blind persons are the most religious, while the least religious are deaf persons. A positive correlation of happiness and personal well-being was found concer­ning intrinsic characteristics of religiosity, while some extrinsic characteristics of religiosity (declarative belonging to a religious community and the frequen­cy of attending religious seminars) did not show a significant correlation. Faith gives the feeling of belongingness and safety and can be a resource from whi­ch disabled persons can draw the strength to cope with a disability; however, it needs to be lived and not expressed just declaratively or ritually. Keywords: persons with disabilities, religiosity, religious identity, happiness, per­sonal well-being, quality of life Povzetek: Raziskave o povezavah med religioznostjo in kakovostjo življenja oseb z invalidnostjo so razmeroma redke. Njihovi rezultati se med seboj veckrat ne ujemajo. Da bi ugotovili jasnejše stanje glede medsebojne povezanosti obeh fenomenov, smo v tem clanku preverili posamezne elemente religiozne iden­titete z obcutenjem srece in blagostanja pri osebah z razlicnimi oblikami inva­lidnosti. Empiricna raziskava je zajela 684 oseb z invalidnostjo. Rezultati kažejo, da so najbolj religiozne slepe osebe (nevideci), najmanj pa gluhe (neslišeci). Pozitivna korelacija med obcutenjem srece v življenju in osebnim blagostanjem se pri invalidnih osebah izkazuje glede na intrinzicne (globoko notranje) dejav­ Bogoslovni vestnik 81 (2021) • 1 nike religioznosti, medtem ko na drugi strani statisticno znacilne pozitivne ko­relacije nista izkazala elementa samodeklarirane pripadnosti verski skupnosti in pogostosti izvajanja posameznih vrst verske prakse. Vera omogoca obcutek pripadnosti in zanesljivosti, tako lahko za osebe z invalidnostjo pomeni vir, iz katerega crpajo moc za sobivanje z invalidnostjo. Zato morajo te osebe vero dejansko živeti, ne pa se z njo le deklarativno poistovetiti ali zgolj obiskovati verske obrede. Kljucne besede: osebe z invalidnostjo, religioznost, religiozna identiteta, sreca, oseb-no blagostanje, kakovost življenja 1. Introduction Health is indeed one of the most represented topics, not only in scholarly and professional literature but also in everyday communication. As an ideal, which needs to be achieved or preserved, society invests excellent efforts in detecting the various factors contributing to health development and those causing its deterioration and inducing malfunctions, illnesses, or disabilities. The factors can be of different origin (biogenic, psychogenic, sociogenic), and it seems that a part of them are derived from the spiritual, i.e., the religious domain of the human being. 2. Religion – health – disability We live in a time when health is often regarded as the ,highest good‘ and, as Karl Gabriel would suggest, based on the teaching of Thomas Luckmann, it is becoming a kind of a »this-worldly religion« (Gabriel 2006, 218–223). This lifelong ,jihad‘ for physical fitness, of a kind, reshapes the world around the body (Bauman 2005, 94-95), often making people practically obsessed with bodily topics and hunting for health. Therefore, theologian and physician Manfred Lütz is suitable in poin­ting out that the postmodern crisis of religion, i.e., the religious vacuum, is beco­ming increasingly filled with health (Gabriel 2006, 222; Gašpar and Perkovic 2010, 289). Nevertheless, the relationship between religion and health is not placed sole­ly on the level of exclusivity. The notions of health/illness and religion have had a long history of mutual relationships and have been a subject of interest of practi­cally all religions. Primitive medicine has, in fact, entirely relied on religion (and magic); medieval monastic and scholastic medicine used the interpretation of holy scriptures for healing. In contrast, ancient Islamic medicine relied on sacred textsstipulating hygiene and diet as health prerequisites (Žuškin et al. 2012). As far as scholarly interest is concerned, several empirical studies dealt with the topic in the 19th century already; however, the positivistic oriented science often ignored Marko Marinic et al. - The Correlation of Some Characteristics ... or pathologized the religious dimension of life. For example, Amariah Birgham lists the negative influences of religion on health in 1835, although pointing out some positive influences. He thus remarks that some religious rituals (circumci­sion, castration, flagellation, bodily scarification, joint ankylosis), religious teach­ing, inadequate spaces (cold, dim spaces), even the »peculiar influence of the Spirit« can harm human health (Birgham 1835, 49–76). In the previous century also, some studies emphasize the negative influence of religion. Analyzing various studies, Ancic (2016, 8) finds that some of them suggest that a religious community can sometimes by its teaching impose cer­tain beliefs that promote social deviance harmful to health, or that participa­tion in a religious community can also contribute to the creation of social pressure, eventually leading to the consequences that harm health. Still, it is a fact that in the second half of the 20th century, various epidemiological stud­ies also emerged, which were pointing out the positive correlation of religion and the improvement of symptoms of various physical and organic malfunc­tions. The latter also generally pointed to a positive relationship between re­ligion and health in a broader sense (Ancic and Marinovic Jerolimov 2011, 72; Ancic 2016, 8). Nowadays, research often emphasizes positive correlations of spirituality and health, particularly in providing help with depressions (Platovnjak 2020). Religion reduces the risk of developing cardiovascular illnesses, high blood pressure, stroke, most cancers, and influences other domains of life quality, such as lower rates of divorces, alcoholism, drug addiction, and higher rates of life and marital satisfac­tion (Thoresen 1999, 294). Lee and Newberg (2005, 456) assert that prayer and meditation affect human psychological health positively (psychological tranquil-lity, finding the meaning of life, a more mature approach to life’s hardships, reduc­ing anxiety and depression, and higher emotional stability self-actualization, etc.). Spirituality thus offers the meaning of life by its positive effects and provides ill persons with relief in coping with illness, ageing, and death (Macuh and Raspor 2018, 647). Moreover, a negative correlation between religiosity and suicide has also been found (Nisbet et al. 2000) Canda (2001, 110) finds that numerous studies in mental health and social work point out that spirituality contributes to developing resilience to illness among persons with disabilities. Edwards and collaborators (2016, 296) empha­size that religion provides a »positive framework for illness«, and it is increasin­gly pointed out that the inner world of a person, his/her attitudes towards life, his/her values, beliefs, and inspirations can provide help in coping with any of life’s challenges, including illness and disability. A similar finding is presented in one of the most recent studies (Mugeere et al. 2020, 69), by which it was shown that persons living with disablement attach great importance to faith or belie­ving in a supreme being, which empowers them to face the challenges of disa­blement, go further and understand the course of their lives more quickly. Kim (2020, 824) also finds that religiosity helps people face the emergence of disa­bility. In other words, the very fact of becoming disabled undoubtedly decreases the level of personal well-being; however, to a much greater extent non-religi­ous, than in religious persons. Moreover, it suggests a significant difference between the levels of happiness in religious versus non-religious individuals. Thus, spirituality and religion have become sources of strength in difficult temptations (Pate 2016, 438). It is, there­fore, unsurprising that some research suggests a high percentage of persons with disabilities who are religious (around 80–85 %) and who state that faith plays an essential role in their lives (Imhoff 2017, 186). Simultaneously, studying memoirs and biographies written by persons with disabilities, Imhoff finds that even those authors who are not religious convey the need to offer some religious or theolo­gical explanation of their status. 3. Aims of the study Research on the relations between religiosity and the characteristics of health status, psychosocial structure, and the quality of life of disabled persons is still rare, even on the global level. The existing ones do not always yield identical re­sults, thus somewhat blurred by the nature of this relationship. Simultaneously, it is a fact that cultures, religions, and then forms of religiosity differ significantly from one setting to another. Therefore, it is plausible to presume that both their relationship to the health status can also vary significantly and that in order to have the whole mosaic of the relation between religion and health, it is necessa­ry to have all of its pieces. This paper aims to contribute to the global knowledge on the correlation between some characteristics of religious identity and psycho­social functioning of persons with disabilities (the feeling of happiness in life and the level of personal well-being). 4. Methods 4.1 Procedure The empirical study among persons with various disabilities was conducted in 2015/2016 in Zagreb, Croatia. By employing systematic probabilistic sampling, the study included members of several civil society organizations of persons with di­sabilities (Table 1), and the sample was stratified proportionally to the size of re­spective CSOs. Two research approaches were employed – postal survey and the method of direct surveying. The most significant number of answers was collected by the first method, while direct surveying was employed only in the deaf and hard of hearing, and the blind and partially sighted were unable to read and fill in the questionnaire without assistance. In both cases, the respondents were informed about the aims and the purpose of the study, and the participation in the study Marko Marinic et al. - The Correlation of Some Characteristics ... was voluntary and anonymous. The respondents were not obliged to sign nor to give any data that might reveal their identity. At the same time, it was explained to them that the results would be used exclusively as a set of data for statistical analysis on the group and not the individual level. 4.2 Instruments Religiosity is a rather intimate, multidimensional, and complex phenomenon that is very hard to measure (Marinic 2014; Klarin and Krasicki 2020). Nevertheless, it is possible to grasp some of its outlines by analyzing various characteristics of re­ligious identity. This was attempted to be achieved by exploring a total of five questions/variables – belongingness to a particular religious community and acceptance of the teaching; level of religiosity; helpfulness of faith in life, illness and accepting one’s status; attendance of healing and spiritual renewal seminars; level of conviction that faith could heal a person. It was for this study that we con­structed some of these questions, while the remaining scales were taken and modified from the study „Vjera i moral u Hrvatskoj“ [Faith and Morals in Croatia] (Valkovic et al. 1998). Happiness, i.e., the affective component of subjective well-being, is measured by the instrument constructed by Fordyce (1988). In it, the respondents are asked to assess their usual mood (happiness) on an 11-degree scale (0-extremely unha­ppy, 10-extremely happy). To analyze specific and individual domains of subjective well-being, we emplo­yed the modified International Well-being Index – IWI (Cummins et al. 2003) in our study. Initially, the questionnaire consists of the personal and national index; however, in this study, we analyzed only seven items of the personal well-being index: life standard, health, life achievement, relations with family and friends, the feeling of physical safety, the acceptance within the community and the fee­ling of safety regarding the future. We also asked the participants to assess their satisfaction with the mentioned aspects of life on a scale of 11 degrees (0-extre­mely unsatisfied, 10-extremely satisfied). Additionally, we used the information on the socio-demographic characteristics of the participants and the data on the distinctive characteristics of their health status. 4.3 Achieved sample Altogether, a total of 1630 persons with disabilities were contacted to participate in the study. A total of 42 % of them accepted and accurately filled in the questi­onnaires. Thus, the final number of respondents was 684 persons with various types of disabilities. Due to the specificity of particular types of disablement, and to better overview the comparisons and table presentations of the results, the sample was first divided into persons with physical and those with sensory disa­bilities. The sub-sample of persons suffering from physical disabilities was then divided into the easier moveable (those who can walk without assistance or with the help of medical aid or another person) and those hard of moving (who can move in a wheelchair or are completely immovable). The sub-sample of persons with sensory disabilities was divided into those with impaired hearing and impai­red vision. The structure of the achieved sample divided as explained is presented in Table 1. Table 1: Achieved sample according to types of disabilities. In the context of sociodemographic characteristics, the sample was comprised of 56.14 % of women, and 43.86 % of men, respectively. The average age of the respondents was 50.99 (SD=16.292), and they were dispersed in all legal age gro­ups (age range 18–98). From the aspect of characteristics related to disability, 29.5 % of persons were born with a disability, 24 % became disabled by the age of 20, and all the remai­ning became persons with disabilities in somewhat later periods of life. Almost 70 % of the respondents have the highest officially assessed degree of disability. It is often a consequence of a severe illness (60 %), while the remaining part is a consequence of traffic accident, occupational injury, war injury, or some other cause. Marko Marinic et al. - The Correlation of Some Characteristics ... 5. Results Based on our five variables, we first analyzed the characteristics of the religious identity of persons with disabilities.1 Our first variable (on the declarative belongingness to a religious community and acceptance of the religious community’s teaching) showed that more than two-thirds of the respondents were members of some religious community, al­beit a part of them accepted all that their religious community was teaching, whi­le the other did not (37.96 compared to 31.71 %). The number of believers, but do not belong to any religious community is 13.41 %, while a little above 10% points out that they are not believers. (Table 2) Table 2: Belongingness to a religious community. We observe the distribution of the answers classified across our groups: the highest percentage of those who believe and accept all that their religious com­munity teaches in the group of the blind (45.10 %) and more accessible movable persons with a physical disability (44.53 %). On the other side, the highest number A part of the results from Tables 2–6 are also presented in the final group overview of all the results obtained after the completion of the empirical study (See: Marinic and Rihtar 2016, 70,132-133). Ne­vertheless, these results were weighted according to the sizes of corresponding CSOs and, unlike the results presented hereinafter, included only descriptive overviews (percentages and means), without concrete frequencies and more detailed statistical analyses (.2 test, variance analysis, t-test and Pearson correlation). of convinced atheists is deaf and hard of hearing – as many as 18.75 %, while this percentage is below 10 % in other groups. Therefore, it is clear that the .2 test revealed a statistically significant difference among the groups in the answers to this question (.2 = 38.223; p=0.000). On an 11-degree scale, we tested the respondents’ religiosity’s innate sense, regardless of formal (non)belonging to a religious community. The average answer on the scale ranging from 0 (not religious at all) to 10 (extremely religious), which is 5.66, points to a generally moderate level of religiosity. Nevertheless, by obser­ving the results according to the groups of respondents with different disabilities, significant differences in mean values of the answers are also visible. Notably, it has been revealed that deaf and hard of hearing persons were the least religious (M=4.31), while the most religious were blind and partially sighted persons (M=6.37). The variance analysis points to the statistical significance of these dif­ferences (F=6.965; p=0.000). N Minimum Maximum Mean Std. Deviation Easier movable 242 0 10 5.84 3.177 Hard of moving or immo­vable 169 0 10 5.66 3.279 Deaf and hard of hearing 81 0 10 4.31 2.764 Blind and partially sighted 94 0 10 6.37 2.958 Total 586 0 10 5.66 3.167 Table 3: Level of religiosity. The level of religiosity was tested with the respondents’ sex, and it was found that women were reporting a significantly higher level of religiosity (M=6.11) than men (M=5.17). The t-test analysis confirmed the finding (t=-3.569; p=0.000). The same measure of religiosity was correlated to the respondents’ age. Unli­ke the previous analysis, we did not find a significant correlation here (r=0.042; p=0.326), i.e., there were no large deviations and regularities in expressing the level of religiosity of respondents grouped according to age. In the context of the severity/degree of disability correlated with this variable, it was detected that there was no statistically significant correlation (r=0.028; p=0.503). Both the respondents with a less severe degree of disability and those with a more severe degree reported a similar level of religiosity. In the subsequent analysis, we asked the respondents directly to what extent they found faith helping them cope with the disability. The results of the answer to the question »If you are a believer, can you assess how much your faith helps you in your life, illness and accepting your status?«, displayed in Table 4, indicate that around 42 % of the respondents see their faith as helpful in coping with their state. However, a fourth of them unambiguously point out not having this type of help. Marko Marinic et al. - The Correlation of Some Characteristics ... Table 4: Helpfulness of faith in coping with challenges due to disability. Once again, it has been shown that in the deaf and hard of the hearing group, there was the highest percentage of those reporting not being believers or not feeling such help – around 40 % in total. Moreover, only one respondent from that group stated that faith was of great help to him. On the other side, if we add the answers »It helps me« and »It helps me a lot«, we see that the highest per­centage (a little below 50 %) is in the group of the blind and partially sighted and in the group of the more straightforward movable persons with a physical disabil­ity. The .2 test points to the statistically significant difference in the groups’ an­swers (.2=41.053; p=0.000). Since the respondents are persons with severe and permanent health prob­lems, i.e., disabilities, we thought it would be interesting to ask them whether they attended healing and spiritual renewal seminars. Table 5 provides evidence that two-thirds of the respondents have never attended these types of worship, while only 17.21 % of them have been to such events multiple times. Keeping in mind that most often, there are no sign language interpreters pres­ent at worship, the most significant number of the respondents who have never been to a seminar or spiritual renewal is from the group of deaf and hard of hear­ing persons (over 91 %). The most frequent attendees of this type of spiritual gatherings are the hard of moving or the completely immovable (23.32 %). The .2 test again revealed a statistically significant difference in the groups’ answers (.2=34.974; p=0.000). Table 5: Attendance of healing and spiritual renewal seminars. Finally, we asked them if they believed that strong faith in God could heal a person, regardless of the illness he/she was suffering from. A third of the respon­dents thought that was impossible, and once again, it was shown that it mainly was the deaf and hard of hearing who had such an opinion (53.4 % of them). We also tested the statistical significance of the differences in the groups’ an­swers, and it was confirmed (.2=32.614; p=0.000). Table 6: Can strong faith heal a person. In the following analyses, we used all the mentioned variables of religiosity as independent variables in assessing the correlation with some domains of life of persons with disabilities. Since the analysis was conducted by employing the me­thod of Pearson correlation, we adjusted some questions so that the scale of an­swers would be adequate. In the first question, regarding belonging to a religious Marko Marinic et al. - The Correlation of Some Characteristics ... community, we excluded the answer »I am looking for answers«. Further on, in the question regarding whether strong faith could heal a person, we excluded the an­swer »I do not know«. Finally, in the direct question on how helpful faith was in life, illness, and accepting one’s health conditions, we merged the answers »I am not a believer« and »It does not help me at all« in one answer. The questions were cor­related with the level of happiness in life and the IWI Personal Well-being Index. It is clear from Table 7 that the very fact of declarative belonging to a religious community and accepting its teaching is not in correlation with any of the analyzed variables. In other words, those who belong to a religious community and accept declaratively all that a particular community teaches are equally happy, and their well-being index does not differ significantly. In the following question, in which the intrinsic dimension of religiosity was asses­sed, i.e., the level of personal religiosity, there were significant correlations with all the analyzed characteristics of disabled persons’ lives. The persons express a higher level of religiosity while reporting higher levels of happiness and personal well-being. The same was repeated in the direct question of how helpful faith was in their lives, illness, and accept their status. All the analyzed domains are positively cor­related with this question, i.e., the more they think that faith helps them in life, the more satisfied they are with these domains. The frequency of attending healing and spiritual renewal seminars is not related to happiness and personal well-being, while the very intrinsic level of the conviction that faith could heal a person is positively correlated with these variables. A feeling of personal happiness IWI Personal Well-being Index Belongingness to a parti­cular religious community and acceptance of the teaching r p N -0.002 0.968 575 0.019 0.661 520 Level of religiosity r p N 0.181(**) 0.000 551 0.119(**) 0.007 504 Helpfulness of faith in life, illness, and accepting one‘s status r p N 0.172(**) 0.000 618 0.121(**) 0.004 559 Attendance of healing and spiritual renewal seminars r p N 0.069 0.085 622 0.048 0.256 562 Level of conviction that faith could heal a person r p N 0.160(**) 0.000 539 0.092(*) 0.041 490 ** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed), * Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed) Table 7: Pearson correlation of religiosity variables with personal happiness and IWI Perso­nal Well-being Index. We also wanted to know which of the seven domains analyzed within the IWI Personal Well-being Index were correlated with religiosity (life standard, health, life achievement, relations with family and friends, feeling of physical safety, acceptance from the community, and feeling of safety regarding the future). The results indicate that the correlation of particular characteristics of religious iden­tity with the analyzed domains of personal well-being is primarily detected in the domains referring to the feeling of safety regarding the future, satisfaction with the general acceptance within the community in which a person lives, and the social relations. The persons reporting a higher level of religiosity are more satis­fied with these domains, while on the other side, none of the questions was cor­related with life standard and achievements. Satisfaction with the living standard Satisfaction with the health Satisfaction with life achievements Satisfaction with personal relations Satisfaction with the feeling of safety Satisfaction with belon­ging to the community where they live Satisfaction with the feeling of safety in the future Belongingness to a particular religious community and accep­tance of the teaching r p N 0.009 0.836 575 0.097(*) 0.018 588 0.047 0.261 563 0.002 0.955 582 0.016 0.709 577 -0.084(*) 0.045 573 -0.021 0.624 562 Level of religiosity r p N 0.082 0.056 548 -0.021 0.628 559 0.04 0.345 546 0.096(*) 0.024 556 0.072 0.089 552 0.173(**) 0.000 548 0.144(**) 0.001 542 Helpfulness of faith in life, illness and accepting one‘s status r p N 0.064 0.108 623 -0.006 0.887 636 0.051 0.212 611 0.075 0.061 630 0.090(*) 0.024 626 0.180(**) 0.000 618 0.157(**) 0.000 610 Attendance of healing and spiritu­al renewal seminars r p N 0.011 0.781 627 -0.017 0.674 641 0.045 0.261 615 0.052 0.186 635 0.036 0.362 631 0.048 0.235 622 0.082(*) 0.042 615 Level of conviction that faith could heal a person r p N 0.059 0.170 540 -0.002 0.954 554 0.002 0.961 534 0.023 0.583 549 0.064 0.138 546 .151(**) 0.000 539 .143(**) 0.001 534 ** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed) * Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed) Table 8: Pearson correlation of religiosity variables with all the analyzed domains of IWI Personal Well-being Index. Marko Marinic et al. - The Correlation of Some Characteristics ... 6. Discussion and conclusion Previous research has not always yielded identical results. However, a considera­ble amount of them suggested a strong relationship between religiosity and per­sons with disabilities, i.e., that disabled persons were highly religious (80–85 %) and emphasized the importance of faith in their lives (Imhoff 2017, 186). Our re­search yielded the same percentage – 83 % of the surveyed persons with disabi­lities declared themselves as believers from the declarative expression of religio­us orientation. However, only 38 % of them accept all that their religious commu­nity teaches, while the rest either accept one part of the official teaching or con­sider themselves believers, despite formally not belonging to any religious com­munity or not being believers at all. A total of 42 % of the respondents pointed out that faith was helping them in life, while 67 % of them have never attended seminars and spiritual renewal me­etings, and a little less than a fourth of them believed in the healing power of fa­ith. They rarely report a declaratively atheistic orientation (11 %); nevertheless, it still is a fact that they can neither be labelled as highly religious. This is further supported by the finding suggesting that assessing the level of personal religiosi­ty on a scale from 0 to 10 the respondents scored the average value of 5.66. The­refore, it could be concluded that the most significant number of the respondents are indeed religious, but the average intensity of their religiosity is not high but relatively moderate. Women report a higher level of religiosity than men do, which aligns with the findings of research studies on the general population (Nikodem and Zrinšcak 2019, 381). On the other side, the degree of disability is not significantly correla­ted with the level of religiosity, and the same is confirmed regarding age, which is not an expected finding. The blind and partially sighted proved to be the most religious, while on the other side, the deaf and hard of hearing reported the lowest level of religiosity. Moreover, this includes all the analyzed variables. One of the possible causes of such a finding is the question of pastoral. Deaf persons cannot adequately parti­cipate in religious instructions and rituals if these are not translated into sign lan­guage. Sign language is generally very rarely available in nowadays society, inclu­ding in pastoral. Since some deaf persons cannot read without assistance, it is clear that it is challenging for them to access high-quality spiritual and religious content and information. They are often victims of discrimination by the social community (Marinic 2020, 568), suggesting that authors Mateljan and Korda (2009, 42) are suitable when arguing that the deaf is one of the most neglected groups within the Church. Our results support this hypothesis while simultaneo­usly presenting an evident indicator of the need for further engagement in adju­sting pastoral models to this category of persons with disabilities. It is essential not to forget that pastoral implies the conveyance of information and high-quali­ty education and represents much more than the deaf persons need to be provi­ded with the opportunity to participate in all aspects of church life, just like the rest, and be integrated completely, thus making them feel full members of their religious community. Similar could be remarked regarding immovable and hard of moving persons, who reported the second-lowest level of religiosity following the deaf and hard of hearing. Although the communication model with them is less challenging, several other barriers need to be eliminated to make the pastoral among them effective. By analyzing the relationship of religiosity variables with happiness in life and personal well-being, the results confirm the findings of some previously conduc­ted studies (Kim 2020, 824; Thoresen 1999, 294). A significant correlation exists between happiness and personal well-being on one side, the variables of the level of personal religiosity self-assessment, the feeling that faith was helpful in life, and the conviction that faith had the power to heal. All three variables might in­dicate the notion of ,intrinsic religiosity‘, i.e., of a lived and experienced faith, and it is evident that the higher the religiosity in that sense is, the happier individuals feel in their lives more excellent their well-being is. On the other hand, ‚external characteristics of religiosity‘ (declarative belonging to a particular religious com­munity and the acceptance of its teaching, and the frequency of attending semi­nars and spiritual renewal meetings) did not indicate a significant correlation with our variables. Indeed, this does not imply that belonging to a community is insi­gnificant or that seminars and spiritual renewals are not a beneficial form of reli­gious practice. It instead suggests that if the latter is only declarative and ritual, they alone do not mean much in the context of happiness and personal well-be­ing. Religiosity needs to be internalized to be a resource that contributes to the quality of life. In this process of ‚internalization‘, perhaps spiritual renewal semi­nars can help; however, since this was not the topic of this analysis, the conclusi­on regarding the matter would not have the necessary substantiation. Regarding the context of the personal well-being domains, a statistically signi­ficant correlation is confirmed with those domains of life related to the feeling of safety regarding the future and those related to social relations in satisfaction with being accepted within the community a person lives. The persons reporting hig­her levels of religiosity express more satisfaction regarding these domains. By way of conclusion and briefly – the respondents are a moderately religious segment of the population. The level of religiosity varies significantly among per­sons with different types of disabilities, and there is a need for additional pastoral efforts towards increasing the quality of catechesis and integration of all persons with disabilities into church life. The persons expressing higher levels of religiosi­ty feel safer regarding their future, maintain better relations with their enviro­nment and report higher happiness and personal well-being. 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Žuškin, Eugenija, Jasna Pucarin Cvetkovic, BožicaKanceljak Macan, Ksenija Vitale, Nataša JanevHolcer and Marta Civljak. 2013. Umijece lijecenja: povijesni prikaz. Socijalna psihijatrija 41, no. 3:156–163. ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 51 Mari Jože Osredkar Teologija odnosaIn beseda je clovek postala Odnos je nekaj duhovnega, nekaj, kar se ne vidi, nekaj cesar cloveški cuti ne za­znajo neposredno. Pa vendar je odnos za posameznikovo življenje nekaj eksisten­cialno pomembnega. Je pravzaprav naš življenjski prostor: »v njem živimo, se gi­bljemo in smo«. Še vec, odnos je kljuc za razumevanja vere in Boga. Ljubljana: Brat Francišek in Teološka fakulteta, 2016. 148 str. ISBN 978-961-6844-50-5. 12€. Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Ocene OCENE / REVIEWS Maciej Potz. Political Science of Religi­on: Theorising the Political Role of Re­ligion. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020. 187 str. ISBN 978-3-030-20168-5. Leta 2020 je britanska založba Pal-grave Macmillan izdala monografijo Po­litical Science of Religion: Theorising the Political Role of Religion, delo poljskega politologa Macieja Potza. Potz, redni profesor na Univerzi v Lodžu, se ukvarja s preucevanjem poli­ticne teorije in politicne znanosti religi­je, še posebno teokracije in politicne strategije verskih udeležencev v sodob­nih demokracija s poudarkom na Poljski in na ZDA. Sama monografija je razdeljena na tri dele, vsak del pa je dalje razdeljen na dve poglavji. Prvi del se ukvarja z vpra­šanjem, zakaj mora politologija (oz. po­liticne znanosti) preucevati religijo. Tako v prvem poglavju avtor poudari, da je politološki pristop pri preucevanju raz­merja med politiko in religijo razlicen od perspektive pravnih, socioloških, teolo­ških ali religioloških študij in kot posle­dica tega »nujno potreben« (Potz 2020, 3). Prevladujoca tematika sodobnih štu­dij »odnosov med Cerkvijo in državo« je predvsem analizirana z vidika primer-jalne religiologije, sociologije religije, mednarodnih odnosov, pravnih študij in politicne psihologije, zato lahko spomi­nja na »ohlapno zbirko besedil, ki poro-cajo o kakršnemkoli obstoju religije in politike«, posledica pa je, da ne prina­šajo odgovorov na »vprašanja, ki jih išce politologija glede na pomembnost reli­gije, v razlicnem pomenu termina, na distribucijo politicne moci« (8). Dalje poudari, da so ti pristopi neprimerni za politološko raziskavo religije, in to z vi-dika pravne slepote (omejitev preuce­vanja odnosa Cerkev – država na pravne dokumente), normativne preobreme­njenosti (obremenitev s poprejšnjimi prepricanji glede pravilne pozicije reli­gije v javni sferi) in izbora religije za po­sebno obravnavo (veliko raziskav se osredotoca na posebni vidik odnosa). Drugo poglavje prvega dela se poglo-bi v dolocitev podrocja preucevanja re-ligije znotraj politologije. Tako najprej doloci nacela politicne znanosti religije: religija je sistem prepricanj in praks, po­vezanih z nadnaravnim, to pa motivira ljudi k razlicnim vrstam družbenega ve­denja, vkljucno s politicnim; verske dok­trine opravljajo pomembne politicne funkcije; verske organizacije so družbe­ne entitete, ki ob vstopu v politicni sis-tem, da bi vplivale na odnose moci, po­stanejo politicni igralci; verski politicni igralci morajo biti analizirani enako ka­kor sekularni politicni igralci; podobna analiza je lahko osredotocena na verske organizacije kakor na politicne sisteme – prostore odnosa moci; verske doktri­ne se v veliki meri razlikujejo od seku­larnih ideologij; politika je sekundarno zanimanje za verske skupine; ni treba opredeliti resnicnosti/objektivnosti ver­skih prepricanj in politologi naj ne bodo osredotoceni na ocenjevanje obstojecih odnosov med državo in religijami z vidi­ka pravilnega modela odnosov – to je delo politicnih filozofov (20–21). Tako naj se preucevanje politicne znanosti o religiji osredotoci na štiri de­finicije religije, in to z naslednjih vidi­kov: z vsebinsko-sociološkega (sistem prepricanj in praks, povezan s svetim, kakor jih ima in izvaja skupnost verni­kov), s funkcionalno-sociološkega (sis­tem prepricanj in praks, ki izvajajo funk-cijo svetega za skupnost vernikov), z vsebinsko-psihološkega (sistem prepri-canj in praks, povezanih s svetim, kakor jih ima in izvaja posameznik) in s funk-cionalno-psihološkega vidika (sistem prepricanj in praks, ki izvajajo funkcijo svetega za posameznika), pri tem pa je sveto (sacred) opredeljeno kot »sile nad naravo ali zunaj narave, ki lahko preki­nejo, spremenijo ali zanemarijo fizicne sile« (24). Religija je, po mnenju avtorja, skupinska izkušnja pripadnosti, intelek­tualna izkušnja podrejenosti avtoriteti in vir moralnih prepricanj, to pa vpliva tudi na politicno ravnanje – skupno pre­pricanje tako lahko pelje »v politicno mobilizacijo ter vodi h konvencionalni in nekonvencionalni politicni udeležbi« (31). Posledica tega je, da verske orga­nizacije, z vidika politologije, pomenijo vir preucevanja kot udeleženci v vecjem politicnem sistemu ali kot samostojni politicni sistem (34). Verske skupnosti tako lahko pomenijo: politicno stranko, interesno skupino ali družbeno gibanje. Drugi del je posvecen preucevanju teokracij, to je: preucevanju politicnih sistemov, v katerih je religija »nujna za oblikovanje in vzdrževanje odnosov po­liticne moci« in tako »poglavitna znacil­nost teokracije« (63). Religija daje legi­timnost politicne moci, politicna moc postane sakralizirana, hkrati pa verske doktrine dajo legitimnost politicni moci. V drugem poglavju drugega dela avtor analizira teokracije kot politicne siste-me; zacne s prenosom moci (oz. z na­sledstvenim vprašanjem), kljucna je prav verska doktrina. Pomemben vidik je tudi vloga preroških institucij oziroma samih prerokov v politicnem sistemu, to pa sega že v prazgodovino in v antiko (npr. posvetovanje starogrških politikov s preroki, vidci pred pomembnimi odlo-citvami) (95). To vpliva na moc verskih udeležencev v politicnem sistemu, še posebno v teokratskem režimu. Ti se opirajo na razlicne mehanizme politicne kontrole, ki lahko povzrocijo, da vlada­joci uporabijo pozitivne in negativne sankcije. Sankcije so lahko fizicne, pa tudi družbeno-psihološke. Zadnji del se ukvarja z vlogo religije v demokracijah; avtor zacne s pregle­dom spreminjajocega se položaja religi­je v sodobni politiki, še posebno z vidika sekularizacije. Z upadanjem obiskovanja verskih obredov zamira tudi pripadnost verski skupnosti, kot posledica tega pa tudi vpliva na možno politicno mobili­zacijo vernikov in s tem na politicno moc verske skupnosti. Kljub temu se je religija ohranila v zahodnih demokratic­nih sistemih, predvsem z vidika ideolo­gije, vsebine in institucije; dejansko je pridobila tudi posebni status med dru­gimi ideologijami. Hkrati avtor poudari naslednje: »Preferencialni odnos do re-ligije je vcasih tako globoko ukoreninjen v vsebinskih podlagah zahodnih politic­nih sistemov, da pogosto ostane skoraj neopažen.« (124) To se primarno vidi predvsem v zašciti svobode verskega prepricanja v liberalnih sistemih. Med politicnimi strategijami verskih udele­žencev omeni: posnemanje (politicnih voditeljev, družbenih gibanj, interesnih skupin) in versko specificne strategije (moralni vidiki, uporaba izobcenja, mo-litev kot politicno orodje). Z vstopom religije v politiko pa lahko nastane poli­ticni spor in konflikt: to lahko sega od simbolicnega konflikta (npr. poudarja­nje kršcanskega izvora neke dolocene Ocene države, naroda) do versko motiviranega ekstremizma. Zadnje poglavje tretjega dela (in celotne monografije) je posve-ceno vlogi religije v poljski in v ameriški politiki; pri tem so ameriške verske or-ganizacije primarno politicni deležniki, medtem ko je poljska katoliška Cerkev deležnik veta (145). .Abd al-Gabbar al-Niffari. Knjiga mistic­nih postajališc in nagovorov. Prevedel in spremno besedo napisal Raid al-Da­ghistani. 128 str. Ljubljana: Kud Logos, 2020. ISBN 978-961-7096-72-2 V slovenšcini smo pred nedavnim do-bili na voljo prevod izbranih sentenc iz dveh spisov muslimanskega mistika 10. stoletja po Kr., .Abd al-Gabbarja al­Niffarija. Sentence je izbral in prevedel Raid al-Daghistani, islamolog, ki deluje na Centru za islamsko teologijo Univerze v Münstru. Spisa Knjiga [misticnih] po­stajališc (Kitab al-mawaqif) in Knjiga [mi-sticnih] nagovorov (Kitab al-mu.a.abat) sta edini ohranjeni al-Niffarijevi deli. al--Daghistani ju je prevajal po kriticni izda­ji britanskega orientalista Arthurja Johna Arberrya iz leta 1935. Prevodu je dodal spremno besedo, v kateri postavi al­Niffarija v kontekst zgodovine sufizma in oriše temeljne znacilnosti al-Niffarijeve misli. Kakor pove na koncu spremne be-sede (2020, 121), je slovenšcina šele peti jezik, v katerega sta ta spisa prevedena. Prevod je opremljen s sprotnimi opom­bami, ki razlagajo nekatere temeljne poj-me sufizma. H knjigi je priložen tudi pri­rocni slovarcek, v katerem prevajalec ra­zloži, kako je prevajal posamezne arab­ske pojme. Knjigo je založila založba KUD Logos, pri kateri je al-Daghistani leta To delo je pomembno tudi za sloven-ski prostor in za preucevalce vloge reli­gije/verskih skupnosti v slovenski poli­tiki, predvsem z vidika teoreticne pod-lage za takšno preucevanje, pa tudi za primerjalno analizo z drugimi državami. Klemen Kocjancic 2014 izdal prevod al-Gazalijevega dela Rešitelj iz zablode (al-Munqi. min al-.alal). Spis Knjiga [misticnih] postajališc (Kitab al-mawaqif) je sestavljen iz 88 li­terarnih enot, ki so poimenovana posta­jališca (mawqif, mn. mawaqif). Beseda mawqif je toponim (arab. ism makan) glagola waqafa in oznacuje prostor ozi­roma kraj, kjer nekdo stoji ali se zausta- vi. Posamezna poglavja oziroma posta­jališca se zacno s formulo »postavil me je v« (awqafani fi), s katero al-Niffari takoj na zacetku pove, da je Bog tisti, ki ga postavi na neko doloceno postajali-šce. Vsako od postajališc osvetli enega od vidikov življenja mistika. Da prikaže-mo le zgled: 57. postajališce nosi naslov »postajališce src misticnih spoznaval­cev« (mawqif qulub al-.arifin). V njem al-Niffari oziroma Bog razloži, kakšno mora biti srce spoznavalca. Pri tem upo­rabi dva temeljna pojma sufizma – ‚srce‘ (qalb) in ‚[misticno] spoznanje‘ (ma.rifa) – in ponudi svoj odgovor na to, kako sta oba pojma medsebojno pove­zana. Srce je namrec v sufizmu podob-no kakor v biblicni tradiciji glavni episte­mološki organ, resnicno spoznanje pa izhaja iz stanja, v katerem je mistikovo srce. Vendar je razumevanje poglavij vse prej kakor lahka naloga, saj al-Niffari uporablja zelo enigmaticen jezik. Razu­mevanje nam prevajalec na kar nekaj mestih olajša z opombami, ki osvetlijo nekatere temeljne pojme sufizma. Osrednje mesto v prevodu ima pre­vod osmega postajališca: »Postajališce svetega stojišca« (mawqif al-waqfa). al--Daghistani v spremni besedi razloži centralni pomen tega poglavja za celo-ten spis (2020, 117–120). Beseda waq-fa je že etimološko povezana z besedo mawqif. Oznacuje akt stóje oziroma de­javnost, ki jo opravlja stojeci. al-Daghi­stani se odloci za prevod ‚stojišce‘, to besedo pa bi lahko prevedli tudi z gla­golnikom ‚stója‘. Stója oz. stojišce al­Niffariju pomeni eksistencialno zadrža­nje, ki prek resnicnega spoznanja (ma.rifa) vodi do resnicnega védenja (.ilm) (20 [8,75]), centralnega pojma is-lamskih znanosti (.ulum). Stója je steber (.amud) (19 [8,59]) resnicnega vedenja in nemogoce je neposredno preiti od védenja do stóje (21 [8,86]). al-Niffari jasno pove, da je stója vec od vedenja, saj »stója zaobsega vso vednost, toda vednost ne zaobsega stóje« (17 [8,18]), stojeci pa »presega spoznanje tako, kot presega mišljenje« (21 [8,84]). Za al­Niffarija je stója eksistencialno zadrža­nje, ki ima resda za posledico misticno spoznanje in vednost, ampak se ne omejuje samo na to. Sveto stojišce oz. sveta stója je vir vednosti in obenem tudi izpolnitev vednosti. Tisti, ki stoji v stóji, je en sam, saj se misticno združi z Bogom, medtem ko je spoznavajoci še vedno ‚ujet‘ v pojavni svet in v razmerje spoznano-spoznavajoci (20 [8,67]). Pojem stóje je pri al-Niffariju osre­dnjega pomena, saj tvori formo vseh drugih postajališc (mawaqif). V vseh 88 postajališcih je namrec stojeci od Boga postavljen (awfaqa) v specificni nacin stóje, iz katere izhaja spoznanje, ki se na­zadnje kaže v besedilu al-Niffarijeve knji­ge. Toda sama stója je veliko vec od spo­znanja, saj stojeci na koncu ponikne v Bogu. Ce poznamo (na.rifu) o samem al­Niffariju sila malo, je to nujno potrebno interpretirati skozi njegovo misel, ki vodi k »odpostajanju v Bogu« (fana. fi-l-llah) ter s tem k »obstajanju po Bogu« (baqa. fi-l-llah) (al-Daghistani 2020, 118). Prevodu izbranih sentenc iz spisa Kitab al-mawaqif al-Daghistani doda še sentence iz spisa Kitab al-mu.a.abat. Tudi v tem spisu je osrednji subjekt, ki daje nagovore, Bog sam. Namenjeni so poslušalcu, ki si želi misticnega združe­nja z Bogom: sufiju. Tudi za ta spis sta znacilni izredna miselna prodornost in preudarnost s katerima al-Niffari vodi sufijskega vajenca do misticnega zrenja (2020, 103 [51,6]). K prevodoma obeh spisov je dodana spremna beseda, v kateri al-Daghistani predstavi nekatere temeljne znacilnosti al-Niffarijeve misli in ga umesti v širši kontekst sufizma. Pri tem obsežno na­vaja relevantno strokovno literaturo. K spremni besedi je dodan tudi slovarcek, v katerem al-Daghistani razloži, kako je prevajal nekatere temeljne pojme sufiz-ma. Slovarcek je še posebno koristen, saj je za sufijske tekste znacilno, da ustaljenim arabskim izrazom in bese-dam pripisujejo popolnoma svojske po­mene. Knjiga je med drugim dobrodošla v slovenskem intelektualnem prostoru predvsem iz dveh razlogov. Prvi je po­vezan s poznavanjem islama in islamske tradicije, saj imamo kljub dejstvu, da su­fizem doživlja neko doloceno mero na­klonjenosti zaradi svoje globoke duhov­nosti, resnici na ljubo na voljo bore malo prevodov primarnih virov, ki bi omogocili boljše poznavanje sufizma in Ocene islamske tradicije. Za dober pokaz tega, o cem govorim, je dovolj samo pogle­dati al-Daghistanijevo opombo na stra­ni 107, ki našteje nekatera dela zgo­dnjega, formativnega obdobja sufizma. Bolj poglobljeno poznavanje te tradicije hitro privede k spoznanju, da je islam skoraj nemogoce razumeti brez dobre­ga poznavanja sufizma, saj so bili veliki muslimanski ucenjaki pogostokrat clani sufisticnih redov (.ariqa). Sufizem je na­mrec scasoma postal splošno razširjen fenomen v islamski družbi. Ni iz trte zvi­ ta teorija, da je celo Ibn Taymiyya, eden najvecjih .anbalitskih teologov, pripa­dal enemu od sufijskih redov, natancne­je redu Qadiriyya (Makdisi 1974). Seve­da to po drugi strani pomeni, da je su­fizem mogoce razumeti samo, ce ga ra­zumemo kot islamski fenomen. Kršcan-ski ali kak drug (npr. ‚newagevski‘) sufi­zem ne more obstajati, pa naj bodo vzporednice in vplivi še tako številni. Prevod, ki smo ga dobili, je zatorej ne­dvomno dobrodošla pridobitev pri po­znavanju islamske tradicije kot celote tako za muslimane kakor tudi za druge preucevalce islama. Drugi razlog, zakaj je knjiga dobrodo­šla v slovenskem intelektualnem pro-storu, se omejuje na kršcansko bralstvo. Pomembno je dejstvo, da sta dobra se­znanjenost z drugimi religioznimi tradi­cijami in pozitivno vrednotenje teh tra­dicij temeljnega pomena za današnjo kršcansko teologijo. Zgodovinsko gleda-no, ne bi bilo pretirano reci, da je preu-cevanje sufizma pomembno vplivalo na teološko klimo drugega vatikanskega koncila. Kljucno je bilo predvsem delo francoskega orientalista Louisa Massi­gnona, avtorja še vedno nepresežene študije v štirih zvezkih o sufiju al-.allagu. Massignon – ki se je v katoliško kršcanstvo spreobrnil oziroma ponovno vrnil ob študiju islamske tradicije in je pozneje postal celo diakon melkitske Cerkve – je vplival tako na nekatere se­stavljavce okrožnice Nostra aetate (npr. na Georgea Anawatija in na Roberta Ca-sparja) kakor na druge pomembne teo-loge drugega vatikanskega koncila. Mor­da velja med njimi izpostaviti Henryja de Lubaca, ki al-.allaga v Massignono­vem prevodu med drugim citira v svoji knjigi Na poteh k Bogu (Sur les chemins de Dieu) (2017, 15). Pozitivno vredno­tenje drugih religioznih tradicij pri teh mislecih ni izhajalo iz lažnega eklekticiz-ma, ampak je bistvo tega zadržanja za­upanje v dobrost stvarstva, ki se je raz­odela in izhaja iz univerzalnega in zado­stnega odrešenjskega dela Jezusa Kri­stusa. Tudi slovenska kršcanska teologi­ja bo lahko od sedaj dalje prisluhnila hrepenenju in izredni duhovni globini muslimanskega mistika al-Niffarija, ki ji naj bo v izziv in spodbudo pri razume­vanju sveta in zgodovine. al-Daghistani je opravil odlicno delo pri prevodu in pisanju spremne besede. Slovenskemu bralcu mu je uspelo dobro predstaviti misel in odpostajanje (fana.) .Abd al-Gabbarja al-Niffarija. Pri tem je z obsežnimi biografskimi opombami v spremni besedi pokazal tudi zelo dobro poznavanje sodobne sekundarne litera­ture o al-Niffariju in o sufizmu nasploh. Za to mu je treba cestitati. Pokazal je, da je kos prevajanju izredno zahtevnega al-Niffarijevega miselnega toka, o kate-rem sodobni sirski pesnik in mislec Adunis pravi, da je »kakor da bi bil jezik gibanje biti (.arakat al-ka.in), ki se raz­pusti v govorjenje, glasove in tišine« (1995, 191–192). Naj za na konec bese-do prepustimo prav njemu, ki o al­Niffariju v odlicni študiji Sufizem in sur­realizem (al-.ufiyya wa-l-surriyaliyya) med drugim zapiše te besede: »Temeljna znacilnost al-Niffarijevih tekstov je preseganje poimenovanj (asma.), dokazov, pomenov, oblik, itd., ki se jih je posluževalo njemu predho­dno pisanje (kitaba), da bi ponazorilo resnicnosti (ašya.) oz. to, kar je poime­novano. Al-Niffari piše na skrivnosten nacin, ki se ga prej niso posluževali. Re-snicnosti osvobodi njihove preteklosti, Reference Adunis. 1995. al-.ufiyya wa-l-surriyaliyya. Bejrut: Dar al-Saqi. Angleški prevod: 2005. Sufism and Surrealism. London: Saqi Books. al-Daghistani, Raid. 2020. Spremna beseda. V: Al-Niffari 2020, 107–121. Henry de Lubac. 2017. Na poteh k Bogu. Celje: Celjska Mohorjeva družba. Marcin Godawa in Bojan Žalec, ur. Im­age and Man – Correlations. Krakow: Pontifical University of John Paul II, 2020. 125 str. ISBN: 978-83-7438-679-1 Znanstvena monografija Image and Man – Correlations je rezultat interna­cionalnega sodelovanja med slovenski-mi in poljskimi akademiki. Obravnavani monografiji daje dodatno vrednost ra­znolik izbor avtorjev prispevkov, ki vsak s svojega podrocja osvetlijo pojem »po-dobe«. Kakor povesta urednika v krat­kem uvodu na zacetku monografije, želi delo prispevati k boljšemu razumevanju in evalvaciji razlicnih oblik podob v na­ših življenjih. Znanstveni clanki nam po­strežejo z interdisciplinarnim pogledom na razkrivanje podob, pri tem pa so v ospredju antropološki, teološki, filozof-ski, izobraževalni in psihološki vidik. njihovih prejšnjih besed in ustaljenih nacinov njihovega izražanja, ter jih po­stavi v drugo obliko, tako da jih izrazi z novimi poimenovanji. Pisanje je tukaj spreminjanje (tagyir); prenavlja namrec resnicnosti, s tem, ko prenovi njihove oblike in povezave, ter prenavlja jezik sam, s tem, ko uvaja (tunši.) nove pove­zave med besedo in besedo ter med be-sedami in resnicnostmi.« (1995, 186) Aljaž Krajnc Makdisi, George. 1974. Ibn Taymiya: A .ufi of the Qadiriyya Order. American Journal of Arabic Studies 1:118–129. al-Niffari, .Abd al-Gabbar. 2020. Knjiga misticnih postajališc in nagovorov. Ljubljana: KUD Logos. Prezreti ne smemo niti vrednosti prime-si umetnostne zgodovine, religiologije in estetike. V znanstveni monografiji najdemo devet clankov osmih avtorjev. Avtordveh clankov je Bojan Žalec, ki v prvem prispevku predstavi Kierkegaardov po­gled na Boga. Pri tem se še posebej ustavi pri njegovem delu Works of Love (1847), pri katerem je jasno izražena fi­lozofova težnja po etiki ljubezni. Žalec prepozna v Kierkegaardovi etiki ljube­zni, ki temelji na svetopisemski zapove­di zlatega pravila, najpravilnejši nacin, prek katerega clovek lahko postane tista podoba, za katero je bil ustvarjen. V drugem prispevku (zadnji v mono-grafiji) Žalec spregovori o islamofobiji, ki v prvi vrsti mece slabo luc na celotni islam in na vse muslimane in je kot ta­kšna hkrati zaviralka graditve interkul­ Ocene turnega dialoga. V prvem delu prispev­ka Žalec predstavi karakteristike islamo­fobije, pri tem se navezuje na Todda H. Greena. Islam je po njegovem mnenju oznacen kot monoliten, drugi, slabši, sovražen, manipulativen in diskrimina­tiven. Hkrati trdi, da so diskurzi proti is-lamu nekaj naravnega in da musliman-ski kriticizem na zahodu nima veljave. V drugem delu prispevka se avtor naveže na iskanje izvora islamofobije, pri tem še posebej omenja Bernarda Lewisa, po cigar mnenju vidi islam sovražnika v Za­hodu. Razlog za to sta ljubosumnost in ponižanje muslimanov ter ostro naspro­tovanje modernizmu in sekularizmu.Nadalje se Žalec posveti Saidovi kritiki zgoraj omenjene misli in izpostavi, da se orientalizem in islamofobija ne sme­ta enaciti. Prispevek clanka je: izposta­viti razmislek o prihodnjih korakih, ki bi vodili do zmanjšanja islamofobije. Avtor predlaga: muslimane bi morali obravna­vati kot sebi enake in jim dati priložnost, da se vkljucijo v zahodno družbo. Obe­nem je treba doseci, da se tudi širša jav­nost (in ne zgolj akademiki) zave, kako so razlicne informacije, ki jih oddajajo o muslimanih mediji, filmi in razni forumi, del islamofobijske industrije. Cilj je, do­seci medkulturni in medreligijski dialog z muslimani na konkretni ravni in imeti pred ocmi, da vsi muslimani niso tero­risti. Naslednji prispevek v monografiji se navezuje na embleme, ki prikazujejo li­turgijo velikega petka in se hranijo v franciškanskem samostanu v Krakovu. Magdalena Ficon v svojem prispevku ra­zloži trinajst emblemov, katerih zanimi­vost je povezovanje uprizorjenih podob in napisov v latinšcini. Prvi emblem pri­kazuje Kristusa pred velikim duhovni­kom, krasi pa ga napis »Oce, odpusti jim, saj ne vedo kar delajo«. Napis pod drugim emblemom je vzet iz Lukovega evangelija. Pravi: »Resnicno, povem ti, še danes boš z menoj v raju.« (Lk 23,43) Zanimivo pa je, da emblem upodablja Cerkev; Ficonova to poveže z dejstvom, da clovek z vsakim vstopom v cerkev prestopa nebeška vrata. Tretji emblem je povezan s tretjim Kristusovim stav­kom na križu: »Žena, glej, tvoj sin!« (Jn 19,26) Tudi tukaj emblem ne prikazuje Kristusa na križu, prav tako ni prikazano nobeno trpljenje. Avtor upodobi rojstvo Cerkve in njenih teles na miren nacin. »Zakaj si me zapustil?« (Mt 27,46), to je napis pod naslednjim emblemom, ki uprizarja coln na valovitem morju. Peta slika prikazuje Kristusa kot jelena, ki pije vodo. Pod njim je napis »Sitio« (Žejen sem). Ficonova v tem odstavku vidi sim-bolizem zmage, s katero je Kristus pre­magal zlo in odrešil cloveštvo. Na še-stem emblemu z napisom »Dopolnjeno je« (Jn 19,30) so naslikani trije križi, ki zelo preprosto prikazujejo Jezusovo smrt in s tem izpolnitev vseh prerokb. Naslednji (sedmi) emblem slika Boga na oblakih, ki z iztegnjeno roko caka, da se njegov Sin vrne domov. S sliko se ujema tudi napis, ki pravi: »Oce, v tvoje roke izrocam svojo dušo.« (Lk 23,46) Sledi emblem, na katerem je menora naslika­na pred križem. Menora je simbol božje popolnosti, svetosti in blišca. Križ pome­ni Kristusa, ki je resnicna luc. Pod osmim emblemom je zapisano »Sonce je zakrito«. Slika na devetem emblemu prikazuje razpolovljeni tempelj. Tukaj se tudi napis »Tempeljska zavesa je bila strgana na dva dela« ujema s sliko. Fi­conova vidi v tem konec stare zaveze in zacetek nove zaveze. Naslednji emblem prikazuje razpokane skale; to se lahko navezuje na Mt 27,50–53. Enajsti em­blem nosi zapis »Monumenta apperta svnt«. Prikazuje mirno ozadje z drevesi. V ospredju pa so liki, ki prihajajo iz gro­ba. Dvanajsti emblem upodablja mesto z mestnimi vrati in ljudi, ki vrata obkro­žajo. Ficonova zapiše, da je to prikaz vstajenja od mrtvih in s tem nakazilo eshatološke ere. Ljudje, ki so osvoboje­ni pekla, korakajo v sveto mesto Jeruza­lem. Na zadnjem emblemu je naslikano pashalno jagnje, kakor Kristusa imenuje evangelist Janez. Avtorica sklene: ta analiza nakazuje, da nosijo poslikave v sebi globoko sporocilo in nekako kažejo na resnicnost in pravicnost sveta. Dagmara Pieta se v svojem prispevku osredotoci na posebno vrsto evangeliza­cije – na teologijo filma. V sodobni druž-bi, kateri se želi Cerkev po zadnjem kon­cilu približati, je film orodje za gradnjo dialoga in bratstva, na kar je še posebno opozarjal sv. Janez Pavel II. Teologija fil-ma je ena od celic teologije umetnosti. V njej so zajeta vprašanja o bistvu clove­kovega bivanja in o relaciji sveta do vre­dnosti. Teologija filma tako išce odgovo-re na religijska, eticna in moralna vpra­šanja in jih vkljucuje v filmsko govorico. Iz naslova prispevka, The Idea of Theo­logy of Film Based on Krzysztof Kieslowski‘s Works, je razvidno, da se av-torica clanka opira na enega od najuspe­šnejših poljskih filmskih režiserjev, Kr-zysztofa Kieslowskega (1941–1996). Nje­gova zbirka desetih srednjementražnih filmov, imenovana Dekalog, se osredo­toca na življenje sleherne osebe in odpi­ra vprašanja o pomembnih življenjskih tematikah, kakor so vprašanja smrti, pra­ve ljubezni, sebicnosti, umora, neplo­dnosti, abortusa, osamljenosti, ugrabi­tve, materializma in raznovrstnih stisk. Naslednji (cetrti) prispevek v obrav­navani monografiji nosi naslov Stigma­tization of Emotinality. Avtorica v obrav­navanem clanku razume stigmatizacijo kot fenomen, ki oznacuje zunanjo vsilje-no negativno podobo in izziva negativni odnos do osebe, skupine ali družbenega fenomena, ki izraža razlicne podobe, prepricanja ali vrednote. Mateja Centa meni, da stigmatizacija prav tako cilja na custva oziroma custvenost. Stigmatiza­cija custvenosti kaže na zunanjo vsiljeno negativno podobo ali negativni odnos do izražanja custev, ki so lahko nepri­merna ali pretirana. V prispevku avtori-ca navede vec zgledov sodobnih razi­skav, prek katerih pokaže, da je stigma-tizacija žensk kot bolj custvenih za neka­tere raziskovalce dejstvo, za druge pa stereotip. Pri tem poudari, da so neka­tere pricakovane custvene reakcije lahko odvisne od spola, po drugi strani pa tudi temeljijo na prepricanju in verovanju, kakor ga daje zunanji svet, ki ga oblikuje družba. Družba ima lahko globoko utr­jena pricakovanja glede ustreznosti izra­žanja custvenega odnosa, kot posledico tega pa je v nasprotnem ravnanju težko zaobiti stigmatizacijo. Centa sklene, da na takšen nacin postopek stigmatizacije pogosto deluje nepremišljeno in se bo ohranil, vse dokler bodo obstajale po­membne norme. Družba namrec sti­gmatizira vsakega clana, ki se oddalji od pricakovanih norm. Na koncu Centa pre­dloži smernice za premostitev stigmati­zacije. Poziva k temu, da je drugega tre­ba slišati in ga v prvi vrsti narediti za re-snicnega, da se je treba zavedati, kako je drugi vedno drugacen od nas. Najve-cje ovire za sprejemanje drugega pa po­menijo narcizem, strah in pristranskost. Peti clanek v obravnavani monogra­fiji poveže svetopisemsko zgodbo o To-bitu s prvinami edukacije. Sveto pismo govori o tem, kako je bil Tobitov sin To­ Ocene bija poslan v Medijo h Gabaelu, po vre-co desetih talentov srebra. Na poti ga je spremljal angel Rafael, ki se je Tobitu predstavil kot eden od njegovih soro­dnikov. Gerjolj v angelu Rafaelu vidi vlo-go botra, ki mladostnika spremlja na poti odrašcanja in h kateremu se lahko mladenic nekoliko bolj zaupa kakor svo­jim lastnim staršem, boter pa ga prav tako vzgaja in uci vešcin za pravicno ži­vljenje. Obenem se dotakne tudi Tobi-tove slepote, ki ga je prizadela zaradi belih peg. Ce so oci ogledalo duše, po­tem lahko drži tudi to, da starši v obdo­bju odrašcanja otrok nekoliko oslepijo, saj jih mladostniki zaradi želje po samo­stojnosti ne spustijo v svojo dušo. Vzpo­redna svetopisemska pripoved v Tobi-tovi knjigi spregovori o Tobijevi poroki s sorodnico Saro. Sari je zli duh odvzel že sedem mož. Vsi so umrli na porocno noc in podobno se pricakuje tudi za To-bija. A angel Rafael odžene hudega duha, Tobija pa ozdravi svojo ženo. Ger-jolj prepozna v tem zmago ljubezni nad smrtjo, seveda pod pogojem, da je sre­dišce ljubezni Bog. Dodaja, da je za star-še na stara leta najlepše darilo, videti svoje otroke srecne in s potomci, ob tem pa tudi prepoznajo, da je bila nji­hova vloga in vloga drugih ljudi (ange-lov), ki so spremljali njihovega otroka na poti odrašcanja, nepogrešljiva. Angeli so vsakdanjem življenju otrok poleg staršev tudi pedagogi, kateheti, športni ucitelji in drugi, ki otroka spremljajo na poti njegovega odrašcanja, ga ucijo za vešcine in življenje in mu na neki nacin zagotavljajo tudi varno okolje. Anna Jungeiwicz se v svojem prispev­ku opira na metafore o svetu kot tiskal­nem stroju, ki so jih uporabljali zgodnji poljski pridigarji, po zgledu velikih filo­zofov (Platon, Aristotel) in teologov ( sv. Avguštin). Obraca se na ceškega prote­stanta Johannesa Amosa Komenskega (1592–1670), na poljskega dominikan­skega pridigarja Fabiana Birkowskega (1566–1636) in na poljskega pridigarja Franciszeka Rychlowskega (1611–1673). Avtorica pravi, da se je treba vprašati o funkcijah teh metafor. So namrec veliko vec kakor le retoricni okras. Misli zgoraj omenjenih teologov se navezujejo na figurativno gradnjo sveta, ki je zgrajena iz razlicnih, hierarhicnih delov. Toda to ne ponazarja le konstrukcije sveta, am-pak še posebno prenos resnice in zna­nja. Funkcija je torej bolj epistemološka kakor ontološka. Nadalje metafore po­nazarjajo predhodni obstoj bitij v Božjih mislih pred dejanjem stvarjenja. Nena­zadnje pa nakazujejo na clovekovo po­trebo po oblikovanju svoje lastne podo-be po božji podobi, to pa je mogoce za­radi božje podobe, ki obstaja v naravi. Naslednji clanek za obravnavano mo-nografijo je pripravila Ana Martinjak Ra-tej. Govori o podobi cloveka kot osebe v povezavi s totalitarnimi režimi. Avto­rica je, navezujoc se na Hanno Arendt, na Zygmunta Baumana in na druge per-sonaliste, prikazala nevarnosti totalitar­nih sistemov za cloveka in cloveštvo. Ti sistemi namrec iznicijo clovekovo do-stojanstvo, poleg tega želijo izenaciti družbo, to pa vodi do zanikanja razlic­nosti in edinstvenosti vsakega cloveške­ga bitja. Martinjak Ratejeva sklene, da bi nam morale biti bogate izkušnje to-talitarnih sistemov iz zgodovine šola za nadaljnje odlocitve. Pravi, da bi se bilo treba upreti vsem politicnim sistemom in oblikam vladanja, ki na takšen ali dru-gacen nacin vpeljujejo prvine totalita­rizma v svoje oblike vladanja. Prispevek Veronike Beliaeve-Saczuk je sad njenega terenskega dela (2014– 2015) v regiji Okian, ki leži v Republiki Burjatiji, avtonomni republiki Ruske fe­deracije v Sibirskem zveznem okrožju. Na omenjenem okrožju živita dve etnic­ni skupnosti – Sojoti in Burjati. V tem delu sveta se je vse do danes ohranil budizem, ki pa vsebuje primesmi šama­nizma. Po avtoricinih besedah je teh primesi v Okainu najvec na svetu. Avto­rica posebno mesto v clanku posveti bo­ginjama ljubezni, imenovanima Bela in Zelena Tara, spreminjajocim se lokaci-jam, njunemu cašcenju in negovanju podob ter razlicnim legendam, ki so še danes mocno navzoce v življenju tam-kajšnje skupnosti. Raznovrstnost prispevkov v mono-grafiji kaže na dejstvo, da je clovek kot Mihai Dragnea. Christian Identity For­mation Across the Elbe in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries. New York: Pe­ter Lang, 2021. 126 + VIII str. ISBN: 978­1-4331-8431-4. Romunski kulturni zgodovinar Mihai Dragnea, raziskovalec na Univerzi jugo­vzhodne Norveške in glavni urednik ameriške znanstvene revije Hiperbor­rea, je skupnost preucevalcev srednjega veka in religijske zgodovine obogatil z monografijo o procesu pokristjanjeva­nja nekdanjega slovanskega ljudstva Vendov ob reki Labi na mejnem ozemlju med današnjo Nemcijo in Poljsko. Raz­iskovanje tamkajšnjih Slovanov ima res-da v modernem kriticnem zgodovino­pisju dolgo izrocilo, a se je vecina do-slejšnjih študij te vrste osredotocala predvsem na etnicno-jezikovne (samo) opredelitve, na prodiranje germanskih vplivov na slovanski vzhod, na nastop družbeno bitje vpet v najrazlicnejše vzorce družbe. Podobe, ki jih odkriva v svojem življenju, so v veliki meri odvi­sne od percepcij družbe, ki jih je kot po­sameznik in kot družbeno bitje pridobil in si jih nekako tudi prilastil. Odlicnost monografije uvidimo v iskanju njene rdece niti. Kaže na to, kako pomembno je, da clovek sprejema sebe in drugega, brez spolne, verske, etnicne ali kakršne­koli druge stigmatizacije. Hkrati pa mora imeti pred ocmi tudi dejstvo, da je za graditev sobivanja v sožitju treba upo­rabljati pravilne edukacijske vešcine – takrat, ko sami raziskujemo, pa tudi ta­krat, ko posredujemo svoje znanje na­slednjim rodovom. Urška Jeglic geografsko-kulturne prehodnosti (t. i. Germania Slavica) in na oblikovanje poljske srednjeveške države. Osrednje vprašanje obravnavanega dela je dru-gacno in tako tudi izvirno: kako so v 10. in v 11. stoletju kršcanski aristokrati, zlasti pripadniki cesarske rodbine Oton­cev, cerkveni hierarhi, potopisci in zgo­dovinopisci, izhajajoci povecini z nem­škega govornega obmocja, razumeli po­stopno sprejemanje kršcanske vere med Vendi. Avtor prepricljivo dokazuje, da je bila glavna skrb cerkvenih avtori­tet politicna in duhovna vkljucitev Slo­vanov v okvir Svetega rimskega cesar­stva kot samooklicanega povezovalca (zahodno)kršcanskega sveta, pri tem pa je posebna skrb veljala prepoznavanju resnicnih ali domnevnih krivoverstev in preprecevanju vracanja k predkršcan-skim obrednim praksam in vrednostnim predpostavkam. V tem pogledu mono-grafija razkriva pomembno in v srednje­ Ocene veških študijah uveljavljeno spoznanje, da je posamezni proces pokristjanjeva­nja zajemal vrsto medsebojno preple­tenih in veckrat protislovnih dejavnikov, ki so presegali temeljna doktrinarna in kanonicna vprašanja. Takšna družbeno--kulturna dinamika se v tej monografiji razkriva skozi številcno in politicno šibko skupino, ki je po drugi strani, vsaj navi­dezno nepricakovano, doživela razme­roma veliko pozornost v socasnih pripo­vednih in listinskih virih. Mihai Dragnea umešca proces pokri­stjanjevanja polabskih Slovanov v okvir kulturne politike otonskega cesarstva, ki si je po zgledu Karla Velikega prizade­vala za nadaljevanje (zahodne) rimske imperialne dedišcine (romanitas), do-polnjene s sklicevanjem na univerzal­nost kršcanske Cerkve in na povezova­nje vseh pravovernih kristjanov pod eno krono. Hotenje po vzpostavitvi »ene vere, ene Cerkve in ene države« je ne­izogibno predvidevalo širjenje upravno--ozemeljskih meja in oblikovanje vece­tnicne imperialne skupnosti, v kateri naj bi svoje mesto dobili tudi Vendi. Avtor tako prepricljivo pojasnjuje, da ima po­gosto vzvišeno in s predsodki zaznamo­vano pisanje o »divjaštvu« slovanskih prebivalcev tistega casa izvor predvsem v prepricanju o vsestranskih prednostih kršcanskega nacina življenja, ne v ger­manski sovražni naravnanosti do slo­vanskega sveta kot takšnega, tudi ce je naposled uspešno koncani proces uva­janja nove vere do konca srednjega veka pripomogel h germanski koloniza­ciji in k skorajšnji asimilaciji Slovanov z nemškim jezikovnim okoljem. Politicno in kulturno prodiranje Svetega rimskega cesarstva proti vzhodu je bilo nadalje odvisno od razmer v deželi Saški, ki je bila najbliže poselitvenemu obmocju Vendov, saj so tamkajšnji mejni grofje izkazovali dalec najvecjo podporo osre­dnji cesarski oblasti. V tem pogledu sta tamkajšnji posvetna in cerkvena oblast dosledno uresnicevali nacelo, da pome­ni sprejetje krsta tudi pridružitev kr-šcanskemu imperiju. Omenjene okoli-šcine je potrjevala razmeroma obsežna pisna (samo)refleksija kršcanskih avtor­jev s prikazovanjem in povecini pristran-skim vrednotenjem poganskih praks, v katerih se je kazala omenjena rimsko--imperialna zavest, ki je med drugim, brez upoštevanja drugacnih družbenih okolišcin, prevzemala predstave in poj-me iz rimske poganske antike (npr. kip (statua), svetišce (templum)). Obravna­va nekršcanskih prvin polabskih Slova­nov ni bila usmerjena v boj med zma­govito novo in umikajoco se staro vero, pri tem bi seveda kršcanstvo pomenilo alternativo poganstvu, temvec v uteme­ljevanje odpadništva (apostazije) ali kri­voverstva (herezije) uradno že pokristja­njenega ljudstva, ki se kršcanskemu ce­sarstvu in njeni Cerkvi »upira« z ohra­njanjem nedovoljenih verovanj in obi­cajev. Proces pokristjanjevanja je tako spodbudil spraševanje o pravi veri in o odnosu med domacim in tujim, o odno­su med sprejemljivim in drugacnim, saj vecina tovrstnih srednjeveških tekstov, idejno temeljecih na anticnih delih in na Svetem pismu, vzpostavlja Vende kot ljudstvo »severnih dežel« (partes aqui­lonis) in predstavnike »drugega sveta« (alter mundus), ki se težavno vkljucuje­jo v kršcansko imperialno skupnost ali »našo ekumeno« (noster orbis). Najvidnejša odlika monografije ro­munskega kulturnega zgodovinarja je njena jedrnatost oziroma obvladljivost, saj si lahko bralec na dobrih stotih stra­neh pridobi pregledno, vsebinsko zado­stno in pripovedno podkrepljeno znanje o kljucnih vidikih pokristjanjevanja Ven­dov in oblikovanja kršcanske istovetno­sti na stiku germanskega in slovanskega sveta. To znacilnost dopolnjujeta avtor­jevo dosledno opiranje na žanrsko širok nabor pisnih virov in njegov transdisci­plinarni pristop, ki v sklenjeno celoto povezuje zgodovinopisne, kulturološke in teološke metode. Mogoce je trditi, da obravnavana monografija ponuja kako­vostno in dovolj celovito predstavitev znane tematike v novi luci. Simon Malmenvall ACTA THEOLOGICA SLOVENIAE 1. Mirjam Filipic, Poetika in tipologija eksodusa: Zmagoslavni vidik 2. Lenart Škof, Socutje med religijo in filozofijo 3. Peter Kvaternik, Brez casti, svobode in moci 4. Brigita Perše, Prihodnost župnije 5. Mojca Bertoncel, Nedolžna žrtev 6. Mateja Demšar, Dar odpušcanja 7. Loredana Peteani, Narodi v luci božjega ljudstva in njihovo poslanstvo 8. Tadej Rifel, Gottmensch und Gottmenschentum ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA TEOF 1. Janez Juhant (ur.), Na poti k resnici in spravi s.n. Edo Škulj (ur.), Slovensko semenišce v izseljenstvu 2. Robert Petkovšek, Heidegger – Index 3. Janez Juhant (ur.), Kaj pomeni religija za cloveka: znanstvena podoba religije 4. Peter Kvaternik (ur.), V prelomnih casih 5. Janez Juhant in Vinko Potocnik (ur.), Mislec in kolesja ideologij. Filozof Janez Janžekovic 6. Miran Špelic OFM, La povertŕ negli apoftegmi dei Padri 7. Rafko Valencic, Pastorala na razpotjih casa 8. Drago Ocvirk CM, Misijoni – povezovalci cloveštva 9. Ciril Sorc, V prostranstvu Svete Trojice (Trinitas 1) 10. Anton Štrukelj, Trojica in Cerkev (Trinitas 2) 11. Ciril Sorc, Od kod in kam? (Trinitas 3) 12. Tadej Strehovec OFM, Clovek med zarodnimi in izvornimi celicami 13. Saša Kneževic, Božanska ojkonomija z Apokalipso 14. Avguštin Lah, Mi v Trojici (Trinitas 4) 15. Erika Prijatelj OSU, Psihološka dinamika rasti v veri 16. Jože Rajhman (Fanika Vrecko, ur.), Teologija Primoža Trubarja 17. Nadja Furlan, Iz poligamije v monogamijo 18. Rafko Valencic in Jože Kopeinig (ur.), Odrešenje in sprava, cemu? 19. Janez Juhant, Idejni spopad – Slovenci in moderna 20. Janez Juhant, Idejni spopad II – Katolicani in revolucija 21. Bogdan Kolar, Mirabilia mundi – potopis brata Odorika iz Furlanije 22. Fanika Krajnc - Vrecko, Clovek v Božjem okolju 23. Bojan Žalec, Clovek, morala in umetnost 24. Janez Juhant in Bojan Žalec (ur.), Na poti k dialoški cloveškosti 25. René Girard, Grešni kozel 26. Janez Juhant, Vojko Strahovnik in Bojan Žalec (ur.), Izvor odpušcanja in sprave s.n. Christian Gostecnik, Inovativna relacijska družinska terapija (sozaložništvo s FDI) 27. Ciril Sorc, Povabljeni v božje globine: prispevek k trinitaricni duhovnosti 28. Drago Karl Ocvirk, Ozemljena nebesa 29. Janez Juhant, Za cloveka gre 30. Peter Sloterdijk, Navidezna smrt v mišljenju 31. Tomáš Halík, Blizu oddaljenim: gorecnost in potrpežljivost; v srecevanju vere z nevero 32. Janez Juhant, Clovek in religija 33. Janez Juhant, Vojko Strahovnik in Bojan Žalec (ur.), Kako iz kulture strahu? 34. Janez Juhant in Vojko Strahovnik (ur.), Izhodišca dialoga v sodobnem svetu 35. Mari Osredkar in Marjana Harcet, Pojem odrešenja in nauki o odrešenju v svetovnih religijah 36. Ivan Platovnjak (ur.), Karel Vladimir Truhlar: Pesnik, duhovnik, teolog 37. Roman Globokar, Teološka etika med univerzalnostjo in partikularnostjo 38. Brigita Perše, Cerkveni management v luci posvetnega 39. Maja Lopert, V iskanju resnice, ki odzvanja v clovekovi notranjosti 40. Birger Gerhardsson, Z vsem svojim srcem: o svetopisemskem etosu s.n. Christian Gostecnik, Inovativna relacijska zakonska terapija (sozaložništvo s FDI) s.n. Christian Gostecnik, So res vsega krivi starši? (sozaložništvo s FDI) 41. Mateja Cvetek, Živeti s custvi 42. Martin Lintner, Razstrupiti eros (sozaložništvo s Celjsko Mohorjevo) s.n. Polona Vesel Mušic, Utrip birmanske pastorale v Cerkvi na Slovenskem (sozaložništvo s Salve) 43. Janez Juhant in Mateja Centa (ur.), V zvestobi narodu in veri 44. Christian Gostecnik, Je res vsega kriv partner? (sozaložništvo s FDI in ZBF) 45. Maksimilijan Matjaž, Klic v novo življenje 46. Barbara Simonic (ur.), Družinska terapija v teoriji in praksi 47. Andraž Arko, Pasijon po Gibsonu 48. Robert Petkovšek, Bog in clovek med seboj 49. Christian Gostecnik, Zakaj se te bojim? (sozaložništvo s FDI in ZBF) 50. Rafko Valencic, Beseda in pricevanje (sozaložništvo z Družino) 51. Mari Jože Osredkar, Teologija odnosa (sozaložništvo z ZBF) 52. Mari Jože Osredkar, Božje razodetje v Bibliji in Koranu (sozaložništvo z ZBF) 53. Christian Gostecnik, Družinske terapije in klinicna praksa (sozaložnoštvo s FDI in ZBF) 54. Ciril Sorc, Religija kot dejavnik eticnosti in medkulturnega dialoga 55. Bojan Žalec in Vojko Strahovnik (ur.), Religija kot dejavnik eticnosti in medkulturnega dialoga 57. Slavko Kranjc (ur.), Svetloba drami našega duha (sozaložništvo z obcino Slovenske Konjice) 60. Christian Gostecnik, Bolecina locenosti (sozaložništvo s FDI in ZBF) 61. Andrej Šegula (ur.), Božje oznanilo sodobnemu cloveku : zbornik ob 80-letnici prof. Rafka Valencica (sozaložništvo z Družino) 62. Christian Gostecnik, Psihoanaliza in sakralnno izkustvo (sozaložništvo s FDI in ZBF) 63. Janez Juhant, Clovek, religija, nasilje in kultura miru : duhovno-psihološka študija cloveka 64. Matjaž Ambrožic (ur.), Janez Evangelist Krek - sto let pozneje (1917-2017) 65. Luka Trebežnik, Med nihilizmom in mesijanizmom : Derridajeva filozofija religije 66. Tanja Pate, Kronicna bolezen v družini 67. Christian Gostecnik, Travma in relacijska družinska terapija (sozaložništvo s FDI in ZBF) 68. Branko Klun in Luka Trebežnik (ur.), Vracanje religije v postmodernem kontekstu 69. Roman Globokar, Vzgojni izzivi šole v digitalni dobi 70. Simon Malmenvall, Kultura Kijevske Rusije in kršcanska zgodovinska zavest 71. Ivan Platovnjak (ur.), Pogum in preroška drznost : slovenske vzporednice ukinitvi (1773) in obnovitvi (1814) Družbe Jezusove 72. Marjan Turnšek (ur.), Stoletni sadovi : prispevek dogmaticne teologije na stoletnem drevesu Teološke fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani 73. Jan Dominik Bogataj, Preobraženi : zgodnjekršcanska teologija Kristusovega spremenjenja na gori (sozaložništvo s KUD LOGOS) 74. Janez Vodicar (ur.), V iskanju novega zaupanja v Cerkvi : pastorala in kateheza po razkritju spolnih in drugih zlorab 75. Marjan Turnšek, Slovesni portal v življenje skrivnosti : zakramenti uvajanja v skrivnostno življenje cerkvenega organizma 76. Christian Gostecnik, Nevroznanost in relacijska družinska terapija (sozaložništvo s FDI in ZBF) 77. Slavko Krajnc, Gostoljubnost liturgicnih sodelavcev na Kristusovi gostiji Navodila sodelavcem Navodila sodelavcem Rokopis znanstvenega ali strokovnega clanka, ki ga avtor/ica pošlje na naslov Bo-goslovnega vestnika, je besedilo, ki še ni bilo objavljeno drugod niti ni drugod v recenzijskem postopku. Rokopis je treba poslati v pisni in v elektronski obliki. Ele­ktronska oblika naj obsega le osnovne programske definicije (urejevalnik besedila Word s standardno obliko pisave brez dodatnih slogovnih dolocil). Pisna oblika ro­kopisa naj ima velikost crk 12 pt (Times), razmik med vrsticami 1,5, opombe 10 pt. Zaradi anonimnega recenzijskega postopka mora imeti vsak rokopis prijavo ozi­roma spremni list, na katerem avtor/ica navede svoje ime in priimek, naslov clanka, svoje kljucne biografske podatke (akademski naziv, podrocje dela, poslovni naslov in/oziroma naslov, na katerem prejema pošto, elektronski naslov itd.) in izjavo, da besedilo še ni bilo objavljeno in da še ni v recenzijskem postopku. Obrazec prijave je na spletni strani revije (http://www.teof.uni-lj.si/bv.html). Na drugi strani, ki je prva stran besedila, pa naj navede samo naslov clanka brez imena avtorja. Rokopis znanstvenega clanka ima povzetek in kljucne besede, in sicer na poseb­ni strani (listu). Povzetek naj obsega do 160 besed oziroma do 800 znakov. Povzetek obsega natancno opredelitev teme clanka, metodologijo in zakljucke. Obseg rokopisa izvirnega znanstvenega clanka najpraviloma ne presega dolžine ene avtorske pole (30.000 znakov); pregledni clanki in predhodne objave naj ne obsegajo vec kot 20.000 znakov, porocila ne vec kot 10.000 znakov, ocene knjig ne vec kot 8.000 znakov. Za obsežnejša besedila naj se avtor dogovori z urednikom. Besedila daljša od 8.000 znakov morajo vsebovati podnaslove. Tabele in slike morajo biti izpisane na po­sebnem listu papirja, v besedilu clanka mora biti oznaceno mesto, kam sodijo. Naslov clanka mora biti jasen, poveden in ne daljši od 100 znakov. Na koncu clanka pripravimo seznam referenc oz. literature. Knjižna dela nava­jamo v obliki: Priimek, Ime. Letnica. Naslov. Kraj: Založba. Npr.: Janžekovic, Janez. 1976. Kršcanstvo in marksizem: od polemike do razgovora. Celje: Mohorjeva druž­ba. Clanke iz revij navajamo v obliki: Priimek, Ime. Letnica. Naslov clanka. Ime publikacije letnik:prva-zadnja stran. Npr.: Krašovec, Jože. 1991. Filozofsko-teološki razlogi za odpušcanje. Bogoslovni vestnik 51:270-285. Pri referencah z interneta navedemo spletni naslov z datumom pridobitve dokumenta. Ce je bil dokument objavljen v periodicni publikaciji, to oznacimo za naslovom dokumenta. Priimek, Ime. Letnica. Naslov. Ime publikacije, dan. mesec. URL (pridobljeno datum. mesec leto). Npr.: Rebula, Alojz. 2006. Rekatolizacija ali recivilizacija? Družina, 7. aprila. Http://www.druzina.si/ICD/spletnastran.nsf/ (pridobljeno 16. oktobra 2006). V besedilu navajamo citate po sistemu avtor-letnica. Priimek avtorja, letnico izida citiranega dela in stran zapišemo za citatom v obliki (priimek letnica, stran). Npr. (Janžekovic 1976, 12). Na isti nacin navajamo tudi citate iz periodicnih publi­kacij in s spletnih strani. Ce sta avtorja dva, navedek zapišemo v obliki (Priimek in Priimek letnica, stran). Npr. (Rode in Stres 1977, 33). Pri vec kot treh avtorjih upo­rabimo obliko (Priimek idr. letnica, stran) ali (Priimek et al. letnica, stran). Npr. (Lenzenweger et al. 1999, 51). Ce avtor dela ni naveden, namesto priimka upora­bimo naslov, lahko tudi skrajšanega, npr. (Devetdnevnica k casti milostne Matere Božje 1916, 5). Ce priimek navedemo že v citatu, ga v navedku izpustimo in nave- demo samo letnico in stran. Npr.: »Kakor je zapisal Anton Strle (1988, 67) [...]. Ce v istem oklepaju navajamo vec del, locujemo eno od drugega s podpicji. Npr. (Pascal 1986, 16; Frankl 1993, 73). Ce citiramo v istem odstavku isto delo, navedemo referenco v celoti samo pr­vic, v nadaljevanju v oklepajih navedemo samo številko strani. Okrajšave »Prim.« ne uporabljamo. Po ustaljeni navadi v besedilu navajamo Sveto pismo, anticne in srednjeveške avtorje, koncilske in druge cerkvene dokumente, Zakonik cerkvene­ga prava (ZCP), Katekizem katoliške Cerkve (KKC) in druge dokumente, ki jih obrav­navamo kot vire. Natancnejša navodila za citiranje so na spletnem naslovu http:// www.teof.uni-lj.si/obrazci/citiranje.doc. Uporaba kratic znanih casopisov, periodicnih publikacij, najbolj citiranih del, leksikonov in zbirk mora ustrezati mednarodnemu seznamu (splošni seznam: List of serial title word abbreviations, COBISS.SI-ID: 61626368, dostopen v NUK-u; za teologijo: Internationales Abkürzungsverzeichnis für Theologie und Grenzgebiete, W. de Gruyter, Berlin 1992); kratice domacih del, zbirk in leksikonov se uporablja­jo, ce so splošno znane in priznane, na primer »BV« za Bogoslovni vestnik. Kratice revij/casopisov so v ležeci pisavi (kurzivi), kratice zbornikov, leksikonov ali mono-grafij so v pokoncni pisavi. Pravila glede precrkovanja (transliteracije) iz gršcine in hebrejšcine so dostopna v uredništvu. Objave v Bogoslovnem vestniku se ne honorirajo. Uredništvo zavrnjenih roko­pisov ne vraca. Bogoslovni vestnik Theological Quarterly EPHEMERIDES THEOLOGICAE Izdajatelj in založnik / Edited and published by Teološka fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani Naslov / Address Bogoslovni vestnik, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana ISSN 0006-5722 1581-2987 (e-oblika) Spletni naslov / E-address http://www.teof.uni-lj.si/bv.html Glavni in odgovorni urednik / Editor in chief Robert Petkovšek E-pošta / E-mail bogoslovni.vestnik@teof.uni-lj.si Namestnik gl. urednika / Associate Editor Vojko Strahovnik Uredniški svet / Editorial Council Metod Benedik, Erwin Dirscherl (Regensburg), Emmanuel Falque (Pa- riz), Vincent Holzer (Pariz), Janez Juhant, Jože Krašovec, Nenad Malovic (Zagreb), Zorica Maros (Sarajevo), Mladen Parlov (Split), Vladislav Puzovic (Beograd), Miran Sajovic (Rim), Walter Schaup (Gradec), Józef Stala (Krakov), Grzegorz Szamocki (Gdansk), Ed Udovic (Chicago), MichalValco (Žilina), Vladimir Vukašinovic (Beograd), Karel Woschitz (Gradec) Pomocniki gl. urednika (uredniški odbor) / Irena Avsenik Nabergoj, Igor Bahovec, Roman Globokar, Slavko Editorial Board Krajnc, Maksimilijan Matjaž, Jožef Muhovic, Mari Jože Osredkar, Andrej Saje, Barbara Simonic, Vojko Strahovnik, Miha Šimac, Miran Špelic, Marjan Turnšek, Janez Vodicar Tehnicni pomocniki gl. ur. / Tech. Assistant Editors Liza Primc, Jonas Miklavcic in Aljaž Krajnc Lektoriranje / Language-editing Rosana Cop in Domen Krvina Prevodi / Translations Simon Malmenvall in Janez Arnež Oblikovanje / Cover design Lucijan Bratuš Prelom / Computer typesetting Jernej Dolšak Tisk / Printed by KOTIS d. o. o., Grobelno Za založbo / Chief publisher Janez Vodicar Izvlecke prispevkov v tej reviji objavljajo / Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Digitale Bibliothek; Canon Law Ab-Abstracts of this review are included in stracts; Elenchus Bibliographicus Biblicus; Web of Science (WoS) Core colection: the Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI); ERIH PLUS; dLib; IBZ Online; MIAR; MLA International Bibliography; Periodica de re Canonica; Religious & Theological Abstracts; Scopus (h) Letna narocnina / Annual subscription za Slovenijo: 28 EUR za tujino: Evropa 40 EUR; ostalo 57 USD (navadno), 66 USD (prednostno); naslov: Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta, Poljanska c. 4, 1000 Ljubljana Transakcijski racun / Bank account IBAN SI56 0110 0603 0707 798 Swift Code: BSLJSI2X Revijo sofinancira Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republi­ke Slovenije. Clanki v reviji Bogoslovni vestnik, razen ce ni drugace navedeno, so objavljeni pod pogoji licence Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0 International). Impressum Bogoslovni vestnik (Theological Quarterly, Ephemerides Theologicae) je znanstvena revija z recenzijo. V razvid medijev, ki ga vodi Ministrstvo za kulturo RS, je vpisana pod zaporedno številko 565. Izhaja štirikrat na leto. Bogoslovni vestnik je glasilo Teološke fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani. Vsebuje izvirne in pregledne znanstvene clanke in prispevke s podrocja teologije in drugih ved, ki so sorodne teologiji. Objavlja v latinskem, angleškem, francoskem, nemškem in v italijanskem jeziku. Rokopis, ki ga sodelavec pošlje na naslov Bogoslovnega vestnika, je besedilo, ki istocasno ali prej ni bilo poslano na noben drug naslov in bo v v Bogoslovnem vestniku objavljeno prvic. Podrobnejša navodila so v prvi številki vsakega letnika. Prispevki v Bogoslovnem vestniku se ne honorirajo. Clanki so objavljeni na spletni strani s casovnim presledkom enega leta. Rokopise je treba poslati na naslov: Bogoslovni vestnik, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana (elektronski naslov: bo­goslovni.vestnik@teof.uni-lj.si). MAGNA CHARTA FACULTATIS THEOLOGICAE LABACENSIS Teološka fakulteta, ki ima korenine v srednjeveških samostanskih in katedralnih sholah in najodlicnejše mesto na prvih univerzah, je tudi ena od petih ustanovnih fakultet Univerze v Ljubljani. Njeni predhodniki so bili jezuitski kolegij, ki je deloval v Ljubljani v letih od 1601 do 1773, vrsta drugih redovnih visokih šol in škofijske teološke šole. Kakor ob svojih zacetkih želi Teološka fakulteta tudi na pragu 3. tisocletja ob nenehni skrbi za prvovrstno kvaliteto pedagoškega in raziskovalnega dela razvijati svoj govor o Bogu in o cloveku, o božjem uclovecenju in o clovekovem pobožanstvenju, o stvarstvu in o clovekovem poseganju vanj, o zacetkih vsega in o koncnem smislu, o Cerkvi in o življenju v njej. Opirajoc se na Sveto pismo in na izrocilo in ob upoštevanju dometa clovekove misli, usposablja svoje študente za jasen premislek o témah presežnosti in tukajšnjosti, vere in razodetja, kanonskega prava, morale in vzgoje. Kot katoliška fakulteta v zvestobi kulturnemu krogu, iz katerega je izšla, sledi avtoriteti cerkvenega uciteljstva in skrbi za intelektualno pripravo kandidatov na duhovništvo in za duhovno rast laiških sodelavcev v Cerkvi in v širši družbi.