ACTA HISTRIAE • 8 <■ 2000 • 1 (IX.)
received: 2000-03-16	UDC 17:342 59-055.1(450)
GENDERING MEN IN EARLY MODERN VENICE
Daniela HACKE Historisches Seminar der Universität Zürich, CH-S0Ü6 Zürich, Kar! Schmid-Str. 4
ABSTRACT
This article sets out to raise question about the cultural construction of manhood and uyle honour by analyzing annulment suits on grounds of impotence which were brought to the attention of the Patriarchal court in Venice during the late sixteenth and seventeenth, centuries. It is aimed at making a contribution to works of gender history, by making "men visible as geiulered subjects". By opening a window onto the crises of manhood, impotence cases reveal the anxieties of men which were connected to cultural expectations and the multiple threats to manhood. The most telling test of manhood was the sexual performance., which stood as a marker for virility and, in consequence, for the defining of male sexual honour and masculine identity. In short, this article lays emphasis on the fact that patriarchy could be contested rather than stressing male domination and female submission exclusively.
Key words: ethics, honour, men, code of honour, sexual identity, Venice
Introduction
"What makes man a man?" asked Herbert Grönemeyer in the late 80's in a song entitled "Men" ("Männer"). Grönemeyer who became a star overnight with this song in Germany did not provide an answer to that question; but he nevertheless sensitized the German audience for the complexity of the 20th century's masculinity: he sung about male aggression ("Men make wars"), the affectionate and fragile sides of men ("Men need a lot of affection", "Men are so vulnerable") and their sexual Lust ("Men can always have sex"). In short, as the refrain reminds us, men are not always what they seem to be at first glance, sincc their capacity to "appear hard while being soft
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inside" ("außen hart und innen ganz weich") is something they had to acquire from childhood onwards ("werden als Kind schon auf Mann geeicht"). Herbert Gröne-meyer, as one might argue, showed an awareness that manhood is not naturally given, but socially constructed.1
To lay bare the precise historical meaning of manhood and womanhood in the past is an important objective of works embedded to the methodological and theoretical framework of gender history. Works on gender history have shown how immensely fruitfully the fundamental differentiation between "sex" and "gender" can be applied to early modern societies in order to underpin the historicity of cultural images of womanhood, for example. They have stressed the need to reconstruct the social and cultural construction of both, femininity and masculinity in (he past, in order to understand how sex differences and gender relations were shaped by contemporary discourses and how they worked in daily life Despite these theoretical implications, however, in practice we can still notice a considerable lack uf works which make "men visible as gendered subjects" (Roper. Tosh, 1991, 1). Men have been addressed in women's works and gender history only insofar as they formed the context for the living conditions of women (i.e. the structures of male domination which sustained patriarchy) and only seldom as gendered subjects themselves (Dinges. 1998). The demand lo carry out "gender history - with men!" (Dinges, 1998, 7) still needs to be realized. Not only German historiography has for a long time been resistant to problematize masculinity in a historical perspective,2 an assertion which is especially virulent for the early modern period.-5 The international, namely Anglo-American research landscape has, too, only seldom focused on heterosexual men in gender-conscious terms before the nineteenth century.4 Since gender was an "organizing principle of social structures, institutions and practices" (Roper, Tosh, 1991, 11), the complexities of the sex/gender system can only fully be unravelled if attempts at laying bare the construction of femininity and masculinity are made in a historical perspective. Works on masculinity, as various authors agree, should attempt to reflect the making of manhood in its relation to the "totality of
1	The idea to begin with GrOnemeyer's song comes from Thomas Kiihne (1996,7). In writing this article I have specifically cited German studies <m masculinity and honour, in order to use the opportunity to make them known lo a wider scientific audience. I wish to express my thanks to Martin Dinges and Erik O. Riindal who have commented on an earlier version of this article, and to Jens Hammer for his careful reading of the ftna! article.
2	An import exception is Ute Frevert (1991), the pioneer of nineteenth century German history on masculinity and honourand Trepp (1995).
3	For helpful overviews cf. Dinges (1998) and Schmale (1998).
4	Important exceptions are Fletcher (1995), Lees (1994) and Roper, Tosh (1991). The homosexual movement, however, has been very productive in inspiring the so-called Men's studies. For the most
recent bibliographies cf. Dinges (1998).
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gender relations" (Roper, Tosh, 1991, 2).5 The focus should be placed on the multiplicity of meanings of the term patriarchy by avoiding lying emphasis on (he various forms of male domination and female submission only (Roper, Tosh, 1991: Kiihne, 1996). The way power inscribed itself into the male identity needs to be reconstructed if we want to re-creale the gendered experiences of men in specific historical cultures. Such an approach should not only reflect cultural expectations regarding male social roles, social status and their access to power, but also the cultural determindness of the male body.6 As impotent cases elucidate, the male body of the early modern period ran in accordance with laws unfamiliar to bodily discourses and perceptions of the 20,h century. When physicians examined men with sexual problems, they sometimes explained a discontinuous reaction by referring to the caloric pathology - the prevailing cultural image - and thus to the lack of heal.7 While this medical interpretation gives us fascinating insights into early modern medical discourses and bodily experiences, here it is the relation between male body and male honour I want to stress, in order lo underpin the importance of sexual honour for the masculine identity in early modern society.
Research on honour has increasingly sharpened our awareness for Ihe gender-specific dimensions of honour.8 Female honour, as has been suited, was closely tied to the purity of the body and mainly defined as sexual honour. Women had therefore to behave unambiguously and defend their honour publicly in the streets and in the courts (Cavallo, Cerutti, 1980; Muir, Ruggiero, 1990; Burghartz, 1995; Cowing, 1996; Rublack, 1999). A woman's responsibility to preserve her virginity until marriage stood in sharp contrast to male notions of honour, since men could be sexually experienced when entering marriage. In this sense did prostitutes - the inverse of female honourability - defend honourable women, since male sexual energy could be discharged in impure bodies. But the threat to female honour did not only lie outside the woman. Due lo the imbalance of essential bodily fluids or "humours" (blood, phlegm, yellow bile or choler, and black bile or melancholia) women were not only inclined to irrationality and weakness (the reason why they needed constant male guidance), but also construed as Ihe more lecherous sex: the female body itself was perceived as problematic, since it increased the "incidence and violence of passions" (Maclean, 19S0, 42). Women had therefore, on the one hand, a precious "good" - their sexual honour - to defend, bul according to contemporary philosophical and medical discourses, on the other, hardly the means to do so (Dinges. 1998).
5	Cf. also Kühne (19%), Dinges (1998) who twth understand 'gender1 as a relational category.
6	Foi the conneclion between men studies and body history cf. Schmale (1998, 20-31}
7	Archivio Storico del Patiiarcato di Vene/ia (henceforth ASCPV), C&usamrn Matrirooniorum (henceforth C M ). Reg. 90: 24 November 1628, Clare Capelle cum Julio Muiino, not foliated,
S Excellent overviews are provided by Schieiner, Schweihoff (1995) and Dinges (1989, 1995).
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While sexual honour was almost entirely the foundation of female honour,9 broader and more public notions of honour have been identified for men which included "political and economic notions of status and power" (Tlusty, 1998, 186). Male honour could also be affected by the capacity or incapacity of ruling [he household, providing the household resources, guiding its members and controlling their wives' sexuality and thus the bodies of others. Only in one respect have male bodies themselves been the object of study, namely in cases of drunkenness, since "one of the demands of honourable manhood was the ability to drink copiously, even to become drunk, but without losing control - economically, physically, or verbally" (Tlusty, 1998, 186).'°
While 1 do not challenge the consensus that for men Iheir sexual honour was only one part of the masculine gender identity (cf. Dinges, 1995; Fletcher, 1995), 1 would like to highlight herein ihe importance of sexual prowess and sexual behaviour for the male code of honour. Impotence cases allows us to gain insights into cases of contested virility and open a window onto the "crisis of manhood" (Kiihne, 1996). Manhood, as these court cases demonstrate, was not a stable category, but had to be proven on a day to day basis. Although the male sex dominated as the strong, rational and active over the weak, irrational and passive female sex, in daily household life the wise household ruler had still to display his ruling qualities. The right to patriarchal authority embodied not only the asymmetrical power relations but referred, too, to gender-specific expectations men had to fulfil and to negotiate. As trials on household disputes elucidate, women could undermine paternal authority, before it was reinforced and implemented (Hacke, 1999). The probing of men's anxieties related to contested patriarchal authority is, however, extremely difficult, since "the essence of patriarchy is that men's problems with enforcing it are not talked about" (Fletcher, 1995, 28). An exception to that rule are impotence trials which give us many insights into the challenges to the masculine identity. They suggest that male sexuality was in practice much more problematic than it seems at first glance; it could become the source of men's turbulence with masculinity. Especially in a society "in which young girls were already said to judge a man's sexual prowess from the size of his nose" (Stolberg, 2000, forthcoming). It is the importance of male sexuality for the male codes of honour and the fragile and vulnerable side of manhood,151 would like to stress.
In doing so, I have been inspired by the distinction between the notions of "being
9	Honourable women in Augsburg, were also productive "in the sense of actively managing provisions and lakmg the re sponsibility for the nourishment of the household" (Tlusty, 199S, 186).
10	Cf. Koper (1994. ¡07-124) on the disruptsveness of masculinity in Early Modem German (owns.
11	The emotional side of manhood in eighteenth and nineteenth Century Germany is investigated by
Trepp (1996).
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a man" ("Mannsein") and "manhood " ("Männlichkeit' ") made by Thomas Kühne in 1996. It enables us to differentiate between the contemporary notion - and thus the construction - of manhood and the different ways in which men accused of impotence dealt with the threat to their masculine identity. While taking the societies' discourse about manhood into account, 1 equally wish to focus on the self-image and differing social practices of men accused of being impotent. In the first part of this article, some of the moral teachings concerning sexuality are discussed in relation to the church courts' approach to impotence. In the following part, an attempt is made al placing impotence trials into the broader contcxt of early modem notions of masculinity.
Impotence and the church court
Impotence cases elucidate two ruling principles of church doctrine, i.e. the cen-trality of sexuality for the validity of the marriage and the pre ideational aim of sexual practices. For despite the anti-carnal Christian tradition, the "sexual union was the realisation of one flesh" (Fictcher, 1997, 54) and until sexual intercourse had taken place, a marriage was not considered valid. But only natural, incurable and perpetual impotence constituted a nullifying impediment. Temporary impotence, by contrast, caused by disease or mutilation did not necessarily constitute grounds for annulment because of the possibility that the problem could pass with time.'2 In this context it was necessary So assess whether impotence arose during or at the very beginning of the marriage, a question which ecclesiastical judges carefully investigated. When impotence arose during marital life, the mamage was likely to have been already consummated, something marital partners with perpetual impotence could never achieve. Since impotence constituted one of the few possibilities to declare a marriage null and void, it was a serious accusation. If the suit was successful, remarriage was possible for the healthy party.1-1
Even though impotence was not necessarily a male disease in early modern society,1"4 twelve out of thirteen charges on grounds of impotence were brought to the Patriarchal court in Venice by women.'5 The inability to consummate a marriage,
12	Marital partners were supposed to live together for at least three years before a suit on grounds of impotence could be brought to court Jeruuschek {1994, 295). In practice, however, this rule was not always followed.
13	Therefore, one couid argue, woeiic/i could use the courts to strategically achieve an annulment of the marriage. For the juridical acpccts ol impotence cf. Dartnon (1979); Phillips (1988, 8).
14	The existence of female spenn was e g. held by Galen. According to him women's spent) had to be drawn out of her and had "to be present for conception to occur" (Cadden, 1993, 126). This view, however, was contested.
15	This result is based on the systematic analysis of the sample callcd Causanitn Matrimonioruro in the period 1570 to 1700. For France cf. Damon (1979).
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however, was not exclusively approached in terms of a purely manly problem. Women's bodies could, too, be held unsuitable for sexual intercourse and discussions in court reveal the importance of the anatomical suitability of both marital partners.16 Before midwives were called to court to carry out bodily examinations, interrogations in court focused on the intimate life of the couple, revealing in an uncommonly detailed way the sexual practices of the marital partners. In accordance with the guiding principles of church doctrine, they were commonly addressed in terms of the marital debt, which both partners had to pay. This is not surprising, since sexual activities were licit only within a priestly blessed union, with the procreative aim in mind, and at prescribed times. Sexual activities for mere sensual pleasure and in forbidden positions like anal or oral intercourse were sinful, because not aimed at procreation (Davidson, 1994), In order to prevent libidinous and sinful feelings, the Italian Brother Cherubino da Siena advised couples in his Rules of Married Life that the woman should face the sky and her husband the earth while fulfilling the marital debt.17 Other sexual activities involving the mouth, the eyes, the nose, the ears, or the tongue were sinful because they were not aimed at procreation. Kissing was allowed as long as the tongue was not involved, and only mouth to mouth. Needless to say, the husband should only ejaculate into the appropriate vessel, and not outside the woman (Bell, 1990, 123; Hcrgemoller, 1998).
Despite the identical right and duty of wife and husband to pay the marital debt under mortal sin, in some of the moral teachings of the church gender specific expectations become extremely audible. Bernardino of Siena, for example, reminded women in his preachings that the female virtues of a married women were "sexual continence and shame", (Rocke, 1998, 155) - even when it came to practising the marital debt. In conjugal life, it was the wife's duty to prevent that her husband might see her naked, or might touch her indecently (Rocke, 1998, 155). Additionally, wives should, in their request for sexual intercourse, always behave chaste and modest. Therefore, Bernardino of Siena advised husbands that they should "react to the 'smallest sign' of his wife's yearning to protect her from the indelicacy of having to express her desire" (Rocke, 1998, 155). Women's sexual desire or insatiability, however, was commonly not an issue discussed in legal court practice, because it was rather the question of the validity of marriage which was investigated. In this respect other gender differences regarding the marital debt were audible in the court room than discussed so far. Despite the identical duty to render the marital debt, in practice only women were suspected in court of being reluctant to fulfil this conjugal duty.
)6 f am not discussing here the bodily examinations carried out by physicians and midwives respectively.
17 Cf. Bell <1990) and his dhcussion of Cherubino da Siena, especially 122. In medical theory the "missionary position" was also held to be best for conception (Cadden, 1993, 245).
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This might be taken as an indication that the notion of the sexual insatiability of woman was not the only cultural image available to describe women's sexual behaviour - it could be addressed and interpreted quite differently. One might even suspect that the exclusively male staff of the church court was initially willing to allow doubts about a wife's sense of obedience. A case in point is Camilla Benzoni who declared straightforwardly in 1590 that her husband "tried to have sexual intercourse with tne ..., but combined nothing".18 She was immediately suspected by the judge of being resistant towards sexual intercourse with her husband,19 an argument which was also available for and used by the accused husbands.20 Female plaintiffs, by contrast, more generally stressed their obedience regarding their sexual and conjugal behaviour, while at the same time underlying their sexual modesty. Their guiding principle for pressing a suit to court was not sexual lust, but motivated by the need to live in accordance with the moral teachings of the church. Almost all of them had left their partners before starting the suit in court, since they lived, as they declared, in agony21 and sin.22 Father confessors sometimes used their influence and means of "social control" in confession and advised a woman in crisis that she should leave:
"for the sake of her soul (...) (her husband) and go to the house of her father and mother and I (the father confessor. D.H.) told her explicitly that this was not a valid matrimony and that the church would have annulled it without any difficulty".23
Apart from the possibility of suing for an annulment of the marriage, impotent partners could be advised by their father confessors to live like fratello el sorellau -that is, not to practise sex at all. This was an important alternative in cases of impotence, if the partners wanted to stay together. According to the Spanish Canonist Thomas Sanchez, the ecclesiastical judges should allow the partners to live together, if that was their express will (Sanchez, 1607, book VII, disputatio 97, 386). But in the cases that came to the notice of the Venetian Patriarchal court, this advice was not followed and sex played a central role in the lives of the couples. In the trial of Anna Lazzarini against Battista Vidali, defendant, plaintiff and several witnesses testified - with a quite unusual "unanimity" for trials - that both partners had practised
18	ASCPV. C.M., Reg. 82: 28 November 1590, Camille Bcnzoni cum Gaspare Ceniani, fol. 14v.
19	Ibid. fol. 15r Women responded to Ulis aitack stressing theirobedience. Ibid., fols. 15r-v
20	ibid., fols. 25v-26r.
21	Ibid., fol. 22r.
22	ASCPV. CM., Reg. 78: 5 March 1584, Lucretie Ballatine (barcaruot) cum Francesco Reuisare panoram, fol. 37r. Cf. also ASCPV. C. M., Reg. 82: 28 November 1590, Camille Benzom cum Caspare Ceniani, fol. 22r: [.,.] 'che itando noi cosi senza eonsumar malrimoniu perfettamente stauamo in peccaio'.
23	ASCPV. C M., Reg 74. 2 September 1579, Barthoiamei de Albertis cum Angela Pein Texloris. fols. 8v-9r.
24	ASCPV. C.M , Reg. 82: 28 November 1590. Camille Benzoni cum Gaspare Ceniani, fol. 23r
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sexual intercourse "day and night'' for the long period of two and a half years.25 They worked intensively to consummate the marriage and "they even shut themselves in a room in order to try to consummate it".26 Even during menstruation - the time in which couples should abstain from sexual activities - sex was practised.27 In other circumstances, modesty rather than sexual excess was the rule for Christian life. The above-cited Cherubino da Siena explicitly warned couples against frequent sexual activities, as sexual intercourse drained natural male vigour and could even lead to an early death (cit. in Bell, 1990, 122).
Not only the frequency, the repertoire of sexual activities which were admittingly practised also transgressed the rules of sexual behaviour as laid out above. This admittance might be astonishing, as - according to Christian doctrine - sex was understood in terms of the marital debt and not in terms of sexual lust or desire. But this principle was more flexible than one might have thought. Stimulating sexual activities were not considered to be sinful if they were practised as a preparation for sexual intercourse and not in terms of sexual desire (Jerouschek. 1994, 288). In this sense, hands could be used to remove potency problems by stimulating the penis outside the vagina (Jerouschek, 1994, 287-8). This for us slightly contradictory logic might also explain why in impotence trials descriptions of "unnatural" sexual activity were not concealed. In court they counted as a proof of an incurable impotence, which long-lasting and extensive sexual practices could not remove. Practices like the stimulation of the penis were therefore - on the other hand - exclusively described in the context of impotence. In this situation the woman was the active partner and stimulated the male member with the hand.2H As an alternative to the "missionary position", sexual intercourse was practised from the side or - in a development of the "missionary position" - with the female legs on the male shoulder.29 But when -despite of the inventiveness and frequency of sexual practices - the marital couple was still not able to fulfil the conjugal duty of procreation, these sexual practices were deemed sinful. This ambivalent assessment of sexual practices aimed to remove potency problems becomes in part audible in the testimony of a Domenican father from June 1580:
25	ASCPV. C.M., Reg. 93: 6 July 1657, Anne Lazaruni cam Joanne Baptists Vidali, fols. 4r-v.
26	Ibid., fol. 7r
27	ASCPV. C.M., Reg 82: 28 November 1590, Camille Benzoni cum Gaspare Centani, fol. 24v. "In addition to these fixed times of abstinence, the demand of the marital debt is not legitimate during pregnancy, after childbirth until the mother enters church for purification, while breast feeding, while menstruating" (Bel:, 1990,121-2).
28	ASCPV. CM., Reg. 93: 6 July 1657, Anne Lanaroni cutn Joanne Baptists Vidali, 5 September 1657, fol. 7v: "Voleua che lo manegiaste con le mani'.
29	ASCPV. C.M., Reg. 78: 5 March 1584, Lucretie Ballatine cum Francisco Reuisarc panorum, fol. lit: 'me ha insegnalo & consurnar Mairimonio a tutti i modi come sara in letto dalle bande, et con le gambe in spalla".
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"Every day he (Bartolomeo) stimulated her (Angela) in order to fulfil the marital debt and he tried hard and without interruption for more than one hour; every time he made her work very hard, made her sweat, [...] but they couldn't achieve what marriage is for, although she got married in order to have children".30
This quotations shows the pressures which were laid on men especially to fulfil the marital act and elucidates contemporary notions of manhood which construed men as the more active sexual partner. In this regard the frequency of sexual practices can be taken as an indication of how impotent men reacted towards the public threat of a public attribution of impotence and thus how they dealt with contemporary cultural expectations, an issue to which we turn next
Threats to the masculine identity
The fashioning of manhood and womanhood helped to underline the contours of male and female gender roles; but it equally opened the door for the multiple threats to the masculinity identity. Refinement in looks and dress, for example, bare the danger that men might be perceived as soft and womanish (Fletcher, 1995, 96). The general threat to effimacy should be avoided by "manly activities, by physical exercise through which men proved to themselves and cach other that their was the stronger sex" (Fletcher, 1996, 94). One of these ' manly activities" were certainly the fist battles held at Venetian bridges under the eyes of thousands of spectators. Even though it is difficult to assess what this assertive maleness actually meant to the fighting men themselves, they were, however, able to display "strength, endurance, and aggression" (Davis, 1996, 109) and to differentiate themselves from women and children. The most threatening test of manhood, one might argue, was the ability to perform sexually. Only then was a husband's right to control and rule over his wife the expression and realization of his biologically superior sex. But patriarchal authority was not always immediate and had to be gained and implemented. If the man lost control over his body and his sexual performance, he, too, jeopardized the control over his wife. He might awake one day, as happened to Nicolo Brun in 1625, and find that a eartello infamante had been fixed over his entrance in the shadow of the night.31 In this unwelcome message, the dishonoured receiver Nicolo Brun was insulted as a becco contenio, as a content cuckold (Blok, 1981, 427-440; Burke,
30	"Ogni giomo lui (Bortolamio) ta (Angela) stimolaua nell'uso del matrimonio col'strappaz/.arla piu d una h or a continua ogni Uolta chcl la I'aceua stracbar, et sudar, n rente di mono ma i poteua far nessun uso di matrimonio, mettendoli relic pensieri, nc Ij tieniua ptii effetto nell'uso del inatrimonio. per la qual cosa lei si era mandata per generar, el far fioli,...". (ASCPV C M , Reg 74: 2 September 1579, Bartholamei de Albertis cum Angela Petri Texroris. fol. 9r)
31	Archivio di Slato di Veoczia Avngaria di ComuR, Miscellanea Penale. 416. 13: Bron, Angela, rapita moglic di Nicolo, 1675, not foliated
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1987, 96). His control over his wife failed when a male member other than his own sta in alio (i.e. erected) and challenged his masculine superiority by subjecting it to public gossip.
Early modem notions inherent to the masculine gender identity construed manhood as the sexual control over a wife, which was equated with social control and the maintaining of sexual and social order. The virile man was the active, penetrating part, while the penetrated, passive and submissive role was deemed feminine, regardless of the actual sex of the person (Rocke, 1996, 13; Hergemolier, 1998, 106). Sexual slanders, too, elucidate that the defining of gender roles was to a certain degree independent from the actual biological sex and men could be perceived as behaving or being in a feminine position. The expression "te ho in culo" ("I have you where you belong to be") written on a cartello infamante in Rome in 1620 plays exactly with the polarity active/passive, male/female and dominant/submissive of the gender system only to conclude that the receiver was in the passive, i.e. female position (Burke, 1987). The dangers posed by the polarity of sexual differences had to be overcome by an unambiguous male behaviour, in order to escape the threat of effimacy. Potency was undoubtedly important in this respect. Verbal sexual slanders exchanged in Italy in the early modern period elucidate the centrality of potency for the construction of manhood: men with honour had "coglioni grossi", while dishonoured men were portrayed as "manso", i.e. tame as a lamb, or even castrated.32 Gestures of castration point in the same direction (Burke, 1987).
Sexual male dominance-53 was sometimes hard to achieve and highly contested. Fathers might have been foreseeing their sons' difficulties and had arguably advised tiiem how to sexually perform properly. Where sexual manuals were not available, sexual knowledge had to be acquired through practice.34 The humiliation of impo-
32	A case in point is: ASCPV. C M., Reg, 92: Bendetta Spinella cum Pietro Franchini, not foliated, 20 March 1638; cf. also Roodenburg (1998) from whom I have taken the example of the 'coglioni grossi'. Sexual slanders provide at least some empirical data for a particularly Mediterranean notion of honour, a concept which, as Stewart (1994, 75-78) rightely states, has still to be proven. In north-cm Europe, men were insulted it) relation io their working abilities and their economical reputation, but not in regard to their sexual honour (Roodenburg, 1998; Schwerhoff. 1991, Dinges 1998). In Italy. however, sexual slanders against men clearly dominated (Burke, 198?, Dinges 1998), while women all over Europe were insulted in regard to their sexual honour (Dinges, 1994).
33	Fletcher reports that in the sixteenth century London more than 130 terms were used to 'portray inlercourse as an act of male dominance' (Fletcher, 1996,93).
34	An interesting constellation could arise if the woman was widowed and had had sexual expcricnce during her first marriage, while (he man was sexually inexperienced. In taming the gender roles upside down, the woman could be the activc partner and govern the husband during his sexual performance. ASCPV. C.M., Reg. 78: 5 March t584, Lucretic Ballatine cum Francisco Reuisare panorum, fols. I Iv-i2r: 'Io era Donzello, et non sapeuo quelle che fosse donna mi manco sapeuo consumar Matrimomo, che lei mia mogier me ha insegnato & consumar Matrimonio a tutti i modi'.
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tencc, a discontinuous ercction or premature ejaculation increased in from of female expectations. Men were not only expected "to perform, but to perform well" (Stolberg, 2000, forthcoming). This was not an easy task, since "women's sexual desire tended to be stronger and more lasting than men's" (Stolberg, 2000, forthcoming). Orgasm seems to have been something women clearly expected to enjoy,35 as suggested by ccrtain Letitia in court. She had been the satisfied sexual partner of certain Giacomo dc Badilis who was later, in 1575, accused by his wife Marietta of being impotent. Letitia, however, testified in court towards Giacomo's priceless sexuality:
"lui ncgocia le donne, et fa come fa i altri homcni ma cl no ge tira, el no ge sta duro, el prattica ben con esse (le donne), el me lo feci sete uolte In una notte, ma chel possa tuor uerzinita penso chel no sia bon".36
Letitia, who was seemingly content with Giacomo's sexual performance despite his inability to maintain erection, refers not only to the multiple possibilities and sexual fantasies lay people in early modern Venice played out in daily life despite the strict regulations concurring their moral and sexual behaviour. This quotation points, too, to the crucial corporal "defect", which men who had lost the control over their sexual ownership had to experience. The result of their inability to maintain erection, a premature ejaculation or the lack of "strength" was commonly described as the incapacity to penetrate a woman Not surprisingly, the deflowering act was the most difficult moment in the consummation of marriage This was a delicate situation for men, because their sexual performance stood as a marker for their virility. The success or failure had widereaching consequences, since the connections between biological and cultural manhood were fluid in the early modern period. Only a man who had given proof of his potency could be the ruler of a family and the head of the economic unit, the household. His potency would ensure that his wife became pregnant and that the Christian duty of procreation would be fulfilled Sexuality and economy were intrinsically interconnected. Therefore, one could argue, only the man who was able to destroy a hymen as a proof of his masculinity had a claim to the dowry. In contrast, an impotent man was forced to pay the dowry back, if the woman he had married was still a virgin.37
35	Fletcher {1996, 11) and Bullough (1994,41, 43) both state that it was the man's duty to keep his wife 'happy and satisfied'. Additionally, medical theories stressed the need of female pleasure, since only then was female seed produced (Cadcfen, 1993, 93-7).
36	ASCP. C M , Reg. 73: 2 May 1575. Marielte Riccio de Castro Anoali cuin Jacobo dc Badillis, not foliated (italics by D.H ).
37	ASCPV. C.M., Reg. 78: 5 March 1584, Luc ret ie Bailatmc cum Francisco Rcutsare pa riorum, fol. (Or quando contrassi matrimonii) con detto francesco li ho diilto dote, il quale me 1'ha restituita di sua volom.i cognoscendossi non esser homo per donna' and ASCPV. C.M.. Reg. 74: 2 September 1579. Bartholomew de Albertis cum Angela Petri Textoris. fol. thv.
59
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DonieU HACKF.. OKNDEKINO MF.N IN EARLY MODERN VKNiCB. M-tK
In court, women and men connected failure to destroy the hymen with the lack of male forza ("strength"),38 as the case of Giulio Molino reveals. He was a sexually experienced man when he entered marriage with the gentildonna Clara Capeilo. According to his own deposition lie had had sexual intercourse with various women before his marriage. But, and this is pertinent, while the other women had all been deflowered by other men, Clara Capeilo had not. In his interrogation he focused on the fact that Clara Capeilo was a virgin and "when 1 tried to destroy the hymen of the Signora Clara Capelli, 1 had no strength".39 Women used the same language ("forza") to describe the failed act.40 This is of course the crucial point, since the marriage was only consummated when a donzella had becomc a donna. Women claimed in court that despite persistent sexual activity they had not been carnally known41 and even attempts at violently consummating the marriage had failed,42 since they were still virgins.43 Men more generally argued that they had penetrated the woman so deeply that she should have been deflowered. But not always could they be sure whether she was now a woman ("donna").44 While the female partner could argue that she had not been deflowered because she did not feel pain at all,45 the male partner would claim that woman did not feel anything at all during sexual intercourse.46 In such contradictory statements, judges would ask whether signs like blood had been noticed on the sheets. But even blood could not be interpreted with clarity as the visible and material sign of male potency, since they might have been the indicator for an in jury of the female vessel only.47
38	For an excellent investigation of the gendered language used to describe the sexual act cf. Roper {199]).
39	ASCPV C M., Reg. 90: 24 November 1628, Clare Capeilo cum Julio Molino, 20 December 1628, not foliated.
40	ASCPV. C.M., Reg. 82: 28 November 1590, Camiile Btnzoni cum Gaspare Centani. fols. I7r-v: 'non faceua quella forca che bisognaua per metterlo denuo'
41	tbid.,fol.l5v.
42	ASCPV. CM., Reg 74: 2 September 1579, EJajtholamei de Albert is cum Angela Petri Textoris, fol. 20v.
43	Between others: ASCPV. C.M. Reg 78: 5 March 1584, Lucrstic Ballatine cum Francisco Reuisaxe panorum. fol 8r.
44	ASCPV. CM, Reg. 82: 28 November 3590, CamiHe Bcnzoni cum Gaspare Centani., fols. 25v-26r.
45	Ibid., fo!. 16r: "ho inteso & dir dalle »lire donne non si pu6 fare ehc il Membro uirile delt'homo entra nella natura che non dolga ei che non senta'.
46	ASCPV. C.M , Reg. 74: 2 September 1579, Bartholamei de Alberlis cum Angela Petri Textoris, fol. 21v.
47	ASCPV C M., Reg. 82: 28 November 1590, Camiile Benzoni cum Gaspare Centani, fol. 27v. Blood on the sheets, as the interrogator explained in court, could also be misleading, and penetration might not have been successful: 'se bene il segno del sangue el a lire sporccio (?) in simili casi sono segni dell a consumation del mairimonio el che il membro uuile sia entrato demro nel uawi natiual della donna pero non e segno eerio el indubitalo. potendo essere che nel entrar d'aprir il uaso naturals sia sparso qualche poco di sangue senza pero che il membro sia entrato ueramente dentro il uaso 6 natura dei/a donna' Ibid . fols. 27v-28r.
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To elude the threat of being described as somebody who is not a man suited for a woman,4" husbands under pressure sometimes sought for drastic solutions. When they had lost the control over their sexual ownership, other men were asked to deflower their wife, or to make her pregnant - the visible sign of potency.49 We can hardly estimate the psychological pressure which forced these invirile men to take such drastic steps; some expressed the fear that the woman might leave them as a ccrtain Francesco Revcdin has done. He begged his wife Lucrezia earnestly, "sweet child, please remain with me"50 - a sign for his emotional vulnerability and the turning upside down of gender roles.
Men accused in the Patriarchal court of being impotent had of course been brought up and lived in a cultural environment where masculinity had to be proven. In a society where the notions of privacy and sense of shame were different from nowadays, impotence was sooner or later discussed in public, in the neighbourhood and by family members. Parents, as a first reaction, seem to have insisted on the continuance of the marriage stressing patience and time, which would resolve the marital problems,51 an argument, which in one exceptional ease was supported by a father confessor/52 Men, if they spoke directly about their problems in consummating the marriage, turned first to clerics, like Giulio Molino, who asked the father of the monastery of S. Steffano for advice.-- or to physicians.54 But sooner or later, the sexual problems of the marital couple were discussed between members of the family, friends and relatives,55 often to the displeasure of the men involved. Francesco complained in court that his wife Lucrezia had immediately made a
4« ASCPV. CM. Reg. 7S 5 March 15X4. Lucretie Ballaline cum Francisco Reuisare panoruin. fol. I Of.
49	Ibid.fol. 9v.
50	ASCPV. CM., Reg. 78: 5 Mafch 1584, Lucreiie Ballaline cum Francisco Rcuisarc panoroni. fol. 37v.
51	ASCPV. CM.. Reg. 74: 2 September 1579, Banholomei lie Albertis cum Angela Petri Textoris, fol. 45r. Cf. also ASCPV. CM.. Reg. 78: 5 March 1584. Lucretie Ballaline cum Francisco Reuisarc panoruni, fol. 9v. She wanted to gel an annulment three and a half years before, but because of her fathers' expressed will, she did not sue her husband at the Patriarchal court.
52	ASCPV C M., Reg. 82 2S November 1590. Camille Benzoni cum Gaspare Centani, fol. I9v: che hauesse patientia el che disiare un malrimonio era cosa d importan2ia.
53	ASCPV. C M, Reg. 90: 24 November 1628, Clare Capello cum Julio Molino, not foliated, 20 December 1628.
54	ASCPV. C.M., Reg. 82: 28 November 1590. Camille Benzoni cum Gaspare Centani, fol. 30r. An exception is Giovanni fislri>ta Vidali who talked with Anna's mother, friends and relatives about his impotence, but who in turn never claimed ¡hat he was nol impotent ASCPV. CM. Beg 93: 6 July 1657, Anne Lazaruni cum Joanne Baptista Vidal, fol. 21r
55	ASCPV C M , Reg 78: 5 March 1584, Lucretie Ballattne cum Francisco Reuisare panorum. fols. 9r-9v 'J«> mi son lamenlata in tempo che son slata con detto francesco, diuerse uolie con dmerse per sone' See also ASCPV. C.M., Reg. 74: 2 September 1579, Baitholomci de Albertis cuin Angela Petri Textons. fol. 45r.
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Daniclj HACKE: GENDERING MEN IN EARLY MODERN VENICE, 49-6«
complaint to her father, mother and others about him by "saying that I was not a man and (then she had) left me".56 These public discussion increased the shame of the accused husbands. The reactions towards this public humiliation, however, differed sharply. Giulio Molino, for example, simply turned his back on worldly society and became a religioso without even considering spending his days as a bachelor.57 And Giovanni Battista YidaU spent his days as a soldier,58 trying to prove his masculinity in a different context.
In a more intimate dimension, impotence was an experience the partners shared, regardless of the question of who was the partner unsuitable for sexual intercourse. Women were thus expected to help (he husband in these difficult moments. In this sense, women and men had to work together and women were urged to avoid movements, which would make the act of deflowering harder for the man.59 The threat to manhood, and to matrimony, affected the entire relationship, although we can only speculate to what extend these couples experienced despair and hardship. Certain Angela Tessaria had become - as a witness testified in court in 1580 - even extremely thin60 because of her marital problems. The situation could be perceived as almost tragic, if both partners wanted to stay together and were now advised to sue for an annulment of the marriage. Despite the reciprocality of their affections, Anna Lazzaroni and Giovanni Battista Vidali were - as they stated unanimously - not able to consummate the marriage. The connection drawn between the emotional relationship and the success or failure of sexual practices is the most striking one in trials by impotence. In court marital feelings and emotions gained relevance in the dispute between the marriage partners. Commonly the male partner complained in court that his feelings of affection were not reciprocated by his wife.*51 This confession is striking because it reveals an emotional, fragile and vulnerable "inner side" of manhood. More or less explicitly, a link was drawn between the stigma of being impotent and of unreciprocated affection, a connection that was typical for the discourse of impotence in court.62 The discourse about emotions, introduced by male
56	ASCPV. C.M . Reg. 78: 5 March 1584, Lucrelie Ballaline cum Francisco Reuisarc panorum, foi. I3v.
57	ASCPV. Reg. 90: 24 November 1628, Clara CapeJio cam Julio Molino, 20 December 1628, non foliated: "Non mi uoglio piii aeeompagnare piii ne con essa Signora, ne con alcra gentiidonna'. According to Cliojnacki <1994), 2/5 of adult patrician males remained bachelor» in Medieval Venice and were not excluded from holding office, although they held minor offices.
58	ASCPV. C.M., Reg: 93: 6 July 1657, Anne Lazaroni cum Joanne Baptista Vidali, fol. 3v.
59	ASCPV. C.M., Reg: 82: 28 November 1590, Camille Benzoni cum Gaspare Centani, fol. 26v.
60	ASCPV. CM., Reg. 74: 2 September 1579, Barthalamei <fc Atbenis cum Angela Petri Tex tons. fol. I3r.
61	Ibid, fols. 25r-v and ASCPV. C.M., Reg. 90: 24 November 1628, Clare Capello cum Julio Molino, not foliated.
62	Rainer Beck has noticcd Ihe same link between affection and impotence (Beck, 1992).
62
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defendants, was taken up by the ecclesiastical judges. They started to encourage both parties to inform the court about their emotions and affections towards each other by questioning "se in queslo progresso di tempo che hauele cohabitato ui sele fatto carezze l'un all'altro come si suole tra Marito et moglie con bacci toccasse, et allre carezzc solite".63 A ccrtain degree of caressing and tenderness between the spouses was part of the marital debt and linked to emotions and affections.Feelings were understood in terms of support and comfort for the male partner and gained importance particularly when the marriage was not easy to consummate, as the above quoted Anna Lazzarini revealed in court:
"[...], feci l'amore circa un'anno parlandoii ... delie nolle intiere, et ... ho con-tinuato uoierli bene,... stando percio le hore continue bacciandosi, et accarezzandosi uicendeuolmente".65
This description is captivating and seems to suggest a modern notion of sexuality, in which communication and caressing between the partners is an integral element in the sexual relationship. Sex, in the early modern period, was not necessarily practised quickly and without feelings, as these cases suggest, but understood in a wider sense as an affectionate communication between the male and female body. Men experi enced their sexual life not only in terms of sexual male dominance or even aggression, but as a more complcx set of varying feelings. Emotions, if they were reciprocated, were supporting, but dangerous if not. Then, they bore the danger of undermining the asymmetrical gender system of early modern society. They embodied the possibility of losing control over the wife, by making the man emotionally depended upon a woman.6fi And they formed part of men's anxieties in early modem societies, since women were said to have power about men's emotional life and could force them against their will to love a woman. Additionally, women could "steal" manhood, as Lyndal Roper put it, but they also had the power to restore it, though impotence was the disease for which men most often sought magical help from female practitioners.67 Manhood in its biological and cultural dimensions was thus a fragile achievement and under constant threat (Roper, 1994; Oilmore, 1990). One of
63	ASCPV. C.M., Reg. 82: 28 November 1590, Camille Benzoin cum Gaspare Centani, fol. ISr (italics by D. H )
64	The word limited hindered me to discuss more cases There is, however, impressive archival evidence.
65	ASCPV. C.M.. Reg. 93: 6 July 1657, Anne Lazarunt eum Joanne Baptista Vidali, fol 4v.
66	The emotional dependence becomes especially audible in ASCPV C.M., Reg: 82: 28 November 1590, Camille Benzoni cum Gaspare Centani
67	Roper (1994, 187-189) andRuggiero (1993) on Love-magic in Venice. Deeply rooted in the belief of common people, supernatural magic could also be adopted as an explanation pattern to justify unmanly behaviour. See eg, ASCPV CM. Reg. 82: 2S November 1590, Camille Benzoni cum Gaspare Centani, fol 31r: 'dubitai di esserc stalo fattutato'.
63
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Daniel» H AC KL: OENDERING MEN IN EAHLY MODERN VbNICE, 4»-«
the challenges to patriarchy and authority was the prohing of male potency, which stood as a marker for virility and sexual male honour.
To conclude: the masculine identity was construed as a complex set of expectations in early modern Venice. Male sexual performance and male sexual honour were extremely important in this respect, though only one of many factors.
SPOLNA IDENTITETA MOŠKIH V NOVOVEŠKIH BENETKAH
Daniela HACKE
Zgodovinski seminar Univerze v Ztirichu, CH-8006 Ziiriih. Kail SehmkJ-Slr. 4
POVZETEK
O tem, kako so Gasparo, Giovanni in drugi moški, obtoženi impotence, živeli s sramotnim madežem, ker se je o njihovi spolni Časti razpravljalo javno (v soseski, na sodišču) ni nič znanega. Toda njihove zgodbe nazorno govore o tem, kako so se strateško zagovarjali na sodišču, da njihovega zakona zaradi njihove telesne pomanjkljivosti ne hi razglasili z a ničnega. Pokazale so na pomen nwške spolne zmožnosti za moški kodeks časti in moško identiteto. Spodbijana moška spolna Čast je sporno spremenila družbeno interakcijo med moškimi kot tudi med moškimi in ženskami, saj je bila čast medij, ki je ustvarjal in usmerjal komunikacijo in vedenje posameznikov v novoveških družbah. Spremenilo se je tudi njeno povečevanje in zmanjševanje, samozazjuivanje posameznikov in zaznavanje posameznikov s strani skupnosti. Medtem ko novejši pristopi k časti poudarjajo, da čast ni nespremenljiva dobrina, ampak du jo je mogoče spodbijati in da se lahko tudi povečuje in zmanjšuje, so impotentni moški lahko izjema v tem pravilu. Čeprav so lahko, kot smo videli, še vedno zadovoljili žensko, jim je bila za vedno odvzeta možnost, da se poročijo, si ustvarijo dom in postanejo hišni vladarji - najvišji izraz moške oblasti in patriarhije.
Ključne besede: etika, čast, moški, kodeks časti, spolna identiteta, Benetke
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