Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies Series Historia et Sociologia, 32, 2022, 4 UDK 009 Annales, Ser. hist. sociol., 32, 2022, 4, pp. 499-660, Koper 2022 ISSN 1408-5348 KOPER 2022 Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies Series Historia et Sociologia, 32, 2022, 4 UDK 009 ISSN 1408-5348 e-ISSN 2591-1775 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 ISSN 1408-5348 UDK 009 Letnik 32, leto 2022, številka 4 e-ISSN 2591-1775 UREDNIŠKI ODBOR/ COMITATO DI REDAZIONE/ BOARD OF EDITORS: Roderick Bailey (UK), Simona Bergoč, Furio Bianco (IT), Alexander Cherkasov (RUS), Lucija Čok, Lovorka Čoralić (HR), Darko Darovec, Devan Jagodic (IT), Vesna Mikolič, Luciano Monzali (IT), Aleksej Kalc, Avgust Lešnik, John Martin (USA), Robert Matijašić (HR), Darja Mihelič, Edward Muir (USA), Vojislav Pavlović (SRB), Peter Pirker (AUT), Claudio Povolo (IT), Marijan Premović (ME), Andrej Rahten, Vida Rožac Darovec, Mateja Sedmak, Lenart Škof, Marta Verginella, Špela Verovšek, Tomislav Vignjević, Paolo Wulzer (IT), Salvator Žitko Glavni urednik/Redattore capo/ Editor in chief: Darko Darovec Odgovorni urednik/Redattore responsabile/Responsible Editor: Salvator Žitko Uredniki/Redattori/Editors: Gostujoča urednika/Editori ospiti/ Guest Editors: Urška Lampe, Boštjan Udovič, Gorazd Bajc Borut Klabjan, Oskar Opassi Prevajalka/Traduttrice/Translator: Petra Berlot (it.) 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Le norme redazionali e tutti gli articoli nella versione a colori sono disponibili gratuitamente sul sito: https://zdjp.si/it/. The submission guidelines and all articles are freely available in color via website https://zdjp.si/en/. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 Anthony J. Baragona, Katharina Zanier, Dita Franková, Marta Anghelone & Johannes Weber: Archaeometric Analysis of Mortars from the Roman Villa Rustica at Školarice (Slovenia) .............................................. 499 Analisi archeometrica di malte dalla Villa rustica romana di Školarice (Slovenia) Arheometrična analiza malt z rimske Vile rustike na Školaricah (Slovenija) Francesco Toncich: Inside and Outside the Habsburg Public Health System. Managing Complexity Within the Austrian Littoral (1849–1880s) .............................. 523 Dentro e fuori il sistema sanitario pubblico asburgico. Gestire la complessità nel Litorale austriaco (1849–1880) Vključenost in izključenost iz habsburškega javnega zdravstvenega sistema. Upravljanje kompleksnosti v Avstrijskem Primorju (1849–1880) Jelena Rafailović: Comparison of Social Insurance Legislation of The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and The Kingdom of Yugoslavia – Legal Inheritance ................................................... 535 Confronto tra la legislazione delle assicurazioni sociali della Monarchia Austro-Ungarica e del Regno di jugoslavia – eredità legale Primerjava zakonodaje o socialnem zavarovanju Avstro-ogrske monarhije in Kraljevine Jugoslavije – pravno nasledstvo Urška Bratož: »Kruha in dela«: o reševanju socialnih vprašanj v Istri in Trstu 19. stoletja .......................................... 547 »Pane e lavoro«: sull’assistenza sociale istriana e triestina dell‘ ottocento »Bread and Work«: Addressing Welfare Issues in 19th–Century Istria and Trieste Nancy Wingfield: A Habsburg Legacy: Sex and Social Politics in Venezia Giulia and Slovenia between the World Wars ........................................................... 559 Un‘eredità asburgica: sesso e politiche sociali nella Venezia Giulia e in Slovenia tra le due guerre mondiali Habsburška dediščina: spolnost in socialne politike v Julijski krajini in Sloveniji med svetovnima vojnama Erica Mezzoli: Safe Waters. Austrian Seafarers Between Charity and Welfare, ca. 1850–1920 ....................................... 571 Acque sicure. I marittimi austriaci tra carità e previdenza sociale, c. 1850–1920 Varne vode. Avstrijski pomorščaki med dobrodelnostjo in socialno zaščito, okoli 1850–1920 Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije - Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei - Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies VSEBINA / INDICE GENERALE / CONTENTS UDK 009 Volume 32, Koper 2022, issue 4 ISSN 1408-5348 e-ISSN 2591-1775 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije - Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei - Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies Maura Hametz: Anxious »Italians«: Security and Welfare in The Upper Adriatic, 1918–1924 ........... 591 Gli »Italiani« in ansia: sicurezza e previdenza sociale nell‘Alto Adriatico, 1918–1924 Anksiozni »Italijani«: varnost in blaginja v Zgornjem Jadranu, 1918–1924 Gašper Mithans: Youth Labour Brigades in Yugoslavia and Representations of Volunteerism: A Study of Participation in Restored Federal Labour Actions by The People’s Youth in the District of Koper ......................................... 603 Brigate di lavoro giovanile in Jugoslavia e rappresentanze del volontariato: uno studio della partecipazione dell’organizzazione giovanile nel distretto di Capodistria a rinnovate azioni di lavoro federale Mladinske delovne akcije v Jugoslaviji in reprezentacije prostovoljstva: študija sodelovanja koprskega okraja ljudske mladine na obnovljenih zveznih delovnih akcijah Oskar Opassi: Newspaper Coverage and some Aspects of Policy in Border Trade Union Struggles: Comparing the 1968 General Strike in Trieste and the 1970 Work Stoppage in Port of Koper ............................. 619 Copertura giornalistica ed alcuni aspetti politici nelle lotte sindacali di confine: confronto tra lo sciopero generale del 1968 a Trieste e l‘interruzione dei lavori nel Porto di Capodistria nel 1970 Časopisno poročanje in nekateri politični dejavniki v obmejnih sindikalnih borbah: primerjava splošne stavke v Trstu leta 1968 in prekinitve dela v Luki Koper leta 1970 Andrej Naterer & Nirha Efendić: Mapiranje in analiza tematskega polja zgodovine v štirih znanstvenih revijah med leti 2009 in 2021 s poudarkom na povezanosti z antropologijo ............................. 635 Mappatura e analisi dei campi tematici di storia in quattro riviste scientifiche nel periodo 2009–2021 con particolare riferimento all‘antropologia Mapping and Analysis of the Overlap between History and Anthropology in Four Scholarly Journals between 2009 and 2021 IN MEMORIAM Andrej Studen (1963–2022) (Andrej Hozjan) ................................................... 655 OCENE/RECENSIONI/REVIEWS Massimiliano Afiero: The 29th Waffen-SS Grenadier Division ‘Italienische Nr. 1’ and Italians in other Units of the Waffen-SS: An Illustrated History (Klemen Kocjančič) .............................................. 657 Kazalo k slikam na ovitku ..................................... 660 Indice delle foto di copertina ................................. 660 Index to images on the cover ................................. 660 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 499 received: 2022–01–11 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2022.31 ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA) Anthony J. BARAGONA University of Applied Arts Vienna, Institute of Conservation, Salzgries 14/1, 1013 Vienna, Austria e-mail: tonybaragona@gmail.com Katharina ZANIER University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of Archaeology, Zavetiška 5, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: katharina.zanier@ff.uni-lj.si Dita FRANKOVÁ Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of Theoretical and Applied Mechanics, Prosecká 809/76, Prague 9-Prosek, Czech Republic e-mail: frankeova@itam.cas.cz Marta ANGHELONE University of Applied Arts Vienna, Institute of Conservation, Salzgries 14/1, 1013 Vienna, Austria e-mail: marta.anghelone@uni-ak.ac.at Johannes WEBER University of Applied Arts Vienna, Institute of Conservation, Salzgries 14/1, 1013 Vienna, Austria e-mail: johannes.weber@uni-ak.ac.at ABSTRACT This paper reports the results of the analysis of mortars used in the Roman villa at Školarice, Slovenia. The samples were analysed by optical microscopy (OM), scanning electron microscopy coupled with energy-dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM-EDX) and Fourier-transform infrared spectroscopy imaging (FTIR-i). The hydraulicity was determined for the ceramic-lime (“cocciopesto”) mortars by chemical dissolution methods, thermo-gravimetric analysis – differential scanning calorimetry (TGA-DSC) as well as binder area analysis by EDX and FTIR-i on the corresponding thin sections. The results helped in the interpretation of the site especially in relation to the extent of use of crushed ceramic as a pozzolanic or waterproofing material. Keywords: Roman villa, Školarice, historical mortar, FTIR-imaging, hydraulicity index ANALISI ARCHEOMETRICA DI MALTE DALLA VILLA RUSTICA ROMANA DI ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA) SINTESI In questo contributo riportiamo i risultati dell’analisi di malte della villa romana di Školarice in Slovenia. I campioni sono stati analizzati mediante microscopia ottica (OM), microscopia elettronica a scansione accop- piata con spettroscopia a raggi X in dispersione di energia (SEM-EDX) e spettroscopia a infrarossi in trasformata di Fourier (FTIR-i). L’idraulicità è stata determinata per le malte a base di calce e cocciopesto con metodi di dissoluzione chimica, analisi termogravimetrica – calorimetria differenziale a scansione (TGA-DSC) e analisi dell’area del legante mediante EDX e FTIR-i sulle sezioni sottili corrispondenti. I risultati hanno fornito impor- tanti spunti per l’interpretazione del sito, in particolare in relazione all’entità dell’uso di cocciopesto come materiale pozzolanico o impermeabilizzante. Parole chiave: Villa romana, Scoladizzi / Školarice, malte storiche, spettrofotometria in trasformata di Fourier (FTIR-i), indice di idraulicità ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 500 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 INTRODUCTION Background of the Site The Roman villa rustica at Školarice is located not far from the south-western coast of Slovenia on the very northern edge of the Mediterranean. During the archaeological excavation of the site in 2002, which covered a surface area of 6136 m2, several rooms were discovered, mostly consisting of the productive part of the villa but also including a thermal complex. How- ever, the area explored represents only a fraction of the entire ancient villa complex. Due to the site’s sloping terrain the complex was built on terraces descending towards the southwest (Figure 1). On the lower, south terrace, a small part of the residential area and baths were discovered, preserved only at the foundation level (Figure 2); unfortunately, large portions of this area were removed during construction work in the 1960s. The upper terrace was built on sloping levels with a large storehouse and rooms used to produce wine, oil and possibly even flour. The remains of a torcularium paved with coarse mosaic were found here (Figures 3, 4) as well. Various open areas used as courtyards completed the complex. The villa was erected over an earlier build- ing towards the middle of the 1st century AD, remaining in use until the mid-5th century AD; the development of the site is divided into 6 main phases, partly divided into subphases (Trenz & Novšak, 2004; Novšak & Žerjal, 2008; Sakara Sučević et al., 2015; Gutman et al., 2016; Žerjal & Novšak, 2020). In ancient times the villa was placed in the territory of the colony of Tergeste, within the Regio X (Venetia et Histria) of Roman Italy, along the Roman road Via Flavia that connected Tergeste (Trieste) to Parentium (Poreč) and Pola (Pula). For im- mediate proximity to the main route of the Via Flavia, as also for planimetric reasons (cf. Ventura, 2001), the villa appears very likely to have also functioned as a mansio (Zanier, 2012, 316). The site is also near to the Rižana river and could therefore be tentatively identi- fied as Aquae Risani”, meaning the ‘Baths of Rižana’, perhaps shown on the Tabula Peutingeriana, as “Quaeri” (symbolized by a road station with baths) (Degrassi, 1939, 68; Bosio, 1991, 232); the later Italian name of the area is “Scoladizzi” (from Italian scolare, i. e. ‘flow, drain’), transformed into Slovenian as “Školarice” (Žerjal & Novšak, 2020, 9). Damage to the southern terrace, which is the resi- dential area of the villa, resulted in the extensive loss of floors and wall paintings. As a consequence, only a few high-quality wall painting fragments with more refined decorative motifs, such as those exhibiting stucco decoration, were collected during the archaeological excavation of the thermal area (Zanier, 2012; Zanier, 2020). Similarly decorated stucco cornices are typical of the final Third and especially the Fourth Pompeian Styles of the second half of the 1st century AD (Riemen- schneider, 1986; Fröhlich, 1995). Across the entire com- plex plain wall paintings are predominant; they show fairly homogeneous preparations characterized by very simple decorations including yellow, red, burgundy red, green and black panels, sometimes bounded by white stripes, as well as white panels bordered by broad red bands. These patterns reflect the wide spectrum of plain decorations based on chromatic and modular strings of panels of interchanging colours, which were especially in use from the second half of the 1st through the 2nd century AD (Salvadori, 2012). Previous Relevant Research and Analytical Overview Paint layer stratigraphy and painting techniques of selected wall painting samples were studied previously by using optical microscopy, with pigments identified via Raman micro-spectroscopy supported by FTIR-i micro-spectroscopy and SEM/EDS (Gutman et al., 2016). Different tonalities of the red paint layers were com- posed either by a mixture of red ochre (hematite) and yellow ochre (goethite) or by hematite alone. For yellow paint layers, goethite was used, for green celadonite, for black tones carbon black and for white ones, calcite. Paintings were applied in fresco, but details (fillets and similar) were applied in secco. Green and red paint layers are sometimes applied on yellow underpaint, which was probably meant to have positive effects on the luminescence of the colour (Gutman et al., 2016, 201–204). The pigments used and implied technical solutions (mixtures of pigments, double colour layers, combination of fresco and secco techniques) show that skilled artisans were active here (Zanier, 2020). The primary tool used for this study of the mortars used at Školarice was the employment of a stepwise pro- tocol of microscopic and micro-analytical techniques performed on polished (uncovered) petrographic thin sections of 12 of the 19 mortars provided; the remain- ing 7 were studied by microscopy of cross sections and chemical analysis, allowing for correlations to be made with the mortars from which thin sections had been pro- duced. The 12 thin sections were studied in sequence by optical microscopy (OM), scanning electron microscopy and energy dispersive x-ray spectroscopy (SEM-EDX) and Fourier-transform infra-red spectroscopy imaging (FTIR- i). While these first two techniques are commonly used on thin sections, FTIR-i is less, so this research was per- formed in an innovative manner. Polished petrographic thin sections preserve the micro-structural features of a mortar, such as the shape and quantity of porosity, relics of the binder source and a wide variety of reaction and alteration products, and importantly how they relate to one another – information that is lost when a mortar is analysed by chemical or thermal dissolution techniques (Elsen, 2006). Studying these features by image-based means is the key to fully understanding both the ma- terials and methods of the responsible artisan, as well ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 501 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 as how a mortar has changed over time (Weber et al., 2009; Weber & Baragona 2021; Baragona, 2021). A portion of the mortars described herein utilized a reaction between reactive ceramic aggregates (poz- zolans) and calcium hydroxide to form a hydraulic binder through the pozzolanic reaction to produce calcium-alumina-silicate-hydrate (“C-A-S-H”) (Mehta, 1987; Massazza, 2001; Snellings et al., 2012). In the Ro- man era, these were often used in areas of high humidity or in direct contact with water, such as flooring or the walls of a bath or cistern (Adam, 1994; Miriello et al., 2010). These mortars were given special attention, as they are particularly helpful in determining/ confirming the use of a structure. One means of quantifying a mor- tar’s binder hydraulicity is its hydraulicity index (HI), derived from the formula: SiO2 + Al2O3 / CaO detected in a binder, per Boynton’s second equation (Boynton, 1980; Elsen et al., 2010). In our study, this was determined for 5 representative samples by 4 different methods: EDX and FTIR-i on the Figure 1: Školarice: Roman villa, 2002 excavations (by J. Jeraša, archive Arhej d. o. o.). Red box – thermal area, yellow box – production area. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 502 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 binder areas of polished thin sections, as well as both chemical dissolution and thermogravimetric analysis (TGA) of a different portion of the same samples. The method using FTIR-i, described further below is a novel technique developed during the first author’s dissertation work at the University of Applied Arts, Vienna. There- fore, determining the HI by these 4 different methods on the mortar of Školarice provided an opportunity to prove the efficacy of the novel technique, in that it gave comparable results to the other 3 (see Section 3.5 and Table 3) and this probably represents the most important contribution of this paper. These results were then cor- related with similar samples (that were, in the interest of economy of time and resources, not prepared as polished thin section) from the site to understand where and why these types of mortars were used. The paper reveals the use of the best mortar for each condition and structural need by the builders of the villa at Školarice throughout different structures and building phases. In doing so, they achieved the high-quality standard of construction found throughout the Roman Empire. MATERIALS AND METHODS Sample Provenance For the purpose of this study, 19 samples from dif- ferent locations and phases of the villa were analysed: 13 from the thermal area on the lower terrace and 6 from the productive area situated in the north-eastern, higher part of the complex. Samples were selected with the aim of including potentially pozzolanic mortars, i.e. with visually recognizable ceramic or volcanic aggregates and/or a pinkish binder hue. Two analysed fragments of painted wall plaster (samples Ško-101.1 and Ško-101.2) were found within a secondary context of a recent rubble layer extending over the lower terrace of the thermal area. They likely pertained to its decoration, but it is not possible to de- fine the specific room of provenance and phase. One mortar sample (Ško-310) was sampled in room 4 of the thermal area, but in a wall foundation (adjacent to the western wall of room 4) pertaining to an earlier building that predates the construction of the villa. The thermal area has two apsidated rooms (3 and 4) recognizable as frigidarium and calidarium (Figure 2). In between, there were rooms 5 and 6. The praefurnia were identi- fied in room 10. To the west of the baths, there is an open courtyard (the external western courtyard), which was originally paved with irregular stone elements (with sizes from 10 x 9 x 3 to 21 x 20 x 7 cm) bound by mortar (cf. Ško-284). The thermal area was built in phase 1 in the second quarter of the 1st century AD. It was dam- aged by fire in the first half of the 2nd century AD and was after that renovated. The 1st phase frigidarium basin in the apsis of room 3 was at that time reduced in size and the original coating was replaced by a new mortar layer (cf. samples Ško- 318, Ško-294 and Ško-316). The bottom of the basin was probably covered with marble slabs, as can be deduced from rectangular imprints in the mortar; the same is valid also for the 1st phase basin (imprints and small remains of marble elements remain namely also in the 1st phase mortar). The calidarium (room 4) was similarly modified in phase 2B (cf. Ško-250, Ško-246 and Ško-170). Also in phase 2, channel structures in the western part of the terrace were built (damaging the original stone paving in the external western courtyard, to which sample Ško- 284 relates) and the surface of the courtyard was raised. Only small additions and modifications were completed in the later phases in the thermal area (Figure 2) (Žerjal & Novšak, 2020). Figure 2: Aerial photograph (by O. Kovač, J. Krajšek, R. Urankar, archive Arhej d. o. o.) and plan (by T. Žerjal, Arhej d. o. o.) of the southern part of the villa with the thermal area. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 503 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 Figure 3: Aerial photograph of the north-eastern part of the villa with the productive area (by O. Kovač, J. Krajšek, R. Urankar, archive Arhej d. o. o.), the marked location of the torcularium channel (circle, detail in inset) between rooms G and L; sample Ško-239 was taken from the mortar bedding layer of the large tesserae mosaic of the channel belonging to this torcularium. Figure 4: Plan of the north-eastern part of the villa with the productive area and an extensive storeroom to the west (by T. Žerjal, Arhej d. o. o.), with location of the samples. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 504 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 Sample Ško-316 was sampled from the coating plas- ter of the apsidal basin in frigidarium 3 which was ap- plied in phase 2B, dated to the 2nd century AD. Ško-318 and Ško-294 are taken from the mortar of the structure made of sandstone elements, composing the bench and the border wall of the smaller basin of phase 2B in room 3. From calidarium 4, but from the same phase, comes sample Ško-250, which represents mortar of a built plat- form (built to level up the 1st phase basin) in the apsis of room 4. Next to it a coarse terracotta mosaic, made of big rhomboid and trapezoid tesserae (5 x 3 x 2 cm), together with its preparatory layers was laid: Ško-246 is part of the lower, rudus layer (12 to 18 cm thick) and Ško-170 of the nucleus layer (10 to 15 cm thick). The other samples come from the productive area in the north-eastern part of the upper terrace, shown in fig- ures 3 and 4 above. This part of the villa was also built in phase 1 during the second quarter of the 1st century AD. It consists of an elongated building, stretching east-west, with sloping levels towards south. The western part of the building consists of a large storeroom with a central row of pillars (room SK* in Figure 4). The eastern part of the building hosts different units used for the production of wine, oil and possibly even flour. Sample Ško-239 is from the bedding layer of the large white tesserae mo- saic of the channel belonging to the torcularium, a wine or oil press, located in rooms G and L (dimensions of the tesserae: 2,5 x 2,5 x 4,5 cm; dimensions of the tesserae on the border of the channel: 6 x 4 x 7 cm –with the longest dimensions referring to the vertical embedment height) (Figure 3 and inset). This kind of revetment for productive structures, such as torcularia is rare, but not exceptional, and it was probably also very effective in its use. A similar example of torcularium with mosaic coating is attested in room 3 of the Roman villa of Russi in north-eastern Italy (Mansuelli, 1962; Guarnieri, 2016, 33–34). Ško-236 belongs to the mortar bedding layer of the opus spicatum pavement in room N which could be identified with the lacus, i.e. the must collection basin, which could be in that case related to the same press.1 A similar sample is Ško-217, sampled from the mortar (3-5 cm thick) covering a low structure in room AA, which could also be identified with a productive ar- rangement or, alternatively, with a simple floor. Sample Ško-264 corresponds to the preparatory mortar layer of a white tesserae mosaic (tesserae dimensions: 1-1.5 x 1 x 2.5 cm) in room SS and includes a piece of tessera; the mortar layer was 3-4 cm thick and was laid over a drainage channel heading south. North of the building, there was an open courtyard, from which water was collected through a drainage channel along the northern wall of the storeroom SK*. At the very eastern end of this channel, there was a stepped structure with steps made of sandstone slabs of 1 About the Roman wine production method, also from an experimental point of view cf. Indelicato, 2020. different length, 20-80 cm, and height, 8-12 cm, as well as depth, 10-20 cm. This is identified with a stepped cascade pertaining to the same water channel, with the stepped chutes used for reducing flow velocity (Chan- son, 2000, 47–48). Mortar from between these steps was sampled and analysed (Ško-219). Small interventions can be dated to phase 2. In phase 3 (3rd century AD) the complex was extended towards east and north, with the creation of a porch (room AB) to the north; sample Ško-224 comes from the foundation structure of one of its pillars. This porch was transformed into two rooms in phase 4 (second half of the 3rd century AD), when also consistent interventions took place in order to transform and divide into several smaller rooms the western store- room (Žerjal & Novšak, 2020, 26). Analytical Procedure Of the samples provided, the 19 that appeared to be most representative of the site were selected for further analysis. The wide variety of procedures described in the following sections was applied in a case-by-case manner in order to resolve specific questions, and there- fore, as Tables 1 and 2 below show, not every sample was treated in the same way. The appropriate analytical procedure was determined by the (limited) available time and resources combined with a philosophical as- sessment of how much additional information could be gained from utilizing the full analytical “toolbox”; e.g. if there were two large fraction ceramic aggregate mortars, such as Ško-170 and Ško-239, only one was produced into a polished thin section and analysed by costly meth- ods such as SEM-EDX, FTIR-i and TGA. Thus, of the 19 samples discussed here, the main focus was made on 12 that were prepared as polished (uncovered) petrographic thin sections (shown in light blue in Tables 1 and 2), as well as sample Ško-310 prepared as a highly polished cross-section. Of these, 5 were selected as an important subset (with the analytical procedure shown with bold X’s) to which the entire gamut of procedures would be applied, answering in particular the questions of level of hydraulicity of these mortar samples – an important quality in assessing the original intent of the artisanship and thus the functionality of the archaeological object. Optical Microscopy The preliminary step of mortar analysis typically involves a selection from the provided samples in order to pick the ones that will tell the most complete story of an archaeological site. Often, observation of a mortar sample by cutting and visual inspection (referred to as “hand section” above) will inform the researcher about the future course of analysis. For this site, the samples Ško-246, Ško-317 and Ško-318 were observed to not be ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 505 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 mortar, but rather large ceramic (-246) or tuff (-317 and -318) aggregates with a small amount of mortar attached. Because of this, they were excluded from the analytical process2. Following this, microscopy was performed on the mortars, with the majority of the results being based on petrographic examination of 11 of the polished thin sections. Petrography was performed by a combination of 2 different optical microscopes. The first was a Nikon SMZ 1500 transmitted light, stereomicroscope (SM), with an 8x eyepiece, 1x lens, and the ability to zoom from 0.75x to 11.25x, for a range of magnification from 6x to 90x. It includes two attachments: an incident light source (with either direct or raking light) and a rotating polarizer film. The second was an Olympus BX40 polar- izing light microscope (PLM) with a 10x eyepiece and 5,10,20,50 and 100x objectives, for a range of magni- fication of 50-1000x. Both the incident and transmitted light sources are polarizable. With both microscopes, a Cannon EOS 600D DSL camera coupled with the EOS 2 Ško-317 was selected as one of the 12 samples for thin sectioning, both to confirm its nature and to open up the possibility of further analysis of the tuff used at Školarice, to be addressed in the conclusions section. Utility software was used to capture photomicrographs. Preliminary results from optical microscopy allowed for the further categorization of the mortar samples (shown in Figure 5 below); more in-depth analysis is discussed in the following Results sections, which includes the estimation of the volumetric binder to aggregate ratio (b:a) of each thin sectioned mortar by the application of image analysis in the form semi-automatic pixel-area counting of pseudo-coloured photomicrographs by the Adobe Photoshop® software (discussed in Section 3.3) (per Mertens et al., 2009). SEM-EDX The second image-based step of the analytical protocol employed was the examination of the thin sec- tions by SEM-EDX. These tools were used primarily to understand the chemical nature of areas of interest, such as potential reaction rims on ceramic aggregate, and to visualize such areas at high magnification. Analysis by Table 1: Sample description and preparation. Sample Name Room/Phase Mortar Type Sample Preparation Ško-101.1 N.D. Wall Painting Pol. Thin Section Ško-101.2 N.D Wall Painting Pol. Thin Section Ško-170 4/2B Cocciopesto Cross Section Ško-246 4/2B Ceramic Piece, from rudus Pol. Thin Section Ško-250 4/2B Cocciopesto Pol. Thin Section Ško-284 7/1 Cocciopesto Cross-Section Ško-294 3/2B Lime-sand Cross-Section Ško-303 4/1 Lime-sand Pol. Thin Section Ško-310 4/ pre-1 Cocciopesto Cross-Section Ško-315 6/1 Lime-sand Pol. Thin Section Ško-316 3/2B Cocciopesto Pol. Thin Section Ško-317 5/1 Tuff Piece, from stone paving Pol. Thin Section Ško-318 3/2B Tuff Piece, from structural mortar Hand Section Only Ško-217 AA/1 Cocciopesto Pol. Thin Section Ško-219 A/1 Lime-sand Pol. Thin Section Ško-224 C/3 Lime-sand Pol. Thin Section Ško-236 N/1 Cocciopesto Cross-Section Ško-239 G-L/1 Cocciopesto Pol. Thin Section Ško-264 SS/1 Cocciopesto Hand Section Only ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 506 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 EDX was of particular importance to perform oxide per- centage analysis of relic lime clasts in order to determine the source of lime binder, as well as to determine the level of hydraulicity of the mortars’ binder matrix. For the latter, both area and point by point measurements were made in order to determine the relative proportions of silica plus alumina oxides to calcium oxide (SiO2 + Al2O3 / CaO), this is shown as a percentage and referred to as the “hydraulicity index” (HI) (Boynton, 1980, Elsen et al., 2010). This is the first of four methods by which the HI was determined (see Table 3, Section 3.5). The device used for this work was a FEG Quanta 250 Scan- ning Electron Microscope (FEI, U.S.A.) coupled with a Pegasus APEX Energy-Dispersive X-ray spectroscope (Ametek EDAX, U.S.A.) equipped with the Genesis SEM Quant software (SEM-EDX). Images were generally taken in back-scattered electron mode (BSE) at 20 kV with a spot size of 3.5-4.0 nm and a working distance of between 12-15 mm. EDX measurements were typically quantified by oxide analysis (omitting carbon, heavily prevalent in the epoxy resin), so that results are to be understood to represent the proportion of one oxide to another in the target area. Fourier-transform Infrared Spectroscopy Imaging (FTIR-i) The final step of the image-based analysis protocol relied on using FTIR-imaging to map the area cor- responding to cement hydrates in the polished thin section, in this case calcium-aluminosilicate-hydrate (C- A-S-H) resulting from the pozzolanic reaction (Mehta, 1987). The target spectra for defining these molecules correspond to the detection of carbonates (CO3; stretch- ing around 1350 cm-1 to 1500 cm-1, silicates (Si-O stretching between 1100 and 950 cm-1 and a hydrate band at ca. 1660 cm-1 indicating the interstitial bound (or “crystal”) water of C-A-S-H (Baragona et al., 2019a; 2019b; Baragona, 2021; Diekamp et al., 2010; Farcas & Touzé, 2001; Horgnies et al., 2013; Hughes et al., 1995; Paama et al., 1998; Yu et al., 1999); the detection of these species at the same locations in the mortar are taken to indicate co-molecularity (ibid). By selecting these bands, the software automatically displays the distribution of the intensity of such bands across the entirety of the image. A colour scale from red (strong) to blue (absent) indicates the distribution of the selected bands, which corresponds to the distribution of chemi- cal species. Combining this information with a scaled image of the mortar creates a pseudo-coloured image of the mortar thin section from which pixel-counting can again be used, this time to determine the percentage of the surface area of the mortar’s binder in which C-A-S-H is detected, thus the volumetric content of C-A-S-H in the binder matrix, a direct visualization of a mortar’s hydraulicity (Baragona et al., 2019a; 2019b). Put simply, this step combines detection by FTIR-imaging (Yu et al., 1999; Diekamp et al., 2010) with image analysis tech- niques (Mertens et al., 2009) by way of comprehensive imaging. This is the second way by which the hydraulic- ity index was calculated (see Table 3, Section 3.5), and is illustrated in Figure 6 below. The device used was a Nicolet iN 10 MX Infrared Imaging Spectrometer (Thermo-Fischer Scientific, USA), with cooled MCT-A linear array detector, and interfaced with OMNIC Picta software. Spectra were collected in reflection mode, spectral range 4000-720 cm-1, aperture 25 µm, with 8 cm-1 spectral resolution, and spatial reso- lution <10 µm. Normal mapping mode was used with a 2 second collection time per step. The spectra were finally vector normalized and baseline corrected. Chemical Dissolution per RILEM TC-167 Traditional, laboratory-based mortar dissolution testing was performed in parallel to the image-based analysis, in a large part to determine if there was a correlation between results gained by both methods. Two test procedures from the RILEM technical commit- tee publication on the characterization of old mortars (TC-167-COM Sections 2.1.1 and 2.1.1.3, Method 2) were selected to characterize the archaeological mortars (Middendorf et al., 2005). First, the mortar was dissolved in hydrochloric acid, separating the binder from the aggregate, thus defining the binder to aggregate ratio gravimetrically (see Table 4). Second, the quantity of soluble silica was determined by treating the remnants of the previous test with a boiling alkali solution, which separates the hydraulic phases from the remaining mortar components. The results of this test are also expressed gravimetrically (see HI Table 3) and represent a third method of determining the HI (soluble silica as a percentage of the total soluble binder). These two sets of results were refined by testing the aggregate separately from the mortar, to determine the aggregates’ solubility in acid and alkali. While these dissolution tests provide gravimetric data, the image-based analysis provides volumetric data, which will be considered when drawing conclusions from these data sets in the Results Section 3.5. Thermogravimetric Analysis Thermogravimetric analysis (TGA) is a common method used to study historical mortars, in particular to analyse the binder content (Paama et al., 1998; Bakolas et al., 1998; Drdácky et al., 2013; Moropoulou et al., 2000; 2004); it was the fourth method by which the HI was determined for this work. This method allows for both the identification and gravimetric quantification of various contents of the mortar. The components typically measured are free water until 105 °C, bound water and organic material between 150-600 °C and calcium carbonate starting at 700 °C. The identification/ quantification of C-A-S-H is related to ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 507 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 Figure 5: Photos and hand-sample images of the mortars discussed (excludes wall painting and non-mortars). A-E: Ško-170, Ško-217, Ško-239, Ško-284; Ško-250; F-I: Ško-264, Ško-236, Ško-310, Ško-316; J-N: Ško-219, Ško-224, Ško-294, Ško-303, Ško-315 (field photographs: Arhej d. o. o.). Figure 6: Illustration of the FTIR-imaging technique to determine mortar binder content, per Baragona 2019; 2021. Left to Right: A) SM, transmitted light, darkfield mode image of a cocciopesto mortar (Ško-316); B) FTIR-image of the same mapping the co-molecular carbonate (wavenumber 1410 cm-1) and silicate (wavenumber 955 cm-1) likely indicative of C-A-S-H, note distinctive occurrence at aggregate rims; C) Scaled composite image with peak inten- sities of the images wavenumbers superimposed over the SM image from 1); D) Detail of area of binder imaged through FTIR-i, scaled with background removed for automatic pixel counting to give a surface area percentage, calculated as a percentage of the surface area of the binder given in the HI results below. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 508 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 the detected bound water content (ibid.). Components can be identified by the temperature at which they leave the system, signified by “peaks” in the thermograph cor- responding to the weight loss their leaving causes. Because there can be overlap between peaks, there is some room for interpretation by the operator, however there is often the additional confirmation by mass spectrometry. Five of the archaeological specimens (Ško-217, Ško- 239, Ško-250, Ško-310, Ško-316) were gently crushed in a porcelain mortar and sieved through a 0.063 mm sieve to separate the binder from the aggregates before analysis. The rich-in-binder fraction was subjected to thermal analysis. Thermal analysis was performed using a TA Instruments Discovery SDT Q650. Approximately 20 mg of the sieved fine fraction of the sample was placed in alumina pans. The analysis was performed in a nitrogen atmosphere within the temperature interval from 25 to 1000°C with a temperature gradient of 20°C per minute. The calcium carbonate content and water bound in hydrated phases (CSH, CAH), was quantified as interpreted by the Universal Analysis 2000 software. The results were converted into a percentage (weight loss by dehydration of hydrated phases/ total binder weight loss = weight loss hydrated phases + carbonated phases = decimal result *100 for percentage) for comparison to the HI results given by the three other methods; most importantly to correlate to the results given by FTIR- imaging in combination with digital image analysis on the same 5 samples (Results Section 3.5). RESULTS The thirteen samples examined scientifically fall into one of 3 types: finish or decorative mortar (samples 101.1, 101.2, 303 and 219), structural mortar (samples 217, 224, 239, 310, and 315) or waterproofing mortar (samples 250 and 316), while samples 246 and 317 proved to not be mortar. Many samples include ceramic material, which could generally be considered a poz- zolan or reactive aggregate; these are samples 217, 224, 239, 250, 310 and 316 of the structural and waterproof- ing mortars as well as the base “rough coat” of the wall painting fragments sample 101.1. The two waterproofing mortars show a much finer fraction of ceramic material. This would have produced a more strongly hydraulic mortar and perhaps a smoother (and therefore more aes- thetically pleasing) finish. Samples 170, 264 and 284, although not analysed scientifically, would appear to be most similar to the ceramic-bearing structural mortars in terms of composition and application. The imagery and discussion in the following Sections 3.1-3.4 describe all of the mortars analysed in a comprehensive way, Section 3.5 that follows provides multi-analytical data pertaining specifically to the level of hydraulicity found in 5 cocciopesto mortars, and what this information implies for the interpretation of the site in terms of its construction and archaeological history. Lime Binder and Relict Clasts Large, partially burned pieces of calcareous stone can be found throughout the samples; it can be reason- ably assumed that these are remnants of the source stone for the lime (“relict lime clasts”) (Hughes et al., 2001). Evidence of calcination is shown by PLM as areas where there is undispersed lime near relic lime clasts (Figure 9, C, D), or nearly fully burned relics that preserve some micro-features of the original stone (Figure 7, Right). These are predominately marble, which is not locally available, but was apparently used as lime source stone from the 1st building phase onwards and also in the wall mortar sample 310 of the structure predating the construction of the villa. All of the cocciopesto mortars, the sand-lime mortar samples 219, 224 and 294 as well as both wall painting mortars contain these marble rel- ics (although 294 appears to have both these as well as limestone relics). The marble used in the intonaco layers of the wall painting fragments (samples 101.1 and 101.2) matches this marble as well, both optically/ structurally (by OM – Figure 7) as well as chemically (by EDX). Samples 303 and 315, pertaining to phase 1, appear to have a different source of raw material, a sandy limestone, which may be of local provenance. It is interesting to note that the cocciopesto mortars from this and later construction phases use marble as the lime source stone, while these sand-lime samples appear to have a different source. In all cases except for the wall painting fragments, the presence of large, undispersed lime lumps can be seen as evidence for a “hot” or rapid slaking technique (Pintér et al., 2011; Weber et al., 2013; 2014). For Ro- man era cocciopesto or pozzolanic mortar a “basket slaking” technique was often employed that would leave these lumps as well (Adam, 1994; Hughes et al., 2001; Elsen, 2006; Baragona, 2021). The intonaci of the wall painting fragments lack lumps indicating the use of lime putty. Only two samples (219 and 303, again pertaining to phase 1) contain pieces of charcoal (lime production fuel residue), indicating generally thorough sieving of the quicklime after production, a clean burn- ing wood, or both. The wood species appears to be a softwood (conifer). Preliminary EDX results of both relic lime clasts and undispersed lime lumps reveal a nearly pure (95%+) calcium carbonate composition, again with the exception of samples 303 and 315 in which the sandy limestone relics could include up to 15% silica and alumina by oxide percentage. The limestone was not found to be dolomitic. Additional photomicrographs of the lime binder source stone are shown in Figure 8. Aggregates and Classification Petrographic examination of the 12 thin sections allowed for the classification of the mortars, which as presented was done by aggregate type, but could have ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 509 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 also been done by mortar function. The former method was chosen to help frame the later discussion regarding binder hydraulicity (of the cocciopesto mortars) found in Sections 3.5 and the Discussion. Grouped this way, there were four cocciopesto mortars and four sand-lime mortars; the remaining four thin sections consisting of the two wall-painting stratigraphic mortars and two “non-mortars” are discussed in following sections. In four of the samples (217, 239, 250, 316) plus the base layer of sample Ško-101.1, the predominate ag- gregate is ceramic material (see Figure 9A-D, K). Low burned ceramic material was commonly used in Roman times as a pozzolan to create a mortar that was both durable and had the ability to set in moist environments, per Vitruvius (Secco et al., 2018; also see Vitruvius II.5.1). Larger pieces of ceramic were often used in sub- flooring, such as a hypocaust or in sample 239 (Figure 9B), a preparation layer for a mosaic drain channel of a torcularium press, dated to phase 1. The ceramic mate- rial itself appears in two different colours, reddish and yellowish (sometimes greenish because of intrusion of the blue dye). This is more likely due to differing firing temperatures rather than different clay sources, as EDX shows a similar oxide composition throughout, and SEM shows similar microfeatures in all samples. Sample 224 also shows a large piece of ceramic perhaps used to help fill a crack in the surrounding masonry as the mortar itself is composed of sandy aggregate, as well as a few loose foraminifera (Figure 9F). At Školarice, cocciopesto mortars were used in a wide variety of applications. Samples 250 and 316 (Fig- ure 9C, D), both pertaining to phase 2B, i.e. a renovation phase (following fire), but from two different rooms of the thermal area, contain mostly finely graded ceramic aggregate and were applied as bedding, waterproofing or a rendering coat; of the samples not prepared as thin sections, number 310 (Figure 9H above) is of similar composition. The remaining samples include a wider range of ceramic sizes and appear to have more of a structural application (as a flooring or subflooring mor- tar), such as the previously mentioned sample 239, and the analogous (non-thin sectioned) samples 170, 236, 264, and 284 shown in Figure 5 A, D-F. The connection between the ceramic grading, their application and their Table 2: Analysis performed by sample. Blue-highlighted samples used in Table 3. Sample Name OM SEM-EDX FTIR-i Chem.-Diss. TGA-DSC Ško-101.1 X X Ško-101.2 X X Ško-170 X X X Ško-246 X X Ško-250 X X X X X Ško-284 X X X Ško-294 X Ško-303 X X X Ško-310 X X X X X Ško-315 X X Ško-316 X X X X X Ško-317 X X Ško-318 X Ško-217 X X X X X Ško-219 X X X Ško-224 X X Ško-236 X Ško-239 X X X X X Ško-264 X X X ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 510 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 apparent binder hydraulicity is discussed in Section 3.5 below. The remaining non-wall painting samples are com- posed of sand-lime mortar; the sand is composed of both silicate and carbonate material and the angularity is typical for sand coming from a small river. The ag- gregates appear to be nearly all the same size, (“well sorted”), but it is not clear if this is the result of sieving or was natural at the source (Figure 9E-H). Samples 101.1 and 101.2 (Figure 9K, L) are wall painting fragments found at Školarice, but cannot be associated with a specific building phase, as they were found within rubble layers in the thermal area. Sample 101.1 is a mortar of at least 6 layers (rough coat, 2 arric- cio layers and 3 intonaco layers in which the final finish was white. A 6th lime wash layer is at the top surface, blended with the final intonaco layer composed mostly of lime with small fragments of marble. This is followed by 2 more layers of lime-marble intonaco, with the ag- gregate size quickly increasing. The sample broke during preparation, not along the intonaco–arriccio boundary, but rather through an arriccio layer. The base layer is highly porous and composed of a mixture of ceramic material with some large calcareous pieces, perhaps unburned lime source stone. Sample 101.2 consists of at least 3 layers. The lack of ceramic material in the base layer indicated that this wall covering was probably not in a room that maintained a moist environment, although it is possible the sample does not include all layers. The top intonaco layer was coated with a layer of yellow ochre. Large lime lumps are prevalent in the lower layers. Figure 7: Školarice Intonaco, Lime Source Stone Left Image: Marble fragments used in the middle intonaco layer of sample Ško-101.1. While smaller fragments (a.) may indicate the use of sparite, the larger, polycrystalline fragment (b.) contradicts this. (c.) shows a weathering frontier around another multi-crystal fragment, indicating the marble’s expo- sure before (likely) reuse. Right Image: Large marble fragment in the binder of sample Ško-239 (a.) and corresponding partially burned lime relic clast (b.) with corresponding large grain boundaries indicative of the original cleavage. Both: PLM-Trans. Light, crossed polars. Figure 8: Školarice Lime Lump Examples Left to Right: A) Marble relict, sample 219 (lime-sand mortar); B) Marble relict, sample 250 (cocciopesto mortar);C) Marble relict with attached undispersed lime containing brick dust, sample 316 (cocciopesto mortar); D) Sandy limestone relict with undispersed lime above, sample 315 (lime-sand mortar); all) PLM-Trans. Light, crossed polars. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 511 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 Finally, samples 246 from the rudus layer in room 4 (Figure 9I) and 317 from the stone paving in room 5 (Figure 9J) represent examples of what are likely pieces of fill with small amounts of mortar attached, 246 domi- nated by a large piece of ceramic and 317, a large piece of tuff. Although they were not examined in detail, 246 may simply be a fragment of a structural mortar with a large, apparently unworked ceramic aggregate, and 317 may be of further interest since tuff is not a locally sourced stone. It appears to be a piece of an ashlar, rather than added as an aggregate, and does not appear to be pozzolanically active (and is not a small enough grain to be so). Binder to Aggregate (b:a) and Porosity Results Pseudo-colour images of photomicrographs of a rep- resentative area of each mortar prepared as a polished thin section were analysed by point-counting in image editing software (Adobe Photoshop) in order to deter- mine the binder to aggregate ratio (b:a) and porosity (by volume) as described in Section 2.2.1 above; the b:a was also determined gravimetrically through chemical dissolution as a comparison as described in Section 2.2.4 above. Examples of images produced this way are shown in Figure 10 below. The results of this analysis are given on a sample by sample basis in Table 4 in the Summary below, but in general there was little differ- ence in b:a between mortar type, regardless of analysis type. The cocciopesto mortars have volumetric b:a ranging between 2:3 to 2:1 (40%-67% binder, average 52%, standard deviation of 13.5%), while the sand-lime mortars have a b:a ranging from 3:5 to 2:1 (37.5%-67% binder, average 48%, standard deviation 14%). The gravimetric results are similar with average b:a of 54% (Std Dev. 17%) and 45% (Std Dev. 6%) for mortars with ceramic or sand as aggregate, respectively. The porosity as determined by image analysis was more divergent; the average porosity of sand-lime mortar was 8% (range 2–14%, Std Dev. 5.6%), while the average porosity of cocciopesto mortar was half as much at 4% (range 1.6%–7.1%, Std Dev. 2.6%). Thus, while both mortar types used a similar amount of lime binder, the cocciopesto mortars were found to be more compact. Figure 9: Školarice Petrographic Images: stereomicroscopy (some in dark-field mode) and polarizing light microscopy with descriptions as in the text below. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 512 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 SEM-EDX RESULTS In general, the SEM was used sparingly for analysis of this archaeological site; the EDX function proved to be more useful in determining or confirming the chemical composition of relic lime clasts and lumps, as well as the content of the binder matrix. The results of the former (lime lumps) have already been discussed in Section 3.1 above, while the discussion of the oxide content of the binder matrix will be discussed in Section 3.5 below. Figure 11 below displays images that show the utility of the SEM. In the first two images (Figure 11A, B), more detail is gained on the nature of the wall painting mortars, such as determination of stratigraphy and identification of pigments. In Figure 11A there is a clear carbonation line between the last layer of intonaco and a layer of whitewash. The large bright objects in Figure 11B are the yellow ochre pigment particles visualized. Figure 11C confirms the presence of the product of the poz- zolanic reaction, displaying small relics of C-A-S-H (needle-like growths) in the crack of an undispersed lime lump, while Figure 11D highlights a (rare) piece of fuel residue. Figure 11E shows a phenomenon that was so unique and noteworthy that EDX mapping was used to investigate the formation of magnesium silicate hydrate, as described further in Figure 12 below. Figure 11F shows a detail of the weathering rim on a piece of marble used in the intonaco for Ško-101.1, indicating that the marble used for both this layer and the lime source for many of these samples was likely recycled (hence the weathering front indicating previous usage/ exposure). The last two images (Figures 11G, H) show Figure 10: Examples of a cocciopesto (above) and sand-lime (below) mortar as pseudo- coloured for b:a and porosity quantification. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 513 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 what can be misconstrued as a reaction ring on a piece of ceramic, but closer inspection shows it to be an area where lime binder has compacted in the space near the rim of a ceramic piece without reacting with it. Figure 12 shows an area of Ško-239 that by petro- graphic examination, presented itself as a strange, glassy area of the binder near a large piece of ceramic aggre- gate (as shown in the cross-polarized photomicrograph in this figure. This area was further examined using EDX mapping when point analysis indicated the presence of large amounts of magnesium, but no calcium (or silicon) was present at this location. Although only one example, this area could be the remnants of part of a binder sys- tem composed, at least in part, by magnesium-silicate hydrate, a binder (by-)product of recent scholarly interest when found in Roman-era mortar (Secco et al., 2020). Since the lime source stone used in the mortar was not found to be dolomitic, and it can be assumed that seawater was not used in its slaking, the source of the magnesium, and if this can be found elsewhere on the site is a source of potential further study. Multi-analytical Results Determining the Hydraulicity Index Special emphasis was given to the determination of the degree of hydraulicity (in this case, pozzo- lanicity) of five of the mortars found at Školarice in order to examine if particular structures had been built with the need for particularly strong or wa- terproof mortars in mind, since the type of mortar employed by ancient builders gives evidence of their intent for the structure in which it was employed. In the context of ancient Roman sites, the addition of ceramic to lime mortar was used in a wide variety of applications to improve the qualities of the mortar (Vitruvius II.5.1; VII.1.3; VII.4.1), taking advantage of the pozzolanic reaction to create a hydraulic mortar. Although the reddish hue of the binder of these mortars is taken as empirical evidence that this was done, and indeed as evidence of pozzolanicity, the steps outlined in Sections 2.2.2-2.2.5 above were performed to provide correlative, quantitative Figure 11: Various phenomena visualized in greater detail by SEM, as described in text. Figure 12: EDX mapping results (left two images) for a magnesium-rich, calcium-poor area of the binder in sample Ško-239. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 514 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 evidence of the pozzolanicity/hydraulicity of these mortars, referred to herein as their hydraulicity index (HI). Thus, were EDX, FTIR-i, chemical dissolution and thermal gravimetric analyses made of the binder of these five mortars, with the results given in Table 3. The data for the 5 samples are generally consistent based on all four analytical procedures, with the 3 examples with more finely graded ceramic mate- rial having on average, a higher hydraulicity index. Except for sample 217, all could be described as moderately hydraulic, which in the case of 239, from the torcularium channel, is somewhat unexpected given the dearth of visible small aggregates. As for 217 the low hydraulicity index could be important for determination of the function of the mortar and structure to which it belonged, as it was not clear from the archaeological context. Possible interpreta- tions include either a productive arrangement or a raised floor structure, with the latter option as more plausible in light of the analytical results presented herein. In relation to 250 and 316, hydraulicity was expected because of the archaeological context of the thermal area they come from. This was not the case for sample 310, which came from the wall of an earlier building predating the construction of the villa. Since very little remained of this structure, any additional information, such as the use of a hydraulic mortar is therefore very precious and can be useful for its further interpretation. Figure 13 shows the clustering of results by sample, with the EDX and FTIR-i results having the strongest correlation and TGA as a clear outlier. There is no difference in ob- served hydraulicity between the samples of different building phases, although this assertion would ben- efit from the analysis of a larger number of samples. DISCUSSION Concluding, 19 mortar samples were analysed, 12 prepared as polished petrographic thin sections. These came predominately from 2 building phases, but from different types of structures. Samples were selected with the aim to include mortars with ce- ramic or pozzolanic aggregates, with hydraulic fea- tures: they were chosen by macroscopic inspection based on their pinkish colour or observable reddish and blackish grains. Analytical results revealed that macroscopic identification is often not reliable. For example, sample 239 has a higher hydraulic index than sample 217, even though the former displays only large ceramic inclusions and whiteish binder, yet was still found to be moderately hydraulic, while the latter is pinkish with fine ceramic aggregate present. Sample 317, as well as others not included in this work, include tuff, but show no reactivity, hence are not pozzolanic. A summary of the results of this analysis is given in Table 4 below. Overall, they are remarkable for their consistency with typical Roman building materials and practices of the era. There are several findings that illustrate this. Firstly, the use of marble for both the intonaco layers of the wall painting fragments as well as its (re-)use as the predominate source stone for the production of quicklime in all types of mortars, despite the fact that there is no locally available marble, while limestone can be found in the region. This implies the import of marble specifically for this use or its recycling from previous, earlier structures, from the site or sur- roundings. The latter option is still more interesting, considering that small portions of an older building predating the construction of the villa were found in place. In the mortars of the 1st phase, it appears that marble was burned for quicklime, but only used in cases when it would be combined with ceramic material to make a pozzolanic mortar; those using sand aggregate appear to use quicklime calcined from local limestone (see Figure 8 above). This adheres generally to the rule laid out by Vitruvius that harder stone should be used for mortars used in structural applications (Vitruvius II.5); the lesser presence of marble in the 1st phase implies that the material was in this early phase hard to acquire, but was nevertheless selected for structural uses that required waterproofing as well. This leads to the second point, that in both most investigated phases (1 and 2B), particular care was taken to produce a robust waterproofing material when making floor- ing (samples 217, 239) or waterproofing mortars (samples 250, 316); this was not done in samples of structural mortar used outside (sample 315). As to the methodology used in determining these conclusions, the petrographic and scanning elec- tron microscopic images speak for themselves; the ability to determine conclusive, correlative results that identify mortar constituents and their relation to one another is the primary advantage of the study of thin sections (Elsen, 2006; Baragona et al., 2019a; Table 3: Hydraulicity index results by technique. Sample Name HI by: Chem. HI by: EDX HI by: TGA HI by: FTIR-i Ško-217 .08 .09 .16 .06 Ško-239 .21 .25 .20 .20 Ško-250 .13 .22 .25 .15 Ško-310 .21 .30 .16 .25 Ško-316 .25 .50 .21 .31 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 515 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 2019b). Comparing the two methods of determining the binder to aggregate ratio (detailed in 3.3 above) proves that the method of using pseudo-colouring thin section micrographs is a good analogue for the results found by chemical dissolution, while one should use caution when comparing gravimetric to volumetric data; the results given in Table 4 show values that are similar enough to support this asser- tion (i.e. there is never a case where the values are drastically different). The novel technique of using scaled FTIR-image results to determine the hydraulicity index of ar- chaeological mortars shows similarly promising re- sults. The results of the methods given in 3.5 above are compared by means of a scatter chart in Figure 13 below, where the results of analysis of 5 selected ceramic-lime (theoretically pozzolanic) mortars by the four complimentary methods are shown, listed from left to right by sample with the highest ob- served average hydraulicity index. Clustering the results shows that by and large, the techniques are comparable, e.g. all 4 methods show sample 217 to be the least hydraulic and 316 to be the most hydraulic, with the others falling in between when the values given by each technique are averaged. Thus, they are likely to be interchangeable in terms of determining how hydraulic a mortar is relative to another one, even if the results given this way are not in the truest sense quantitative. True outlier results are only given by the TGA and EDX results, and only in one instance each. Future studies can therefore likely give good results by just one or two of the above complementing techniques, saving time, money and other resources. Table 4: Summary of results by sample prepared as thin section. Sample Name Mortar Type Binder Type Binder Hydraulicity Aggregate Type B:A Gravimetric B:A Volumetric Macro-Porosity Volumetric Ško-101.1a Rough coat Air Lime Weakly Hydraulic? Mostly ceramic N.D. 1:1 (.5) 16.2% Ško-101.1b Arriccio Impure Air Lime Non-hydraulic Crushed marble / river sand N.D. 1:1 (.5) 9.3% Ško-101.1c Intonaco Air Lime Non-hydraulic Nearly pure lime Nearly pure lime Nearly pure lime N.D. Ško-101.2a Arriccio Impure Air Lime Non-hydraulic Mixed N.D. 2:3 (.4) 10.8% Ško-101.2b Intonaco Air Lime Non-hydraulic Crushed Marble N.D. 2:1 (.67) 5.7% Ško-217 Cocciopesto Lime + Ceramic Feebly Hydraulic Mostly ceramic .42 2:3 (.4) 2.4% Ško-219 Drainage Render (Exterior) Air Lime Non-hydraulic Silicate + Carbonate Sand .36 3:5 (.375) 14.8% Ško-224 Masonry mortar Air Lime Non-hydraulic Silicate + Carbonate Sand N.D. 3:5 (.375) 10.2% Ško-239 Cocciopesto Lime + Ceramic Moderately Hydraulic Mostly ceramic .43 2:3 (.4) 1.8% Ško-250 Waterproofing Lime + Ceramic Moderately Hydraulic Ceramic and relic clasts .80 3:2 (.6) 5.7% Ško-303 Wall Render Air Lime Non-hydraulic Silicate + Carbonate Sand .44 2:1 (.67) 2.2% Ško-310 Masonry mortar Lime + Ceramic Moderately Hydraulic Mostly ceramic .55 N.D. N.D. Ško-315 Masonry mortar Air Lime Non-hydraulic Silicate + Carbonate Sand N.D. 1:1 (.5) 5.1% Ško-316 Waterproofing Lime + Ceramic Mod. – highly Hydraulic Mostly ceramic .52 2:1 (.67) 7.1% ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 516 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 CONCLUSIONS This case study provided the opportunity to prove the efficacy of a novel method of determining the hydraulic- ity index of a mortar by FTIR-i on polished thin sections. This method is invasive, but non-destructive (of the sam- ple) and therefore could be used in cases when there is not enough sample material (or the resources) to make both a thin section and perform chemical or thermal dis- solution. All 4 techniques (FTIR-i, SEM-EDX, TGA-DSC and chemical dissolution) are good for determining the hydraulicity index, i.e. pozzolanicity of a mortar. The techniques of TGA and chemical dissolution are de- structive. SEM-EDX is not, but it is both more expensive and less definitive than FTIR-i. SEM-EDX shows that the minerals associated with pozzolanicity are in the same location, while FTIR-i indicates the co-molecularity of the types of silica and carbonate (and sometimes hy- droxide) associated with pozzolanicity (Brunello et al., 2019; Baragona et al. 2019a; Baragona 2021). In general, hydraulic mortars were given special at- tention in research, as they are particularly helpful in determining or confirming the use of a structure. In the Roman era, these mortars were often used in areas of high humidity or in direct contact with water, such as flooring or the walls of baths or cisterns (Adam, 1994), but also productive areas, kitchens, courts and gardens or other areas exposed to the elements as porticoes and facades. In the case of Školarice, the material destined to be analysed as examples of hydraulic mortars of the site, was in the first step selected because of its function and Figure 13: Results of four different, complementary methods for determining the hydraulicity index of a pozzolanic mortar. Key: Green – FTIR-i, Dark Blue – Chemical Dissolution, Light Blue – TGA, Red – EDX oxide percentage. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 517 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 context, secondly by optically observing the samples, which were recognized as potential hydraulic mortars for their pale pink colour, due to the presence of crushed brick or of greyish granules hypothetically identified as pozzolana. Here presented analyses show that only a part of them were actual hydraulic mortars. This shows that criteria frequently used by archaeologists on site to identify hydraulic mortars do not comply with reality, and hydraulicity has in fact always to be tested. The Roman villa at Školarice provides an interesting case study of early Imperial Roman architecture, built over successive building campaigns with a high level of sophistication. A wide range of well-established and the above-mentioned novel analytical technique showed the skillful use of different mortar recipes for a wide variety of applications at this Roman villa, which was probably also a waystation with baths that was addition- ally a center of agricultural production. As mentioned before, the villa is arranged on two terraces, with completely different functions, on the lower terrace an elegant thermal complex is arranged, the other one hosts a productive storage area. Analysis showed that mortars of both areas were prepared with similar attention and sophistication, also with regard to the hydraulicity of the mortars, what we would necessar- ily expect, being one the typical ambience of hydraulic mortars and high-quality architecture and decoration (i. e. baths), the other a space of functional character only tangentially connected to “wet” production activities. In some cases, the analysis provided important hints for determining the specific purpose of a structure. This was the case of sample Ško-217, sampled from the mortar covering a low structure in room AA, which was tentatively identified either with a productive ar- rangement or, alternatively, with a simple floor. The low hydraulicity index of the sample makes the latter option more plausible, especially when compared to the hydraulicity index of sample Ško-239, which pertains to a typical productive arrangement, the torcularium. Similarly, the moderate hydraulicity of sample Ško- 310 must be pointed out: the sample came from the wall of an earlier building predating the construction of our villa. Rare structural remains (as well as plaster frag- ments and some small finds) of this earlier building were identified in the thermal area and the use of a hydraulic mortar in its walls could indicate, that also this earlier building had already a similar function. In this sample, but also in other samples dating from the 1st phase onwards, marble (which is not lo- cally available) was predominately used as lime source stone, whereas mortars with sand aggregate Ško-303 and Ško-315 pertaining to phase 1 showed to have (probably local) sandy limestone as a source of raw material for lime production. The more selective use of marble in the 1st phase implies that the material was at this time (second quarter of the 1st century AD) hard to acquire, but was specially chosen for structural uses that also required waterproofing. The import of marble in the area of north-western Istria was in Roman times generally very rare, as architectural decoration and sepulchral monuments show here predominantly to be made of limestone from Aurisina / Nabrežina (north- eastern Italy), and only singular marble elements are documented (Krašna, 2022, 44). On the other hand, the indiscriminate use of marble as a source for lime production in phase 2B (dated to the 2nd century AD) seems to show its wider accessibility. However, sample Ško-294 taken from the structures of the basin in room 3 of the thermal area renovated in phase 2B, stands here out as it shows both marble and limestone as lime source stones. This would indicate that also in phase 2B, limestone was still used for this purpose, but was detected more rarely because there are fewer samples representing this building phase. Also the sand-lime mortar Ško-224, the only sample pertaining to phase 3 (3rd century AD), includes marble relics, as well as ceramic material, but is at the same time non-hydraulic, showing that marble was used as a lime source from the very first building of the site, predating the construction of our villa, throughout the 1st and 2nd building phases and also until the 3rd one, and this seems to represent a very characteristic feature of this site. Crushed marble is also used in the intonaco layers of the wall painting fragments (samples Ško-101.1 and Ško-101.2) and they match the marble used as lime source optically/structurally and chemically. A weather- ing rim on a piece of marble used in the intonaco for Ško-101.1 indicates that the marble used for both this layer and the lime source for many of the samples was likely recycled. This implies that disused marble mate- rial was imported for this use, or it was recycled from an adjacent earlier structure. The latter option is still more interesting, considered the older building predating the construction of the villa mentioned before. At the same time, marble slabs and some other mar- ble features were used especially in the thermal area of our site from the 1st building phase onwards. As they were not sampled for this analysis, we cannot confirm, if they also pertain to the same marble quality. But, in the area of north-western Istria the site of Školarice seems to represent an area of special concentration of marble materials, some of which used as raw material for lime production and as an aggregate in mortars, some as slabs and cornices (Žerjal & Novšak, 2020, 77, 231–232, 578); parts of a statue of Dionysus dating to the first half of middle of the 2nd century AD were used in the wall of room SK4, created in the area of the large storehouse during the 4th building phase (this is during the second half of the 3rd century AD) (Žerjal & Novšak, 2020, 134, 204, 632, 633). This concentration of marble materials at this site could as well support the above-mentioned theory that the villa also func- tioned as a mansio (“Aquae Risani”) on the route of the ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 518 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 main public road Via Flavia, being in this way better connected to the partially centralized logistics of the marble trade. The intonaci of the wall painting fragments lack any lumps indicating the use of lime putty. Two samples (Ško-219 and Ško-303, pertaining to the 1st phase) contain pieces of charcoal, which we can recognize as lime production fuel residue. In all other samples, the quicklime was apparently thoroughly sieved after production or a clean burning wood was used, or of course both (cf. on this Laycock et al., 2018). The wood species appears to be a softwood, or conifer. Research about paleo-vegetation is still very rare, but the presence of conifers in this area in Roman times could be indi- cated by the analyses made by Metka Culiberg (1997, 136–137), however to a quite limited extent. It would be also possible that the wood was not necessarily of strictly local provenance but was imported from other nearby areas. This could have been done for construc- tion, with leftover pieces being used as fuel for lime production. The lime was very likely produced locally and in fact the remains of a lime kiln were excavated near the villa, at Križišče. The lime kiln was located along the road leading from the main road Via Flavia to the villa. Individual limestone pieces, which are not from the immediate surroundings, were found in the filling of the kiln and were meant to be burnt to lime. Another filling layer contained burnt earth, charcoal, limestone, and lime remains. Roman pottery was found in the fill as well, but remains of charred wood found inside the firing chamber were radiocarbon dated between 650 and 820 AD (Novšak et al., 2019, 81–82; Kutnar, 2022, 28–31). Despite this, excavators of the site considered this dating apparently incorrect, as they concluded that the lime kiln was used for the construction of the Roman villa at Školarice (Žerjal & Novšak, 2020, 21), where also a round structure for mixing mortar from the 1st building phase was found in the upper courtyard (cf. Figure 4, round structure north of the productive area). Inside this structure, ample remains of lime could be documented (Žerjal & Novšak, 2020, 378). These lime remains, both from the lime kiln and from the structure for mixing mortar, were not sampled for this analysis, but will be subject of research in the near future. As mentioned previously, marble was found to be the main source stone for the lime at Školarice, so (containing the lime kiln remains of limestone) it is likely that the radio- carbon dating is correct. Considering the location and Roman finds in it, it is also possible, that the lime kiln was established for the construction or later renovations of the Roman villa and then reused in post-Roman time. Open questions that could provide more detail into the case of the Roman villa of Školarice and its building materials, involve the provenance of the marble and sandy limestone source stones used for lime produc- tion, as well as the tuffaceous material used as paving mentioned above. Additionally, analysis of any organic material that has left traces in the stone or soils of the site, e.g. GC-MS on oils or tannins soaked into the rough stone mosaic of the torcularium could be used to conclusively determine the usage of the productive arrangement. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors would like to thank Farkas Pintér at the Austrian Federal Office for Monuments (Bundesdenk- malamt) for the use of his SEM-EDX as a back-up and to corroborate the results of the device mentioned in this work. The authors are also thankful to Maša Sakara Sučević at the Regional Museum of Koper and to Matjaž Novšak from Arhej d. o. o. for allowing us to perform this research. Special thanks go to Tina Žerjal from Arhej d. o. o. for providing photographs and plans from the ex- cavation and for several fruitful discussions. The authors acknowledge the financial support from the Slovenian Research Agency (research core funding No. P6-0247). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 519 Anthony J. BARAGONA et al.: ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF MORTARS FROM THE ROMAN VILLA RUSTICA AT ŠKOLARICE (SLOVENIA), 499–522 ARHEOMETRIČNA ANALIZA MALT Z RIMSKE VILE RUSTIKE NA ŠKOLARICAH (SLOVENIJA) Anthony J. BARAGONA Univerza uporabnih umetnosti Dunaj, Inštitut za konservatorstvo, Salzgries 14/1, 1013 Dunaj, Avstrija e-mail: tonybaragona@gmail.com Katharina ZANIER Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za arheologijo, Zavetiška 5, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: katharina.zanier@ff.uni-lj.si Dita FRANKOVÁ Češka akademija znanosti, Inštitut za teoretično in uporabno mehaniko, Prosecká 809/76, Prague 9-Prosek, Republika Češka e-mail: frankeova@itam.cas.cz Marta ANGHELONE Univerza uporabnih umetnosti Dunaj, Inštitut za konservatorstvo, Salzgries 14/1, 1013 Dunaj, Avstrija e-mail: marta.anghelone@uni-ak.ac.at Johannes WEBER Univerza uporabnih umetnosti Dunaj, Inštitut za konservatorstvo, Salzgries 14/1, 1013 Dunaj, Avstrija e-mail: johannes.weber@uni-ak.ac.at POVZETEK V prispevku so predstavljeni rezultati analize malt, uporabljenih pri gradnji rimske vile rustike na Školaricah v Sloveniji. Analiziranih je bilo 19 vzorcev iz različnih mirkolokacij in faz, še posebej dvanajst vzorcev, ki so bili pripravljeni kot polirani petrografski zbruski. Ti vzorci so bili zaporedoma analizirani z optično mikroskopijo (OM), skenirno elektronsko mikroskopijo skupaj z energijsko disperzivno rentgensko spektroskopijo (SEM-EDX) in infrardečo spektroskopijo s Fourierovo transformacijo (FTIR-i), kar je omogočilo celovito analizo širokega spektra značilnosti in, kar je pomembno, kako so med seboj povezane. Posebna pozornost je bila namenjena reaktivnosti agregata in viru veziva apna. Določitev indeksa hidravličnosti veziva malte je pomemben kriterij pri oceni historičnih malt. Določili smo ga za keramično-apnene malte najdišča, in sicer s štirimi različnimi metodami (ki smo jih tako lahko tudi primerjali glede na dosežene rezultate): kemičnimi analizami z raztaplja- njem vzorca, termogravimetrično analizo – diferenčno dinamično kalorimetrijo (TGA-DSC) ter analizo površine veziva z EDX in FTIR-i na ustreznih zbruskih. Pri slednji so bili spektralni podatki analizirani z analizo digitalne slike, ki je dala kvantitativne volumetrične rezultate, kar predstavlja novo tehniko za določanje hidravličnosti veziva za malto. S slikovnimi tehnikami smo določili tudi razmerje med vezivom in agregatom in poroznost. Rezultati so pomembno prispevali k interpretaciji vile, zlasti v zvezi z obsegom uporabe keramičnih frakcij kot pucolanskega ali hidroizolacijskega materiala. Ključne besede: Rimska vila, Školarice, historična malta, FTIR spektroskopija, hidravlični indeks ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 520 Anthony J. 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Arheologija na avtocestah Slovenije 86. Ljubljana, Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije, 220–234. Žerjal, Tina & Matjaž Novšak (2020): Školarice pri Spodnjih Škofijah. Arheologija na avtocestah Slovenije 86. Ljubljana, Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 523 received: 2022-06-30 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2022.32 INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE HABSBURG PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM. MANAGING COMPLEXITY WITHIN THE AUSTRIAN LITTORAL (1849–1880s) Francesco TONCICH University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Aškerčeva 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: toncichf@ff.uni-lj.si ABSTRACT The aim of this essay is to understand the development of the public health system within the Austrian Empire between 1849 and the end of the 1880s. After a contextualisation of the legal and administrative rules of Austrian citizenship and the welfare organisation system, the text provides some examples from documents in the archival collection of the Littoral’s Lieutenancy. The essay focuses on the problematic relationship between the new laws for inclusion in Austrian citizenship and the right of indigent persons to be cared for. Health, legal, bureaucratic and socio-economic factors were so intertwined that they form a complicated Gordian knot. Keywords: Habsburg public health, Heimatrecht/Pertinency, indigent people, Austrian Littoral, hospital’s costs, provincial funds DENTRO E FUORI IL SISTEMA SANITARIO PUBBLICO ASBURGICO. GESTIRE LA COMPLESSITÀ NEL LITORALE AUSTRIACO (1849–1880) SINTESI Il presente lavoro si propone di comprendere lo sviluppo delle strutture sanitarie pubbliche nella Monarchia Asburgica tra il 1849 e la fine degli anni Ottanta del XIX secolo. Dopo una breve contestualizzazione della struttura legale e amministrativa di inclusione nella cittadinanza austriaca e nell’organizzazione assistenziale pubblica, il testo mostra alcuni esempi illustrativi tratti da documenti del fondo archivistico della Luogotenenza del Litorale. Il saggio si concentra sul rapporto problematico tra la nuova forma giuridica di inclusione nella cittadinanza austriaca e il diritto delle persone indigenti a essere assistite gratuitamente. Aspetti sanitari, legali, burocratici e socioeconomici si intersecano in modo così stretto da formare un complicato nodo gordiano. Parole chiave: sanità pubblica asburgica, Heimatrecht/pertinenza, persone indigenti, Litorale austriaco, costi degli ospedali, fondi provinciali ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 524 Francesco TONCICH: INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE HABSBURG PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM. MANAGING COMPLEXITY WITHIN THE AUSTRIAN LITTORAL (1849–1880s), 523–534 INTRODUCTION This article offers some insights into the evolution of public health in the Habsburg Monarchy, in particular in the crownland Littoral/Küstenland1, after the revolu- tionary year 1848/49. Examining documents from the archival collections of the Littoral’s Lieutenancy, the analysis spans from the late 1840s until the late 1880s. The evolution of public health since the 19th century has been one of the central topics in the larger processes of state building and modernisation of European civil societies (Berridge, Gorsky & Mold, 2011, 23–73). An analysis of the structures of public health is not only a matter of medical history, but also a particularly strategic and dense interdisciplinary point of study: it allows us to observe a wide range of themes and problems, which could otherwise easily remain unnoticed or would be taken into consideration individually. This also concerns the evolution of the Habsburg Monarchy, during one of the most formative phases of its own history, when the complex relationship between the imperial state and civil societies underwent a period of great change and upheaval. Principally, this study raises two important questions after 1848/49: 1) the relationship between state and so- ciety through the creation and development of modern administrative structures and institutions for welfare; 2) the new forms of inclusion into (and exclusion from) the first concept of modern Austrian citizenship. HEIMATRECHT AND THE “SUPPLY OF POOR PEOPLE”: A NEW FORM OF INCLUSION, A NEW FORM OF SOCIETY? The crisis of 1848/49 led to some important social and economic issues, particularly closely linked to the increasingly urgent question of the political and social participation of new, important forces such as the rising bourgeoisie and the working class. The restored imperial power had to take social demands much more seriously into account (Judson, 2016, 218–221). In the dynamic context after the “March Revolution”, the implementa- tion of citizenship and welfare state structures played a crucial role in restoring and re-ordering imperial power – together with the abolition of the lASTs remains of the feudal system (Bruckmüller, 1999). As early as 1849, the Viennese government aimed to reshape the state’s rela- 1 Since there are usually two (sometimes even more) cultural designations for placenames in the Littoral, I try to reflect this diversity in the text. Only for Trieste/Trst/Triest and Gorizia/Gorica/Görz, which have more than two names, is only the first variant reproduced for practical reasons. 2 Dominique Kirchner Reill uses to translate Heimatrecht with the English term “Pertinency” (Kirchner Reill, 2021). 3 This is confirmed in research on the immigration of Slovenian speakers from Carniola, Carinthia and southern Styria into the Triestine emporium in the late 18th and early 19th century, who, despite the “national crystallisation” of the 1860s, maintained a strong localistic self-identification and relationship with their places of origin (Verginella, 2001). Moreover, recent studies have shown how this complex Habsburg system of strong legal ties between individuals and their native “small homelands” had important consequences and continui- ties in the post-1918 transition period, above all in the process of redefining and renegotiating their national and territorial affiliation and right of citizenship in the post-Habsburg successor states (more in Hametz, 2019; Kirchner Reill, 2021). tionships with civil society through the creation of new forms of social inclusion and protection, particularly towards needy individuals. On 17 March 1849, the “Provisional Municipal Law” (Provisorisches Gemeindegesetz) modified the centuries- old legal institution of Heimatrecht (Right of Residency or Pertinency2) by using it as the basis for the first model of a modern Austrian citizenship, in addition to updat- ing fiscal and conscription rules (Reichsgesetzblatt, 1849, n. 170). Heimatrecht had existed for centuries, at least since the middle of the 16th century, and was mainly intended to control and manage the unstable masses of poor people living and moving within the Empire’s territory (Wendelin, 2000, 181–191). This act introduced a new form of Heimatrecht, which was then completed by the Heimatrechtsgesetz (Residency/Perti- nency Act) of 3 December 1863, during the first phase of the “Constitutional era” (Reichsgesetzblatt, 1863, n. 105). The new form of Heimatrecht continued to be based on the principle of territorial affiliation, but also started to progressively guarantee inalienable social and civil rights to subjects. Heimatrecht, in the law subsec- tion called “Armenversorgung” (supply of poor people) (Reichsgesetzblatt, 1863, n. 105, 372–373), defined the legal and administrative means for managing and reap- portioning risk and misfortune. With regards to the development of a modern public health system, the reforms of the Heimatrecht in 1849 and 1863 determined that the cost of emergency treatment in public hospitals should be charged to the municipal- ity where the individual was legally registered – either the individual’s or their parents’ birthplace –, not where they actually lived. The Habsburg system discouraged individuals from changing their Heimatrecht: it was practically impossible to obtain a change of pertinency (Wendelin, 2000, 195–216). This structure of inclusion into Austrian citizenship bound individuals even more closely to their “small homelands” (Ivetic, 2014, 222), and, in doing so, legally consolidated centuries-old, pre- nationalised forms of local self-identification.3 Based on the principles of Heimatrechtsgesetz, the Reichssanitätsgesetz (Imperial Sanitary Act) was instituted in 1870: this law established the grounds for a more standardised, unique and efficient public health organisation in the Austrian half of the Monarchy (Re- ichsgesetzblatt, 1870, n. 68). The Habsburg public health system had the characteristics of a pre-“solidaristic wel- ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 525 Francesco TONCICH: INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE HABSBURG PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM. MANAGING COMPLEXITY WITHIN THE AUSTRIAN LITTORAL (1849–1880s), 523–534 fare state” (Baldwin, 1990, 55–65): Reichssanitätsgesetz developed new regulations from the traditional “poor policies”, albeit it through a pivotal systematisation and professionalisation of medical facilities and working staff, as well as its bureaucratic structure (Obentraut, 1881, 449–529). This legislation led to a paradox: in order to receive social protection, medical care and a minimum of fi- nancial support in case of illness, needy individuals had to be legally demonstrated their municipality of birth or residence, even if they were living in a different district. However, the new legislation was issued at a time of increasing mobility due to socioeconomic changes, the end of the feudal system, technical innovation and the construction of new infrASTsructures (Coons, 1975). Moreover, during the 1850s and 60s the Habsburg Monarchy followed the general European trend towards the free circulation of people and goods, so that the Passport Ordinance (Paßverordnung) of 1857 abolished the passport requirement for movement within the Monarchy, while in 1865 the abolition of the require- ment for passport checks when leaving Austria was also completed (Burger, 2000, 23–25). In such a fluid situation, the Austrian system of Heimatrecht and public health automatically led to bureaucratic problems, misunderstandings and illegalities, even on the part of the authorities. This general problem mostly affected complex crownlands, such as the Austrian Littoral, which presented a composite administrative unit – embrac- ing three provinces with three local parliaments (Dorsi, 1994, 233–245) –, a strong cultural-linguistic differentiation, and tremendous socioeconomic differ- ences – first of all between industrial and commercial port cities and the rural countryside (Verginella, 2008). Moreover, the Austrian Littoral represented one of the most mobile crownlands of the Empire, primarily for working reasons. Trieste was the major focus of impe- rial and international migration, but there were also significant parallel internal migration trajectories within and among the three provinces of the Littoral (Steidl, 2021, 42–43). In addition to the important international immigration, the labour market of Trieste functioned due to the consistent and constant internal migration from rural, mostly economically depressed provinces and crownlands around Trieste4, such as the County of Gorizia and Gradisca, Istria, Carniola, South Carinthia, South Styria, and Veneto (Breschi, Kalc & Navarra, 2001; Verginella, 2001; Cattaruzza, 2012; Kalc, 2013; Ton- cich, 2021, 281–298). Among them, Istria represented 4 Trieste followed the evolution of other large Habsburg centres, first and foremost Vienna, which were already established by, and functioned thanks to, large masses of immigrant workers from other economically depressed provinces of the empire, in particular from low skilled and cheap labour or groups of specialised artisans (Hahn, 2000). Based on these centuries-old exchanges be- tween rural and urban spaces, the highest rate of socioeconomic and linguistic-cultural diversity and hybridity within and around the Littoral’s centres was established (Csáky, 2002). 5 In some documents, one reads the Italian term “nazionale”. It has no national meaning, rather it is one of the Italian terms used to indicate pertinency, together with “incolato”, “indigenato” and “pertinenza”. the most important province of emigration to Trieste – particularly starting from the 1860s, as a result of the outbreak of cholera and malaria epidemics, as well as of the plant insect phylloxera and plant disease downy mildew, that caused a dramatic crisis for its population and agricultural economy. WHO PAYS FOR WHOM? BUREAUCRATISING THE HABSBURG PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM Asymmetries and inequalities in the functioning of the public health system can be easily seen in the documents of the Lieutenancy concerning the refund of medical and hospital costs (“Verpflegskosten”) for indi- gent individuals with different pertinencies. The central question was whether this system was easy to adminis- ter, or whether its complexity often led to irregularities and inaccuracies between the various public offices and institutions. This question depended heavily on the high migration of labour towards the more industrial cities of the Littoral, primarily Trieste; the high number of agen- cies involved; and the interdependent but often asym- metrical imperial administrative structure. Not every municipal and provincial institution involved had the same resources to sustain their own pertinent people, who were living abroad, so that a small rural centre in Istria or Carniola certainly could not compete with the resources available to the richest productive centres of the Littoral. The legal requirements of Heimatrecht often clashed with the pragmatic needs of the working classes in the Littoral, especially those who lived in the unhygienic suburbs and working districts of Trieste (De Rosa, 1981; Cigui, 2008). Most of them were originally from another province or even crownland and were legally pertinent to another municipality of the Monarchy. The legal ex- traneousness of a sick indigent individual did not imply their ineligibility to receive free health care. In May 1865, the Municipality and the Direction of the Civic Hospital of Trieste made clear their pivotal tasks: The Municipality of Trieste, and in particular the Direction of the Hospital, welcome with solicitude all the sick who show up at the municipal hospital, whether or not their pertinency has been verified at the time. When the condition of the sick person necessitates it, in accordance with the norms in force, research is required in order to establish their pertinency [nazionale]5, and, if the person in question is not a member of this Municipality, a ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 526 Francesco TONCICH: INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE HABSBURG PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM. MANAGING COMPLEXITY WITHIN THE AUSTRIAN LITTORAL (1849–1880s), 523–534 copy of the minutes is sent to the political or muni- cipal authority in charge, so that it may confirm the pertinency or make any possible objections. (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 8332) The quotation demonstrates, how the principles of inalienable rights to access public health care were influencing the medical-administrative mentality. It shows at the same time, how the public health system was not just a matter of medical assistance: in ad- dition to the medical and nursing working staff, an administrative and legal bureaucratic department was operating, which, starting from the mid-1860s, was becoming an essential part of the medicalisation. The main task of the administrative bureaucracy in the hospital was to certify the pertinence of the hospital- ised people, that is, to discover which institution was going to pay for their public health care. Examining the hospitalisation procedure of the main Civic Hospital of Trieste, the hospital’s ad- ministrative staff was responsible for inquiring into their personal data and legal status. In determining a patient’s eligibility for free care in a hospital of the Empire, it was not enough merely to determine the pertinency. The hospital’s medical and bureaucratic staff had to verify by means of the admission form and interview: 1) the origin/pertinency of the person, 2) the type of illness, that is, the reason for their admission to the hospital, 3) the “wretchedness” (“miserabilità”), that is, the state of indigence (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 6252). This took place through an oral interview based on a standard form, which was carried out in the hospital ward by the attending physicians. After this, the administrative and legal departments of the hospital opened the patient’s file. Without involving the Municipality or the Lieutenancy of the Littoral, the hospital offices sent the request to the provincial authority of the municipality verbally indicated by the patient or by their documents as the pertinent one. Firstly, this action attempted to verify the truthfulness of the legal affiliation; secondly, it would automati- cally request reimbursement of hospital expenses to the pertinent “Provincial Fund”. This procedure did not only have a humanitarian purpose. A “Civic Office of Control and Accounting” (Ufficio civico di controllo e contabilità) of the Triestine municipality had the main task of studying the status of the patients, in order to make simplifications in the financial management of the hospital (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 12227, 13242, 12731). This office, together with the administration and legal office of the civic hospital, was the link between the hospital and the paying institu- tion such as the competent provincial fund. 6 Istria was consistently the province most indebted to the city of Trieste for hospital costs. For instance, in 1862, out of the total annual credit of 88,031.57 florins for all expenses incurred by the city of Trieste paid in advance for indigent patients pertinent in other crown- lands, the province of Istria owed as much as 52,517.12 (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 2983). In a city of high immigration such as Trieste, this implied that the hospital and the municipality were significantly financially “exposed” to third parties, be they provinces and municipalities of the same Littoral or lieutenancies and district headquarters of other crown- lands. This very often led to bitter and prolonged legal disputes between different offices in different districts and regions over requests for payment of health and hospital costs for indigent individuals who were not pertinent to Trieste or other main cities of the Littoral. The most difficult controversies happened with Istria and Carniola, which were the provinces most indebted to Trieste’s public hospital.6 TOO OLD OR TOO CRAZY TO BE CURED: A CONDITIONAL PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM During these disputes between hospitals, lieutenan- cies and provincial districts, legal third parties who had to reimburse costs often used strategies to avoid paying and ease the burden on their own provincial funds. One strategy was to deliberately allow as much time as possible to elapse, so that the paperwork to establish the pertinency would stall of its own accord in the maze of this complicated system, as the Triestine municipality claimed in 1865: “These delays hamper the smooth running of affairs, and often make it very difficult and even impossible to resolve any doubts that may arise concerning the patients’ pertinency and the obligation to reimburse the respective costs of care and hospitalisation, thus multiplying the number of letters and correspondence out of all proportion” (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 12227). Most of the problems stemmed from the principles of a decree issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs (4 December 1856, n. 26641; Haemmerle, 1869, 32–56.), which had initially regulated the admission procedure in the hospitals of the whole Empire. This decree enshrined two principles that remained in the administration of public health in the following decades: 1) a sick person could only be admitted to hospital care after it had been established that there was a real need for treatment; 2) free hospitalisation could only take place for short stays, at least not exceeding three months. These two points became the bone of contention in disputes over claims for reimbursement of medical costs between lieutenancies and provincial district capitals, since, before hospitalising such a patient, the hospital had to inform the pertinent provincial and municipal authority and agree on a hospital stay longer than three months. However, due to the medical urgency and lack of clarity about the pertinency itself, this was not always possible and the hospital proceeded in any case, informing the ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 527 Francesco TONCICH: INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE HABSBURG PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM. MANAGING COMPLEXITY WITHIN THE AUSTRIAN LITTORAL (1849–1880s), 523–534 relevant provinces only months later. From this ministe- rial order, the Austrian Littoral adopted an ad hoc law in June 1869, which standardised the procedures for the untreatable and/or in need of long and special treatment (Notificazione, 1869). The mentally and chronically ill or overly elderly patients represented an excessive outlay for the pro- vincial funds due to the length of their stay and the lack of security for their care. The acceptance of an “incurable” patient would have put the provincial fund where the sick person was hospitalised in severe financial difficulties, without any guarantee that the costs would be reimbursed by the pertinent municipality. For these kinds of patients, other facili- ties, such as hospices or psychiatric hospitals, were available, where the costs were amortised. However, their transportation from the hospital to these facilities was not always possible. This often led the provin- cial authority responsible for those patients living in Trieste to accuse the Triestine hospital of exceeding their administrative authority, by taking care of non- eligible persons without first seeking the provincial fund’s opinion (cf. ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 6252) In July 1883, a dispute over the non-payment of hospital fees broke out between Trieste, Carniola and Vienna. Maria Zadnikar was one of thousands of im- migrants from Carniola living in Trieste for decades (Cattaruzza, 1979). Between September 1880 and July 1881, for almost ten months – in total about 300 days –, she was hospitalised at the Civic Hospital in Trieste due to severe bronchitis. At that time, she was around 75 years old and came originally from Šujica, a tiny rural village near Dobrova in Upper Carniola (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 363, 18492). For almost two years, the Municipal Hospital of Trieste continually demanded reimbursement for the costs of this long and costly hospital stay, totalling no less than 272.16 florins. In the first moment, the administration of the hospital was acting independently through its internal administra- tion in directly asking the Carniolan Lieutenancy for payment of the costs, without having to go through the Trieste municipality or the Littoral’s Lieutenancy. The Carniolan Lieutenancy had only paid a small part of the costs, just for the first three months, leaving 233 days unpaid (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 363, 14654). The authorities in Ljubljana pointed out the fact that the patient, although pertinent in Carniola, was too old to receive such long and expensive treatment, as her illness was caused by chronic “senile marasmus” (“marasma senile”). The hospital in Trieste justified its actions by proving that Maria Zadnikar was suffering from severe bronchitis that was curable, but she could not be transported to 7 Dr. Illuminato Zadro, originally from one of the most important families of Rovigno/Rovinj, is listed as a counsellor of the Lieutenancy, president of the Provincial Sanitary Council, director of the Obstetrical Institute, provincial health spokesman for the Lieutenancy and the Viennese government in 1878 (Almanacco, 1878, 38). 8 Regarding the presence of a proto-physician in the Trieste Civic Hospital at the end of the 19th century, cf. De Rosa (1981, 28). a “nursing house”, where the costs would have been significantly lower. Only after the partial payment from Ljubljana, did the administration of the Triestine hospital turn to the Lieutenancy of the Littoral, which in turn called in the Ministry of Home Affairs in Vienna. The latter, however, found shortcomings and irregularities in the work of the hospital in Trieste – it had not immedi- ately informed the Carniolan provincial fund about the long hospital stay – and ruled in favour of the Carniolan counterpart on the legal basis of the Heimatrechtsgesetz of 1863: [...] the Ministry of the Interior has recently noticed that the Trieste Public Hospital not only accepts incurable sick persons into hospital care, but also does not hand over such sick persons, if they are fit for transport, to the Trieste Municipal Magistrate for further treatment in the sense of §28 of the Heimatrechtsgesetz of 3 December 1863 – Imperial Law Gazette No. 105 – but re- stricts itself to merely sending such sick persons to the respective provincial authorities. Since this procedure […] gives rise to unpleasant recrimi- nations as well as to protracted negotiations, the Governor’s Office is requested […] to take strict care that the existing regulations are observed punctually on the part of the Trieste Hospital. (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 363, 108) The documents on the Zadnikar case provide further interesting information about the medical-legal man- agement of patients with mismatched Heimatrecht: the civic Hospital of Trieste had, in addition to the normal medical staff, a so-called “provincial proto-physician”, who was commissioned by the Ministry of Home Affairs to visit only the patients pertinent in Carniola, who were living in Trieste and hospitalised in its Civic Hospital, and to report on them to Vienna: [...] the Council implicitly agreed to the further hospitalisation of the sick person; [...] the hospitalisation became an unavoi- dable necessity and this is proven not only by the declarations of the hospital’s doctors in charge but also by those of the provincial proto-physician Cav. Dr. Zadro7, who was charged with examining the Carniolan pa- tients [carniolini degenti] in this charitable institution and reporting to the High Ministry of Home Affairs in Vienna, and who was also convinced that Zadnikar, among others, was unfit for transport at the end of December 1880; [...] (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 363, 14654)8 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 528 Francesco TONCICH: INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE HABSBURG PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM. MANAGING COMPLEXITY WITHIN THE AUSTRIAN LITTORAL (1849–1880s), 523–534 Among the most frequent cases of difficult and controversial admission for free treatment and conse- quent refusal of reimbursement were cases of mental illness. Elisabetta/Elisa CASTsullovich-Missetich/ Missetić, originally from Dalmatia (from Pietro della Brazza/Supetar), moved with her husband (from Se- benico/Šibenik) to Trieste ten years before, where she was practicing as midwife. When the dispute arose in 1867, she was already a widow and lived in the Trieste suburb Rozzol (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 7231). The reason for her hospitalisation was “ebetudine”, an unspecified state of psychic confusion, thus falling under the classification of special cases identifiable as “untreatable” by the decree of 1856. The dispute with the Dalmatian provincial fund resulted from their refusal to reimburse the expenses, which covered a nine-year confinement. The reason for this was the failure of the medical facilities in Trieste to inform the provincial headquarters in Zara/Zadar in advance, and the related request for acceptance of such a spe- cial case. The latter replied in May 1867 as follows: The reason for this refusal is based on the fact that in opposition to the explicit provisions of Ministerial Decree No. 26641 of 4 December 1856, the homeland authority of the patient Missetić was not informed about her stay of more than three months, on which omission the not insignificant increase in treatment costs for the duration of more than nine years depended. (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 7231) (IN)DEPENDENT WOMEN? PUBLIC HEALTH, HEIMATRECHT AND GENDER In this lASTs case study, the issue of the inclusion and protection of women in welfare policies emerges with great importance. The pertinency of a woman, who was doing a skilled job and therefore could have been socially and professionally independent, still depended on a male figure in her own family. Consequently, the access to free medical assistance, in case of poverty, depended on the man, whether father, brother or hus- band, who guaranteed eligibility for the woman. In the above case, the woman was a widow, which meant that her residence depended automatically on that of her deceased husband, as indicated by the Heimatrechtsge- setz of 1863. However, what happened if a woman was unmarried and could not show a clear Heimatrecht? Among the flow of independent female workers to Trieste, an important category of specialised and essen- tial professionals was represented by midwives, some of whom were provided as a free service by the Triestine municipality for the assistance of indigent classes (De Rosa, 2020, 77–136). A constant in the cases of mid- wives was their professional and social importance, even their independence. Among the papers of the Lieutenancy on the reimbursement of hospital costs, one finds a few cases of midwives treated in Trieste, although with different pertinences. Of greater interest is the case of the Istrian Maria Depangher, a “certified midwife” (“geprüfte He- bamme”), who is reported to have lived and worked in Trieste alone, not following any man (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 1334). She was hospitalised in Trieste, where she passed away in September 1865, probably without hav- ing been able to indicate her pertinency. Among her pri- vate belongings, a passport for internal travel within the Monarchy issued by the authority of Capodistria/Koper in 1851 (that is, in the period before the abolition of internal passports in 1857) was found. Although through research her birth and baptism records were found in the parish office of the same town, doubts were still raised as to her pertinency. The point was that Maria Depangher was a single woman, so before her legal status could be established, it had to be fully corroborated by matching and comparing it with that of the male figures in her fam- ily, namely her father and brothers. The father had died in Pisino/Pazin in 1845, when Maria was around twenty years old and was living there with her parents. After the father’s death, she returned to Capodistria/Koper with her mother and siblings, and later she moved to Trieste to work as midwife. The doubt was therefore between different Istrian municipalities due to her father’s work and changes of domicile as a k.k. officer in Pinguente/ Buzet and Pisino/Pazin (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 1641). Eventually, what removed any doubt was a cross-check with all the documents concerning her pertinency and the legal status of the two brothers, that is, through the registration for military service of one of them: [...] any doubts as to the legal pertinency of this family to Capodistria are removed by the witness of Domenico Depangher, another of Maria’s brothers, who was enrolled in military service in Capodistria on behalf of that municipality in the Royal Navy on 28 February 1853, after the family’s repatriation, and to this end he was expressly sent from Montona, where he was at the time. (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 7252) 1866, THE LONG POST-WAR PERIOD: CHANGING BORDERS, REDEFINING PERTINENCES THROUGH PUBLIC HEALTH Faced with the increasing importance of cheap mi- grant labour – seasonal or fixed – from the 1850s, the Austrian government provided bilateral agreements for the mutual support of indigent individuals and payment of their care and health costs. For instance, the Eisenach Convention with the states of the German Confederation in 1853 (Reichsgesetzblatt, 1854, n. I/6), the Declaration ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 529 Francesco TONCICH: INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE HABSBURG PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM. MANAGING COMPLEXITY WITHIN THE AUSTRIAN LITTORAL (1849–1880s), 523–534 with some Swiss cantons in 1857, the agreements with the Italian Kingdom in 1859 and 1866 (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 4685).9 In addition, these international agree- ments covered all kinds of illnesses, except for mental and/or chronic illnesses. The public health of the Littoral, particularly the coASTsal area, was peculiar, since it was far more exposed to international labour migration and transfor- mations of the international geopolitical order, first of all the reorganisation of borders and citizenships of the neighbouring Lombardy-Venetia. In October 1868, the Triestine mayor, Carlo Porenta, declared, that, since “the condition of Trieste [was like] a seaport open to every- body”, the regulation of hospital costs for foreign workers in Austria was “a vital and urgent matter”, especially after 1866. This happened precisely during the period of the beginning of the works for the enlargement of the port infrASTsructure (Millo, 2002, 191): Porenta’s main preoc- cupation was that “such major works preferably attract workers from the neighbouring Italian provinces, who resort to this hospital when they fall ill”. From his point of view, it was a fatal mistake for the Triestine provin- cial fund to enter into agreements with the Kingdom of Italy through diplomatic channels only after the start of construction works on the new port, which would have brought in masses of poor manual labourers from Veneto and other parts of Italy “without the municipality being able to legally claim reimbursement for the considerable expenses involved” (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 5416). The war of 1866 and the long post-war period represented a crucial watershed for the management of public health in the Littoral and for the related issue of citizenship and costs for indigent people. The shift of the Empire’s borders implied a reconsideration about pertinency and the right to free care and protection for indigent workers coming from Veneto but living in the Littoral. During the peace conference in Vienna in the autumn of 1866, the Italian and Austrian diplomats and ministries negotiated an agreement about the legal status of reciprocal subjects/citizens living in both coun- ties, also concerning the eligibility for public health care. The peace treaty of Vienna in 1866 recalled the previous treaty of Zurich in 1859 between Piedmont and Austria, and the right of Lombard subjects to decide their citizenship: the same principle was extended to the Venetian provinces seven years later (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 13572). This led to a difficult question concerning the pertinency of the Venetians and their eligibility for public health care in the Littoral. In July 1871, Maria Lavezzo, originally from Veneto, was hospitalised in Trieste as an indigent woman, though without a clear right of pertinency. She was the widow of the Venetian Luigi Lavezzo, who, during the war of 9 Besides these agreements, the regulations with further foreign states (e.g., Great Britain, France, USA, Russia, Spain, Turkey etc.) re- mained unclear and resulted in the fact that the costs for indigents patients from these countries often remained at the shoulders of the treating hospital, with no possibility of requesting payment back. 1866, was himself hospitalised in Padua as a soldier of the Austrian Army. During his convalescence, he had the option to choose his – and consequently also his wife’s – citizenship, either to maintain their previous Austrian citizenship or to take Italian citizenship. He remained loyal to the Austrian Empire, so he was transferred and hospitalised in Leoben, in South of Styria, where he re- ceived his new Heimatrecht. After his death, his widow Maria left Leoben and moved to several cities in order to obtain financial substance. In Trieste, she became ill and the Triestine hospital was struggling to ascertain her pertinency so that, six years after the change of her husband’s Heimatrecht, she was still considered to be “homeless” (“heimatlos”) (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 340, 8646). After complicated research, a year later, in August 1872, she was declared pertinent to the Styrian crownland, on the base of the Residency Act of 1863: According to new information received from Maria Lavezzo, her late husband Luigi Lavezzo, who at the time of the cession of Veneto had already been admitted to the Invalids’ Hospice in Padua, was questioned by the former Army Headquarters in Veneto as to whether he intended to retain his Austrian citizenship in accordance with Article XIV of the Peace Treaty of 1866, and declared himself to be an Austrian subject, as a result of which he was transferred to the Invalids’ Hospice in Leoben. According to §2 of the Austrian Residency Act of 1863, every Austrian subject must belong to a municipality, and consequently Lavezzo also had to belong to an Austrian municipality, which had to be Leoben. In the case of changes in the right of domicile, the wife follows her husband or retains the right of domicile as a widow in the municipa- lity in which her husband had it at the time of his death (§11 of the Act). Maria Lavezzo, widow, belonged and should still belong to Leoben, and even if she were to be regarded as lacking the right of domicile in accordance with §10 No. 2 of the above-mentioned Act of 1863, she should also be assigned to Leoben, where she remained for a long period before the question of her husband’s entitlement arose. (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 340, 10571) The sources concerning this case study reveal a more general fact: the post-war period after 1866 signified a long and difficult transition for the Austrian Littoral. It put the administration of the crownland, in particular the structure of inclusion and provision of welfare and citizenship, under stress for the next decade. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 530 Francesco TONCICH: INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE HABSBURG PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM. MANAGING COMPLEXITY WITHIN THE AUSTRIAN LITTORAL (1849–1880s), 523–534 It also highlighted the Austrian Littoral’s character as a maritime “borderland”. Maritime Istria was par- ticularly affected by the events of 1866, that is, the ex- Venetian Istria until 1797, which continued to maintain close economic, professional, and familial relationships with Venice and Veneto until the end of the Monarchy (Toncich, 2021, 192–200).10 The daily interdependence between maritime Istria and the Venetian shore emerged in the more general debate of mutual free health care assurances for indigent individuals with different perti- nencies (in this case now with different citizenship). In September 1867, the head of the Parenzo/Poreč district declared to the Triestine Lieutenancy that “it is of great interest to the writer, regarding Istria’s close relations with Italy and especially with Veneto, to clarify this emerg- ing doubt as soon as possible [...]” (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 368, 12373). Venetians, who only a year before were compatriots but now were to be considered “aliens”, continued to reside and work in Istria, and vice versa Istrians in Venetia. Maritime Istria, far more than Trieste, was particularly affected by this international change and the issue of the illness of indigent (new) “aliens”. Public health became a pivotal legal tool for re-defining new political borders and “otherness”, even regarding categories which until that moment were included in the very same system. CROSSING INTERNAL BORDERS: INEFFICIENCIES OF THE LOCAL BUREAUCRATIC SYSTEM Looking back at the internal situation in the Aus- trian Littoral, the frequent and continuous changes of domicile of workers often caused problems. In addition to the economic issue of reimbursement of hospital expenses, the systemic inefficiency of the local administrative offices often emerged. With the reforms of the 1840s and 1850s, the focus of the legal inclusion of citizens was increasingly shifted to the more local centres. However, the professional skills of local municipal bureaucrats often clearly left a lot to be desired, and it affected the issue of conferring Heimatrecht. Questions about public health and managing costs could intertwine with questions of cultural/ethnic categorisation and the territorial affiliation of the patients. Problems arose when the residency of sick individuals was no longer clear and clashed with “par- ticular” cultural categories or mobile individuals. This was the case of an unlucky Istrian Roma-Sinti family (Poropat-Levacovich), who was arrested in Rovigno/ Rovinj in June 1885 for occupying a house without permission. While in prison, some members of this family fell seriously ill with malaria. From interroga- 10 An example of this still high contact between the two Adriatic shores is the Istrian doctor and professor Lodovico Brunetti, born in Rovigno/Rovinj in 1813, who graduated in surgery at the University of Padua, where he became one of the most renowned professors and luminaries. He continued to maintain close ties with his “homeland”, so much so that he returned there frequently to perform special operations (Brunetti, 1876) or as a cholera doctor (Toncich, 2021, 244). tions and research, it emerged that these people did not have a valid Heimatrecht, as the districts in Istria they indicated as their original municipalities did not have any document concerning them. To this end, the couple Marco Poropat and Elena Levacovich could not show valid proof of their marriage because the marriage certificate could not be found at the parish they indicated in Visignano/Višnjan. This meant that the children, even young babies, were illegitimate (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 363, 9711). The discussion about who had to pay for their treat- ment was fiercely contested: a long dispute between the Lieutenancy of Trieste and the municipal authorities of Rovigno/Rovinj, Grisignana/Grožnjan, Lussinpiccolo/ Mali Lošinj, Veglia/Krk took place from June to Septem- ber 1885, as no municipality wanted to cover the costs. Meanwhile, the health of the family deteriorated, so that the costs increased (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 363, 2335). Eventually, an official of the municipality of Rovigno/ Rovinj intervened in the dispute and verified the illegal- ity of this situation. The municipality appealed directly to the Ministry of Home Affairs due to a lack of accord- ance with the Heimatrecht as well as the individual rights from the Austrian Constitutional Law of 1867, and demanded the release of “these poor Gypsies who are suffering unjustly”: The nine gypsies may not, as they are without fault, remain further locked up in civic detention until the final fulfilment of the legal procedures for the verification of their pertinency. This is against the §8 of the State’s constitutional law; and precisely in order to prevent such prolonged illegal detentions, the current law of pertinency in §18 stipulates that, as it is not possible at the moment to verify the pertinency of a person, that person must be assigned to a municipality. (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 363, 2242) Illegality was not self-inflicted, but was the product of the municipal authorities themselves. These people had been arbitrarily excluded from the legality of the Heimatrecht, following a generalised practise of exclu- sion of Roma-Sinti individuals – considered as a feared “in-between diversity” (Zăloagă, 2013) – from the legal body of communities in Western and Central Europe since the modern era (Fasanelli, 2010; Zahra, 2017). The complaint of the municipality of Rovigno/Rovinj against this double illegality seemed to be successful, as already in September 1885 the nine people received the Heimatrecht from their competent municipality of Dubašnica/Dobasnizza on the Isle of Veglia/Krk (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 363, 16864). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 531 Francesco TONCICH: INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE HABSBURG PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM. MANAGING COMPLEXITY WITHIN THE AUSTRIAN LITTORAL (1849–1880s), 523–534 However, this lack of clarity regarding the Heimatre- cht was not just an exception concerning a stigmatised and excluded cultural minority: it could also happen to individuals, mostly needy workers, who transferred from one municipality to another, even within the same province (Kalc, 2013). This was the case of Anton Pahor, who, in March 1883, was declared “geistesschwach” (“mentally deficient”) by the medical authorities of Gorizia. Pahor needed to be hospitalised, but the ques- tion of costs emerged: the political authorities of Gorizia were unable to establish to which district Anton Pahor belonged. He was born in 1834 and grew up in Merna/ Miren (in the County of Gorizia and Gradisca, in the district of Gorizia), yet in 1855 he moved with his family to Pieris (in the same County, but under the jurisdiction of Gradisca). However, in the Volkszählungslisten (lists of censuses) he was found neither in one nor the other district (ASTs, IR LL, AG 1, 363, 4064). This case highlights a common problem with these Lieutenancy documents: the municipal authorities often turned out to be inefficient in their vital task of confer- ring Heimatrecht. Yet as these situations of illegality emerged, they were corrected on an ad hoc basis in times of necessity for medical reasons. CONCLUSION: CURING THE BODY, CORRECTING THE LEGAL STATUS The Habsburg public health system, which was affected by the post-1849 reforms of the Heimatrecht, was shaped by the conservative exigencies of the imperial power, however it responded to the social and economic requirements of civil society. During the administrative and legal re-ordering after 1848/49, the more the empire shifted the focus of administra- tive action to local institutions (i.e., municipalities and their civic hospitals), the more administrative-political structures of the Empire became interconnected. The interconnection was between municipalities within the same region, although, in a period of increased mobility, also among different crownlands and even with other countries. The complex imperial system of social and civic inclusion and welfare functioned through this combination of localism and interregional interconnection. However, it was based on strong economic inequalities and asymmetries, what led to recurrent administrative problems in the functioning of the public health system. Within these intricate bureaucratic interconnections, multiple and complex forms of inclusion and exclusion of needy people emerged. These individuals found themselves suspended between complicated social and familial relationships, gender hierarchies, localisms, border changes, and exclusion as persecuted ethnic groups. In addition to all this, the vital issue was per- sonal and public health. From the perspective of the Austrian State, public health served as a key weapon to control poor and unstable parts of the population, and make this control widespread even in rural areas far from urban centres. More importantly, public health became a means to measure the acceptance of post-1849 reforms and to correct possible irregularities. Public health policies served to penetrate deep into local societies, even into pockets of poverty far distant from the “eye of power” (Foucault, 1977). The management of public health and citizenship represented a pivotal moment of encounter between individuals, who often lived on the edge of legality – sometimes even outside – and the state bureaucracy. The concern about spending public resources allowed these irregularities to emerge for the first time: the hospital became not only a space for cur- ing the body of the patients, but also for correcting their legal/bureaucratic position. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 532 Francesco TONCICH: INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE HABSBURG PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM. MANAGING COMPLEXITY WITHIN THE AUSTRIAN LITTORAL (1849–1880s), 523–534 VKLJUČENOST IN IZKLJUČENOST IZ HABSBURŠKEGA JAVNEGA ZDRAVSTVENEGA SISTEMA. UPRAVLJANJE KOMPLEKSNOSTI V AVSTRIJSKEM PRIMORJU (1849–1880) Francesco TONCICH Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Aškerčeva 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: toncichf@ff.uni-lj.si POVZETEK Po krizi v letih 1848/49 je imelo uvajanje državljanstva in struktur države blaginje ključno vlogo pri obnovi in ponovni ureditvi imperialne moči. Reforma Heimatrecht, ki je stopila v veljavo 17. marca 1849, je spremenila način vključitve v avstrijsko državljanstvo in določila novo fazo dostopa do brezplačne javne zdravstvene pomoči za revne ljudi. Ta zakon je določal, da se stroški nujnega zdravljenja v javnih bolnišni- cah zaračunajo občini, v kateri je bil posameznik uradno registriran – bodisi v rojstnem kraju posameznika ali njegovih staršev –, in ne v občini, kjer je dejansko bival. Na podlagi zakona Heimatrecht je bil leta 1870 uveden Zakon o uredbi javne zdravstvene službe za celotno cesarstvo. Ta zakonodaja je privedla do paradoksa: da bi bili pomoči potrebni posamezniki deležni socialne zaščite, zdravstvene oskrbe in minimalne finančne podpore v primeru bolezni, so morali uradno dokazati svoj kraj rojstva ali prebivališča, tudi če so v času neprestanih selitev zaradi dela živeli drugje. Ta splošni problem je najbolj prizadel kom- pleksna območja monarhije, kot je bilo Avstrijsko Primorje, ki je bilo zaznamovano s sestavljeno upravno enoto, velikimi kulturno-jezikovnimi in socialno-ekonomskimi razlikami – predvsem med industrijskimi in trgovskimi pristaniškimi mesti ter podeželjem – in močnimi migracijskimi tokovi. Asimetrije in neenakosti v delovanju javnega zdravstva je mogoče zlahka razbrati iz dokumentov deželnega glavarstva o povračilu zdravstvenih in bolnišničnih stroškov (Verpflegskosten) za revne posameznike z različnimi pripadnostmi v tržaški civilni bolnišnici. Ključne besede: Habsburško javno zdravstvo, Heimatrecht/pertinentnost, revno prebivalstvo, Avstrijsko primorje, stroški bolnišnic, deželna sredstva ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 533 Francesco TONCICH: INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE HABSBURG PUBLIC HEALTH SYSTEM. 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ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 535 received: 2022–07–15 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2022.33 COMPARISON OF SOCIAL INSURANCE LEGISLATION OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY AND THE KINGDOM OF YUGOSLAVIA – LEGAL INHERITANCE Jelena RAFAILOVIĆ Institute for Recent History of Serbia, Trg Nikole Pašića 11, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia e-mail: jelena.rafailovic@inis.bg.ac.rs ABSTRACT This paper compares the social insurance legislation of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy with the postwar general social insurance legislation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia. The social leg- islature within the labour legislature was set up after the First World War and represented an important step towards the development of the social institutions in Yugoslavia. Similarities and differences in the development of the pillars of modern social states will be represented by a comparative analysis of the legislation in the field of health insurance through several aspects: differences between inherited social laws in the Kingdom; share of the Habsburg legislature in the new unified Law on Workers’ Insurance (1922) and implementation of the law. Keywords: Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia, Austro-Hungarian monarchy, social insurance, workers legislation, Central Office for the Insurance of Workers, the interwar period CONFRONTO TRA LA LEGISLAZIONE DELLE ASSICURAZIONI SOCIALI DELLA MONARCHIA AUSTRO-UNGARICA E DEL REGNO DI JUGOSLAVIA – EREDITÀ LEGALE SINTESI L’articolo mette a confronto la legislazione sulle assicurazioni sociali della monarchia austro-ungarica con la legislazione generale sulle assicurazioni sociali del primo dopoguerra del Regno dei Serbi, Croati e Sloveni/ Jugoslavia. La legislatura sociale, all’interno della legislatura del lavoro, istituita dopo la Prima guerra mondiale, ha rappresentato un passo importante verso lo sviluppo delle istituzioni sociali in Jugoslavia. Le somiglianze e le dif- ferenze nello sviluppo dei pilastri dei moderni stati sociali saranno rappresentate da un’analisi comparativa della legislazione nel campo dell’assicurazione sanitaria attraverso diversi aspetti: le differenze tra le questioni sociali ereditate nel Regno; la parte del legislatore asburgico nella nuova legge generale unificata sull’assicurazione dei lavoratori (1922) e l’ulteriore implementazione della legge. Parole chiave: Regno dei Serbi, Croati e Sloveni/Jugoslavia, monarchia austro-ungarica, assicurazioni sociali, legislazione sui lavoratori, Ufficio centrale per l’assicurazione dei lavoratori, periodo interbellico ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 536 Jelena RAFAILOVIĆ: COMPARISON OF SOCIAL INSURANCE LEGISLATION OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY AND THE KINGDOM ..., 535–546 INTRODUCTION The social policy encompasses a whole range of activities from practical social activities to teaching discipline in education.1 Definitions of social policy are therefore numerous and different and depend on the context of usage, along with a range of concepts and categories such as social organization, social health, child care, social rights, social insurance, social services, the welfare state, social security, and laws, etc. From a historical perspective, the emergence of social policy is related to the introduction and development of worker’s protection and labour legislation on the part of the state, followed by the insurance system of health care, social retirement system invalidity, etc. (Milosavljević, 2007; Titmuss, 1968; 1974). During the second part of the 19th century, in the wake of growing industrialization and the strengthen- ing of the working classes, social insurance constructs became an increasingly important political component of social rights. Compulsory social insurance was first introduced in Germany in the early 1880s as a social and political measure to improve workers’ positions in certain fields of the economy.2 Social policy and social rights3, including health insurance and employment security, have come a long way from its inception in the late 19th century. Initially, employment rights only cov- ered basic job protections, though today they include a whole range of social issues. From a contemporary perspective, social rights discourse was important in the formation of the welfare system after WW2 in Europe. Today, The Universal Declaration on Human Rights, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1948, guarantees rights to social security, the right to work, the right to rest and leisure, the right to an ad- equate standard of living, the right to education, and the right to benefits of science and culture (MacMillan, 1986; Garland, 2015). In the period between the First and Second World Wars, social insurance was narrower and relied on 1 This paper is a result of a project in The Institute of Recent History of Serbia financed by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia, according to the Agreement on Realization and Financing Research and Development in 2022. Nr. 451-03-68/2022-14/200016 from 4. 2. 2022. 2 Prussian laws represented the bases for social insurance in Europe and the first of such laws was implemented in 1845. It sched- uled auxiliary treasuries for apprentices and auxiliary workers in case of illness. The Law on Illness Insurance was passed in 1833 providing accident insurance in factories in 1884 and the Law on Insurance in case of exhaustion in 1889. The German example of compulsory insurance was followed by governments in Austria (1887, 1888), Hungary (1891), Italy (1898, 1906), Kingdom of Serbia (1910), Great Britain (1911), and Russia and Romania (1912) (Glaser, 1925a, 66–67; Kresal, 1970, 212; 1998; Perić, 1931, 17). 3 In literature the term social rights is synonymous using with “human rights,” “welfare rights,” “social and economic rights,” “rights to well-being” or “positive rights” (MacMillan, 1986; Garland, 2015). 4 The question of Yugoslavian social legislation (Pešić, 1957), especially health insurance in the period between the wars, was discussed by various authors across a broad spectrum of workers’ rights questions (Milenković, 1999; Milenković, 1981; Milosavljević, 1972; Kolar Dimitrijević, 1973; 1982) or in the works about social questions with a focus on singular territorial units (Kresal, 1970; 1973; 1998; Kolar Dimitrijević, 1973; 1982; Petrović, 2011; Čalić, 2004) 5 The term “exhaustion” in this case is defined by Yugoslav law from 1922: it implies a person who, due to illness, old age or other dis- abilities, is unable to earn a third of what a healthy person earns for the same or similar work. In the case of one’s exhaustion, the law provided for the receipt of a disability pension (Zakon o osiguranju radnika, 1922, § 66, 146). pre-war social, political, and economic systems, which varied in type, scope, and coverage of social insur- ance between European countries. In the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, social insurance4 assumed insurance in case of illness, accidents, exhaustion,5 old age, death, and unemployment. Legislation in 1922 regulated social insurance enacting the Law on Workers’ Insurance (Zakon o osiguranju radnika, 1922). In addition to just mentioned Law, there were also a series of laws that covered various professions ranging from miners and traffic employees to private/state clerks. (Glaser, 1925a, 66; Perić, 1931, 6). Social legislation was largely inherited from the Aus- tro-Hungarian monarchy’s legal system. We will focus here on comparing the Austro-Hungarian general social insurance legislation (insurance covering illness and accidents), and the Yugoslav Law on Workers’ Insurance from 1922. Aiming to understand the problems of social security and its (dis)continuity, we will also discuss the existence of laws on social insurance for workers that were not included in the aforementioned laws and the legal implementation of main social insurance laws. The general context will be presented, as well as the guidelines for three problematic questions: differences between inherited social legislations of the Kingdom of SCS; the contribution of the Austro- Hungarian legislation in the new unique social legis- lation of Yugoslavia; and the legal implementation of the Law on Worker’ Insurance. Comparative analysis between laws of the three Countries – Austrian, Hungarian-Croatian and Yugoslav, as well as the legal implementation of certain laws on the regional level in the Kingdom, will show similarities and differences of each State’s social insurance constructs. * * * The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes inherited different systems of social insurance with existing fonds. The territories under the Austro- ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 537 Jelena RAFAILOVIĆ: COMPARISON OF SOCIAL INSURANCE LEGISLATION OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY AND THE KINGDOM ..., 535–546 Hungarian monarchy had the most thorough and longest insurance, while the territories under the Kingdoms of Serbia and Montenegro remained on a declarative level or there was no social insur- ance at all. As a part of Austria, Slovenia (without Međimurje and Prekmurje) and Dalmatia first introduced laws legislating social issues in the mid-19th century. The employees of mines, state- run railways, and civil/private servants were given social insurance in the form of health, accident, and pension guarantees through fraternal funds that were gradually introduced during the 19th century up to the First World War6 (Glaser, 1925b, 10–11; Kresal, 1970, 210; 1973; 1998, 22, 187). General compulsory accident insurance for, mostly industrial workers, was introduced in 18877 followed closely by illness insurance in 1888.8 Until the First World War, labour protection was further strengthened by changes through new laws and amendments, the last of which covered social insurance for maritime workers in 1913 (Glaser, 1927, 431; Kresal, 1998, 19, 23; Kresal, 2005, 162; Milenković, 1981, 110; Dobaja, 2009). In the territories of Croatia, Slavonia (with Srem), Banat, Bačka, Baranja, Prekmurje and Međimurje, general compulsory social insurance for illness was introduced through Article XIV of the mutual Hungar- ian-Croatian Parliament “on the support of the trade and factory workers in the case of illness” in 1891. Certain professions had insurance before the enact- ment of Article XIV in the aforementioned territories, for example: miners had insurance based on the Gen- eral Mining Act (1854) as well as insurance in case of disease for craftsmen based on the Trade Act (Obrtni zakon) of 1872 and amended in 1884. which did not fully take effect. The next step in general compulsory social security in these territories was the enactment of Article XIX in 1907. Article XIX improved illness insurance as well as enlarging and modifying accident insurance. (Zakon o osiguranju obrtnih, 1909, 13–14, 24–25; Pešić, 1957, 26–29) Due to the specific status of Croatia in Hungary, minor differences in insurance were present. The most important difference owed to the fact that in Hungary, as well as Banat, Bačka 6 Insurance for the case of illness of workers of the Austrian state railways and the Society of Southern Railways has been carried out since 1858 through hospital support funds (Bolniške potporne blagajne), insurance for accidents at work since 1869, and pension insurance in Slovenia since 1844/1854. Fraternal fond as social security institutions were legislated by the Mining Act of 1854 in Austria, which marked the introduction of social insurance in Slovenia for miners and smelters (Kresal, 1998, 181, 188; Pešić, 1955, 5–6, 8; Keber, 2011). 7 Zakon od 28. decembra 1887, 1888., Amended by-laws from 20th July 1894, 9th August 1908, 29th April 1912, 11. February 1913 (for sailors), 30th December 1917 (Helebrant, 1925, 49). 8 Zakon od 30 marcija 1888, 1888. The Law was amended several times and came into force on 4th April 1889, 11th February 1913 (for sailors), 20th November 1917 (Helebrant, 1925, 49). 9 Insurance for agricultural workers was based on Legal Article II. 1898 on the regulation of legal relations between employers (land- owners) and agricultural workers (Zakonski članak II. 1898. o regulisanju pravnih odnosa između poslodavaca (zemljoposednika) i poljoprivrednih radnika). It implied the existence of a concluded contract between the employer and the worker (there were two types of workers), and landowners had to take care of sick workers, but no longer than 8 days. If the illness lasted longer than 8 days, he was obliged to report the case to the municipal authorities. Also, the threshing workers were insured in case of accidents, which was paid for by the employer (Milenković, 1981, 119–120). and Baranja, insurance for agricultural workers9 was introduced in 1900 (Glaser, 1927, 431; Milenković, 1981, 113). In Bosnia and Herzegovina, part of the Habsburg Empire from 1878, miners were considered as a special group of workers that already had illness and pension insurance based on the Mining Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina enacted in 1881. This law, like all other mining laws of the era, required the establishment of a Fraternity Fund which designated monetary help for injured or killed miners and their families. A law implementing compulsory illness insurance for workers in commerce, industry and trade was introduced on 15 February, 1909, inspired by the Austrian illness insurance format (Glaser, 1927, 431; Helebrant, 1925 51; Milenković, 1981, 113–114; Perić, 1931, 156; Pešić, 1955, 50). The Serbia Shops Act (Zakon o radnjama) was introduced in 1910 and its articles 85–97 covered compulsory insurance in case of injury and illness of the workers, and voluntary insurance in case of exhaustion, old age and death. The Act was never applied due to political and military reasons, with the exception of the miners and state railway work- ers who had illness insurance, old-age pensions in fraternal funds. Officers and certain state officials also had pension insurance. The territories which were incorporated into the Kingdom of Serbia after the Balkan wars 1912/1913, and the Kingdom of Montenegro, as an independent state, had no regula- tions or laws on social insurance and protection of workers (Zakon o radnjama, 1910; Perić, 1931, 155; Pešić, 1955, 65–73; Milenković, 1981, 120–121). * * * The period from the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (hereafter the Kingdom of SCS), until the passing of the Law of Workers’ Insur- ance in 1922, can be characterized as a transitional period for social insurance. With the separation of territories from the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, a series of problems arose in the field of social security. Primarily this was in the form of separate legislative ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 538 Jelena RAFAILOVIĆ: COMPARISON OF SOCIAL INSURANCE LEGISLATION OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY AND THE KINGDOM ..., 535–546 insurance except that the territories were left without insurance carriers and funds. To maintain continuity, social insurance was regulated by inherited legal norms and post-war laws of central and provincial governments (Milenković, 1981; Perić, 1931, 95–98). Along with these temporary laws, the government - more precisely the Ministry of Social Policy, worked on the Labour Insurance Act, which was supposed to be unique and general for the entire territory of the Kingdom of SCS. The facts of the enactment of the Law on Workers’ In- surance necessary for a full understanding of the model and influence on the Law, are only partially available. The archival materials of the Ministry of Social Policy, the creator of the Law and thus the relevant body, are incomplete and insufficient for understanding of this issue (Ašković, 1978). The enactment of the general, unified, Law on Workers’ Insurance, proceeded relatively rapidly. At the end of January 1919, the Ministry of Social Policy drafted the Basic Law on Workers’ Insurance. The Basic Law provided mandatory insurance for workers in case of illness and accidents, while other types of insurance were to be implemented successively. The revised Basic Law was presented to workers, entrepre- neurs, and institutions such as universities, medical associations, and various ministries. In December 1920 it got its final form, and was proclaimed as the Regulation on the insurance of workers in case of ill- ness and accidents on June 27, 1921 (Pešić, 1957, 106–110). The Regulation was the basis for the Law brought up later. During the same period, the Vid- ovdan Constitution was enacted. Its articles 31 and 33 enabled special law on insurance of workers at the territory of the Kingdom of SCS “in cases of accident, illness, unemployment, invalidity, old age and death” (Glaser, 1927, 432; Zakon o osiguranju radnika, 1922, 209–210). Finally, the Law on Workers’ Insur- ance was adopted on May 14, 1922, promulgated in the Official Gazette on May 30, 1922, and come into force on July 1, 1922 (Glaser, 1924, 226; Helebrant, 1925, 52–53; Petnaest godina Središnjeg, 1938, 3–9; Zakon o Osiguranju radnika, 1922). Certain aspects of the Law on Workers’ Insurance had been changed over time by the amendments, and various decrees. Amongst them are regulations on payment of hos- pital expenses, exemption of postage, state subsidy, taxes, etc. (Petnaest godina Središnjeg, 1938, 22–45; Radnička zaštita, 1940, 157; Kresal, 1998, 51). Enactment of the Law on Workers’ Insurance was a part of a set of laws from the domain of workers’ legis- 10 The basic institution to monitor the implementation of the labour legislation and to direct its development was the International Labor Organization, established upon the 13th part of the Versailles Peace Treaty as a part of the League of Nations. The first General Labor Conference was held in 1919 in Washington and its conclusions were the basis of the workers’ goals in the period between two world wars (about 8-hour work day; unemployment; employment of the women before and after childbirth; night work of women, minimal age (14) of children to be employed and night work of children in factories) (Adžija, 1925, 167–177; Perić, 1931, 77–94; Rodgers et al., 2009, 1–15, 172–178; Čalić, 2004, 216; AJ-MTI 65-46-246). lation, such as the Regulation of the 8-hour Work Shift (1919), the Law on Work Inspection (1921), the Law on the Protection of Workers (1922), etc. (Milenković, 1999, 108; Nikolić, 1994, 71; Rafailović, 2014). It should also be pointed out that national social policy was influenced by new social changes in the times of discontinuity and restructuring after the First World War. The Treaty of Versailles, new international institu- tions (League of Nations and the International Labor Organization), and The Washington Conference held in 1919 were all influential.10 Law on Workers’ Insurance, as we will see, basically contained the principles of both Austrian and Croatian- Hungarian legislation. In his exposition, the Minister for Social Policy, Vjekoslav Kukovec, stated that the Law was regulated on the basis of Article XIX from 1907 because it adopted a system that was applicable to the largest part of our current territory: Voj- vodina, Croatia, and Slavonia. That system seemed to be modern and more conserva- tive than the one in Slovenia and Dalmatia, where workers had 2/3 of the management, and the employers had one-third. Croatia and Vojvodina have ruling parity. I adopted this second principle in an agreement with business representatives from the Chamber of Labor [...] in my opinion, they rightly pointed out that our country is not yet economically developed enough to be able to put workers’ insurance in the hands of workers’ repre- sentatives only, [...] so that principle was adopted in an agreement with conservative business circles. (Stenografske beleške, 1922, 391; Pešić, 1957, 111–113) The basic principles of social insurance as pro- claimed in the Law on Workers’ Insurance were: the broadest compulsory insurance and complete unifica- tion of all kinds of insurance; centralization in one in- stitution along with self-governing organizations based on equal representation of employers and employees in all bodies of the institutions; universality, territoriality, and reciprocity of insurance; state monitoring by the Ministry of social policy and the courts of labour insur- ance (Mudrinić, 1938, 230). According to Milan Glaser (Humski & Dimitrijević, 1998), the leading expert on social insurance and the director of Central Office for Workers’ Insurance (Središnji ured za osiguranje radnika, SUZOR) since 1924, “all principles of modern ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 539 Jelena RAFAILOVIĆ: COMPARISON OF SOCIAL INSURANCE LEGISLATION OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY AND THE KINGDOM ..., 535–546 insurance have been adopted, and as a result, it is possible to implement workers insurance in a way that it will be able to fully delivery in all circumstances” (Glaser, 1925a, 69). However, there were also some problems that characterized the law, such as: postpon- ing the implementation of insurance for exhaustion, old age and death until 1937; exception from the obli- gation of Law a number of categories of workers (state, municipal, city and village administration, private clerks, mining workers…); reduction of state subsidies; little or no financial support to servants and domestic workers and vague categorizations of seasonal work- ers in the case of an accident, etc. (Petnaest godina Središnjeg, 1938, 61–68; Čalić, 2004, 217–218). * * * As already mentioned, on the territory of the former Austro-Hungarian monarchy, two different general legislation systems in the field of compul- sory social insurance were in use - Austrian (1887, 1888) and Hungarian-Croatian (1907). There were also special insurance laws for different professional groups. On the following pages, the most important issues of these two general legislations will be com- pared with the Law on Workers’ Insurance (1922). The legislators themselves emphasized several fundamental subjects - which we will also refer to - what types of insurance should be implemented, the scope of insurance, the amount of support and the cost coverage, and the organization of insurance (AJ 65-1008-1896). The structure of the Law on Workers’ Insurance was similar to the Hungarian- Croatian model, with certain modifications, and a more modern approach in some of the articles. The Law on Workers’ Insurance had a total of 213 articles divided into 5 parts – 1. actual regulations 2. organization of insurance 3. resolution of disputed issues; 4. supervision 5. various penal, transitional, and final provisions (Zakon o Osiguranju radnika, 1922). The Hungarian-Croatian law had 209 articles and almost identical 4 units: 1. actual institutions 2. organization of insurance 3. procedure for resolv- ing conflicting issues and supervision 4. various provisions regarding penalties, transitions and other institutions (Zakon o osiguranju obrtnih, 1909). The Yugoslav Law on Workers’ Insurance anticipat- ed insurance in Article 1 in case of illness, accidents, exhaustion, old age and death (insurance for the insured’s family), and Article 2 predicted insurance in case of unemployment (announced as a later regula- tion, but has never been implemented in the form of insurance, only through other social institutions). Of the above mentioned, only the illness and accident insurance were clearly defined and implemented from the day the law passed. Insurance in case of exhaus- tion, old age and death (pension and insurance for the insured’s family) according to the Law on Workers’ In- surance from 1922, was supposed to be carried out by 1925, but it was postponed until September 1, 1937, when the Decree on the implementation of insurance for workers in case of exhaustion, old age and death was passed (Pešić, 1957, 149–153; Kresal, 1998, 51, 152, 153; Mudrinić, 1938, 230–234; Glaser, 1925a, 66). Austrian law provided special legal solutions for accident insurance (Zakon od 28. decembra 1887, 1888) and illness (Zakon od 30 marcija 1888, 1888). Hungarian-Croatian law, i.e. article XIX from 1907, defined and regulated insurance in case of illness and accident, but not retirement insurance. (Zakon o osiguranju obrtnih, 1909) Insurance eligibility was defined as “all persons who, in the territory of the Kingdom of SCS, perma- nently or temporarily based on any employment relationship, lend their physical or mental strength, regardless of sex, age and nationality” (Zakon o оsiguranju radnika, 1922, § 3). According to the Aus- trian law, illness insurance covered all workers in the industry, trade, commerce and mining, as well as in the Hungarian-Croatian law (Zakon o osiguranju obrtnih, 1909; Zakon od 30 marcija 1888, 1888). None of the three laws provided for the insurance of agricultural workers and day labourers; the Yugoslav one excluded prison inmates, houseworkers and certain occupations (Krajčević, 1937, 26; Zakon o оsiguranju radnika, 1922, § 6). Specific to all three laws is that the staff of state transportation institutions, along with miners, civil servants and some other professions, had special insurance, which will be discussed later. From the financial aspect, insurance costs in the Kingdom of the SCS were determined according to the salary of the worker and the type of insurance. All workers were insured regardless of their salary, but their salary was insured up to 48 dinars per day. The insurance contribution was paid based on the earnings of insureds (guaranteed wages) and according to the category of salary classes prescribed by the Ministry of Social Policy. The number of wage grades varied from 12 to 18 from 1922 to 1940, with a minimum wage of 2.50 dinars. The amount of contribution per insured person in case of illness was 6%–8% of the insured wage. For accident insurance, contributions were paid based on the guaranteed wage, according to the percentage of risk, and based on a certain tariff, which amounted to 5%-8% of the daily guaranteed wage for 100% risk. The prescribed insurance costs were paid by the employer, and the contribution was divided in half by the employee and the employer so that the employer can deduct half from the employee’s salary. In case of an accident at work or occupational disease, the insurance contribution was borne exclu- sively by the employer (Zakon o оsiguranju radnika, 1922, §§ 21–44; Glaser, 1925b, 50–51; Gojković, 1936, 77–81, 91–106). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 540 Jelena RAFAILOVIĆ: COMPARISON OF SOCIAL INSURANCE LEGISLATION OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY AND THE KINGDOM ..., 535–546 A similar principle of the financial basis existed in the Austrian law, which was valid in the territory of Slovenia and Dalmatia. Insurance cost was based on a salary range, and according to the worker’s qualification. There were 5 pay grades that mostly corresponded to real earnings in a particular field. Two-thirds of the amount was paid by the workers, and one-third by the employers, with the work- ers’ contributions not being allowed to amount to more than 3% of their wages (Kresal, 1970, 216, 217; Zakon od 30 marcija 1888, 1888, §§ 26, 24). Accident insurance was separated from health insurance under Austrian law and thus separately organized. There were insurance institutions where employees were insured in the form of premiums that were borne 90% by the employer and 10% by the employee. Contributions were calculated ac- cording to the tariff determined by the insurance company and approved by the state, according to the employee’s wage and the assessment of job risk. (Bratož, 2018, 121; Kresal, 1970, 216; Milenković, 1981, 113; Zakon od 28. decembra 1887, 1888, §§ 16–17). In Croatia, there was a somewhat different in- surance financing system. Similar to the previous two laws, the contribution was paid based on the “cross-wages class”, but the classes were deter- mined by the State Treasury for the support of sick workers, especially for workers under 18 years of age. According to Article XIX of the Law, since 1907 workers paid for a membership card; then workers and employers paid half of the contributions for insurance in case of illness. The contribution at the expense of the worker could not be lower than 2% nor higher than 4% (The maximum contribution was 8 Kruna), and employers paid contributions for accident insurance (Zakon o osiguranju obrtnih, 1909, §§ 24–40, §§ 41–49). In a broader sense, the Law on Workers’ Insur- ance from 1922 forward, differentiated between benefits for illness, childbirth and death of em- ployee and minimum benefits for family. In case of illness, insured members had the right to have: 1. free medical care during an illness of up to 26 weeks, with the possibility to extend for another 26 weeks; 2. medicine, bathing, healing waters, aux- iliary medical devices (glasses, crutches, artificial legs, foot gaiters), and necessary bandages for 26 weeks. There was the possibility of extending the period for another 26 weeks for treatment devices as well as a food allowance (social allowance dur- ing sick leave) if an illness lasts longer than three days, in the amount of 2/3 of the guaranteed wage per day (Zakon o оsiguranju radnika, 1922, § 45). 11 The law regarding grants in the event of childbirth was amended by the Law of 5 December 1931 relating to the granting of grants in the event of childbirth, Official Gazette, 285a, XCIV, 1937 (Radnička zaštita, 1940, 157). The Austrian law from 1888 provided for free medical treatment from the onset of illness, includ- ing obstetric care, as well as necessary medications and other therapeutic aids for a period of 20 weeks. For each day of sick leave longer than three days, the worker received 60% of the specified daily wage. Hospital treatment was limited to 4 weeks, and the costs of hospital treatment alone could not exceed the amount charged if a person had been treated at home (Zakon od 30 marcija 1888, 1888, § 6; Kresal, 1970, 216–217). The Croatian- Hungarian law ensured free medical assistance as long as an illness lasts. Up to the twentieth week workers had the right to free medicine, bathing, medicinal waters, and auxiliary medical devices (glasses, crutches, artificial legs ...) also for a period of twenty weeks; food allowance, if illness lasts longer than three days, in the amount of 50% of the guaranteed wage per day, up to 20 weeks (Zakon o osiguranju obrtnih, 1909, § 50). The laws also provided support in case of child- birth. According to Yugoslav law, mothers-to-be had the right to free midwifery and medical assistance, maternity leave in the period of 2 months before and 2 months after childbirth in the amount of ¾ of the guaranteed salary; aid for the child’s equip- ment in the amount of fourteenth of the guaranteed salary (if the child was born alive). The assistance for breastfeeding mothers was half of the provided daily wage, but at most 3 dinars per day. Women who did not breastfeed were entitled to child food assistance. According to the law, from 1922, women had to be employed and insured continuously for three months to receive maternity benefits. Later in 1937, the law was amended11 and it was necessary to have 10 months of insured service in one year or 18 months in the last two years (Zakon o osigu- ranju radnika, 1922, §§ 45 & 49). The Austrian law provided for medical assistance to women in labour for four weeks after childbirth, and the Hungarian- Croatian provided for food allowance for a period of up to 6 weeks after childbirth, if a woman was insured for three months during one year (Zakon o osiguranju obrtnih, 1909, §§ 50 & 53; Zakon od 30 marcija, 1888, § 6). Childbirth allowances were particularly criti- cized by employers in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Business owners felt that it was “too much of a burden on our insurance industry...” and that finan- cial assistance to mothers was disproportionately large. They required women to work more than nine months to gain the right to insurance, not only three months as regulated by law. For example, Ante Mudrinić, director of the Zagreb district office, ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 541 Jelena RAFAILOVIĆ: COMPARISON OF SOCIAL INSURANCE LEGISLATION OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY AND THE KINGDOM ..., 535–546 justifying the views of the employers, presented the example of Helena Hudovernik, a worker who gave birth to four children from 1924 to 1927, and who between 1922–1927 earned a total of 1,910.80 dinars, but received 4,319.60 dinars for mater- nity leave (Zapisnik III konferencije predsjednika ravnateljstva, upravnika i glavnih lekara mesnih organa Središnjeg Ureda za osiguranje radnika, 1927, 567–590). Family members who lived with the insured per- son and had no income, had the right to free medical treatment, medications and medical devices for 26 weeks and to maternity assistance 4 weeks before and 4 weeks after childbirth, in the amount of 1.50 dinars per day. They also received support for nec- essary equipment. According to amendments to the law on workers’ insurance from 1931, assistance to unemployed family members was limited to as- sistance to women after childbirth in the form of medical and midwifery support (Zakon o оsiguranju radnika, 1922, § 45). The Croatian-Hungarian law provided for the same type of assistance for unem- ployed family members of the insured person: free treatment, medications and medical devices for 20 weeks and assistance in case of childbirth (Zakon o osiguranju obrtnih, 1909, § 50). In case of death of an insured member, the fam- ily received support for the funeral in the amount of thirty insured wages (Zakon o оsiguranju radnika, 1922, § 45), and according to the legislation of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy (1888, 1906) families had the right to funeral allowances in the amount of 20 daily wages (Zakon o osiguranju obrtnih, 1909, § 50; Zakon od 30 marcija 1888, 1888, § 6). According to the Law on Workers’ Insurance, the organization and implementation of workers’ insurance were under the jurisdiction of the Central Office for the Insurance of Workers (SUZOR) with headquarters in Zagreb (Zakon o оsiguranju radnika, 1922, §§ 119–158). SUZOR provided insurance for workers in case of illness and accidents from 1st July 1922 throughout the Kingdom of the SCS, and from September 1, 1937, insurance for all work- ers in case of exhaustion, old age and death. The mentioned institution originated from the National Treasury for the support of sick workers and insur- ance against accidents, that is, from the Hungarian- Croatian system of insurance. SUZOR was the only insurance carrier for workers included in the Law on Workers’ Insurance. Insurance was carried out through its local bodies and the district offices.12 There were also, as local committees of SUZOR, three private social health funds in the Kingdom for 12 District offices for workers’ insurance in the mid-twenties were in Belgrade, Niš, Skopje, Vršac, Veliki Bečkerek, Subotica, Sombor. Novi Sad, Zemun, Osijek, Brod, Bjelovar, Varaždin, Sušak, Karlovac, Zagreb, Ljubljana, Split, Dubrovnik, Sarajevo, Travnik, Tuzla, Banjaluka, Mostar… The largest district office was in Ljubljana with 75.000 members, and the smallest was in Tuzla with 5,000 members (Glaser, 1927, 435). the insurance of clerks and commercial assistants (Beograd, Zagreb and Ljubljana). SUZOR, as well as the district offices, were based on the self-governed principle and were headed by administrative committees, the general assembly, the directorate and the supervisory board comprised of workers and employers (Petnaest godina Središnjeg, 1938; Milenković, 1999, 113–115; Zakon o osiguranju obrtnih, 1909, §§ 119–158). In Slovenia and Dalmatia, hospital insurance was not centralized. Health insurance was provided through independent funding (hospital funds), i.e. health funds, which could be: district, business, co- operative, social and fraternal (for miners) (Zakon od 30 marcija 1888, 1888, § 11). An entrepreneur who employed more than 100 workers could establish a health fund, that is, an illness fund. The mentioned funds were independent in their operations, but they were obliged to be members of the Association of health insurance funds, which covered the work- ers against accidents, and whose headquarters were in Trieste and Graz; the responsibilities of these as- sociations were small. The exception was insurance for private officials which was centralized, with offices in Graz (Carinthia and Styria), and Trieste (Carniola, Austrian Littoral (encompassing Trieste, Gorizia, Gradisca, Istria) and Dalmatia) (Kresal, 1970, 216; Kresal, 1998, 193). As already mentioned, SUZOR inherited the Croatian-Hungarian model of insurance organiza- tion. Accident and illness insurance in Croatia, Slavonia and Vojvodina was carried out through the National Treasury for the Support of Sick Workers and Accident Insurance, based in Zagreb for Croatia and Slavonia, and in Budapest for Hungary. The Na- tional Treasury worked through the local bodies of the district treasuries for workers’ insurance and the entrepreneurs’ treasury for the support of the ill. The same as in Yugoslavia, the system was based on the principle of self-government, with an organization of the general assembly, directorate, and supervi- sory boards in which insured persons and employers were represented in the same number. Insurance was supervised by a special state office for workers’ insurance, which resolved all disputes as a last resort (Zakon o osiguranju obrtnih, 1909, 98–155). * * * Continuing the practice from the pre-war period, entire classifications of workers were exempted from the Law on Workers’ Insurance (1922), and had special insurance in the Kingdom ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 542 Jelena RAFAILOVIĆ: COMPARISON OF SOCIAL INSURANCE LEGISLATION OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY AND THE KINGDOM ..., 535–546 of Yugoslavia. Certain insurance applied to the entire territory of the Kingdom, and some only to narrower areas. Mining workers were insured by the Fraternity Treasurer according to the Regula- tion of the Fraternity Treasurer for the Insurance of Miners and Personnel at Mining Enterprises from 1924/1925. Miners employed in mining compa- nies, as well as their families, had insurance in case of illness, accident, exhaustion, old age and death (pension insurance), and since 1937 in case of unemployment, according to The Mining Law. The Regulation was created upon the Law on Work- ers’ Insurance, and the hitherto different regula- tions of inherited mining insurance were unified and extended to the entire country and to accident insurance. Miners were in a slightly better position compared to other workers according to Law on Workers’ Insurance, in terms of pension rights and the amount of some benefits, but they also paid higher premiums (10% in case of illness). The Regulation of the Fraternity Treasurer was amend- ed and changed over the years, but significantly in 1928/1929, 1933 and 1937. Mining insurance was carried out by the Fraternity funds, with head- quarters in Belgrade, Zagreb, Ljubljana, Sarajevo and Split and local fraternity funds through three sections – Illness, Disability and Pension Funds (Grčević 1939, 257–258, 251–266; Pešić, 1957, 156–163; Perić, 1931, 179–192; Radnička zaštita, 1940, 157). State traffic personnel also had special insurance. They were insured in case of illness and accident on the basis of a special Order of the Minister of Transport dated in May 1922. From 1923 they had pension insurance per the Law of State Traffic Personnel. The insurance was pro- vided through the Health Fund for traffic personnel at the Ministry of Transport (Pešić, 1957, 163–169; Perić, 1931, 179–192). Officials in civil service, public and private companies were a separate category and had differ- ent insurances depending on their position (clerks, banovina clerks, state and banovina diarists, part- time and contractual clerks, municipal clerks, permanent monopoly workers, etc.). For example, civil state servants (except contract clerks and di- ary clerks) and staff of the National Bank of SCC were excused from the insurance obligation under the Law on Workers’ Insurance in 1925; employers in public works companies 1922, 1925; workers and officials of water cooperatives 1927, etc. (Hel- ebrant, 1925, 69; Pešić, 1957, 135–138). The following example also shows the dif- ference in insurance. The pension insurance of private officials was based on legacy insurance that existed in Slovenia and Dalmatia since 1906 (which came into force in 1909). After the War, in January 1919, Temporary General Retirement Clerks’ Fund was established in Ljubljana (in- stead of the General Pension Institute in Vienna, under the branch in Graz), which was granted to Dalmatia in August 1919. In June 1921, the Decree on the temporary regulation of the pen- sion insurance of officials in the former Austrian territory of the KSCS was passed and became Law in 1922, and again it was amended and refined in 1933. It was finally regulated by the mentioned law from 1937 on pension insurance of workers. It should also be noted that insurance in case of illness for civil servants was carried out through the private social illness fund: Illness fund of the Belgrade merchant youth, Treasury of the trading and support society in Ljubljana and Illness fund of the society of commercial and private clerks Merkur, Zagreb (these funds were local organs of SUZOR) (Radnička zaštita, 1940, 157; Pešić, 1957, 156–183; Kresal, 1998, 152–153; Perić, 1931, 179–192). Insurance of seafarers was carried out in terms of certain provisions of the Law on Workers’ Insur- ance. Various issues of administrative and techni- cal nature were resolved by the agreement with the representatives of shipowners and seafarers. Insurance for sea fishermen did not exist. It was postponed based on Article 6 of the Law on Work- ers’ Insurance, because there were neither regular employers nor employees, since the fishermen didn’t receive a salary for their work but shared the catch. However, supplementary insurance for seafarers employed on merchant navy ships was mandatory from September 1, 1937, in the case of old age and death (Radnička zaštita, 1940, 161, 247). The statistical review confirms what has been said so far – social legislation did not equally cover all strata of the working population. It primarily covered employees in industrial, commercial and trade enterprises, state and private administration, miners and traffic workers, excluding the agricul- tural population. Also, there were cases where workers were employed for most of the year and were never registered, which completely circum- vented the social legislation. This was a common case in the construction industry (Izveštaj Beograd- ske radničke komore o radu, 1932, 211). The num- ber of average insured members, and thus persons with the possibility of health insurance by SUZOR was as follows: In 1923, - 439,164 insured, and by 1931, the number had grown to 609,190, the year the end of the Great Economic Crisis, 1935, there were 564,287, and before the beginning of the Second World War in 1938, 715,186 (Statistički godišnjak, 1934, 412; Statistički godišnjak, 1941, 409). Workers’ insurance also did not equally cover the territory of the Kingdom. According to data from ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 543 Jelena RAFAILOVIĆ: COMPARISON OF SOCIAL INSURANCE LEGISLATION OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY AND THE KINGDOM ..., 535–546 1934, excluding Belgrade as a specific economic entity, the highest percentage of the population was insured in Dravska Banovina - 7.57% of the total population, that is, within SUZOR 15.93%; in Savska banovina 5.39%, within SUZOR 26.77%; and Dunavska banovina 4.27%, within SUZOR 18.74%. Dravska, Savska and Dunavska Banovina were to a lesser or greater extent the territories of the former Austro-Hungarian Monarchy where, it was observed, social insurance had a stronger and longer tradition. These were also the territories that had a higher level of industrial development and thus employed workers (Glaser, 1935, 238). *** With the Law on Workers’ Insurance, all the principles of modern insurance were adopted, at least declaratively, and it represented one of the most important workers’ laws in the history of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Representing, to the great- er extent, an amended and more modern version of the Austro-Hungarian laws from 1887, 1888 and 1907, marked a big step towards the development of economic institutions. The law came to life, but not entirely, because the institutions in charge of implementing it were not stable and strong enough to carry it out. Implementing workers’ insurance was not an easy task for the ruling circles and SUZOR. The Law on Workers’ Insurance brought with it a series of difficulties arising both from the inconsistencies of the law and subsequent by-laws and decisions, as well as from the non-enforcement of the law by business circles and some authorities. Among other things, the fact was that the agricultural popula- tion, which made up the absolute majority, was not insured. Thus, the labour legislation covered a smaller number of inhabitants compared to millions of peasants who did not get state welfare protec- tion. The other problems related to the The Law on Workers’ Insurance were: delaying the implementa- tion of insurance for exhaustion, old age and death until 1937; weakness of unemployment insurance; reduction of state subsidies to SUZOR, minimal or no support to servants, domestic workers and vague categorizations of seasonal workers in the case of an accident; exemption from the obligation of The Law persons employed in the state administration, private clerks, mining, traffic personnel, etc. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 544 Jelena RAFAILOVIĆ: COMPARISON OF SOCIAL INSURANCE LEGISLATION OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY AND THE KINGDOM ..., 535–546 PRIMERJAVA ZAKONODAJE O SOCIALNEM ZAVAROVANJU AVSTRO-OGRSKE MONARHIJE IN KRALJEVINE JUGOSLAVIJE – PRAVNO NASLEDSTVO Jelena RAFAILOVIĆ Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino Srbije, Trg Nikole Pašića 11, 11000 Beograd, Srbija e-mail: jelena.rafailovic@inis.bg.ac.rs POVZETEK Zakon o zavarovanju delavcev v Kraljevini Srbov, Hrvatov in Slovencev/Jugoslaviji je bil sprejet leta 1922. Bil je sodoben zakon z najširšim obveznim zavarovanjem in popolnim poenotenjem vseh vrst zavarovanj; centraliziran v eni ustanovi in je zagotavljal univerzalnost, teritorialnost in vzajemnost zavarovanja; z držav- nim nadzorom ministrstva za socialno politiko in sodišč za delovno zavarovanje. Združil je vse razlike med podedovanimi socialnimi zakonodajami Kraljevine SHS, ki so se opirale na habsburško zakonodajo – avstrijsko (1887, 1888) in madžarsko-hrvaško (1907). Analizirali smo osnovna vprašanja teh treh zakonov: katere vrste zavarovanj so se izvajale, obseg pravic iz zavarovanja, višina podpore in kritja stroškov ter organizacija zava- rovanja. Analiza je pokazala, da je v Zakonu o zavarovanju delavcev iz leta 1922 večina zakonskih rešitev v večji ali manjši meri napisana po madžarsko-hrvaškem vzoru, z določenimi spremembami, dopolnitvami in sodobnejšim pristopom v nekaterih členih zakona. Izvajanje zavarovanja delavcev je prineslo vrsto težav, ki so izhajale tako iz nedoslednosti zakona in poznejših podzakonskih aktov in odločb kot tudi iz neizvajanja zakona s strani poslovnih krogov in nekaterih organov. Ključne besede: Kraljevina Srbov, Hrvatov in Slovencev/Jugoslavija, Avstro-ogrska monarhija, socialno zavarovanje, delavska zakonodaja, Osrednji zavod za zavarovanje delavcev, medvojno obdobje ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 545 Jelena RAFAILOVIĆ: COMPARISON OF SOCIAL INSURANCE LEGISLATION OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY AND THE KINGDOM ..., 535–546 SOURCES AND LITERATURE Adžija, Božidar (1925): Međunarodna organizacija rada. Radnička zaštita, 7, 5–6, 167–177. AJ 65-1008-1896 – Arhiv Jugoslavije (AJ), 65-1008- 1896 (n. d.). Dopis Ministra socijalne politike upućen Ministru trgovine i industrije, Uredba o privremenom uređenju osiguranja radnika u bolesti i nesrećnim slučajevima, 20. 12. 1920, 4. 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Glaser, Milan (1924): Pregled poslovanja Središnjeg ureda za osiguranje radnika za poslovnu 1922 i 1923. Radnička zaštita, 6, 8–9, 225–244. Glaser, Milan (1925a): Socijalno osiguranje. Radnička zaštita, 7, 3–4, 65–73. Glaser, Milan (1925b): Socijalno osiguranje: jedno poglavlje iz knjige Dr. A. Štampara: “Socijalna me- dicina”. Zagreb, Zaklada tiskare narodnih novina. Glaser, Milan (1927): Kratak prikaz našeg osigu- ranja radnika. Radnička zaštita, IX, 9, 429–439. Glaser, Milan (1935): Kratak pregled Socijalnog osiguranja u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji. Radnička zaštita, XVII, 6–7, 233–250. Gojković, Emilo R. (ed.) (1936): Zakon o osiguranju radnika: od 14 maja 1922 godine: objašnjen sporednim zakonodavstvom i praksom. Beograd, Geca Kon A. D. Grčević, Đuro, (1939): Socijalno osiguranje u Jugo- slaviji. Radnička zaštita, XXI, 6-8, 251–266. Helebrant, Vilim (1925): Zakon o osiguranju rad- nika od 14. maja 1922: sa objašnjenjem od Vilima Hel- ebranta. 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Kresal, France (1970): Začetki in razvoj delavskega zavarovanja v Sloveniji med obema vojnama. Zgo- dovinski časopis, 24, 3–4, 209–245. Kresal, France (1973): Nekateri načini reševanja delavskih socialnih vprašanj na Slovenskem do leta 1922, Prispevki za novejšo zgodovino, 13, 1–2, 3–52. Kresal, France (1998): Zgodovina socialne in gosp- odarske politike v Sloveniji od liberalizma do druge svetovne vojne. Ljubljana, Cankarjeva založba. Kresal, France (2005): Socialna politika na Sloven- skem do druge svetovne vojne kot vir za zgodovino socialnega dela. Socialno delo, 44, 3, 161–171. MacMillan, C. Michael (1986): Social versus Politi- cal Rights. Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, 2, 283–304. Milenković, Milica (1999): Radničko zakonod- avstvo i radničke socijalne institucije u Jugoslaviji 1918–1941. Tokovi istorije, 1–4, 106–117. Milenković, Toma (1981): Privremeno radničko za- konodavstvo u Jugoslaviji: od kraja prvog svetskog rata do donošenja Vidovdanskog ustava. Zbornik Zavoda za povijesne znanosti Istraživačkog centra Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti, 11, 109–232. Milosavljević, Milosav (2007): Socijalna politika. V: Mimica, Aljoša & Marija Bogdanović (ur.): Sociološki rečnik. Beograd, Zavod za udžbenike, 528–529. Milosavljević, Petar (1972): Položaj radničke klase Srbije 1918–1929. Beograd, Izdavačko preduzeće “Rad” (cyrillic). Mudrinić, Ante (1938): Socijalna politika u Jugo- slaviji. Radnička zaštita, XX, 5, 225–237. Nikolić, Kosta (1994): Radnici u građanskom društvu Kraljevine SHS/Jugoslavije (1921–1931). Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju, 1, 1, 67–76 (cyrillic). Perić, Ilija P. (1931): Jugoslavensko socijalno za- konodavstvo: priručnik za socijalnu službu. Beograd, Centralni odbor za posredovanje rada. Pešić, Ratko (1955): Nastanak i razvitak socijalnog osiguranja u jugoslovenskim zemljama do početka Drugog svetskog rata. Doktorska disertacija. Beograd, Pravni fakultet. Pešić, Ratko (1957): Nastanak i razvitak socijalnog osiguranja u Jugoslaviji. Knj. 1, Socijalno osiguranje do početka Drugog svetskog rata. Beograd, Savezni zavod za socijalno osiguranje. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 546 Jelena RAFAILOVIĆ: COMPARISON OF SOCIAL INSURANCE LEGISLATION OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN MONARCHY AND THE KINGDOM ..., 535–546 Petnaest godina Središnjeg ureda za osiguranje radnika: 1922–1937. (1938): Zagreb, Središnji ured za osiguranje radnika. Petrović, Ljubomir (2011): Socijalna politika u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji: bilans jednog neuspeha. Istorija 20. veka, 29, 2, 119–132. Radnička zaštita (1927): Zapisnik III konferencije predsjednika ravnateljstva, upravnika i glavnih lekara mesnih organa Središnjeg Ureda za osiguranje radnika, održanog 30. septembra i 1. oktobra 1927. u lečilištu Klenovik. (1927). Radnička zaštita, IX, 11–12, 559–629. Radnička zaštita (1929): Izveštaj o zaključnim računima Središnjeg ureda za osiguranje radnika za poslovnu godinu 1928. Radnička zaštita, XI, 12, 973–994. Radnička zaštita (1940): Izveštaj o poslovanju središnjeg ureda za osiguranje radnika u 1939. godine. Radnička zaštita, XXII, 5–9, 157–267. Rafailović, Jelena (2014): Primena zapadnog za- konodavstva na Balkanu: uporedna analiza uvođenja radničkog zakonodavstva u Kraljevini SHS i Bugarskoj. Godišnjak za društvenu istoriju, 21, 1, 75–97 (cyrillic). Rodgers, Gerry, Swepston, Lee, Lee, Eddy & Jasmin van Daele (2009): The International Labour Organiza- tion and the quest for social justice, 1919–2009. Ge- neva, International Labour Organization. Statistički godišnjak (1934): Statistički godišnjak 1932. Knj. IV. Beograd, Kraljevina Jugoslavija, Opšta državna statistika. Statistički godišnjak (1941): Statistički godišnjak 1940. Knj. X. Beograd, Kraljevina Jugoslavija, Opšta državna statistika. Stenografske beleške Zakononodavnog odbora Narodne skupštine Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca (1922): Zagreb, Knjiga I, Prvi saziv: I-XIX. sednica od 3. jula do 19. oktobra 1921. godine, Drugi saziv: I. i II. predhodna sednica, 21. i 22. oktobra 1921. godine i I-XXX. sednica od 24. oktobra do 15. decembra 1921. godina (cyrillic). Beograd, Narodna skupština. Titmuss, Richard (1968): Commitment to Welfare. London, George Allen and Unwin Ltd. Titmuss, Richard (1974): Social Policy. London, George Allen & Unwin Ltd. Zakon o osiguranju obrtnih (1909): Zakon o osigu- ranju obrtnih i trgov. namještenika za slučaj bolesti i nezgode: sa provedbenom naredbom: (zakonski članak XIX: 1907.). Zagreb, Nakladom Akadem. Zakon o osiguranju radnika (1922): Zakon o osigu- ranju radnika, obnarodovan u 117. broju “Službenih novina” od 30. maja 1922. god. Beograd, Državna štamparija Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca (cyril- lic). Zakon o radnjama (1910). Srpske novine, službeni dnevnik Kraljevine Srbije, LXXVII, 150, cyrillic. Zakon od 28. decembra 1887 (1888): Zakon od 28. decembra 1887, o zavarovanji delavcev gledé kake nezgode. Državni zakonik za kraljevine in dežele v državnem zboru zastopane, 1. 1. 1888. Zakon od 30 marcija 1888 (1888): Zakon od 30 marcija 1888 o zavarovanji delavcev glede kake bolezni. Državni zakonik za kraljevine in dežele v državnem zboru zastopane, 6. 4. 1888. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 547 received: 2022–09–02 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2022.34 »KRUHA IN DELA«: O REŠEVANJU SOCIALNIH VPRAŠANJ V ISTRI IN TRSTU 19. STOLETJA Urška BRATOŽ Znanstveno–raziskovalno središče Koper, Garibaldijeva 1, 6000 Koper, Slovenija e–mail: urska.bratoz@zrs–kp.si IZVLEČEK Članek skuša predstaviti nekatere značilnosti habsburškega socialnega ‘sistema’ na območju Istre v 19. stoletju, kakor jih je mogoče zaznati predvsem skozi perspektivo delovne (ne)zmožnosti kot ključnega krite- rija za ugotavljanje upravičenosti do socialne pomoči. Avtorica opazuje naslavljanje socialnih vprašanj v tem času, pri čemer se kot eden temeljnih spodbujevalcev socialnih podpor – zlasti v primerih starosti, bolezni in brezposelnosti – izkazujejo predvsem krizne okoliščine. Pozornost je posvečena tudi vprašanju financiranja dobrodelnosti, ki je v večji meri slonelo na posameznih občinah, obenem pa tudi pomembnemu segmentu ubožnih fondov – zasebni dobrodelnosti, ki jo je mogoče razumeti v kontekstu meščanske etike. Ključne besede: habsburška monarhija, Istra, Trst, socialne politike, revščina, meščanstvo, krize »PANE E LAVORO«: SULL’ASSISTENZA SOCIALE ISTRIANA E TRIESTINA DELL’OTTOCENTO SINTESI L’articolo cerca di presentare alcune caratteristiche del “sistema” sociale asburgico nell’area dell’Istria nel XIX secolo, percepite soprattutto attraverso la prospettiva dell’(in)abilità al lavoro come criterio chiave per determinare l’ammissibilità all’assistenza sociale. L’autrice osserva le modalità di approccio alle questioni sociali in questo periodo storico, in cui gli interventi a sostegno della vecchiaia, della malattia e della disoccupazione sono spesso incentivati dalle crisi. L’attenzione è rivolta anche alla questione del finanziamento della carità, che dipendeva in gran parte dai singoli comuni, e a un fonte importante dei fondi sociali – la beneficenza privata, che può essere collocata nel contesto dell’etica borghese. Parole chiave: monarchia asburgica, Istria, Trieste, politiche assistenziali, povertà, borghesia, crisi ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 548 Urška BRATOŽ: »KRUHA IN DELA«: O REŠEVANJU SOCIALNIH VPRAŠANJ V ISTRI IN TRSTU 19. STOLETJA, 547–558 UVOD Preden je delavski razred postal ključna sfera vladnega delovanja na področju socialne oskrbe v zadnjih desetletjih 19. stoletja (Scheutz, 2005, 70) in je Avstrija po nemškem zgledu vpeljala sistem socialnega zavarovanja, so se delavski in nedelavski sloji zanašali večinoma le na dobrodelnost in kolektivno samopomoč, ki sta sicer kasneje sobivali z novimi ukrepi socialnih politik (Kresal, 2005, 162). Izhajajoč iz predpostavke, da v času večine 19. stoletja sicer težko govorimo o socialnih politikah (prim. Čeč, 2012, 41), ter da je bilo socialno skrbstvo bolj usmerjeno v kratkoročno reševanje trenutnih kriz, v katerega večinoma ni bila neposredno vpeta država, bo skušal prispevek podati nekakšen prerez socialnega ‘sistema’ na območju Istre in Trsta, kakor ga je mogoče zaznati predvsem skozi perspektivo delovne nezmožnosti. Ta ni narekovala le različnih tipov podpor, ampak je predstavljala tudi ključen kriterij za utemeljevanje (ne)upravičenosti do socialne pomoči (prim. Pančur, 2012, 145). Socialna oskrba na območju Istre, zlasti v času pred uvedbo socialne zakonodaje v poznem 19. stoletju, ki je zadevala delavstvo, je bila doslej deležna le manjše mere historiografske pozornosti, predvsem pa je bila ta v različna s tem povezana vprašanja usmerjena razdro- bljeno in parcialno. V okviru zgodovine socialnega skrb- stva na Slovenskem je bilo narejenih nekaj splošnejših pregledov (Anžič, 2002; Grošelj, 2018; o pravnih vidikih pa Dobaja, 2009), a tudi temeljnih študij o različnih kulturnozgodovinskih vidikih revščine (npr. Čeč, 2012; 2016; 2020), ki pa so zajeli predvsem tiste dežele, ki so po prvi svetovni vojni prešle pod Jugoslavijo, ne pa tudi primorskega dela, ki je pripadel Italiji.1 Nekoliko izdatneje pa je ta problematika razdelana za habsburški Trst (omeniti velja zlasti dela, kot so Fabi, 1984; Finzi, 2001; Scartabellati, 2006 idr.), čemur je gotovo botro- vala večja dostopnost ohranjenega gradiva.2 1 O socialnih sistemih v času med obema vojnama na območju istrskega prostora v okviru Italije prim. Lee Downs (2018); Vinci (2012); Bratož (2021); za slovenske dežele v okviru prve Jugoslavije pa npr. Dobaja (2018). 2 O bogatem gradivu tržaških socialnih ustanov prim. Fabi (1980). 3 Članek je nastal v okviru ARRS raziskovalnih projektov ‘Jadranske socialne države. Socialne politike v transnacionalni obmejni pokrajini od sredine 19. do 21. stoletja’ (J6–1800) in 'Kulturno–zgodovinski vidiki staranja' (J6–2572). 4 Gre za območje, ki je vse do konca 18. stoletja spadalo pod Beneško republiko in se je nahajalo v neposredni bližini Avstrijskega ce- sarstva, pod katerega je sodil Trst. 5 Npr. koprski špital je v novem veku deloval tudi kot ubožnica in sirotišnica oz. najdenišnica ter zavetišče za neporočena dekleta, delno pa tudi kot bolnišnica; sprva so tovrstne ustanove v Istri delovale v okviru laičnih bratovščin (o tem prim. Bonin, 2018; Bonin, 2009). 6 Običajno je bil to, zaradi finančne teže, najmanj prisoten socialni ukrep. Tudi v Trstu zgodovinarji (prim. Fabi, 1984, 38) ugotavljajo, da je zaznati izrazito težnjo po zmanjševanju denarnih podpor ter njihovo nadomeščanje z manj dragimi oblikami pomoči. 7 Kot poudarja Woolf (1988, 37), pa ni mogoče govoriti o dveh povsem ločenih segmentih pomoči, saj sta bila pogosto bolj kot ne kom- plementarna. 8 O njem prim. zlasti v Di Fant (2011 in 2012) ter v priložnostno izdanih publikacijah, kjer se poroča o njegovem delovanju, npr. Rossetti & Formiggini (1903) ter Cenni (1859). 9 Med drugim so bile ubožnice v Kopru, Piranu, Motovunu, Lovranu, Balah, Umagu, … (Handbuch, 1855; prim. Madonizza, 1857). Po statistiki za leto 1885 je bilo v Istri 20, na Kranjskem pa 225 ubožnih ustanov, kar je sicer za posamezne dežele pomenilo 1 ustanovo na 14.186 (Istra) oziroma na 2.129 prebivalcev (Kranjska), v Trstu pa naj bi edina ubožna ustanova statistično pokrivala kar 141.709 prebivalcev. Hkrati se je po podatkih o 1 podprtem revežu na število prebivalcev Trst uvrščal v sam vrh (37), Kranjska v povprečje med vsemi deželami (80), Istra pa med tiste z manj podprtimi reveži (1 na 278 prebivalcev) (Österreichische Statistik, 1888, XLVIII). V prispevku se želimo posvetiti prav primorskemu prostoru, in sicer v obdobju ‚dolgega 19. stoletja‘.3 Če opazujemo socialno oskrbo na območju Istre (in tudi Trsta kot sedeža deželnega namestništva za Avstrijsko primorje) v času avstrijske nadvlade – torej skorajda celo 19. stoletje, do začetka prve svetovne vojne – lahko zaznamo predvsem razpršenost socialnih ukre- pov, po drugi strani pa vztrajanje mehanizmov, ki so tu obstajali že dolgo pred tem, pod drugimi političnimi sistemi.4 To je čas, ko je specializacija socialnih (in zdravstvenih) ustanov potekala še zelo počasi, ker so bile podporne institucije še v veliki meri multifunkci- jske, saj so na nek način nadaljevale delo novoveških špitalov – ti so še vedno bili, vsaj deloma, nosilci javne oskrbe (Scheutz, 2005).5 NAČINI OSKRBE IN TIPI PODPORE Tipizacija podpore in oskrbe v grobem ločuje med neinstitucionalno oskrbo (ki vključuje t. i. ‚zunanjo dobrodelnost‘, predvsem stalno ali občasno prejemanje podpor v denarju6 ali dobrinah – živilih, obrokih, oblačilih ipd.) in institucionalno oskrbo (nastanitev v socialnih ustanovah).7 O stalnih podporah je podatkov malo, zlasti tam, kjer ni bilo ubožnih inštitutov, ki so sicer take podatke denimo redno beležili. Slednji so bili rezultat jožefinskih reform in so nastali kot sistem razdeljevanja socialne pomoči, a to ni veljalo za Istro, ki je v 18. stoletju še pripadala Beneški republiki, je pa Ubožni inštitut seveda deloval v Trstu.8 Drugi tip pomoči je bila institucionalna oskrba, ki je bila predvsem v obliki ubožnic oziroma oskrbovalnih hiš namenjena zlasti onemoglim, ostarelim in bolnim,9 saj je bila pogosto povezana tudi z bolnišnično oskrbo. Dobrodelne ustanove tega tipa so se v obravnavanem prostoru financirale v glavnem od najemnin, prodaje pridelkov (ter zakonskih dohodkov, npr. od določenih glob, v Trstu npr. tudi davka na vino (prim. Di Fant ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 549 Urška BRATOŽ: »KRUHA IN DELA«: O REŠEVANJU SOCIALNIH VPRAŠANJ V ISTRI IN TRSTU 19. STOLETJA, 547–558 Slika 1: Primer potrdila o revščini, izdanega na koprski občini (PAK, SI-PAK-KP-7, t. e. 208, št. 1070). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 550 Urška BRATOŽ: »KRUHA IN DELA«: O REŠEVANJU SOCIALNIH VPRAŠANJ V ISTRI IN TRSTU 19. STOLETJA, 547–558 (2011, 80)), volil in dobrodelnih donacij.10 Seveda je imela vsaka občina v svojem proračunu predvideno postavko z nazivom ‚dobrodelnost‘, a potrebno je poudariti, da je bila tu pravzaprav mišljena zdravst- vena oskrba,11 saj so v to kategorijo sodile bolnišnice in zdravstvene ustanove, namenjene duševnim bolnikom, porodnicam, najdenčkom, gluhonemim ipd., lokalne skupnosti pa so morale poleg tega poskrbeti za revne nasploh, torej so morale pokriti tudi vse preostale segmente socialne pomoči (prim. Scheutz, 2005, 68). V predmarčni dobi je bila socialna oskrba v splošnem nekakšna simbioza med ubožnimi inštituti (kjer so ti obsta- jali), zasebno dobrodelnostjo in cerkvenimi ustanovami, po letu 1848 pa se že začenja premeščanje administrativne avtonomije na tem področju na lokalno (občinsko) raven (Scheutz, 2005, 66). Sprva je bil – tudi v Istri – še deželni fond tisti, ki je kril institucionalno oskrbo.12 Dežela naj bi, tako so marca 1863 razpravljali v istrskem deželnem zboru, imela veliko stroškov s kritjem bolnišnične oskrbe revnih prebivalcev Istre, kar so na eni strani pripisali svobodi slednjih, da se prosto gibljejo po deželi, na drugi pa dolžnostim javnih bolnišnic,13 da v oskrbo sprejmejo vsakogar, ne glede na pertinenco, ter lahkotnosti, s katero naj bi se izdajala potrdila o revščini (Atti, 1863, 377). Ob koncu istega leta se je odgovornost za (institu- cionalno in drugo) socialno oskrbo, kakor so upali tudi v deželnem zboru, prenesla na posamezne občine, kar je pomenilo, da so te skrbele tudi za dotok in razporejanje sredstev, to pa je pogosto zahtevalo veliko iznajdljivosti. Šlo je za zakonske spremembe, ki so zadevale določitev domicilnosti (Scheutz, 2005, 67; Anžič, 2002, 210; Grošelj, 2018, 210; Dobaja, 2009, 50), torej so bile občine pristojne za revne z domicilno pravico, oziroma so lahko za tuje reveže zahtevale povrnitev stroškov od njihovih domovinskih občin. 10 Za podrobnejše podatke o tovrstnem financiranju na primeru koprske ubožnice (ki je bila priključena mestni bolnišnici) prim. zlasti Bonin (2012, 455ff). 11 Ta je bila v času razvoja javnozdravstvenega sistema namenjena večinoma revnim, ki na svojem domu niso imeli ustreznih pogojev za zdravljenje, ravno tako pa ne sredstev za plačilo zdravnika; za osebe, ki niso formalno izkazovale revščine, je bila oskrba v bolnišnicah plačljiva, ravno tako tudi obisk zdravnika na domu, ki je bil sicer tudi večinoma v praksi. 12 Z dekretom namestništva 1. marca 1855 je bilo že določeno, da bolnišnici stroške povrne tista dežela, ki ji pripada oskrbovanec (Atti, 1863, 377). 13 Od leta 1856 naj bi tiste ustanove, ki so imele status javne bolnišnice (ni pa to veljalo za občinske bolnišnice) za povračilo stroškov lahko zaprosile pristojno deželo (Atti, 1863, 377). 14 Domicilna pravica naj bi bila najprej formalizirana s cesarskim odlokom 1754 in dekretom dvorne pisarne 1789, ki sta predpisovala, da se domicil pridobi bodisi s posestvom hiše, pridobitvijo meščanske ali obrtne pravice ali z neprekinjenim 10–letnim bivanjem. Naslednje s tem povezano določilo je bil konskripcijski patent iz leta 1804, ki je kot ‘domače’ štel vse v kraju rojene osebe, sledil pa je provizorični občinski zakon leta 1849 (razlikovanje med občani in tujci). Zadnja faza je zajela občinski (1859) ter domovinski zakon (1863), ki je uredil domovinske pravice (Stariha, 2007, 40–41). Potrebno pa je dodati še novelo 1896 (ki stopi v veljavo leta 1901), s čimer se je v avstrijskem delu monarhije nekoliko olajšala pridobitev te pravice, saj se je obudil – z domovinskim zakonom ukinjen – pogoj 10–let- nega neprekinjenega bivanja v občini (prim. Steidl, 2020; Kirchner Reill et al., 2022). 15 Odgon kot ukrep je bil v rabi vsaj od prve polovice 18. stoletja, natančneje zakonsko urejen pa je postal leta 1871 (prim. Grošelj, 2018, 40–41; Čeč, 2010). Z določili o domicilnosti je prišel še posebej do izraza, saj je bil predstavljen kot način ščitenja občin pred tujimi berači, potepuhi, storilci kaznivih dejanj, katerih bivanje je bilo – ko so postali breme občin – smatrano kot nezakonito (ibid.). 16 Predvsem je z večanjem mobilnosti narasla potreba po evidentiranju krajevne pripadnosti in dejanske prisotnosti posameznikov, kar je omogočilo vračanje oseb, ki so potrebovale oskrbo, v njihove domovinske kraje, oziroma izterjevanje povračil za stroške nudene oskrbe (Kalc, 2016, 117). 17 Pomemben podatek je denimo, da so donatorji, ki so za Ubožni inštitut v Trstu letno prispevali vsaj 50 gld., imeli volilno pravico in so lahko postali člani njegove direkcije – ta je bila nadrejena ubožnim očetom, ki so na terenu ugotavljali upravičenost do podpor (Di Fant, 2011, 82). 18 Ti so se oblikovali po ukinitvi ubožnih inštitutov (Scheutz, 2005, 68), do katere je prišlo leta 1883 (Dobaja, 2009, 52). Zakon o urejanju domovinskih razmerij iz leta 1863 je namreč določal, da v kolikor ubožna oskrba presega pristojnosti in sredstva (dobrodelnih) ustanov, je dolžnost skupnosti, da podpre tiste ubožne, ki so v občini pristojni (Reichs–Gesetz–Blatt, 1863, § 22). To sicer ni bila radikalna novost, saj so tovrstne pravice v praksi obstajale že od 16. stoletja14 (Kirchner Reill et al., 2022; prim. Steidl, 2020, 36–37); sprva je ta pravica ter- jala odgovornost za socialno oskrbo od rojstnega mesta, obenem pa je obstajal institut odgona.15 Do sredine 19. stoletja se je to spremenilo tako, da ‚domicilnost‘ ni bila več vezana na rojstno mesto, temveč je bila določena bodisi po očetu, oziroma po neporočeni materi, poročene ženske so jo prevzele po možeh, sirote pa po kraju, kjer so bile zapuščene itd. (prim. Kirchner Reill et al., 2022), kar je zapletlo določanje pristojnih občin ter otežilo socialno oskrbo priseljencem,16 zlasti delavcem, ki so se začasno nastanili v ekonomsko privlačnejših mestih. Vendar pa je svobodno razpolaganje občin s sred- stvi za dobrodelne namene pomenilo tudi različne kriterije za določanje, komu ta pomoč pripada, kakor ugotavljajo tudi nekatere evropske študije (prim. Zim- mermann, 2011, 12). Vse bolj se začnejo ugotavljati individualne okoliščine prosilcev, ki postanejo merilo za razdeljevanje podpor (te teme denimo pogosto postanejo točke dnevnega reda na sejah občinskih svetov), obenem pa občinske uprave odločajo o dodelitvi domicilnih pravic (Stariha, 2007, 41; prim. Globočnik, 1880, 70). Presojanje o upravičenosti do socialne pomoči in določanje vrste in načina oskrbe (kar je vključevalo tudi izbiro ustrezne institucije) je bilo v teh primerih naloga vodstvenih struktur, ki so izhajale iz meščanskih elit.17 Dodati je potrebno, da za Istro ni bilo posebnega ubožnega zakona18 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 551 Urška BRATOŽ: »KRUHA IN DELA«: O REŠEVANJU SOCIALNIH VPRAŠANJ V ISTRI IN TRSTU 19. STOLETJA, 547–558 (kakršnega je denimo leta 1883 dobila Kranjska; prim. Anžič, 2002, 40ff), ampak so se upoštevala določila domovinskega in občinskega zakona (Pančur, 2012, 145). So pa bili tu kljub temu na ravni občin obliko- vani ubožni fondi, ki so bili med drugim namenjeni vzdrževanju dobrodelnih ustanov ter socialni oskrbi. SOCIALNA POMOČ V KRIZNIH ČASIH Potrebe po socialni pomoči so se dodatno povečale v kriznih časih, denimo ob ekonomskih krizah, epidemijah ali naravnih nesrečah. Tako se je Istra leta 1855 po hudi epidemiji kolere soočila še z izredno draginjo,19 ob tem pa so se porajala vprašanja, ali bo veliko pomanjkanje pravočasno vodilo do iskanja pomoči in kdo bi jo bil sploh pripravljen ponuditi (PAK, SI–PAK–KP–7, t. e. 42, št. 1386). Tudi v takih primerih, zlasti v desetletjih zatem, so bile izredne podpore breme občin, a v kriznih razmerah je mogoče deloma zaznati tudi pomoč na deželni (red- keje in v manjši meri tudi državni) ravni. Razdeljevanje sredstev s strani dežele sicer ni potekalo sistematično oziroma po vnaprej določenem ključu, temveč se je oblikovalo glede na prošnje posameznih občin ozi- roma okrajev20 (Atti, 1863, 310). Sredstva se je zbiralo preko osebne dobrodelnosti, včasih je bila prisotna tudi pomoč vojske, ponekod pa je razvidno, da je občina v časih krize dajala posameznikom tudi posojila za iz- redne stroške, za katera je potem pričakovala povračilo (Bratož, 2017, 181). V Trstu z močno gospodarsko elito se je, zlasti od sredine stoletja dalje, oblikovala kopica različnih zasebnih meščanskih fundacij, ki so svoja sredstva letno namenjale tudi določenemu številu revnih posameznikov ali družin, vdov z otroci, v manjši meri pa tudi ostarelim brez vira prihodka in delavcem, ki so postali dela nezmožni (letno 4 nezmožnim ter 2 ostare- lima nad 70 let).21 Na prehodu v 20. stoletje naj bi sicer figure filantropov (kakršen je bil denimo Pasquale Re- voltella ali pa Cecilia de Rittmeyer idr.) postajale vedno redkejše – ‚zasebna dobrodelnost‘ je doživljala zaton, posameznike pa so začela nadomeščati združenja, društva, pogosto politično motivirana, ki so dobrodel- 19 Nekatera živila, denimo meso, maslo in sladkor, naj bi se celo stoodstotno podražila. 20 Tako je bilo na primer leta 1863 22 % razdeljenih sredstev namenjenih okraju Poreč, okrog 10 % Motovunu in Pazinu, Kopru pa nekaj več kot 13 % (Atti, 1863, 310). 21 Npr. fundacija L. Riessa, ustanovljena v letu 1873, ter tudi fundacije barona P. Revoltelle, M. Radicha in druge (L’amministrazione, 1903, 306ff). Tu pa niso všteta delavska podporna društva, ki so nastajala že od prve polovice stoletja, na primer Bratovščina klobučarjev, Društvo za vzajemno pomoč trgovcev, Društvo za vzajemno pomoč sodarjev idr. (Bratož, 2018, 122). 22 To posredno kažejo prilivi v tržaški občinski proračun (dolgovale so ga druge občine, pristojne za tiste ‘tujce’, ki so medicinsko oskrbo iskali v Trstu), ki so bili že leta 1865 nesorazmerno večji (53.472 gld.) od povračil, namenjenih za zdravljenje tržaških meščanov na območjih drugih občin (1.995 gld.) (Verbali, 1867, seduta 4 aprile 1867). 23 Primer Istre priča o tem, kako je bil s temi stroški (domnevno tudi zaradi zlorab) obremenjen deželni proračun (tu je dežela prevzela 4/5 stroškov institucionalne oskrbe). Stroški dežele za bolnišnično oskrbo so sicer v obdobju 1861–69 letno znašali okrog 15.000 gld., leta 1875 približno 25.000, desetletje kasneje pa že 35.000 gld. (Apollonio, 1896, 19–20). 24 »… quella povera provincia che nei frequenti flagelli da cui fu tormentata, trovò sempre nela filantropica e generosa Trieste un lenimento alle sue piaghe« (Verbali, 1863, 35). Razpravljanj o revščini v Istri je bilo veliko, pogosto takih, ki so vzroke zanjo iskala v ekonomiji. Rešitve, ki naj bi ta problem poskušale odpraviti, je z besedami »delo, kruh in oprostitev plačila davka«, denimo povzel dokument iz leta 1855 (PAK, SI–PAK–KP–7, t. e. 42, št. 1386). nost uporabljala za doseganja soglasij in podpore (Di Fant, 2012, 19, 30). V kriznih letih se je pravzaprav še jasneje pokazala ranljivost sistema, ki je bremenil občine, katerih zmogljivosti pa niso bile enakovredne. Jasno je, da si številne občine niso zmogle vselej pomagati same, posebej, ko je prišlo do povečanja potreb po socialni pomoči. Domovinski zakon (1863) je občinam naložil veliko finančno breme, kar so še posebej občutile manjše med njimi (Fejtová & Hlavačka, 2017, 17).22 Ta je sicer določal tudi, da lahko deželna oblast sprejme finančne ukrepe, s katerimi občinam olajša njihovo obveznost, da poskrbijo za revne, ki jim je bila naložena z za- konom (Reichs–Gesetz–Blatt, 1863, § 22), vendar so bili tovrstni ukrepi pogosto dokaj medli. Dežela, ki se je hotela izogniti povečevanju izdatkov v času izrednih razmer, ker je imela veliko stroškov že s kritjem bolnišnične oskrbe revežem,23 je denimo spodbujala tudi medobčinsko solidarnost. Tovrstno pomoč sosednjih lokalnih skupnosti, ki bi jih neka kriza v bližini lahko tudi neposredno ogrožala, je mogoče zaznati še pogosteje kot deželno. Zlasti tržaška občina je za Istro, ki je veljala za pose- bej revno deželo24 pogosto, čeprav le priložnostno, namenjala sredstva. Vsaj v letih 1854, 1859 in 1863 je šlo za Istro iz občinske blagajne v Trstu po 1.000 gld. Leta 1861 pa je bil 30–odstotni delež postavke izredni stroški (‚spese varie straordinarie‘), za katere je bilo v proračunu predvidenih 10.000 goldinarjev (in ki so vključevali zelo različne reči, od pogozdovanja do nakupa artefaktov za mestni muzej), namenjen tudi dodatnim potrebam za namene dobrodelnosti, zlasti za tržaški teritorij in Istro (Verbali, 1861, 143). Ključno pri tem je, od kod so se sredstva za tovrstno dobrodelnost črpala; videti je, da je velik del slonel na prostovoljnih donacijah. Potrebno je izpostaviti, da je bila dobrodelnost pomemben sestavni del meščanske etike (o tem npr. Čeč, 2012, 49–50; Čeč, 2020, 323), zato so se lahko oblastne strukture zanašale nanjo kot na vir dodatnih sredstev. Motivirana je bila s čustvenimi in verskimi vzgibi, stanovsko solidarnostjo, ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 552 Urška BRATOŽ: »KRUHA IN DELA«: O REŠEVANJU SOCIALNIH VPRAŠANJ V ISTRI IN TRSTU 19. STOLETJA, 547–558 gospodarsko–kariernimi motivi, zlasti z označevanjem statusa in utrjevanjem ugleda ipd. (Čeč, 2020, 320; Čeč, 2012). Nenazadnje je bila lahko povezana tudi s strahom pred revščino, ki je botroval ‚čiščenju mestnega prostora‘ (prim. Čeč, 2016; Fabi, 1984, 27). V Trstu naj bi tako mnogi dobrodelneži znatno povečali svoj letni prispevek Ubožnemu inštitutu, le da bi se – z izgradnjo nove ubožnice – čim prej zne- bili pouličnih beračev (Rossetti & Formiggini, 1903, 68).25 Donacije zasebnikov so se večinoma zbirale preko javnih pozivov; na primer leta 1863 (šlo je za izredne okoliščine, močno sušo in slab pridelek, kar je povečalo število pomoči potrebnih) je bil tak poziv za donacije za potrebe Istre in tržaškega teritorija podan prebivalcem Trsta. Čeprav je bila s strani državne zakladnice dodeljena subvencija v višini 20.000 gld., to ni zadostovalo in je tržaško namestništvo računalo tudi na donacije zasebnikov (Atti, 1863, 399). Po- dobno se je dogajalo ob pogostih epidemijah (zlasti kolere), ki so vplivale tudi na preskrbo družin, saj so številne ostale brez (dela zmožnih) nosilcev prihodka: »[…] nella maggior parte delle epidemie, comuni intere vengono colpite, pochi sono i risparmiati dal male e specialmente fra la classe povera ed agricola; e quindi molte braccia vengono tolte al lavoro ed all‘industria; restano abbandonate le campagne, molte famiglie anche non povere sbilanciate nella loro eco- nomia domestica, per la impossibilità di procacciarsi col lavoro e coll‘industria il loro sostentamento, o per la necessità d‘altronde di provvedere con straordinarie spese alla propria esistenza e conservazione«, je bilo zapisano v aktih istrskega deželnega zbora (Atti, 1864, 253). Prav tovrstne krize pa so pogosto delovale kot dodaten spodbujevalec dobrodelnosti;26 zasebni dona- torji so denimo dobrodelnim ustanovam prispevali ob smrti sorodnikov, ali pa so sodelovali pri organizaciji dobrodelnih dogodkov, denimo plesov, predstav ali tombol (Rossetti & Formiggini, 1903). Izbruh kolere v Izoli je bil denimo leta 1886 tudi motiv za izprositev dela sredstev iz deželne blagajne za trenutne potrebe za tiste dele oskrbe, ki jih običajno dežela ni krila. V dopisu, ki so ga namenili deželnim oblastem, so občinski predstavniki potožili, da je morala občina na pomoč priskočiti številnim prizadetim, v po- manjkanju živečim družinam. Ker bi morala vsota zadostovati tako za bolničarje, straže in drugo osebje, kot tudi za kopico nepredvidljivih izdatkov, je občina s 25 Drugače povedano, obstoj pomoči revnim je bil za elite koristen v ekonomskem, družbenem, političnem, zdravstvenem in moralnem smislu (Leeuwen, 1994, 611). 26 O teh vidikih dobrodelnosti, ki je bila spodbujena tako s kolektivnim strahom (npr. pred socialnimi posledicami kriz) kot s pragmatičnimi cilji, kakršen je bil verjetje v možnost izogiba bolezni (Čeč, 2020, 314). 27 Istega leta so v Kopru, a še pred izbruhom epidemije kolere, razdelili skupaj nekaj več kot 88 goldinarjev izredne denarne podpore, ki so jo prejela 203 gospodinjstva (Bratož, 2017, 187–188), saj se je število pomoči potrebnih zaradi slabe letine povečalo. Običajnejše je bilo sicer razdeljevanje pomoči v naravi, sploh na podeželju. V »letu usodnega pomanjkanja« (1854) so denimo na istrskem in tržaškem podeželju razdeljevali koruzo in (belo) moko (PAK, SI–PAK–KP–7, t. e. 40, akti (1855), št. 343). 28 Da so v času bolezni lahko v revščino zapadle tudi dobro stoječe družine, potrjujejo tudi drugi avtorji (Čeč, 2020, 320), saj je bil njihov akumuliran kapital premajhen za soočanje z večjimi krizami. to utemeljitvijo zaprosila za 2.000 gld. Naposled jim je bilo iz deželnega fonda namenjenih le 700 gld., druge deleže finančne pomoči, ki so se stekli v občinsko bla- gajno, pa so prispevali vlada (100 gld.), ter zasebniki, zlasti nekateri politični akterji iz regije (te donacije so predstavljale slabo četrtino dodatnih prihodkov).27 Kakor sicer ni bila redkost niti drugod po Evropi, so tudi v tem prostoru ob povečanju potreb po sredstvih za namene dobrodelnosti v okviru občin ustanavl- jali posebne komisije (npr. komisija za dobrodelnost, za »javno pomoč«, …). V Istri je videti, da so bili to večinoma začasni ad hoc organi, ki se formirajo zlasti v kriznih razmerah (posebno ob epidemijah) in delu- jejo kot posredniki; njihova naloga je bila običajno zbi- rati zasebne donacije ter revežem priskrbeti bolničarje, zdravila, perilo in hrano, občasno tudi skromnejše pod- pore v denarju. Praviloma so jim načelovali predstavniki lokalne oblasti, cerkve ter medicinske stroke. Tudi tam, kjer ubožnih inštitutov ni bilo, so tovrstne komisije pod okriljem mestnih oblasti in s pomočjo načelnikov mest- nih četrti (ti so namreč – po analogiji z ubožnimi očeti – najbolje poznali prebivalce posameznega mestnega predela) vodile sezname revnih. Na podeželju so nalogo posrednikov za dodeljevanje podpor opravljali duhovniki (prim. Verbali, 1863, 96). Videti pa je, da administrativna mreža za socialno oskrbo ni bila poenotena, saj so v istrskem deželnem zboru leta 1865 posebej predlagali ustanovitev odborov za dobrodelnost za vse tiste občine (ali župnije), kjer je bil ubožni fond prepuščen prostim rokam občinske uprave in posebnih dobrodelnih struktur ni bilo (Atti, 1865, 226). Morda je to dodalo spodbudo tudi za ustanovitev društva za pomoč revnim v Kopru leta 1866, ki je preko predstavnikov mestnih četrti vodilo sezname revnih ter skrbelo za razdeljevanje živil, oblačil in posteljnine (PAK, SI–PAK–KP 7, t. e. 79, a. e. 215). Pomen tovrstnega posredništva, ki so ga igrale take komisije, ni bilo le uspešno zaznavanje revščine v posa- mezni skupnosti, temveč tudi zagotavljanje diskretnosti, saj je bila samopercepcija obubožanega človeka, ki se je v taki vlogi znašel zaradi neke trenutne krize,28 lahko tesno povezana z občutkom sramu. Tako naj bi odbor za ‚skrivno usmiljenje‘ pri tržaški izredni komisiji za dobrodelnost v letu 1855 ob večji epidemiji kolere poskrbel, da je skrivnost o pomanjkanju posameznih družin ostala na varnem in so se te lahko »izvlekle iz pomanjkanja, ne da bi pri tem spravile v nevarnost svoje samoljubje« (Bratož, 2017, 115). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 553 Urška BRATOŽ: »KRUHA IN DELA«: O REŠEVANJU SOCIALNIH VPRAŠANJ V ISTRI IN TRSTU 19. STOLETJA, 547–558 O DELU, KI PREPREČUJE REVŠČINO Leta 1864 je tržaška občina vzpostavila posebno komisijo (‚Commissione sul pauperismo‘), sestavljeno iz dveh občinskih svetnikov ter štirih predstavnikov dobrodelne direkcije, katere naloga je bila preučiti in predstaviti predloge za izboljšanje stanja na področju socialnega vprašanja. V poročilu (o njem prim. Fabi, 1984, 145–146; Rossetti & Formiggini, 1903, 87; Finzi, 2001, 416ff; Scartabellati, 2006, 40ff), ki ga je komisija po zaključku svoje naloge predstavila, se je izpostavila tudi problematika pomanjkanja dela. Ob tem je mogoče pritrditi ugotovitvam, da so bili prav starost, bolezen in brezposelnost tisti ključni socialni problemi oziroma spodbujevalci revščine tudi v istrskem prostoru (prim. tudi Scheutz, 2005, 59). Tu pa ni mogoče mimo pomemb- nega diskurza, povezanega z upravičenostjo do socialne pomoči oziroma razprav o ‚pravi‘ in ‚nepravi‘ revščini. Zahteva po delitvi revnih na dve skupini (zaposljive berače na eni ter revne, ki se niso mogli preživljati npr. zaradi starosti ali zdravstvenega stanja, na drugi strani) je obstajala v posvetnih oblasteh skozi celoten novi vek, 29 Takole so bili ‘pravi reveži’ definirani v pravilniku Ubožnega inštituta v Trstu iz leta 1818: »I realmente poveri si distinguono in quelli, che per disgrazia, difetti corporali o vecchiaja si sono resi affatto inabili a procacciarsi col lavoro il loro sostentamento, ed in quelli che per simili circostanze sono divenuti soltanto in parte inabili al lavoro, che non possono procacciarsi il loro intiero sostentamento da sè stessi, ma bensì almeno una parte del medesimo« (Kandler, 1861, 11). razsvetljenstvo pa je nato, kakor ugotavljajo nekatere razprave, le pospešilo institucionalizacijo v reševanju tega problema v urbanem prostoru, npr. z uvedbo delovnih hiš in prisilnih delavnic (Fejtová & Hlavačka, 2017, 10). Zato je razsvetljenska miselnost, ki je vz- trajala v meščanski etiki še zagotovo vse 19. stoletje, ključna tudi pri teh vprašanjih. Zlasti imamo tu v mislih ekonomsko upravičeno (merkantilistično) moraliziranje, po katerem je človek s svojim delom koristen za državo in njeno blaginjo. Diametralno nasprotje delu kot vred- noti je bila lenoba, brezdelje, s katerim pa so pogosto povezovali dela zmožne revne. Po tej logiki so bili zares usmiljenja vredni (in do pomoči upravičeni) zgolj tisti revni, ki iz objektivnih razlogov niso mogli delati (torej ostareli, bolni, invalidni ipd.), skratka delovno – povsem ali delno – nezmožni.29 Na preostale revne so večinoma, že od 18. stoletja, gledali kot na neizkoriščen potencial delovne sile. Pomembna distinkcija je bila sicer tudi med trajno in začasno delovno nezmožnostjo; če se je slednjo skušalo čim prej sanirati (tudi v okviru obstoječih zdravstveno–socialnih ustanov), je prva običajno že im- plicirala dodeljevanje določene vrste socialne oskrbe. Slika 2: Nova tržaška ubožnica, kakršna je zrasla v drugi polovici 19. stoletja (Cenni, 1859). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 554 Urška BRATOŽ: »KRUHA IN DELA«: O REŠEVANJU SOCIALNIH VPRAŠANJ V ISTRI IN TRSTU 19. STOLETJA, 547–558 Delo kot vrednota in zagotovilo osebne sreče ter družbenega blagostanja je bilo trdno zasidrano tudi v meščanske kulturne kode 19. stoletja, pri čemer naj bi bila naloga družbe pridobiti čim več delovno zmožnih (koristnih) družbenih členov.30 O tem je denimo leta 1845 pisal Carlo Combi – tedaj vodja uradniškega osebja Ubožnega inštituta v Trstu, ki je v svojem razmišljanju povzel miselnost tržaške trgovske elite in splošno prisoten diskurz o pavperizaciji (urbane) družbe – ter idejo, da je »izobraziti in moralizirati« ključna naloga filantropije in dobrodelnosti, ter da mora obstajati tudi javna (ne le zasebna) dobrodel- nost, ki ne prispeva le k začasnemu reševanju težav, temveč tudi k dolgoročnejši odpravi vzrokov revščine za javno dobro.31 Vendar pa naj tudi javna dobrodelnost v smislu prevzgoje revnih ne bi bila izvedljiva za vse; odrasli (med njimi zlasti starostniki) so bili po Combijevih besedah »za družbo že izgubljene rastline«, ki jim je bodisi starost odvzela za delo potrebne moči, bodisi so bili iz moralnih, fizičnih ali drugih razlogov (kom- petence) prikrajšani za zaposlitev. Tudi ob odprtju nove tržaške ubožnice leta 1862 so iz inavguracijskih nagovorov odmevala sporočila o tem, da dobrodelne institucije ponujajo dve stvari – zatočišče in delo, ter da je to največ, kar lahko revež zahteva od družbe (Rossetti & Formiggini, 1903, 68). Tedanje doktrine so namreč promovirale verjetje v to, da se z zago- tavljanjem dela izvaja resnično in dobronamerno usmiljenje32 ter da tako vsakdo, glede na lastne zmožnosti, določene s spolom, starostjo ter fizičnimi močmi, prispeva k skupnemu dobremu. Iz tega naj bi bili tako izvzeti le dela nezmožni (Rossetti & Formig- gini, 1903, 66). Za namene socialnega discipliniranja oziroma tovrstne prevzgoje – brezdelje je bilo namreč dojeto tudi kot eden ključnih pogojev za vznik kriminala – so se v evropskem prostoru ustanavljale prisilne delavnice in delovne hiše (o teh prim. Scheutz, 2005, 62), ki pa so bile za istrski prostor manj značilne (kar sicer ne velja za Trst33), obstajale pa so razne obrtne šole, namenjene vzgoji in usposabljanju mladih iz nižjih slojev (v Kopru npr. Grisonijev inštitut; o njem prim. Bonin, 2012). Cilj teh je bil vzgojiti mlade, da 30 O ideologiji, povezani z delom več v Studen (2012); Stariha (2007), v kontekstu potepuštva pa tudi npr. Wadauer (2011). 31 Ubožni inštitut je bil nasploh ključni regulator zasebne dobrodelnosti oziroma se je predstavljal kot edini veljavni posrednik za zasebno dobrodelnost, ki bi lahko bila zlorabljena s strani lažnih revežev, če se ne bi kanalizirala preko institucije, ampak posameznikov (Di Fant, 2012, 23). V tem kontekstu je lažje razumeti skrb, da bi afera, ki jo je v Trstu s svojim okoriščanjem z javnimi sredstvi povzročil Combi (Fabi, 1984) nevarno ogrozila kredibilnost podpornih institucij v rokah meščanske elite, ki jo je skrbela lastna javna (moralna) podoba. 32 »… col dare lavoro si opera la veritiera e benefica carità« 33 V Trstu je dodelitev institucije za oskrbo prosilcev narekovalo načelo delovne sposobnosti; tisti, ki so še lahko postorili kakšno delo (tudi manjše, denimo tesarsko, krojaško, čevljarsko ali drugo delo) – četudi si denimo zaradi visoke starosti niso mogli zagotoviti preživetja – so bili dodeljeni oskrbovalni hiši Ubožnega inštituta, popolni invalidi pa civilni bolnišnici (Di Fant, 2011, 88). 34 Gl. denimo pravilnik izolske ubožnice Besenghi (PAK, SI–PAK–KP–250, t. e. 1, m. 3). 35 Takrat je nastalo tudi tržaško društvo (Società Operaia Triestina), ki je združevalo vse delavce, saj so pred tem obstajala le posamična društva za vzajemno pomoč, namenjena točno določenim poklicnim skupinam (Scartabellati, 2006, 52). 36 Tudi kasneje (1862) se poroča o 1.200 do 2.000 dnevno skuhanih brezplačnih obrokih za vse pomoči potrebne izven oskrbe institucij, katerih število se je spreminjalo glede na potrebe in sezono (Rossetti & Formiggini, 1903, 67). bodo postali »koristni ne le zase, ampak tudi za širšo skupnost in družbo,« zato je Combi tudi predlagal nekaj, do česar v njegovem času še ni prišlo – difer- enciacijo takih ustanov oziroma ločitev na ustanove, namenjene oskrbi odraslih ter na tiste za zaščito in vzgojo otrok/mladih. Kljub temu so tudi ‚običajne‘ ubožnice do določene mere doktrino o delu in njegovih koristih infiltrirale v svoje delovanje; v teh ustanovah se je namreč v zameno za bivanje običajno pričakovalo tudi brezplačno delo, v kolikor ga je bil posameznik zmožen opravljati.34 Omeniti je treba tudi začasno delovno nezmožnost zaposlenih delavcev; tem so lahko stisko deloma blažila nadomestila v okviru delavskih podpornih društev, zavarovalnic ipd., seveda če so zanje plačevali prispevke. Avstrija je leta 1887 vpeljala nez- godno, leto kasneje pa tudi zdravstveno zavarovanje, a že v desetletjih pred tem so obstajale organizirane oblike samopomoči, namenjene delavcem. V kopr- skem društvu za vzajemno pomoč (ki je bilo – sicer sprva le za moške delavce – ustanovljeno leta 1869,35 v letu 1882 pa je bilo v Istri že 14 takih društev) je včlanjenim delavcem ob začasni delovni nezmožnosti (zaradi bolezni ali poškodbe) pripadala podpora. Ta je bila zmanjšana za tretjino, v kolikor je bolezen trajala 4 mesece oziroma za polovico, če je trajala več. V okviru takih društev je sicer potekala tudi pomoč pri iskanju zaposlitve za brezposelne člane (Bratož, 2018). Tisti, ki dela trajno niso bili zmožni opravljati, pa so bili upravičeni do enega ali drugega načina socialne podpore (čeprav praviloma nezadostne); razen institucionalne oskrbe v ubožnici so lahko bili prejemniki pomoči v hrani ali dobrinah. Zlasti pogosto je bilo (npr. v večjih mestih, kot je bil Trst) razdeljevanje brezplačnih obrokov (juhe) pod okriljem Ubožnega inštituta – potreba po teh naj bi od leta 1837 do 1845 (zaradi ekonomsko moti- viranega priseljevanja delavstva) narasla z 800 na 2.000 in več razdeljenih obrokov (Fabi, 1984, 41).36 To razdeljevanje brezplačnih obrokov naj bi sicer predstavljalo širšo obliko dobrodelnosti, ne ozko vezane na domicilno pravico, vendar praviloma začasne (Di Fant, 2012, 22 in 30). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 555 Urška BRATOŽ: »KRUHA IN DELA«: O REŠEVANJU SOCIALNIH VPRAŠANJ V ISTRI IN TRSTU 19. STOLETJA, 547–558 Deloma so bile verjetno utemeljene tudi sočasne pritožbe glede tega, da je socialna oskrba zgoščena pretežno v urbanih prostorih oziroma premalo pride nasproti potrebam, ki se izkazujejo v ruralnem okolju. V Trstu je bilo denimo razdeljevanje obrokov (mineštre) namenjeno tudi prebivalcem sosesk in vasi (okolice),37 vendar je bilo ponje treba priti v mesto, kar pa je lahko predstavljalo težavo za ostarele, ki so živeli zunaj njega. Ti poleg tega tudi niso mogli sodelovati pri še enem ‚socialnem ukrepu‘, in sicer koriščenju plačljivih javnih del (popravilu cest38), za katera je občina leta 1863 namenila več sredstev,39 ki so bila nato izplačana udeleženim delavcem. Ravno brezposelnost, tudi začasna, je bila pereč problem, ki je povečeval kvoto pomoči potrebnih (Verbali, 1863, 35). Večkrat se je opozarjalo, da je revščina na podeželju sezonska40; »durante l‘estate tutti lavorano o la campagna, od in un modo o nell‘altro, e nell‘inverno sono quasi tutti poveri« (Verbali, 1864, 215). To so občasno skušali reševati z ukrepi, kot je bilo omogočanje javnih del v zimskem času, ter razdeljevanje dobrin (moke, soli, …). Veliko revnih s podeželja je sicer iskalo priložnosti v mestu – imeli so tudi dostop do institucionalne oskrbe (ubožnica), vendar pa so bili ob splošnem netoleriranju in kriminalizaciji beračenja v ustanovo običajno odve- deni prisilno; leta 1864 naj bi bilo v Trstu 715 arestov beračev, od tega so 28–im odredili oskrbo, 516 jih je bilo – kot tujcev – predanih policijski direkciji, 171 pa sorodnikom, ki so obljubili njihovo vzdrževanje (Fabi, 1984, 14741). Po navedbah iz občinskih zapis- nikov je sicer v tržaški okolici od skupno 493 družin podporo42 v tem času prejemalo 193 družin, 275 pa jih je dobivalo (tudi) brezplačen obrok (Verbali, 1864, 215). Število družin, ki so prejele podporo, bodisi v denarju ali živilih, je v Trstu nato še naraščalo vsaj do leta 1881, kljub temu pa ni moglo slediti naraščanju povpraševanja po socialni pomoči (Scartabellati, 2006, 88–89). ZAKLJUČEK Če bi skušali podati nekakšne splošne zaključke, je mogoče trditi, da je bilo naslavljanje socialnih vprašanj v obravnavanem času pretežno usmerjeno 37 Od skupno 580 družin, ki so v Trstu prejemale brezplačni obrok, jih je bilo več kot 47 % iz okolice, to pa je obenem predstavljalo skoraj polovico razdeljenih obrokov (Verbali, 1864, 215). 38 Pa tudi na železnici, vendar naj bi bilo v ta dela vpeto le v bližini živeče prebivalstvo (Atti, 1873, 76). 39 V vrednostih 1.400 (Bazovica), 720 (Padrič), 204 (Bane), ter 700 gld. (Lonjer) (Verbali, 1863). Tudi na območju Istre je bil del sredstev, »v pomoč zdravemu in delovnemu človeku«, dodeljen v obliki javnih del (Atti, 1863, 310). 40 Ni pa to veljalo le za agrarne delavce; pozimi so bili pogosto brez dela tudi pristaniški delavci, saj je vreme ladjam onemogočalo plovbo, podobno pa so bili brez zaslužka tudi ribiči (Fabi, 1984, 42) in ti so lahko postali občasni /priložnostni reveži. 41 Prim. Verbali (1864), kjer je zapisano, da so večinoma prihajali s podeželja. 42 Ni sicer razvidno, v kakšni obliki; morda je šlo za pomoč v naravi, saj je strošek za izredne denarne podpore naveden ločeno. k sprotnemu reševanju posameznih problemov, ne pa k nekim sistemskim in dolgoročnim rešitvam, kar pomeni, da so bili spodbujevalci socialne oskrbe v 19. stoletju zlasti krizne okoliščine. Za zajem celotnega konteksta je pomem- bno razumevanje vloge, ki jo je imela meščanska delovna etika, ki je odpravljanje revščine razumela predvsem na način, da se posamezniku, ki živi v pomanjkanju, zagotovi delo ali se ga zanj usposobi, da se lahko vsaj deloma preživlja sam. Seveda v primerih delovne nezmožnosti (predvsem zaradi starosti ali invalidnosti) tovrstni ukrepi niso prišli v poštev. V teh primerih so se posamezne občine, na katerih je večinoma slonelo finančno breme za tiste vrste podpore, ki niso bile v proračunu deželnega fonda (po uvedbi domovinskega zakona pa tudi del institucionalne oskrbe), morale angažirati na področju spodbujanja dobrodelnosti, pri čemer so se v veliki meri lahko zanašale na meščansko etiko filantropizma. Ravno zato, ker je bilo breme za socialno skrbstvo na lokalnih entitetah, ki so lahko težave reševale na različne načine, je pri razisko- vanju teh vprašanj ključnega pomena tudi izvajanje mikroštudij. Gotovo je, da vprašanja socialne oskrbe niso bila rešena sistematično, niti ukrepi niso bili naravnani dolgoročno, obenem pa je bilo premalo narejenega tudi za zagotavljanje (dodatnega) dela tistim, ki so se bili sposobni preživljati, a so bili zelo odvisni od številnih zunanjih dejavnikov, katerih spreminjanje jih je lahko pahnilo bodisi v sezonsko ali trajnejše pomanjkanje. Čeprav je dejansko razsežnost revščine (torej tudi tisto, ki se izmakne morebitnim statistikam odobrenih podpor) običajno težko ugotavljati, pa razmeroma velik obseg občasne socialne pomoči nakazuje, da je veliko ljudi živelo tik pod pragom revščine, čez katerega so jih hitro lahko pahnile spreminjajoče se (krizne) okoliščine. Na drugi st- rani pa se raziskovalcu običajno izognejo različne nebeležene oblike neformalne solidarnosti, ki so gotovo v veliki meri prispevale k reševanju po- gosto spregledanih socialnih vprašanj, vsekakor pa so pomenile tudi ključno dopolnilo formalnim oblikam podpore. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 556 Urška BRATOŽ: »KRUHA IN DELA«: O REŠEVANJU SOCIALNIH VPRAŠANJ V ISTRI IN TRSTU 19. STOLETJA, 547–558 »BREAD AND WORK«: ADDRESSING WELFARE ISSUES IN 19TH–CENTURY ISTRIA AND TRIESTE Urška BRATOŽ Science and Research Centre Koper, Garibaldijeva 1, 6000 Koper, Slovenia e–mail: urska.bratoz@zrs–kp.si SUMMARY The article aims to present some of the characteristics of the 19th–century Habsburg welfare ‘system’ in the province of Istria, as perceived mainly through the perspective of (in)ability to work as a key criterion for determining eligibility for social assistance. Welfare issues were not addressed in a sufficiently systematic way at the time, nor were they long–term measures, but instead they mainly involved ad hoc solutions to individual problems, which suggests that the drivers of social welfare were mainly crisis circumstances. Seasonal poverty was also a pressing problem, especially in rural areas, but in general old age, illness and unemployment were identified as central drivers of poverty. The bourgeois work ethic (which helped to shape the regulation of charity) is also relevant in this context, since it understood the alleviation of poverty primarily in terms of providing work or training for individuals living in poverty. At national and provincial levels, the concept of charity was limited to institutional care, which covered only a small part of the social issues. The financial burden for all other forms of welfare rested with the municipalities, which had to find their own ways of providing resources, relying to some extent on the bourgeois ethic of philanthropism, but also on inter–municipal solidarity. Keywords: Habsburg monarchy, Istria, Trieste, welfare policies, poverty, bourgeoisie, crises ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 557 Urška BRATOŽ: »KRUHA IN DELA«: O REŠEVANJU SOCIALNIH VPRAŠANJ V ISTRI IN TRSTU 19. STOLETJA, 547–558 VIRI IN LITERATURA Anžič, Sonja (2002): Skrb za uboge v deželi Kranjski: socialna politika na Kranjskem od srede 18. stoletja do leta 1918. Ljubljana, Zgodovinski arhiv. Apollonio, Carlo (1896): La riorganizzazione del servizio sanitario nell‘Istria. Pula, La Camera medica istriana. Atti (1863): Atti della dieta provinciale dell‘Istria in Parenzo. Rovigno, Antonio Coana. Atti (1864): Atti della dieta provinciale dell‘Istria in Parenzo. Rovigno, Antonio Coana. Atti (1865): Atti della dieta provinciale dell‘Istria in Parenzo. Rovigno, Antonio Coana. Atti (1873): Atti della Dieta provinciale dell‘Istria in Parenzo. Trieste, Lloyd Austro–Ungarico. 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Budapest, Central European University Press. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 559 received: 2022–07–17 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2022.35 A HABSBURG LEGACY: SEX AND SOCIAL POLITICS IN VENEZIA GIULIA AND SLOVENIA BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS Nancy M. WINGFIELD Northern Illinois University, Department of History, 1425 W. Lincoln Hwy. DeKalb, Illinois 60115, USA e-mail: NWingfield@niu.edu ABSTRACT The governments of the newly formed and expanded states of Habsburg Central Europe began remaking society in formerly imperial spaces following Austria-Hungary’s defeat in 1918. Austria-Hungary’s demise as a geopolitical unit did not mean the disappearance of its administrative and juridical apparatus, some of which functioned well into the interwar era. Because bureaucratic transition did not necessarily parallel political transition, there was often no immediate, dramatic change in the regulation of prostitution—or the treatment of prostitutes and women assumed to be prostitutes—in these states. Some officials/police maintained that prostitution was a “necessary evil,” and sought its continued regulation, while others sought its abolition. This article analyzes continuity and change in the treatment of prostitutes in prewar/wartime Cisleithanian Austria and postwar Venezia Giulia and Slovenia. Neighboring provinces under the Habsburg Monarchy, Italy occupied the former in late 1918, while the latter became part of Yugoslavia. Keywords: First World War, Habsburg Monarchy, Maribor, military, prostitution, Slovenia, Trieste, venereal disease, Venezia Giulia UN’EREDITÀ ASBURGICA: SESSO E POLITICHE SOCIALI NELLA VENEZIA GIULIA E IN SLOVENIA TRA LE DUE GUERRE MONDIALI SINTESI Dopo la sconfitta dell’Austria-Ungheria nel 1918, i governi degli Stati espansi di nuova formazione dell’Europa centrale asburgica cominciarono a ridisegnare la società negli spazi un tempo imperiali. La scomparsa dell’Au- stria-Ungheria come unità geopolitica non significò la scomparsa dei suoi apparati amministrativi e giuridici, alcuni dei quali funzionarono fino all’epoca interbellica. Poiché la transizione burocratica non andava necessariamente di pari passo con quella politica, spesso in questi Stati non si verificarono cambiamenti immediati e radicali nella regolamentazione della prostituzione o nel trattamento delle prostitute e delle donne che venivano ritenute come tali. Alcuni funzionari/poliziotti sostenevano che la prostituzione era un “male necessario” e cercavano di continuare a regolamentarla, mentre altri cercavano di abolirla. Questo articolo analizza la continuità e il cambiamento nel trattamento delle prostitute nell’Austria Cisleitania del periodo prebellico/bellico e nella Venezia Giulia e Slovenia del dopoguerra. Province confinanti sotto la monarchia asburgica, l’Italia occupò la prima alla fine del 1918, mentre la seconda divenne parte della Jugoslavia. Parole chiave: Prima guerra mondiale, Monarchia asburgica, Maribor, esercito, prostituzione, Slovenia, Trieste, malattie veneree, Venezia Giulia ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 560 Nancy M. WINGFIELD: A HABSBURG LEGACY: SEX AND SOCIAL POLITICS IN VENEZIA GIULIA AND SLOVENIA BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS, 559–570 INTRODUCTION1 The empire was dead, long live the empire? In the liminal period between the 11 November 1918 Armistice on the Western Front and the first Treaty of Rapallo two years later, many governments in the newly formed and expanded states of Habsburg Central Europe began the complicated task of remaking their societies in formerly imperial spaces. Diplomatic, economic, legal, and politi- cal historians have long considered wars and revolutions to be key historical ruptures. But even as Austria-Hungary disappeared as a political entity, parts of it lived on, ad- ministratively, juridically, and socially/morally.2 There was often no immediate, dramatic change in the regulation of prostitution—or in the treatment of prostitutes and women assumed to be prostitutes—in the newly created and/or expanded nation-states, formed from the defunct multi-national Monarchy beginning in late autumn 1918. Moreover, some of these “nation- states” were in reality “mini-multinational states,” which would have important implications for attitudes toward commercial sex between the wars. Across the former Habsburg lands, some officials sought to con- tinue regulating prostitution. We can only speculate on the reasons why: Regulation of prostitution remained a popular policy, reflecting the long-held belief that prostitution was a “necessary evil,” owing to men’s physical needs, and that it helped channel some men’s baser needs away from the bourgeois marriage bed. The continuing regulation of prostitution may also have owed to bureaucratic inertia or the tenacity of ideas about women’s sexuality, among other things. European responses to prostitution after the first heady days and months of independence varied but were almost all closely interlinked with new laws on venereal disease (hereafter VD, today designated sexually transmitted infections) and public health, owing to heightened awareness of the problem in the wake of the war. VD rates had skyrocketed during wartime and did not drop immediately after 1918.3 In some places, responses also owed to greater feminist-abolitionist interventions and to the growing influence of eugenic-racial ideas.4 1 I would like to thank—and profusely—Director Nina Gostenčnik and Reading Room Head Leopold Mikec Avberšek of the Regional Archives Maribor for kindly providing me the material on the incident at Maribor discussed here. I also thank Melissa Bokovoy, Kate Densford, Maura Hametz, Lisa Kirschenbaum, Andrea Orzoff, Jennifer Rodgers, and Rok Stergar for reading earlier versions of this article. 2 On maintaining regional liberties in formerly Habsburg regions to smooth transition to Italian sovereignty see Hametz (2005, 18–19). For a good overview on the topic, see Egry (2022, 81–102). 3 In Vienna, the former imperial capital, VD rates began to drop only in 1922 (Wingfield, 2019, 110). VD rates in newly constituted Poland continued to climb after 1918, with the Polish-Soviet War of 1919–1921 prompting a new wave of the disease (Stauter- Halsted, 2015, 324). 4 See for example Cassata (2011) chapter 2, Eugenics and Dysgenics of War, and chapter 3, Regenerating Italy (1919–1924). 5 Imperial Austria’s Adriatic provinces had been the Austrian Littoral (from 1861, it was divided into the Free City of Trieste, Istria, and Gorizia and Gradisca, which had their own administrations and assemblies, but were all subject to the governor in Trieste) and Dalmatia. 6 The regulations for prostitution in Croatia after the 1868 Nagodba (the Croatian–Hungarian settlement governing Croatia’s political status within the Kingdom of Hungary), and in Bosnia-Herzegovina, which the Habsburg military occupied in 1878, and annexed in 1908, were independent of, but paralleled, the practices in Austria and Hungary (Filipović, 2014, 145; Kasumović, 2018, 45–46, 48). Postwar legislation still incorporated various forms of control, which reflected social concerns about and attitudes toward sexuality, particularly female, even as changes in sexual behavior and morality that had begun before 1914 persisted and deepened. This was the case in the southern territories of defeated Austria-Hungary that became part of interwar Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (from 1929, Yugoslavia, which I use in this text) owing to the provisions of the Paris Peace Conference and subsequent treaties, which are the geographic focus of this article. Sometimes, as in Slovenia, brothels were soon closed while in others, like Italy, brothels remained open, and the government continued to tolerate prostitution. The European-wide tension between police and physicians over who should oversee the regulation of prostitution—and how—that began around the fin de siècle also influenced prostitution and public hygiene policies in the late Habsburg Monarchy and the successor states. Employing a variety of archival and other contem- poraneous sources, this article analyzes continuity and change in attitudes toward prostitutes, registered and clandestine (women not registered with police), from the late imperial era through the early interwar period. It also examines their treatment for venereal disease in Slovenia and Venezia Giulia (the Adriatic “New Provinces,”5 those formerly Habsburg lands that came under Italian military rule at the war’s end). Unlike Italy, where the so-called Cavour Regulation of February 1860 was extended to unified Italy by 1871, creating a centralized, nationwide practice for regulating prostitution (Gibson, 1999, 27–34), in Austria regulation had remained both outside the law and decentralized until the Monarchy’s dissolution in 1918. While prostitu- tion was tolerated throughout the dual Monarchy, Austria and Hungary each had their own system of regulation as did Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina.6 Local police had jurisdiction over commercial sex across the Monarchy. Regulations varied by locality but were driven by govern- ment, military, and popular concerns about public morals and public health, as well as about the effectiveness of the armed forces. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 561 Nancy M. WINGFIELD: A HABSBURG LEGACY: SEX AND SOCIAL POLITICS IN VENEZIA GIULIA AND SLOVENIA BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS, 559–570 In contrast to Italy and some other European countries, which before 1914 had instituted versions of neo-regula- tion, which offered professionalizing physicians greater authority over the medical supervision of prostitutes con- cerning VD at the expense of the vice police, there had been no such development in the Habsburg Monarchy. In fact, there had been little discussion of neo-regulation, demonstrating the persistence of Austria-Hungary’s tradi- tional treatment of prostitution as a “necessary evil” and its supervision by police. But after 1918, newly founded and existing states evinced growing interest in the health of their citizens, expanding their welfare programs. In some countries this expansion ran parallel with the adop- tion of neo-regulationist policies. Concerns about public morality did not fade even as war and revolution in central and eastern Europe slowly ground to a halt and the Monarchy was dissolved. Aus- trian—and formerly Austrian—civilians still expended great energy denouncing one another for immoral behavior, especially illicit sex.7 In many post-Habsburg regions, clandestine and regulated prostitution remained an important option for economic survival among work- ing class women in the first postwar years. At the same time, police officials in the successor states, some of whom were holdovers from the Monarchy, continued to monitor regulated prostitutes and to employ methods of stemming clandestine prostitution similar to those used during wartime.8 Across the former Monarchy, police, sometimes joined by the military, continued to target those women who lingered in low-end coffeehouses, pubs, or on certain dark streets and in alleys. They ar- rested women and girls—many young and unemployed, but also the occasional skilled worker—whom they caught in flagrante, had them examined for venereal disease, and forced those who were infected to report to the hospital immediately for treatment (Brunner, 1922, 91; Stauter-Halsted, 2015, 214–219; Wingfield, 2017, 247; Wingfield, 2019, 109–110). Sometimes police forced these women to register as prostitutes. Sometimes they expelled those who had Heimatrecht/pertinency elsewhere, after having ascertained their municipality of registration.9 These deportations might now be across international borders. Throughout the successor states, as exemplified by the provinces discussed in this article, new governments ex- perimented with civilian-military cooperation to address 7 I have discussed the wartime and postwar treatment of prostitution and VD in Habsburg Central Europe in chapter 7, “Mor- als and Morale during the Great War,” and the epilogue of my book, The World of Prostitution in Habsburg Central Europe (Wingfield, 2017). 8 In the Austrian scheme of regulation, police rather than statutory criteria governed prostitution. Prostitution was illegal, but the police were not obliged to apply criminal law to those women who registered with them. Regulation occurred at the local level, so there was variation within provinces as well as between them. How—even, if—prostitution was to be tolerated was a local decision. Women who placed themselves under police supervision had to submit to weekly, sometimes, bi-weekly vaginal examinations for venereal dis- ease and to obey other restrictions. Clandestine prostitutes, who constituted the vast majority of women who engaged in commercial sex on a regular or intermittent basis, did not register with the vice police. 9 See discussion of non-resident clandestine prostitutes’ precarious situation in early postwar Fiume, today, Rijeka, in a recent analy- sis of Heimatrecht/pertinency, which municipality was responsible for providing individual registered there their social benefits (Reill et al., 2022). prostitution. Specifically, local police worked closely with the military, which had been concerned about its soldiers and VD throughout the war. Military interven- tion into prostitution persisted into the early interwar era in the New Provinces and Slovenia, representing an important historical continuity with the Monarchy (ASTs, CGCVG; Wingfield, 2017, 227–229). Elsewhere in the former Monarchy, the local garrison and political administration cooperated on vice-police inspection of local brothels after 1918 in postwar Reichenberg/Liberec, Czechoslovakia (Wingfield, 2017, 248). The Habsburg military had been interested in public morals and public health only as far as they affected its soldiers’ ability to fight. Venereal disease resulted in loss of manpower, and the “cure” (abatement of symptoms) was both expensive and time consuming. Civilian-military collaboration on the surveillance of prostitutes and women suspected of being prostitutes intensified in the successor states after 1918, because the new authorities were concerned about the restoration and maintenance of bourgeois social order in the wake of war and, sometimes, revolution. They were also concerned about building and maintaining strong “national” states. Interwar militaries, like the Habsburg military before them, remained obsessed with venereal disease, which weakened their fighting forces (Wingfield, 2017, 227–229, 248). And like the Habsburg-era police raids, the interwar police/milia raids continued to target those women they assumed were illicitly engaging in paid sex. They ignored the men with to whom these women were alleged to have sold their bodies. In both the Habsburg Monarchy and its successor states, local police and national militaries identified, arrested, and forcibly tested women suspected of prostitution; they focused on women, not men, as the source of venereal disease and its consequent disruption. Plus ça change, plus c‘est la même chose. Or, perhaps, not very much change. COMMERCIAL SEX IN VENEZIA GIULIA Italian military occupied Trieste in the immediate wake of the armistice on 4 November 1918. Shortly thereafter it began occupying the territories in the former Austrian Littoral (Küstenland) and Dalmatia that were promised to Italy by the Treaty of London. In November 1920, the first Treaty of Rapallo settled the new Yugoslav- Italian border, affirming Fiume’s status as an international ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 562 Nancy M. WINGFIELD: A HABSBURG LEGACY: SEX AND SOCIAL POLITICS IN VENEZIA GIULIA AND SLOVENIA BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS, 559–570 city and awarding Trieste, Istria, Gorizia-Gradisca, and the western part of Carniola as well as Zara and several Dalmatian islands to Italy (Bucarelli & Zaccaria, 2020). Venezia Giulia, whose capital was Trieste, was subject to the General Secretary of Civil Affairs under the Supreme Command of the Army until the Ministry for the New Provinces was established in July 1919. The regulation of prostitution in the New Provinces constitutes a little-known example of continuity from the rule of imperial Austria to that of interwar Italy. In the New Provinces, the Italian government simply maintained much Habsburg-era regulation and civil legislation rather than adopting the neo-regulatory approach common in other Italian lands. Although before 1914, the Habsburg surveillance of registered and clandestine prostitutes had primarily focused on protecting the bourgeois family, it expanded during wartime to the defense of the military. The governments of rump Austria and the New Provinces remained focused on the wellbeing of the military after 1918. The rest of Italy would shortly move away from neo- regulation, however. As historian Victoria de Grazia has explained, soon after Benito Mussolini seized power in October 1922, his fascist government employed new public security laws in their efforts to remove illicit sexu- ality from public space (de Grazia, 1992, 44). Mussolini overhauled first the health system in 1923 and then the entire legal system at the end of the 1920s. In practice this meant abandoning the neo-regulationist system that had been in place for several decades. Brothel and independ- ent prostitutes across Italy as in the New Provinces, were soon issued health books, which contained the record of their regular vaginal examinations for VD. Multi-ethnic Trieste, the fourth most populous city in the Habsburg Monarchy, and by far the largest of the cities in the New Provinces, was the focus of much of the Italian army’s attention to commercial sex and venereal disease. From the very outset of the occupation, Italian military officials analyzed commercial sex above all in the context of their soldiers’ health. Indeed, the military’s correspondence with the relevant provincial health of- ficials in Venezia Giulia included reports on prophylactic measures for venereal disease in relation to prostitution in Trieste, as well as provisions for the functioning of brothels in the city. A flurry of correspondence beginning in November 1918 among the military, police, and the Venezia Giulia provincial health office epitomizes the postwar discussion in Trieste about the relationship between prostitution and the spread of venereal disease that highlighted ongoing concern about the spread of VD in the military. Authorities evaluated the city’s brothels in terms of hygiene, cleanli- ness, and supervision, reflecting assumptions about the military’s need for regulated prostitution, also in times of occupation and demobilization. An 11 November report observed that the number of brothels operating in Trieste had dropped to twenty at the war’s end. This decline reflected the relatively limited number of clients the women had served during four years of mobilization of most able-bodied men. Although the Triestine brothels could house a total of 200 women, the report noted that they had only 130 residents, “mainly Hungarians and Slavs” (ASTs, CGCVG, Oggetto = Relazione sulla pro- filassi celtica in rapporto con la prostituzione nella Citta’ di Trieste Prostituzione Ufficiale, 23. 11. 1919). The correspondence from late 1918 described the deleterious conditions in several of the city’s brothels, some of which were meant to be used by the military. Many brothels had already been in bad condition even before the war. Now some were dirty or the rooms were too small; while others lacked running water, toilets, and sufficient light. While some brothels could be brought up to acceptable standards, the report stated, others should simply be promptly shuttered. Indeed, in December 1918, the police had ordered five brothels be closed im- mediately. But local women soon began requesting to open or reopen various Trieste brothels, which promised them a livelihood. Permission to open/reopen was often contin- gent on bringing existing brothels up to their hygienic and safety standards, including installing electric or gas light- ing and running water, or sometimes simply refurbishing them. Owing to the presence of Italian troops in the New Provinces, there were also proposals to open brothels to service the military, even brothels meant solely for the military. The report (cf. infra) recommended that the ten- bedroom brothel at Via del Sale, 8, “perhaps the best of the brothels [in Trieste]” for officers’ use, and one of the largest brothels, a sixteen-room establishment located on Via Altana, for that of the rank and file (ASTs, CGCVG (1919-1922), Gabinetto 24, 23/11/1918). Employing Habsburg-era language, officials described the brothel as a “necessity,” because of the large number of troops stationed in the vicinity. Trieste was not, how- ever, the only city in the New Provinces where there were plans to open brothels above all to serve the military. Applications to open brothels exclusively for the military came from across the newly Italian northeast Adriatic. They included a proposal from December 1918 for a brothel in Gorizia, some 46 kilometers north of Trieste, suitable exclusively for the use of officers. A similar re- quest in March 1919 to open a brothel in Rovigno, a town of some 11,000 people, in what is today, Rovinj, Croatia, in a building specifically designed for commercial sex was couched in the same terms that had been so common in imperial Austria: “morality” and “decency,” as well as hygiene and preventing clandestine prostitution In immediate postwar Trieste, the vice police (Section III of the Police) undertook surveillance of clandestine prostitutes with “zeal and profit.” The language of sur- veillance was more aligned with the coercive imperial Austrian practices rather than with the somewhat more liberal neo-regulatory practices of voluntary treatment still in place elsewhere in Italy (Gibson, 1999, 151–206). As ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 563 Nancy M. WINGFIELD: A HABSBURG LEGACY: SEX AND SOCIAL POLITICS IN VENEZIA GIULIA AND SLOVENIA BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS, 559–570 had the Habsburg vice police before and during the First World War, so now the Triestine vice police apprehended women suspected of practicing clandestine prostitution in bars, cafés, dance halls, low-end restaurants, and the like. Many of these women, police asserted, suffered from VD. In late December 1919, Aldo Marziani,10 the physi- cian in charge of the prevention of venereal disease (Il Medico incaricato della profilassi celtica), informed the health department of the General Civilian Commission (Commissariato Generale Civile) that for the past several months, police had subjected an average of one hundred women per month to venereal disease examinations. While the police had sent most of these women to the hospital because they suffered from contagious venereal disease, those women whose VD symptoms were latent were treated on an out-patient basis. However, Marziani complained, the previous month, there had been such a lack of surveillance that only thirteen women had been examined for venereal disease. The deleterious effect of this lack of surveillance and apprehension of alleged clandestine prostitutes and failure to test them for VD was clear from the increased number of civilian and military patients treated at outpatient clinics for VD. Marziani’s solution to the problem was the even more rigorous surveillance of women thought to be engaging in clandestine prostitution, because VD was, he asserted, so prevalent in Trieste (ASTs, CGCVG, Atti di gabinetto, Mar- ziani, 20. 12. 1919). The language in Marziani’s report, which postdates return to civilian rule, is that of control. He notes that women were being examined because they were “suspected” of clandestine prostitution and “sent” to the hospital. His assertion indicates that the treatment of suspected prostitutes with respect to medical examina- tions was one that deprived them of agency. Not only the Triestine vice police, but also the military in numero us towns and cities elsewhere in the New Provinces continued to focus on clandestine prostitutes, the women who had been the source of so much concern as sources of VD during wartime.11 The military played an active role in seeking out the clandestine prostitutes whom they believed were continuing to infect soldiers. When these women lacked local or provincial Heimatre- cht, they were expelled to their municipality of origin (ASTs, CGCVG, Gabinetto 23, File 17 – Prostituzione, 30. 1. 1919). Idria (today, Idrija, Slovenia), a small town about 56 kilometers northeast of Trieste and home to the largest mercury mine in Europe, exemplifies both the close co- operation between Italian military and civilian authorities under military rule, and the unexpected complications that could arise in the battle against clandestine prostitution. In addition to migrant laborers, Idria’s postwar population 10 Marziani’s first name does not appear on any of the archival documents I have seen, but a specialist of this name worked in Trieste during this time. 11 When delegates to an international Congress for Military Medicine shortly after the war called for vigorous campaign against the wide- spread problem of venereal disease in the army, they cited the need to stem its spread in the civilian population to keep it out of the military (Anti-Venereal Campaign, 1920, 547–548). included Italian soldiers newly stationed there. In early May 1919, the Civil Commissioner of Idria announced a decision to compile a list of all clandestine prostitutes in municipalities across the region. One member of the local police force, a 27-year-veteran and holdover from the Habsburg Monarchy, made such a list of women in Idria and surrounding areas. Despite the confidentiality with which the police were meant to act, word of this list, and the names on it, got out. Two young women wrote to complain about their names being included on the list. The Civil Commissioner reported the contretemps to the Venezia Giulia’s Office of Civil Affairs in Trieste (Governatorato della Venezia Giulia, Ufficio Affari Civili- Gabinetto Trieste). His detailed report from 27 June 1919 makes it clear both how seriously the military took the issue and just how difficult it was in a small town to keep such juicy information secret from the gossips who worked at city hall. The report raised more questions than it answered, one of which was whether a certain Captain Bruno, who had been extraordinary commissioner for the municipality of Idria, was responsible for the leak, an accusation Bruno denied. Correspondence dated 6 June described the two young women in question as aways having had reserved and serious demeanors. A report by a local police official (Tenenza) in Idria who subsequently investigated the women described them very differently, however. He characterized the two, who hailed from working-class families (their fathers were employed in the mine), as being of dubious morality. Indeed, the official claimed that the young women had had “overly familiar relationships” with Austrian soldiers formerly stationed there and now were apparently having similar relation- ships with Italian soldiers, especially some officers (ASTs, CGCVG, 24, 6. 6. 1919 & 27. 6. 1919). Elsewhere in Venezia Giulia, attempts to stem clan- destine prostitution, and thus, the spread of venereal disease, attracted less attention. Reports from Cisleitha- nian Austria’s former chief naval port, Pola (today, Pula in Croatia), in southern Istria show that throughout the 1920s, the police regularly arrested young women and girls, most of whom hailed from that city or elsewhere in Istria and who were described in the records as clan- destine prostitutes, for “reasons of morality” (violating prostitution regulations). What the records do not show is any success at limiting numbers of clandestine prostitutes or stemming venereal disease (DAP, 1927). In the postwar New Provinces, the police continued to regulate prostitution as they/their predecessors had under the Monarchy. Sometimes aided by the military in the early days of the occupation, the police searched out women they considered clandestine prostitutes. They suspected the same kinds of women and found ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 564 Nancy M. WINGFIELD: A HABSBURG LEGACY: SEX AND SOCIAL POLITICS IN VENEZIA GIULIA AND SLOVENIA BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS, 559–570 them in similar places: younger, poor, under-, or un- employed, in low-end cafes, restaurants, and taverns, or on the street. They found them because clandestine prostitution still offered working class women means— if a poor one—of supporting themselves, especially during the economic and social disruption that fol- lowed the war. TALES OF A MARIBOR BROTHEL In the wake of the First World War, the government in newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes did not immediately move to unify the state’s patchwork legal landscape, and some forms of regulated prostitu- tion continued to be permitted. Most Austrian criminal legislation remained valid in formerly Habsburg parts of the country, and prostitution was regulated, until a new penal code was introduced in 1929 in parallel with the royal dictatorship. It replaced the earlier local and regional prostitution regulations. Thus, between 1929 and 1934, regulated prostitution was abolished, and prostitution criminalized (Petrungaro, 2019, 125–126; 2021, 42; 2022, 178). Although the Habsburg policy of tolerated prostitu- tion initially predominated in Slovenia, provincial representatives precipitously—and, according to Mari- bor General Hospital physician Ivan Matko, without consulting the medical specialists or the police whom he considered the most competent authorities on regulation—moved to close all brothels on its territory in March 1919 (Matko, 1919, 669). A 19 March 1919 directive from the Slovenian provincial government and Department of Interior informed the police commission in Maribor, formerly Marburg, a large predominantly German-speaking city in southern Styria close to the Aus- trian border, that the provincial government in Ljubljana decided to close all brothels in its territory with immedi- ate effect. This directive foresaw the expulsion from the province of those brothel-based prostitutes (presumably those women lacking Heimatrecht in Slovenia) who did not plan to stop engaging in commercial sex and take up a respectable form of employment. The local police were to control very strictly those prostitutes who were permitted to stay in Slovenia, treating them on the basis of the provisions of legislation from 25 May 1885, the so-called “Vagabond” Law of the Austrian Criminal Code, specifically referring to Paragraph 6, which concerned being sent to a Zwangsarbeitanstalt (forced labor institution). As had long been the practice across Austria-Hungary, police were to make every effort to root out clandestine prostitution. With this goal in mind, they were to patrol the streets rigorously, as well as all suspicious inns, cafes, and drinking establishments that sold cheap schnaps. The central authorities in Ljubljana further expected the police to provide reports on both 12 Specifics on the entire Maribor brothel saga can be found in PAM, SI_PAM/0005, AŠ 514, spis 528. the shuttering of the brothels and plans for controlling clandestine prostitution within fourteen days. Maribor authorities originally complied with this directive.12 Some of the Maribor police and other local authorities appear to have subscribed to several traditional bourgeois Austrian notions about male sexuality, public health, and prostitutes that influenced their views on the regulation of prostitution. They believed that men, in this case, soldiers, needed sex; and that commercial sex was best controlled in the confines of a tolerated brothel, where the women who sold their bodies were placed under medical sur- veillance for VD. Late that summer, local police chose to contravene the provincial government’s decree. They had support from the head of the surgical department at the Maribor hospital who noted explicitly in a 21 August letter that brothels were needed in a town like Maribor that had such a large military (and worker) population. On 27 August 1919, a local police decree permitted the temporary opening of a brothel, which police asserted would be under strict control. Based on Habsburg regula- tions, Maribor’s regulations included the traditional twice weekly vaginal examination of prostitutes, with the city bearing the cost of this medical service. Other require- ments included appropriate ventilation and cleanliness of clothing. Moreover, prostitutes and their clients were strictly forbidden to drink alcohol on the premises. Failure to follow the rules, police officials threatened, would result in severe penalties, up to and including the immediate revocation of the brothel permit. Maribor’s tumultuous early postwar history (Friš et al., 2020), which accounted for the large military population, perhaps had something to do with decision to reopen the brothel. Maribor had been under military occupation/au- thority since 23 November 1918 when Slovene volunteer forces seized control of the city and declared it part of what would become the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Following unification with Serbia on 1 Decem- ber 1918, Serbian troops began arriving in Maribor. It had been the site of “Bloody Sunday,” an uprising in protest of the city’s inclusion in Yugoslavia in January 1919, and a local military uprising in July 1919. The nearby border with Austria was often closed owing to smuggling and was otherwise difficult to cross. The military’s presence in Maribor was reflected in brothel requirements, which included planned entrances on separate streets for soldiers and civilians. Moreover, local authorities envisioned a military patrol to keep order in the building. The brothel regulations were trans- lated into Croatian, German, Serbian, and Slovenian, reflecting the different languages that prospective clients might speak. Posted in the halls and rooms throughout the building, they stipulated that without exception, every visitor was to be examined immediately upon entering the brothel to confirm his sexual “health.” Before leaving, the client was to disinfect himself following intercourse ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 565 Nancy M. WINGFIELD: A HABSBURG LEGACY: SEX AND SOCIAL POLITICS IN VENEZIA GIULIA AND SLOVENIA BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS, 559–570 with a prostitute. We can assume that sexual “health” is a reference to being free of venereal disease symptoms. The expectation that a client would disinfect himself after intercourse with the prostitute was one of several require- ments that recalled provisions from the former Monarchy. It should be no surprise that some of the Maribor regulations were reminiscent of those in imperial Austrian brothels. The correspondence does not indicate who was to confirm that male visitors were “sexually healthy,” a problem that authorities in late imperial Austria came up against when such inspection was proposed in the wake of the scandalous 1906 trial of Viennese brothel keeper, Regine Riehl. Who would be willing undertake this task? Physicians were unlikely to; among those suggested were older women, possibly former prostitutes (Wingfield, 2017, 103–104). Moreover, regulated prostitutes and clients had long been provided post-coital prophylaxis in many imperial Austrian brothels. The use of prophylaxis had become more common and more important during wartime (Grošelj, 2006, 462; Knežević, 2011, 329), sometimes based on the earlier experiences of brothels in Pola. On 7 September, shortly after the Maribor brothel had been issued its permit, the internal affairs department of the provincial government sent a missive to Maribor authorities unbraiding them for overriding the regional government. Under the aegis of the Health Department for Slovenia and Istria,13 and with the consent of the local police superintendent, but against the unanimous deci- sion of the provincial government, read the document, the city had opened a brothel. Indeed, the provincial gov- ernment accused Maribor officials of acting “completely on their own,” failing to ask permission. The Ljubljana government thus forced the brothel’s closure and de- manded a written apology from the Maribor authorities. Austrian criminal legislation would, however, remain in force in Slovenia until the passage of Yugoslavia’s new constitution in 1929. Why did the Maribor city fathers choose to act against the provincial government’s edict on prostitu- tion? Why did the provincial government want to end regulation? In the immediate postwar period, during the time of formation of new governments, there was more space for local authorities to act/attempt to act in ways they considered appropriate. While we may never know these men’s intentions, it is worth noting that like many Habsburg police officials and other bureaucrats before them, some obviously believed that registered prostitutes in tolerated brothels offered the safest source of commer- cial sex. They also may have had the habit of acting with more autonomy, given that in the Habsburg Monarchy, regulation of prostitution had been in the hands of local authorities. Moreover, according to Matko, the rise in 13 The use of Istria in the Health Department’s name was surely aspirational because Istria went to Italy under the terms of the Treaty of Rapallo. 14 Some of the details in Matko’s account do not precisely parallel the information from the city archives, but the pro-regulation attitude of relevant local officials is clear in both. VD cases following the initial closing of local brothels confirmed this belief (Matko, 1919, 669).14 Safe outlets for commercial sex were an important consideration in a city with a large military presence. THE BATTLE AGAINST VENEREAL DISEASE The interwar period saw new “solutions” to an old problem, venereal disease. Despite the formation of the new states, many attitudes had not changed: Bureaucratic transition did not necessarily parallel political transition. Shortly after the war’s end, however, Austria and its suc- cessor states began adopting new and varied solutions to the vexed problem of venereal disease. At the same time, many post-Habsburg Central European governments and their vice police evinced similar concerns about prosti- tutes as the source of venereal disease as had their prede- cessors. This owed both to continuity in attitudes toward class, gender, and sexuality, and to the rise in national- racial rhetoric about “strange, unknown, in part racially foreign and hostile peoples,” who were afflicted with “all possible venereal diseases,” that had helped increasingly to set prostitutes apart as Other in Austria-Hungary during wartime (Veress, 1916, 333). The successor-state govern- ments drew upon Austria-Hungary’s wartime experiences in the connections they made among public hygiene, prostitution, venereal disease, and military strength. It was commonly accepted that the experience of the war had demonstrated that venereal disease was spread primarily through extramarital relations and prostitutes were still popularly condemned as the main culprits (Wingfield, 2017, 250–251). During the war, Austro-Hungarian military physicians had warned of the threat the invading Russian army posed to its citizens and soldiers the occupied eastern provinces of Bukovina and Galicia. They alleged that contagious diseases, including venereal infections, were rampant in the tsarist army because of the Russian military’s abject lack of medical services. The Austrian government sought to resolve the problem beginning in 1918 by employing sanitary surveillance for returning soldiers and civilian refugees from Bukovina and Galicia, which had changed hands several times during the war. After 1917, soldiers returning from Russian POW camps were to be interned at one of 524 border stations established along the Eastern Front, where they would undergo medical examination in order to avert epidemics and limit the spread of venereal disease. They were also checked for their political health, that is, their continued loyalty to the Habsburg Monarchy (Zaharia, 2017, 292). The strict sanitary surveillance at border stations was meant to prevent these men from eluding the control and bringing disease back into their families (Weindling, 2000, 114). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 566 Nancy M. WINGFIELD: A HABSBURG LEGACY: SEX AND SOCIAL POLITICS IN VENEZIA GIULIA AND SLOVENIA BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS, 559–570 Syphilis and gonorrhea both continued to pose signifi- cant challenges to public health. The former continued to be blamed for stillbirths and the latter for causing blind- ness and sterility; both were thus a threat to future genera- tions. Certainly, natalism was a concern for the former belligerents across Europe owing to wartime population losses.15 In Yugoslavia, venereal disease, thought to have been spread during the war by occupying Habsburg troops and afterward by returning soldiers, continued to spread rapidly after 1918. This may have been one of the reasons the Yugoslav government moved so quickly in late 1921 and early 1922 to open clinics to treat VD (Petrungaro, 2019, 129; Grošelj, 2006, 463). Both the postwar Italian and Yugoslav governments used repatriation stations. Those the Italian government had opened along the borders in late 1919 employed “in- tensified supervision” to examine soldiers for a variety of diseases as well as their political leanings. Among other things, it required former Habsburg soldiers returning to the New Provinces from “infected countries,” by which they meant above all Galicia and elsewhere in newly reconstituting, Poland, Russia, to be checked for lice (ASTs, CGCVG Atti di Gabinetto, Intendenza Generale, Commissione Ispettiva di profilassi, 30 January 1919). The Yugoslav government, as Branka Grošelj has written, fearing the spread of venereal disease in the wake of the disintegration of the Habsburg army, and that former fe- male military employees might also be carriers, issued an order on 13 November 1919 that obliged these women, including nurses, to be subjected to the same kind of medical examination as male soldiers. But it was not only women associated with the military who were feared as possible carriers of VD. Indeed, according to the medical association every second woman in Slovenia’s capital, Ljubljana, between the ages of twenty and forty had venereal disease, and thus proposed premarital medical examinations. The Društvo za čuvanje narodnega zdravja v Sloveniji (Slovenian Society for the Protection of Na- tional Health) established outpatient clinics for “fallen girls” to staunch the spread of VD (Grošelj, 2006, 462). As Stefano Petrungaro has pointed out, health au- thorities believed that VD posed a threat to the founda- tions of the Yugoslav project and weakened the future of Yugoslav society, which was increasingly conceived in terms of race and eugenics (Petrungaro, 2019, 123). As elsewhere in Europe, social medicine as it developed in Yugoslavia between the wars altered the relationships among physicians and state authorities, including the police, as physicians seized ever more control over supervision of prostitution. Medical confrontations did not result in one unified discourse about the efficacy of abolishing/regulating prostitution for purposes of health 15 The literature on pronatalism between the wars is large. For Italy, cf. Forucci (2010), and Saraceno (1994). 16 Abolitionist Czechoslovak National Socialist parliamentary deputies Luisa Landová-Štychová and Fráňa Zemínová led an earlier attempt to close brothels and abolish prostitution in September 1919. It failed. 17 Ženski pokret was the most important feminist journal in interwar Yugoslavia. On feminists and other Yugoslav women’s organizations, cf. de Haan, Daskalova & Loutfi (2006); Kardum (2020, 223–230); and Lilly & Bokovoy (2003, 91–96). and morals. Rather there were competing discourses, as the reopening of the Maribor brothel demonstrates (Petrungaro, 2022, 171). Following at least a decade of attacks on Yugoslavia’s convoluted system of prostitution regulation, prostitution would be totally abolished 1 January 1930, when Yugo- slavia’s modern, unified legal system came into practice. It both closed brothels and criminalized prostitution. Petrungaro demonstrates that new paradigms of public health had emerged, which resulted in the introduction of a new radical abolitionist system between the begin- ning of Yugoslavia’s authoritarian monarchy in 1929, and 1934. The Zakon o suzbijanju spolnih bolesti i prostitucije (Law on the Suppression of Venereal Diseases and Pros- titution), came into force in August 1934, in the wake of the revised penal code. Democratic successor-state Czechoslovakia was among the countries the Yugoslav government looked to in designing its new law. In Czechoslovakia solutions to prostitution had been subsumed under the pressing need to eradicate venereal disease in the immediate postwar period. Pressed by female abolitionists, the Czechoslovak parliament passed Law No. 241, O potírání pohlavních nemocí (Combating sexually transmitted diseases), on 11 July 1922 (241/1922 Sb. - Beck-online), which had soon met pushback from advocates of regulation.16 They claimed that the abolition of prostitution neither got rid of prostitution nor stopped the spread of VD (Wingfield, 2017, 252). Although both the Czechoslovak and the Yugoslav laws were in some ways gender neutral, they contained paragraphs that dealt specifically with female prostitution, which was abolished in all forms and regu- lation canceled. Moreover, both laws introduced free, universal, and compulsory treatment for venereal disease, but it was mandatory for physicians to report anony- mously cases of the disease and transmission (Petrungaro, 2021, 42–43). The public attention to prostitution, the moral panic, even, that began in late imperial Austria persisted in the Habsburg successor states—anxiety about venereal dis- ease and public hygiene, as well as public morals—yet with a modern inflection. While long-held prejudices about sexuality continued to shape the prostitution de- bate, international and domestic feminist activism contributed to the development of new stances toward women’s social rights and gender social equality, some of which were reflected in changing attitudes toward and interwar legislation on prostitution and venereal disease. This was certainly the case in Yugoslavia, where feminist movements flourished, although women would not be enfranchised until 1945.17 The issue of how to treat most effectively and limit venereal disease remained of con- ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 567 Nancy M. WINGFIELD: A HABSBURG LEGACY: SEX AND SOCIAL POLITICS IN VENEZIA GIULIA AND SLOVENIA BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS, 559–570 cern worldwide during the interwar era and through the Second World War. In 1932, the general assembly of the Paris-based Union Internationale contre le Péril Vénérien (International Union against Venereal Diseases) issued the results of a broad international survey comparing the results of the voluntary treatment system and the system of compulsory treatment of venereal diseases. Although many national governments had expanded their scope to include infectious males, the female prostitute remained the primary focus of the questionnaire. Eugenics, which drew on prewar and wartime scien- tific understandings and practices, became an ever-more dominant discourse in Habsburg Central Europe between the wars. The connections among public hygiene, which was sometimes analyzed in terms of “racial health,” prostitution, venereal disease, and military strength were increasingly made after 1918. Owing to concerns about their viability, emphasis on racial degeneration became more pronounced in Austria and many of the successor states between the wars (McEwen, 2010, 170). The battle against prostitution and VD were closely linked in Yugo- slavia as elsewhere in Habsburg Central Europe, not least because, as the Minister of Health stressed, VD affected the health of future generations. Prostitution was not dangerous only to military readiness but indeed to the nation/state. Disease and degeneration were no longer just biological; they were also “national.” Those people who suffered from venereal disease—and those who were considered responsible for infecting them—were increasingly regarded as potential enemies of the state in the racially saturated sexual politics of the interwar era. Slovenian anthropologist and eugenicist Niko Županič named VD, together with alcoholism, moral and medical decadence, and others, in his list of “plagues” that were destroying the (Slovene) nation in a 1921 article in Slovenski narod (Polajnar, 2009, 131). In the nationally mixed successor states of Habsburg Central Europe, and that was most of them, the prostitute—and the brothel keeper—could be, in addition to a social outlier, both a sexual and a racial one, indeed, a national threat.18 As historian Maria Bucur has argued about Romania after 1918, an ethnically Hungarian pros- titute in nationally mixed Transylvania was viewed as a eugenic threat to ethnic Romanian men, while an ethnic Romanian prostitute posed a dysgenic threat only if she infected a Romanian man with venereal disease (Bucur, 2007, 337–338; 349). The police treatment of two brothel keepers in Trieste in the late 1920s offers examples of the treatment of those perceived racial and social outliers in Mussolini’s Italy. When Trieste resident Giovanna Sopotnich appealed the closing of her brothel at Via Pescheria, 7 for violating 18 On the national threat that prostitutes and venereal disease were considered to pose elsewhere in Central Europe, see Stauter-Halsted (2017, 320–322). 19 See Hametz’s article, The State of Uncertainty: Anxious Italians in the Upper Adriatic, 1918–1924, in this issue of Annales as well as (2001, 559–574), for discussion of Italian anti-Slavic attitudes in Trieste in general. police regulations, her perceived racial/ethnic infractions received as much attention as her moral ones. While her husband was alleged to have spent the night in the brothel and the prostitutes in her employ to have used cocaine and provided it to clients, she was described as “having Slavic sentiments and being opposed to the [Italian] regime,” and accused of banking all her earnings in neighboring (Slavic) Yugoslavia (ASTs, PT, Gabinetto, busta 172).19 In another incident, Triestine police ordered Rosa Bastianetto’s brothel at Via S. Filippo, 5 permanently closed because the cards advertising her brothel incorpo- rated an Italian national tricolor in the upper right corner, an apparent affront to “order and morality.” She appealed to get the penalty lessened. Calmer heads appear to have prevailed and it was suggested that the brothel’s opera- tion merely be suspended for a specific period of time (ASTs, PT, Gabinetto, busta 172). These incidents reflect the continued disdain and suspicion with which commer- cial sex—and nationally different Slavs—were met in that particular part of ethnically mixed Italy; perhaps, even, that those involved somehow stood outside the nation. CONCLUSION Women were identified as the problem in terms of commercial sex between the wars, but how the successor states interpreted the significance and assigned the penal- ties changed with the shift to increasing centralization, even authoritarianism. Moreover, the growing nationali- zation of identity would have important implications not only for prostitutes, but also for any suspect woman who was allegedly leichtsinnig (foolish/frivolous) or arbeitss- cheu (work shy). Such identities might have earned her the designation “asocial” and a stint in a reform school or expulsion from a town or province before the First World War. While prostitution laws changed in much of Habsburg Central Europe over the course of the interwar period, popular attitudes, developed over decades, about what kind of women sold sex, had not. The fascists con- demned prostitutes as preying on the weakness of Italian men. Petrungaro has pointed out the growing centrality of prostitutes’ “asociability” owing to her “work shyness” for some interwar Yugoslav police, jurists, and physicians in their concerns about these women (Petrungaro, 2022, 171–172). During the authoritarian/fascist era, a designa- tion as “asocial” could cause far more serious repercus- sions because women—especially those who escaped social control and were caught selling their bodies for sex—still remained outside, and might be excluded from, larger society. In northeastern Italy, this, too, was a legacy of Habsburg regulation, one that continued throughout the interwar era, and beyond. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 568 Nancy M. WINGFIELD: A HABSBURG LEGACY: SEX AND SOCIAL POLITICS IN VENEZIA GIULIA AND SLOVENIA BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS, 559–570 HABSBURŠKA DEDIŠČINA: SPOLNOST IN SOCIALNE POLITIKE V JULIJSKI KRAJINI IN SLOVENIJI MED SVETOVNIMA VOJNAMA Nancy M. WINGFIELD Univerza Northern Illinois, Oddelek za zgodovino, 1425 W. Lincoln Hwy. DeKalb, Illinois 60115, ZDA e-mail: NWingfield@niu.edu POVZETEK Članek analizira kontinuiteto in spremembe v obravnavi prostitutk v predvojni/vojni Cislajtanski Avstriji ter povojni Julijski krajini in Sloveniji. Sosednji pokrajini pod Habsburško monarhijo je Italija zasedla konec leta 1918, medtem ko je druga postala del Jugoslavije. Po porazu Avstro-Ogrske leta 1918 so vlade novoustano- vljenih in razširjenih držav habsburške srednje Evrope začele preoblikovati družbo na nekdanjih imperialnih območjih. Propad Avstro-Ogrske kot geopolitične enote ni pomenil izginotja njenega upravnega in pravnega aparata, ki je deloma deloval še v medvojnem obdobju. Birokratska tranzicija ni nujno potekala vzporedno s politično tranzicijo, zato v teh državah pogosto ni prišlo do takojšnjih, dramatičnih sprememb pri urejanju prostitucije ali obravnavi prostitutk in žensk, za katere so domnevali, da so prostitutke. Nekateri uradniki/ policijski uslužbenci so trdili, da je prostitucija »nujno zlo« in si prizadevali za njeno nadaljnje reguliranje, drugi pa so si prizadevali za njeno ukinitev v novoustanovljenih in/ali razširjenih nacionalnih državah, ki so nastale iz propadle večnacionalne Monarhije. Nekatere od njih so bile v resnici „mini večnacionalne države“, kar je pomembno vplivalo na odnos do trgovine s spolnimi uslugami med vojnama. Napetosti med policijo in zdravniki glede tega, kdo naj nadzoruje urejanje prostitucije – in kako –, ki so se začele okoli fin de siècla, so vplivale tudi na politiko prostitucije in javne higiene v pozni Habsburški monarhiji in državah naslednicah. Med vojnama so bile ženske opredeljene kot problem v smislu trgovine s spolnimi uslugami, vendar se je s prehodom k vse večji centralizaciji in celo avtoritarnosti spremenilo to, kakšen pomen so države naslednice pripisovale problemu ter kako so določale kazni. Ključne besede: Slovenija, Trst, prva svetovna vojna, Habsburška monarhija, Maribor, vojska, prostitucija, spolno prenosljive bolezni, Julijska krajina ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 569 Nancy M. WINGFIELD: A HABSBURG LEGACY: SEX AND SOCIAL POLITICS IN VENEZIA GIULIA AND SLOVENIA BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS, 559–570 SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Anti-Venereal Campaign (October 1920): Bul- letin of the League of Red Cross Societies, 2, 1, 547–548. ASTs, CGCVG – Archivio di Stato di Trieste (ASTs), fondo: Commissariato generale civile per la Venezia Giulia (CGCVG). ASTs, PT – Archivio di Stato di Trieste (ASTs), fondo: Prefettura di Trieste (PT), Gabinetto, busta 172. Brunner, Julius C. 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Wingfield, Nancy M. (2019): ‘The Sad Secrets of the Big City’: Prostitution and Other Moral Pan- ics in Early Post-Imperial Vienna. Austrian History Yearbook, 50, 99–123. Zaharia, Ionela (2017): For God and/or Em- peror: Habsburg Romanian Military Chaplains and Wartime Propaganda in Camps for Returning POWs. European Review of History / Revue euro- péenne d’histoire, 24, 2, 288–304. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 571 received: 2022-07-07 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2022.36 SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920 Erica MEZZOLI "Tor Vergata" University of Rome, Department of History, Humanities and Societies, Via Columbia, 1, 00133 Rome, Italy e-mail: erica.mezzoli@gmail.com ABSTRACT The article aims to highlight the characteristics and criticalities of the measures aimed at “ensuring” the “safety” of Austrian seamen, their families and the communities to which they belonged from the so-called Gründerzeit of the 1850s to post-WWI. Since seafaring exposed the workers and their families to the risk of poverty, the charitable foundations represented a pillar on which the Austrian shipping sector rested. In the last decades of the 19th century, the Austrian seafaring industrial revolution changed the scenario, not the seafarers’ welfare regulatory framework. In the meantime, seafarers’ socio-economic role and public image underwent a sort of transilience. Keywords: Social security for seafarers, compulsory work-related injury insurance, compulsory sickness insurance, Austrian shipping industry, industrial breadwinner masculinities ACQUE SICURE. I MARITTIMI AUSTRIACI TRA CARITÀ E PREVIDENZA SOCIALE, C. 1850–1920 SINTESI L’articolo vuole mettere in evidenza caratteristiche e criticità delle misure rivolte a garantire la “sicurezza” dei marinai Austriaci, delle loro famiglie e delle comunità a cui appartenevano dal Gründerzeit degli anni ’50 del XIX secolo al primo dopoguerra. Poiché il lavoro marittimo esponeva sia i lavoratori che le loro famiglie al rischio di povertà, le fondazioni di beneficenza rappresentavano uno dei pilastri su cui poggiava il settore della navigazione commerciale. Negli ultimi decenni del XIX secolo, la rivoluzione industriale marittima austriaca cambiò lo scenario ma non il quadro normativo previdenziale per i marittimi. Nel frattempo, il ruolo socio-economico e l’immagine pubblica dei marittimi subirono una sorta di transilienza. Parole chiave: Previdenza sociale per marittimi, assicurazione obbligatoria contro gli infortuni sul lavoro, assicurazione sanitaria obbligatoria, industria armatoriale austriaca, mascolinità del capofamiglia in età industriale ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 572 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 Today, as in the past, seafaring is one of the riskiest and most dangerous professions.1 When the “well-being” of this particular type of worker is taken into consideration, it is necessary to juggle a large number of variables: the alternation between different modes of production, the (unbalanced) interdependence between classes, the dominant cultural and moral frameworks and, finally, the (unequal) relations of power and economic depend- ence between genders. The fact that the multina- tional Austro-Hungarian state was not a maritime empire – and therefore its maritime sector was tiny – does not make things easier. On the contrary, this circumstance forces us to confront, even if only indirectly, the present-absent element of national affiliation when dealing with forms of social and political citizenship in the Habsburg Empire (Jud- son, 2018). The aim of the following pages is to trace the evolution and highlight the characteristics and criticalities of the measures aimed at “ensuring” the “safety” of the Austrian seamen, their families and the communities to which they belonged. Alongside the analysis of the functioning and socio-economic role of charitable foundations in favour of seafarers, the focus will be on two aspects in particular: the labour welfare regulatory frame- work – also related to seafaring – in the Austrian part of the Monarchy, and the issue concerning the prosperity and security of the waterfront, specifi- cally that of Trieste. Concerning the former, given its self-explanatory nature, it is not necessary to bring any legal or legislative facet forward here. As for the waterfront – or “sailortown”, although the two terms do not always wholly overlap – it was both the liminal environment where a spe- cific frontier society – i.e., the lower strata of the urban-maritime population – lived, worked and spent its leisure time (Milne, 2016, 2, 63 et passim; Beaven et al., 2016, 7), and a space of strategic importance within the framework of the mercantile activities of a port city (Fingard, 1982, 8). Clearly, that space – that “frontier” – was a reason for great control anxieties on the part of the authorities and economic stakeholders. In that context, alongside policing, an important instrument of discipling and repression of sailortown communities was repre- sented by charity activities and welfare measures.2 Also, like any other socio-economic and labour milieu, a sailortown and its populations are not al- 1 This article was written within the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie project “We Can Do It! Women’s labour market participation in the maritime sector in the Upper Adri- atic after the World Wars in an intersectional perspective” (acronym: WeCanIt; grant agreement no. 894257; host institu- tion: University of Ljubljana). 2 In this work, it is impossible to account for the vast literature on the nexus between charity/welfare measures and seamen and sailortown control and vigilance. To name a few: Fingard, 1978; Press, 1989; Williams, 1991; Kennerley, 2002; Kennerley, 2016; Nilson, 2016; Cadge & Skaggs, 2018. ways identical. They adapt to various solicitations and absorb all the consequences brought about by socio-economic, institutional, political, and, finally, technological transitions. In this regard, it is important to remember that the proletarised seafarers of the age of steam were anthropologi- cally different from their older brothers on sailing vessels (Burton, 1999, 92; Nilson, 2016, 79; Bea- ven, 2016). Moreover, a waterfront is also a place where the given womanliness’ and manliness’ patterns were constantly (re)negotiated and nor- malised according to class and politics demands and where charity and welfare measures might play a pivotal role to that effect (Burton, 1991 and 1999; Milne, 2016, 75; Dennis, 2011). As we will see, not even Trieste’s waterfront was unaffected by those dynamics. AUSTRIAN SEAFARING AS A BOY On 24 April 1854, at the Augustinian Church in Vienna, the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph I married the Duchess of Bavaria Elisabeth, the eternal Sissi. It was the wedding of the century. In a polished Vi- enna, the wedding celebrations lasted a week. Many subjects of the newly-wed imperial couple wanted to celebrate the happy event, and some chose to donate sums of money to charities. This general- ised impulse of generosity also involved charitable foundations in favour of the Austrian seafarers. The fact was reported by the trade magazine Rivista Marittima which, considering the uniqueness and importance of the circumstance, decided to dedi- cate a long article to the charitable organisations (pii Istituti) of the Austrian merchant marine. In the piece, one can read: The retribution in old age of the labours, whi- ch during the years of vigour and robustness wear down man to the advantage of society and its single members, has always appeared to be an obligation of humanity and dutiful gratitude. Thus, the poor knows that once unable to work, he can aspire to the offering of charity. Knowing that he is entitled to mercy after honourable service, he bears more gladly his condition; he acknowledges and respects the inscrutable decrees of the Almighty with greater resignation and sets out to work with hope and courage. (ASTs-GM, 1157, 5541) ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 573 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 Therefore, it seems that the working class had to accept its condition of the “working poor”: it was simply an ineluctable fact, established even by God. There was no way out, no possibility of improvement or redemption beyond the “charity of the rich ones” (cf. Fabi, 1984). On the other hand, the grandeur of the wealthy Austrian classes – particularly the merchant one – is almost understandable. We are at the very beginning of what is known as Gründerzeit (ca. 1848–1873), the golden age of the Austrian (and German) “rich ones”. After the turmoils of 1848 and in contrast with the political claims of the Springtime of the Peoples, major institutional re- forms – especially of an economic nature – were implemented in the Empire. First of all, serfs were emancipated (Gundentlastung). Then, a formal customs union between Austria and Hungary was implemented, easing the domestic tariff system. Finally, a Ministry of Commerce in Vienna and chambers of commerce all over the Austrian ter- ritories were established (Good, 1990, 210). For these reasons, many would agree with Eduard März when he observed that the 1850s represented the beginning of the industrial age of the Empire (März in Rudolph, 1990, 135). As far as commercial shipping is concerned, it had its fulcrum in Trieste, the emporium-city and free port of the Empire. However, in this case, the economic revival began earlier than in other imperial territories. Trieste’s Vormärz was charac- terised by the establishment of three economic gi- ants that would affect the maritime and mercantile activities of the Empire in the following decades: the Imperial Regia Privilegiata Compagnia di As- sicurazioni Generali Austro-Italiche in 1831, the Österreichischer Lloyd-Lloyd Austriaco in 1833 and, finally, the Riunione Adriatica di Sicurtà in 1838. Concerning the maritime sector, the reform- ist climate of the 1850s concretised, especially on the institutional side, with the establishment of the Central Seebehörde (Governo Centrale Marittimo) in Trieste in 1850.3 In contrast, there were no changes to the working conditions involving the merchant ships’ crews. In the Austrian Empire, maritime work was regulated by the Political and Navigation Edict 3 The Central Seebehörde was established in 1850 in force of ordinance no. 178 (BLI, 1850, 178) of the Ministry of Com- merce – thus by direct will of the baron von Bruck, founder in 1833 of the Österreichischer Lloyd-Lloyd Austriaco. It was the “intermediate” institution between the Ministry of Commerce and the imperial maritime socio-economic entities. It was competent in all matters relating to the merchant marine, e.g.: navigation regulations, police and medical port offices, shipbuilding, fishery, registration, assistance and education of seafarers, implementing maritime laws, etc. The Ausgleich of 1867 also affected the organisation of the imperial maritime sector. That year, the city of Rijeka was annexed to the Hungarian crown as a “special body” (corpus separatum), making the city the port of Hungary. This circumstance led to the establishment in 1870 of a twin institution of the Trieste’s Seebehörde in Rijeka (Magyar Királyi Tengerészeti Hatóság iratai - Pomorska oblast za ungarsko-hrvatsko primorje - Governo Marittimo per il Littorale Ungaro-Croato) with jurisdiction over the Hungarian-Croatian riparian areas. More information on port organization and maritime health in the Austrian part of the Empire in Terčon, 1993. (Editto Politico di Navigazione Mercantile Austri- aca) issued by Empress Maria Theresa in 1774, and it remained the main legal framework regarding the rights and duties of the crew until the dissolution of the Empire in 1918. Thus, much of the treatment reserved for seamen depended on the captains and ship-owners. As for the seafarers and the alms they “earned” after a lifetime of work, the aforementioned Rivista Marittima’s article specifies: This debt of gratitude is particularly felt to- wards sailors who, since childhood, renounce motherly caresses to give themselves to the harrowing ordeal of a life full of deprivation. Exposed to the thousands of dangers inherent in their profession, they sail the seas quickly passing from torrid to glacial areas. Bold in- dividuals who face the wrath of the elements shaken by storms are capable of any generous action. At the end of all this wear and tear, these men have only enough to support their families without being able to count on the benefit of their savings, which are absorbed by the need for honest recreation imperiously required by the long abstinence of sailing. (ASTs, GM, 1157, 5541) Such a generous and compassionate approach towards seafarers must undoubtedly be due to the joyful atmosphere of the celebrations of the impe- rial marriage. In this regard, it should be noted that we know practically nothing about the attitude of the imperial authorities towards seafarers and very little about the characteristics of the Austrian sail- ortowns. However, Lucio Fabi’s fresco of poverty and charitable institutions in 19th-century Trieste can give us some clues as to how the authorities attempted to control and repress the class – i.e., the working class and the so-called “underclass” or, in other words, the Marx’s Lumpenproletariat – to which the seafarers belonged. As for Trieste during the “roaring ’50s”, Fabi notes the complete absence of the municipal ruling and merchant classes in matters relating to assistance to the poor. It seems that the Statthalter (Governor/Lieutenant) – the highest imperial city and Littoral’s (Küstenland) ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 574 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 authority – was the only institutional figure to deal with the issue, constantly urging the municipality to help the poor with their “pertinency” (Heimatrecht) (Fabi, 1984, 131–132).4 As for the “Fathers of the City” (i.e., the munici- pal council members), their attitude ranged from open hostility to smug paternalism towards the poor, especially if they were young and a little dare- devil. Their aversion to “wandering kids” (ragazzi girovaghi) was such that it led them to implement forms of “institutional crimping”.5 From the minutes of the meeting of the Major Council of Trieste dated 15 June 1849, we learn that the municipal Public Security Committee – together with the Police Di- rectorate and the Harbour Master – had created a task force whose purpose was “to remedy the just complaints of the population, in particular of the merchant class, for the thefts that occur during the unloading of vessels and barges, both at sea and on the waterfront; and to prevent theft in general and guarantee the security of the property”. The third point on their measures list ordered that, “as established by the current mercantile code, the compulsory embarkation of boys without any oc- cupation on merchant ships has to continue with full energy”,6 and that the public authorities should have taken action with the military authorities “so that the Royal Navy will take Trieste’s boys as deck- hands” (AGCT, 5 C.1-1849, 5107). However, some were making more sophisticated – and hypocritical – proposals. During the same session, councillor Luigi Lutschaunig submitted his plan to solve the “wandering kids” problem. Like his colleagues, he was worried about the lack of safety in the streets of Trieste sailortown, not so much for the damage that this circumstance could cause to trade “as for the consequent corruption of customs that ensues for the idle youth”. However, Lutschaunig wished 4 The Austrian Empire never had a single Poor Law common to all domains. However, all the imperial provinces shared the Heimatrecht (pertinency, residence) framework, which represented the basis for all forms of assistance to the needy (Glaser, 1912, 246). It was intro- duced by the Provisional Municipal Law (provisorische Gemeindegesetz, issued on 17 March 1849) and then confirmed by law no. 26 – in particular by § 2 – of 1862 (Kiefer & Schausberger, 2009, 43; BLI, 1862, 26). However, Heimatrecht was definitively systematised in law no. 80 of 1863 (BLI, 1863, 80). The law guaranteed the right of undisturbed residence in a municipality and assistance in destitute circumstances from one’s municipality of residence (§ 1). Section four of the law dealt with the municipalities’ obligation to provide for the poor. In particular, it ordered that: assistance was limited to subsistence and the provision of medical care in the event of illness (§ 24); the poor unemployed, if able to work, could be forced to work (§ 26); a municipality was obliged to take care of poor “foreigners” (non-residents) in a state of need (maintenance and medical care) or to provide for their burial in the event of death, but it could later ask for compensation from the municipality of residence of the poor in question (§§ 28–31). As for poverty data, in 1889, the year in which the two Austrian framework laws of the workers’ security system were approved, the 10,940 institutions for the poor in the Cisleithania assisted 288,742 people (112,190 men, 39%; 176,552 women, 61%) (Statistik, 1889, XLII). 5 Crimping or “sailor thieves” – a phenomenon also known by the exotic expression “shanghaiing” – was the practice of kidnapping men to make them serve as sailors on merchant ships. 6 The Political and Navigation Edict (Editto Politico di Navigazione Mercantile Austriaca) of 1774 and the subsequent legal provi- sions that supplemented it – i.e., the regulatory framework on which the Austrian merchant marine was based until the end of WWI – did not order anything of the kind of course. 7 “A total institution may be defined as a place of residence and work [in our case also education] where a large number of like-situated individuals cut off from the wider society for an appreciable period of time together lead an enclosed formally administered round of life” (Goffman, 1961, XIII). It is worth highlighting that a similar process of seamen criminalisation and the implementation of a naval system of disciplines were also taking place at the same time in Germany (Gerstenberger, 2001). to make one point clear: he did not want this youth – “who are mostly made up of young delinquents” – to be punished. On the contrary, he wanted “to give them a way to get an honest crust of bread”. Thus, he wrote: I take the liberty of proposing […] to have an old warship stationed permanently in our port with duties of harbour guard and, at the same time, asylum for those low-class youngsters who mainly loaf around all day in our streets. This harbour guard should be considered a for- ced or voluntary shelter. In the first case, a lad caught in the act of theft would be detained or punished in some way to be established and, later, transferred aboard some warship – even- tually, this should be the subject of a specific regulation. In the second case, when a young man volunteered, declaring that he wanted to dedicate himself – either out of desire or out of need – to seafaring, he should find immediate shelter there. […] I humbly believe that such a measure would result in two good things. On the one hand, our seafaring would acquire a reinforcement of good seamen over time and on the other, without resorting to acts of severity [sic!], society would be enriched with useful men who, without such a provision, would perhaps have become its abomination. (AGCT, 5 C.1-1849, 5107) Perhaps, few other cases taken from historical sources can fit so well with Goffman’s definition of a “total institution”,7 where issues relating to the “assistance” of vulnerable or at-risk individuals, public safety – even “decorum” –, social exclu- sion and coercion are intertwined inexorably and perversely. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 575 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 The “Fathers of the City” told us how many low-rank seafaring careers started and how – using the Rivista Marittima words again – many Austrian “sailors, since childhood, renounce motherly caresses to give themselves to the harrowing ordeal of a life full of deprivation”. Seafaring was a “high-risk” pro- fession, full of hardships in many respects indeed. It constantly exposed the worker – in most cases, a male worker – and his family to the risk of poverty. Therefore, turning to a charitable foundation dur- ing one’s working life was expected, and it became necessary when one stopped working due to old age. As for seafarers’ families, seeking help from this kind of institution was almost an unavoidable fact in the event of the head of the household’s death. In this context, alongside labour and capital, charity can be considered the “third pillar” on which the Austrian seafaring rested. THE CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS Usually, welfare and social security measures can be implemented under a public regime through state legal instruments which regulate and organise social policies; otherwise, they can be actualised through commercial means, i.e., by contracts concluded with an insurance institution. In the latter case, the market has the leading role. However, things worked differently for the Austrian seamen of the Austrian- Hungarian Empire. Until 1913, there were no laws to protect these workers in the event of illness or injury in the workplace. Indeed, some of them could turn to insurance companies to secure health and workplace accident insurance policies and, perhaps, even old- age pensions.8 Nevertheless, in general, this category of workers and their families had to resort to other bodies in case of need: the charitable foundations. The two main relief foundations of Austrian seafaring were Pio fondo di marina Austro-illirico (Österr.-illyr. Marine-Unterstützungsfond) and Pio fondo di marina dalmato (Dalmatinischen Marine- Unterstützungsfond). The Pio fondo di marina Austro- illirico originated in the brotherhood of Saint Nicholas in Trieste as early as 1588. In 1783 brotherhoods were abolished, but that of Saint Nicholas was allowed to remain, with the name Istituto di marina. It was sup- pressed during the French occupation but reactivated in 1814. As far as Dalmatia is concerned, the scholae of Saint Nicholas and Saint John of Nepomuk9 existed 8 It is important to mention that some shipping companies had their welfare funds. In 1848, the Austrian Lloyd established the Istituto pensioni per gli impiegati della Società di Navigazione a Vapore del Lloyd Austriaco, whose purpose was to provide its members’ widows and orphans with pensions or other forms of economic support (Babudieri, 1964, 78). 9 From the 16th century onwards, the cult of Saint John of Nepomuk spread very quickly in Central and Eastern Europe. The patron of Bo- hemia, Saint John is also the protector of all those related to labour activities on waters (sailors, fishermen, millers, etc.) (Hupalo, 2019, 21). For a general overview of the role of faith, beliefs, and superstitions within the maritime world, see Gambin, 2014. 10 It is important to underline that the territorial jurisdiction of the two Pio fondo was not rigid. Since the first half of the 19th century, the Istituto di Marina of Trieste also subsidised seafarers from other maritime provinces of the Empire (Babudieri, 1964, 77). there since the early modern period; they had the same purposes as the brotherhood of Saint Nicholas in Trieste. In 1820, probably in Zadar, an Istituto di marina similar to that of Trieste was founded for Dal- matia (ASTs, GM, 1163, 4430). After establishing the Central Seebehörde in Trieste in 1850, both foundations were administered by this new government body. After the creation of the sec- ond Maritime Government in Rijeka with jurisdiction over the Hungarian-Croatian riparian areas in 1870, the framework would remain stable until the 1920s: the Pio Fondo di marina Austro-illirico for Trieste, Istria and the Kvarner islands; then, the Pio Fondo di marina dalmato for Dalmatia.10 The people selected to receive a subsidy followed a bottom-up process. In the first instance, grant ap- plications had to be submitted to the relevant local commission. Those bodies were made up of three ship-owners and three sea captains chosen from the members of the local merchant class; finally, the lo- cal port captain chaired the gathering. After an initial screening, applications for subsidies were passed to the Central Commission for the administration of the two relief foundations – composed of delegates from the Chambers of Commerce of the Littoral and Dalmatia – at the Maritime Government (Seebehörde - Governo Marittimo) in Trieste. The Central Commission had the final say and could order the subsidy payments of be- tween 10 and 40 Kronen per month (ASTs, GM, 1160, 4820; cf. 1161, 32291). Naturally, this system was not without its faults. In 1911, 38 seafarers of Mali Lošinj – including at least six captains – communicated to the Maritime Government their discontent regard- ing the composition of Pio fondo local commission. They reported that the commission, which had been established for years at the local Harbour Master’s Office, did not respect the characteristics prescribed by the regulations (Maritime Government’s notice no. 2570, 14 April 1871). It also included people who were not – and had never been – merchant captains or ship-owners such as, for example, a town clerk, a pharmacist, and a wine merchant. For this reason, the petitioners requested that the commission be dis- solved (ASTs, GM, 1160, 4820). As for resources, they were drained mainly by fines for fishery violations, with surtaxes on tonnage and port taxes, and finally from donations. Most of the resources obtained through those methods were in- vested in state bonds or other financial products (e.g., ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 576 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 Prestito della città di Milano 1866, lottery loans, and other debentures) to get annual financial incomes. Al- though they were intended as a protection instrument for (male) seafarers, as reported in the tables below, and at least starting from the last years of the 19th century, both foundations assumed an essential role in supporting seafarers’ families (widows and orphans) in the event of the male breadwinner’s death. Pio Fondo di marina Austro-illirico and Pio Fondo di marina dalmato were not the only relief founda- tions to which seafarers and their families could turn in times of need. In 1919 a further four smaller 11 Source: ASTs, GM, 1157, (year 1854) 5541, (year 1894) 7081; 1158, (year 1897) 7016, (year 1899) 7526; 1159, (year 1902) 6920, (year 1905) 13267; 1160, (year 1907) 18402, (year 1909) 15555; (year 1911) 26950; 1161, (year 1913) 16881. 12 Source: ASTs, GM, 1157, (year 1894) 7081; 1158, (year 1897) 7016, (year 1899) 7526; 1159, (year 1902) 6920, (year 1905) 13267; 1160, (year 1907) 18402, (year 1909) 15555, (year 1911) 26950; 1161, (year 1913) 16881. foundations established by Trieste’s merchant class members also existed in Venezia Giulia (Julian March). They were Fondazione Erminia ved. Bussoli, favouring two sailors’ widows of Trieste and Piran; Fondazione Giuseppe ed Antonia coniugi Clivio, which provided two scholarships for students of the Trieste Nautical Academy; Fondazione Federico De- seppi for fishermen; and finally, Fondazione Marco Domenico Garofolo for seamen, their widows and orphans of Trieste and the islands of Silba and Lošinj. The capital of these smaller foundations was managed by the Maritime Government of Trieste Table 1: Pio fondo di marina Austro-illirico beneficiaries per gender and age.11 Year Men Men - % Women Women - % Minors Minors - % Total 1854 432 62% 261 38% – – 696 1894 410 39% 617 59% 16 2% 1,043 1897 410 39% 617 59% 20 2% 1,047 1899 382 37% 619 60% 22 3% 1,023 1902 427 37% 688 60% 37 3% 1,152 1905 438 35% 749 60% 57 5% 1,244 1907 425 34% 779 62% 59 4% 1,263 1909 545 35% 880 58% 85 7% 1,510 1911 591 36% 957 58% 104 6% 1,652 1913 656 36% 1,047 57% 131 7% 1,834 Table 2: Pio fondo di marina dalmato beneficiaries per gender and age.12 Year Men Men - % Women Women - % Minors Minors - % Total 1894 68 43% 89 57% – – 157 1897 68 42% 93 58% – – 161 1899 65 36% 112 63% 2 1% 179 1902 42 30% 93 66% 5 4% 140 1905 42 29% 92 65% 8 6% 142 1907 52 33% 96 61% 10 6% 158 1909 95 37% 141 55% 21 8% 257 1911 120 33% 201 56% 37 11% 358 1913 113 33% 187 55% 38 12% 338 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 577 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 (ASTs, GM,131163, 4430).14 As regards the benefi- ciaries’ selection, the criteria were established by the foundations’ statutes. Usually, applicants had to produce a certificate attesting to their condition of indigence and good morals, evidence of the dura- tion of the service aboard, and any other document that could support their application. In some cases, as already mentioned, candidates had to prove they were originally from a specific locality. However, in other cases, the statutory instructions are much more “detailed”. For example, one of the two schol- arships, Fondazione Giuseppe ed Antonia coniugi Clivio, was intended for an applicant from Bakar, preferably belonging to the Imoquina or Schnautz families (AST, GM, 1164, 5964). The statute of Fondazione Marco Domenico Garofolo also had a “familyist” purpose – sometimes, in business or trade organisations, it is considered a facet of “so- cial capital” (cf. Jones, 2012, XI). Even in that case, the beneficiaries not only had to be from a specific locality, but they also had to demonstrate some de- gree of kinship with the prominent Marco Domenico Garofolo (ASTs, GM, 1157, 10411). So – since she could prove she was Garofolo’s first cousin – the widow Anna Pizzoli from Mali Lošinj was able to secure a subsidy from Fondazione Marco Domenico Garofolo for many years (ASTs, GM, 1164, 8920). 13 Source: ASTs, GM, 1164, 5964. 14 Before the outbreak of WWI, there were more charitable foundations which dealt with the assistance of seafarers and their rela- tives in need. There were also, for example: Fondazione Francesco Giuseppe I to support Istrian seafaring; Fondazione Scaramangà favouring the widows and orphans of the Littoral seafarers; Fondazione Maria ved. Tercig to support sailors’ widows. 15 Moreover, in 1916 in Vienna, a specific relief committee was established to subsidise seafarers, fishermen and their families in a state of poverty due to the war (ASTs-CPT, 19, 17525 ex 1916). Also, it is worth mentioning the charity that, in a private capacity, some tycoons of the Austrian shipping industry did for the families of its employees in such a difficult moment. From June 1915 to June 1922, Diodato Tripcovich paid 200 Kronen (later 200 Lire) per month to the widow and orphans of the engine driver Paglietach. Tripcovich stopped the subsidy in July 1922 following a lump sum of 2,400 Lire (ASTs-ST, 198). 16 The first chapter of law no. 1 of 1888 bears the wording “insurance extension”, but it is a bluff aimed at making it appear that Germany has beaten the times in social policy matters. The “precedent” to which the law of 1888 implicitly refers is the law of 1854 on mining (BLI, 1854, 254). The ninth and tenth chapters of the latter law explicitly addressed the issues relating to relations between workers and employers (§§ 200–209) and social security (§§ 210–214). As for the latter aspect, the law obliged the mine owners to set up brotherhood relief funds to support miners in need, their widows and orphans (§§ 210; 212; 214). For their part, miners were obliged to contribute to the fund (§ 211). Although these provisions were very far-sighted – representing the framework of the following measures for workers’ social security – they were designed solely to improve working and living conditions and to prevent forms of revolt of a specific category of workers subjected to particularly strenuous work. It is essential to highlight that these foundations maintained their functions even after the approval of the seafarers’ social security scheme in 1913, during the war and the post-WWI transition.15 In 1921, the Italian Cassa invalidi della marina mercantile extended its authority also over the Julian March (GU, 221, Royal Decree 1921/1231) and, in 1929, Pio fondo di marina austro-illirico, Pio fondo di marina dalmato, and Pio fondo di marina per Fiume e Seni were absorbed into the Italian Cassa Nazionale delle Assicurazioni Sociali in force of the Royal Decree 24 January 1929 no. 158 (LF-II, 1837, 1893). In this way, the ex-imperial relief foundations for seafarers ceased de facto to exist. However, despite the currency’s devaluation due to rapid inflation in the post-WWI period, as seen from the table below, some foundations still had consider- able assets and returns in 1923. THE AUSTRIAN WORKERS’ SOCIAL SECURITY SCHEME Between 1887 and 1888, the Imperial Council is- sued the two laws that formed the framework of the Austrian workers’ social security system. The first, ap- proved in December 1887, was the law concerning the extension16 of workers’ insurance against workplace accidents (BLI, 1888, 1), and, in March of the following Table 3: Assets and returns of Austrian seafarers’ relief foundations in 1923.13 Foundation name Net asset (nominal value) Net return (nominal value) Pio fondo di marina Austro-illirico 1,021,500 Lire and 523,680 Kronen 170,000 Lire Pio fondo di marina dalmato 373,000 Kronen 2,500 Lire Fondazione Federico Deseppi 400 Lire 20 Lire Fondazione Giuseppe ed Antonia coniugi Clivio 8,900 Lire and 1,800 Kronen 445 Lire Fondazione Marco Domenico Garofolo 24,000 Kronen 920 Kronen Fondazione Erminia ved. Bussoli 1,000 Lire 50 Lire ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 578 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 year, the law regarding workers’ insurance in case of illness was also approved (BLI, 1888, 33). Following the German social policy scheme, the Austrian social security system was the second to be implemented worldwide. As for the Austrian context, it is important to underline that the adoption of compulsory work- ers’ insurance was intended to protect workers and their families in the event of loss or reduction of wages due to circumstances that prevented or diminished the worker’s ability to work (Manuale, 1919, 9).17 As regards specifically the insurance for accidents at work, the Austrian “General Civil Code” (Allgemeines Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch – ABGB) established that involuntary damages must also be compensated (§ 1306) and that the burden of proof was on who had suffered the damage (§ 1298). However, in some cases – such as railway accidents – the burden of proof was reversed. In Germany, before work-related accident insurance, the shifting of the burden of the proof applied to the whole large-scale industry (Manuale, 1919, 10). Therefore, beyond the political question of anti-socialist action, it seems that in Germany, the adoption of the law against accidents at work had also found a not-insignificant reason in the will to overcome the existing legal practices, which did not favour the industrial sector at all. The subject of the Austrian occupational acci- dent scheme (BLI, 1888, 1) was the compensation for damage deriving from an injury or death of the insured (the employee) following an accident at work. Similarly, the subject of workers’ illness insurance programme (BLI, 1888, 33) was granting subsidies in case of illness and covering burial costs in the event of the insured’s death. Both laws were in force on all territories of Cisleithania and re- quired that all businesses owners such as factories, shipyards, transport and logistic facilities (e.g., port warehouses), construction sites, and other trades18 must ensure all employees, without any distinc- tion of duties, gender, or citizenship. So, it was not essential to be an Austrian citizen or have the “pertinency”/residency in a specific place to benefit from the two insurances. Both laws guaranteed the right to sickness and accident allowances simply because of a subordinate employment contract with an Austrian business. If the person entitled to com- 17 Besides the laws regarding workplace accidents and health insurance, those that regulated the compulsory workers’ insurances in force in Cisleithania were the following: concerning miners’ relief founds no. 127 of 1889, no. 14 of 1890, no. 3 of 1892 and no. 178 of 1892; regarding white-collar, old-age pensions no. 1 of 1907; about damages caused by a car no. 162 of 1908; relating to compensation no. 29 of 1909; regarding some specific construction workers no. 96 of 1912; concerning seafarers no. 24 and 25 of 1913; about miners no. 523 of 1917; reform of the law on accidents at work (1/1888 and 168/1894) no. 363 of 1917; and finally, the reform of the law on health insurance (33/1888 and 39/1889) no. 457 of 1917. 18 For example, law no. 168 of 1894 extended the insurance’s obligation to cleaning companies too. 19 It is worth remembering that the territorial jurisdiction of the Institutes for insurance against accidents at work of Trieste extended over its territory, Littoral, Carniola and Dalmatia (Statut, 1913). pensation for injury was a foreign subject or per- manently resided abroad, the insurance institution could compromise on the annuity and liquidate the insured with a good exit administered at one time (BLI, 1888, 1, § 42). The basis of both the allow- ances and the insurance premiums was the worker’s actual salary. The latter also included piecework, benefits in kind, cost-of-living subsidies and tips if they were used to complete the fixed salary. So, the type of remuneration was irrelevant for insurance purposes. Paying the premiums to the insurance institutions was the employer’s responsibility. If specific categories of businesses were not obliged to take out insurance, entrepreneurs could still choose to insure voluntarily. Regarding workplace insurance, in the event of the insured’s death, the law also provided for the survivor’s pension up to 20% of the accrued indemnity (BLI, 1888, 1, § 7). So, to sum up, both insurances consisted of the sim- ple fact that a certain amount was taken from the salary of the employee, which the entrepreneur had to pay to the public/state insurance institutions. In the event of a worker’s illness or accident at work, the state provided compensation, also for the next of kin in the event of the insured’s death. The latter is not a circumstance to be taken for granted. A final important aspect related to the 1887– 1888 laws approval worth mentioning was the one related to bureaucracy. First of all, new public bodies were established: the District sickness funds (in Italian Casse distrettuali per ammalati) and the Institutes for insurance against accidents at work (in Italian Istituti d’assicurazione per gli infortuni sul lavoro).19 Then, a public official class specialised in social security matters gradually began to be cre- ated. As for our seafarers, they remained excluded from any form of protection in the event of illness or workplace injury. Ten years after the approval of the laws and the creation of the institutions mentioned above, those public officials complained that all their proposals and recommendations to improve the social security system were never incorporated by the government authorities. In particular, they criticised the fact that law no. 168 of 1894 extended the insurance against accidents at work to workers such as chimney sweeps and stonemasons. How- ever, it completely disregarded seafarers, despite the fact they were among the categories of workers ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 579 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 most at risk, and the provision would have been met with favour from the ship-owners (Rapporto, 1900, 3). In 1905, their frustration reached its limit. In the Ministry of the Interior reform programme dating back to the previous year, seafarers continued to be excluded from any provision. The Ministry justified this exclusion because it was complicated to equate seafarers with other workers and, before proceeding with the approval of the social security schemes in their favour, first an organic revision of the legisla- tion on commercial navigation was necessary. It is worth mentioning that public officials (sarcastically) welcomed the fact that at least the Government had taken “an insignificant step” forward, that is, that it moved “from absolute denial to theoretical recognition” of the seafarers’ social protection issue (Questioni, 1905, 45–46). THE AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS’ SOCIAL SECURITY SCHEME Already in 1853, understanding the economic scope of the issue, the Chamber of Commerce – still named Deputazione di Borsa – of Trieste solicited the opinions of the seafarers’ class about the meas- ures to be taken to avoid the loss of goods and human lives in the event of sea accidents along the Austrian coasts. Among the various measures, a commission of experts chosen within the Navy and among the members of the port authorities, insur- ance and shipping companies suggested the crea- tion of a “Shipwreck Institution” based on the British model,20 the execution of periodic seaworthiness inspections of the vessels and the free distribution among the captains of an Italian translation of the Traité de sauvetage par Conseil (ASTs-DBCCIT, 34, 553).21 Nevertheless, the political authorities did not seem to adopt the proposed measures. About 30 years later, in Germany, moves towards adopting social policy measures would become more pressing and influential. The Austrian seafar- ing class immediately grasped the famous message of Kaiser Wilhelm I to the Reichstag of November 1881 on social security. In December of the same year, a commission created for the purpose submit- ted to the attention of the Maritime Government of 20 In all likelihood they meant the National Institution for the Preservation of Life from Shipwreck. 21 Most likely they were referring to de Godde de Liancourt, 1841. 22 The old-age pension programme designed for seamen and fishermen was simple and functional. It provided a compulsory contribution equal to 5% of the annual income. So, considering that a sailor earned an average of 200 Forint and a merchant captain about 500 Forint in a year, the contribution should have been 10 and 25 Forint respectively. At the age of 60, a sailor would have acquired the right to receive an annual allowance of 120 Forint and a captain of 300 Forint, in both cases 60% of the annual income. Austrian seafarers and fishermen working on foreign-flagged vessels could have voluntarily contributed to the pension fund (ASTs, GM, 1163, 3633 ex 1881). 23 Similarly, in June 1913, the law establishing the invalidity fund of the merchant marine (Cassa invalidi della marina mercantile) was ap- proved in Italy too (GU, 167, law 1913/767). 24 Exceptions for the insurance of foreign subjects if employed only temporarily were allowed (BLI, 1913, 25, § 3). Trieste a proposal for a compulsory old-age pension scheme for the seafarers of the Austrian merchant marine also be extended to sea fishing fishermen.22 Again, the proposal came to nothing. Given the context, it is reasonable to suppose that other events and circumstances proved to be more persuasive. On the night of 14 April 1912, in the waters off the coast of Newfoundland, the largest ocean liner in service at that time – described as “unsinkable” by the international press – the steamer “Titanic” collided with an iceberg. It sank in less than three hours, causing the death of more than 1,500 people. It is regarded as one of the deadliest peacetime mar- itime disasters in history. The “Titanic” sinking was also a workplace accident of international signifi- cance (ca. 685 crew members lost their lives) and a big scandal that had major consequences within the global maritime capitalism of that time. Although it is not appropriate to go into detail, suffice to say that the families of the crew members who perished during the disaster asked for compensation from the ship-owner, the White Star Line company. It was the British Workmen’s Compensation Act of 1897 that made the survivors and relatives of the crew mem- bers that passed away eligible for compensation from the shipping company, not the state (Moses, 2018, 162–163). Anyway, less than a year after the “Titanic” tragedy, protection in the event of illness and accident in the workplace was finally extended to Austrian seamen.23 On 11 February 1913, both the law on compul- sory health insurance (BLI, 1913, 24) and the law concerning compulsory injury insurance (BLI, 1913, 25) for seafarers and fishermen were issued. They followed the structure, intentions and modalities of the two previous framework acts and, also in the seafarers’ case, in the event of a worker’s illness or an accident at work, the state provided compensa- tion. Both laws ordered the businessperson – i.e., the ship-owner, the representative of the ship-owner’s consortium or the shipping company owing vessels flying under the Austrian flag – to insure the sub- ordinate workers, regardless of their duties or rank aboard, gender, nationality or citizenship.24 The obligation was not limited to commercial shipping but also included the crews of training and science ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 580 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 ships and sport boats (ASTs, GM, 827, 32573).25 As far as accident insurance was concerned, diseases such as cholera, plague, yellow fever and beriberi were equated to injuries (BLI, 1913, 25, § 3). In the case of seafarers, the law provided for the survivor’s pension in case of the insured’s death, both in the event of a shipwreck and for the vessel’s disappear- ance (BLI, 1913, 25, §§ 4-5). A particular branch of the Institute for Accidents at Work of Trieste dedi- cated to the seafaring workforce had jurisdiction over all the Austrian vessels, shipping companies and ship-owners’ consortia. The law that insured seafarers in case of illness did not differ from the framework scheme dating back to 1888. The most interesting aspect of health insurance for seafarers concerns its organisational and institutional aspects. The law provided that a vessel crew had to be insured at the district sickness fund of the locality where the vessel was registered (BLI, 1913, 24, § 5). However, this provision seemed challenging to implement. Thus, shipping companies and ship-owners created their company sickness funds, organising them into a federation (Federazione delle Casse Marittime di Malattia della Marina Mercantile) whose headquarters was in Tri- este. At the end of WWI, and following the extension of the jurisdiction of the Italian Cassa invalidi della marina mercantile to the newly acquired territories, the social partners of the Venezia Giulia commer- cial navigation (for employers, the Federazione degli Armatori della Venezia Giulia; for workers, the Federazione della Gente di Mare) decided to accept the conditions of the Italian collective contract for the recruitment of seafarers. From this circumstance arose the need to follow the “Italian model”, creat- ing something similar to what in Italy was called “business fund” (cassa d’esercizio) (ASTs, GM, 837, 1649). So, in 1921, the general sickness fund for seafarers in Julian March (Cassa Generale di Malat- tia per Marittimi nella Venezia Giulia) was created. Similarly, the Institute for Accidents at Work of Trieste’s maritime branch was no longer functional in the post-war scenario. Therefore, in 1920, the Mutual insurance consortium for seafarers’ work- related accidents (Sindacato d’assicurazione mutua per gl’infortuni della gente di mare) was established in Trieste. Both 1913 Austrian seafarers’ insurances became fully operational on 1 January 1914. They had only 6–7 months to test their effectiveness, and then the scenario and the priorities would change drastically. 25 An interesting aspect of the seafarers’ social security laws is that they used different criteria from the Austrian framework law on merchant marine (BLI, 1879, 65) to distinguish between different types of maritime navigation. The 1913 laws distin- guished between “small” (vessels less than 50 gross tons) and “large” navigation (vessels over 50 gross tons). Since the laws provided for the compulsory registration of all Austrian maritime enterprises with the Institute for Accidents at Work of Trieste, we know that the size of the Austrian merchant marine on the eve of WWI was 759 units: 410 businesses related to the “large” navigation and 349 businesses related to the “small” one (Rapporto, 1915, 3). TRIESTE WORKING-CLASS HERO: THE “IRON SAILOR” With the roar of the “guns of August”, Trieste im- mediately began to bleed dry of people (Fabi, 1996, 16, 61; Scartabellati, 2006, 161), jobs (Fabi, 1996, 20; Manenti, 2015, 78–80) and capital (Mezzoli, 2015). Following the entrance of the Anglo-French naval forces into the Adriatic basin on 13 August 1914, Trieste military authorities ordered the city’s military evacuation too (Marzari, 1992). In 1915, Italy entered the war, a circumstance that led to the expulsion or internment of almost all of the city’s Italian population (regnicoli). In the third year of war in 1916, war-weariness was beginning to be felt significantly, in Trieste as elsewhere. In particular, food shortages, the deterioration of working condi- tions and the rise in prices due to inflation resulted in civil and industrial unrest throughout the Empire. The situation also worried the military, who feared that a possible home front collapse could affect the soldiers’ willingness to fight (Obinger, 2018, 78–79). In that desolation, a (working-class) hero was needed. On the eve of WWI, Trieste was a great city/ port, the fourth largest city in the Empire (Cat- taruzza, 1979, 5). It was also a synthesis of the political-economic architecture and of the moral and material culture that the 19th century pro- duced in its breathtaking race towards progress. In that context, some had run better and faster than others, namely the maritime industry and, particularly, the shipping sector (Cattaruzza, 2002, 176–178). From 1879, the year that marked the beginning of the merchant marine reform process, to the eve of WWI, Austrian industrial navigation (i.e., steam navigation) experienced an amazing evolution. The tonnage of Austrian commercial steam shipping increased sevenfold, and the number of registered seamen nearly tripled. It is indeed appropriate to say that in the context of the Austrian capitalist economy, a seafaring industrial revolution was taking place. The proscenium of that formidable success was Tri- este. Here the tonnage of the commercial steam navi- gation grew by five times, and the seafaring workforce more than doubled. In 1912, more than two-thirds of the tonnage of Austrian industrial shipping and its workforce – which consisted mainly of men – were concentrated in Trieste. Moreover, 60% of Austrian steamers also had Trieste as their home port. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 581 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 In this picture, it is also necessary to mention the extraordinary increase in industrial produc- tion and commercial traffic that crossed the city in the same years (Cattaruzza, 2002, 176–184), a circumstance also due to Trieste’s intermodal transport system.28 As an example, in 1913, only in the area of the free port of Trieste (617,000m2, five docks, 3,100m of quays) 2,146 vessels (both steam and sailing ships; overall 3,042,403 tons) docked to unload the goods they transported (Statistica- Statistik, 1913, 149). A trade of this magnitude naturally represented a significant opportunity for ashore maritime work, first for the (male) work- ers who dealt with loading and unloading goods from the ships’ holds, then also for the shipyards’ workers. As Joy Parr highlighted in her study on Ontario’s industrial communities, the “spe- cialisation” of a community in a particular type of economy (i.e., one-industry community) also has consequences in its inner workings regarding class and gender relations (i.e., jobs’ sex labelling and “gendered” communities) (Parr, 1990). As for our case, it is possible to affirm that, considering its economic characteristics, Trieste was a “working- class’” and “men’s city” during the last decades of the 19th and the first of the 20th centuries at least. At the same time, in the “West” a direct in- terdependence between industrial capitalism and patriarchal gender relations was settling down: the male sole-breadwinner paradigm was establishing itself as the dominant working-class family model (Rose, 1986, 114; Soccombe, 1986, 54). As Valerie 26 Source: Statistica-Statistik, (year 1879) 6; (year 1890) 6; (year 1900) 12; (year 1912) 12. 27 Source: Statistica-Statistik, (year 1879) 3; (year 1890) 3; (year 1900) 3; (year 1912) 3. 28 The port of Trieste was connected to the railway in 1857. Burton has shown, seafaring labour – maybe, the entire spectrum of maritime work – is particularly receptive to the interactions between modes of production, relations among social classes and power relationships between genders. The devel- opment of industrial (i.e., steam) navigation, and the subsequent formation of social relations shaped by industrial capitalism, exposed seafarers to a greater extent to the norms and conventions of the ashore communities. Thus, more or less wittingly, in the late 19th–early 20th century, also seafarers – and the other maritime workers – gave credit to the male sole-breadwinner industrial capitalist diktat (Burton, 1991, 180–181, 189 et passim). During WWI, most of the activities related to commercial shipping and fishery stopped. The is- sue of the social security system for seamen was no longer on the agenda. Now, pre-war seamen, fishermen and maritime workers were infantrymen on the battlefields or sailors of the imperial navy. As in other cases other than Trieste and the Littoral, women, children, and the elderly were “only” wives, children and parents to support before the war. They belonged only to the private sphere. However, with the prolongation of the war, the question relating to the livelihood of those people’s categories assumed a public and “strategic” character. At the beginning of July 1916, posters began to appear in the city announcing an unusual event for Trieste (cf. Benco, 1919a, 181): the inaugura- tion of the “Iron Sailor” (marinaio in ferro), one of the many nail men (Nagelmänner) erected in the Table 4: Austrian industrial navigation.26 1879 1890 1900 1912 Steamers 101 135 199 394 Tonnage 60,139 87,474 190,620 422,368 Crew 2,432 2,857 3,919 6,667 Table 5: Trieste’s industrial navigation.27 1879 1879 - % 1890 1890 - % 1900 1900 - % 1912 1912 - % Steamers 93 92% 113 84% 127 64% 236 60% Tonnage 59,932 99% 84,584 97% 156,482 82% 324,357 77% Crew 2,391 98% 2,707 95% 3,207 82% 5,025 75% ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 582 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 Austro-Hungarian and German Empires during WWI.29 The occurrence scheduled on 9 July 1916 in Piazza Grande (now Piazza Unità d’Italia) was promoted by the “Società Triestina Austria” as- 29 They were wooden monuments in which nails of iron, silver or gold were hammered in exchange for offerings, later donated to chari- table cause (Bellucci, 1919, 1–34). Interestingly enough, in the Ottoman Empire, a “wooden cannon” – called “Souvenir of Bravery” in Turkish Hâtıra-i Celâdet Topu – was established during WWI too. In November 1915, the activists of the Association for the Support of Needy Soldiers’ Families (Asker Âilelerine Yardımcı Hanımlar Cemiyeti) were granted permission to install a wooden canon in Istanbul’s Beyazıd Square. Also in this case, contributors could drive a nail into the monument in return for an offering. The proceeds would have been donated to the families of the soldiers, particularly the muinsiz aile, the soldiers’ families whose sole male breadwinners were en- listed (van Os, 2011, 269; Akın, 2014, 22 et passim). sociation. According to their intention, the “Iron Sailor” was “destined to [become] destination of pitiful pilgrimage by those citizens who, with the corresponding offering of their forces, would like Figure 1: Inauguration of the “Iron Sailor” nail man (Trieste, Piazza Grande, 9 July 1916) (Source: CMSPCT-SZ, f. 10, it. 19). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 583 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 to pay due tribute to the heroism of the brave ones who, as an unshakeable bulwark, stand in defence of Trieste and the great homeland”. All proceeds would be donated to the relief foundation in favour of the widows and orphans of Trieste’s conscripts (BCAH-SM, 14). The day following the inauguration, the front page of the newspaper La Gazzetta di Trieste read: It was time! Trieste, the kind city whose big heart wins over anyone who visits it. Trieste, which for its traditions well deserves the appellation of ‘most faithful’, could not wait any longer. It could not be inferior to its sister cities in Austria and not possess its “iron man” and express, even in this form – a visible and material symbol – its iron will for victory and sacrifice. Now she had it! […] In the middle of Piazza Grande’s garden, in an elegant kiosk painted in white with red trimmings, a virile figure of a sailor stands, with his eyes turned towards the sea and his weapon at his foot. […] The handsome sailor, whom an artist’s hand raised here in front of us in the centre of the city of Trieste, must be for us a symbol of our defensive strength.30 30 La Gazzetta di Trieste, 10 July 1916: La solenne inaugurazione del “Marinaio in ferro”, 1. 31 La Gazzetta di Trieste, 10 July 1916: La solenne inaugurazione del “Marinaio in ferro”, 1. Naturally, all the civil and military authorities of the city participated in the celebration, “along with people made up of citizens of all classes”.31 The occa- sion was ecumenical, both from the point of view of class belonging and national affiliation. For its “iron man”, Trieste was called to mobilise as a unique com- munity of people. After all, nothing different could be expected from “Società Triestina Austria”, an associa- tion that had as its first statutory purpose the “union and solidarity among people of chaste customs and patriotic sentiments”, at least formally, independently from any other identity attribute (Società, 1907, 3). In any case, due to the peculiarities of the city’s economic system and labour market, that “handsome sailor” – who as a civilian would undoubtedly have been employed in the maritime sector – could have been the son, the brother, the betrothed, the husband or, finally, the father of any Triestiner regardless of national affiliation. However, it must be said that at least a part of Trieste forgot its “iron man” over time. In May 1918, someone wondered what happened to the monu- ment and addressed the question to a newspaper, likely the socialist newspaper Il Lavoratore. The answer, which appeared in the column “Petty cor- respondence” (Piccola posta), was blunt and harsh: Figure 2: Flyer in German, Italian and Slovenian showing the prices of the nails for the “Iron Sailor” (Source: CMSPCT-DT, 15). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 584 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 “We know nothing of the miserable end of the ‘Iron Sailor’, which was... wooden!”.32 This response was noticed by a reader who decided to entrust the information he had about the “Iron Sailor” to another newspaper, La Gazzetta di Trieste. So, we learn that the “iron man” was currently placed in the spaces of the Trieste’s War Exhibition (Espo- sizione di guerra) and that, thanks to that charity mode, more than 35,000 Krone had already been raised. The editorial staff of La Gazzetta di Trieste also decided to reply, asserting that they could not understand how some were unable to see around the “Iron Sailor” “a swarm of children whose great- est support – the father – is gone anymore and that, weakly supported by mourning mothers, extend their hands in supplication towards that symbol”.33 From that moment on, there was no further news on the “Iron Sailor” until the end of October 1918, when the city uprisings marked de facto the end of WWI in Trieste. During these uprisings, the crowd tore its “iron man” to pieces in the same square where his effigy was unveiled. The remains were then burned and thrown into the sea (Benco, 1919b, 127; F-CMSA, 8963). Trieste’s “Iron Sailor” was not the only “iron man” of WWI. Also in 1916, Jack Cornwell, a 16-year-old working-class boy gave a lesson of gallantry and manhood to the entire British Empire. However, in this case, we are rather dealing with a “golden boy”, where the hero is the “son of the nation”: the one boy’s heroism and sacrifice stood for the martyrdom of a whole valiant generation of young men (Conly, 2009, 160–192). In contrast, Trieste’s “Iron Sailor” was the material portrayal of the manly and mature “call of duty”. It was the prototype of the working-class hero and male (sole) breadwinner who, in peacetime, had the responsi- bility of feeding and supporting his family while, in times of war, was called to defend the safety of the whole community to which he belonged and that the war put in danger. Therefore, in this context and in the case of Trieste’s “Iron Sailor”, it seems that other forces were at play and had taken over, unlike the Czech scenario depicted by Tara Zahra where, during the conflict, “each nation only cares for its own” (Zahra, 2006). CONCLUSION The relationships that bind philanthropists and the poor are complex and perverse, and the case of charitable activities in favour of the Austrian seafarers and their families during the 19th and early 20th centuries is no exception. In our case, 32 La Gazzetta di Trieste, 8 May 1918: Contro la carità, 2. 33 La Gazzetta di Trieste, 8 May 1918: Contro la carità, 2. they went far beyond the “mere” relations between classes determined by economic power relations but involved cultural, moral and even “popula- tion politics” variables. They are perfectly situated within the framework of power relations depicted by Stuard Woolf, where the poor were only partially one of the products of the socio-economic context of reference. Rather, as Stuart Woolf noted, the poor were poor also because they were “drawn that way” by the elites. Moreover, “the essence of this con- struct was the acceptance by the poor themselves of a condition of dependence on others” (Woolf, 1986, 63). As we have seen from the article in Rivista Marittima, the charity was aimed precisely at helping the working poor to accept with greater resignation – and, at the same time, to work more and better – their condition of poverty as desired by God. However, before the elites could spare any loose change, it was necessary to take a preliminary step: to separate the “deserving” poor who, due to their moral qualities, had earned charity from the “undeserving” ones who, for the good of the com- munity, had to be removed, ostracised, possibly, locked up (Woolf, 1978, 1062–1063). In this regard, it seems that in Trieste in the mid-19th century, for some of those “undeserving” poor, the practice was that of being kidnapped and put to forced labour by city institutions. That labour was seafaring, and it represented the first form of “charity” that young, male and a little “hot-headed” individuals received from the city elites. In this way, those young men began a hazardous, precarious, poorly paid and badly reputed profession. A job that would have re- quired constant recourse, in particular by his family members, to the support measures offered by the charitable foundations set up, financed and admin- istered by the same elite who had previously mar- ginalised him and aggravated his socio-economic condition. Priorities change over time, regardless of the will of a few influential people. Although the Spring of Peoples in Austria faded immediately, after 1848 everything was different in the Empire. Moreover, in the second half of the 19th century, a new sensibility towards workers’ agencies and the state’s role in dealing with social issues emerged in Europe (Moses, 2018, 57). As noted by Michael Keating, welfare can also represent an essential instrument for the territorial integration of a state. In particular, because “it provided equal standards of service across the national territory, […] aimed at compensating for economic change and drawing underdeveloped territories into the national econo- my” (Keating, 2021, 331). Regarding the economic ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 585 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 Figure 3: 1 Kronen stamp, whose proceeds would have been donated to the Royal Imperial relief found for Austrian military widows and orphans. In the image, the wording “The fallen heroes for the Homeland” (Source: AST-GM, 1163, 15634). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 586 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 unification of the Imperial territories, in 1775, Maria Theresa created the Cisleithanian common market, and one of the most significant reforms of the years 1848–1849 was the establishment of the customs union between the Austrian and the Hun- garian territories of the Empire (Komlos, 1983, 29, 25). In that context, the laws relating to the workers’ social policy scheme of 1887–1888 – in force on all the Cisleithanian territories – were conforming to that spirit, representing a piece in the picture of the Austrian post-1848 “revolution from above”. In this case, however, it was not the market or capital at the centre of the political and governance agenda but labour. Moreover, as Julia Moses noted, “indus- trial modernity, characterised by factory work, male breadwinners and urban living, created new social problems that requires novel solutions” (Moses, 2016, 3). Nevertheless, Austrian seafaring labour was not even touched by that wave. Again, it ap- pears that the safety and well-being of the seamen and their families remained dependent on the will of, in the words of Karl Polany, a certain “society that was not subject to the laws of the state, but, on the contrary, subjected the state to its own laws” (Polanyi, 1944, 116). When, in 1914, WWI broke out, the social security programme for seafarers had just been approved. So, it was no longer an item on anyone’s agenda; in any case, the war was bringing about other and new issues that were higher priority. On the one hand, the war represented a total upheaval of reality; on the other, some daily life realities found themselves in the cir- cumstances of showing their most pertinent face. Be- sides, some issues took on new meanings too. This is the case for Trieste and, in general, Austrian seafarers who saw themselves being transfigured into the nail man “Iron Sailor”, Trieste’s WWI “iron man”. Trieste’s “Iron Sailor” indeed represented a male figure with somewhat rough manners, but also gallant because he was courageous and loyal; bold and, at the same time, reassuring because he was considered solid and reliable; finally, politic and of-the-people at the same time because he was “ecumenical” from the point of view of national affiliation. The “wandering kid” who had to be captured, embarked by force and, therefore, removed for the common good of the 1850s during WWI had become the stable working-class family man and sole male breadwinner “next door” who was fighting to preserve the common good, everyone’s security and well-being, and the status quo too. Thus, between the 19th and 20th centuries, we witness a dramatic twist in the masculinity of the Austrian seafarers, and of those of Trieste in particular: from embodying the “immature” – i.e., in need of charity due to poverty, thus unable to support themselves and their family – and marginalised masculinity of the mid-19th century urban underclass, to representing a typology of those that Raewyn W. Connell identifies as “men of reason” (Connell, 1995, 164–181), so, in our case, complicit masculinity to the hegemonic patriarchal culture. The degree and quality of the tran- silience are astounding. The question of how close to reality this construct was and how much it resulted from ideology is a matter that needs further research. Anyway, what is certain is that the war brought to light and magnified a process underway before the outbreak of the conflict. As Valerie Burton noted, industrial (i.e., stem) shipping capitalism restructured seafarers’ masculinity and breadwinner roles (Burton, 1991, 196). This observation seems to be true also for the case of Trieste and Austrian seafaring. The reasons for this circumstance must be explored in the new mechanisms and exigencies of a social, economic and cultural nature triggered by the extraordinary exploit of the Austrian and Triestine shipping industry of the last decades of the 19th century. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 587 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 VARNE VODE. AVSTRIJSKI POMORŠČAKI MED DOBRODELNOSTJO IN SOCIALNO ZAŠČITO, OKOLI 1850–1920 Erica MEZZOLI Univerza "Tor Vergata" v Rimu, Oddelek za zgodovino, humanistiko in družboslovje, Via Columbia, 1, 00133 Rim, Italija e-mail: erica.mezzoli@gmail.com POVZETEK Namen članka je izpostaviti značilnosti in kritične točke ukrepov, namenjenih zagotavljanju “varnosti” avstrijskih pomorščakov, njihovih družin in skupnosti, ki so jim pripadali, od Gründerzeit v petdesetih letih 19. stoletja do zgodnjega povojnega obdobja. Delo v pomorstvu je v številnih pogledih zelo tvegan poklic. Zlasti v preteklosti je delavca, običajno moškega, in njegovo družino, nenehno izpostavljal tveganju, da za- padejo v revščino. Obračanje na dobrodelne ustanove v času delovne dobe in ob odhodu iz službe zaradi starosti je bilo zato nekaj običajnega. Kar zadeva družine, je bilo iskanje pomoči pri tovrstnih ustanovah skoraj neizogibna okoliščina v primeru nezmožnosti glave družine za delo. Zato lahko, poleg dela in kapi- tala, dobrodelne ustanove štejemo za tretji steber, na katerem je slonel trgovski ladijski sektor v avstrijskem cesarstvu. V zadnjih desetletjih 19. stoletja se je v Avstriji zgodila prava pomorska industrijska revolucija, ki je korenito spremenila družbenogospodarsko okolje, ne pa tudi okvira socialne varnosti pomorščakov. Kljub temu sta se družbenogospodarska vloga in javna podoba pomorščakov spremenili. Ključne besede: Socialna varnost pomorščakov, obvezno nezgodno zavarovanje pri delu, obvezno zdravstveno zavarovanje, avstrijska ladjedelniška industrija, moškost poglavarja družine v industrijski dobi ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 588 Erica MEZZOLI: SAFE WATERS. AUSTRIAN SEAFARERS BETWEEN CHARITY AND WELFARE, CA. 1850–1920, 571–590 SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY AGCT – Archivio Generale del Comune di Trieste, Consiglio Maggiore. ABGB – Allgemeines Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch (1811). 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ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 591 received: 2022–08–03 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2022.37 ANXIOUS »ITALIANS«: SECURITY AND WELFARE IN THE UPPER ADRIATIC, 1918–1924 Maura HAMETZ James Madison University, Wilson Hall, MSC 2001, 951 Madison Drive, Harrisonburg, Virginia 22807, USA e-mail: hametzme@jmu.edu ABSTRACT This article suggests that cultural trauma and insecurity fueled pervasive anxiety in the former Habsburg Adriatic Littoral in the wake of WWI and affected the development and implementation of social welfare policies. In the Italian successor state’s eastern border provinces, the creation of a secure and stable society relied on authorities’ ability to include and support individuals and on individuals’ ability to negotiate their place as citizens and to define themselves as worthy of state assistance. Keywords: anxious populations, Adriatic Littoral, interwar period, social welfare, citizenship, precarity GLI »ITALIANI« IN ANSIA: SICUREZZA E PREVIDENZA SOCIALE NELL’ALTO ADRIATICO, 1918–1924 SINTESI Questo articolo sostiene che il trauma culturale e l’insicurezza hanno alimentato un’ansia pervasiva nell’ex li- torale adriatico asburgico all’indomani della Prima guerra mondiale e hanno influenzato lo sviluppo e l’attuazione delle politiche di assistenza sociale. Nelle province di confine orientali dello Stato italiano successore, la creazione di una società sicura e stabile si basava sulla capacità delle autorità di includere e sostenere gli individui e sulla capacità di questi ultimi di negoziare il proprio ruolo di cittadini e di definirsi degni dell’assistenza statale. Parole chiave: popolazioni ansiose, Litorale austriaco, periodo interbellico, assistenza sociale, cittadinanza, precarietà ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 592 Maura HAMETZ: ANXIOUS »ITALIANS«: SECURITY AND WELFARE IN THE UPPER ADRIATIC, 1918–1924, 591–602 Owing to their “ancient Italianness,” Trieste/Trst, Istria/Istra, and Dalmazia/Dalmatia/Dalamcija1 should be treated as an integral part of victorious Italian state not as a part of a conquered territory or vanquished state in dissolution, wrote Mayor of Trieste Alfonso Valerio in May 1919 (ASTs, CGC–VG, Gab., busta 17).2 Valerio petitioned Italian negotiators at the Paris Peace to remind them of the irredentist aspirations (passions which he had shared) that had enticed Italy into war and to convince them that the former Hab- sburg Adriatic provinces were comprised of lands, populations, and resources that were “truly Italian.” His entreaty also reflected anxiousness – a permeat- ing sense of unease that those in the former Habsburg Adriatic Littoral, occupied as Venezia Giulia, would not be sufficiently Italian to fit into the Italian nation and successor state. War-weary populations in the Adriatic provinces assigned to Italy in the Paris Peace agreements and subsequent treaties faced a chaotic and contested landscape. International disagreements over borders, the allocation of resources, and the status of property in the new Italian lands quickly soured individuals’ jubilation and relief at the cessation of war hostilities, and anxious populations faced an uncertain future. The Italian state similarly faced uncertainties as anxi- ety fueled affective politics and on-going instability and violence. Economic distress strained fragile cul- tural and social community bonds, and demobiliza- tion, dislocation, and economic hardship impeded the development and function of political policies and networks designed to insure social welfare. Italy administered the formerly Habsburg Adriatic lands as the territory of Venezia Giulia, Zara/Zadar, and, after 1924 Fiume/Rijeka. The local populations’ access to social welfare and services relied on national and local authorities’ ability to parse legal requirements and interpret the stipulations of the peace treaties in the context of their inclinations to integration. Social welfare needs cast in the mold of Habsburg subject- hood had to be framed and reframed in disjunctures of transition from the Habsburg Monarchy to first Liberal and then Fascist Italy. The creation of a secure and stable society relied as much on individuals’ ability to secure a place in the emerging society as on the state’s ability and willingness to provide that space inside Italian borders. Pervasive anxiety induced the Italian government to soothe ontological security con- cerns through negotiation with local authorities and new citizens. But, this search for ontological security was not simply a question of return to stability and normalcy. As Christopher Browning and Pertti Joen- 1 In the Adriatic region, the multiplicity of placenames reflects the complex ethnic and national history of the region. For clarity, place- names here are listed first as they appear in the documents and then in other languages used at the time or in use today. 2 Thank you to the Centre of Science and Research (ZRS) Koper and the Institute for Historical Studies for support of this research, to the participants in the May 2022 Adriatic Social Welfare conference and anonymous reviewers for thoughtful comments and suggestions, and especially to Nancy Wingfield for her generous assistance and gracious support. niemi have suggested, it required “adaptability, i.e. openness toward and the ability to cope with change” (Browning & Joenniemi, 2017, 32). ANXIOUS POPULATIONS Scholars have debated the anxiety’s usefulness as an analytical category (Hunt, 1999), nonetheless it is an attractive concept to examine deep causal pro- cesses in the aggregation or amplification of individual responses to social insecurities or change. Since the 1950s, scholars like Franz Neumann have explored anxiety’s role in shaping political action and identity politics (Neumann, 1957). Since 2000, and particu- larly since 9/11, anxiety has evolved as a category of analysis in the context of ontological security and the contours of affective politics in uncertain, performative or “anxious” contemporary, neoliberal states (Kinnvall & Mitzen, 2020). Although social scientists most often associate anxiety with contemporary, post-World War II states and with modernization, capitalism, the post- colonial experience and understandings of alterity, “anxiousness” has certainly long permeated politics in unstable or uncertain political environments. In the wake of World War I, where populations emerged from imperial subjecthood under the Habsburgs, Ottomans, and Russians and “lost their stabilizing anchor” (Kin- vall & Mitzen, 2020, 246), omnipresent anxiety may have been the greatest obstacle to social cohesion in the reconstruction of peacetime society. Defined as a sense or mood of unease, nervousness, or discomfort and associated with uncertainty oriented toward the future, anxiety is a “diffuse, unpleasant and vague sense of apprehension that exists prior to and relatively independent of any given actual threat” (Kinvall & Mitzen, 2020, 241). Giddens has linked it to cognitive and emotional disorientation and a lack of faith in “the coherence of everyday life,” whereas he sees fear, by contrast, as an emotional response directed at a “specific threat” and with a “definite ob- ject,” that prompts urgent, adaptative action (Giddens, 1991, 37–38, 43–45). Fear lay at the core of violent action and reaction which, in the Adriatic borderlands, fed cyclical ethnic and economic based violence. Existential anxiety had to be addressed in political and social practice and was the aim of Italian social welfare policies and practices that evolved after 1918 in the new territories. After World War I, in the volatile atmosphere where the successor states of Italy, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (or the South Slav state), and the short-lived Free State of Fiume came together at the ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 593 Maura HAMETZ: ANXIOUS »ITALIANS«: SECURITY AND WELFARE IN THE UPPER ADRIATIC, 1918–1924, 591–602 crossroads of the ethnically German, “Slavic” (Slovene and Croatian), and Italian worlds, authorities taking charge in Italy’s “new territories” sought to assure disquieted populations of the benefits of Italian sover- eignty while, at the same time, trying to deal with rising nationalist and ethnic conflict related to the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy and the need to reconcile contradictory nationalist calls for assimilation and international promises to respect the rights of ethnic minorities (Cattaruzza, 2017, 83–122; Apollonio, 2001).3 The extension of social welfare, networks, benefits, and policies to protect those most vulnerable became a proving ground of the Italian government’s earnestness and a measure of its successes and failures in integrating borderland populations. While scholars recognize that “everyday” violence (Ebner, 2011) associated with military and paramilitary actions (Klabjan, 2018) provoked fear that played an important role in escalating conflict and countervio- lence in the Adriatic territories, on-going anxiety based in the diffuse sense of cultural trauma rather than the threat of physical harm governed the new authorities’ response to social insecurity. In April 1920, Trieste’s political commissioner warned authorities in Rome of the dangers of the unsettled “general political situ- ation.” Citing the “nervousness and hyper-sensibility that agitates all social classes,” he blamed agitation on the “new economic conflict,” and he feared that, “[g] iven the decidedly antinational elements (socialists, slavs, and austrophiles), a general political movement in the Kingdom could, here in Trieste and I believe in Venezia Giulia, assume not only a socialist Bolshevik, but a preeminently antinational and separatist charac- ter” (ASTs, CGC–VG, Gab., busta 85). Measures could be taken to target insecurity associated with present circumstances, but their effects in alleviating future- oriented anxiety were less clear. And, the question of who was responsible for developing and implementing policy for the long term remained, writ large. SOCIAL WELFARE After World War I, Italian authorities in the new provinces of Venezia Giulia had to restore the civil bureaucracy and establish clear lines of authority in the new environment of Italy. The Italian government pledged in 1916 to preserve Austrian social welfare benefits in Trieste, Tyrol, and other Habsburg lands in the event of annexation (Ferrera, 2018, 108–111). But, competing interests and aims as well as contradictory impulses to conserve existing laws, policies, and prac- tices in the name of stability and to introduce Italian norms to hasten integration marked the administrative transition, overseen by Italian military occupation 3 While Italy considered autochthonous “non-Italians” as ethnic minorities, in parts of the new provinces Slovenes and Croatians consti- tuted a majority of the population. authorities from November 1918 to July 1919 and then by the General Civil Commissioner until official (de jure) annexation in January 1921 (Apollonio, 2001; Capuzzo, 1992; Bresciani, 2021, 186–190). Most Central European successor states emerged with national agendas from the fragments of defunct multi-national empires, but in the Upper Adriatic the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, a new multi-ethnic state, emerged alongside the established Kingdom of Italy. Borderland populations shared the experiences of the former Habsburg Adriatic Littoral and awaited decisions of international negotiators to settle their fate, but from the Armistice in November 1918 to the annexation of Fiume/Rijeka in February 1924, in lands presumed to be destined for inclusion in Italy integration rather than formation of statal sys- tems was of paramount concern. Individuals trying to anticipate Italian expectations, maneuvered to define and redefine themselves and sought to navigate the uncertainties of competing systems of extant laws and practices, treaty requirements, and new regulations. Before World War I, Italy’s “patchy, hazy” social welfare system was underdeveloped in comparison to that of other European states (Pavan, 2019, 837), including Cisleithan Austria, which had developed on models of Bismarckian social insurance with Swiss style labor protections influenced by Catholic social views (Obinger, 2018, 69–70). World War I triggered reform in Italy, particularly after 1916 when the state coordinated nationwide relief efforts to ensure that wartime damages, casualties, and other losses did not destabilize the home front. Mobilized against a com- mon enemy and influenced increasingly by Catholic politics, the population responded to state intervention in the time of national emergency. By 1917, compul- sory old-age and disability insurance were introduced (Pironti, 2020, 194–197). The wartime Italian Ministry of Military Assistance continued to function until November 1919, when the General Directorate in the Treasury Ministry took over its responsibilities (Pavan, 2019, 856). For those in “old Italy,” transfer to civilian bureaucracy was a nightmare of red tape and led to delays in receiving benefits. For new citizens in the borderland, it created an even worse tangle of regula- tions and requirements. Inhabitants of the New Provinces struggled to navigate systems of Italian social welfare that took three forms: charity (beneficenza) rooted in the tradi- tions of the church and generally private or church- based with aims to benefit or assist the individual directly; social assistance (assistenza sociale) based in liberal economies and industrial society with aims to alter society by providing state-monitored public assistance; and social insurance or social security ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 594 Maura HAMETZ: ANXIOUS »ITALIANS«: SECURITY AND WELFARE IN THE UPPER ADRIATIC, 1918–1924, 591–602 (previdenza sociale) conceived in the interests of the state and based on calculations of societal risk designed to manage aggregate liabilities (Horn, 1988, 397–400). These categories of assistance were superimposed on extant Habsburg frameworks and manipulated to fit expectations of populations in the provinces transitioning to Italian control. No matter how complex or confusing the social welfare system appeared or which measures, regula- tions, and programs appeared to be in force, a greater problem confronted individuals living in the border- land. Access to welfare systems and social benefits required proof of legal eligibility, and many seeking assistance found evidence of identity and verification of legal status elusive. Anxious individuals seeking proper legal documentation and facing an uncertain future in Italy confronted equally anxious local au- thorities unsure of how to proceed in the new and dynamic political environment. In Venezia Giulia, individuals had a one-year grace period following the Paris Treaties’ coming into force to regularize citizen- ship and secure claims to property and benefits, but borders continued to shift until 1924, requiring regular monitoring and reconsideration based on individu- als’ circumstances, place of residence, and place of birth. Furthermore, due to wartime dislocations, basic services remained haphazard and disorganized. In Trieste, the largest urban center in the new Adriatic provinces, it was the Fascist government that finally coordinated urban services in 1923, organizing the welfare system with the division of the city into eight police and health services districts (ASTs, PT, UC VI, busta 21). REFUGEES, AID, AND REPATRIATION In the wake of war, authorities’ immediate con- cerns focused on repatriation of dislocated individu- als and the provision of emergency aid to military refugees as well as civilians in the Adriatic provinces and particularly the port city of Trieste. The Armi- stice in November 1918 precipitated a refugee crisis in the eastern Adriatic provinces as tens of thousands of Italian soldiers and prisoners of war released by the Austrians made their way to the Adriatic coast to seek transport to the Italian peninsula. In the imme- diate crisis that lasted nineteen days, the American Red Cross provided more than 700,000 meals to demobilized soldiers in hastily constructed camps in the city’s port zone. Until the dangers of winter had passed in March 1919, Red Cross “beneficenza,” continued to provide food, clothing and necessities, to populations in the Adriatic provinces including poverty stricken villages on the Istrian coast and war stricken provinces of eastern Italy as well as devastated communities around the Piave (Bakewell, 1920, 189–201). But “beneficenza” could not meet the needs of those living in, repatriating, or migrating to the new Italian Adriatic provinces, who required more permanent forms of social assistance or social insurance. Some had voluntarily left the Adriatic zone during the war and could rely on personal resources; others had fled in the panic of wartime or had been forcibly removed and required aid to re-establish their lives. At the onset of hostilities Habsburg officials expelled or interned tens of thousands of Italian citizens (regnicoli) working and living in the Habsburg Adriatic Littoral, targeting them as “enemy aliens.” In addition, thousands of “Ital- ian” Habsburg subjects judged unreliable or disloyal were interned (Caglioti, 2019, 130–139; Stibbe, 2019, 66–76). Many sought to return to their prewar com- munities at the cessation of hostilities. To enforce order, increase stability, and reduce social liabilities, occupation authorities limited access to the new border territory. Scholarly atten- tion has focused on the ethno-cultural character of authorities’ decisions to allow re-entry to the borderlands, citing evidence of the ethnic transfor- mation of Venezia Giulia in the years immediately following the war, the immigration of 40,000 from Italy to the new provinces, and the contours of nationalist political violence in the region (Purini, 2002; Cecotti, 2001; Bresciani, 2021; Koren Testen & Paradiž Cergol, 2021; Reill Kirchner et al., 2022). But territorial realities also played a significant role. Returning Italians (regnicoli) expelled from the Habsburg Littoral at the beginning of the war sought return as internal Italian migrants. Former Habsburg subjects in the South Slav State or other successor states had to cross an international border to return. For occupation authorities permission to repatriate was a socio-economic tool to limit state liabilities. Authorities generally welcomed back those with means and the well-connected, while the less fortunate had a more difficult time (Hametz, 2013, 795–797). They encouraged servants, assured of posts to with the return of employers and their families, to migrate or remigrate from the Italian peninsula (Koren & Paradiž, 2021), but discouraged those without assured means of support, particularly young men without local ties seeking employment. In a February 1919 memo, distributed in some 200 copies to various Italian ministries and to each pre- fecture in the Kingdom, military occupation authori- ties begged officials in “old Italy” to disabuse small merchants and industrialists, travelling salesmen, and diverse workers of “fantasies of quick earnings” and to dissuade travel of those whose “presence is not necessary or at least cannot be useful” (ASTs, CGC–VG, Gab., busta 35). As David Horn suggests, welfare measures entailed a “set of social priorities” that revealed “operations of power” and “cultural constructions of categories” ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 595 Maura HAMETZ: ANXIOUS »ITALIANS«: SECURITY AND WELFARE IN THE UPPER ADRIATIC, 1918–1924, 591–602 (Horn, 1988, 396). Italian authorities’ ethno-cultural aspirations played a role in “categorizing” popula- tions, but they identified “enemies” for their potential threat to the social fabric rather than on the grounds of ethnic association. As Eric Weitz has suggested for Weimar Germany, the “nervous tension” associ- ated with economic crisis and unpredictability could not be quantified but was “very real” and pervasive anxiety was heightened by the struggle to identify “enemies” who profited at society’s expense (Weitz, 2018, 136–137). Italian authorities denied Francesco Lukovic, formerly an official in the district of Pisino/ Pazin (now in Croatian Istria), permission to return to Trieste in February 1919, because as Lieuten- ant Colonel Celoria noted, “the entire population hated him, Italians and Slavs alike.” His “Slavic nationality,” may have contributed to making him an object of suspicion, but his strong pan-Germanist sympathies tied him directly to the former enemy. His crimes including intimidating those unwilling to buy Austrian war bonds and absconding with funds from the sale of seized Austrian property earmarked for distribution to the poor (Hametz, 2013, 797–798; ASTs, CGC–VG, Gab., busta 35) further implicated him. Lukovic did not pose a violent or nationalist threat, but he violated the public trust and plundered public coffers. Attempts to reweave the social fabric to increase social welfare and safety included facilitating emigra- tion. Military authorities recommended facilitating former Austrian railway employee Mario Adrario’s emigration to Austria. Military commander Arduino Garelli found no grounds to arrest Adrario, who was denounced for making threatening comments on a train travelling the Trieste − Santa Lucia (Venice) line. Adrario purportedly boasted that he had disseminated anti-Italian propaganda and that the phone line in the tunnel between Podbrdo and Bistrica could be used to pass intelligence to Yugoslav officials (ASTs, CGC–VG, Gab., busta 36). The tenor of the over- heard remarks marked Adrario as an “enemy,” as Alexander suggested, someone to be blamed for the wartime trauma and the continuing uncertainty that it provoked (Alexander, 2004, 15). Public suspicions of Adrario, a native of Podbrdo in the Slovenian Lit- toral near the Austrian border, demonstrate the high level of societal tension and “collective trauma” in the Adriatic provinces after the war. Understood as a cultural crisis that shakes a society to its core and coalesces in a shared narrative of social suffering (Alexander 2004, 8–15), cultural trauma was reflected in the pervasive mood that reflected the memory of wartime destruction and violence, internment, and dislocation, but also in continuing social and labor unrest, economic hardship, and memory of suffering that manifest in “barbed wire” disease and shell shock (Manz et al., 7–12). Government response to a derailment in May 1919 on a branch rail line to the Carpano-Vines (Krapan) mine near Albona/Labin reflected official and public anxiousness in the tense atmosphere that marked the Red Biennium in Italy and throughout Europe. Military authorities arrested two railway workers on the scene, leading to a showdown between worker’s federation president Comicich and police Captain Aimo, “known for his somewhat excitable character.” On investiga- tion, Major Filiberto Dalmazzo found a brakeman and a machinist negligent in the accident and no intentional threat to public safety. However, he underlined that the workers’ arrest had been justified given the “known discontent” of labor at the nearby mine, and he urged greater calm and “maximum delicacy” in future rela- tions between the director and workers (ASTs, CGC–VG, Gab., busta 41). In the immediate aftermath of the war, railways in the province of Trieste were a locus of violence. The parastatal nature of the transport system made it a particular target of labor action related to continuing unemployment and economic hardship. Police re- sponded to reports of shots fired at trains, sabotage, and obstructions of rail traffic at small stations and between stations where the “unknown culprits” proved difficult to identify (ASTs, CGC–VG, Gab., busta 111). Restoration of regular rail traffic was intimately tied to the government’s ability to provide postwar relief. In January 1919, the military command in Trieste prior- itized the restoration of regular rail service as one of the four major initiatives for social assistance, along with providing emergency health and medical care, offering identification and location services, and providing food aid (ASTs, CGC–VG, Gab., busta 41). Port security and the restoration of port traffic were likewise regional and international priorities. The Magazzini Generali or Central Warehouse Authority in Trieste, the para-statal entity that controlled port activ- ity, called repeatedly on Italian military authorities to provide additional personnel and resources to ensure the safety of the port (ASTs, CGC–VG, Gab., busta 15). The sequestration of Trieste’s merchant marine as assets of the Monarchy, the dissolution of preferential Adriatic tariffs and special customs arrangements, and Trieste’s concurrence with other Italian ports caused significant economic distress and anxiety (Jangakis, 1923, 71–78). Of more immediate concern in terms of social wel- fare was the war-damaged port infrastructure, which impeded the flow of international aid, and insufficient port security, which eroded international actors’ trust in the port’s efficacy for aid distribution. The Magazzini Generali and local government’s attempts to increase stability through what Browning and Joenniemi have called “securitization” (Browning & Joenniemi, 2017, 33), instead fed the traumatized public’s anxieties. Per- ceived as a crackdown on labor and a political power play, increased policing fueled labor agitation. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 596 Maura HAMETZ: ANXIOUS »ITALIANS«: SECURITY AND WELFARE IN THE UPPER ADRIATIC, 1918–1924, 591–602 CITIZENS? Despite the new occupation authorities’ inability to stabilize the local economy or deal effectively with rising ethnic tensions in the post-World War I nationalist environment, and while Italy appeared, as RJB Bosworth suggests, to be the “least of the Great Powers” in the international arena (Bosworth, 1979), many in the Adriatic provinces accepted Italian sovereignty as the preferred option in the contest be- tween the South Slav and Italian successor states. For some, Italy was the only viable, legal option. Others chose Italian citizenship based on ethno-national af- finities, language, family ties, or pragmatic political and economic considerations. While considerable ink has been spilled on the weakness, fragmentation, and failures of the Risorgimento state, Italy offered what Giddens has identified as “security of being” (Kinvall & Mitzen, 2020), which rested, at least in part, on established systems of laws and government developed in the liberal tradition (Fabbri, 1931). While this did not directly guarantee access to social welfare and benefits, it did instill confidence that social insurance or security would be available to those in the Italian state. Italian citizenship offered greater, or at least more established, protections than citizenship in new suc- cessor states like the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. “Clauses Relating to Nationality” in the Paris Peace treaties of Saint Germain and Trianon outlined eligibility, requirements, and rights of citizenship for those in all of the successor states to the Habsburg Monarchy. But, those in Italy had addi- tional guarantees and protections grounded in Italian citizenship laws of 1865 and 1912 and in citizenship practices developed over decades before World War I (Donati, 2013). And, as a victor state, Italy enjoyed special latitude in Articles 70 and 71 of the Treaty of Saint Germain, which included limitations on full right (plein droit or pieno diritto) citizenship acquisi- tion not afforded to other states. Most in the Adriatic provinces received full rights of citizenship automati- cally based on birthright and residence in the lands assigned to Italy. Further provisions, which outlined processes for election or option,4 offered latitude and a measure of self-determination to individuals, but these were predicated on a mixture of rights by birth (or soil) and rights by inheritance (or blood) that caused considerable uncertainty and anxious- ness (Hametz, 2021; Hametz, 2019). Statal relations 4 Election applied to those born and resident in part of the Habsburg Adriatic Littoral assigned to the South Slav State who claimed to be part of the Italian minority or wished to be considered Italian. It required application to Italian authorities. Option afforded those born outside of the Habsburg border provinces (generally outside the Littoral) an avenue for citizenship that required formal renunciation of foreign ties, the ability to meet linguistic, residency, and/or property requirements, and in some cases the payment of a fee. 5 Territorial arrangements in the former Habsburg Adriatic Littoral remained fluid in the interwar period until the Rome Accords of 1924. 6 The text of St. Germain makes this explicit in Article 70, which refers to “pertinenza” both in French indicating personne ayant indigénat and in German indicating Personen die das Heimatrecht (St. German Treaty, 2022). relied as much on individuals’ willingness or desire to embrace the nation as on the state’s willingness to embrace them (Fortier, 2021, 403–404), and while the contours of Italian authorities’ decisions have been understood in the context of nationalizing tendencies and persecution of non-Italians, in the interwar period economic concerns and concerns for security, stability, and community welfare were at least as important in determining individuals’ status. Determining who was a citizen of Italy had implica- tions with respect to state liabilities. For example, the Citizenship Commission in Trieste, one of several local bodies created in the eastern borderlands to adjudi- cate cases of uncertain or contested citizenship after the expiry of the one-year grace period designated in the treaties for the settlement of claims, queried the Ministry of the Interior in 1924 with respect to the status of Vojeslav (or Ermanno) Ipavec. Born in 1890 in Prosecco/Prosek, a village outside Trieste, and with official residence (pertinenza) in Gargaro/Grgar in Gorizia, Ipavec gained pieno diritto citizenship in Italy automatically under the provisions of Saint Germain. In 1921, he moved to Maribor to for a teaching posi- tion, a state post in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Triestine civil servants wondered if accept- ance of the position constituted a “tacit declaration” of option for the South Slav state, especially as Ipavec was of “Slavic nationality” (ASTs, PT, UC, busta 3457), and they asked if they could strike him from the citizenship rolls in Trieste. Such “housekeeping” of official records coincided with nationalizing and standardizing aims of the Fascist government, but it also could reduce state liabilities that required care for citizens abroad. In Ipavec’s case, the Interior Ministry, relied on inter- national law, and informed the local authorities that citizenship granted automatically could not be revoked (ASTs, PT, UC, busta 3457). In the new borderland, both Italy and the South Slav State sought to limit financial liabilities and responsibil- ity for social welfare, pension or insurance payments. Cases were particularly tricky for those born or with official residence in parts of Dalmatia and Istria that remained contested.5 Recent discussions of acquisi- tion of citizenship have tended to focus on national questions from the perspective of the Monarchy and the definitions, meaning, and implications of the loss of Habsburg Heimatrecht (Reill Kirchner et al., 2022). But legally, the basis for the treaty stipulations rested in western notions of pertinenza not understandings of Heimatrecht.6 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 597 Maura HAMETZ: ANXIOUS »ITALIANS«: SECURITY AND WELFARE IN THE UPPER ADRIATIC, 1918–1924, 591–602 Italian authorities’ disposition of citizenship cases reflected desires to foster stability and community well- being, to ensure individuals’ security, and to minimize threats to the state. Members of the Citizenship Com- mission in Pola/Pula, the former Habsburg naval port at the southern tip of Istria, asserted that in their work determining individuals’ fitness for Italian citizenship in contested or unclear cases “clemency constitute[d] a permanent danger to the State.” Heightened anxi- ety relating to the safety of the national community resulted in securitised citizenship policies (Bassel et al., 2020, 261–262), and authorities justified particu- lar “scrupulousness” and “rigor” in decision making given the continued presence of pro-Austrian elements (including ethnic Croats, Serbs, Hungarians and Austri- ans), the agitation of Bolshevik leaning elements in the shipyard, and the potential for violence due to “huge stocks of munitions and defensive materiel” in the former naval stronghold (ASTs, PT, Gab., busta 333). While the government sought to limit liabilities and promote stability, individuals sought to retain or gain benefits. Continued uncertainties and on-going ques- tions related to citizenship and treaty requirements evoked a panicked and angry response from local officials in Trieste when the Ministry of the Interior in Rome reminded them that local power to adjudicate citizenship under the treaties would expire in January 1922. An official bulletin put out by the Civil Com- mission of Venezia Giulia in March 1922 clarified and updated procedures for gaining citizenship, identifying groups vulnerable to contested citizenship including those domiciled in communities in the New Provinces but born outside the new borders, those who lost domi- cile rights (pertinenza) in the New Provinces as a result of their work (on behalf of the former Monarchy), mar- ried, widowed, and divorced women, children under 18 years of age, and orphans and children of unknown parentage or widows (L’Osservatore Triestino, 1922). Regularizing the status of women and children, and particularly of widows and orphans of pensioners (“worthy of maximum consideration”), was of particu- lar importance to the local citizenship commission in Trieste, which urged “in the name of justice, equity, and humanity” that “subsidies, subventions, and grants continued to be paid” until such time as their citizen- ship could be regulated or defined (ASTs, PT, UC, busta 3455). Women were vulnerable to vicissitudes of state policy in what Isabell Lorey has argued are the gen- dered aspects of “government precarization,” the embedding or instrumentalizing of insecurity as a function of the government’s tendency to assume and cater to the normative “bourgeois” male citizen (Lorey, 2015). In October 1918, the Italian legal conception of families was significantly expanded and the family defined in broader, more secular terms allowing for “de facto” attestation of family status outside of marriage (Pavan, 2019, 840–841), but women and the families and children remained reliant on men and remained constrained by dependent citizenship (tied to father’s or husband’s status) and gendered expectations incor- porated into the treaties. Anxiety resulted not only from government attempts to “sift citizens,” as Eric Lohr has labelled the process of ascertaining fitness and assign- ing access to citizenship on the dissolution of empire (Lohr, 2012, 138–145), also from gendered expecta- tions for “proper behavior” that affected women’s ac- cess to state assistance. Women's dependent citizenship extended to all as- pects of legal status. In the Adriatic provinces, it affect- ed their ability to repatriate, and permission to return relied on the status and reputation of their husbands or fathers rather than on women’s own background or circumstances (Hametz, 2013, 794–799). Government efforts to minimize strain on social welfare networks meant restricting a woman’s right to return, if she were likely to require public assistance. The families of employees of Lloyd Triestino Shipping transferred to Vienna at the beginning of the war returned in July 1919, despite having spent the war in an enemy capital. Wives of men without clear means of support and widows faced considerable difficulties if they did not have automatic claims to citizenship and were not native to the region. In terms of citizenship acquisition, unsettled cases arose from conflicting aspects of international agree- ments, national legislative interpretations, and local administrative understandings. The status of women like Giovanna Lemut was unclear. A widow born outside the new provinces who gained pertinenza on marriage and then automatic citizenship from local au- thorities on that basis in 1921, was then disqualified by national clarifications of the treaty requirements sent to Trieste in 1922, which required election or option for those widowed before their husbands gained Italian citizenship. Erminia Francovig had declared her inten- tion to opt for Italian citizenship in 1921 but withdrew the petition for fear that that she would forfeit pension payments being paid to her by the Czecho-Slovak state. Czechoslovakia did not recognize her claim to Czech citizenship, and so she became stateless. Local authorities working with the citizenship commission and finance office noted in 1922 that in “not a few cases,” widows and orphans were ignorant of which laws pertained and were misled by arbitrary or errone- ous advice and actions by local administrators (ASTs, PT, UC, busta 3455). Perhaps the most complicated and vexing ques- tions regarding citizenship and eligibility to social welfare in the Adriatic lands related to the Free State of Fiume/Rijeka. Uncertainty regarding the status of its citizens and their access to resources contributed to anxieties throughout the region from 1920 to 1924. While emphasis has been on Gabriele D’Annunzio’s ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 598 Maura HAMETZ: ANXIOUS »ITALIANS«: SECURITY AND WELFARE IN THE UPPER ADRIATIC, 1918–1924, 591–602 theatrics, Benito Mussolini’s machinations in Italian takeover and annexation, and the cultural Italianiza- tion of Fiume/Rijeka in the period from 1918 to 1924, in legal terms, as in the popular imagination (Reill, 2020; Jeličić, 2020), Habsburg norms and laws remained in force and the basis for local practice in the absence of a clear international solution. The Free State carved from Hungarian or Transleithan territory was governed by the Trianon Treaty Treaty of Trianon, 2022). Italy and Hungary did not share a border after the war, so the treaty provided no clear grounds for reciprocal border relations. The treaties’ national- ity clauses referred to recognized nationalities of the former Habsburg Monarchy, but Fiumians were never designated a nationality. The clauses, therefore, did not include them. The Free State’s anomalous status rendered women and children particularly vulnerable due to the lack of guidance for their protection and care and the lack of resources necessary for investment in social welfare systems. By 1923 Fiumian citizenship statutes came into force based on the Santa Margherita Accords (Accordi di Santa Margherita, 1923) between Italy and the South Slav state. In the following year, authorities in Venezia Giulia received 380 cases of contested or uncertain citizenship to adjudicate (ASTs, PT, UC, busta 3455), before definitive annexation to Italy in 1924 resolved the situation. The case of Egone Premuda, who inquired in 1924 about his citizenship, reveals the legal conundrums that Italian officials faced. Born in Fiume in 1890, Premuda acquired residence in Trieste in 1912, and served as a surveyor for the Istituto geografico militare in Florence. Living in Fiume after the war, he sought Italian citizenship. Because he had acquired domicile in Trieste after his birth and was not born in a territory that was transferred to Italy by the treaties (Fiume’s fate was left open), he (and those like him), despite clear Italian national associations were at a disadvantage to “Slavs or Germans” in territories transferred to Italy or the South Slav State (ASTs, PT, UC, busta 3455). WIDOWS AND PENSIONS Due to their vulnerable status, widows and orphans are particular liabilities for states, but they also offer opportunities as “instruments of governing,” who help to mold the social order and articulate the state’s expectations (Fortier, 2021, 398). State coffers opened wide for widows of “martyred” irredentist volunteers recognized as national heroines. Italian military pen- sions were introduced in 1895 for active-duty career personnel (Pironti, 2020, 191). In 1912, pensions and special supplements for veterans were included in the state pension system (Ferrera, 2018, 103). The terms of the Paris Peace entitled war widows to social benefits. Bonus payments, first provided in 1921, demonstrate the state’s “moral gratitude” (Pironti, 2020, 202). To memorialize the “martyr” Cesare Battisti, an irredentist agitator from Trent who enrolled in the Italian Alpine troops and was executed by the Austrian military for high treason, Italian authorities awarded his widow Ernesta Bittanti an extraordinarily annual payment. In Venezia Giulia, several volunteers’ families were nominated for grants. These included mothers like Elisa Sanson, who lived in desperate economic circum- stances and whose son Virgilio Sanson had enrolled in the Italian infantry, served in the Aviation Corps, and died in service in 1918, and was remembered as a “splendid figure of a worker, inspired by great love for the Fatherland.” But, widows were generally the ones singled out to receive supplemental payments. Authorities whole-heartedly supported a grant to Nina (Caterina) Sauro (née Steffè), widow of the noted naval captain Nazario Sauro, famed as the martyr of Istria. A native of Capodistria (Koper) and father of five, Sauro had volunteered for the Royal Italian Navy, spied on Austrian naval forces for Italy, was captured on an Ital- ian naval mission and executed for treason in August 1916 (ASTs, PT, Gab., busta 33). Lidia Bugliovaz, the widow of Francesco Rismondo, presented a more complicated case. Rismondo, a noted irredentist, sportsman, and cyclist (bersaglieri) volunteer distinguished for his service in the taking of San Michele on the Italo-Austria front in 1915, hailed from “a well-known and esteemed” family in Spalato/ Split. Gabriele D’Annunzio celebrated his martyred memory in the “Assumption of Dalmazia,” an allusion to Rismondo’s heroism for Italy, uncertain end, and the failure to retrieve his corpse. Rome offered Bugliovaz an additional 6000 lire per annum on her 500 lire per month pension (effectively doubling her yearly pension) to honor the sacrifice of her husband. But, local police and officials balked. The Prefect of Trieste reported in December 1922 that the police found her “moral conduct a bit uncertain.” She wore “expensive and elegant clothing” that appeared “incompatible with her modest resources.” Further, authorities pointed out, using delicate and seemingly euphemistic terms, she “demonstrates a certain philosophy which doesn’t leave a good impression.” The Fascist state recognized her with the supplement nonetheless (ASTs, PT, Gab., busta 33). The shift in emphasis from state priorities to meet immediate needs and counter pervasive anxiety, and from emphasis on beneficenza or charity to social insurance and emphasis on molding the state was evi- dent in the Fascist daily Il Popolo di Trieste’s reporting on the award in 1923. “For the Widow of Francesco Rismondo” read the headline on 9 January, and the ar- ticle did not even mention Bugliovaz by name. Under Fascism, women were valued increasingly as social resources. Even widows’ benefits were decreased as they were pulled from the workforce by demographic policies that promoted home and motherhood (Pironti, 2020, 210). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 599 Maura HAMETZ: ANXIOUS »ITALIANS«: SECURITY AND WELFARE IN THE UPPER ADRIATIC, 1918–1924, 591–602 SUSPICION AND SUBVERSION Catarina Kinvall and Jennifer Mitzen suggest that in response to anxiety, states increasingly assert safety or certainty in a singular, often linear, reading of the nation, history, culture, and people. As individuals struggle for legitimation and begin to turn on “others” or “outsiders,” far-right parties gain momentum in the exclusionary model of state building characteristic in the rise of authoritarianism (Kinvall & Mitzen, 2020, 241–244). In Italy, initial enthusiasm for comprehen- sive and universalist social welfare plans ebbed, and reform slowed and stalled after July 1921 (Pavan, 2019, 863–864) as political fractiousness, particularly on the Left, weakened the government; the middle classes aligned with big business; and Italy moved toward fascism. By 1923, fascist authorities had stoked the pervasive sense of apprehension to transform local associations that had provided community and social assistance into subversive organizations in a process that Isabell Lorey has labeled “government precariza- tion.” Precarization, a “steering technique” employed by the government, seeks to balance insecurity with minimal safeguards to maintain a threshold of social vulnerability that the state can harness against those whose vulnerability has been enhanced through “oth- ering” processes (Lorey, 2015, 40). In February 1923, Police Commissioner Filippo Montalbano targeted 42 “Slovene, Croat, German and subversive associations” in Trieste. The list included professional organizations from those serving commercial traders, industrialists, and lawyers to those representing agricultural and railroad trade unionists and workers’ organizations. Choral groups and literary societies, whose member- ship was viewed as hostile to or incompatible with Italian nationalist aims, were targeted as were leisure organizations including six Sokol chapters and the Balkan cycling society, associated with ethnic advo- cacy and paramilitary training, and the Alpinista or- ganization cited for “reformist, masonic tendencies.” The Italian Republican Party and affiliated associa- tions and church and philanthropic groups associated with ethnic minority populations or Catholic politics also appeared on the list. Surrounding communities including Mavhinje/Malchina, Gabrovizza/Comeno, Sežana/Sesana, and Nabrežina/Nabresina provided their own lists; indeed, the Vice-Prefect of Komen/ Comen included a note explaining that cultural or- ganizations were a front for subversive activities to undermine Italianizing efforts (ASTs, PT, Gab., busta 31). The Fascist repression of traditional aid societies, organizations, and institutions disrupted individuals’ lives and narrowed options for social services and ac- tivities, enhancing precariousness and forcing reliance on emerging Fascist social welfare networks. CONCLUSION In the Adriatic lands, the Italian state’s extension of social benefits and welfare intended to align the new provinces with “old provinces” of the pre-World War I Liberal state and to alleviate anxieties through “normalization” or standardization of social relations had the effect, instead, of accentuating the distinc- tions between the peninsula and the newly annexed territories of the former Habsburg Adriatic Littoral. Instead of easing security threats by providing a sense of state control and a clear path for acceptance and assistance by the state, Italian policies and expecta- tions limited or constrained individuals seeking to navigate social, political and cultural disruptions in the postwar environment. The state’s rigidity isolated and antagonized populations either unable or unwill- ing to adopt “normative” Italian identities. Social welfare policies, which relied on conformity to Italian nationalist ideals, polarized and alienated autoch- thonous populations, increasing social anxieties and cultural tensions. They fed suspicion of and resistance to government intervention in all of its forms, includ- ing in social welfare policies designed to ameliorate postwar suffering. At the same time the multiplicity of identities of border populations caused anxiety for the state, exacerbating uncertainties related to the integration of new territories and populations, which included “minoritized” ethnic and restive political elements. A concurrence of factors related to wartime disrup- tion and postwar instability exacerbated tensions and created volatility in central governing structures and on the state’s peripheries. The resulting insecurity led the Italian government, particularly as the influence of fascists and Fascism increased, to accept and even embrace precarization or social insecurity as part of the fabric of social normality. Anxiety became a tool of governance wielded through central structures and woven into social welfare policies that accustomed those in the borderland to antagonism and erupted in the development of the violent and oppressive border fascism that convulsed the Adriatic lands in the inter- war period. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 600 Maura HAMETZ: ANXIOUS »ITALIANS«: SECURITY AND WELFARE IN THE UPPER ADRIATIC, 1918–1924, 591–602 ANKSIOZNI »ITALIJANI«: VARNOST IN BLAGINJA V ZGORNJEM JADRANU, 1918–1924 Maura HAMETZ Univerza James Madison, Wilson Hall, MSC 2001, 951 Madison Drive, Harrisonburg, Virginia 22807, ZDA e-mail: hametzme@jmu.edu POVZETEK V nekdanjem Avstrijskem primorju je italijanska država s širjenjem socialnih podpor in blaginje še povečala razlike med polotokom in na novo priključenimi ozemlji nekdanjega habsburškega Avstrijskega primorja, kar je omejilo zmožnost oblasti in posameznikov, da si izborijo varno mesto v nastajajoči italijanski družbi. Na- mesto da bi pomirile zaskrbljenost zaradi nestabilnosti in upoštevale potrebe po večji varnosti, so italijanske socialne politike in pričakovanja, oblikovana v etnično-nacionalnem kontekstu in odraz ekonomskih težav, povečale napetosti in zaskrbljenost v zvezi z integracijo v italijansko državo. Politike in prakse repatriacije in državljanstva so odražale pravne sisteme in državne prioritete, ki so v medvojnem obdobju marginalizirale najranljivejše in povečale negotovost prebivalstva Jadrana. Državni poskusi integracije novih ozemelj in prebivalstva, ki so vključevali „manjšinske“ etnične in restriktivne politične elemente, ter vse bolj omejujoče in represivne politike ob prehodu italijanske liberalne države v fašizem so zaostrovali napetosti in krepili družbeno nestabilnost. Anksioznost je postala sredstvo upravljanja, obvladovano prek centralnih struktur in vtkano v politike socialnega varstva, ki so prispevale k razvoju nasilnega in represivnega obmejnega fašizma, ki je v medvojnem obdobju pretresal jadranske dežele. 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With its research based on literature and archival sources, the question of the voluntary character of the youth labour actions is explored. The district of Koper in the late 1950s and early 1960s, the crucial period in the process of the transformation of youth labour actions, is paid particular attention, drawing on the experiences of the brigadiers and the challenges that the People’s Youth had to face. Keywords: youth labour actions, volunteerism, socialist Yugoslavia, People’s Youth, Koper BRIGATE DI LAVORO GIOVANILE IN JUGOSLAVIA E RAPPRESENTANZE DEL VOLONTARIATO: UNO STUDIO DELLA PARTECIPAZIONE DELL’ORGANIZZAZIONE GIOVANILE NEL DISTRETTO DI CAPODISTRIA A RINNOVATE AZIONI DI LAVORO FEDERALE SINTESI L’autore affronta la questione del volontariato nelle azioni giovanili in Jugoslavia sollevata da diversi studiosi, distinguendo tra diverse fasi, che per lo più corrispondevano ai cambiamenti del regime socialista e della società in generale. Basando la ricerca sulla letteratura e sulle fonti d’archivio, viene esplorata la questione del carattere volontario delle azioni di lavoro giovanile. Un caso di studio si concentra sul distretto di Capodistria tra la fine degli anni Cinquanta e l’inizio degli anni Sessanta, il periodo cruciale nel processo di trasformazione delle azioni del lavoro giovanile, attingendo alle esperienze dei brigadieri e alle sfide che la organizzazione giovanile ha dovuto affrontare. Parole chiave: azioni di lavoro giovanile, volontariato, Jugoslavia socialista, organizzazione giovanile, Capodistria ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 604 Gašper MITHANS: YOUTH LABOUR BRIGADES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND REPRESENTATIONS OF VOLUNTEERISM: A STUDY OF PARTICIPATION ..., 603–618 INTRODUCTION1 The beginnings of youth labour actions (YLA) in Yugoslavia can be found during the Second World War, where focus was placed on medical aid, farming and, through the last months of the war, intensively on the reconstruction of homes and economic infrastruc- ture, largely undertaken by women. Post-war recon- struction and modernisation were thus a continuation of these labour actions, with a praise of the ideals of brotherhood and unity, anti-Fascism, solidarity, and equality, distinctively emphasising the cult of labour (cf. Baković, 2015; Petrović, 2020). The Communist leadership had, as it was (re-)interpreted, acknowled- ged the youth an active role in the building of a ‘new Yugoslavia’ by contributing to the moulding of a new regime of Yugoslav socialism internally and represen- ting the image of Yugoslavia abroad. The issue of the voluntary basis of labour actions – the youth enthusia- stically creating, upholding, and improving the social wellbeing of the people in Yugoslavia – is the focus of this article. Based on archival research of youth labour brigades from the local Slovenian Youth Organisation of Koper,2 the article concentrates primarily on the process of mobilisation, i.e., the recruitment of briga- diers in the late 1950s and early 1960s as the activity most of the concerned ‘irregularities’ stemmed from. Yugoslavia was left in a devastating condition after 4 years of occupation and the civil war: more than 1 million people died either in the battle, in concentration camps and as a result of forced labour, or as victims of ethnic and ideological violence. Almost 3.5 million people lost their homes, road and railway infrastructure was greatly damaged, 56% of the agricultural inventory was destroyed, while the total war damage was, according to some estimations, 47 billion dollars. Even though the most important industrial centres, located mostly in Slo- venia and Croatia, were mainly intact, production in 1945 did not reach half of what it had been in 1941 (Pirjevec, 1995, 156). Immediately after the war, the funds for the reconstruction and development of the country – be- sides the reserves of the National Bank and monetary institutions, and the youth labour actions (Urbanc, 1983), were of decisive importance. Thereby, various forms of organised shock work (udarništvo) were first established, starting with shock work in factories and mines on a daily and weekly basis (Burcar, 2019, 1 This article is a result of the research programme P6–0434 (Constructive Theology in the Age of Digital Culture and Anthropocene) and research project J6–1800 (Adriatic Welfare States. Social Politics in a Transitional Borderland from the mid-19th until 21st Century), both funded by the Slovenian Research Agency (ARRS). 2 I am referring to the organisation of the communist youth Ljudska mladina Jugoslavije (scr. Narodna omladina Jugoslavije; eng. the People’s Youth of Yugoslavia) that was established in 1948 when SKOJ (League of Communist Youth of Yugoslavia) and USAOJ (United Federation of Anti-Fascist Youth of Yugoslavia) – the latter incorporated interwar organisations of different religious, national, political and social backgrounds – merged. The very same organisation bore different names: the League of Youth of Yugoslavia (1963–1974) and the League of Socialist Youth of Yugoslavia (1974–1991). 185). In the years 1945–1946, approximately 12.8 million dinars were invested into reconstruction, with over 80% of this being funnelled into the economy. Hence most of the infrastructure, farming, industry, and facilities of other branches of the economy were renovated across just 2 years, involving large masses under the motto ‘No rest while we’re building!’ (scr. Nema odmora dok traje obnova!). The youth were at the forefront of the ‘builders’ of the new Yugoslavia, while also representing the majority in all socio-poli- tical and even authoritative organisations, e.g., in Au- gust 1945 63.2% of members of the Communist party were between 17 and 26 years old (Urbanc, 1983). ‘Socialist competition’ for efficiency and full span of knowledge impacted the rhythm of progress, the goal of which was to raise the standard of living and create a welfare society. Workers were to find their main purpose in this interest even when they were in the direct role of self-manager (Duda, 2017, 12–13). The first Five-Year Plan in Yugoslavia started with a propagandist action praising industrialisation and the electrification of the country as fundamental conditions for the implementati- on of socialism. Consequently, between 1945 and 1950, at least 1.2 million people moved from the countryside to the industrial centres, resulting in rapid urbanisation and the stratification of farmers with the formation of a new class of workers-farmers. According to Pirjevec, the cult of physical labour, which was incited by the authorities and aimed to modernise the country as quic- kly as possible, manifested most noticeably through the early post-war labour actions and the overpopulation in the cities from the late 1950s onwards. The side effects of this involved serious health problems (e.g., in 1948, Yugoslavia had the highest incidence of tuberculosis in Europe), as well as increased delinquent behaviour following the ‘record-breaking’ second Five-Year Plan (Pirjevec, 1995, 168–169, 243). This massive project was undertaken to promote progress in accordance with the propagated idea of a better world – where the end justifies the means, i.e., sacrifices of (almost) all – and supposedly standing as an antithesis to the capitalist market economy. The core of that ideology, as Calic argues, consisted of the socialist theory of growth and labour aiming to generate employment and wealth, breaking away from the circle of economic and political dependence on foreign powers and forming a socialist society that was to be better, happier, more just, and more huma- ne. To achieve this, the Yugoslav leadership turned to ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 605 Gašper MITHANS: YOUTH LABOUR BRIGADES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND REPRESENTATIONS OF VOLUNTEERISM: A STUDY OF PARTICIPATION ..., 603–618 the Soviet model (Calic, 2019, 170–171). The break with Stalin, followed by subsequent reforms and re- -orientations also affected the modernisation project and labour actions, alongside various technological developments, higher standards of living, and chan- ging values and priorities (Pšeničny, 1976, 42). The introduction of socialist self-management led to an increasingly decentralised public administration, a stronger role for market forces, more individual freedom in terms of self-organisation, and greater independence from the state for enterprises and other organisations (Rakar & Kolarič, 2020, 134), including the Youth organisation. Moreover, as Bing points out, self-management was at the same time the origin of political autonomy that encouraged cri- tical thinking unimaginable in other socialist states and a constraint imposed as the primary ideological- -political project designed and imposed by the top of the Communist Party (Bing, 2019, 10). The planned adaptation and approach towards citizens continued in the 1960s, when administrative and constitutional solutions sought to resolve the dilemma between traditional ‘macro-socialism’ and modern ‘micro-socialism’. Developed theoretical in- sights on socialist self-management intended to lead to the inclusion of ‘the largest possible number of ‘everyone’, which should have contributed to the de- -bureaucratisation of relations and de-totalitarisation (Duda, 2020, 735). Furthermore, in the congress report of the People’s Youth of Slovenia (PYS) in 1962, we find that in comparison to labour actions in the post-war years, labour actions after 1955 were different in terms of their organisation and system of manage- ment, as well as in their activities and relationships, with these actions signifying self-management and economic independence (Pšeničny, 1976, 42). To elaborate, we observe a gradual change of the youth brigades from the ‘semi-military type’ of organisation of life and work based on the ideal of the partisan struggle in favour of a less authoritative way of leadership according to the model of soci- alist self-management. This transformation followed a ‘certain crisis’ of the People’s Youth arising as a result of the communists not finding their way in the new conditions under which they partially lost control of the problems of the youth. The refusal to organise federal youth labour actions based on decentralisation and the introduction of a new eco- nomic system (1953–1957) also contributed to the mentioned crisis of the youth organisation in the 1950s (Senjković, 2016, 187). In other words, we can trace the transformation of labour actions out of duty or necessity to labour actions as prestige or a privilege (cf. Matošević, 2015, 96) and finally to a recreational social experience (cf. Popović 2010; Atanasovski & Petrov, 2015, 23). Almost synchronously, the perception of volunte- erism had changed: in the beginning ‘voluntary’ work frequently seemed to be a required social activity, while the entire organisation of YLA was already, in the late 1950s, strictly monitored to ensure that the attendance of all participants was of their own free choice, with the avoidance of any false promises given during the recruitment and the guarantee that brigadiers returned home well and satisfied. THE DEVELOPMENT OF YOUTH LABOR ACTIONS IN YUGOSLAVIA THROUGH DIFFERENT PHASES The state-led youth labour actions in Yugoslavia were developed under global and local influences. Externally the labour actions were based on the Soviet Stakhanovite movement, which functioned alongside the system of shock-work, public works and competi- tions present in all socialist countries, as well as in the interwar corporatist societies. On the local level, their origins can be traced back to the pre-modern tradition of communal labour during harvests and civilians’ help to the partisan army by harvesting crops already in 1941/1942 in parts of Serbia and Bosnia and Herze- govina (Baković, 2015, 29–30; Švajncer, 1980, 43). Based on the character and circumstances of the youth labour actions, we can distinguish between 6 phases, the classification which is commonly used in literature pertaining to YLAs (Senjković, 2016, 13–14): 1. the war period (1941–1945); 2. post-war federal labour actions (1945/1946–1952); 3. the phase of local labour actions (1953–1957); 4. reviving federal labour actions (1958–1964); 5. the phase of local labour actions (1965–1967), and 6. the final phase (1968–1990) (cf. Mihailović, 1985, 8–9; Poglajen, 1998, 11–25). During the war, SKOJ started with recruitment – usual- ly called mobilisation – of the youth into the partisan re- sistance movement, to carry out sabotage actions, courier service duties, etc. In Yugoslavia, the first youth labour brigade was formed in June 1942 in Sanica Valley in Bo- sanska Krajina to gather in the harvest. During the same period, in the liberated regions of Slovenia, the youth star- ted to collect weapons and clothes for partisans, cultivate the land, gather herbs with medicinal properties, provide medical aid, and to transport food, etc. In January 1943, the League of Slovenian Youth expanded to include all Slovenian youth (Oblak-Čarni, 2000, 13, 21, 24, 28–32). The YLAs intensified in Slovenia in 1944 and 1945 on the liberated and semi-liberated territories, focusing also on the reconstruction of homes and economic infrastructure, largely performed by women (Stibilj, 2015, 100–102). The youth continued to help with the reconstruction of destroyed homes and infrastructure after the war, soon followed by major modernisation projects. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 606 Gašper MITHANS: YOUTH LABOUR BRIGADES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND REPRESENTATIONS OF VOLUNTEERISM: A STUDY OF PARTICIPATION ..., 603–618 The second phase distinguishes itself from the first phase – besides by the absence of the war – by the fact that previously, only local actions were organised, while in the early post-war years the participation in federal actions was much incited, while labour had wider social-economic relevance: the ideas behind it were mainly for the youth from different ethnic, social, religious, and other back- grounds to meet and bond in (mostly) secluded plac- es, learn the customs of the local population, and the dissemination of socialist ideals. The competitive aspect was greatly emphasised not only during the actions, but also in the newspapers, literature, films, and propaganda. However, it was transgressed by the constantly evolving ideal of ‘brotherhood and unity’, aiming to create a ‘new Yugoslav’ (Dobrivo- jević, 2015; Atanasovski & Petrov, 2015, 23; Stibilj, 2015, 102; Potrč, 1949; Slovenski Jadran, 1958, 1; Slovenski Jadran 1959, 4) and to decrease the eco- nomic differences between and within the republics. Furthermore, the promotion of socialism included the recruitment of prospective young people into the 3 Cf. PAK, SI PAK-236, 18, Minimalni program ideološko-političkog rada za brigadiste seoskih ORB u 1960. g. Communist Party/League of Communists and youth communist organisations, with the topics often cov- ered in the ‘afternoon classes’ critically discussing the role of the Church in socialist society, not lacking in anti-clerical sentiments and aimed at encouraging an atheist worldview.3 For each participant at the YLA, brigade com- manders – by unwritten rule Communist Party members – wrote personal evaluations for two main purposes: for the archive of the local youth organi- sations when they would decide whom to mobilise for the next year’s YLA and, more importantly, to determine whether they would support or block the brigadier’s nomination for membership in the communist organisations. The outline for the eval- uations was the same: they gathered data on the individual’s year/place of birth, their nationality, social background, family standing during the war, and (non)participation in the Liberation Struggle, as well as the categories for the assessment of their character, which entailed their attitude towards authority, physical effort at work, participation Image 1: Burnt village of Smrje in Brkini region, 1945 (Koper Regional Museum). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 607 Gašper MITHANS: YOUTH LABOUR BRIGADES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND REPRESENTATIONS OF VOLUNTEERISM: A STUDY OF PARTICIPATION ..., 603–618 in classes, treatment of state property, behaviour, inclination to (self)criticism, and comments on their private life (Baković, 2015, 39). Particularly note- worthy is the following example of the evaluation of one brigadier, reproached to be both too serious for his age and an overthinker, which assumingly made him seem aloof and introverted. The remarks that followed, commending him to be a disciplined and comradely individual, indeed outweighed his ‘deficiencies’.4 Over the period between 1942 and 1990, over 2 million young Yugoslavs were involved in projects ranging from major federal actions to more local initiatives (Popović, 2010; Atanasovski & Petrov, 2015, 23). Until the split between Tito and Stalin, youth from other socialist countries attended the labour actions and vice versa, with the additional participation of the Western bloc (see: Thompson et al., 2020). After 1948, this transnational character was preserved, especially in later years with the involvement of the member countries of the Non- Aligned Movement. Up until 1952, when the first Five-Year Plan was concluded, 1.3 million brigadiers, almost without any mechanisation, built 70 key new facilities, in- cluding 11 railways (Brčko–Banovići, Šamac–Saraje- vo, Banjaluka–Doboj, Nikšić–Titograd, Foča–Kopač, Preserje–Borovnica, Sežana–Dutovlje, Goleš–Be- lačevac, Kučevo–Brodice, Gradačac–Modriča, Pu- račić–Doboj), 6 road sections (the most famous was ‘The Brotherhood and Unity Highway’, which was finished at a later date) and 5 hydroelectric power stations. In just 7 years (1945–1952), such individ- uals worked more than 60 million voluntary (and involuntary) hours (Burcar, 2019, 184; Pšeničny, 1976, 5, 16; Stefanović et al., 1976, 32). Despite the focus on ‘productivity’ and ‘efficiency,’ it is import- ant to recognise the larger scope of the experience at these working sites: for the youth, it was also a joyful social gathering, as well as the first important ritual of Yugoslav integration (Calic, 2019, 171). Anti-Fascist ideology, as one of the keystones of youth labour actions, was particularly emphasised throughout the initial years (1945–1947), especially in the region of the former Julian March. In youth labour brigades established in Zones A and B of the Julian March, Italian anti-Fascist youth also participated. A significant part of this was the praise directed towards the cooperation between Italian and Slovenian/Yugoslav youth, which included joint agitation for the inclusion of the territory to Yugosla- via, but then again, it was not completely without its challenges. However, when it was clear that a 4 PAK, SI PAK-236, 13, I. koperska MDB ‘Srečko Kosovel’, Prždevo, 27. 6. 1959; PAK, SI PAK-236, 11J. Zaključki tretje redne seje štaba za delavne akcije pri CK LMS, Ljubljana, 6. 3. 1958. 5 Nova Gorica: glasilo Osvobodilne fronte za goriški okraj, 18. 6. 1948: Položili smo temelje Nove Gorice, 1. 6 PAK, SI PAK-236, 11, Zaključki tretje redne seje štaba za delavne akcije pri CK LMS, Ljubljana, 6. 3. 1958. large part of the region would be assigned to Italy, the fight against imperialism and capitalism came to the forefront (Stibilj, 2015). In the Yugoslav-Italian border region, the building of a new city of Nova Gorica facing the ‘old’ Gorizia/ Gorica, which was in the process of demarcation assigned to Italy, was particularly noteworthy. In fact, the building remains distinctive amidst the entire Yugoslav context, despite resembling partly the building of Novi Travnik and Novi Beograd (cf. Ramšak, 2017, 364). This was probably the most significant contribution of YLAs in Slovenia, espe- cially when considering that only minor preparatory works for the port of Koper were performed by the brigadiers. The construction of Nova Gorica started as a federal action in 1947 (with 5194 brigadiers participating) and continued for 2 years as a local action, when gradually skilled (employed) workers and mechanisation took over (Ramšak, 2015, 87). This also occurred elsewhere, with the exception of continued local initiatives (e.g., building local roads, community houses, sports centres, etc.), until the reintroduction of federal actions in 1958 and grand projects with inclusion of the youth again. As articles in the Gazette of the Liberation front Nova Gorica demonstrated, the volunteer efforts should have been the sign of endeavours of the new man, creating future prosperity for themselves and, through this, ‘liquidating all the remnants of the old mentality and capitalistic worldview.’ (Ramšak, 2015, 86–87)5 With the progress of technology, the maintenance of youth camps and the organisation of brigadiers’ extra-labour activities cost more than the hiring and lodging of qualified workers. Still, Tito, as pointed out by Baković (2015, 30–31), never underestimated the value of such endeavours for the ideological indoctrination of young Yugoslavs, whose loyalty was won by offering them professional, social, and intellectual resources otherwise unavailable in their native environment. In other words, the expected costs of the construction of the Ljubljana–Zagreb highway entrusted to the organizers of the YLAs were approximately 5.5 billion dinars (the supervision and cooperation with the construction companies in- cluded), with the costs of using just the youth labour brigades totalling 4.96 billion dinars (4.1 billion for the work alone), while construction companies were willing to complete all of the work for 360 million di- nars less, but required two additional years. Only the social security, liability insurance, medical service, cultural, and sports activities were evaluated by the labour action headquarters of the Central Committee of the PYS to cost 300 million dinars.6 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 608 Gašper MITHANS: YOUTH LABOUR BRIGADES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND REPRESENTATIONS OF VOLUNTEERISM: A STUDY OF PARTICIPATION ..., 603–618 This fact – which cannot be applied to all labour actions, and especially not the early post-war re- construction at the local level7 – may present a solid ground against the criticism of the Communist Party extorting the youth full of elan. Not long after the conclusion of the Zagreb–Beo- grad ‘highway’ (1948–1950), and mainly due to the introduction of industrial mechanisation, the percep- tion of the labour actions as needless and expensive, primarily due to a decline of ‘revolutionary working enthusiasm’, and, presumably, the lack of suitable con- struction sites for such massive labour actions (Jurinčič, 2017, 18; Prinčič, 1997, 39), followed a phase without federal YLAs (1953–1957). However, the local actions remained; mostly concentrated on local infrastructure and buildings, usually in the economically deprived areas and every so often also as a continuation of the (unfinished) work of federal actions (cf. Martelanc, 1998, 212–247). In addition to this, YLAs partly remained a channel for social promotion, especially among the population that lived in the countryside, and certain parts of Yugoslavia, improving economic and social prosperity. In the scope of the preparations for the VI. Con- gress of the People’s Youth of Yugoslavia in 1958, an opinion poll was conducted among the youth, which included the question of whether they were interested in joining the federal youth labour action. 84% replied in the affirmative. Thus, 250,000 brigadiers joined the federal actions in the 1958–1964 period when much better technical equipment was available, the work was better coordinated, more ideological-political training and education (different courses, such as exams for driving motorbikes and tractors, photography course, amateur radio course, etc.) was available, and more competitions were organised. They (nearly) finished the Brotherhood and Unity Highway, connecting Lju- bljana with Gevgelija on the Yugoslav–Greek border (Pšeničny, 1976, 39). After it took three years to certify the Second Five- Year Plan (1955–1957) and a political (and economic) crisis over the question of federalisation loomed on the horizon, the leadership seemed to try to boost (once again) the ‘brotherhood and unity’ through the passion of the youth. Using major labour actions as a ‘social glue’ due to ‘a certain divide between the youth by republics, nationalities, etc., that ha[d] arisen,’8 and placing ‘unifying’ projects, such as building the high- way connecting most of the republics, at the forefront, thus helping to accelerate the economic development of deprived regions, interestingly coincided with the time of strikes, which started in the mining region of Zasavje in Slovenia, the economic stagnation and 7 To give one example: the work force of youth brigades assumingly saved 1,060,000 of 1,680,000 dinars (total estimated value of the investment) by building railway Otovec–Bubnjarci in Bela krajina in 1946 (Glasilo ‘MDB’ sektorja Otovec-Bubnjarci, 1946, 4). 8 See Tito’s speech at the 6th Congress of the People’s Youth of Yugoslavia in January 1958 (Davidović, 2021). subsequent reforms (Prinčič, 1997, 48, 51–52; Čepič, 2016, 171–173; Režek, 2005, 169–190), as well as the start of the Non-Aligned Movement. To expect of YLAs to be a corrective mechanism for the situation, when the principles of self-management became the instru- ments for differentiation on a national basis on the level of republics as nation-states (Čepič, 2016, 172), would be illusionary, but it may have been a successful temporary – if rather populist – measure. In the 4th phase of the youth labour actions, which also constitutes the prime focus of this paper, several significant changes occurred in terms of the organisa- tion and nature of the labour actions: • the construction mechanisation comprised three-quarters of the work, resulting in less exhausting labour; • overall living and working conditions impro- ved at the youth camps, shorter shifts were introduced, and the restrictive ‘military’ character of the actions and the competitive stance of the work gradually weakened, e.g., the awards were assigned to the entire camp as ‘solidarity to the social community’ (Popović, 2010, 289; Senjković, 2016,191); • much more attention was given to the well- -being of the brigadiers with rigorous health check-ups and mandatory vaccinations (Po- glajen, 1998, 18; Senjković, 2016, 209); • the propagandist pressure also eased, the content of political work, the social activiti- es and leisure time was adapted to the new conditions, labour actions became less and less reminiscent of tradition and of the past, while emphasis was placed on the education of young people as future citizens who would later act within the framework of social self- -management (Supek, 1963, 199); • the organisation of labour actions changed: representatives of the brigades entered the co- uncil of the youth camp in 1960 and, in 1961, a series of measures were introduced, ‘which meant an immediate transition to a democra- tic leadership system, according to a model of social self-management as a general social system,’ leading to almost 50% of the briga- diers being involved in various commissions and administrative bodies of the settlement (Supek, 1963, 187); • the selection of the participants became more careful than in the early post-war years (see the concept on ‘prestige’ in the continuation of this article). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 609 Gašper MITHANS: YOUTH LABOUR BRIGADES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND REPRESENTATIONS OF VOLUNTEERISM: A STUDY OF PARTICIPATION ..., 603–618 A short phase then followed, once again without any federal YLAs (1965–1967), while in the last phase (1968–1990), the ideas of self-management previously introduced in the 4th phase, were emphasised even further. Such actions were gran- ted a more pronounced ideological purpose and participants saw them more as an opportunity to travel, socialise and have a good time, while still nevertheless upholding core Yugoslav communist principles. As a result, labour actions from the 1950s onwards became increasingly recreational in nature (Popović, 2010, 280; Atanasovski & Petrov, 2015, 23). For example, ‘brigadiers’ weddings’ became quite a common event in the mid-1970s (Jurinčič, 2017, 106, 137–138), a relaxed stance that would be practically inconceivable in the 1940s and early 1950s, when all intimate relationships were prohi- bited. It is also worth mentioning other changes that were effectuated: research in early 1970s showed great improvement in the physical condition of the brigadiers after their participation in the YLAs, the number of participants dropping out of the YLA prematurely fell to just 1% in 1981 (in 1971 was still 20%), fewer girls, students, employed young people and the rural youth attended the labour ac- tions, while the number of (mostly male) secondary school students and those unemployed increased in the 1970s and 1980s. After 1974; however, courses that allowed for the acquisition of various professional qualifications ceased to be organised. Despite the lack of a ‘formal solution’ to the ‘pro- blem of self-management’, the brigadier no longer ‘simply accepted anything that was not created on the basis of his self-management action, based on his democratic rights’ (Senjković, 2016, 224–228, 230–232, 238). Researchers confirmed the capacity of the YLAs for the (self)rehabilitation of ‘children of the streets’ into the ‘children of the society’ and thus recognised labour actions as ‘a place of gathe- ring, coming together through work, education and entertainment, a place of discovering individuality, national differences in conditions of cooperation and fraternal solidarity,’ a place which marked the principle of self-management, and enabled briga- diers to undertake work and participate in social activities (Senjković, 2016, 234–236). In Slovenia, a major part of the local and republic actions – and also various federal actions – provided aid to less economically developed regions, such as Brkini, Kozjansko, Kobansko, Bela krajina, Suha krajina, Goričko, Zasavje, and Soča Valley after the earthquake of 1976, etc. (cf. Filipčič, 2016; Slanšek et al., 2018), which was also strongly emphasised in the last phase in the 1970s and 1980s. In the second half of the 1980s, youth research camps were intro- duced in parallel as a sort of alternative (Poglajen, 1998, 23–25; Vaupotič, 1998, 57–65). THE (AB)USE OF THE IDEALISM OF VOLUNTEERISM IN THE LABOUR ACTIONS Some scholars and critics have raised the question of whether youth labour actions were indeed comple- tely based on volunteerism. To adequately address this issue, previous distinctions between different phases of the labour actions, especially war-related circum- stances and the subsequent phases, is necessary to avoid partial and biased assessments (cf. Lilly, 1994; Kos, 2022), in order to strive towards drawing a full(er) picture of a complex, politically motivated but highly popularised and ever-changing phenomenon. A great collective effort was needed to run the YLAs, both financially and logistically. Given the meagre financial resources available to the new country in the initial post-war years, since most of the economy had been destroyed, a wide network of mutual aid had to be activated to establish and supply the YLAs and to carry out and complete the construction tasks themsel- ves. In this regard, YLAs, therefore, played one of the key connecting roles in Yugoslavia (Burcar, 2019, 185). Volunteering in youth brigades that adopted the organisation and naming of military formations was considered a great honour – especially if awarded the title of shock brigade and shock worker – considering the high attendance, some may have felt obliged to participate, which is also Mihailović’ argument (Stibilj, 2015, 34). On the other hand, active mobilisation took place, which was often far from an easy task for the organisations involved, precisely because it had to be conducted on a strictly non-coercive basis, while they were pressured to fulfil the required quotas. Almost exclusively in the early post-war years, there were cases of coercive collective recruitment, with political prisoners and captured soldiers also having been taken to construction sites as a part of their sentences, and some men completing their military service obligation by participating in labour actions (Baković, 2015, 35; Prinčič, 1997, 37). The contemporary criticism suggesting coercion, manipulation, and deception by propaganda and ideology, Petrović argues, lacks the experiential aspect of people attending the actions and is influenced by the perception that such collective voluntary labour in socialism cannot be ‘sincere’ and ‘authentic’. The state-organised collective actions were in contra- diction with most of the ‘Western’ perceptions of volunteering as a feature of a ‘democratic’ society, non-governmental actors, and individuality (Petrović, 2020, 161; Ljubojević, 2020). While I agree with most of the arguments put forward by Petrović, I cannot; however, avoid discussing occurrences of coercion and/or manipulation in the first organisational phase, something which was mentioned also in the interviews and memoirs of the participants (cf. Matošević, 2015, 96–100; Kos, 2022, 25). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 610 Gašper MITHANS: YOUTH LABOUR BRIGADES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND REPRESENTATIONS OF VOLUNTEERISM: A STUDY OF PARTICIPATION ..., 603–618 The radical difference in the organisational process of YLAs, especially concerning how to ensure massive attendance, efficiency, and satisfaction, is probably best illustrated by two – not completely mutually exclusive – concepts introduced by Matošević: duty and prestige. The first can apply to the post-war period and the ‘military type of organisation’ when ‘patriotism was measured by voluntary and overtime work’ (Mato- šević, 2015, 96), and when coercive mobilisation, and particularly ‘societal pressure’ was relatively frequent.9 Subsequent labour actions that took place in what can be called the second organisation phase during the late 1950s and 1960s had a completely different or- ganisational impulse and content. Participants’ claims that their work was completely voluntary and relaxing during this later period are legitimate, although even early post-war labour actions were only to a lesser extent fulfilled by coerced participants. This basic shift reflects the high interest to attend YLA: a princi- ple of selection was introduced, and it thus became a privilege to attend the labour actions, rather than a necessity. The ‘prestige’ of post-war actions originates from an entirely different pattern of values: pleasure in exertion, asceticism, and abstinence, where ‘utopia’ was supposed to be a motivational drive in ‘making the impossible’ young builders’ goal (Matošević, 2017, 68; Matošević, 2015, 97; cf. Supek, 1963, 62). Moreover, throughout these years, regions (and republics), seasons, and social backgrounds, the inte- rest in participation varied significantly. While some districts often struggled to fulfil the assigned quotas of participants while still upholding the basic require- ments of who could join the brigades, others had lots of work with the selection of numerous young men and women wishing to join. Supposedly, they even had to deny attendance to Tito’s grandson, because he had one poor school grade.10 In August 1958, the Presidency of the Central Committee of the People’s Youth of Yugoslavia sent a letter to all district committees raising and condemning some worrisome observations regarding the process of recruitment, including that a few brigadiers at the wor- ksite of the Zagreb-Ljubljana highway did not come to the action voluntarily (not naming from which part of Yugoslavia those came from). Secondly, brigadiers were given various promises that could not have been fulfilled later: employment after a labour action, com- 9 Matošević also indicates a testimony of a woman, stating that the whole village – girls and elderly people – were forced to help during the construction of the Lupoglav–Stalije railway in Istria (Matošević, 2015, 98). 10 Cf. PAK, SI PAK-236, 11, The Koper District Committee of the PYS to the Central Committee of the PYS, Headquarters for the youth labour brigades: short analysis of the mobilisation of the youth for federal and local actions in the year 1958, Koper, 18. 11. 1958; Matošević, 2015, 102. 11 PAK, SI PAK-236, 11, Pretsedništvo centralnog komiteta Narodne omladine Jugoslavije – svim sreskim komitetima narodne omladine Jugoslavije, 2. 8. 1958; PAK, SI PAK-236, 18, Mladinci in mladinke V. koprske brigade ‘Tone Tomšič’, Lipovica, 31. 5. 1960. 12 PAK, SI PAK-236, 11, Pretsedništvo centralnog komiteta Narodne omladine Jugoslavije – svim sreskim komitetima narodne om- ladine Jugoslavije, 2. 8. 1958. pletion of some professional courses, trips to distance cities, etc. Courses were organised, but mostly tended to be amateur courses (e.g., motorbike and tractor courses [theory and practice], amateur radio courses, photography courses, etc.) in which brigadiers certain- ly obtained valuable and useful skills, especially those who came from economically less developed regions and/or did not have other opportunities to gain such skills. They also did not receive the certificates they had wanted and which had been, in some cases, pro- mised to them.11 Furthermore, it seemed that some of the youth who had already decided to volunteer for the youth brigades experienced some pressure from the municipal com- mittees of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, which was considered harmful and unnecessary. Other issues unrelated to the question of volunteerism that they addressed included the unresponsiveness of the youth from rural areas, who were needed at home to help with agricultural work. One of the consequences of this was a fairly large number of 14- or 15-years-olds in the brigade, which was a ‘disadvantage’ as it redu- ced the working capacity of the brigade as a whole. In addition to this, the leadership of the People’s Youth supposedly did not make sufficient and timely political preparations for mobilisation into working brigades, often just letting the youth form the opinion of labour actions on their own.12 From the documents, it can be deduced that in some Slovenian districts, at least across the years 1957 and 1958, indeed saw the making of unrealistic promises, such as those concerning the above-mentioned cour- ses. Individuals were occasionally told that they would be paid for their work, and that the labour action would only last one month, rather than two, etc. More worri- some is information about labour actions in 1957, du- ring which various incidents of orphans being forced to join the brigade and being threatened with the removal of their scholarship were reported, as well as promises concerning free afternoons. Another pressing issue in 1958 was a presumably loose selection of participants. The report mentions that many of the brigadiers were unemployed and of ‘dubious character’ (e.g., some had joined hoping to avoid going to the prisons that they had been sentenced to) and therefore the number of thefts increased. Several others were also allowed to join the brigades without passing the medical exam ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 611 Gašper MITHANS: YOUTH LABOUR BRIGADES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND REPRESENTATIONS OF VOLUNTEERISM: A STUDY OF PARTICIPATION ..., 603–618 and receiving the mandatory vaccinations, resulting in hospitalisations and even one death.13 The response of the PYS was strictly requiring recruiters to carry out any future mobilisations presenting ‘real conditions’ of life and work in the brigades, stressing the comra- deship, the possibility of the youth across the whole of Yugoslavia getting to know each other, and clearly stating that the courses would not provide professional qualifications.14 The problems brigadiers encountered on the con- struction sites and how they dealt with them presented another aspect of the organisation of YLAs. Several re- ports show that it was the most challenging for the first ‘shifts’ coming to the worksites in spring as they often had to prepare the lodging and establish relations with the construction companies, including the norms – the quintessential in the whole underlying competitive basis of the actions and, when surpassed, the ‘source’ of pride for the shock workers – that would be realistic to achieve and fairly recorded. This sometimes resulted in internal conflicts that led to exclusions of brigadiers from the labour action.15 There were also differences between the republics in attendance. For example, in 1949 at the federal la- bour actions, the youth from Slovenia showed the least enthusiasm. As Vejzagić states, all republics sent more participants as required, with Bosnia and Herzegovina breaking the planned quota by 27%, and Slovenia ‘just’ by 3.7% (Vejzagić, 2013, 52–53; Baković, 2015, 37). Without full records, it cannot be argued that the Slovenians were generally the least motivated to parti- cipate in federal YLAs. Especially in the later phases, they may have just undertaken a stricter selection of the candidates, adhering to – but not exceeding – the quotas. Still, finding brigadiers who would fulfil all of the requirements in order to be recruited, especially those pertaining to the ‘diversification’ (e.g., location and social background), obtaining the medical clearan- ce, and the verification that the candidates had ‘good personal character’, seemed to be quite challenging, therefore raising the importance of the brigadiers’ satis- faction at the local actions. Them sharing their positive experiences was one of the most successful ways to attract new participants. Increasing differences were observed in the final phase between the labour actions in Slovenia and other republics: actions in other republics were designed as 13 PAK, SI PAK-236, 11, Central Committee of the PYS, Headquarters of the youth labour brigades to the Headquarters for the youth labour brigades to the district committees, Ljubljana, 11. 4. 1958; PAK, SI PAK-236, 11, Central Committee of the PYS, Headquarters of the youth labour brigades to the district committees: medical checkups of brigadiers, Ljubljana, 11. 9. 1958; PAK, SI PAK-236, 11, Zaključki tretje redne seje štaba za delavne akcije pri CK LMS, 6. 3. 1958. 14 PAK, SI PAK-236, 11, The Koper District Committee of the PYS to the Headquarters for the youth labour brigades Koper, Koper, 3. 7. 1958. 15 PAK, SI PAK-236, 18, Zaključno poročilo V. koprske ‘Tone Tomšič’ [from the construction site in Lipovica], Koper, 1960; Glasilo ‘MDB’ sektorja Otovec-Bubnjarci, 1946, 5. 16 PAK, SI PAK-236, 18, Diary of Bounasisi Vinko, referee for the construction site, VI. Koper youth labour brigade ‘Rudi Brkinc’, Ranutovac, 26. 6. 1960; cf. Logar, 2006. 17 The district encompassed the following municipalities: Koper, Postojna, Ilirska Bistrica, Sežana, Izola, Piran, Divača, Pivka, and Hrpelje. large economic-orientated ‘companies’ and spaces for political indoctrination, while the youth in Slovenia accepted YLAs mainly as opportunities to help people in need in economically less developed areas, to socialise with young people from all over Yugoslavia, and to have fun. In the 1980s, however, the interest in YLAs generally dropped, although some local actions continued and maintained the focus on solidarity, socialising, tolerance, and learning new skills, much like what is considered volunteering today. According to the special research that was conducted, labour actions were marginalised by wider societal and global processes, socially devaluing YLAs. As a result, the youth according to Vaupotič no longer saw any sense in ‘free’ manual work if the same could be achieved with machinery (Vaupotič 1998, 47–49). This opinion; however, is not new, in one report from 1960, we read: In my opinion, today’s youth actions take on a completely different character than we would like, especially for us Slovenians. The Slovenian youth […] sees today that it is not possible to build a highway to their detriment, and claims that if they came voluntarily, this must be taken into account. Namely, in the camp, you can immediately see the life of the other brigades, and their way of working is quite close to military discipline. For other nations, it is quite understandable, but for our man [Slovenians, comment added by G. M.] it must no longer [emphasis added by the author] be given any consideration. On the other hand, the norms are used rather deficiently and unrealistically.16 MICROSTUDY: THE DISTRICT OF KOPER To further explore the organisational transfor- mation of youth labour actions since the ‘founding period,’ focus will now be turned to the fourth phase of youth labour actions in the district of Koper.17 In the period between 1958 and 1964, during the revival of federal actions, the social inclusion of the youth was crucial. The ‘processes of social-economic transformation, accelerating development of engineering and science and increasing affirmation of the system of socialist ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 612 Gašper MITHANS: YOUTH LABOUR BRIGADES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND REPRESENTATIONS OF VOLUNTEERISM: A STUDY OF PARTICIPATION ..., 603–618 democracy’ – quoting the Report of the Central Committee on the work of the PYS from the 4th until 7th congress (1961) – demanded the youth organisation to adapt to the new social conditions (Jeraj, 2000, 52). The archival material from the late 1950s and early 1960s pertaining to the PYS of the district of Koper shows that some organisational irregular- ities at YLAs were also found in this period. As subjective as these types of sources based on the reports of the members of the organisation are, and particularly documents expressing criticism – even when downsized – ensure relevant data for the analysis. From the local ‘mobilisation reports’ in Koper, we can deduce that the problems with recruitment were similar to those in other Slovenian districts, mostly related to the difficulties persuading rural youth to join, workers who were on holiday and undertaking premilitary training, and the inflex- ibility of medical doctors, especially in Izola, who did not want to sign the medical clearance documents without the Central Committee of the People’s Youth vouching for the well-being of the brigadiers, especially in cases when brigadiers had not been vaccinated within the required timeframe (several weeks before their departure), something which happened on occasion due to cancellations and quotas. Interestingly, the local youth organi- sation gave instructions to the enterprises where youth workers were employed to guarantee the brigadiers 50% of their salary when they were away at labour actions, since when returning from the highway, they could not be left without any income. Most agreed, a few did not, and even var- ious public proclamations were made stating that such brigadiers should use their holidays without pay. Then again, some enterprises did pay them a full wage, which, however, caused distress among the brigadiers due to unequal treatment. As equal- ity was considered a core value, the PYS advised against this practice. The major problem that the district committee of the youth organisation in Koper had were the requests to find jobs as they felt obliged to help hard-working young people. No false promises in this regard were mentioned, however. As a result, the impression from these reports would be that the worst they did was to promise various courses that were not run (such as an advanced tractor course).18 18 PAK, SI PAK-236, 11, The Koper District Committee of the PYS to the Central Committee of the PYS, Headquarters for youth labour brigades: short analysis of the mobilisation of the youth for federal and local actions in the year 1958, Koper, 18. 11. 1958 (cf. Jurinčič, 2017, 110). 19 PAK, SI PAK-236, 11, The agreement signed between Vodna skupnost Koper (Koper Water Authority) and the PYS, Headquarters for youth brigades about the employment of 4 youth labour brigades on construction sites of Vodna skupnost Koper, Koper, 24. 2. 1958. 20 PAK, SI PAK-236, 11, Zapisnik sestavljen na razširjeni seji štaba MDB Koper, 27. 2. 1958; PAK, SI PAK-236, 11, The Koper District Com- mittee of the PYS to the Central committee of the PYS, Headquarters for the youth labour brigades: short analysis of the mobilisation of the youth for federal and local actions in the year 1958, Koper, 18. 11. 1958 (cf. Jurinčič, 2017, 110). There are some interesting facts about the local action of helping to build the port in Koper in 1958, with a large number of brigadiers enlisted for local actions: 533 (cf. Petrinja, 1998, 98; Petrinja, 1999; Terčon, 2015, 183–185). An agreement was signed between Vodna skupnost Koper (Koper Wa- ter Authority) and the PYS, Headquarters for youth brigades, on the basis of which youth workers were temporarily employed and received some payment, entitled to receive the same bonuses, and to work in the same conditions as other work- ers.19 It is possible that this agreement was later discarded, as in the main literature on the building of the port of Koper and youth labour brigades in the region (cf. Petrinja, 1993; Petrinja, 1998; Terčon, 2015; Jurinčič, 2017) any reference to this ‘anomaly’ is missing. Moreover, I could not find the additional agreement regarding the details re- lating to the payment of the brigadiers, mentioned in the agreement between Koper Water Authority and the PYS. Peculiarly for this action, brigades from Primorska region were not present. Instead, brigadiers from the Koper district were sent to the nearby Brkini region, while the participants were mostly from the district of Ljubljana. Quite surprisingly, the same company, Koper Water Authority, that was apparently open to pay the brigadiers at their working site, was one of the rare companies in the district that refused to finan- cially support their own employees when attending labour actions (Petrinja, 1998, 98).20 In the 1958 actions, across all nine brigades together, including those combined with other districts that the youth from the Koper district par- ticipated in, the share of men was 70.6% and the share of women was 29.4%. In fact, the high share of women was in the post-war YLAs, e. g., in the construction of the Brčko-Banovići railway, quite a Slovenian particularity (Šmid & Štrumbl, 2014, 237). Still, there were limits imposed on the number of women per brigade in Slovenia: the maximum was set at 30 (and, interestingly, at least 25 communists, well below the norm in other Yugoslav republics (40–60)). Expectedly, workers dominated, followed by secondary-school students (in summers), since this type of recruitment was the easiest to organise, while in terms of the issue of rural youth, which has already been discussed, their numbers remained low, even though they were a ‘target group’, mostly across the spring months to avoid the busiest time at ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 613 Gašper MITHANS: YOUTH LABOUR BRIGADES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND REPRESENTATIONS OF VOLUNTEERISM: A STUDY OF PARTICIPATION ..., 603–618 the farms. The number of young people in the district of Koper involved in the PYS is known to us: 6035. Thus, in 1958, approximately 8% of members of the People’s Youth joined the YLAs.21 This number is even more pertinent when considering the situation in the mid-1980s, when around 1% of the youth of Yugoslavia was still participating in the labour actions, a number which was once an astounding 80% in 1947 (Mihailović 1985, 9–10). Moreover, it reinforces the contrast between attendance out of necessity and attendance out of prestige.22 Furthermore, another significant observation can be made showing the changes that were alrea- dy emerging in the late 1950s – and even more so across the following years and decades: the briga- diers occupying the leading positions in the PYS in Koper – at the worksites and ‘in the office’ – agreed that the right course of action was to move away from the military character of the brigades, and gave recommendations to avoid the penalisation and sanctioning of the brigades ‘if possible’, which was a general tendency in Slovenia.23 As can be seen from the reports, much attention has been given to the well-being of the participants, and a clear difference is noted compared to the attitude present in post-war labour actions, emphasising new priorities – with the competitive aspect also gradually losing its importance in what should (and was) a volun- teering activity – while keeping some old ones: 21 PAK, SI PAK-236, 11, The Koper District Committee of the PYS to the Headquarters for the youth labour brigades Koper, Koper, 3. 7. 1958. 22 PAK, SI PAK-236, 11, The Koper District Committee of the PYS to the Central Committee of the PYS, Headquarters for the youth labour brigades: short analysis of the mobilisation of the youth for federal and local actions in the year 1958, Koper, 18. 11. 1958. 23 PAK, SI PAK-236, 13, Marija Vogrič, the president of The Koper District Committee of the PYS to the Headquarters of the I. Koper brigade ‘Srečko Kosovel’, Koper, 5. 6. 1959. 24 PAK, SI PAK-236, 13, The reply of the Headquarters of the I. Koper brigade ‘Srečko Kosovel’ to the letter from the Koper District Commit- tee of the PYS, Prždevo, 1959. Our way of working is strongly reflected in the successes on the route. No brigade showed as much concern as our brigade, let it be for the patients, with which we had great difficulty, particularly in helping them to be recognised as sick leave, or in the rain so that the brigadiers did not get wet and caught an unnecessary cold. […] Despite the good successes on the route, we ne- ver fought for percentages, but at every meeting, we emphasise that the quality of the work we do is also important, that the personal life of the brigadiers is important, that it is important how free time is used.24 Even the ideological propaganda evident in the recruitment of brigadiers and providing a ‘socialist education’ had some positive effects by encoura- ging the youth to read and to join in discussions, with each brigade even having a small library. In the post-war labour actions, literacy courses were organised, brigadiers learnt Cyrillic script and Ita- lians joining from the Yugoslav-Italian borderland attended courses in Slovenian language (Stibilj, 2015, 213; Baković, 2015, 46). In the first phases of the YLAs, Slovenians from the region also un- dertook the courses to improve the standardised variety of the Slovenian language, which they co- uld not learn in Italy during Fascism. The efforts of the youth in helping to rebuild and modernise the Table 1: Participants and labour actions from the district of Koper in 1958 (social composition).23 The number of all members of the People’s Youth 6035 The number of working-class youths 256 (51.9%) Rural youth 34 (6%) Secondary-school students (15 years +) 155 (31.4%) Office staff 19 (3.8%) Apprentices 25 (5%) University students 4 (0.8%) The sum 493 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 614 Gašper MITHANS: YOUTH LABOUR BRIGADES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND REPRESENTATIONS OF VOLUNTEERISM: A STUDY OF PARTICIPATION ..., 603–618 country, including in the wider region in question – i.e., some of the key infrastructure (the port of Koper, roads in the Brkini region, the waterworks in Koper, etc.), industry, the new city of Nova Gorica, etc.25 – were an important instrument in moulding and representing a new regime of Yugoslav socia- lism both internally and internationally. Moreover, for several young people of the later generations without the experience of fighting in the war, joi- ning the ‘brigades’ was a real, memorable, rite de passage, a test (dis)proving that they were worthy members of (socialist) society. CONCLUSION It is not the purpose of this article to give any definite conclusion – and by no means speculation – on whether it is justified to characterise labour 25 From the number of solely federal labour actions observation can be made, that the region in the interwar years part of Italy received quite a lot of support on the highest level (cf. Martelanc, 1998). actions in Yugoslavia as ‘voluntary’. As has been demonstrated, such collective actions thoroughly changed over time, and while coercion and ma- nipulation surely constituted more than just a rare practice in the early post-war era, this was not the case from the 1950s onwards. Some ‘irregularities’ nevertheless occurred, but these were exceptions. The youth organisation on the local, republic, and federal levels wanted to ensure only voluntary en- rolment, since successful mobilisation into the next ‘shifts’, actions yet to come, largely based on satis- fied brigadiers whose experiences they would share were of great importance. It was, therefore, crucial to choose a very competent workforce to ensure effi- cient work – the success of the brigade was strongly publicised and represented a source of great pride – as did the rich ‘leisure time activities’, i.e., sports, cultural activities, political-ideological and other Image 2: Youth labour brigade in Šmarje pri Kopru, 23. 11. 1947 (Koper Regional Museum). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 615 Gašper MITHANS: YOUTH LABOUR BRIGADES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND REPRESENTATIONS OF VOLUNTEERISM: A STUDY OF PARTICIPATION ..., 603–618 classes, various courses, etc. In this context, we also explored the reports of the youth organisation in the district of Koper, stressing the need to at least soften the military character of the brigades and to try to avoid the penalisation and sanctioning of the brig- adiers, that were completely in line of the changing organisation, representation, and approach to the YLAs. The influence of the People’s Youth was also evident – even on a regional level in the district of Koper – in recommending the enterprises to continue paying (part of) the salary to the brigadiers undertak- ing YLAs, displaying some autonomy of the youth organisation within the system of self-management. Examples like these and the general tendency – in Slovenia the most prominent, especially in the 1970s and certainly in the 1980s – show the transformation from a Soviet-like ‘Stakhanovite movement’ to what we today commonly consider as values and goals of volunteerism, eventually with the introduction of youth ‘research’ camps, which reflected a similar scale. Throughout the history of Yugoslavia, YLAs were also seen as a kind of ‘declaration’, mirroring the consent of young people to the ‘course’ of politi- cal leadership (Senjković, 2016, 8). The significance of the reappearance of youth labour actions among (smaller) groups of university students in Slovenia in 1999 (cf. Študentska delovna brigada, 2015; ŠOUM), and the fact that many veter- an organisations of former brigadiers are still active, may be the subject of another paper. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 616 Gašper MITHANS: YOUTH LABOUR BRIGADES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND REPRESENTATIONS OF VOLUNTEERISM: A STUDY OF PARTICIPATION ..., 603–618 MLADINSKE DELOVNE AKCIJE V JUGOSLAVIJI IN REPREZENTACIJE PROSTOVOLJSTVA: ŠTUDIJA SODELOVANJA KOPRSKEGA OKRAJA LJUDSKE MLADINE NA OBNOVLJENIH ZVEZNIH DELOVNIH AKCIJAH Gašper MITHANS Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper, Garibaldijeva 1, 6000 Koper, Slovenija e-mail: gasper.mithans@zrs-kp.si POVZETEK V članku je naslovljeno vprašanje prostovoljnega značaja delovnih akcij v Jugoslaviji, katerega so, večino- ma obstransko in neredko pomanjkljivo, odprli že drugi avtorji in avtorice. Raziskava pojava kolektivističnih delovnih akcij, ki je tekom obdobja Jugoslavije močno spremenil svoj osnovni smisel in organizacijski pristop, posledično zahteva obravnavo po ločenih fazah oziroma obdobjih, kar hkrati omogoča umestitev znotraj sprememb režima in širše družbene transformacije. Na podlagi raziskave literature in arhivskih virov mladin- ske organizacije v koprskem okraju, so v študiji primera o mladinskih delovnih akcijah, ki so potekale v »pre- lomnem« času poznih 50-ih in zgodnjih 60-ih let 20. stoletja, ko so se ideje socialističnega samoupravljanja postopoma prenašale tudi v strukture mladinske organizacije, družbene in politične spremembe analizirane tudi skozi regionalno prizmo. V kolikor primeri prisile oziroma različnih načinov »spodbujanja« širših množic k udeleževanju na delovnih akcijah usmerjenih v nujno obnovo domov, ponovni zagon gospodarstva ter mo- dernizacijo države tik po vojni, niso bili zgolj redkost, so se razmere in organizacijski pristop od petdesetih let 20. stoletja dalje precej spremenili. Nekaj nepravilnosti predvsem v smislu zavajanja ob novačenju brigadirjev so se vseeno dogajale, vendar so bile to izjeme in bolj stvar prvih let ponovne vzpostavitve velikih gradbenih projektov na ravni zveznih mladinskih delovnih akcij. Vrh države je te skupinske akcije kot enega od temeljev ideologije »bratstva in enotnosti« in povečan angažma mladine ter polaganje zaupanja vanjo dojemal kot (dodatno) možno sredstvo ohranjanja sloge med republikami in med različnimi narodi, ki pa je, podobno kot drugi načrti, sčasoma dobilo vse bolj lokalistični značaj. K spremembam sta izrazito prispevala tudi razvoj tehnologije in splošna mehanizacija v gradbeništvu, kar je omogočilo cenejše delo kot na takšen način organizirano mladinsko prostovoljno delo in s tem temeljito zamajalo smiselnost masovnih delovnih akcij. Tega niti prilagojeni organizacijski pogoji z večjo skrbjo za dobro počutje brigadirjev niso zmogli preprečiti, sploh z določenimi spremembami odnosa do družbenih vrednot, ki takšnim velikim projektom zlasti od 1980. let dalje niso bili več naklonjeni. Ključne besede: mladinske delovne akcije, prostovoljstvo, socialistična Jugoslavija, Ljudska mladina, Koper ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 617 Gašper MITHANS: YOUTH LABOUR BRIGADES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND REPRESENTATIONS OF VOLUNTEERISM: A STUDY OF PARTICIPATION ..., 603–618 SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Atanasovski, Srđan & Ana Petrov (2015): Carnal En- counters and Producing Socialist Yugoslavia: Voluntary Youth Labour Actions on the Newsreel Screen. Studies in Eastern European Cinema, 6, 1, 21–32. Baković, Nikola (2015): “No One Here is Afraid of Blisters or Work!” Social Integration, Mobilization and Cooperation in Yugoslav Youth Brigades. The Example of Čačak Region Brigades (1946–1952). The Hungarian Historical Review, 4, 1, Everyday Collaboration with the Communist Regimes in Eastern Europe, 29–55. Bing, Albert (2019): Socialist Self-Management be- tween Politics and Economy. Acta Histriae, 27, 1, 1–34. 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ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 619 received: 2022–07–28 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2022.39 NEWSPAPER COVERAGE AND SOME ASPECTS OF POLICY IN BORDER TRADE UNION STRUGGLES: COMPARING THE 1968 GENERAL STRIKE IN TRIESTE AND THE 1970 WORK STOPPAGE IN PORT OF KOPER Oskar OPASSI Science and Research Centre Koper, Institute for Historical Studies, Garibaldijeva 1, 6000 Koper, Slovenia University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Aškerčeva 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: oskar.opassi@zrs-kp.si ABSTRACT The article details the press coverage of the general strike that took place in Trieste in June 1968 and the work stoppage at Port of Koper in March 1970. It shows the ways in which the workers’ protests were covered by the local press on both sides of the border and the social impact of the workers’ demands. It also highlights the cross-border alliances in place for the duration of the strikes in question, both in the media and in politics. Keywords: dock workers, strike, North-Eastern Adriatic, press coverage, trade union struggles COPERTURA GIORNALISTICA ED ALCUNI ASPETTI POLITICI NELLE LOTTE SINDACALI DI CONFINE: CONFRONTO TRA LO SCIOPERO GENERALE DEL 1968 A TRIESTE E L’INTERRUZIONE DEI LAVORI NEL PORTO DI CAPODISTRIA NEL 1970 SINTESI L’articolo presenta la copertura giornalistica dello sciopero generale di Trieste del giugno 1968 e dell’interruzione dei lavori nel porto di Capodistria del marzo 1970. L’articolo mostra il modo in cui le manifestazioni di protesta dei lavoratori sono state riportate dai giornali locali da entrambe le parti del confine e l’impatto delle richieste dei lavoratori nella società. Inoltre, evidenzia le collaborazioni transfrontaliere che si sono sviluppate durante il periodo degli scontri, sia a livello mediatico che politico. Parole chiave: lavoratori portuali, scioperi, Adriatico nord-orientale, copertura mediatica, lotte sindacali ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 620 Oskar OPASSI: NEWSPAPER COVERAGE AND SOME ASPECTS OF POLICY IN BORDER TRADE UNION STRUGGLES: COMPARING THE 1968 ..., 619–634 INTRODUCTION1 In the second half of the 1960s, an intense strike wave spread throughout the ports of the Northern Adriatic. It began in Trieste, where struggles based on a long tradition of workers’ organising, focused on fierce opposition to the CIPE plan,2 the full im- plementation of which would have brought about the closure of St Mark’s shipyard in Trieste. Social unrest, however, also crossed the Yugoslav border during the major protests in Trieste in 1966, 1968 and 1969, with work stoppages in the Port of Rijeka in 1969 and 1971 and the first work stoppage in Port of Koper in March 1970 (Rutar, 2020, 390). In Yugoslavia, strikes were frequently referred to as work stoppages. While the socialist state rec- ognised the possibility of social conflict even under socialism, it did not take a clear position on strikes in the 1960s. In the 1970s, even within the Law of As- sociated Labour framework of the 1976, they are not discussed directly. Within the section on work related dispute resolution, however, strikes are addressed in such terms as work stoppages and forced meetings, or more generally as workers’ discontent (Hadalin, 2020, 302–303; Kavčič et al., 1991, 75–85). The region’s position along the most open border between the West and the East (Repe, 1998, 262) aid- ed both technological and cultural transfer. From the mid-1950s to the mid-1960s, the liberalisation of the border was accelerated by agreements that facilitated border crossings. Those became more frequent from the mid-1960s onwards (Čepič, 2018, 664) when the agreements started to materialize. As a result, goods, ideas, worldviews and mindsets were exchanged. In terms of the economy, one can see this in the tech- nological transfers that (more or less successfully) modernised the Yugoslav industry, while the cultural transfer was manifested above all through encounters with western thought currents. These transfers can also be seen as a recontextualization of cultural ele- ments in the broadest sense from one environment to another, and through this we can observe a cross- cultural influence that results in a certain degree of cultural hybridity (Štuhec, 2020, 194). Contemporary research in the field of New Labour History (Rutar, 2014) sheds light on how this approach can be useful. For example, in the late 1960s, directors of Yugoslav companies kept modern management and marketing manuals from the West in their offices alongside Marx- ist classics (Archer & Musić, 2020, 399). The middle 1 I would like to thank Urška Lampe and Egon Pelikan for their comments on earlier versions of this article, which were very helpful in the process of writing and editing the final version. 2 CIPE is the official abbreviation of the Comitato Interministeriale per la Programmazione Economica, the Interministerial Commit- tee for Economic Planning, which was adopted by law on February 27, 1967, and regulated the strategic planning of economic development on local, state and interstate levels. For a detailed description of the activities of CIPE in the 1960s and 1970s, see Mobilio (2013, 138–162). 3 Primorski dnevnik, 14. 3. 1970: Tajniki treh deželnih komitejev KPI o lanskih socialnih bojih v Italiji, 1. classes, on the other hand, saw their mentalities change as they came into contact with consumerism and the standards of the West (Repe, 2017, 590). The port workers in the border area of the North Adriatic, the central subject of the present discussion, were introduced to strike culture (also) through the activism of their comrades on the western side of the border (Rutar, 2020, 389). Cooperation between Italian and Slovene Communist Parties was active, and there was also talk of social struggles in Italy, for example when representatives of Partito Communista Italiano (hereafter PCI) reported to the Club of Deputies in Ljubljana in 1970 on the so-called autunno caldo (the hot autumn of protests) of 1969,3 which had sparked protests in industrial centres throughout Italy, the most high-profile of which were in Turin (Giachetti & Scavino, 1999, 7–11). It is also important to point out the contrasting number of strikes by dockworkers in Trieste and in Koper. In Trieste, dockworkers went on strike nine times in the 1960s and as many as twenty-seven times in the 1970s. It should be added, however, that in the 1970s many of the strikes were symbolic in nature and involved international political events, including strikes against the war in Vietnam and the military coup d’état in Chile. The 1968 strike is thus chosen here because it stood out in terms of its attachment to local development and because it transcended the port sector to become a general city-wide strike. In the case of Port of Koper, the work stoppage in 1970 was the first and remained the only large stoppage at the port until the independence of Slovenia. During the 1970s, it was followed only by a smaller work stoppage in 1976 (Dato, 2006, 216–217; 219–220). The main purpose of the analysis is to present how both Italian and Slovenian local newspapers covered the two selected workers’ protests. We will be interested in how the local press characterised the (il)legitimacy of the protests, described the demands of the workers and gave the reasons for the difficult economic situation of the dockworkers. The coverage of both strikes will be presented through the reporting of the newspapers Il Piccolo: giornale di Trieste (a conservative newspaper from Trieste), Primorski dnevnik (a pro-Yugoslav, Slovene newspaper from Trieste) and Primorske novice: glasilo socialistične zveze delovnih ljudi (the main newspaper from Koper and the Slovene Littoral). These newspa- pers were chosen because they are closely connected to the border area, which they regularly report on, ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 621 Oskar OPASSI: NEWSPAPER COVERAGE AND SOME ASPECTS OF POLICY IN BORDER TRADE UNION STRUGGLES: COMPARING THE 1968 ..., 619–634 taking into account matters both domestic and cross- border. They were considered as the most important newspapers in the region. Ten articles from Il Piccolo, four from Primorski dnevnik and one from Primorske novice covering the Trieste strike were analysed. It should be noted here that the articles in Primorski dnevnik were longer and concentrated on a smaller number of reports, whereas in Il Piccolo the articles were shorter and larger in number. As per coverage of the work stoppage at the Port of Koper, the analysis consisted of four articles from Il Piccolo and three articles each from Primorski dnevnik and Primorske novice. The sample of articles presented includes all relevant articles on both events that appeared in the selected newspapers up to one month after each strike/work stoppage. GENERAL STRIKE IN TRIESTE, JUNE 21–25 1968 The CIPE plan and technological transformation: the struggle for survival of Trieste port workers Before taking a closer look at the general strike of June 1968 in Trieste, it is necessary to present the necessary context of Trieste port sector development under the Italian state. In the inter-war period, when Trieste first came under Italian rule, the port sector began to downsize and, at the same time, the part of the city’s economy unrelated to the port sector grew. This was triggered above all by the increasingly transit-oriented nature of the port. This resulted in a reduced need for post-arrival cargo-handling services. The situation for those working in the port sector de- teriorated after the end of World War II. From 1949 onwards, workers’ trade union struggles had focused on the right to work in the port. This was a struggle against private companies being able to bring their own workforce into the port to handle cargo (Per- soglia, 1986, 85, 104). The creation of the Friuli-Venezia Giulia autono- mous region also expediated the shift away from the dominance of the port sector in the city. This change had increasingly turned the city of Trieste, which still claimed to be a shipbuilding and port centre, into an administrative and political centre, at the expense of the city’s distance from industrial sectors (Bednarz, 1986, 318–319). In the 1960s, there was a marked decline of the port of Trieste as the cargo was increasingly diverting to both competing Italian as well as foreign ports. In addition to cargo volume reduction, the port increas- ingly turned to bulk cargo, which does not require ad- ditional treatments. This in turn generated an increase in trade union activity of port workers (Persoglia, 1986, 106–107). The outbreak of discontent that had been spreading among the workers for several years was caused by the news of the approval of the CIPE plan, which reached Trieste on the eve of October 7, 1966. Implementing the plan in its original form would have meant, among other things, the liquidation of St Mark’s shipyard. The very next day, there was a mass protest by workers in the shipyard, the port, and some other sectors, accompanied by groups of students. The protest was directed against the “tertiarization” of the city (Sema & Bibalo, 1981, 402) and aimed at preserv- ing Trieste as an industrial city, as there was a fairly broad consensus that the city’s success could only be ensured through further development of industry and the port sector (Fragiacomo, 2012, 186). The outcome of these struggles, and the adoption of a modified CIPE plan, was a compromise solution that mitigated the original intentions but satisfied neither side. The shipyard was preserved, but despite the successful retention of the majority of jobs, the number of employees in the industrial sector as a whole declined noticeably. From December 1963 to August 1968, the Trieste industrial sector recorded a loss of 8276 jobs, 4509 of them in the 1966–1968 period alone (Sema & Bibalo, 1981, 404, 414). The still-unresolved compromise solution thus brought a new momentum to trade union struggles in 1968, and the spirit of the student movements of ‘68 also ap- pealed to Trieste’s hitherto more conservative student population, which was becoming more and more progressive and joined the general strike that spread across Trieste in large numbers on 21 June 1968 (Sema & Bibalo, 1981, 410–412). The general strike in Trieste lasted from June 21 to June 25, 1965. It started as a protest rally at the opening of the Trieste Fair, but the strike, which had been planned to last only a few hours, turned into a multi-day protest. The protest was a general city- wide strike organised by the dockworkers, who were joined by many other citizens to save the jobs at St Mark’s shipyard. During the protests, there were sev- eral clashes between protesters and police. Protesters formed several barricades for protection, mainly on the Largo Barriera Street. Sixteen civilians and around fifty police were injured. Il Piccolo Il Piccolo is a daily newspaper published in Trieste since 1881. It has had a pro-Italian nationalist orienta- tion from its initial support for Italian irredentism at the end of the 19th century to its conservative nationalist orientation after World War II. Let us examine how it reported on the 1968 general strike in Trieste. The June 21 edition, which outlined the planned course of the strike and briefly summarised the positions of the unions, the city authorities, and the communist opposition in the city council, presented the event as a three-hour strike, after which the workers would return to work. The news of the announced strike itself is only ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 622 Oskar OPASSI: NEWSPAPER COVERAGE AND SOME ASPECTS OF POLICY IN BORDER TRADE UNION STRUGGLES: COMPARING THE 1968 ..., 619–634 found on page four of the paper, and above it there was the news of a productive meeting with the regional authorities on the implementation of the CIPE plan.4 Although the account of the protests is rather re- strained, and the protest itself is positioned as one of the many that have been taking place in the city over the years, the seriousness of the problems facing Trieste is nevertheless highlighted. It is stated that “The eco- nomic problem, which has now become a moral and psychological problem in Trieste, must be seriously addressed and immediate solutions found to decisively improve the livelihood of our people.”5 Journalists of Il Piccolo pinned their hopes for a revival of the city’s job prospects on the International Trade Fair, which also opened on June 21, and the strike was not coin- cidentally aligned to this. They made their demands to the fair guests, among them Giulio Andreotti, the then Italian Minister of Economic Affairs, who was the inaugural speaker at the fair’s opening.6 They took the coverage much more seriously on Saturday, the day after the general strike. The front page of the newspaper was clearly headlined by the fact that Trieste had been paralysed for twelve hours, together with a photograph of the crowd attending the protest rally following the strike. Andreotti, after the workers’ intervention at the fair, received their representatives at the end of the day and assured them that he would take their message to the government in Rome. Some indi- vidual incidents at the rally are mentioned, with praise for the police response and the protest leaders’ self- restraint. There are reports of some twenty-five injured police and dozens of injuries among the protesters.7 Throughout the coverage, including in subsequent issues, the police side of the situation was at the fore- front, followed (to a lesser extent) by the protesters’ point of view. In a more extensive report in Saturday’s issue (page 4) we find a picture of a smoke-filled tram route blocked by protesters. The afternoon’s violence was attributed solely to protesters, with the police merely protecting the participants in the rally, which caused “hours of intense drama and unrest”8 from the afternoon until late in the evening. The afternoon part of the protests, however, was represented as the work of a small group of students who were said to have contin- ued to cause disturbances in the city until the evening. There is a contradictory element in play here since the 4 Il Piccolo, 21. 6. 1968: Proficuo »vertice« alla Regione sullo stato del piano C.I.P.E., 4; Il Piccolo, 21. 6. 1968: Stamane nuove sciopero di tutti i metalmeccanici, 4. 5 Il Piccolo, 21. 6. 1968: Stamane nuove sciopero di tutti i metalmeccanici, 4. 6 Il Piccolo, 21. 6. 1968: Andreotti inaugura stamane la 20.a edizione della Fiera, 4; Il Piccolo, 21. 6. 1968: Trieste affida alla Fiera il suo messaggio di operosità, 8. 7 Il Piccolo, 22. 6. 1968: Trieste paralizzata per 12 ore, 1. 8 Il Piccolo, 22. 6. 1968: Giornata di grande tensione in città, 4. 9 Il Piccolo, 22. 6. 1968: Giornata di grande tensione in città, 4. 10 Il Piccolo, 24. 6. 1968: Si apre una settimana di speranze, 4. 11 Il Piccolo, 24. 6. 1968: Due volti di una stessa realtà, 4. 12 Il Piccolo, 24. 6. 1968: Bilancio dei “due giorni più lunghi”: in carcere otto dei trentacinque fermati, 4. police were present in large numbers and were unable to disperse those present without the threats of physi- cal force. The protesters then improvised barricades as they fled, throwing stones in the direction of the police. The article also draws a parallel with the 1966 strike, as the rioters had come into conflict with the police then too, and Il Piccolo described the afternoon scenes as very similar. The situation is said to have calmed down only after the police physically pressured the protesters at around 7:30 PM. The persistent younger protesters were labelled as extremists, from who the trade union leaders had distanced themselves.9 In Monday’s edition, reflecting on the situation, it was noted that solutions should be sought first and foremost with those responsible for modifying the CIPE plan, so that dialogue could be established at least at regional level. Hope was expressed that Andreotti would pass on the protesters’ requests to the govern- ment. The archbishop of Trieste, Antonio Santin, also reacted to the clashes that had engulfed the city and appealed for non-violence.10 The article also clearly delineates who the victims and aggressors were in the event. The photo section shows several young activists defending themselves behind a barricade and a single police officer on the other side, throwing smoke bombs at them.11 The hectic events of Friday and Saturday are then described in a separate article as “the long- est days”, from which the people of Trieste were only able to take a break on Sunday. Eight protesters were detained, and two Molotov cocktails were seized. In addition to praising the police response, the role of the municipal security is highlighted, who took an active role in the escalation to restore order. However, when some of the more prominent representatives criticised the excessive violence of the repressive authorities, it was explicitly stated that each of them was a commu- nist (either of PCI or of other parties/movements of a communist and socialist orientation).12 Thus Il Piccolo (rather predictably) established a dichotomy between the official representatives, who addressed the desire for change at the institutional level, and the extremists, who are also equated with communist institutional representatives representing through PCI the local and national opposition. The conservative Il Piccolo also stressed the need for reforms and the establishment of a clear economic ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 623 Oskar OPASSI: NEWSPAPER COVERAGE AND SOME ASPECTS OF POLICY IN BORDER TRADE UNION STRUGGLES: COMPARING THE 1968 ..., 619–634 policy for future development of Trieste. They expected, above all, for Trieste to be integrated into the national economy, but with a special purpose. On Monday June 24, a second coordinated general strike took place, this time joined by the CISL trade union, which did not support the first strike. Il Piccolo praises the unitary stance (they also did not publish their newspaper on the 24th) and the more orderly and organised rally. They conclude by reflecting that for Trieste, it is necessary to “[d]efend a past of traditions and positive results in the field of labour.”13 Primorski dnevnik Primorski dnevnik has been published in Trieste since 1945, first as Partizanski dnevnik. It received fi- nancial support from socialist Yugoslavia and remained pro-Yugoslav until its dissolution. The reporting of Primorski dnevnik starts on June 21, the first day of the protest, just as Il Piccolo’s did, as they too did not expect the strike to last longer than the announced three hours’ absence off work, and the news of the strike is somewhat overshadowed by the opening of the International Trade Fair as well. The subtitle of the Primorski dnevnik article points out that the procession will draw public attention at the opening of the Fair. This was only mentioned indirectly in the text of various articles and was not specifically highlighted in the reports by Il Piccolo. The headline also emphasized the repetitive nature of the strikes, which better articulated the long-standing discontent of the workers.14 The difference in reporting becomes apparent after the strike unfolded on a much larger and more hectic scale than expected. Primorski dnevnik focused on the demonstration in front of the Fair, which was also the main focus of the trade unions that organised the strike. The front-page headline on June 22, the day after the had protests begun, clearly states that the message of the protest is the fight of the workers for their jobs. They also report on the riots that broke out in the af- ternoon, but unlike Il Piccolo, which was stressing the dichotomy between institutional commitment to re- form and the violent tactics of the extremists, Primorski dnevnik established a dichotomy between the workers who have taken up the struggle for their own jobs and the decision-makers who do not care about establish- ing a clear economic programme for the Trieste area.15 13 Il Piccolo, 26. 6. 1968: La città difende un passato ed e in ansia per l’avvenire, 4. 14 Primorski dnevnik, 21. 6. 1968: Danes zopet splošna stavka delavcev kovinarske stroke, 2. 15 Primorski dnevnik, 22. 6. 1968: Ob otvoritvi tržaškega velesejma nastop delavcev v obrambo delovnih mest, 1. 16 Primorski dnevnik, 22. 6. 1968: Ob otvoritvi tržaškega velesejma nastop delavcev v obrambo delovnih mest, 1. 17 Primorski dnevnik, 22. 6. 1968, 1, 2. 18 Primorski dnevnik, 22. 6. 1968: Splošna stavka, 2. 19 Primorski dnevnik, 26. 6. 1968, 1, 2. 20 Primorski dnevnik, 26. 6. 1968: Popoln zastoj vse dejavnosti v mestu in okolici zaradi splošne protestne stavke vseh kategorij, 1. 21 Primorski dnevnik, 26. 6. 1968: Popoln zastoj vse dejavnosti v mestu in okolici zaradi splošne protestne stavke vseh kategorij, 1. Before the protest began, there was a brief shower. Il Piccolo wrote that the workers dispersed and scat- tered, while Primorski dnevnik reported: “Although there was downpour of rain at the time of the official opening, the workers stayed outside the main en- trance, which was blocked by a strong police force, whistling and shouting as various representatives of the authorities arrived.”16 There was no talk of whis- tling at the authorities in the reporting of Il Piccolo. In addition, the images also show a different focus of the reporting: Primorski dnevnik only published photos of the workers at the demonstration in front of the Fair while Il Piccolo only published photos from the afternoon rally in the city centre.17 In Il Piccolo, the aforementioned meeting of the trade union representatives with Andreotti was presented as a satisfactory conclusion to the strike. Primorski dnevnik, on the contrary, wrote that the meeting was, as usual, unfruitful and that this outcome was the reason why the general strike was prolonged.18 The coverage of the strike continues not only on the front page for two editions after the end of the major unrest, but also on the entirety of the first two pages of two subsequent editions (June 22 and 26). In Il Piccolo, except for the day after the protest, strike covering is moved from the front page to page four, into the Events in the City section. The images in the following is- sues are also in stark contrast to each other. Primorski dnevnik publishes many more pictures, including large ones, and it shows the crowds in the main squares, the speakers who addressed the participants, and police intervention where there is not just a single officer pitted against the crowd (as there was in Il Piccolo), but a large number of police officers intervening. They also publish a picture of an injured person among the protesters.19 Thus, the police are not portrayed as some kind of passive victims of the extremists. Rather, Primorski dnevnik clearly states that “The police un- necessarily attacked the crowd using tear grenades.”20 Moreover, the usefulness of institutional dialogue with the stakeholders about the future development of the city is called into question. The position is represented by the statement that “Certain groups talk about future progress, but what kind of progress is this if the number of employees is constantly shrinking?”21 In the coverage of the two Trieste newspapers presented here, the discourse of the city and state authorities belonging to the Democrazia Cristiana ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 624 Oskar OPASSI: NEWSPAPER COVERAGE AND SOME ASPECTS OF POLICY IN BORDER TRADE UNION STRUGGLES: COMPARING THE 1968 ..., 619–634 political party and those belonging to the city and state opposition PCI are quite evident. This divi- sion, which characterised Italian post-war politics for several decades, then softened in the 1970s and transitioned to that of rapprochement, constituting the22“compromesso storico”, the historic compro- mise of cooperation in 1973 described by Enrico Berlinguer, then Secretary of PCI.23 Primorske novice Primorske novice started to be published in 1953. First it covered mainly the Gorizia region, but in 1963 following the merger with Slovenski Jadran it became the main newspaper for both Koper and the wider Lit- toral region. The political orientation of the newspaper was evident from the extended version of its name, namely Primorske novice: Glasilo socialistične zveze delovnih ljudi, ‘Newspaper of the Socialist Alliance of Working People’. 22 Primorski dnevnik, 26. 6. 1968, 2. 23 On the path of the PCI from 1968 to the strategy of cooperation with the Democrazia Cristiana, cf. Pons (2006, 3–41). As we have seen, the Trieste press, regardless of its political orientation, undoubtedly paid a great amount of attention to the general strike. On the other hand, Primorske novice, the main newspaper for the city of Koper, devoted only one article to the Trieste strike. It should be stressed that Primorske novice was a weekly and not a daily like the Trieste papers, but comparatively speaking the coverage was still undoubtedly marginal. In the June 22, 1968 edition, a day after the first and most tumultuous day of the strike, there was no mention of the events in Trieste. The only report of the events was published in the June 29 edition, which was not an article covering the entire strike, but merely an account of a press confer- ence organised by PCI members of the Italian Parlia- ment at the party’s headquarters in Trieste in response to the end of the strike on June 26. They note that the demonstrations held a high profile throughout Italy; nevertheless there is no lengthier comment on the events on the following pages or in the subsequent Image 1: Clashes on the streets of Trieste.22 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 625 Oskar OPASSI: NEWSPAPER COVERAGE AND SOME ASPECTS OF POLICY IN BORDER TRADE UNION STRUGGLES: COMPARING THE 1968 ..., 619–634 issues. In addition to the need to preserve the indus- trial character of Trieste, the inappropriate violence by the police against the participants in the strike rallies is also highlighted. It should be noted that the only (tiny) photo of the events depicted a crowd of workers under a trade union banner. The article adds that the strike took place on Tuesday, even though Tuesday’s strike day was the last day of the wave lasting from Friday June 21 to Tuesday June 25. The dates are only used in the article to refer to the arrival of PCI MPs in Trieste on Tuesday and Wednesday. The reader thus does not learn that the strike lasted for several days, and the workers’ demonstration is labelled as “the latest events in Trieste”, without in any way describing the length and magnitude of the strikes and demonstrations, even though the word “events” is pluralized.24 25 24 Primorske novice, 29. 6. 1968: Vprašanje Trsta pred rimski parlament?, 3. 25 Primorske novice, 29. 6. 1968: Vprašanje Trsta pred rimski parlament?, 3. WORK STOPPAGE AT PORT OF KOPER, MARCH 27, 1970 Who needs Port of Koper? From its foundation to the fight for the railway In 1954, the London Memorandum determined Trieste’s territorial fate. The Slovenian coast re- mained cut off from its former regional centre, and consequently it was necessary to establish a new regional centre for the area and, above all, to build a local economy that would no longer be dependent on Trieste. For Slovenian shipping and port sectors, this meant years of construction and investment, with Splošna plovba (the main Slovene shipbuilding company) established in 1954 and Port of Koper (Pristanišče Koper until 1961, then Luka Koper) Image 2: The only photo of the strike in Trieste in Primorske novice.24 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 626 Oskar OPASSI: NEWSPAPER COVERAGE AND SOME ASPECTS OF POLICY IN BORDER TRADE UNION STRUGGLES: COMPARING THE 1968 ..., 619–634 obtaining an investment plan in 1957 and starting to dredge the seabed to enable larger ships to reach the port site and to utilize materials to create new usable areas for its own development. The first berth was completed on December 7 1958, and the port was officially opened (Panjek, 2007, 446, 449; Jakomin, 2004, 58). The port was seen by the local and republican authorities as a competitor to the ports of both Trieste and Rijeka, while the federal authorities were only interested in competing with the port of Trieste. This was evident from the financing structure of the construction and expansion of the Port of Koper, which was built mainly with the enterprise’s own funds and loans. Nevertheless, the support from the Slovene government was important, and this was most evident in the 1970s. This goes against the received local version of the events saying that the port was built solely on individual initiatives, even if said individuals were competent indeed. In fact, individual inputs had to be supplemented by republican government’s support, even if the understanding of on-field requirements was less than perfect (Terčon, 2008, 53–55; Terčon, 2019, 122). The key problem preventing the further expan- sion and development of the port soon became the transport infrastructure of its hinterland. Post-war Koper was not yet connected to the railway–until 1967 it was only connected to its hinterland by a two-lane road (Petrinja, 1999, 45). The long nego- tiations on the necessity of building a 31-kilometre railway link between Koper and Prešnica, connect- ing the port with Ljubljana and central Europe, were only resolved when the Port of Koper itself took over the role of investor and finally opened the line on December 2 1967 (Jakomin, 2004, 68–69). On the other hand, it was the financing of trans- port infrastructure and the constant expansion of the port from the company’s own resources that held back both improvements in working condi- tions and increases in wages. During the 1960s, the standard of living in Slovenia improved drasti- cally (Rendla, 2009, 343). At the Port of Koper, however, the standard of living of the employees fell in the second half of the 1960s due to the above-mentioned resource allocation priorities. This was most evident between 1967 and 1968, when wages at the Port of Koper were reduced to cover the costs of building the railway link (Dato, 2006, 220). This created a clear gap between the growth of cargo traffic and the workers’ standard of living. As a result, labour turnover began to 26 Primorske novice, 4. 4. 1970: O prekinitvi dela v luki Koper, 11. 27 Primorske novice, 4. 4. 1970: Velik požar v skladišču bombaža. Primorske novice, 11. increase sharply, which also had an impact on the internal work organisation. Nevertheless, by 1970, the Port of Koper had become the second port in Yugoslavia, after Rijeka, in terms of the volume of cargo handled. On March 27, 1970, tensions over the management’s demand for higher standards of labour discipline boiled over and crystallised in a strike and a mass rally of workers from the port to the centre of Koper (Rutar, 2015, 278–279). On March 27, 1970, the Port of Koper workers set off from the port and started marching around Koper. The assembled workers first headed to- wards the Tomos factory before arriving in the centre of Koper, so they covered the city consid- erably well with their presence. Their goal was Tito Square, the main square of the city. Miro Kocjan, then the President of Koper Assembly, was summoned with loud shouts to Pretorska palača on Tito square, where he tried unsuccess- fully to appease the workers. They demanded a personal meeting with Danilo Petrinja, the direc- tor of Port of Koper since 1959. After his arrival (he had been called back from sick leave), the workers returned to the port, and twenty workers’ representatives negotiated with the management in the company canteen until the evening. Thus the work stoppage ended. The demands were mainly directed at the dis- tribution of income and other benefits, which the workers considered to be unfairly distributed. It went so far that Petrinja offered his own resig- nation, which was not accepted by the Workers’ Council. The workers, however, successfully demanded a review of the management’s perfor- mance and a commitment to investigate the possi- bility of raising the employees’ standard of living. The very next day (Saturday March 28) a meeting took place between the management, the city representatives, and the socio-political organisa- tions with Stane Kavčič, then the President of the Executive Council of Slovenia, to discuss the Port of Koper problems. They summed up their dis- satisfaction in a request to the decision-makers to “try to correct the ratio between investment and personal income in favour of the latter as soon as possible”.26 It is worth noting that on Sunday March 29, a very serious fire occurred in a cotton warehouse in the port. In addition to firefighters from all over the Slovenian Coast, firefighters from Trieste and Ljubljana were also needed to quell the fire. Arson was suspected, and an inquiry was ordered, which found no correlation with the work stop- page.27 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 627 Oskar OPASSI: NEWSPAPER COVERAGE AND SOME ASPECTS OF POLICY IN BORDER TRADE UNION STRUGGLES: COMPARING THE 1968 ..., 619–634 Primorske novice After their modest account of the Trieste strike, let us look at Primorske novice’s report on the ‘home ground’ work stoppage at the Port of Koper. The March 28 edition, the day after the work stop- page, did not yet report on what was happening, so the first (and extensive) report is given in the April 4 edition. In it, the picture of the workers’ protest rally on the balcony of Pretorska palača in Tito Square, displaying the Yugoslav flag, is at the top of the front page. The workers’ march from the port to the city centre is described under the picture as a very peaceful procession in which “[t]he workers of the port of Koper marched […]28to Tito Square and, carrying banners and flags, ascended to the Pretorska palača balcony”.29 Symbolically, like the student movement representatives of the time, they stood for the values of socialism, which they felt were not present enough, thus demonstrating their allegiance to the state system (Repe, 1992, 60). 28 Primorske novice, 4. 4. 1970, 1. 29 Primorske novice, 4. 4. 1970, 1. 30 Primorske novice, 4. 4. 1970: O prekinitvi dela v Luki Koper, 11. However, the events were a nervier affair than the peaceful procession described above. A more detailed picture of events was described in a longer article in the same issue on page eleven. For a robust description of said events, the reader is referred to the final part of the previous section of the present paper.30 Reporting was then interrupted in the next edition, and a final analysis followed in the April 18 edition. This was a report on the analysis of the situation within the port by a three-member commission of the Coastal Conference Committee of the League of Communists, whose aim was to examine the causes that led to the work stoppage. It was agreed that there was a complex series of causes. Among the structural ones, they pointed to the way in which the port is financed, which is heavily burdened with infrastructure loans, and the problem of high labour turnover. Another ma- jor problem was seen to be the unsettled self-man- agement relations within the company itself. The Image 3: Port Workers on the balcony of the Pretorska palača.28 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 628 Oskar OPASSI: NEWSPAPER COVERAGE AND SOME ASPECTS OF POLICY IN BORDER TRADE UNION STRUGGLES: COMPARING THE 1968 ..., 619–634 responsibility for this situation must have lied with the communists within the company, especially those in higher positions. For it is precisely “[t] he way in which the port collective chose to deal with the accumulated problems [that] shows that self-management relations were not sufficiently developed.”31 Through such a conclusion, the overcoming of structural problems is transferred primarily to the collective, which should have been able to improve the situation through a proper regulation of self- management relations. At first sight, such a shifting of responsibility seems to be a matter of capitalist rather than socialist relations, yet such an analysis is in line with Kardelj’s thought that “[i]n our self- governing society, instead of the old relationship of worker-state-social affairs, there must inevitably be 31 Primorske novice, 18. 4. 1970: Več skrbi za delovnega človeka, 17. 32 Primorski dnevnik, 31. 3. 1970: Silovit požar v koprskem pristanišču povzročil za milijardo in pol dinarjev škode, 2. a direct relationship between the workers of pro- duction and the workers of social affairs” (Kardelj, 1977, 21).32 The fact that politicians presented the work- ers’ dissatisfaction with the situation at the Port of Koper as an underdevelopment of self-management relations is also in line with the attitude towards workers’ strikes in Yugoslavia in general. As already mentioned, strikes had no place in the political jar- gon of self-management and were therefore referred to as work stoppages. Although the ideological leaders of self-management accepted a small de- gree of social conflict as plausible even under socialism, they never really managed to incorporate the phenomenon of workers’ strikes into the system of self-management. Even if strikes were very rare at the Port of Koper, in the Yugoslav context they Image 4: Firefighters in action against the fire at Port of Koper.32 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 629 Oskar OPASSI: NEWSPAPER COVERAGE AND SOME ASPECTS OF POLICY IN BORDER TRADE UNION STRUGGLES: COMPARING THE 1968 ..., 619–634 were not a niche phenomenon that could be easily ignored (Hadalin, 2020, 308–309). Primorski dnevnik In Primorski dnevnik, unlike Primorske novice, we can read a report on the events as early as on March 28 , the day after the work stoppage. The account is condensed and factual, which is understandable since, as the article notes, the late afternoon discus- sions between the workers and management had not yet been concluded by the time the edition went into press. It points out the same factors as Primorske novice as the reasons for the strike. It, however, puts a different emphasis on the relationship between structural and internal factors of the financial prob- lems, summarising its reflection in the statement: “It is true that not enough attention has been paid to the self-management link between the management and the workers, but the reasons for the port being in the situation it is in must also be found outside the port.”33 These external factors were located in the inadequate financing structure of the port, which was forced to take out loans to expand. In the next issue, there was to be a report on the end of the Workers’ Council meeting, which spent seven hours discussing the situation at Port of Kop- er, a brief summary about achieving slightly better salaries, and adopting decisions aiming to improve working conditions.34 A comprehensive report is given on the large fire in the cotton warehouse on the Sunday after the work stoppage, which is more than Primorske novice reported on. There are three possibilities given as the cause of the fire: spontane- ous combustion, negligence, and arson. In addition to more technical information about the course of fire suppression, the broader picture of the possible causes is thus outlined. The report concludes with the work of the commission which was examining the fire, and which was keen to reach clear conclu- sions as soon as possible since “the event itself [...] has greatly upset public opinion in Koper and on the coast”.35 The reporting of Primorski dnevnik thus follows the main lines of the reporting found in Primorske novice, even if in the end there are some minor dif- ferences in opinion pertaining to the Port of Koper work stoppage, and a somewhat more in-depth re- flection on the possible causes of the fire outbreak. The key difference in the reporting on the work 33 Primorski dnevnik, 28. 3. 1970: Delavci koprske luke zahtevajo ureditev razmer, 2. 34 Primorski dnevnik, 29. 3. 1970: Položaj v koprski luki se je včeraj normaliziral, 8. 35 Primorski dnevnik, 31. 3. 1970: Silovit požar v koprskem pristanišču povzročil za milijardo in pol dinarjev škode, 2. 36 Il Piccolo, 29. 3. 1970: Sciopero a Capodistria dei lavoratori del porto, 2. 37 Il Piccolo, 31. 3. 1970: Incendio nel porto di Capodistria, 1. 38 Il Piccolo, 31. 3. 1970: Il primo sciopero portuale a Capodistria, 5. 39 Il Piccolo, 31. 3. 1970: Si aggirano intorno al miliardo i danni dell‘incendio a Capodistria, Ragusin, 6. stoppage is the criticism of the financing structure of the port. This also includes the criticism of the state funding of the port, which Primorski dnevnik perceives as insufficient. In view of the development in Port of Koper up to 1970, it can be argued that Primorski dnevnik’s review most closely resembles the complex situation at the port leading up to the work stoppage. Il Piccolo Il Piccolo first reported on the work stoppage at the Port of Koper on Sunday March 29 with a short note. Of the newspapers analysed, the situation in the Port of Koper was described in Il Piccolo in the most pessimistic terms. The workers’ talks with the local authorities and the top management of the port were described as inconclusive. In line with this statement, there was no indication that the work stoppage on Friday evening had ended. In- stead of reporting on the return to work, the articles concentrated on listing the economic consequences that the strike had. In addition, it is claimed that, according to local authorities, the equipment in the port of Koper was inadequate for the increased volume of cargo arriving in the port and that, as a result, several shipowners were already diverting cargo to both Rijeka and Trieste.36 Sunday’s fire at the Port of Koper got more at- tention in Il Piccolo than the work stoppage. A large photo of the firefighting is published on the cover of the first issue following the event.37 Interestingly, it is only in Il Piccolo’s reporting that a link was made between the work stoppage and the outbreak of fire. Alongside two pictures of ships waiting to unload outside Port of Koper when the situation returned to normal, we find the statement: “The strike was then suspended due to a serious fire.”38 The longer report on the fire presents the situation that followed the fire as a tense and dramatic crime drama. The port was “surrounded by agents armed with machine guns”, all persons in the area were brought in for questioning, and the police officers maintained “the strictest confidentiality” about the causes of the fire.39 Only halfway into the article does it state that the cause of the fire was probably spontaneous combustion. It was also written that some people thought that the fire was related to the workers’ protest rally. Who these “some people” were is not entirely clear, as the article goes on to ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 630 Oskar OPASSI: NEWSPAPER COVERAGE AND SOME ASPECTS OF POLICY IN BORDER TRADE UNION STRUGGLES: COMPARING THE 1968 ..., 619–634 point out that this link was categorically rejected by the Port of Koper management, as well as by a good part of the workers they spoke to. Perhaps some of the workers hinted at the link? Given that they would be the main suspects in this case, it does not seem likely. The investigation into the cause of the fire then concludes with a note that the police is looking into all possible scenarios.40 The criticism, which in Primorski dnevnik originated from reflecting on the development and financing structure of the Port, was replaced in the case of Il Piccolo with an overly negative and speculative description of the situation at Port of Koper. That a right-wing newspaper in Italy should criticise a strike in Yugoslavia is, of course, not surprising. Describing the events as excessively chaotic probably also served to discredit one of the main rivals of the port of Trieste. PRESS, CROSS-BORDER COOPERATION AND POLITICS Beyond the various ideological preferences in re- porting both on the strike in Trieste and on the work stoppage at Port of Koper, the fact that the workers’s standard of living had been deteriorating on both sides of the border is evident. It is interesting that Primorske novice does not use the general strike in Trieste to give more explicit support to Italian workers’ organisations and to criticise the capitalist system. The Italian Il Pic- colo adopts a conservative stance in both its reports, and a parallel can be drawn with Primorske novice in that they both emphasise institutionalised dialogue and see the solution to the unrest in the strengthening of such dialogue–naturally from different ideological positions, either emphasising self-management or glorifying the role of the police in maintaining law and order. Primor- ski dnevnik turns out to be the most resolute supporter of the protests and provides a slightly more in-depth reflection of the events. Covering the protests in Trieste, it shows clear photographs of police repression that were not present in Il Piccolo, which misrepresented the magnitude and manner of police work. However, on the pages of Primorski dnevnik there is noticeable reticence in reporting on the events in Koper, which is understandable from their position since they are a pro-Yugoslav newspaper of the Slovenian minority in Italy. There appears to be a clear restraint present in Primorske novice in its coverage of the events in both Trieste and Koper. These were times of political tensions on both sides of the border. In the summer of 1969, Slovenia as well as Yugoslavia were gripped by the “road af- fair”, which began to seriously undermine Kavčič’s 40 Il Piccolo, 31. 3. 1970: Si aggirano intorno al miliardo i danni dell‘incendio a Capodistria, Ragusin, 6. 41 Primorski dnevnik, 22. 6. 1968: Sporazum o sodelovanju in medsebojni izmenjavi, 2. “liberal” reform plans (Repe, 1992, 48). Italy, on the other hand, had been affected by the so-called anni di piombo (years of lead) since 1968, culminating in the 1970s, when political activism took over most of society and turned into years of confrontations, many of them literally explosive (Giannuli, 2008, 7–10). The relations between the two countries at the end of the 1960s were positive, ranging from support for economic integration to the common goal of defend- ing the Adriatic against possible intervention by the Soviet Union after the Prague Spring (Meneguzzi Rostagni, 2011, 216). The last years before the Treaty of Osimo in 1974 brought back the tensions that had been present since the negotiations pertaining the Trieste Question. These tensions, however, became more manageable with the pressure exerted by the international community on Italy, eventually leading to de-escalation and agreement on border placement (Pirjevec, 2015, 389). Cross-border cooperation also concerned me- dia space. Thus, during the days of the strike in Trieste, we can read of a joint meeting between Italian and Yugoslav journalists in Koper, where the representatives of both delegations advocated mu- tual cooperation and support in carrying out their own reporting. They also agreed on “[t]he exchange of newsletters and experiences, the exchange of regular information on international activities of the two organisations, and possible joint appearances at international meetings.”41 CONCLUSION The analysed newspapers give us a basic insight into the modalities of reporting, and an initial ex- ploration of workers’ problems on both sides of the Iron Curtain. The analysis therefore presents itself as a fragment of a hitherto relatively unexplored topic. Beyond the analysis of media discourse, it seems important to delve deeper into labour rela- tions at both ports to better understand the position of the participants in the protests described. In terms of protest legitimisation outside the insti- tutional dialogue by the selected media in our analy- sis, two positions emerge. On one hand, Il Piccolo and Primorske novice saw workers’ discontent as a kind of excess that should only be resolved through official agreements; on the other hand, Primorski dnevnik tried to present the workers’ discontent as a cause in both protests, and was also the most com- mitted to the workers’ right to protest. In addition to supporting the workers’ protests, Primorski dnevnik has also been the most outspoken proponent of workers’ demands, in particular the ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 631 Oskar OPASSI: NEWSPAPER COVERAGE AND SOME ASPECTS OF POLICY IN BORDER TRADE UNION STRUGGLES: COMPARING THE 1968 ..., 619–634 right to work in Trieste by fighting to preserve jobs in the port sector. In its coverage of the events in Koper, it clearly supported the need for increased state support, not only for the development of the port, but also for a suitable standard of living for work- ers. Il Piccolo did not directly address the workers’ demands. Concerning the economic future of Trieste, it did clearly show the concern and the need for ac- tion by the authorities, but primarily for a clear plan for economic development, not for the demands of the workers. Primorske novice did not address the demands of the workers in Trieste, and apart from a rough description of what was happening, it was only critical in its condemnation of police violence. In the case of the work stoppage in Koper, it sought to incorporate the workers’ demands into the system of workers’ self-management, or rather to claim that the workers are not doing enough to make it work. It did not, however, address the criticism of the system of workers’ self-management itself or of the financial support from the state. Thus, we are presented with a somewhat paradoxical situation, where the only newspaper seeking the reasons for workers’ discon- tent with the situation in the enterprise primarily in the workers themselves is the very newspaper which openly presents itself as socialist. The links established above show that the divi- sion of workers’ organising strictly along the lines of Western and Eastern Bloc is not very useful, and that it is necessary to look at developments on both sides of the border in parallel for a more complex and complete picture. As already mentioned, irre- spective of the differences in the political system, the problems of workers on both sides of the border appear to be strikingly similar, ranging from the lowering of the general material standard to the de- creasing influence in the labour process. In the light of these and other parallels we have mentioned, the boundary between the two blocs, at least in the case we have analysed, becomes rather blurred. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 632 Oskar OPASSI: NEWSPAPER COVERAGE AND SOME ASPECTS OF POLICY IN BORDER TRADE UNION STRUGGLES: COMPARING THE 1968 ..., 619–634 ČASOPISNO POROČANJE IN NEKATERI POLITIČNI DEJAVNIKI V OBMEJNIH SINDIKALNIH BORBAH: PRIMERJAVA SPLOŠNE STAVKE V TRSTU LETA 1968 IN PREKINITVE DELA V LUKI KOPER LETA 1970 Oskar OPASSI Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper, Inštitut za zgodovinske študije, Garibaldijeva 1, 6000 Koper, Slovenija Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Aškerčeva 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: oskar.opassi@zrs-kp.si POVZETEK V drugi polovici šestdesetih let se je v pristaniščih severnega Jadrana razširil močan stavkovni val. Ta val se je najprej pojavil v Trstu, kjer so se na podlagi dolge tradicije delavskega organiziranja sindikalni organizatorji osredotočili na ostro nasprotovanje načrtu CIPE, katerega popolna uresničitev bi pomenila zaprtje ladjedelnice svetega Marka v Trstu. Družbeni nemiri so med večjimi protesti v Trstu v letih 1966, 1968 in 1969 prestopili tudi jugoslovansko mejo s prekinitvami dela v pristanišču na Reki v letih 1969 in 1971 ter prvo množično pre- kinitvijo dela v Luki Koper marca 1970. Položaj regije ob najbolj odprti meji med Zahodom in Vzhodom sproža vprašanja o medsebojni povezanosti socialnih vprašanj, trenj na delovnem mestu znotraj pristaniške panoge in metodah spoprijemanja z njimi. Za vpogled v poročanje o stavkovnih aktivnostih preko ‚železne zavese‘ je v članku podrobneje predstavljeno novinarsko poročanje o splošni stavki, ki je junija 1968 potekala v Trstu, in o prekinitvi dela v Luki Koper marca 1970. 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Pazin, Državni arhiv u Pazinu, 111–133. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 635 received: 2022–08–23 DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2022.40 MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI 2009 IN 2021 S POUDARKOM NA POVEZANOSTI Z ANTROPOLOGIJO Andrej NATERER Univerza v Mariboru, Filozofska fakulteta, Koroška cesta 160, 2000 Maribor, Slovenija e-mail: andrej.naterer@um.si Nirha EFENDIĆ Narodni muzej Bosne in Hercegovine, Oddelek za etnologijo, Zmaja od Bosne 3, 7100 Sarajevo, Bosna in Hercegovina e-mail: efendicnirha@yahoo.com, etnologija@zemaljskimuzej.ba IZVLEČEK Avtorja se v prispevku osredotočata na vprašanje o integriranosti antropologije v znanstvenem polju slovenske zgodovine v zadnjem desetletju. Prispevek temelji na analizi 1707 znanstvenih in strokovnih pri- spevkov, ki so bili objavljeni med leti 2009 in 2021 v štirih reprezentativnih znanstvenih revijah s področja zgodovine, in sicer Studia Historica Slovenica, Zgodovinski časopis, Acta Histriae in Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia. Preko analize vsebine obravnavanih prispevkov članek analizira glavna tematska področja, razkrije integriranost tematskega polja zgodovine in obravnava vpetost antropoloških vsebin v širše tematsko področje slovenske zgodovine v analiziranem obdobju. Ključne besede: zgodovina, antropologija, analiza vsebine, tematsko mapiranje, povezava med antropologijo in zgodovino MAPPATURA E ANALISI DEI CAMPI TEMATICI DI STORIA IN QUATTRO RIVISTE SCIENTIFICHE NEL PERIODO 2009–2021 CON PARTICOLARE RIFERIMENTO ALL‘ANTROPOLOGIA SINTESI Gli autori si concentrano su questioni relative all‘integrazione dell‘antropologia nel campo scientifico della sto- riografia slovena nell‘ultimo decennio. Il contributo si basa sull‘analisi di 1707 contributi scientifici e professionali pubblicati tra il 2009 e il 2021 in quattro riviste scientifiche di rilievo nel campo della storia, vale a dire Studia Historica Slovenica, Zgodovinski časopis, Acta Histriae e Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia. Attraverso l‘analisi del contenuto dei contributi esaminati, l‘articolo analizza le principali aree tematiche, rivela poi l‘integrazione del campo tematico della storia e infine analizza l‘integrazione dei contenuti antropologici nella più ampia area tematica della storiografia slovena durante il periodo analizzato. Parole chiave: storia, antropologia, analisi dei contenuti, mappatura tematica, legame tra antropologia e storia ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 636 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 UVOD Antropologija je še do nedavnega uživala sloves štu- dije oddaljenega, nenavadnega in eksotičnega. V eni od svojih klasičnih koncepcij je bila osnovana na štirih ste- brih, in sicer na socialni in kulturni antropologiji, fizični oziroma biološki antropologiji, lingvistični antropologiji in arheologiji (Rabinow, 1984; Morris, 2012). Kljub temu, da je ta koncepcija do določene mere še vedno relevantna in da tudi sloves oddaljenosti, nenavadnosti in eksotičnosti še vedno vztraja, je antropologija danes bistveno bolj kompleksna in integrirana. Za razliko od antropologije nekoč, sodobna antropologija (Goodeno- ugh, 2002, 435): […] pokriva skoraj vse vidike človeškega obstoja in človeško zgodovino od samih za- četkov. Kot dokazuje študija, je bil na številnih področjih dosežen pomemben napredek, ki vključuje interdisciplinarno sodelovanje ne le med pod-področji antropologije, ampak tudi z drugimi znanstvenimi in humanističnimi disciplinami. Verjetno prihaja najpomembnejši prispevek k občemu razumevanju in socialnim politikam prav skozi demonstracijo, da je kulturne razlike potrebno iskati v zgodovini in ekologiji, in ne biologiji. Primeri dobrega disciplinarnega sintetiziranja, ki vključujejo tudi zgodovino in antropologijo, so številni (prim. Mathur, 2000), med najodmevnejši- mi naj omenimo le deli Jareda Diamonda (2003) in Yuvala N. Hararija (2014). Vseeno pa na discipli- narni ravni ostaja vprašanje, kakšen je odnos med zgodovino in antropologijo. Kljub temu, da tako zgodovinarji kot tudi antropologi prepoznavajo pomembnost integracije obeh ved, pa generalnega odgovora na vprašanje povezanosti obeh ved ni. Ena redkih študij, ki se je dejansko osredotočala na odnos med obema vedama, je študija Saloni Mathur z naslovom »History and Anthropology in South Asia: Rethinking the Archive« (2000). Avtorica se je skozi preučevanje odnosa med zgo- dovino in antropologijo v Južni Aziji v zadnjih dveh desetletjih osredotočala na prispevek obeh ved na oblikovanje intelektualne prakse post-kolonialne antropologije. V svoji študiji je analizirala korpus interdisciplinarnih študij, objavljenih v osemde- setih in devetdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja, s poudarkom na zgodovinopisju. V svoji analizi je preko identifikacije vzajemno povezanih tem iden- tificirala 5 vzajemno povezanih tem, in sicer (1) problem Evrope, (2) interpretacije moči in znanja v kolonialnih arhivih, (3) iskanje indigenih oblik znanja, (4) fenomen nasilja in etničnega konflikta ter (5) specifične teme, vezane na spol in femini- stično kritiko. Avtorica (Mathur, 2000, 89) poudari, da »[…] antropologije v Južni Aziji ni več mogoče izvajati, ne da bi se posvetili eni ali več od teh petih tem. Kakršna koli skrb za sodobne transnacionalne ali kulturne konfiguracije v Južni Aziji ali bodočimi post-kolonialnimi nacionalnimi državami, mora biti povezana s kolonialno zgodovino in specifičnimi formacijami modernosti, ki jih je ustvarila«. Kljub temu, da ima študija številne omejitve, predvsem geografsko in konceptualno zamejenost, pa hkrati predstavlja pomembno metodološko inovacijo. Dokazuje namreč, da se je mogoče s pomočjo izbranih pristopov iz analize vsebine, kot je na primer temat- sko mapiranje zgodovinskih besedil, v kombinaciji z antropološko interpretacijo, dokopati do pomembnih sklepov, ki so relevantni tako za antropologijo, kot tudi zgodovino. Tematsko mapiranje je postopek, ki omogoča identifikacijo in vizualizacijo vsebinskih fokalnih točk v vzorcih besedila, designiranega za analizo. Širše je pristop mogoče umestiti v področje kvali- tativne analize vsebine (Drisko & Maschi, 2015), kjer je konceptualno blizu metodi tematske ana- lize (Boyatzis, 1998), predvsem zaradi aplikacije kodiranja kvalitativnih informacij, kar deluje kot most med kvalitativnim in kvantitativnim razisko- vanjem. Metoda temelji na analizi ključnih besed, ki služijo kot indikatorji vsebine, pri čemer sta v analizo vključena tudi njihova pozicija v analizi- ranem besedilu in odnosi med samimi ključnimi besedami, izraženi kot sopojavnost. V kontekstu zgodovine je nekaj primerov študij, ki demonstri- rajo uspešnost te metode. Kot primer lahko nave- demo študijo Grivel, Mutschke & Polanco (1995), v kateri so avtorji s pomočjo uporabe SDOC pristo- pa oblikovali tematski in strukturni načrt ključnih besed in tem, vezan na zbirko besedil s področja socialne zgodovine. Med vsemi izsledki raziskave je za pričujočo razpravo najpomembnejši tisti, ki demonstrira, da je zraven tradicionalnega načina analize vsebine mogoče analizirati tudi klasterske odnose in povezave med ekstrahiranimi ključnimi besedami ter temami. Pričujoči članek temelji na raziskovalnem vpraša- nju, kakšno je mesto antropologije v polju sodobne slovenske zgodovine. Iz raziskovalnega vprašanja smo izpeljali naslednje raziskovalne cilje: 1. analizirati glavna tematska področja, 2. razkriti integriranost tematskega polja zgodovi- ne in ga obravnavati skozi relevantne metapo- datke, in 3. analizirati vpetost antropoloških vsebin v širše tematsko področje slovenske zgodovine. METODOLOGIJA Za potrebe pričujoče razprave je bilo analiziranih 1707 znanstvenih, preglednih in strokovnih člankov iz ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 637 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 revij Studia Historica Slovenica (SHS), Zgodovinski ča- sopis (ZČ), Acta Histriae (AH) in Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia (ASHS), ki so bili objavljeni med leti 2009 in 2021: Revije so bile izbrane na podlagi kriterijev znanstve- ne in vsebinske relevantnosti, časovno obdobje pa je bilo definirano ob detekciji časovne točke, na kateri so vse vključene revije začele omogočati dostop do vsebi- ne v univerzalnem in za analizo primernem digitalnem formatu. Vzorec je zajemal 1660 izvirnih znanstvenih člankov, 35 preglednih in 11 strokovnih člankov. Med vsemi obravnavanimi objavami je velika večina eno- avtorskih (1397), med prvimi avtorji pa prevladujejo moški (987 avtorjev in 720 avtoric). Večina objav je bila spisanih s strani avtorjev, ki prihajajo iz Slovenije (1164 člankov, 68,2 % vzorca), sledijo pa avtorji iz Italije (9,3 %), Hrvaške (6,8 %), Črne Gore (2,3 %), ZDA (1,6 %), Avstrije 27 (1,6 %) in Srbije (1,4 %). V vzorcu so bile zajete tudi objave avtorjev iz drugih držav, vendar pred- stavljajo te manj kot odstotek celotnega vzorca in vseh zaradi prostorskih omejitev pričujočega članka posebej ne bomo navajali. Analitično interpretativni pristop pričujoče razprave temelj na principih analize vsebine. Analiza vsebine je ena od klasičnih metod kvalitativnega raziskovanja, ki s pomočjo uporabe kategorizacijskih predlog omogoča redukcijo in analizo gradiva. Zametke sodobnega pristo- pa je mogoče najti že v sredini dvajsetega stoletja (prim. Berelson, 1952) in do danes so bile razvite številne sodobne in specializirane različice (prim. Flick, 2014; Drisko & Maschi, 2016). Sami smo sledili Krippendor- fovi koncepciji (2013 v Drisko & Maschi, 2016, 2), ki definira analizo vsebine kot: »raziskovalno tehniko za ustvarjanje reprikabilnih in veljavnih sklepov, vezanih na besedila (ali druge oblike relevantnega materiala) in kontekste njihove uporabe.« Ta koncepcija v prvi vrsti omogoča analizo vsebine onkraj manifestne ravni bese- dila, ima pa tudi druge prednosti. Glede na že navedene cilje pričujoče raziskave je ta pristop najprimernejši tudi zato, ker omogoča analizo širokega nabora tekstualnega gradiva, visoko stopnjo neodvisnosti od oblike oziroma vira (Bauer, 2000), hkrati s tem pa tudi oblikovanje oziroma adaptacijo kategorizacijskega modela, ki omo- goča tematsko analizo večje količine zbranega gradiva (Flick, 2014). Postopek analize je bil opravljen s pomočjo raču- nalniške opreme MS Excel (za zajemanje in urejanje podatkov), QDA Miner 9 (za obdelavo zajete vsebine in relevantnih metapodatkov), WordStat 8 (za oblikovanje in aplikacijo kategorizacijskega modela, statistične analize vezane na analizo vsebine ter vizualizacije rezultatov) ter SPSS (za dodatne statistične analize). Postopek analize vsebine je temeljil na naslednjem protokolu: 1. Oblikovanje raziskovalnega vprašanja. 2. Selekcija relevantnega tekstovnega materiala in virov – relevantnost virov je bila ocenjena na podlagi vsebinskega profila revije, pri če- mer so bile izbrane revije humanističnega in družboslovnega profila, pri katerih je glavni fokus osrediščen na zgodovinske teme. Časovni interval je bil definiran po kriteriju zagotavljanja čim večje dostopnosti člankov v vseh revijah, kar je po opravljeni inventuri dostopnosti člankov definiralo za obdobje 2009 do 2021. 3. Oblikovanje inicialnega kategorizacijskega modela – inicialni model je bil oblikovan za potrebe zajemanja podatkov in je za potrebe analize definiral naslednje ključne parametre: naziv revije, leto izdaje, številka izdaje, naslov članka, ime in priimek avtorja/avtorjev, spol, afiliacija avtorja, habilitacija oziroma področje specializacije avtorja, država afiliacije avtorja, izvorna klasifikacija članka (izvirni znanstveni članek, pregledni znanstveni članek, strokovni članek), ključne besede (v slovenščini in angle- ščini), povzetek (v slovenščini in angleščini) in celotna vsebina članka. 4. Segmentacija zbranih podatkov – na podlagi inicialnega kategorizacijskega modela je bil vsak 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 Skupaj SHS 30 31 35 24 38 29 33 21 43 32 26 26 23 391 ZČ 13 11 12 12 16 15 16 15 15 15 14 14 8 176 AH 39 39 37 42 46 53 41 44 48 52 35 36 42 554 ASHS 32 37 29 47 37 25 67 60 61 56 45 46 44 586 Skupaj 114 118 113 125 137 122 157 140 167 155 120 122 117 1707 Tabela 1: Struktura obravnavanega vzorca člankov. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 638 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 Tematsko področja Ključne besede VOJNE Vojna, vojne, državljanska vojna, konec vojne, velika vojna, II, obdobje med vojnama, osvoboditev, mobilizacija, mobilizirajte, mobilizirani, mobilizacija, mobilizacije, mir, (iz)gradnja miru, mirno, mirovniki, mirni čas, (vojni) ujetniki, vojni čas, orožje, orožja, svetovna vojna, prva svetovna vojna, druga svetovna vojna NACIONALNA IDENTITETA Kulturna (identiteta) , zgodovinska (identiteta), zgodovina (identitete), nacionalna (identiteta), nacionalna identiteta, (nacionalna) osvoboditev, (nacionalna) preteklosti, nacija, slovensko nacionalno, slovenska nacija, slovenski nacionalni (o) KULTURNA DEDIŠČINA Arhitekturna dediščina, kulturna dediščina, kulturna krajina, (kulturni) razvoj, (kulturna) dediščina, lokalno, lokalna populacija, raziskave prostorske pokrajine, prostorski razvoj, prostorsko načrtovanje, turizem, turistično AVSTRO-OGRSKA Avstrijska avtoriteta, Avstrijsko cesarstvo, Avstro-Ogrska, Avstro-Ogrsko cesarstvo, Avstro-Ogrska monarhija, Habsburška (o) monarhija, madžarski imperij, madžarska vojska, madžarske čete, madžarsko cesarstvo VOJSKA IN VOJAŠKE ENOTE Militant (no, ni), militantnost, militanti, vojaško, militarizem, militaristično, militarizacija, vojaška, vojaška avtoriteta, vojaške operacije, vojaška služba, vojaške enote, milica €, oficirji, partizani, partizanske enote, Rdeča armada, slovenska vojska, vojaki, teritorialna obramba, JNA, JLA, jugoslovanska (ljudska) armada … EVROPSKE DRŽAVE Evropa (vzhodna, zahodna, južna, severna), evropsko, srednje evropsko, (centralno) evropske (države), (evropska) diplomacija, diplomatski odnosi, evropski, Evropska unija, zunanja politika, mednarodni odnosi, politika … LOKALNE TEME (lokalna) skupnost, (lokalni) svet, župan, Maribor, Ljubljana, mestni svet, nacionalno združenje, provincialni (o), županske volitve … POLITIKA IN STRANKE komunistična partija, komunistična partija Jugoslavije, demokracija, demokrat, volitve, volilni, nacionalna stranka, komunistična (e, i), volitve, volilni, (politično) ideološka, nacionalna stranka, stranka, komunistična (stranka), ljudska stranka, politična (o, i), političnogeografsko (i), politično motivirani, politični subjekt, politični razvoj, politične spremembe, politična participacija, stranke, politična stranka, politična moč, (v) političnem smislu, politik (i), politizacija, politizacija, politika, politično, slovensko politično, slovenska politika, socialistično, social demokrati, jugoslovenski (politični), jugoslovenska demokratska stranka, jugoslovansko politično … PRAVO IN ZAKONODAJA Pravo, pravice, otrokove pravice, zločini, kazen, kriminalci, kriminalizacija, kriminalnost, kriminalizacija, kriminaliziranje, kazenskega pravosodja, kazensko pravo, kriminologija, človekove pravice, zakon (i), tož€(e), odvetnik, pravniki, pravni, legaliziran, zakonitost, legalizacija, legalizirajte, legaliziran, legalizacija, pravno, zakonodajno, zakonodaja, zakonodajno, zakonodajalec, zakonodajalci, preganjanje, pravice, rimsko pravo … BIOGRAFSKE TEME Anton Bonaventura Jeglič, Anton Korošec, Anton Martin Slomšek, Jože Plečnik, avtobiografija, (ljubljanski) škof, Branka Jurca, Franc Kovačič, Franz Jožef, Gregor Žerjav, Ivan Cankar, Ivan Hribar, Ivan Tavčar, Ivan Šusteršič, Janez Pavel, Janez Krstnik, Jožef II., Josip Broz Tito, Jožef Ajlec, kralj Aleksander, Mitrov Ljubiša, Rudolf Maister, Sv Krištof … VARNOST IN OBVEŠČANJE obveščevalna služba, obveščevalne službe, britanska obveščevalna služba, ameriška obveščevalna služba, nacionalni arhiv(i), politična policija, tajna policija, (nacionalna) varnost, varnost, varnostna administracija, varnostna služba, tajna policija, posebne operacije … BENEŠKA REPUBLIKA Benetke, beneška (o, i, e), beneška republika, benečanka, ostanki (beneške republike), Istra, Koper, Piran … KRALJEVINA ITALIJA Kraljevina Italija, (italijanski) Jadran, (italijanska) jadranska obala, Trst, fašist(i), fašistični režim, italijansko nacionalno, beneška regija … ŠOLSTVO IN IZOBRAŽEVANJE Didaktično (i, a, e), didaktike (a), izobraževalni, izobraževanje, izobraževalne institucije, šola, izobraževalni sistem, gimnazija, osnovna šola, srednja šola, učbeniki, pismenost, literalizacija, literarizacija, pedagoški, pedagogi, pedagogika, učenjak, učitelj, učenost, štipe€ja (e), šolstvo, šolar (ji), učbenik (i) MESTO IN URBANIZEM Arhitekt (i), arhitektura, arhitekturne€tavba (e), mesto, mestno (a), mestna uprava, mestna občina, gradnja, zgrajeno, razvoj mesta, župan, urbanizacija, urbaniziran, urbanizem, urbanistično, urbanost, urbaniziran, urbani (dizajn, prostor), prostorski razvoj … KRALJEVINA SHS Hrvati, Srbi, Slovenci, Kraljevina (SHS), Kraljevina Jugoslavija … JEZIK IN LITERATURA Jezik, dvojezično, dvojezičnost, narečje, tuj jezik, Iurilingvistični, jezika, jezikovni, literarna, literarni jezik, literarna besedila, pismeni, literatura, slovenski jezik, sociolingvistika (čna), besedila, pisno… CERKEV IN RELIGIJA vera, vernik (i), nadškof, škof, duhovnik (i), katoliška cerkev, cekveni mecen (i), cerkev, cerkve, cerkovniki, cerkev svetega, fara, romanje romar, romarji, politični katolicizem, molitev, moliti, molitvenik, religija, religije, religioznost, verski, religioznost, slovenka katoliška, spiritualnost, duhovnost, duhovno, teologija, teolog (i), teološki, katoliška cerkev, duhovno… ANTROPOLOGIJA akulturacija, prednik, predniki, predniško, predništvo (ancestrial), anekdotično (st), anekdote, antropočentrično, antropocentrizem, antropogeno, antropogenično, antropološko, antropolog, antropologi, antropologija, antropomorfno, antropopresija, arheobotanično, arheobotanika, arheologi, arheologija, arheolog, umetnina (artwork), umetnost (artworks), asimilirati, asimilirano, asimilacija, asimilirajoči, asimilacijsko, aksiomatično, ksiomatično, kanibalizem, kanibali, kolonialno, kolonializacija, kolonializem, kolonialist, kolonije, kolonizacija, kolonizacijskost, kolonizacije, kolonizirano, kolonizirani, kulturno, kultura, kulturno, kulturemi, kulture, kulturološko, dialekt, dialektično (dialectic), dialektično (dialektical), dialekti, dialektiološko, dialektikolog, dialektikologi, dialektikologija, dialekti, dialekti (dialects), utelešeno, epistemično, epistemično (epistemically), epistemološko, epistemološko (epistemologically), epistemologija, etnično, etnično (ethnically), entičnost, etno, etnoantropologi, etnobotanično, etnobotanika, entocentrično, etnokultura, etnografsko, etnografija, etnolingvisično, etnolingvistika, etnološko, entologi, etnologija, etnomuzikološko, evropeizacija, zgodba (fabula), zgodbe (fabule), femilnost, feminizem, feministično, feministi (ke), terensko delo (fieldwork), ljudstvo (folk), folklora, folklorno, folkloristi, folklorne, folklornih, hrana (foods), hrana (foodstuffs), Foucault, genetolingvistično, habitus, hermenevtično, hermenevtično (hermeneutical), hermenevtika, idiom, idiomatsko, idiomatizacija, idiomatizacija (idiomatizing), idiomi, italianizacija, italinizirajoče, kultura, kulturna zneza (kulturbund), kulturni boj, kulturna, kulturni, jezik (lingua), lingvist, lingvsitično, lingvistično (linguistically), lingvsitično (lingvisticly), lingvistika, lingvisti, lingvokulturologija, muzikolingvisti, muzikologija, muzikološko, mitično, mitično (mythical), mitizirajoče, mitološko, mitologizirano, mitologija, miti, pravljice (maerchen), soseska, palatalizacija, palatalizirano, patriarh, patriarhično, patriarhalnost, patriarhat, patriarhično, fonem, fonemično, fonetično, fonetično (phonetical), fonetika, fonološko, fonologija, frazeološko, frazeologizem, frazeolog, fraze, fraziranje, poetično (poetic), poetično (poetical), poetično (poetically), poetika, rasizem, rasist, obredi, ritual, ritualistično, rituali, žrtveno, semantično, semantično (semantically), semantika, semiotično, semiotika, socializirano, socializacija, socialne, družba (societa), družbeno (societal), sociokulturno, socioekonomsko, družbeni spol, socio (-loško, -kulturno), socio (-loško, -kulturno), sociologi, sociopolitično, simbolizem, sinhrono, sinhronizacija, vokalizacija, tradicije Tabela 2: Kategorizacijski model. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 639 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 članek diseciran1 po predvidenih segmentih v skupno tabelo. 5. Evalvacija zbranih podatkov in inicialnega kate- gorizacijskega modela – ko so bili podatki zbrani, je bil opravljen njihov konceptualni (evalvacija zbranih podatkov z vidika raziskovalnega vpra- šanja) in vsebinski pregled (pregled tipkarskih napak in vsebinskih nepopolnosti), opravljena pa je bila tudi evalvacija inicialnega modela. 6. Analiza zbranih podatkov z oblikovanjem ana- litičnega kategorizacijskega modela oziroma slovarja – analitični kategorizacijski model temelji na indeksih sopojavnosti področno spe- cifičnih besed, ekstrahiranih iz ključnih besed (key words) in daljših povzetkov (summary) ter je zajemal naslednje korake: a. pregled frekvenčne distribucije vseh rele- vantnih besed, b. pregled frekvenčne distribucije fraz, ki vključujejo 2 do 5 besed in imajo v besedi- lu minimalno frekvenco pojavnosti 3, c. pregled frekvenčne distribucije glavnih tem. Področno specifične besede, fraze in teme so bile uporabljene za izgradnjo analitičnega kategorizacij- skega modela2 (priloga: Tabela 2), ki je v obravnavani vsebini omogočal lociranje glavnih tem in njihovih gradnikov, ter mapiranje disciplinarnega polja skozi analizo njihovih povezav (link analysis). Analitični kate- gorizacijski model je v svoji zadnji različici vseboval 471 disciplinarno specifičnih besed, ki so bile uporabljene za disciplinarno mapiranje. Za potrebe analize prisotno- sti antropologije v polju zgodovine pa je bil oblikovan kategorizacijski model, ki je vključeval ključne besede, ki jih je mogoče locirati v polje antropologije (priloga: Tabela 2, segment obarvan sivo). Oblikovanje tega ka- tegorizacijskega modela temelji na klasični koncepciji antropologije, ki vključuje socialno in kulturno antropo- logijo, fizično antropologijo, lingvistično antropologijo in arheologijo (prim. Rabinow, 1984; Morris, 2012). Iz analiziranega besedila je bilo ekstrahiranih 188 ključnih besed, ki jih je bilo mogoče vključiti v model na podlagi te koncepcije. 1 Disekcija je vključevala segmentiranje strukturnih delov celotnih besedil v ločene razdelke posebno oblikovane tabele (npr. razdelek, ki v besedilu vključuje ključne besede avtorja, je bil premeščen v ločen razdelek Ključne besede, razdelek Povzetek je bil iz celotnega besedila premeščen v ločen razdelek Povzetek in tako naprej). Disekcija predstavlja pri analizi vsebine večjega obsega gradiva enega od nujnih korakov, saj omogoča jasnejšo, bolj fokusirano in hitrejšo analizo. 2 Kategorizacijski model (tudi kategorizacijski slovar oziroma slovar) je model, ki vključuje besede, besedne zveze in fraze, ek- strahirane iz tekstovnega materiala in so v odnosu do vsebine materiala razumljene kot ključne besede. Te ključne besede so kategorizirane bodisi v skladu s teoretsko podlago, cilji raziskave ali v skladu z drugimi relevantnimi ključi (npr. faktorji sopo- javnosti). Takšen kategorizacijski model omogoča (1) redukcijo zbranega materiala, (2) kvantifikacijo kvalitativnega gradiva in (3) statistično analizo. 3 Klasterska analiza je proces združevanja elementov v skupine oziroma klastre, pri čemer izkazujejo člani skupine drugo do drugega višjo stopnjo podobnosti, ter posledično nižjo, če jih primerjamo s člani drugih klastrov. Klasterska analiza je v pričujoči razpravi te- meljila na faktorjih sopojavnosti tem, kar pomeni, da so teme, ki se v obravnavanih gradivih pojavljajo skupaj, razumljene kot vsebinsko tesneje povezane, ta povezanost pa predstavlja osnovo za njihovo članstvo v klastru. Osnova tako za izvedbo klasterske analize, kot tudi izračuna faktorjev sopojavnosti, je distančna matrica oziroma analiza razdalje med vsebinskimi elementi (ključnimi besedami in temami), ki so predmet klastriranja. ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA SLOVENSKE ZGODOVINE V OBJAVAH MED LETI 2009 IN 2021 Mapiranje tematskega polja temelji v pričujoči analizi na dveh ključnih korakih. Prvi korak je usmer- jen v detekcijo tem, ki jih je mogoče ekstrahirati iz objav v obravnavanem obdobju. Detekcija tem omo- goča vpogled v kategorizirano vsebino, zraven tega pa zagotavlja tudi odgovore na vprašanja o njihovi dominantnosti v samem polju in preferiranosti med avtorji. Drugi del analize je usmerjen v odkrivanje odnosov, povezanosti in prekrivanja tem. Ta korak omogoča v prvi vrsti detekcijo strukturiranosti polja slovenske zgodovine, kar predstavlja empirično pod- lago za sklepe o integriranosti tematskih področij v obravnavanem polju. Pričujoča analiza temelji na ka- tegorizacijskem modelu (glej Tabela 2), upoštevajoč faktorje sopojavnosti ključnih besed: Grafikon 1 prikazuje frekvenčno distribucijo eks- trahiranih tem (stolpiči levo) in njihovo povezovanje v aglomeracijsko strukturo (povezave desno). Glede frekvenčne distribucije je iz grafa razvidno, da je teme mogoče razdeliti na tri skupine: 1. najmočneje so zastopane teme, ki so vezane na Vojno, Politiko in politične stranke, Mesto in urbanizem, ter teme, vezane na Cerkev in religijo; 2. številčno nekoliko manj prisotne so teme, vezane na Avstro-Ogrsko, Vojsko in vojaške enote, Šolo in izobraževanje, Jezik in literaturo, Pravo in za- konodajo, Beneško republiko, in Biografske teme, 3. frekvenčno najšibkejše teme, ki so vezane na Kraljevino Italijo, Evropske države, Kulturno dediščino, Nacionalno identiteto, Varnost in ob- veščanje ter Lokalne teme. Aglomeracijski red (glej Grafikon 1, povezave desno) kaže, da temelji struktura tematskega polja zgodovine na štirih temah, ki so hkrati frekvečno najmočnejše. Teme Vojna, Politika in stranke, Mesto in urbanizem ter Cerkev in religija, je torej zraven največjih tem, mogoče razumeti kot tematska središča, na katera se druge teme vsebinsko navezujejo. Klasterska analiza3 tem ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 640 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 je pokazala, da obstajajo v obravnavanem polju štirje vsebinski klastri (glej Grafikon 1 in 2), in sicer: 1. Klaster nacionalnih tem, ki je osrediščen okoli jedra v temah s področja Politike in strank, nanj se navezujejo teme s področja Nacionalne identitete, Kulturne dediščine in Evropskih dr- žav, ter teme s področja Jezika in literature ter Šole in izobraževanja; 2. Klaster vojaških tem, ki je osrediščen okoli jedra v temah s področja Vojn, nanj se na- vezujejo teme s področja Vojske in vojaških enot ter teme s področja Avstro-Ogrske, in teme s področja Kraljevine Italije ter Beneške republike; 3. Klaster lokalnih tem, osrediščen na temah s področja Mesta in urbanizacije ter drugih Lo- kalnih temah; in 4. Klaster cerkveno-biografskih tem, ki je osredi- ščen na temah s področja Cerkve in religije, na katere se navezujejo Biografske teme. V klasterski analizi se pojavljata tudi dva osa- melca, in sicer teme s področja Kraljevine Srbov, Hrvatov in Slovencev in kraljevine Jugoslavije, ter teme s področja Varnosti in obveščanja. Kljub temu, da ti dve skupini izkazujeta ustrezno frekvenčno zastopanost v tematskem polju, pa besede v kate- gorizacijskem modelu izkazujejo izjemno nizke faktorje sopojavnosti z drugimi tematskimi področji, kar pomeni, da teh dveh tematskih sklopov ni bilo mogoče ustrezno klastrirati, in da v tematskem polju obstajata relativno izolirano. Za potrebe analize integriranosti polja, smo za vsakega od tematskih sklopov opravili podrobnejšo analizo povezav med temami (link analysis). Analiza temelji na indeksih sopojavnosti (co-occurrance index) in podobnosti (similarity index), ki izražajo tesnost povezave med dvema temama (popolna povezava izražena s številko 1, popolna odsotnost povezave z 0). Kot prvo smo analizirali skupino Nacionalnih tem (glej Grafikon 3). Analiza je pokazala, da v frekvenč- nem smislu najštevilčnejšo skupino predstavljajo teme s področja Politike in strank, vendar pa te teme niso centralne v strukturnem smislu. Glede na to, da prak- tično vse teme, z izjemo Evropskih držav, izkazujejo povezave s temami Nacionalne identitete, lahko te teme razumemo kot strukturno središče tega sklopa. Tudi podrobnejša vsebinska analiza potrjuje to ugotovitev. V besedilih, kjer se pojavljajo teme, vezane na nacionalno identiteto, so te izjemno pogosto vezane na bodisi politiko, jezik, literaturo, izobraževanje ali kulturno dediščino. Ilustracijo povezovanja nacionalnih tem z omenjenimi najdemo na primer pri Grandi (2017), Perovšku (2019a; 2019b) in Darovcu (2021). Teme, vezane na Evropske države, predstavljajo sicer pomem- ben del tega tematskega sklopa, vendar so znotraj tega klastra v periferni poziciji, saj je njihovo mesto v skupini zagotovljeno zgolj preko tem, vezanih na politiko. Druga skupina, ki smo jo analizirali, je skupina Vojaških tem. Teme, vezane na Vojne, predstavljajo frekvenčno in strukturno tematsko jedro, na katerega se navezujeta dve tematski veji (glej Grafikon 4). Prva vključuje teme s področja Vojske in vojaških enot, te pa se povezujejo s temami, vezanimi na teme, vezane na Grafikon 1: Tematska struktura polja zgodovine v obravnavanih objavah med letoma 2009 in 2021. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 641 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 Grafikon 2: Struktura tematskega polja zgodovine med leti 2009 in 2021. Grafikon 3: Načrt tematskega klastra Nacionalne teme. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 642 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 Avstro-Ogrsko. Ilustracijo povezovanja takšnih tem naj- demo na primer pri Miru Hriberniku (2009), Jožici Čeh Steger (2015) in Blažu Torkarju (2019). Iz obravnavane vsebine izhaja tudi druga veja omenjenega tematskega sklopa. Ta v prvem redu vključuje teme, vezane na italijanski socio-kulturni in zgodovinski prostor. Na tej točki je potrebno izpostaviti tudi, da se ta sklop relativno tesno povezuje s tematskim sklopom Nacionalne teme (v grafikonu obarvano modro). Stičišči sta dve. Teme, vezane na Vojne, izkazujejo relativno visoko sopojavnost s temami Politika in stranke, medtem ko teme Kraljevina Italija izkazujejo relativno visoko sopojavnost s temami Nacionalna identiteta – (1) tesna povezava, (2) različna klastracija in (3) več stičnih točk kaže na to, da sta tematski skupini Vojaške teme in Na- cionalne teme relativno dobro integrirani. Analiza klastra Lokalne teme je pokazala dva pomembna rezultata (glej Grafikon 5). Kot prvo iz grafikona izhaja, da je sklop osrediščen na temah, ve- zanih na Mesto in urbanizem, na katere se navezujejo Lokalne teme. Primere, ki ilustrirajo takšno povezavo, najdemo v objavah, ki se osredotočajo na mesto kot specifično socialno, politično in ekonomsko formaci- jo (tak primer predstavlja Perovšek, 2014), pa tudi v tistih, ki obravnavajo vsakodnevno življenje v mestu, kot na primer Studen (2010). Potrebno je poudariti tudi, da ta tematski sklop ne vključuje zgolj objav, ki na izrazito zgodovinski način pristopajo k obravnavi teme. Številne od teh namreč z drugimi disciplinar- nimi optikami in pristopi pristopajo k vsebini, ter na ta način zagotovijo interdisciplinarno in tematsko pestrost polju zgodovine. Primere, ki lahko služijo za ilustracijo te ugotovitve, najdemo pri Bugariču (2009) in Jutraž & Zupančič (2015). Ob koncu je potrebno poudariti tudi, da se ta klaster relativno tesno nave- zuje na sklop Nacionalnih tem. Jedro sklopa Mesto in urbanizem je namreč relativno tesno povezano tako s Kulturno dediščino, kot tudi z Nacionalno identiteto, kar zraven povezanosti obeh sklopov, nakazuje tudi na to, da Nacionalna identiteta predstavlja strukturno jedro analiziranih objav. Zadnja skupina tem, ki smo jih analizirali, je skupina Cerkveno-biografskih tem. Ta je osrediščena na teme s področja Cerkve in religije, na katere se navezujejo Bi- ografske teme. Ilustracije najdemo na primer v objavah Čoralić (2011), Griesser-Pečar (2013) in Matan (2013), je pa potrebno poudariti, da je povezava nekoliko šibka. Je pa na drugi strani nekoliko močnejša povezava s sklo- pom Vojaških tem, in sicer preko skupine tem, vezanih na Beneško republiko. Primer, ki ilustrira to povezavo, predstavlja Košak (2016). ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA SKOZI METAPODATKE OBJAV Drugi del pričujočega članka je namenjen analizi tem, skozi metapodatke objav, iz katerih so bile teme ekstrahirane. Ta analiza je sestavljena iz treh korakov: • prvi se osredotoča na oblikovanje ocene longitu- dinalne stabilnosti tematske strukture polja, • drugi na analizo tematskih preferenc glede na spol in habilitacijsko oziroma ekspertizno ume- stitev avtorjev objav, in • tretji na znanstveni domet ekstrahiranih tem. Da bi ocenili longitudinalno stabilnost tematske strukture polja, smo opravili analizo prisotnosti jedrnih tem v obdobju od leta 2009 do leta 2021 (glej Grafikon 7). Analizo smo zaradi omejitev pričujočega članka in za zagotavljanje preglednosti omejili na jedrne Grafikon 4: Načrt tematskega klastra Vojaške teme. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 643 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 teme, seveda ob sprejeti predpostavki, da stabilnost jedrnih tem predstavlja stabilnost tematskih klastrov in posledično tudi stabilnost celotnega tematskega polja. Analiza je pokazala, da so jedrne teme prisotne relativno stabilno in kontinuirano skozi celotno obrav- navano obdobje. Vsako od tematskih jeder ima sicer svojo dinamiko, vendar je pomembno prepoznati, da razmerja med temami ostajajo relativno stabilna. V grafikonu nekoliko odstopa leto 2017, ko se generalno dvigne frekventnost vseh tem. Kljub poglobljeni analizi številnih potencialnih dejavnikov (npr. morebitni jubi- leji, tematske številke in podobno), ki bi lahko razložili generalni porast tem leta 2017, nam ni uspelo odkriti njihovega skupnega imenovalca. Zbrani metapodatki objav so omogočili tudi, da opra- vimo analizo tem, glede na (1) spol avtorjev, njihovo (2) habilitacijsko področje in (3) ARRS klasifikacijo. Glede na spol avtorja oziroma prvega avtorja podatki kažejo, da je razmerje med moškimi in ženskami približno 2 : 1 4 Ob uporabi terminov maskulinizirano in feminizirano je potrebno poudariti, da se ta nanaša na prevladujoči biološki spol avtoric oziro- ma avtorjev in sicer na način, kot ga je bilo mogoče ekstrahirati iz podatkovnih baz ter vključiti v analizirane metapodatke. in da je celotno tematsko polje relativno močno masku- linizirano4 (0,62). Med najbolj maskuliniziranimi temami izstopajo teme, vezane na Avstro-Ogrsko (0,73), Kraljevi- no SHS in Jugoslavijo (0,70) in Biografske teme, medtem ko med najbolj feminiziranimi temami izstopajo Jezik in literatura, Kulturna dediščina ter Šola in izobraževanje. Tudi multipla korespondenčna analiza (glej Grafikon 7) je potrdila, da med avtoricami prevladujejo teme, vezane na jezik, kulturno dediščino in šolo ter izobraževanje, medtem ko avtorji preferirajo biografske teme, in teme vezane na kraljevino SHS, kraljevino Jugoslavijo ter Avstro-Ogrsko: Zaradi velikosti vzorca avtorjev in izjemne fragmen- tiranosti njihovih habilitacijskih področij je bilo nemo- goče oblikovati pregledni grafikon, ki bi jasno prikazal njihovo znanstveno raziskovalno ozadje, izraženo v habilitacijskem področju. Med vsemi avtorji je bilo največ takšnih s habilitacijo s področja zgodovinopisja (788), sledijo pa jezikoslovje in literatura (149), socio- Grafikon 5: Načrt tematskega klastra Lokalne teme. Grafikon 6: Načrt tematskega klastra Cerkvene teme. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 644 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 logija (73), politične vede (47), umetnostna zgodovina (43), urbanizem (42), geografija (33), arhitektura (33), filozofija (28), pravo (25) in ekonomija (21). Druge disci- pline so sicer prisotne, vendar jih zaradi omejitev na tej točki posebej ne bomo navajali. Zaradi lažjega prikaza presečišča med ekstrahiranimi temami in ekspertizami avtorjev, smo metapodatke, vezane na habilitacijska področja avtorjev, preoblikovali v ARRS področja5, in sicer humanistika (6), družboslovje (5), biotehnika (4) in naravoslovje (1). Tako modificirani vzorec avtorjev je pokazal, da je bila večina objav spisana s strani avtorjev, 5 Preoblikovanje je temeljilo na klasifikaciji Javne agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije, ki v svojem klasifikacijskem in šifrantskem sistemu opredeljuje Raziskovalne vede, področja in podpodročja (https://www.arrs.si/sl/gradivo/sifranti/sif-vpp.asp). Pričujoča razprava sloni na razumevanju družboslovja in humanistike kot dveh sorodnih in tesno povezanih ved, med katerima pa vseeno obstajajo nekatere značilnosti. Medtem ko je glavna značilnost družboslovja osredotočanje na družbo, družbene odnose in družbene pojave, pa daje humanistika več poudarka človeku in kulturi. s habilitacijo v humanistiki (1294 objave, 75,8 % vzorca vseh objav), sledijo avtorji s habilitacijo v družboslovju (392 objavi, 23 % vzorca vseh objav), najmanj pa je objav avtorjev s habilitacijo na področju naravoslovja (11 objav, 0,6 % vzorca vseh objav) in biotehnologije (10 objav, 0,6 % vzorca vseh objav). Teme smo s po- močjo multiple korespondenčne analize razporedili v prostor z dimenzijami družboslovje (5) in humanistika (6), zavoljo poenostavitve grafikona pa smo na podlagi nizke prisotnosti v vzorcu izključili naravoslovje in biotehnologijo: Grafikon 7: Longitudinalna analiza prisotnosti jedrnih tem med leti 2009 in 2021. Grafikon 8: Tematske preference glede na spol avtorjev. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 645 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 Analiza je pokazala, da avtorji s habilitacijo oziroma ekspertizami s področja družboslovja preferirajo teme s področja Vojske in vojaških enot, Vojne, Evropskih države, Prava in zakonodaje, Cerkve in religije ter Kulturne dedišči- ne. Na drugi strani pa avtorji s humanistično umestitvijo preferirajo teme s področja Lokalnih tem, Kraljevine SHS in Jugoslavije, Politike in strank, Avstro-Ogrske in teme, vezane na Mesto. Iz grafikona je razvidno tudi, da teme s področja Biografij in Varnosti in obveščanja predstavljajo hipotetično tematsko stičišče med obema poloma. Za- ključimo lahko, da je v celotnem vzorcu razmerje med humanistično in družboslovno orientacijo 4 : 1, kar je tudi podlaga za sklep, da je polje slovenske zgodovine močno humanistično orientirano. Grafikon 9: Ekstrahirane teme glede na ARRS klasifikacijo avtorjev. Grafikon 10: Teme glede na število navedkov/citatov objav v bazo Google Scholar. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 646 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 V zadnjem koraku pričujočega prispevka smo naslo- vili vprašanje geografskega in znanstvenega dometa eks- trahiranih tem. Domet tem smo ocenili na podlagi citatov oziroma navedkov objave, v kateri se tema pojavlja v bazi Google Scholar: Analiza je pokazala, da velika večina tem prihaja iz objav, ki nimajo v omenjeni bazi niti enega navedka oziroma citata in glede na to, da je povprečje navajanosti tem 26,3 % lahko sklenemo, da je domet tem v znan- stvenem smislu relativno omejen. Med vsemi temami glede navajanosti prednjačijo teme s področja Šole in izobraževanja (stopnja navajanosti je 0,30), sledijo pa ji teme s področja Avstro-Ogrske (0,29), Kulturne dediščine (0,28) ter Biografske teme (0,28). S stopnjo navajanosti 0,19 so najmanj navajane teme s področja Varnosti in obveščanja (0,19). ANTROPOLOGIJA V POLJU ZGODOVINE Za analizo vpetosti antropologije v polje zgodovine, smo s pomočjo kategorizacijskega modela (glej Tabela 2) iz obravnavanih besedilih ekstrahirali ključne besede, fraze in teme, ki jih je bilo mogoče umestiti v štiridelno konceptualizacijo antropologije. Ta konceptualizacija sicer vključuje socialno in kulturno antropologijo, arhe- ologijo, fizično in lingvistično antropologijo, je pa bilo disciplinarno specifičnih ključnih besed v analiziranih besedilih premalo. Ker je bila kot posledica onemogoče- na analiza, ki bi detektirala antropološka podpodročja, na primer lingvistično ali fizično antropologijo, v modelu nastopa antropologija kot enotno in homogeno področje. Pri selekciji ključnih besed, fraz in tem je bil za vsakega od ekstrahiranih elementov posebno pozorno anali- ziran kontekst, v katerem se je pojavil. Šele na podlagi ugotovitve skladnosti konteksta z enim od omenjenih pod-področij antropologije, je bil element vključen v kategorizacijski model. S pomočjo kombinacije klasterske analize in analize sopojavnosti smo v prvem koraku kartirali umeščenost antropologije v polje zgodovine (glej Grafikon 11)6. Grafikon prikazuje štiri dimenzije, in sicer (1) mesto antropoloških tem v polju zgodovine, (2) prve sosede, kamor sodijo teme s področja Nacionalne identitete, Kulturne dediščine in Jezika in literature, (3) druge sosede, kamor sodijo teme s področja Politike in strank, Šole in izobraževanja, Evropskih držav, Beneške republike, Vojn in Kraljevine Italije, ter (4) druge teme v polju zgodovine, s katerimi antropologija nima posebno močnih povezav. V skupino prvih sosedov antropologije spadajo teme s področja Kulturne dediščine, Jezika in literature ter teme s področja Nacionalne identitete, najtesnejša poveza je razvidna prav v odnosu do tem s področja Kulturne dediščine (0,066). Primeri, ki ilustrirajo to povezavo, so 6 Kartiranje predstavlja v pričujoči razpravi grafični prikaz povezanosti antropologije z drugimi temami na podlagi faktorjev sopo- javnosti. Kartiranje je zajemalo faktorje sopojavnost antropologije v odnosu do prvih sosedov (teme s katerimi ima neposredno povezavo), drugih sosedi (teme s katerimi imajo posredno povezavo, preko prvih sosedov) in tem, s katerimi nima povezave. številni, najočitnejša pa je v objavah Popana, Aruna & Baileya (2020) ter Mansfielda & Potočnik Topler (2021). Prva od obeh navedenih objav se osredotoča na ovire pri integraciji otrok iz priseljenskih okolij v britanske šole in pri tem ugotavlja, da: »[…] zunajšolska družbena sidra, ki jih razvijajo skupnostne in verske šole, pomagajo prepo- znavati vrednost kulturne dediščine s krepitvijo skupnosti in spodbujanjem umetnosti kot oblike razvoja občutka pripadnosti.« (Popan et al., 2020, 613). Medtem ko se Popan, Arun in Bailey osredotočajo na nesnovne aspekte kulturne dediščine, Mansfield in Potočnik Topler anali- zirata kulturno dediščino v luči dediščinskega turizma v Evropi. V svojem članku prikažeta: »/…/ kako je mogoče z namenom odkrivanja in predstavljanja turistične vre- dnosti nesnovne kulturne dediščine (NKT) na različnih turističnih prostorih uporabiti inovativno metodo literar- nega potopisnega pripovedništva (Mansfield & Potočnik Topler, 2021, 197).« V skupini prvih sosedov je relativno močna povezava tudi s področjem Jezika in literature (0,053). Študije, ki demonstrairajo to sopojavnost, segajo od etnobotanike (npr. Fišer Pečnikar, 2018; Vitasović- -Kosić, 2021) preko hrane (npr. Mansfield & Potočnik Topler, 2021) pa vse do glasbe (Jumagaliyeva et al., 2015) ter kulturne in jezikovne dediščine (Vrbinc & Vrbinc, 2012). Na področju glasbe gre kot ilustracijo omeniti prav študijo Jumagaliyeve, Sakharbayeve, Ulkenbayeve in Janseitove, ki na primeru tradicionalne kazaške glasbe uporabi kulturološke pristope in metode kognitivne ana- lize, da razkrije konceptualne in jezikovne podobe sveta. Avtorice odkrijejo, da je: »[…]eden najpomembnejših dejavnikov, ki opredeljujejo etnične poteze v podobi kazaškega sveta, (je) edinstvena harmonija med člove- kom in univerzumom, človekom in kulturo, človekom in družbo« (Jumagaliyeva et al., 2015, 245). Študija prav tako predstavlja izjemno ilustrativno transdisciplinarno metodološko navezavo na antropologijo, saj je bil: […] eden od poglavitnih raziskovalnih ciljev “potop” v zgodovinsko oddaljeno kulturo, pri čemer je hermenevtična metoda postala sredstvo spoznavanja kulturne “kode”. Metoda etimološke analize nam je omogočila odkrivanje kulturnih informacij, ki so sodobnemu človeku skrite. Etimološko preučevanje konceptov je razkrilo spremembo v semantiki in v področju delovanja, prepletanje različnih pomenov, ki presegajo skupni izvor in področje delovanja. (Jumagaliyeva et al., 2015, 245) Kot dober primer podobnega tematskega in transdi- csiplinarnega pristopa lahko služi tudi študija Zerzer (2009), ki se osredotoča na doživljanje večjezičnosti na Koroškem, Primorskem in v Trstu. Avtorica ugotavlja, da je ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 647 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 pristop »transdisciplinaren in vključuje teorijo in metode s področij politične teorije, sociologije prostora, socio- lingvistike, etnografije, vizualnih kultur in multimodalne analize diskurza. Raziskovalni poudarek je na družbenih konstrukcijah prostora, ki jih ustvarjajo heteroglosični ljudje v svojem vsakdanjem življenju in z reprezentacijami jezikov v njihovem življenjskem okolju« (Zerzer, 2009, 1). Med prvimi sosedi se kot slednja pojavlja navezava antropologije na teme s področja Nacionalne identitete. V tej navezavi najdemo številne študije, ki zaobjemajo področja socialnih in kulturnih posegov v krajino (prim. Paliaga et al., 2016), medetnične odnose (prim. Kralj et al., 2013), urbano identiteto (Urošević, 2013) in umetnost (Golob & Berlot Pompe, 2018) ter že omenjene teme, vezane na hrano (npr. Mansfield & Potočnik Topler, 2021) in glasbo (Jumagaliyeva et al., 2015). Poleg enonodične povezave med zgodovino in antropologijo je prav na podlagi teh mogoče ilustrirati tudi tematska presečišča, ki združujejo različna področja v interdisciplinarne sklope (glej Grafikon 11, povezave med prvimi sosedi). Kot primer lahko ponovno omenimo študiji Mansfielda & Potočnik Topler (2021) ter Jumagaliyeve s soavtoricami (2015). Študiji se sicer osredotočata na hrano in glasbo, vendar v tem podjemu obdelata tudi vprašanja nacionalne identitete in kulturne dediščine, hkrati s tem pa uspešno združita zgodovinske in antropološke disciplinarne ter metodološke specifike. Skupina drugih sosedov antropologije v polju zgo- dovine vključuje teme s področja Evropskih držav, Šole in izobraževanja, Kraljevine Italije, Politike in strank, Vojn in Beneške republike, je pa za to skupino značil- no, da so faktorji sopojavnosti relativno šibki (≈0,050). V tej skupini najdemo nekoliko močnejšo povezavo med antropologijo in temami, vezanimi na Evropske države ter Šolo in izobraževanje. Kot primer študije, vezane na evropske države, lahko navedemo študijo Lovca in Crnčeca (2014), ki se osredotoča na procese evropeizacije v kontekstu Slovenije. Avtorja v članku prideta do številnih pomembnih zaključkov, med katerimi za ilustracijo prisotnosti antropologije v polju zgodovine nedvomno izstopa tisti, ki postulira sledeče: […] z vstopom Slovenije v EU so se povečale razlike v moči med Slovenijo in starimi državami članicami, ki se kažejo v večji relativni trgovinski in finančni odvisnosti. Povečanje relativnih pritiskov na slovensko gospodarstvo, mešani in protislovni vplivi procesa evropeizacije na razvoj slovenskih institucij ter povečanje odvisnosti Slovenije od EU tako podpirajo kritično realistični pristop. (Lovec & Crnčec, 2014, 231) Kot primer študij, ki jih je mogoče uporabiti za ilustracijo povezave antropologije in tem, vezanih na šolo in izobraževanje, pa lahko navedemo študijo Ane Kralj, Tjaše Žakelj in Martine Rameša (2013). Kompa- rativna študija iz treh držav preko uporabe kvalitativnih in kvantitativnih metod analizira medetnične odnose v družbenem in šolskem kontekstu in ugotavlja, da: »[…] (prvič) sprejemanje »drugih« še vedno močno temelji na predsodkih in stereotipih, ki odražajo hierarhično pozicioniranje etničnih skupin. In drugič, medvrstni- Grafikon 11: Antropologija v tematskem polju zgodovine. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 648 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 ško nasilje v šolah (še posebej pa zunaj šole in na območjih z manj izrazitim nadzorom odraslih) temelji tudi na izpostavljanju etnične pripadnosti.« (Kralj et al., 2013, 245). Ker so navezave na druge teme v skupini drugih sosedov še nižje, jih na tej točki ne bomo podrobneje analizirali. Ob tem je potrebno izpostaviti tudi, da an- tropologija nima povezav s področji, vezanimi na druge zgodovinske teme (glej Grafikon 10, modra skupina), kar samo po sebi predstavlja posebno zanimiv rezultat. Teme, vezane na lokalno okolje, mesto in urbanizem ter religijo, tradicionalno so namreč integralni del po- lja antropologije (prim. Seymour-Smith, 1986; Rapport & Overing, 2003), vseeno pa naša analiza ni pokazala povezav s temami v polju zgodovine. Povezava s temami, ki bi jih lahko imenovali tretji sosedje, sicer obstaja pri temah, vezanih na Vojsko in vojaške enote ter Mesto in urbanizem, vseeno pa se integracija polja antropologije v polje zgodovine na tej točki konča. Za potrebe validacije opisane vpetosti antropo- logije v polje zgodovine smo izvedli analizo bližine (proximity plot) med temami v odnosu do antropologije (glej Grafikon 12). Grafikon potrjuje zgoraj opisano mesto in vpetost antropologije v tematskem polju slovenske zgodovine. Iz grafikona je razvidno, da so teme, ki so najbližje antropologiji, vezane na Kulturno dediščino, Jezik in literaturo ter Nacionalno identiteto. Na drugi strani pa so teme, ki so najbolj oddaljene od antropologije in te vključujejo Biografske teme, SHS in kraljevino Jugoslavijo, Lokalne teme ter Varnost in obveščanje. Na podlagi tega je torej mogoče predsta- vljene rezultate razumeti kot validirane in sklepe o vpetosti antropologije v polje slovenske zgodovine kot utemeljene. SKLEP IN DISKUSIJA Pričujoči članek temelji na osnovnem cilju odkriti, kako je slovenska antropologija vpeta v tematsko struk- turo polja slovenske zgodovine med leti 2009 in 2021. Prispevek članka je mogoče povzeti v naslednjih ključnih ugotovitvah, in sicer da: (1) obstaja v polju slovenske zgodovine v obravna- vanem vzorcu 18 distinktivnih tematskih področij; (2) je teme mogoče kategorizirati v 4 tematske sku- pine, in sicer: (a) Nacionalne teme, s središčem na temah s po- dročja Politike in strank, na katere se navezujejo teme s področja Nacionalne identitete, Kulturne dediščine in Evropskih držav, ter teme s področja Jezika in literature ter Šole in izobraževanja, (b) Vojaške teme, s središčem na temah s podro- čja Vojn, na katere se navezujejo teme s področja Vojske in vojaških enot ter teme s področja Avstro- -Ogrske, Kraljevine Italije ter Beneške republike, (c) Lokalne teme, s središčem na temah s področja Mesta in urbanizacije ter drugih Lokalnih temah, (d) Cerkveno-biografske teme, s središčem na temah s področja Cerkve in religije v povezavi z Biografskimi temami. (3) frekvenčna prisotnost in razmerja med central- nimi temami med leti 2009 in 2021 nakazujejo relativno stabilnost vsebinskega polja; (4) se tematsko polje kaže kot relativno močno maskulinizirano; (5) ima tematsko polje močno osnovo v humanistiki; (6) teme izkazujejo relativno omejen znanstveni domet; Grafikon 12: Analiza bližine antropologije v odnosu do drugih tem v polju zgodovine. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 649 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 (7) antropologija predstavlja integralni del polja slovenske zgodovine, in sicer: (a) preko povezave s prvimi sosedi, kamor sodijo teme s področja Kulturne dediščine, Jezika in literature ter Nacionalne identitete, in drugimi sosedi, kamor sodijo teme s področja Evropskih držav, Šole in izobraževanja, Kraljevine Italije, Politike in strank, Vojn in Beneške republike; (b) preko oblikovanja tematskih sklopov (medno- dičnih povezav), ki manifestirajo disciplinarne in metodološke specifike obeh ved. Glede na prvi cilj pričujoče razprave lahko sklenemo, da je polje slovenske zgodovine bogato z vidika števila objav in pestro z vidika prisotnih tem. Teme, ki v tem prostoru dominirajo, so vezane na vojne, politiko, urbanizem in cerkev, kar za sabo potegne nekoliko presenetljiv sklep in sicer, da je slovenska zgodovina, vsaj kar se tiče obravnavanih revij, relativno ozko tematsko in časovno profili- rana. V polju zgodovine bi bilo ob predpostavki, da ta veda obravnava celotno človeško zgodovino, upravičeno pričakovati prisotnost (1) širšega nabo- ra časovnih obdobij, (2) širokega nabora tem, ki so relevantna za različna časovna obdobja in (3) močne disciplinarne povezave s komplementarni- mi vedami, na primer arheologijo. Po opravljeni analizi lahko tako sklenemo, da se polje slovenske zgodovine razvija kot (1) selektivno, ekskluzivno oziroma celo eklektično glede preferenčnih tem in (2) časovno relativno ozko profilirano. Na primer teme, ki so vezane na stari in srednji vek, so re- lativno redke, kar posledično pomeni, da so tudi ta obdobja in disciplinarne povezave z vedami, specializiranimi za tovrstna raziskovanja, šibke. Širitev nabora tem bi zagotovila pestrost vsebine in bi hkrati, seveda ob zagotovljeni integriranosti med druge teme, pripomogla k nadaljnjemu razvoju slovenske zgodovine kot znanstvene discipline. V zvezi z analizo integriranosti, kar je drugi cilj pričujoče raziskave, je mogoče skleniti, da je general- no polje slovenske zgodovine relativno dobro integri- rano. Ta sklep je mogoče utemeljiti na relativno tesnih povezavah (1) med temami v tematskih sklopih, (2) med samimi tematskimi sklopi, in, kar je še posebno zanimivo, (3) z osamelcema. Dobra integriranost je pospremljena tudi z relativno visoko stopnjo longitu- dinalne stabilnosti polja, kar napoveduje kontinuiteto v razvoju slovenske zgodovine. Vsekakor bi vpeljava novih tem in časovnih obdobij pozitivno vplivala na integriranost in kontinuiteto, še posebej če bi se ti procesi odvijali koordinirano, ciljno in postopno. Podoben sklep se ponuja tudi glede tretjega cilja pričujoče raziskave, ki naslavlja vpetost antropoloških vsebin v širše tematsko področje slovenske zgodovine. Da so antropološke teme močno integrirane v polje zgodovine se kaže v ugotovitvi, da si obe področji delita kar 65% tematskega polja (antropološke teme izkazujejo tesne povezave z 11 od 17 zgodovinskih tem). Zraven očitnega sklepa, da obstaja tesna po- vezava med antropologijo in zgodovino, ti rezultati kažejo tudi na (1) pozitivne komplementarne učinke disciplinarnega sodelovanja in (2) močne humanistič- ne temelje obeh ved. Glede na rezultate gre pričako- vati nadaljevanje tega trenda, uvajanje novih tem in časovnih obdobij v polje slovenske zgodovine pa bo integriranost antropologije še okrepilo. Izhajajoč iz pregleda literature predstavlja pri- čujoča analiza enega prvih poskusov empiričnega mapiranja tematskega polja slovenske zgodovine s poudarkom na iskanju presečišča z antropologijo. S tega zornega kota so ključni prispevki članka v detek- ciji tem in orisu strukture ter integriranosti polja, pa tudi v vpogledu v metapodatke objav. Ob tem, pa ima analiza tudi nekatere omejitve: Analiza temelji na objavah iz relativno omejenega vzorca revij. Kljub temu, da gre za revije, ki so v slovenski znanstveni in strokovni javnosti prepoznane kot najbolj relevantne, bi razširitev nabora nedvomno zagotovila večji vzorec objav, višjo stopnjo kom- pleksnosti kategorizacijskega modela, in posledično višjo stopnjo rafiniranosti načrta polja slovenske zgodovine; Analiza temelji na vzorcu, ki se nanaša zgolj na znanstvene publikacije, kar glede na to, da se velik del slovenske zgodovine odvije v akademski sferi, ne predstavlja posebne težave. Vseeno pa bi bilo model mogoče nadgraditi z objavami v drugih virih (npr. strokovne revije, razstave, konference) in na ta način zagotoviti nove dimenzije v tukaj predstavljenem orisu polja slovenske zgodovine; Nabor metapodatkov temelji na podatkih o obja- vah, ki so v veliki meri vezani na bazi SICRIS in ARRS, kar predstavlja določeno omejitev pri analizi teh podatkov. Z razširitvijo nabora metapodatkov bi bilo mogoče tudi razširiti in poglobiti vpogled v konte- kstualne značilnosti tem ter tako dopolniti prikazano podobo tematskega polja slovenske zgodovine. Zraven predlaganih izboljšav, pa je mogoče pri- hodnje delo na tem področju razširiti tudi z novimi raziskovalnimi vprašanji, predvsem takšnimi, ki pred- stavlja ekstenzijo pričujoče razprave. Eno pomemb- nejših vprašanj, ki se že na tej točki, je vprašanje intelektualnega ozadja avtoric in avtorjev, ki delujejo v polju slovenske zgodovine. Če intelektualno ozadje avtoric in avtorjev razumemo kot serijo elementov, ki zajemajo vse od njihovih habilitacij in specializacij, do literature, ki jo uporabljajo pri svojem znanstvenem delu, lahko analiza le te-teh, v presečišču z vsebinami njihovih objav, pomembno pripomore k razumevanju polja slovenske zgodovine in vseh ostalih disciplin, ki so z njim povezana. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 650 Andrej NATERER & Nirha EFENDIĆ: MAPIRANJE IN ANALIZA TEMATSKEGA POLJA ZGODOVINE V ŠTIRIH ZNANSTVENIH REVIJAH MED LETI ..., 635–652 MAPPING AND ANALYSIS OF THE OVERLAP BETWEEN HISTORY AND ANTHROPOLOGY IN FOUR SCHOLARLY JOURNALS BETWEEN 2009 AND 2021 Andrej NATERER University of Maribor, Faculty of Arts, Koroška cesta 160, 2000 Maribor, Slovenia e-mail: andrej.naterer@um.si Nirha EFENDIĆ National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Ethnology Department, Zmaja od Bosne 3, 7100 Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina e-mail: efendicnirha@yahoo.com, etnologija@zemaljskimuzej.ba SUMMARY This article examines the integration of anthropology in Slovenian history over the last decade. It is based on an analysis of 1,707 papers published between 2009 and 2021 in four representative history journals, Studia Historica Slovenica, Zgodovinski časopis, Acta Histriae and Annales, Series Historia et Sociologia. A content analysis of papers reveals the integration of the field of history and analyzes the embedding of anthropological content in Slovenian history. The results show (1) that there are 18 distinctive thematic areas in Slovenian history research in the sample under consideration, (2) that the topics can be categorized into 4 groups: (a) National topics (b) Military topics, (c) Local topics and (d) Church-biographical themes, (3) that the presence and relationships between the central themes appears to be uniform from 2009, (4) that the field appears to be strongly masculinized, (5) that history has a strong basis in the humanities, (6) that the themes show a relatively limited range, and (7) that anthropology comprises an integral part of the study of Slovenian history. 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ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 653 OCENE / RECENSIONI / REVIEWS, 657–658 IN MEMORIAM OCENE RECENSIONI REVIEWS ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 654 OCENE / RECENSIONI / REVIEWS, 657–658 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 655 IN MEMORIAM, 655–656 IN MEMORIAM Dr. ANDREJ STUDEN (1963−2022) Andrej, pozdravljen, kjerkoli že sedaj si. Vest o tvoji smrti v medijih tistega novembrskega dne me je osupnila, za nekaj trenutkov sem kar odrevenel. Sledile so minute in ure spominov in razmišljanj, končno pa še boleče vprašanje: Kaj je res, kaj sedaj sega že po nas, pa jih nismo dopolnili niti šestdeset? Spominov na leta najinih študentskih druženj se je nabralo za poln koš. Dovoliš, da jih obelodanim, da izpovem, kako sva posta(ja)la zgodovinarja? Pisalo se je leto 1982. Po predhodnih prijavah na študij na ljubljanski filofakulteti, takrat edini v naši republiki, sva prišla septembra na pisanje spre- jemnega izpita, saj se nas je prijavilo kar nekaj več kot je bilo vpisnih mest. Vstopili smo v legendarno stodvojko (102) na oddelku, ki naj bi nas vzgojil v privržence preteklosti, se tesnobno spogledovali, poslušali kratek nagovor prof. dr. I. Vojeta, zatem pa je vstopila Nataša Stergar in dejala, da smo brez izpita sprejeti vsi na podlagi možnosti vpisa do 10% nad dejanskim številom mest. Kakšno olajšanje! Po celoletnem služenju vojaščine smo se v začetku oktobra 1983 znova zbrali na oddelku z vseh strani Slovenije, od Istre in Primorske do Murske Sobote, tudi več kolegic s Celjskega s teboj vred, in menoj, edinim iz Maribora. Minil je dober mesec, ko se nas je druščina kakih devetih – desetih pričela zbirati pred in po predavanjih na nujni kavi ali čem drugem. Tako se je začelo. Kar nekaj dvopredmetnih študentov nas je vpisalo tudi sociologijo, ti kulture, jaz občo, kar je bil še do- daten razlog za prve razprave, izmenjave mnenj in tkanje medsebojnih vezi. Od prvih (seveda ustnih!) kolokvijev pri prof. Vojetu naprej smo se spodbujali pred in med izpiti, z indeksi v rokah vstopali in izstopali iz profesorskih pisarn ter prebrodili prvi letnik, ko se je že pokazalo, iz kakšnega testa je kdo bil. Tudi ti si kot večji del ostalih sprva imel nekaj problemčkov s privajanjem na študentski vsakdanjik, pa si jih uspešno odpravil. Komenti- ranje predavanj, izpitov (in profesorjev) je postalo ena naših stalnic. Hkrati smo spoznavali kolegice/ kolege iz starejših generacij na oddelku, poslušali njihove zgodbe, usode … V drugem letniku je bilo druženja nekaj manj, saj smo se pripravljali na delne prvostopenjske diplomske izpite, jih opravili Andrej Studen (Foto: Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 656 IN MEMORIAM, 655–656 ter ‚šli naprej‘. Kmalu je prišlo leto 1986, v marsika- terem pogledu za nas prelomno. Se spomniš, kako si mi predlagal, da se udeleživa zagovora doktorske disertacije takratnega asistenta Rajka Bratoža? Bil je res enkraten dogodek za vse prisotne. Nama pa se je v sledečih pogovorih prvikrat sploh zazdelo, da bi raziskovanje zgodovine znalo biti celo nekaj privlačnega. Tebe je sicer že kar močno vleklo tudi v sociološke vode, poslušali smo Rastka Močnika z odprtimi usti in razmišljali o čedalje globlji druž- beni ter ekonomski krizi. Pred našimi očmi se je pričenjala razkrajati država. Bila sva med ‚najglasnejšimi‘ študenti na oddelku tisto leto, ko smo ob 15-letnici znanih dogodkov (1971) predstavniki z vseh oddelkov uprizorili stav- ko, zasedli stavbo fakultete in več dni zborovali ter ugotavljali nemogoče stanje na mnogih študijskih smereh. Skupaj s še nekaterimi sva dala pobudo, naj bi tudi dvopredmetnim študentom na oddelku omogočili obvezne ure latinščine in nemščine, pa nam je moral sam takratni dekan fakultete, sicer profesor na oddelku, skrušeno dopovedati, da to ne gre, da naš študijski program tega ne prenese. Novembrsko oddelčno brucovanje, ki smo ga kot 4. letnik organizirali v legendarnem Riu, pa nama je ponudilo enkratno priložnost narediti skupni spekta- kel, in smo ga: celjska kolegica kot kraljica, koprski kolega kot kralj, ljubljanska kolegica kot dvorna gardedama, ti kot spovednik v redovniški kuti in jaz kot dvorni norček s še drugimi smo naravnost uživali v dogajanju. Pritegnil naju je tudi decembrski prihod akademikov SANU na čelu s starešino srbskih zgodo- vinarjev, Radovanom Samarđićem, na oddelek, ki so nam razlagali njihovo videnje krize mednacionalnih odnosov v državi. V naslednjem 1987. letu so se zaključevala naša redna predavanja, zato sva imela polni glavi misli na diplomske izpite na sociologiji in na izdelavo diplom- skih nalog. Zatem smo se v 1988. večina odpravljali še na zadnje diplomske izpite in zagovore. Oba sva takrat diplomirala in se podala v svet vprašanj osebne eksistence, kar pa vsaj nama ni delalo težav. Postal si raziskovalec v Ljubljani in jaz v Mariboru. Skupnih srečanj je bilo odtlej manj. Našla sva nove znance in kolege iz najine stroke, tako ti predvsem trdno celjsko navezo v Ljubljani živečih oz. študirajočih. V letih mojega mag. študija na ljubljanskem oddelku sem v prestolnico še kar redno prihajal in te obiskal na Kongresnem trgu, kjer si delal. Nato pa je tudi to minilo, srečanja so izostala. Poslej sva se srečevala le še priložnostno, največkrat v okviru strokovnih zbo- rov kot zborovanja zgodovinarjev ali naši mariborski simpoziji, pa pri tebi na inštitutu. Ni, ne bo več več tvojega značilnega rahlo zafr- kantskega govora z mnogimi humornimi vložki, tvojih predirnih pogledov in iskreno izrečenih zdravic. An- drej, shranil sem si tvoje fotografije, najine spomine in tvoj nepozabni »Kva je?«. Andrej Hozjan ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 657 OCENE / RECENSIONI / REVIEWS, 657–659 OCENE RECENSIONI REVIEWS Massimiliano Afiero: THE 29TH WAFFEN-SS GRENADIER DIVISION‚ ITALIENISCHE NR. 1‘ AND ITALIANS IN OTHER UNITS OF THE WAFFEN-SS: AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY. Atglen, PA, Schiffer Military, 2022, 128 str. Ameriška založba Schiffer Publishing je v okvi- ru svoje zbirke Ilustrirana zgodovina (An Illustrated History) izdala delo italijanskega avtorja Massimili- ana Afiera, ki je poznan po številnih publikacij, pri- marno glede nemških enot iz časa druge svetovne vojne. Predhodno je bila dotična publikacija izvir- no objavljena v italijanščini (Italiani nella Waffen- -SS) leta 2019. Po kratkem enostranskem uvodu avtorja sledi prvo poglavje glede splošne zgodovine italijanskih prostovoljcev v Waffen-SS. Italijanski fašisti, pred- vsem iz vrst dotedanje milice (Milizia), so pričeli vstopati v vrste paravojaške organizacije Waffen- -SS po italijanski okupaciji septembra 1943, čeprav so prvi italijanski prostovoljci poskušali pristopiti že konec julija istega leta. Po kapitulaciji se je ne- kaj sto Italijanov prostovoljno pridružilo nemškim enotam, vključno z Waffen-SS, kjer so sprva bili vozniki in mehaniki za italijanska vozila, ki so jih nemške sile zaplenile, nato pa so tudi prestopili v bojne enote. Prav tako so italijanski vojaki vstopali v enote Waffen-SS izven italijanskega škornja, kot na Hrvaškem, v Franciji itn. V drugem poglavju se avtor posveti italijanskim prostovoljcev v 1. esesovski tankovsk(ogrenadirsk) i diviziji LSSAH. Slednja je bila po bitki pri Kur- sku poslana v severno Italijo (logistični del je ostal na avstrijski strani meje), kamor je prispela avgusta 1943. Tu je divizija prejela nove tanke, oborožitev in podporna vozila, saj je vsa vozila (kolikor niso bila uničena med samo bitko) pustila na vzhodni fronti. Hkrati so se pričeli pripravljati na morebitno zasedbo italijanskih vojaških položajev in razoro- žitev italijanskih enot, kar se je dejansko zgodilo neposredno po razglasitvi kapitulacije. V prvih treh dneh je tako divizija zajela več kot 68 tisoč Itali- janov, več kot 38 tisoč pušk, 428 mitraljezov, 391 letal, 10 topov in havbic, 49 protiletalskih topov, 46 protitankovskih topov, 27 tankov in 270 mino- metov. Istočasno so v vrste sprejeli kot prostovoljne delavce skoraj tristo Italijanov. Tretjo poglavje je namenjeno prvi italijanski enoti Waffen-SS. 24. septembra 1943 je esesovski državni vodja Heinrich Himmler ukazov ustanovi- tev italijanske oborožene formacije (pozneje poi- menovana kot legija), ki je bila sprva le »priklju- čena« Waffen-SS. Iz vrst črnosrajčnikov so pričeli ustvarjati tudi enote Waffen Miliz, ki so predsta- vljale oboroženo silo italijanske esesovske legi- je; urjenje in oblikovanje enot je bilo izvedeno v Nemčiji in na Poljskem. Do konca leta 1943 je tako v Waffen-SS pristopilo že okoli 15 tisoč Ita- lijanov, pri čemer so nekatere črnosrajčniške eno- te v celoti prestopile na stran Waffen-SS. Waffen Miliz je bila tako ob novembra 1943, ko je bila poslana nazaj v Italijo, sestavljena iz dvanajstih bataljonov, medtem ko je bil oblikovan še trinajsti delovni bataljon, iz prostovoljcev nezmožnih za boj. Bataljoni so bili sprva poslani v dolino reke Pad, kjer so bili namenjeni za protipartizanski boj. V začetku leta 1944 se je pričelo preoblikovanje in popolnjevanje Waffen Miliz, tako da so februarja 1944 ustanovili 1. jurišno brigado italijanske pro- stovoljne legije (1. Sturmbrigade der italienische Freiwilligen Legionen), pri čemer so pripadniki bri- gade nosili mešanico italijanskih in nemških uni- form (redne kopenske vojske), brez kakršnih oznak Waffen-SS (razen seveda nemškega osebja). Naslednje poglavje govori o uporabi italijanskih esesovskih enot v boju proti zavezniški invaziji pri Anziu in Nettuni konec januarja 1944. Tu so se šte- vilni italijanski prostovoljci izkazali v bojih z ame- riškimi in britanskimi enotami, tako da so bili tudi prejeli nemška odlikovanja. A nemške enote niso mogli zavrniti zavezniške invazije, tako da se je oblikovala fronta na jugu italijanskega škornja. Peto poglavje je nato posvečeno udeležbi itali- janskih esesovskih enot na novovzpostavljeni itali- janski fronti, natančneje delovanju 2. bataljona 1. polka italijanskih esesovskih enot. Naslednje po- glavje nato sledi oblikovanju Italijanskih oborože- nih enot SS (Unitá Armate Italiane delle SS), ki so nastale s preoblikovanju italijanskih prostovoljnih legij, pri čemer je osnovo predstavljala brigada z dvema polkoma (vsak z dvema bataljonoma). Briga- da je bila sprva poslana v deželo Piemont, kjer se je borila proti lokalnim partizanom. V sedmem poglavju avtor piše o preoblikovanju brigade v 29. divizijo Waffen-SS, kar se je zgodi- lo februarja 1945. Divizija je nato nadaljevala boj proti italijanskim partizanom, dokler ni aprila 1945 prvič vstopila v boj proti ameriškim enotam. Večina divizije se je konec aprila 1945 predala anglo-ame- riškim enotam na italijanskem ozemlju. Osmo poglavje je še najbolj zanimivo za slo- venske bralce, saj je namenjeno kraškim lovcem. Po italijanski kapitulacijo so prvi Italijani vstopili v vrste bataljona kraških lovcev kot pomožno ose- bje (vozniki, vodiči, prevajalci), nato pa so poleti 1944 pričeli tudi rekrutirati Italijane (vključno z vsemi drugimi narodnostmi operacijske cone Ja- dranskega primorja) za bojne enote. V začetku leta ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 658 OCENE / RECENSIONI / REVIEWS, 657–659 145 so tako Italijani predstavljali tretjo največjo narodnostno skupino med kraškimi lovci (za Nem- ci in folksdojčerji). Kraški lovci so se ob koncu vojne uspeli umakniti v Avstrijo, kjer so se predali zavezniškim enotam. Naslednje poglavje se ukvarja z esesovskim policijskim polkom Bozen (SS-Polizei-Regiment Bozen), ki ni bila formacija Waffen-SS, ampak nemške redarstvene policije. Polk je bil ustano- vljen oktobra 1943 z rekrutacijo Južnih Tirolcev, italijanskih državljanov nemške narodnosti. Sprva so polk uporabili za boj proti italijanskim parti- zanom, dokler ga niso marca 1945 poslali na Ma- džarsko, kjer so polk integrirali v 31. esesovsko divizijo. Na vzhodni fronti so se Južni Tirolci borili do konca vojne. Deseto poglavje sledi življenjski zgodbi dveh bratov (Giorgio in Guido Gardini), ki sta bila sprva pripadnika Republikanske narodne garde (Guardia Nazionale Repubblicana), nato pa sta prestopila v Waffen-SS, kjer sta postala častnika. Oba sta preživela vojno, a sta bila po vojni za več let zaprta v Italiji. Tudi naslednje poglavje spremlja življenjsko zgodbo italijanskega eseso- vskega častnika Pia Filippani-Ronconija, mogoče enega najbolj znanih italijanskih esesovskih ča- stnikov. Poglavje je zapisano kot povzetek inter- vjuja z njim, ki je bil opravljen leta 2005. V na- ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 659 OCENE / RECENSIONI / REVIEWS, 657–659 slednjih šestih poglavjih so nato predstavljeni še drugi italijanski pripadniki Waffen-SS, pri čemer sta zadnja dva predstavljena služila v 4. esesovski policijski diviziji, ki se je borila v Grčiji. Kot že razkriva sam podnaslov, je knjiga pri- marno sestavljena iz množice medvojnih foto- grafij, ki ilustrirajo relativno kratke zapise o de- lovanju posameznih enot; npr. poglavje o kraških lovcih je dolgo le štiri strani. Prav tako celotno besedilo nekritično govori o enotah in pripadnikih Waffen-SS. Če se ponovno vrnemo h kraškim lov- cev, avtor tako piše, da so bili »vpleteni v protipar- tizanske operacije, z odličnimi rezultati« (engaged in antipartisan operations, with excellent results), pri čemer navaja, da so se borili (le) na območju Furlanije. Nič o bojih na slovenskih tleh, nič o vojnih zločinih, storjenih s strani kraških lovcev. Na koncu pa doda tudi trditev, da so bili po voj- ni mnogi Italijani, ki so se želeli vrniti domov na »ozemlja, okupiranih s strani komunističnih parti- zanov« ubiti in vrženi v fojbe ali usmrčeni s strani improviziranih ljudskih tribunalov. Na splošno lahko rečemo, da je besedilo napisa- no zelo površno in pristransko, kot tudi da v veliki meri ne prinaša nobenih novih dognanj (razen do- ločenih poglavij o posameznikih). Fotografski ma- terial je deloma že poznan strokovnjakom s tega področja, a vseeno se najdejo vmes tudi kakšne predhodno neobjavljene fotografije. Klemen Kocjančič ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 · 4 660 IN MEMORIAM, 658–659 KAZALO K SLIKAM NA OVITKU SLIKA NA NASLOVNICI: Školarice, petrografski posnetek (Universität für angewandte Kunst Wien, Institut für Konservierung und Restaurierung). Slika 1: Školarice: Rimska vila, izkopavanja 2002 (J. Jeraša, Arhej d. o. o.). Slika 2: Školarice: Rimska vila, izkopavanja 2002 (Arhej d. o. o.). Slika 3: Školarice: Rimska vila, izkopavanja 2002 (Arhej d. o. o.). Slika 4: Školarice: Rimska vila, izkopavanja 2002 (Arhej d. o. o.). Slika 5: Školarice: Rimska vila, izkopavanja 2002 (J. Jeraša, Arhej d. o. o.). Slika 6: Školarice: Rimska vila, izkopavanja 2002 (Arhej d. o. o.). Slika 7: Školarice: Rimska vila, izkopavanja 2002 (Arhej d. o. o.). Slika 8: Školarice: Rimska vila, izkopavanja 2002 (Arhej d. o. o.). INDEX TO IMAGES ON THE COVER FRONT COVER: Školarice Petrographic Image (University of Applied Arts Vienna, Institute of Conservation). Figure 1: Školarice: Roman villa, 2002 excavations (J. Jeraša, Arhej d. o. o.). Figure 2: Školarice: Roman villa, 2002 excavations (Arhej d. o. o.). Figure 3: Školarice: Roman villa, 2002 excavations (Arhej d. o. o.). Figure 4: Školarice: Roman villa, 2002 excavations (Arhej d. o. o.). Figure 5: Školarice: Roman villa, 2002 excavations (J. Jeraša, Arhej d. o. o.). Figure 6: Školarice: Roman villa, 2002 excavations (Arhej d. o. o.). Figure 7: Školarice: Roman villa, 2002 excavations (Arhej d. o. o.). Figure 8: Školarice: Roman villa, 2002 excavations (Arhej d. o. o.). 661 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 Salvator Žitko: Vrnitev v Italiji zadržanih umetnin in arhivov iz Kopra, Izole in Pirana: zgodovina neke problematike ali problematika neke zgodovine? ....................................................... 1 Restitution of Artworks and Archival Material from Koper, Izola and Piran Withheld by Italy: The History of a Problem or Problems of a History? La restituzione delle opere d′arte e degli archivi di Capodistria, Isola e Pirano trattenuti in Italia: storia di una problematica oppure la problematica di una storia? Adriana Mezeg & Anna Maria Grego: Boris Pahor’s Prose in Italian and French: The Case of the Villa by the Lake ............................. 39 La prosa di Boris Pahor in italiano e francese: il caso del romanzo La villa sul lago Proza Borisa Pahorja v italijanščini in francoščini: primer Vile ob jezeru Ana Toroš: Poetic Representations of Trieste in the 20th Century ...................................... 53 La rappresentazione poetica di Trieste del 20° secolo Pesniške reprezentacije Trsta v 20. stoletju Marija Kocić & Nikola R. Samardžić: Durrës (Durazzo) and „Turkish Albania“ (Albania turca) in Treatise by Giovanni Antonio Maria Morana ........................................................ 63 Durazzo e l’Albania turca nel saggio di Giovanni Antonio Maria Morana Drač in „Turška Albanija“ v delu Giovannija Antonija Marie Morane Danila Zuljan: Pripovedi o hudiču in štrijah v terskem narečju ........................................... 75 Racconti del diavolo e delle streghe nel dialetto sloveno delle Valli del Torre Folktales of the Devil and Witches in the Ter/Torre Valley Dialect of Slovene Špela Udovič, Asja Nina Kovačev & Barbara Rodica: Analiza perceptivnosti semantičnih dimenzij v slikovnem polju: primer Vasarelyjeve umetniške grafike »Metagalaxie« ........................................................ 89 L’analisi della percettività delle dimensioni semantiche nel campo visivo dell’immagine: “Metagalaxie” – un esempio della grafica d’arte di Vasarely The Analysis of Perceptivity of Semantic Dimensions in the Art Field: An Example of Vasarely’s Artwork »Metagalaxie« Tomislav Vignjević: Kužna slika v cerkvi sv. Primoža nad Kamnikom in ikonografija kombinirane intercesije v času okrog 1500 ............ 103 L’affresco dei flagelli di Dio nella chiesa di sv. Primož nad Kamnikom e l’iconografia dell’intercessione combinata intorno al 1500 The Plague Image at the Church of St. Primus above Kamnik and the Iconography of Combined Intercession Around the Year 1500 Saša Simović & Olga Vojičić Komatina: Two Congenial Female Voices – A World Apart ...................................................... 117 Due voice femminili affini – due mondi Dva sorodna ženska glasova – dva svetova Eliana Čavrak Tomac & Željko Boneta: Roditeljski habitus i motivi odabira vrtića talijanske nacionalne manjine u Hrvatskoj ........................................................... 131 Il habitus genitoriale e i motivi che inducono alla scelta della scuola dell’infanzia per la minoranza nazionale italiana in Croazia The Parental Habitus and Motives that Lead the Choice of Kindergarten for the Italian National Minority in Croatia VSEBINA / INDICE GENERALE / CONTENTS UDK 009 Letnik 32, Koper 2022 ISSN 1408-5348 662 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 Polonca Pangrčič, Jasmina Kristovič & Sebastjan Kristovič: The Readiness of Educational Professionals for Sustainable Development in Education in Slovenia ........................................................... 145 Disponibilità degli operatori educativi per lo sviluppo sostenibile nell’ambito dell’istruzione in Slovenia Pripravljenost vzgojno-izobraževalnih delavcev za trajnostni razvoj v šolstvu v Sloveniji POROČILA IN OCENE RELAZIONI E RECENSIONI REPORTS AND REVIEWS Marjan Horvat: International Conference Social Functions of Fairy Tales ............................................................. 159 Duška Žitko (ur.): Giuseppe Tartini & Maddalena Laura Lombardini (Pismo/ La lettera/The Letter/La lettre/Der Brief) (Franc Križnar) ..................................................... 161 Kazalo k slikam na ovitku ..................................... 164 Indice delle foto di copertina ................................. 164 Index to images on the cover ................................. 164 Barbara Riman: Slovenska skupnost na Hrvaškem v obmejnem območju in meja v času covida-19 .................................................. 165 La comunità slovena in Croazia nella zona di confine ed il confine durante il covid-19 The Slovene Community in Croatia in the Border Area and the Border during Covid-19 Lucija Čok: Spopad s pandemijo covida-19 v izobraževalnih sistemih: primerjalna študija kriznih strategij, politik in ukrepov oblasti izbranih držav v odzivu na pandemijo ................ 179 Coping with the Covid-19 Pandemic in Education Systems: A Comparative Study of Crisis Strategies, Policies and Actions by the Authorities of Selected Countries in Response to the Pandemic La gestione della pandemia di covid-19 nei sistemi educativi: studio comparativo delle strategie di crisi, delle politiche e delle azioni delle autorità in paesi selezionati in risposta alla pandemia Tina Čok: Odnos javnosti do »kitajskega« virusa Sars-cov-2: analiza javnomnenjske raziskave v Sloveniji in v prostoru slovenske manjšine v Italiji in na Hrvaškem ......................... 199 Opinione pubblica e virus »cinese« Sars-cov-2: analisi del sondaggio d’opinione in Slovenia e nel territorio della minoranza slovena in Italia e Croazia Public Attitudes Towards the »Chinese« Virus Sars-Cov-2: Analysis of an Opinion Poll in Slovenia and the Slovenian Minority Territory in Italy and Croatia Patrizia Farinelli: Uno scambio di lettere tra due cultori di mineralogia: Giuseppe Carlo Cernazai e Sigismondo Zois ....................... 213 The Correspondence Between Two Mineralogists: Giuseppe Carlo Cernazai and Sigismund Zois Izmenjava pisem med dvema ljubiteljema mineralogije: Giuseppejem Carlom Cernazaijem in Žigo Zoisom Olivera Popović & Slavko Burzanović: Racconto di viaggio e attivismo politico: un articolo di Bruno Roselli nella stampa americana sulla »questione montenegrina« .......... 229 Travel Writing and Political Activism: An Article by Bruno Roselli in the American Press on the »Montenegrine Question« Potopis in politični aktivizem: članek Bruna Rosellija v ameriškem tisku o »črnogorskem vprašanju« Borut Juvanec: Vernacular Architecture of Malta ........................ 239 Architettura vernacolare maltese Vernakularna arhitektura Malte Neva Makuc & Ana Toroš: Slovenian Literature in the Provinces of Gorizia and Udine from the Perspective of Turbulent Historical Events ................................. 263 La letteratura slovena delle province di Gorizia e di Udine alla luce dei turbolenti eventi storici Slovenska književnost v goriški in videmski pokrajini v luči turbolentnih zgodovinskih dogodkov 663 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 Mojca Kumin Horvat: Regional Geolinguistics – Case Study of Prekmurje Dialect ......................... 277 Geolinguistica regionale – esempio del dialetto del Prekmurje Regionalna geolingvistika – primer prekmurskega narečja Matic Kocijančič: Slovenska sprava – heideggerjevski projekt? Od Heideggerjeve interpretacije Sofoklove Antigone do onto-etične zakonodaje Tineta Hribarja ............... 295 La riconciliazione slovena – un progetto heideggeriano? Dall’interpretazione di Heidegger dell’Antigone di Sofocle alla legislazione onto-etica di Tine Hribar Slovene Reconciliation – A Heideggerian Project? From Heidegger’s Interpretation of Sophocles’s Antigone to the Onto-ethical Legislation of Tine Hribar Andrea Matošević: Etnološki penjač iz filozofskog ambisa. Krize prisutnosti, smrt i destorifikacija kod Ernesta de Martina i Martina Heideggera ............................ 305 Scalatore etnologico dall’abisso filosofico. Crisi di presenza, morte e destorificazione in Ernesto de Martino e Martin Heidegger Ethnological Climber from the Philosophical Abyss. Crises of Presence, Death and Destorification in Ernesto de Martino and Martin Heidegger Kazalo k slikam na ovitku ..................................... 320 Indice delle foto di copertina ................................. 320 Index to images on the cover ................................. 320 664 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 Jana Arbeiter & Maja Bučar: Global Partnership in Response to Covid-19 ...................... 321 Partenariato globale nella risposta al covid-19 Globalno partnerstvo kot odgovor na covid-19 Teodora Stanković: Competing Interests of the European Union and Russia in the Western Balkan Countries with a Comprehensive Analysis of Economic Leverage ............................ 337 Interessi contrastanti dell’Unione Europea e della Russia nei paesi dei Balcani occidentali con un’analisi complessiva della leva economica Konkurenčni interesi Evropske Unije in Rusije v državah Zahodnega Balkana s celovito analizo gospodarskega vzvoda Igor Ivanović: Advertising Discourse and the Pertaining Ethnography: An Ethnographic Case Study Conducted in Montenegro .................. 353 Ricerca etnografica del discorso pubblicitario: un caso di studio etnografico condotto in Montenegro Etnografska raziskava oglaševalskega diskurza: etnografska študija primera v Črni gori Milica Vuković-Stamatović: »Accessing the EU is Like Running on a Treadmill in the Gym«: How the EU Accession Process is Metaphorically Presented in the Online Media of Serbia, Montenegro, and Bosnia and Herzegovina ............ 369 «Accedere all’UE è come correre sul tapis roulant»: la presentazione metaforica del processo dell’adesione all’UE nei media digitali in Serbia, Montenegro e Bosnia-Erzegovina »Pristop k EU je kot tek na tekalni stezi v telovadnici«: metaforično predstavljanje procesa vključevanja v EU v digitalnih medijih v Srbiji, Črni gori ter Bosni in Hercegovini Marjan Hočevar, Sanja Bojanić & Tomaž Bartol: Istria as a Site and as a Subject Matter in the Production and Organization of Regional Knowledge: Bibliometric and Sociological Analysis ............................................. 391 L’Istria come sito e come soggetto nella produzione e organizzazione del sapere regionale: analisi bibliometrica e sociologica Istra kot kraj in kot predmet obravnave v produkciji in organizaciji regionalnega znanja: bibliometrična in sociološka analiza Mojca Cerkvenik: Intorno la Difficoltà di ben tradurre (1743): Gian Rinaldo Carli e la traduzione ............................................... 413 Intorno la Difficoltà di ben tradurre (1743): Gian Rinaldo Carli and Translation Intorno la Difficoltà di ben tradurre (1743): Gian Rinaldo Carli in prevajanje Mojca Kumin Horvat & Januška Gostenčnik: Slovenian Dialectal Diversity as Presented in the Slovenian Linguistic Atlas ............................ 425 La diversità dialettale slovena presentata nell’Atlante linguistico sloveno Slovenska narečna raznolikost v Slovenskem lingvističnem atlasu Reza Dehghani, Rahmat Hajimineh & Hossein Rassouli: The Effect of Cultural Policies in Reza Shah’s Period on the Status of Religious Minorities’ Schools in Sanandaj (Jews and Christians) ......................... 439 Gli effetti delle politiche culturali del periodo di Reza Shah sullo status delle scuole delle minoranze religiose (degli ebrei e cristiani) a Sanandaj Učinki kulturnih politik v obdobju Reze Šaha na položaj šol judovske in krščanske manjšine v Sanandadžu 665 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 Željko Boneta: Relationship between Religious Socialization in Childhood and Actual Religiosity in Student Age: The Case of Croatian Students from the University of Rijeka ........................................ 459 Connessione tra socializzazione religiosa nell‘infanzia e religiosità attuale in età studentesca: il caso degli studenti Croati dell‘Università di Fiume Povezave med religiozno socializacijo v otroštvu in aktualno religioznostjo v študentskih letih: primer hrvaških študentov Univerze na Reki Marija Jurić Pahor: »Najprej mi, potem vi« koroški Slovenci spričo terorja in nasilja nad Judi v času nacionalsocializma ............................ 477 »Prima noi, poi voi«: gli sloveni carinziani alla luce del terrore e della violenza contro gli Ebrei ai tempi del nazionalsocialismo »First Us, Then You«: Carinthian Slovenes in the Face of Terror and Violence against the Jews in the Time of National Socialism Kazalo k slikam na ovitku ..................................... 498 Indice delle foto di copertina ................................. 498 Index to images on the cover ................................. 498 666 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 Anthony J. Baragona, Katharina Zanier, Dita Franková, Marta Anghelone & Johannes Weber: Archaeometric Analysis of Mortars from the Roman Villa Rustica at Školarice (Slovenia) .............................................. 499 Analisi archeometrica di malte dalla Villa rustica romana di Školarice (Slovenia) Arheometrična analiza malt z rimske Vile rustike na Školaricah (Slovenija) Francesco Toncich: Inside and Outside the Habsburg Public Health System. Managing Complexity Within the Austrian Littoral (1849–1880s) .............................. 523 Dentro e fuori il sistema sanitario pubblico asburgico. Gestire la complessità nel Litorale austriaco (1849–1880) Vključenost in izključenost iz habsburškega javnega zdravstvenega sistema. Upravljanje kompleksnosti v Avstrijskem Primorju (1849–1880) Urška Bratož: »Kruha in dela«: o reševanju socialnih vprašanj v Istri in Trstu 19. stoletja .......... 535 »Pane e lavoro«: sull’assistenza sociale istriana e triestina dell‘ ottocento »Bread and Work«: Addressing Welfare Issues in 19th–Century Istria and Trieste Nancy Wingfield: A Habsburg Legacy: Sex and Social Politics in Venezia Giulia and Slovenia between the World Wars ........................................................... 547 Un‘eredità asburgica: sesso e politiche sociali nella Venezia Giulia e in Slovenia tra le due guerre mondiali Habsburška dediščina: spolnost in socialne politike v Julijski krajini in Sloveniji med svetovnima vojnama Erica Mezzoli: Safe Waters. Austrian Seafarers Between Charity and Welfare, ca. 1850–1920 ....................................... 559 Acque sicure. I marittimi austriaci tra carità e previdenza sociale, c. 1850–1920 Varne vode. Avstrijski pomorščaki med dobrodelnostjo in socialno zaščito, okoli 1850–1920 Maura Hametz: Anxious »Italians«: Security and Welfare in The Upper Adriatic, 1918–1924 ........... 579 Gli »Italiani« in ansia: sicurezza e previdenza sociale nell‘Alto Adriatico, 1918–1924 Anksiozni »Italijani«: varnost in blaginja v Zgornjem Jadranu, 1918–1924 667 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 32 · 2022 Jelena Rafailović: Comparison of Social Insurance Legislation of The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and The Kingdom of Yugoslavia – Legal Inheritance ................................................... 591 Confronto tra la legislazione delle assicurazioni sociali della Monarchia Austro-Ungarica e del Regno di jugoslavia – eredità legale Primerjava zakonodaje o socialnem zavarovanju Avstro-ogrske monarhije in Kraljevine Jugoslavije – pravno nasledstvo Gašper Mithans: Youth Labour Brigades in Yugoslavia and Representations of Volunteerism: A Study of Participation in Restored Federal Labour Actions by The People’s Youth in the District of Koper ......................................... 603 Brigate di lavoro giovanile in Jugoslavia e rappresentanze del volontariato: uno studio della partecipazione dell’organizzazione giovanile nel distretto di Capodistria a rinnovate azioni di lavoro federale Mladinske delovne akcije v Jugoslaviji in reprezentacije prostovoljstva: študija sodelovanja koprskega okraja ljudske mladine na obnovljenih zveznih delovnih akcijah Oskar Opassi: Newspaper Coverage and some Aspects of Policy in Border Trade Union Struggles: Comparing the 1968 General Strike in Trieste and the 1970 Work Stoppage in Port of Koper ............................. 619 Copertura giornalistica ed alcuni aspetti politici nelle lotte sindacali di confine: confronto tra lo sciopero generale del 1968 a Trieste e l‘interruzione dei lavori nel Porto di Capodistria nel 1970 Časopisno poročanje in nekateri politični dejavniki v obmejnih sindikalnih borbah: primerjava splošne stavke v Trstu leta 1968 in prekinitve dela v Luki Koper leta 1970 Andrej Naterer & Nirha Efendić: Mapiranje in analiza tematskega polja zgodovine v štirih znanstvenih revijah med leti 2009 in 2021 s poudarkom na povezanosti z antropologijo ............................. 635 Mappatura e analisi dei campi tematici di storia in quattro riviste scientifiche nel periodo 2009–2021 con particolare riferimento all‘antropologia Mapping and Analysis of the Overlap between History and Anthropology in Four Scholarly Journals between 2009 and 2021 IN MEMORIAM Andrej Studen (1963–2022) (Andrej Hozjan) ................................................... 655 OCENE/RECENSIONI/REVIEWS Massimiliano Afiero: The 29th Waffen-SS Grenadier Division ‘Italienische Nr. 1’ and Italians in other Units of the Waffen-SS: An Illustrated History (Klemen Kocjančič) .............................................. 657 Kazalo k slikam na ovitku ..................................... 660 Indice delle foto di copertina ................................. 660 Index to images on the cover ................................. 660