114  31  401

Seminars

■

"j ^ Non-violent conflict resolution: the čase of
Yugoslavia

13 Inter-cultural leaming seminar in India

24 International peace seminar of teachers in
Alpe - Adria region

Ycar I
No.l.

«July 1991

Hot topics

■

An intruderin Slovenia

2 Yugoslavia in pain, by Marko Hren

^ Selection of documents (23 June-8. July), issued by the Movement for the Culture of Peace and
Non-violence

Inside Yu

■

10 Yugoslavia: the State of affairs, by Tomaž Mastnak
12 The disintegretion of YugosIavia, by Tonči Kuzmanič

8 A story of a unique opportunity, by Marko Hren

14 Owl’s intrigue in Slovenia, by Sašo Gazdič

15 10 years efforts for recognition of CO in Slovenia, by Janez Doberšek

1 6  Demilitarization of Slovenia and national security, by Anton Grizold
18 Social defence project, by Nace Kalin

26 An insiding in a Iabyrinth, by Dominique Cochard

17 Information from Maribor

9 Opening of a Peace Institute in Lj ubij ana

27 Metelkova netvvork

28 Declaration of peace
25 Appeal to the dtizens of Yugoslavia
21 Foundation of the Yugoslav branch of HCA

O penin gs

■

-j Q A proposal for operational orientation of
pacifistic allies, by Nace Kalin

16 Education in the light of modem scientific
hypotheses, by Srečko Šorli


Yugoslavia in Pain

By Marko Hren

The wordYugoslavia itsclf in a title nowadays teliš everything. As a vvord "Gulf"did whcn it was pronounced
some months ago. We hurry vvith the issue of The Intrudor for the WRI Trienal mceting in Belgium, late JuUy.
The issue was rcady to bc printed before the armed conflict in Slovenia. Now we havc to Lncludc at ieast some
information on the crisis, and please excusc us for the chaotic structurc this time. Wc did not throvv out ali
articles which were written before, for a very simplc reason - for rcadcrs to bc ablc to follovv our way of think -

ing before the major crisis happened.

W e are not keen to create a thoughl pattern of “V/ar in
Slovenia" or "War in Yugoslavia", or "A little V/ar in
Balkans" as Sky News are telling you. Most of the world
was speaking about "civil war" which has no ground at ali
for Slovenia. The very simple reasons are:

1. In Yugoslavia, there are several different levels of
conflicts, interrelated but also separated, on locai and on
global plane, horizontal (between nationalities) and vertical
(between old system and new processes). The conflict in
Slovenia has completely another dimension and roots as the
conflict betvveen Serbs and Croats in Croatia, the question
of Bosnia is again another story, not to speak about Kosovo,
Albanians, Macedonia, Montenegrian intemal conflict (also
armed) between Whites and Greens etc. This conflicts
manifest in different ways, which can not be simply
described with WAR. We should rather use terms which
approach reality more closely: terrorism, civil war,
hegemonism, military coup etc. In the čase of Slovenia, 26.
June, we could speak of intcrvention of the federal State in
combination with soft military coup.

2 .  The vvord War implies that there vvere two parties
(good and bad guys). In the čase of Slovenia the “other”
party was not defined. Sometimes they called it “occupation
army” sometimes “enemy”, sometimes simply “Yugosla-
via”, some people even identified the enemy in “sSerbs” in
general. It is stili not clear, vvhether the activity against
Slovenia was directed by the federal Government or by
military itseif. The vvord War implies that there was a
beginning and an end. The crisis in Slovenia did not start
on 27. and did not end on 7. the July. It is much longer
process. And too complicated to be described or understood
vvith generalizations.

3 .  The vvord War implies that there is a victory at the end.
In Slovenia the development of events is already inteipreted
as victory of Slovenia, and sinee the crisis was interpreted
as vvar, the victory is interpreted as victory on military ficld.
This we find false and dangerous. It is not the Slovenian
military and police vvhich won, but civil disobedience
(several hundred soldiers disobeyed and deserted from the
federal troops, several officers in Slovenian teritorial
defence did not vvant to obey orders requesting them to
attack federal military troops, hundreds of people in Serbia
and elsevvhere in Yugoslavia objected the mobilisation after
the military confrontation escalated etc.), negotiations, and
intemational mediation

4 .  Sometimes it seems that Slovenian elites vvhich vvant to

create a State, needed vvar, to make a State. Prime minister
of SLovenia said during the conflict “we declared the
independency, and now vve confirmed vvith blood”, presi-
dent of Slovenian parliament declared “that vve have to pay
priče for the independcncy” and he noted that “ali States
until novv have bcen bom in vvars”. East Germany needed
no vvar to separate from Soviet block.

We vvont use term War ihen, rcgardless the fact that vve
did use it in our previous documents included in tliis issue.
The problematization of the vvord War and its importance
vvas discussed during the “vvar” in tire so-called PEACE
CIRCLE, a discussion club vvhich vvas meeting even during
the most tough days, vvhen false alarms vvere driving people
in shelters, vvhen military planeš vvere in the air and the
roads vvere empty or fiiled vvith military and police.

An armed conflict in Slovenia started during the moming
of June 27., the moming after this day of independence and
a night of drunk celebration on the streets ali over Slovenia.
Slovenia declared independence during a session of its
parliament exactly six months after a referendum vvas
taking plače (26. December 1990) vvhere 92% of citizens of
Slovenia voted for independence of the northemmost
Yugoslav republic.

The declaration of independence vvould be an emply phrase
vvithout execution of some practical steps. And Slovenian
govemment decided for one practical step that vvould
follovv immediately after 26. And this vvas a question of
custom duties and conceming this also a control of intema¬
tional aiiports located in Slovenia. At the same time they
replaced the symbois on the borders of Slovenia (Slovenia
is bordering Italy on the West, Austria in the nortli, Hun-
gary in the East and Croaiia in the South). The moming 27.,
military had sent tanks to a number of border passes and to
the airports. What follou ed vvas a resistance vvith largelv
nonmilitary means. The conflict ended vvith intemational
involvement of mediators, signing Brioni declaration on 7.
July 1991. The Brioni declaration vvas then confirmed by
Yugoslav Presidency and by Slovenian parliament. This
vvas a precondition for the star t of talks and for cease fire in
Slovenia. Another unpredictable event follovved 18. July
during a first session of federal presidency, vvhere for the
first time after tvvo months period, ali members of tliis
supreme body of the federation, vvere present. The decision
is, that federal military vvill move from Slovenia vvithin the
next six months.

The analysis of the conflict in Slovenia vvill be published in
future issues of The Intruder. At the moment of editing this

issue, vve can only include the most important parts of the
documents of the peace movement issued during the days
of crisis.

Stnce armed confrontations and the dangerous of further
escalations are forthcoming throughout Yugoslavia, vve
vvill concentrate our efforts In future to be able to present
you a wider picture on Yugoslavia. There are anti-war
and peace movements arising ali over the country. At this
time we only include some of the documents froin
Sarajevo meeting of peace Initiatives (20. July) and of
initiatives in Belgrade. The vvhole documentation on
peace and antiwar activity vvill be completed soon.

But for now, here are some useful addresses:

Kninski mirovni pokret, Centar za kulturu i družbena
gibanja c/o Dario Seraval,

Tomšičeva 5, 61000 Ljubljana, Slovenia tel. +38-61-
215171, fax.+38-61-215855

Center for the Culture of Peace and Nonviolence,
Mestni trg 13,

61000 Ljubljana, Slovenia, tel. and fax. +38-61- 224666,
fax.(on line) +38-61- 328887

GAMA (Citizens Action for Peace), Miladin Životič,
Hotel Metropol, Bul. Revolucije 69
11000 Beograd, Serbia, tel. 011-752244, domicile, Tel.
011-330911, fax. 011-332991

ŽEST - Womens party

Sv. Markoviča 4 11000 Beograd, Serbia tel. 011-

334706

Center for AntiVVar Action,

ZoranCerovič.VesnaPešič,

Zmaj Jovina 12, 11000 Beograd, Serbia, Tel. 011-
624027, Fax. 011-181471

Helsinki Gtizens Assembly/Slovenia c.oSašoGazdič
Mestni Trg 13, 61000 Ljubljana, Slovenija, tel.and fax.
061-224666

Helsinki Gtizens Assembly/ Serbia c.o Sonja Licht
Omladinskih brigada 216/13, Blok 70, 11000 Beograd,
Serbia,

tel. 011-154882, fax. 011332940

VVomens Organization, Savka Todorovska

Orce Nikolov 164, Skopje, Macedonia Tel. 091-255261

Djordji Marjanovičm, Ligue for Demokracy
Ulica 856 br. 72-6, Skopje, Macedonia Tel. 091 -
518589

Ibrahim Spahič, Gradjanski forum, Citizens Forum
Dobrovoljačka 11, Sarajevo 71000, Bosnia, Tel. 071 -
214884, 071-38245, fax. 071-216238

Nermin Butkovič, Društvo Slobodne Misli,

Assotiation of the Freedom of Thought
Dobrovoljačka 11, Sarajevo 71000, Bosnia, Tel. 071 -
214884, fax. 071-216238

AntiVVar Campaign Zelena Akcija

Radnička c. 22, p.p. 876, 41000 Zagreb, Croatia, Tel.

041-610951, Fax. 041-612615

The groups mentioned above did meet on Saturday 20. July in Sarajevo, after the initiative given from coordi-
nating committe of peace and anti war initiatives that was constituted in Ljubljana. Besides the groups given
above, also various committes for protection of soldiers serving military Service and several other vvomen and
parents initiatives vvere present. At the same time, anti vvar and peace demonstrations happened in Ljubljana,
Maribor and Skopje. A common declaration against vvar vvas read during ali demonstrations. In Sarajevo,
vvhere there vvas a central meeting, about 30 representatives from ali mentioned groups gathered and dis-
cussed common project in future. Later during the day, they made a demonstration in the tovvn of Sarajevo,
during vvhich a role of 25 meters long paper vvas enfolded for people to vvrite and dravv their feelings and
thoughts about the escalated conflict. Several projects vvere agreed. The basic point vve ali agree is that vve
have to say NO to the vvar and start vvith civil disobedience. On Tuesday, 23. july, press conferences vvill take
plače ali over the country and people vvill be callcd to join demonstrations on Saturday, 27. July.

The Intruder*

Year I, No. l.,July 1991

Issued by: The Movement for the Culture of Peace and Nonviolence
Address: Mestni trg 13, Ljubljana
Edlted by: Dominique Cochard
Design: Irena \Volle, Demilitary Publishing
F*assword: Stop the War

‘The Movement for the Culture of Peace and Nonviolence is issuing information abroad from 1984 and has been
publishing nevvsletters in English language from 1985 on: during the years 85, 86, 87 titled Information Bulletin of the
Peace Movement in Slovenia and during years 88, 89, 90 The Independent Voices from Slovenia. Within the last 15
monlhs there vvas no issue published, only some circular letters vvere sent to the friends of the peace movement. //e ali hope
that The Intruder vvill remain in the manifestation. With your help too. Please keep in touch, send us a note, feedback,
letters, money, love, money, love, money, love! If the stars vvill feel OK, the next issue vvill be out late October.

Selection from the documents issued by

The Movement for the Culture of Peace and Nonviolence

from 23. June 1991

lat that time many journalists came to Ljubljana for the day ofindependence and we started with leaflets in Englishl

SLOVENTA WITHOUT AN ARMY

press release, 23. June 1991

In the program for intemational press, the Government
of Slovenia is highlighting the promotion of the
Slovenian army. The very fact, that the Government
had only chosen to show you the military training
center in the village of Ig is proving its militaristic
nature. It is true that the life in Slovenia is more and
more militarized and because of that we feel obliged to
make you know that:

•there is no national consensus on the establishment of
Slovenian national army,

•there is a strong political and public awareness and
movement requesting the change in security concept of
Slovenian State and requesting radical demilitarization,
proposing SLOVENIA to become
A STATE WITHOUTH AN ARMY.

The former wing of political and social thinking in
Slovenia is unfortunately not sufficiently promoted by
the Government of Slovenia which does not give
negotiations with other parts of Yugoslavia as many
chances as the idea of the peace zone in Slovenian
teritory vvould. In our opinion, the promotion of
Slovenian army during the days of celebration of
independence is if not against the current State of
political discussion in the country at least against
peaceful principles that we stand for and is at the same
time a meter of.bad political taste. We would like
Slovenian officials to promote the rich heritage of
Slovenian nonviolence and a good will of Slovenian
people to continue their nonviolent struggle also after
the frrst victory resulting in parliamentary democracy
April 1990. We would like the Slovenian officials to let
you know that there is a strong support in Slovenia for
nonviolent and peaceful co-existence in the area.

P.S. Basic Information about the campaign for Slovenia
Without an Army follovved

9

To ali friends of the peace movement on
the planet

Ref.Aggression on Slovenia,

Message no. 3,

28. June 1991/17.00

D e ar friends,

for years we did keep in touch and tried to inform and wom
you about the situation in Yugoslavia. First about the
violations of human rights, later about state-violence in
Kosovo and throughout the past few years about the threats

of the federal State against Slovenian sovereignties.

What everybody feared did happen yesterday.. The federal
govemment had ordered the federal military to invade
Slovenia and take the power from the hands of the
legitimate Slovenian authorities. The federal military is
using ali means of aggression including bombing and
threats with Chemical weapons. Slovenia found itself in a
war. Most of the borders are closed. Many people died,
soldiers and civilians, including some foreign reporters.

We did never judge the decision of Slovenian people to
form their own State. But we did always judge the process,
qualities and motivations accompanying this decisions.
And again we had criticism of Slovenian behavior. The
peace movement in Slovenia had been for years making
ali its efforts to

-promote peace politics in Slovenia versus the Yugoslav
State, specially to mainlain good Communications with the
other Yugoslav republics.

-stimulate foreign policy to engage seriously in Yugoslav
crisis and enable mechanisms for nonviolent conflict
resolution.

None of the two was successful. We are of the opinion,
that Slovenian policv could be much more wise, specially
we have criticism of its one sided measures conceming
foreign policy and defence policy. We were always of the
opinion that militarv logic and militarv preparations can
never lead to constructive Solutions-  we did wam
sSlovenian govemment that the constitution of the
Slovenian army can lead to crisis and we suggested
alternative mechanisms. Despite our dissatisfaction we
have to underline, that Slovenian policy did not perform
any violent measure against any party. Our criticism of
Slovenian govemment does not and can not offer any
apologies of the three factors, wliich in our vicw contrib-
uted largely to the military occupation of Yugoslav state
in Slovenia

1. the militaristic and centralistic policy of the federal
State, led by prime minister Mr. Markovič, vvhich did
prove in ali cases of vvide spread conflicts in Yugoslavia,
that the federal State is ready to defend Status Quo vvith
the most brutal methods and violations of human rights.
Federal Govemment had ordered the intervention of the
federal military and is fully responsible for the casualties
and damage done.

2. intemational politics, which in our view gave full
justification to Mr. Markovič to use the military against
Slovenia, by supporting the Yugoslav state and not
allowing any option for independence of the northern
republics. Foreign public did not vvant to understand, that
particular republics in Yugoslavia have constitutional right
for self-determination and did not understand, that the rigid
socialist power holders in Belgrade want to maintain full

{

and centralized power over the whole State.

3. the failure of the mechanisms of UN and CSCE to act
before the conflict evolves into violenl crisis. Even more,
Secretary General of the UN De Cuellar did afford himself
to make a statement today, expressing his “inability to make
anv comment  on situation in Yugoslavia, since this was an
intemal problem of Yugoslavia”.

International policy with USA and EC bear in our view
whole responsibility for the violence of military in
Sloveni a. The peace movement should be aware of this fact
and we are sorry to be dravvn in a position to put it in such a
hard way. International policy did once again after the Gulf
War fail, despite of the fact, that it has been wamed so
many times about the vvorsening situation in the country.

Ali the world knew about the possible scenarios in Yugosla-
via and it did not find enough consideration to make a
serious move to prevent violence. How many people must
die for the vvorld to make a stand against the violent and
mad regimes?

We ask you to:

-interpret the events in Slovenia as a military intervention in
a sovereign State of Slovenia and not as a civil war
- make pressure on your govemments to accuse the military
intervention of the federal govemment, request the cease of
the fire and initiate negotiations

-request European govemments to activate CSCE mecha¬
nisms for conflict resolution

-express criticism of the UN and make pressure to the
security council to activate its mechanisms for peaceful
solution of the conflict, and to initiate a peace conference
under the auspices of the UN.

The flrst step must be to cease fire and freeze ali further
mllitary activity of Yugoslav and Slovenian authorilies. The
next step ls to provide mechanisms and conditions for
negotiations. International polltics should not be to judge
the form of the state(s) in Balkans, but to Insist on fair and
nonviolent process of making decisions of the part les
Involved.

•

To ali friends of the peace movement on the planet to the
International public

PEACE PROPOSALS

Ref. Aggression on Slovenia,

Message no. 4, 4. July 1991/ 22.00

Dear friends

Hopefully the cease Tire agreed today will last. But as you
know, the conflict and tension is not over by ending the
armed conflict We leamed a lot from the Gulf war, where
the inajority of casualties were “after” the war. We liave the
same fears conceming Yugoslavia. The tensions are
extreme, the conflicts are various, militarization of the
society in ali republics is extreme, the concentration of

weapons also and fmally, there was a soft military coup
d’etat performed and as it seems a part of federal military
leadership does not want to give up their power and does
not want to surrender under the control of civil authorities.
The variety of conflicts in Yugoslavia (Kosovo, Bosnia,
Croatia, Slovenia) remain unsolved and will if not ap-
proached with most serious considerations re-explode
sooner or later. International public should take the vvar in
Slovenia as a most serious waming.

This is why we ask you to pass fonvard the following
demands and recommendations conceming the attitudes of
intemational public and politics:

1. Request immediate cease fire of ali parties, freeze of ali
offensive military operations and preparations, and
request immediate start of political negotiations.

2. Recognition of the right for self-determination of the
citizens of Slovenia as vvell as for any nation in Yugo-
slavia (i.e. Albanians in Kosovo, Serbs in Croatia etc.).

3.0ffer good offices, mediations and supervisions using
ali intemational mechanisms and instruments available
and provide additional legal grounds for intemational
interventions which are according to present agreements
not provided (this regards particularly the abstinence of
UN in the approach to Yugoslav crisis).

4 . Living ali options for future political arrangements
(confederation, separate States,...) on the territory of
Yugoslavia open for negotiations and insist on fair,
peaceful and democmic process of negotiations.

5. Taking into consideration and seek Solutions for ali
conflicts in Yugoslavia at the same time (Kosovo,
Serbian regions within Croatia, Bosnian question), not
only for the čase of Slovenia.

G.Ban of ali weapons export to Yugoslavia and envisage
the options of demilitarized zones in the areas of
conflicts.

7.Demand Yugoslav govemment and the govemments of
separate republics to oblige themselves during negotia¬
tions to elaborate a plan for social rcconciliation and
cultural, scientific, economic etc. cooperation to
eliminate hatred amongst nations and establish basis for
long lasting peace.

We thank you very much for ali the help and consideration
that you have cxprcssed in the last few days.

P.S.* The point no. 5. /r.ade some misunderstanding
amongst peace and conflict resolution people. They said
that it is not possible to salve "ali problems at the same
time". It might be a badphrasing, but what we meant was
for ali areas of crisis to be “laken into consideration " and
that we should “ seek  Solutions" at the same time, vvhich
means at once. Of course Solutions could be found  at
differenl times - step by step.

Herein we include a deciaration send to Slovenian authori¬
ties.

To the

Government of Sk)venia,MrXojze Petrle
Presidency of Slovenia,Mr.Milan Kučan

Ljubljana, 4. July 1991

We slrongly believe that the conflicts can only be
solved if approached by wide social reconciliation
and conflict resolution measures and by consistent
peace politics performed by Slovene authorities.

We appeal Slovenian authorities to put on the
agenda of negotiations with parties in conflict
during the next days also the follovving items

* unilateral peace treaties with the neighboring

States

* multilateral peace treaties with Yugoslav republics

* multilateral agreement on the freeze of the federal
military specially in the light of control over the
federal military and its future disintegration.

* agreement on freeze of any military activity in
particular republics

* establishment of peace and fully demilitarized
zones in the areas of conflicts. We propose
Slovenian authorities to put on agenda separately
the option of Slovenia Without an Army as an
expression of good will.

* obligation of ali parties to elaborate a plan for
social reconciliation and cultural, scientific,
economic etc. cooperation to eliminate hatred
amongst nations, strengthen cooperation and
understanding and establish basis for long lasting
peace.

At the same time we appeal Slovenian authori¬
ties

* to unilaterally declare the resignation of the use of
violent means

* to abstain from any one-sided measure which
could be understood as provocation by any party

* to abstain from the use of offensivc language
vvhich can hurt the pride of people or representa-
tives of parties involved

* to elaborate the plan for demilitarization of highly
militarized life in Slovenia

* to demand intemational help for the above men-
tioned projects.

•

to the politicians, diplomats, officers, to the public

ABOUT THE ULTEMATUM

Ref.Aggression on Slovenia
Message No 5/An
6July 1991 12.00

Friends

In the times of crisis, vvhen it is hard to identify the
parties involved, and when these parties did not
articulate clearly their interests it is hard to start any
fruitful negotiations and it is unproductive to
defend particular positions .and impose demands
amongst opposing parties. The demands are even
interpreled as ultimatums and the parties continue to
stay in face of each other and not in face of the
problem.

In such situation, the follovving sequence of issues
should be negotiated:

1. Fixing the rales of the game

-identifying the parties in conflict (who is
representing whom), clarifying competences,
-assuring mediators and supervisors, includ
ing the agreement on the intemational as
sistance

-identifying the levels of discussion (foreign
ministers, presidential level, military,...)
-fixing the mles of the game in details (how
many delegates, names, basic terminology
etc.)

-timing and place(s) of meetings

2 .  Fixing priorities

-cease fire

-separation of armed troops
-demilitarization
-articulation of the interests
-articulation of starting positions

3 .  Negotiations

-about interests
-about positions
-about Solutions

It is evident that the position of Slovenia to maintain
the State of affairs achieved on 26. Jun oppose
radically the position of the Yugoslav govemment
and Yugoslav presidency rcquesting the State of
affairs to restored as it was before the 35. Jun. It is
therefore not really productive to start negotiations
with the most difficult issue, when there are neces-
sary agreements to be made on less problematic
fields. In the times of extreme tension, the smallest
agreement is of great value (i.e. cooperation in the
field of culture)

The role of intemational community should also be
to request the fulfillment of the First two points

mentioned and to offer good offices and mediators.

It is not really productive for intemational commu-
nity to declare or decide on any of the solution given
by particular party involved in the conflict.

To start negotiations repeating the contradictory
positions without having an agreement on the
procedure and on rules of the game can easily
escalate in a new crisis. It is not as much important
what political solution we will arrive to, but it is
important that the process will be peaceful and least
traumatic and it is important for ali interests to be
satisfied as much as possible. To satisfy this goal the
environment and the conditions must be created in
which parties will be allowed to hear each other.

•

VOTE FOR PEACE AND NOT FOR THE
WAR

Ref.Aggression on Slovenia
Message No 6/An
8July 1991 17.00

In this message we only appealed Slovenian parlia-
ment, to have enough wisdom to accept the terms in
Brioni declaration, and to allow themselves to make
a step back (restore the State of affairs from 25.

June) and make space for negotiations and peaceful
process to begin.

The 10. July the Brioni declaration vvas aceepted by
ali parties - by intemational observers and media¬
tors, a Troika led by Dutch foreign minister De n
Bruk, Yugoslav Government, representatives of the
military and Slovenian negotiators. Slovenia became
a recognized party in a dialogue and the first condi-
tion for negotiations is fulfilled. Lets keep in mind,
that Slovenia is just a simple čase. It needed an
armed conflict to gain recognition. If ali future cases
that follow vvill have to go through the same experi-
ence, there vvill be dozens of armed conflicts ali over
Europe. The da mag e and casualties vvill be much
bigger than in Slovenia, vvhere the approximate
numbers are more than 300 vvounded, 65 dead,

2.500 captured (federal troops) and 2B$ material
damage. Only in one day of armed struggles bc-
tvveen Serbian terrorists and Croatian police in
Slavonia (Croatia), 45 people died just when the
conflict in Slovenia was coming to an end. If the
virus of military resolution vvill not be stopped, the
large part of Europe vvill soon suffer very much.

means of defence of Slovenia and moderate diplo-
macy, both, Slovenian, federal and intemational. If
there is anybody vvho can stop bloodshed in Croatia,
Bosnia, Kosovo, Macedoni and further, these are
citizens, man and vvomen, vvho vvill not allovv to be
drovvn in hatred and vvho vvill disobey any military
activity.

Everybody is asking, vvhat vvill happen in Yugosla-
via. Everything is possible is the most usual ansvver.
The situation is extremely tense and hot, the popula-
tion is under arms, militarization of societies and of
politics is extreme. Any moment vve can expect nevv
escalations. Vertical conflicts must be controlled by
intemational community, horisontal conflicts are not
under eontrol of anybody except of the people
themselves. Again, for the peace movement the
process and the values and principles accomanying
it are important and not the future forms of the
statefs). In this light, vve stili see the project of
Slovenia vvithout an army of same relevancy.
Slovenia can either become a generator of peace
proposals and activities, in open communication
vvith the south, or can become a tampon betvveen
Europe and Balkans. Both options it can realize as a
separate State or in union vvith other republics. The
quality of relations vvill be important. The Vision is
independent Slovenia. vvith balanced relations to ali
for directions of the vvorld and vvith much involve-
ment and investment in to the process of nonviolent
conflict resolution in Balkans. Yugoslavia can not
exist any more in the present form. Those vvho can’t
accept this reality, are far from being able to find
any solution. Even most orthodox generals aceepted
the fact, that Slovenia vvants to decide on its ovvn
(self-determination). At the same time Slovenia can
not survive vvithout close links to the South and can
not (of course not) simply throvv itself into the arms
of mother Europe 12 (vve should vvrite Europe 1/2,
vvhich vvould mean one half (1/2) of Europe).

Neither of the follovving tvvo options should be
allovved 1. “Europe” to create its nevv psychological
borders including Slovenia and living the rest out,
and 2. to inaintain the status quo of old empires.
Slovenia is a good čase to try and make nevv inde¬
pendent States a bridge betvveen the tvvo vvorlds.

And in this light the question of demilitarized zones
(states vvithout an armvj coukJ be negotiated. A
Story of Unique Opportunity /  vvhich is
published later on in this issue and vvas vvritfen on
the eve of independence and a day before the armed
confrontation, is therefore a relevant story also for
the future.

Ljubljana, 21. July 1991

If there is somebody vvho vvon the anned conflict in
Slovenia, than it is disobedience of federal soldiers
and officers, unefitiency of the military, non-military

A Story of The Unique Opportunity

The idea of Slovenia Without an Army was
launched in 1989 by The movement for the
Culture of Peace and Nonviolence. The move¬
ment vvas of course strongly impressed and
encouraged by these fantastic Swiss people,
having a referendum on abolition of the army in
Switzerland in November 1989 and reaching a
hardly believable score of 35.6% of people for
the abolition. During the autumn 1989 the idea
of Slovenia Without an Army was fully adopted
by Liberal Democratic Party, a year later by
Green Party of Slovenia, and during this spring
also by The Party of Democratic Reform, The
Union of Social Democrats, The Party of Grey
Panthers and partially by Slovene Socialist
Party. The idea for Slovenia Without an Army
is supported by more than 80 social groups
joining Metelkova Network, the Netvvork, of
which the goal is to convert the many military
barracks in urban cities for civilian use, mainly
for cultural and social activities. The flnal touch
of the campaign vvas Initlated early thls spring
with the Declaration for peace, which was until
now signed by more than 25000 people na-
tlonal-wlde. Amongst flrst slgnatories of the
dedaration vvhich we publish herein in a vvhole,
vvere Dr. Janez Drnovšek, member of presidium
of Yugoslavla, four members of Slovenlan
presidium, Mr. Milan Kučan, Dr. Dušan Plut,
Mr. Ciril Zlobec and Mr. Matjaž Kmecl, several
minlsters of Slovenlan govemment and hun-
dreds of vvell known flgures of severa! profes-
sions and interests.

This is an identity card of the initiative in a
nutshell. The question that is asked most often
by domestic and intemational public is, if
Slovenia could afford abolition of the army in
this times of crisis accompanying the process of
independence. How can idea of abolition of the
army grow in the atmosphere of tension? Is
non-armed option possible ln the čase of
Slovenlan Independence?

What are the facts?

1. Slovenia decided on the plebiscite, Decem¬
ber 1990 for independence and is performing it
rapidly. The last event vvas Jun 26. when
independence vvas formaly declared in Slovenia
as vvell as in Croatia.

2. Yugoslav army stili Controls Slovenian
land. Federal Govemment stili Controls a series
of State functions.

3. As a part of official defence doctrine of
Yugoslav total defence, Slovenia had developed
a widely structured system of Territorial
defence and is novv upgrading it in direction of

Slovene national military force. It is based on general conscription as
compulsory attribute of male citizenship.

■4.Intemational politics does not support independence of particular
republics in Yugoslavia.

The idea of the peace movement vvas, for Slovenia to promote itself
by offering to its neighbors a peace zone on its territory. The idea
vvas, to execute ali decislons in nonvlolent way and in a špirit of
consensus vvith Vugoslav partners. Slovenia has good grounds on
vvhich it could base such a strategy - a decade of civilian resistance
and social struggle for democracy. It is hard to judge vvhether the
federal institutions vvere more violent before than they are novv.
Democracy vvas won vvithout any repressive force and once achieved,
the State decided to defend it vvith military means. The fact Ls, that
Slovene government did not decide to continue the process of self-
determlnation vvith nonviolent means.

A.  further and important fact is that the dialogue in Yugoslavia is
hardly possible. Federal institutions do not vvork, federal presidency
(at the same tame supreme commarder of the Federal military) does
not exist any more, there is no frame for the negotiations.

The peace movement suggested several alternative ways for confiict
resolution. But the govemment rejected them. Of course it did,
everybody vvould say. But it vvas not so obvious for us here in
Slovenia. We did grovv hopes that the garniture vvhich came into
povver from “our circles” vvould be much more brave and decisive
and vvould dravv a different line, based on tradition of nonviolent
social struggle throughout 80-ies. But this did unfortunately not
happen. The peace movement and ali political groups, vvho joined the
idea had made a lot to dravv the line of the govemment in the
direction of qualities described above, but vvere not successful. The
biggest opportunity vvas missed by The Green Party of Slovenia,
vvhich is a part of the Govemmental coalition. They had a chance to
block the appearance of the Slovenian Army, but their parliamentar-
ians did not use the chance. They rather voted for repressive meas-
ures. The Greens in Slovenia had unique chance to play a decisive
role during the process of initiation of the State. But they got lost in
uniformity of goveming coalition.

The opportunity to abolish the army vvith a political decision is gone
for a time. And so is lost the oppomtnity for Slovenia to promote
itself vvith the qualities of demilitarization, democracy and human
rights. And so is lost the opportunity for Slovenia to contribute a large
share of peaceful input into the solution of Yugoslav crisis. On
contrary, military lobby is constituted in Slovenia, military mentality
is built after the idea of the honorable Slovenian soldier vvas lunched
and promoted, the confiict vvith Yugoslavia remaincd unsolved and
creates stress and crisis each now and ihen, and finally, Slovenia
promotes its Independence by shovring muscles, uniforms and new
border check points (vvith the repubttc of Croatia). The result is (and
wlll perpetuate) in more milltarv mentality, in more vlolence on
streets and in violent nationalism vvhich penetrated in the character of
Slovenlans. Slovenians are beconring more and more close minded,
racist and violent

The peace movemei.t did its best to change the course. It vvas of the
opinion, that strict loyalty to the idea of nonviolent struggle vvould
enable Slovenia to salisfy its goals. Siovenian govemment did not buy

How can idea of abolition of the army grow
in the atmosphere of tension? Is non-
armed option possible in the čase of

r  , j t>o, everybody ac-

Slovenian independence« tuaiiyfaiiedagainand

the idea regardless
the fact, that quite
some friends from the democratic opposition came into most
crucial povver positions (inner minister, Mr. Bavčar, was a
head of Comittee for the Protection of Human Rights, de-
fence minister, Mr. Janša, was collaborating with the Peace
Movements throughout 80-ies, foreign mimster, Mr. Rupel,
was active in oppositional revue Nova Revija and in other
intellectual and cultural movements, etc., ali contributing to
the publication of the peace movement, that you have been
receiving throughout 80-ies - Independent Voices from
Slovenia). many of the measures Slovenian govemment
decided for were passed on the basis of one-sided decision,
and particularly the issue of the Slovenian army created lots
of tension with the federal State. The peace movement was of
the opinion that patience and strict insistence on democratic
procedures and negotiations could lead to more peaceful
results.

The International politics did not help much the nonvio-
lent conflict resolution. Its United reaction “that they
(USA, EC, particular States) vvould not support the
independence of particular republics in Yugoslavia, does
not help much. International politics did once again loose
a chance, to request and assist the process of nonviolent
conflict resolution and negotiation. It did not sufficiently
offer the Services, offices and knowledge for such process
and it did not use its powers for Yugoslav republics to sit
and negotiate. International politics did fail again. It
issued Its posltion instead of glvlng its assistance Into a
process of negotiations.

the result will be bad. There will be a series of long-on-going
low-intensity conflicts on the land of Yugoslavia (Serbs in
Croatia, Albanians in Serbia.), manifesting in terrorism of
Northern Ireland type and in large militarization of societies.
The peace movement in Slovenia will insist on the abolition
of the army in Slovenia, since it believes, that in this way,
Slovenia could invest (time, energy, money) into social,
political, environmental, cultural etc. sanation of military
thinking and military hardware. But at the same time the
peace movement is aware, that we will have to deai with much
more day-to-day violence, both, State and subversive terror¬
ism, radst nationalisms and reviving of patr iarchal structures.
This is the reason why we hurry building structures for work
which is inevitably in front of us. Structures for peace in a
scheme of the Active Global Peace Policy, which includes
scientific centres (peace rese arch), education programs (peace
education), community organizing (movements), political
lobby and relations to State diplomacy.

Since the abolition of military (thinking and hardvvare)
did unfortunately not become a domain of the official
policy, the work will have to be done by people them-
selves. There is an option for direct democracy (referen¬
dum requested from below) in Slovenian constitution and
we are getting ready to use this option and ask the people
to abolish the army by themselves.

By Marko Hren

June 26 th  1991

M

Mirovni Inštitut - Peace Institute

Opening of a Peace Institute in Ljubljana

The Movement for the culture of Peace and Non-violencehas

iust founded an independant research centre, privatlv funded

and non-profit institution,

Its activities will be the following:

1. Research

-  in phenomena of violence in the widest sense i.e. civil socicty/
State, inter-statesviolence,economy,environment, family, men/
women, children, etc...

- conflict, conflict resolution

- non-violent methods of security and defcnce system

- peace education

- conversion of military economy for civilian purposes

2. Education

- of post-graduate students for the above stated fields

3. Cooperation

-  with the research centres and universities elsewhere in the world

- with international institutions dealing wilh peace, education,
security and development

We offer cooperation in collaborative studies in the fields
of transition in central Europe, the role of civil society,
ethnical minorities and national questions and conflicts.

Address : Peace Institute, Mestni Trg 13, 61ooo Ljubljana, Fax & Phone +38 - 61 - 224 666

Yugoslavia : The State of affairs

Instability in the Balkans has not always
remained confined to that region. Thus the
concem of the polilical forces East and West to
keep what appears to them to be destructive and
disestablishing developments in Yugoslavian
politics within tolerable limits is understand-
able. Yugoslavia continues to threaten peace
and security in the region. However, the
intemational community’s lack of understand-
ing of what is happening there, has contributed
to the crisis rather than eased tensions.

37*eace and security, for the intemational
community, primarily means stability; for the
people actually living in Yugoslavia, it is
principally the question of democracy. Far too
often stability has been given priority over
democracy. Yet, we stili have not learnt the
lesson that democracy, vvith ali lts weaknesses
and disorders, represents ln the long mn a much
more firm gnarantee of peace and security than
any false order preserved in the interesi of the
geo-political status-quo.

In our čase, the greater part cf the intemational
community has understood stability to depend
on the preservation of an unitary Yugoslavian
State. The claims of the representatives of the
democratically elected govemments of the
Northern republics of Slovenia and Croatia that
sovereign Yugoslavian nation-states should
renegotiate a possible new Yugoslavian union,
have so far failed to gain any real intemational
support.

The preservation of Yugoslavia, as advocated
by the intemational community, rests on two
major misconceptions. The first is that the
political forces in the country who opt for a
unique State are actually advocating a federation
of free and equal nations. These forces have an
idiosyncratic understanding of who constitutes a
“nalion” in Yugoslavia,and may, consequently,
have any say in the creation of a future settle-
ment. Albanians, for example, the third strong-
est ethnic community in the country, are denied
this status. The aim of such “Yugoslavism” is to
secure the hegemony of one’s nation in the
future unitary state(which often comes vcry
close to the idea of serbian administrative and
military domlnation) or to strengthen one’s
position in the expected partition of the country
in order to occupy a larger terrltory(the claims,
for example, that ali territories populated vvith
Serbs should join the great Serbian State).

The second misconception Is that a unitary
Yugoslavian state stili exists. In fact there are
no functioning federal institutions. They have

ceased to exist(the Yugoslavian communist Party and its replicates);
or become powerless (the federal govemment); or sided witii one of
the particulars forces(the Yugoslavian army with the Serbian-led
antireformist forces); or been captured, in their Belgrade’s offices, by
the serbian coalition under Miloševič. The Yugoslavian constitution
is not respected and there is no effective Yugoslavian legislatioa
Moreover, as a leading sloven commentator Ervin Hladnik Milharčič
has pointed out, there is not even one single all-Yugoslavian conflict.
Indeed, ali the conflicts are of local nature and have local conse-
quences. Yugoslavia is nothing but the common denomlnator of a
number of conflicts that have nothing else ln common. Yugoslavla is
a state of affairs rather than a state.

Intemational support for a politically nonexistent state is seif-
defeating. Greater support for the so-called secessionist policy of the
Northern republics is not necessary a wiser course. The pollcy of
“secession” is prlmarily the way these republics, based on ideological
schemes and public emotion rather than on real interests. These
policies are an integral part of the present Yugoslav1an reality and
vvould, in their current form, hardly survive the final dlsintegration of
the state. In this respect, they are lllusionary policies. Should seces¬
sion actually occur, lt vvould be, at tliis thne, an act of despalr with
unpredictable consequences. What should be prevented, of course, is
not secession but despair.

There is no simple solution for the Yugoslavian crisis yet the
principled answer is simple; democracy. However, it remains
undecided wether the preservation or destruction of the present
Yugoslavia is more likely to promote democratic developments.

The mere perpetuation of Yugoslavia would be utterly detrimental
to democracy. The preservation of Yugoslavia can only be the result,
not the precondition, of democratization. Tlie possible democratiza-
tion of Serbia vvould be of declsive Importance in this respect.

Without it, there are no prospect for a future Yugoslavian “common
home”.

I am not a great admirer of the post-communist govemments of
Slovenia and Croatia. In the sloven čase, the new rulers to have
irresponsibly wasted the democratic Capital accumulated in more than
a decade of independent social struggles. What they trave created
instead of an open and tolerant socletv is a regime best described as
natlonailstlc democracy. Yet one cannot deny that this is basically a
democratic system. A “democratic revolution” has also happcned in
Croatia. Serbia, on the contrary, has escaped a democratic turmoil. It
remains the undemocratic Yugoslavian rcpublic. Tliat is why tire
recent demonstrations in Belgrade not only attracted so much
attention but were also invested with great hopcs. There are no Firm
reasons yet to believe that these demonstrations represent a ‘'demo¬
cratic tum” in Serbia.

Serbian authorities under Miloševič have demonstrated that their
praised “democracy” is nothing but "bludgeoning of tire people by the
people for the people”. They and their servile medias hastened to accuse
the discontented on the streets of spliting tlie unity of the serbian nation.
While I am far from supporting the nationalist opposition leader
Draškovič, he has to be credited with trying to assert an irreconcilable
political division in Serbia. The division betwecn tire communists in
power and anti-communist may well be a primitive one yet it represents.

Yugoslavia is nothing but the common
denominator of a nuiriber of conflicts that
have nothing else in common. Yugoslavia
is a State of affairs rather than a State.

nonetheless, el-
ementary political
pluralism. Students, on the other hand, who for some days
occupied the central square in Belgrade, declared themselves
apolitical and beyond political parties and divisions. The
language they spoke was the language of youth and non
corrupL Democracy rests on discussing political differences.
The language of youth and virtue is not a distinctive demo-
cratic language. On the contrary, it contains a frightening
undemocratic potential.

It is significant that Miloševič chose students(not
Draškovič) as his dialogue partner. This time, students did
not applaud Miloševič. The meeting between them,
however, this mutual recognition and legitimation,
symbolically healed the wound afflicted to the national
body by the violent demonstrations.

This conclusion might be considered speculative.
Hovvever, there is a standard by whlch the degree of
democratization ln Serbla may be precisely determlned:
the attltudes of Serbs to the ethnlc Albanlans In the ex-
autonomous region of Kosovo.

The Kosovo question vvas not discussed during the Bel¬
grade events. This is of major significance for at least two
reasons. First, Belgrade students have on more than one
occasion gone onto the streets to demand the Lmposition of
martial law on Kosovo or, much simpler, arms to go to

Kosovo themselves
and settle accounts
with Albanians. During the recent demonstrations, the stu¬
dents did not indicate that they were reconsidering their
attitude tovvards Kosovo.

Knsovo is (which is the second, more general reason) the
plače vvhere the human rights and civil liberties of the
Albanian majority population are violated and denied to a
degree unknovvn today anywhere else in Europe. The
Serbian democratic Party, the strongest democratic group
in opposition, seems to be avvare of the problem yet has
decided to deal with it after the Serbia itself is democra-
tized. This logic of “two phases” (so well known in the
communist eastem Europe) has ali too often proved to be
deceiving. There is never the right time for the second
“phase” to begin; and it is difficult to imagine a democratic
order being built without grasping with the most undemo¬
cratic reality as its heart. Democratization in Serbia is not
possible unless human rights abuses end in Kosovo. No
political force in Serbia vvhich does not strive to stop the
genocide policy against Albanians in Kosovo and to
abolish the appartheid-like structures in the region can call
itself democratic. Democratic development Ln Serbia
(whkh could open the prospect of a democratic recon-
struction of Yugoslavia) has from the start to include
democracy for Kosovo Albanians. If the International
community desires peace and security in the region it has to
understand this polnt

By Tomaž Mastnak

London,Maj 1991

SEMINAR

NON-VIOLENT CONFLICT RESOLUTION ; THE ČASE OF YUGOSLAVIA

LJUBLJANA, 26-27-28 SEPTEMBER

This seminar, initiated by the new-bom Peace
Institute in Ljubljana, vvill constitute the first
session, the opening of a longer-term ex-
change conceming the non-violent conflict in
Vugoslavia.

The Ljubljana's meeting, as a starting point, will
attempt to portray of the conflicts situation in
Yugoslavia(religious / national /  social...). 40 to 45
participants from ali o ver Yugoslavia, novelists,
professors, researchers in sociology / politics /
philosophy..., will gather and define a common
methodology.(how to build up a conflict resolu-
tion strategy)

A book has to be published by Tonči Kuzmanič,
presenting the conclusions of this reflection, a
translation in English vvill follovv.

The 2nd session due to take plače in Austria in
November 91 should consist in the presentation of
the above conclusions to 25 experts from ali over the
vvorld, this being follovved by a discussion, an
exchange of experienees. The contact should be kept
aftervvards.

The 3rd session vsili be to elaborate proposals for
non-violent resolution of the Yugoslav conflict.

At the 4th session opportunity vvill be given to this
assembly of scientists to face politicians of ali Yugo-
slavia, and present the proposals of the 3rd session

At the 5th session, the final proposals in terms of
resolution of the conflict should be vvritten, and a
nevv book published in several languages.

The disintegration of Yugoslavia

The problems vvhich Vugoslavia faces seem
to be numerous. Looking from the outside
evervthing seems so unpredictable. More
often this is the reason vvhy people vvithdravv
from the ir attempt to understand it And yet
there are some quite stable features vvhich
make it possibie to grasp this relativelv
eompies situation. First, what has to be done
in order to understand YugosIavia’s disinte¬
gration processes is to abandon existing
ideologicaJ oversimplifications(either in
Yugoslavia or abroad) about the
“Finst”(1918-1941) and “Second”(1943-)
YugosIavias, about gocd and bad
Yugoslavias. In cornmunist terms, the “first”
YugosIavia was the bad one{bourgeois,
exp!oitation, “prison of the nation”._), and
the second was the good one(seIf-manage-
ment, the end of exploitation, freedom for ali
people and nations...). A mirror picture of
events comes from the anti-cornmunist point
of vievv and is mere!y an in ve rt ed cornmunist

1 -

In the čase of Yugoslavia the present day
disintegration chiefly tends to reinstate the
situation of 1918. (The exception is Slovenia
because Slovenes mostly prefer separation from
Belgrade). The cruclal point of 1918 is that the
so calied “First Yugoslavia” had not been born
at that time at ali! An emplricaliy verifiable fact
is that In 1918, twc States were created, but
none of them vvas Yugoslavia. “The first was
the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs” (SCS).
In today’s confrontations the experience of this
State is the most important point for Croatia and
in part for Slovenia. The borders of that “SCS-
state” were roughly the borders of the westem
part of today’s Yugoslavia. The eastem borders
were on the river Drina, which made the border
between Austrohungary and Serbia before the
First World War(for orientation, at that border
the First World War started after the assassina-
tion in Sarajevo in 1914!). The SCS was the
State of those nations vvhich for centuries had
tried to survive inside the Austro-hungarian
empire under the mythological and ideological
umbrella of so-called “YugosIavhood”(the
name Yugosiavia means the State of the South
Slavs). At the moment, when the Austro-
Hungarian empire collapsed, Slovenes, Croats,
Istrians, Dalmatians, Bosnians and those Serbs
who lived inside the Austro-Hungarian empire
built up their own State vvith Capital in Zagreb.
But this state(without an army...) endured only a
month. In the very moment of the new state’s
development(1918), Italy started to call in the

promises which it had got from the First World War allies to occupy
parts of the Adriatic coast.

2 -

Consequently, the SCS-state vvas forced to look for army protection.
The serbian kingdom vvas that force(and a part of Allies too) vvhich
gave its army. The result of this armed participation vvas not Vugosla-
vla, but a nevv ldnd of State. Again SCS, but in the name of the “nevv-
new” state, Slovenes were now replaced in precedence by Serbs. The
“new-new” state vvas named as the “Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and
Slovenes”. The first SCS state, vvhich vvas Intended to be liberai-
democratic parliamentary, multicultural and multinational, vvas
replaced by monarchy vvith the exdusive ruie of the Serbian royal
house. To put it briefly, in order to preserve their territory, the
vvestem part of the today’s Yugoslavia had joined the Serbian
Kingdom together vvith Serbs and Montenegrins to form a state. But
the incompatibility betvveen at least tuo diffcrent political, cultural,
national and religious...structures resulted in Serbian dictatorship. In
1929 the serbian king declared a “direct relationship” betvveen
himself and the “people”, abolished parliament and the constitution
and announced a “nevv state”: the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Hence,
Yugoslav1a vvas born as a monarchv, as a dictatorship of the Serbian
Kingdom in 1929 and not before! The first task for the Kingdom of
Yugoslavia vvas building the “yugoslav nation”. But the second vvorld
vvar came too fasL

In 1941, Yugoslavia vvas occupied and divided by several
neighboring countries(Germany, Italy, Hungary, Bulgaria...). The
goal vvas to destroy the state. Inside each nation appeared a division
betvveen collaborators vvith the occupational forces and the “Feople’s
liberation movement” (Tito’s partisans). Fratricides lasted five years,
quisling structures set up. According to some estimates, 60% of the
population vvas killed in struggles inside a single nation or betvveen
nations, and only 40% in battles against the occupying forces. The
number of people killed vvas betvveen one, and, one and half a
million. The country vvas completely cestroyed.

The vvinners of the Second World War in Yugoslavia seemed to be
the Communists. Hovvever, as a result of the vvar and so-called
soclal(ist) revolution, the oniv vvlnner was that force vvhich used
violence, the Yugoslav Peopie’s ArmytYPA). Ypa vvas and stili is an
Army of the Cornmunist Party, in spise of the fact that, the old
Cornmunist Party formally no longer exists. (Last year, army officers,
almost ali old generals, built a nevv Cornmunist Party in order to stand
in Federal elections. The main point of the party’ s program vvas the
“integrity of the state”).

3 -

There are tvvo main differences betvveen Yugoslav and Soviet
Communismfthe split betvveen them too k plače in 1948). At the
national level Tito’s Yugoslavia became a federal community of
equal nations and nationalities as a result of tire separate resistancc of
Slovenes, Croats, Serbs, Bosnians, and Macedonian people against
German, and Italian occupation. Thev were equal in the mcaning of
equality before the lavv of the Cornmunist party. The leading role of
the Serbian Kingdom and also of the Serbian People in such a period
of monarchy vvas replaced by cornmunist ideology and the ideology

of the Yugoslavhood(in this discontinuity lie
most of the frustrations in today’s Serbia).
Secondly, Tito’s concept of communism also
had some features of “anarchism”. It was lcss
ascetic and more enjoyable in comparison
with the soviet type. During the first two post-
war decades, economic development in Yu-
goslavia was strong, even in comparison with
certain westem societies and industries.

But in the seventies and especially in the
eighties the communist machine start to get
tired. The system built from one marble slab
started to crack, first between nations and
religions and also betvveen relatively devel-
oped and underdeveloped parts of the State.
After Tito ’s death the communist system con-
tinued, headless, to worL It has become clear
that Tito as a person was in fact an integral
part of the system and that his death was at the
same time the death of the self-management
system as a vvhole. Radicalization of the innu-
merable differences and conflicts has led to
the present situation. On one side there are
trends to build nation-state constitutions(in
every single part of Yugoslavia) and on the

The crucial

of 1918 is , , . ,

other side stands the supranational ideology
that the so and power of the Yugoslav People’s Army.

called “First

Yugoslavia” had 4-

not been bom at it is obvious that today’s Yugoslavia tends to

that time at ali! spi' 1  ' nt0  p* eces-  k ma y s pht ‘ nt0

pieces.whichconstituted the first SCS State in
An empirically 1918, the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs,
verifiable fact is anc * a ' so  * nt0 new states  which have appeared

in the meantime: Bosnians(so-caIled “Mus-
lims"), Albanians, Macedonians. Moreover,
it is necessary to add numcrous postmodern
drives for regionalisation(Istria, Dalmatia,
Dubrovnik, Voivodina, Sandjak...). Ofcourse,
ali these processes of disintegration are going
on without liberalization on the level of the
individual, and slo w development of a distinc-
tion between the State and civil society. Whilst
the mythological and ideological oppositions
among nation-states are exaggerated, differ¬
ences and conflicts inside each nation-state
are completely trodden down. Concentrated
social tensions are vvaiting for “better times”.
But it is not impossible that strikes and other
forms of social dissatisfaction will increase.
This is only a question of time.

that in 1918,
two states were
created, but
none of them
was Yugoslavia.

By Tonči Kuzmanič

Ljubljanajvlay 1991

SEMINAR

INTER-CULTURAL LEARNING SEMINAR IN INDIA

(21th February-13th March)

The Center for the culture of peace and non-violence
in Ljubljana is initiating a two weeks seminar together
vvith Landnun University, gathering 15 to 25 partici-
pants from o ur part.

The aim is to leam about non-violence tradition in
India, current problems in this country as well as
their way of resolution. The programm is planned
until now to be the follovving:

. Jain religion, historični vieiu
. Jain Visha Bharati, presentntion
. Anuvrat movement, presentntion
. Preksha meditation, presentntion and
practicedf ivanted)

. Sdence of living

. Additional lectur es(pence education,

Gandhi's heritage, buddism and other
religions in India,Commumlism,Women-
issues,...)

Being invited by Landnun University, the accomodation
and full board will be free of charge. The only cost for
each participant will therefore be the travel expenses(
estimated around 1000 DM).

For the third week(following the seminar), we are
offered to split in three groups travelling each in a
different part of India, re-assembling in New-Delhi to
have an evaluation.

As the group is not total!y constituted yet, you
are welcome to join. AJ1 further informations
available from the centre.

\

Owl's intrige in Slovenia

There is certainly not a large number of ^
people in Slovenia who met an owl in their
life, and in this matter they are surely not
exception in Europe. But, they are strongely(L- .  -O
ajfected by its power than anywhere else at
the moment. Not just by the owlfrom Tween
Peaks, which is (except a war on horizon) the.~  - fttNh
most popular theme in everyday debates for
last couple ofweeks. Or, maybe just by this
one, if there is some truth in Agent Cooper’s ~
farno us words, “Owls are not what they seem."

Apai

; On the bottom stayed its creators signatures. It was
. variegated association where Marko Hren’s, Tomaž
f )Mastnak’s and Janez Janša’s signatures were friendly
ilinked. Janša became defense ministry afterelections
>  and the way

he fulfilled these demands is more than interesting.

With (ministers and DEMOSs) comraon exertions
i new and sovereign State started to import arm
i vveapons, likely to fulfill a dcmand for suspension
i of military trading. Ali other demands wcre
| accomplished on similar way as well. Instead of

intemational political marketing of DEMELITARIZED
AREA in Slovenia new govemment is establishing

SOVA

(the slovene abbreviation for Slovenija=Slovenia,
Odpravi=Abolish, Vojaški=Military,
Aparat=Apparatus) what means THE OWL, was bom in
early eighties out of hippie, punk and anarchistic atmos-
phere in Slovenia. At that time it was deep in illegal
waters. Later, when the movement becomes stronger, large
number of oppositional thinkers ideologically supported it
In 1989, on Youth organization congress , which became
an umbrella for social movements, one of owl’s initiatives
was officially presented for the first time.

INITIATIVE FOR SLOVENIA, DEMUJTA-
RIZED COUNTRY, put some demands vvhich became
central impetuses towards the big changes in Slovenia and
Yugoslavia. Its first demand was foundation of independ-
ent commission in Slovenian parliament for closely
examination of areas and consequences of militarization.
After the elections ( in spring 1990), when the foundation
was achieved but ali questions (about industry, research
institutions, cadres, expenses, cadres etc. involvement in
militarization) stayed without ansvvers according to merits
of new an “democratic” govemmental coalition members
in this comission, which also prohibited to ask further

questions.

Ali further demands as, forexample,
one for foundation of working group which
aim ought to be preparation of so called
“Universal Security Concept” instead of
military security, or introduction of peace
education in schools instead of military edu-
cation, had same fate as the previous.one
They were frozen in winter which came right
after wonderful “Slovenian spring”. Ironi-
ca protagonists in both are the same.

How strong the initiative was ,is evi-
dent from another importantdocument which
was created on 22nd of march 1990, just
before the elections. It is supraparty INITIA-
TIVE FOR DEMILITARIZED
SLOVENIA. According to this document
almost ali parties (and most of partners
which became govemme.ital coalition
called DEMOS after elections) respected
demilitarization as a topič in their programs.

national army, instead of military dismantling ali
Slovenians are conscripted etc.

However, peace movement didn’t loose ali
expectations from new authorities. On 14th of October
1990 we submit new project called SLOVENIAN PEACE
OPTION, to Slovenian presidency. We stood for peaceful
conflict soludon in Balkan area. At that time Slovenian
stale establishment was to busy with creating its own
power. National problem we mentioned seemed too
marginal and they didn’t have enough money to buy 3 or 4
plane tickets for conflict resolution experts vvhich offered
us their assistance. Not later than few months after, vvhen
nations in Yugoslavia started to slaughter each other,
Slovenian representative in Yugoslavian presidency, mr.
Drnovšek, invited conflict resolution group of experts from
Harvard and it seems that he did it vvithout Slovenian
authorities having been aknovvledged.

Finally we realized that Slovenian State (as any
other, we should know that before) cannot be our partner.
That’s why we initiated new action. Until today , more
than 20.000 signatures (Slovenia has less than 2.000.000
citizens) were collected under the PEACE DECLARA-
TION. According to some public opinion surveys more
tlian 40% of people supports the main demand vvhich is;
“In nevv constitution there must be formulation - Republic
Slovenia is demilitarized State.” and about
30% are not resolved yet. Nevv constitu¬
tion is to be adopted very soon and if
politicians cannot make a consensus,

(there is a large gap betvveen parties
vvhich support demilitarization and others
vvhich effort for strong Slovenian
army),then the citizens should be
consultated The least authorities must do
in such cinrumstances is to ordinance
referendum about this issue.

But even if this ovvls trial vvould
not succeed (govemment pays high
expenses for advertising campaign in
favour of Slovenian army) it’s obvious
that its intrigue striked roots too deep
into national subconsciousness and
fruits will come sooner or later.

By Sašo Gazdič

SOVA

(the slovene
abbreviation for
Slovemja=Slovenia,
Odpravi =Abolis h,
Vojaški=Military,
Aparat=Apparatus)
what means
THE OWL, was
bora in earlv
eighties out of
hippie, punk
and anarchistic
atmosphere in
Slovenia.

I

10 years efforts for recognition CO in Slovenia

The peace movement “Gibanje za kulturo miru in
nenasilja  “ (Movement for peace culture and
nonviolence) from Ljubljana has been recognized
for social assertion of human rights, for rights of
peace in ali levels of human being.

Issued from the general declaration, prepared by the
Commission of the United Nations about Human rights
(article 18), from the Resolution of European parlia-
ment (October 1989_ and from the International
agreement about civilian and political rights (article
18), we oriented our energy in offering support to ali
persons, whose personal conscience was in opposite
with the constitution.

It was not possible to prevent objectors not to be
imprisoned but after the elections the Right of consci-
entious objectors in Slovenia were affirmed to that
point, where we now can make effort and decision
about this on legal level.

Issued from our point of view, peace movement
prepared the proposals for the nevv Slovenian constitu¬
tion and Slovenian law vvhere the status of CO are
treated in cooperation vvith the new Slovenian govern-
menL We considered experiences of conscientious
objectors and the most Progressive legislation in that
countries vvhere the draft compu!sory is.

The Solutions are in direct connection of the nature of
military Service vvhich will be defined in the new
Slovenian constitution (expected in first quarter of
1992).

Our effort was straighted in direction vvhere effort CO
vvill be threatened as person vvho refuse handling
vveapons and vvho refuse collaboration in any activities
vv hich are in connection vvith military goals or institu-
tions. Peace movement emphasizes that
Republic of Slovenia has to find the
Solutions for ali derivations of CO.:

1. for non-armed military Service

2, forcivil Service, vvhich is an alterna¬
tive for those vvho refuse military Serv¬
ice

3 .for total CO vvho refuse military and
civil service-draft could be nonsense
The acceptation of civil Service is depend-
ing on the Solutions like:

.the way of recognition and checking
the validation of CO

• the way of punishment
.duration of civil Service

• term of the vvork and possibilities of

choosing the most suitable vvork in civil institutions
It is very important to consider the follovving:

.that no commission or court of justice can declare
the consciences of any individual.

.the personal declaration is sufficient to get the
status of CO

CO is personal belief of civil person and only civil
institutions are able to decide about consequences of
CO. For refusing military Service are valid ali
motives.from ethnical, philosophical, religious, moral
to political and ideological. Nobody can’t force some-
body to make something vvhat is in opposite of his
objection.

On 19th of April, 1991 the Parliament of Republic
Slovenia accepted the nevv lavv about military compul-
sory. The duration of civil and military Service are
equalized. But civil Service is not regulated vvith civil
lavv-it is under militarv control.and it’s coordinated vvith
ministry of defence.

Our standpoint is: CO can not be treated on the same
vvay as military obligation; CO can not be under military
control and punishment policy.

We can not agree vvith that article vvhere the validation
of CO is checked by special commission, constituted by
sociologists, psychologists, doctors, members of
military and intemal ministry.

In this law the problem of total objectors is mentioned
only in the article vvhich defines the punishment policy.

Our proposal vvas that total objector could get the
opportunity to pay one or tvvo monthly salary and his
problem vvould be solved for ever.

We don't agree that civil Service is
available only in Slovenia. Objectors
could help in intemational humanitarian
actions.

Also our remark is that in the lavv there is
no article vvhich vvould regulate the
possibilities for CO to declare themselves
as such during military serving.

On the other hand it is vvell knovvn that
every free person has a right to change his
ovvn personal decision.

by Janez Doberšek

Our effort was
straighted in
direction where
effort CO will be
threatened as
person who
refuse handling
weapons and
who refuse col-
lahoration in
any activities
which are in
connection with
military goals or
institutions.

(

Demilitarization of Slovenia and national security

In May 1991, the Sdentific and Publish-
ing Center in Ljubljana is going to pub-
lish a new book: "The demilitarization of
Slovenia and national secuxity"(edited by
Anton Grizold and Ljubica Jelušič from
Security Studies Department, Faculty for
Sociology, Political Science and Joumal-
ism in Ljubljana). The main purpose of
publishing the proceedings on such topič
is to intervene in public debate about
future national security system in
Slovenia, especially by scientific and
analytic approach. It means also a spedal
contribution to the political decisions in
Slovenia to become more professional
and more fact oriented. The editors hope
that the proceedings will help the option
of Slovenia's demilitarization to be the
one of the same political value in com-
parison with the option of slovenian army
as a core of slovenian national security
system in the future.

The proceedings “Demilitarization of
Slovenia and National Security” concludes
tvvo main, rounded up wholes. The First one is
named Words, Notions and Things. It
consists of ali those contributions defming
Demilitarization and the boundarv phenom-
ena as well as those analyzing the processes
and the phenomena within Demilitarization
itself. The second vvhole is placed into space
and Time. In this part of the book are associ-.
ated the views upon the possibilities of
Demilitarization in Slovenia in the space(in
Europe, Yugoslavia, Slovenia) and in time.

Notions, Words, Things

In this part of the proceedings, the Demilitari¬
zation is defined as the opposite process of
militarization. However the folIowing
problem s are also being placed here: the
relationship betvveen the process of Demilita¬
rization and the State of demilitarism; the
rclation tovvards Demilitarization; political
violence and the use of force in the intema-
tional relations and human conscience; the
relationship towards civil defence; the
processes of peace and military education as
a direction of development of new values; the
main dilemmas in connection with conver-
sion of military industry and in connection
with the statistics of warfare.

Anton Grizold explains the modem approaches towards the
conception of militarization and militarism and faces these vvith the
conception of Demilitarization. He States that the process of Demilita¬
rization itself does not represent a model of national security system
but it has to be its primary element Nowadays, the process of
Demilitarization vvill be able to have the actual perspective only in
connection with the mechanism for security assurance in the modem
period and in connection vvith the responding changes in intemational
relations.

Darko Lubi defines Demilitarization from the aspect of
etymology and semantics as well as the presence of a qualitative and
quantitative aspect in the process of Demilitarization itself. In setting
the relationship betvveen Demilitarization and disarmament he States
that the disarmament is a part of the process of Demilitarization but
not in the sense of strengthening the civil values and standards. The
presence of actual disarmament is the term for the evaluation that
Demilitarization is really going on. Disarmament in the sense of
permanent absence of ali kinds of arms overcomes the State of
demilitarism in terms of the elimination of ali kinds of specializcd
means for performing physical violence forever.

Ramses A.WGSSGl speaks about the necessitv for overcoming
the political violence in the intemational organization. He States that
the attention must be redirected from the States and vvar tovvards other
manifestations or political violence vvhich grovv outside the States and
must therefore be mastered on the supranational or interstate level.

Jelena Leonidovna Dubko also deals vvith the problem of
political violence, but she, as a doctor of philosophy, sees it more in
the ethical sense. In her contribution, she comes out of incompatibil-
ity of violence vvith humanity. She defines the ethics of violence as
ethics of the evil non resistance.

Marjan Malešič introduces imo discussion on Demilitarization
a nevv notion, civil defence. It is interesting that the civil defence can
be a part of the security conccpt vvith army as vvell as vvithout it. In
both cases it has to be structurally accommodated. There is a stronger
belief that the transfer of the čemer of national security to the system
of civil defence vvill lead much sooner to the Demilitarization of the
society than this shall happen simplv with army abolition.

Ljubica Jelušič defines the processes of political socialization
from the vievv of the role of the army and school. The process of
accommodation of army and army profession to democratic changes
in the society can be understood, as a specific form of Demilitariza¬
tion. On the other hand the school vvould(vvith the introduction of
peace education as a subject, as the educational principle and one of
the characteristics of the entire school structure) mostly contribute to
the socialization of non-military values.

Vojko Kuzma represents the technological vievvs of Demilitari¬
zation and he States that conversion as redirection of purpose of some
industry is continuously going on. He finds the arguments for this in
the competitiveness of cost reductionper unit, p.oductivity and
quality inerease. At demand for conversion of military industry and
technology, it is actually the change of their purpose in question.

Ivan Lah tries to prove the relativity of belief that
there will be no war anymore in the vvorld. This thesis is
based on the war statistics and some intemationally known
models of foreseeing the irregular happenings.

Borut Pahor thinks about the use of violence in
intemational relations, about mechanism for its restrictions
and about the role of Slovenian foreign policy in the
security-defence matters. He points out that the national
security of Slovenia depends on the developments and
capability of diplomacy and not on the generals and their
armies.

Space and time

The second part of the proceedings is devoted to
Demilitarization analysis as an option in the Slovenian
political space as well as to the presentation of some
other models. Some author represent the activity of
Gruppe Schweiz ohne Armee which is an ideal of the
success of political activism in civil society in the form
of peace movement.

Anton Bebler analyses the geopolitical geo-strategi-
cal State of Slovenia in Europe. In this respcct, the idea of
Demilitarization can be placed into the context of Euro-
pean security.

France Vreg starts from the thesis that the mankind is
being endangered today by the militaristic and repressive
logic of national and global conflict’s Solutions. The
concept of Demilitarization in Slovenia is being placed in
the Yugoslavian space. He also wams that the military-
industrial complex cannot be the only object of Demilitari¬
zation. This must be also the gigantic State machinery for
special war, for para-diplomadc activity and, of course the
repressive machinery.

Ivo Fabinc wams against the notion of Demilitariza¬
tion when it is excluded from the social happenings and
comes to a top value itself. In this way it becomes the
emancipated , even militant goal to which ali other things

are inferior. He vvams also against the danger on new
militarism in the new societies built upon the waves of
nationalism.

Zorica Bukinac perfonns the entire analysis of the
programs of those parties, organizations, movements, and
their public appearances which connected their political
identity with the idea of Demilitarization of Slovenia. She
States that this idea in the relationship betvveen position
and opposition has a status of negotiating subject.

Mojca Pešec-Vengust shows and explains the
results of different public opinion polis in Slovenia vvhere
the respondents were in favour of Demilitarization.

Marko Hren introduces us to the historical overview
of Slovenian peace movement’s activities, its initiatives,
actions and public presentations. Gregor Tomc in his
PostScript to this chronology pleas for Demilitarization
now vvhich enables freedom before organized violence, but
with no pressure tovvards it.

Tonči Kuzmanič deals with the problem of
relationship betvveen peacefulness and Demilitarization in
the Slovenian peace movement. With the help of analysis
of this split he proves why some past initiators of Demili¬
tarization as an idea became its opposers in the practice.

Teodor Geršak shovvs the conscientious objection
and the civil military Service in different countries as a
specific form of Demilitarization of society.

Fitzgerald Crain in his contribution criticizes the
Svviss defence-securitv svstem and the so-called hedgehog
mentality vvhich is a value express of total defence
strategy. he gives vvamlng to the fatal interlacement and
linking-up the national States vvhen insuring the peace in
the vvorld community.

Andreas Gross and Dieter Kinkelbur think

about the existence of poiitical state and cultural vievvs of
Demilitarization Thev speak for elimination of the vvar
culture on the national and vvorld level.

By Anton Grizold

INFORMATION FROM MARIBOR

While we were spreading our petition “declaration for peace”(inciuded in this issue of The
Intruder), we got a new contact person in Maribor(second importam town in Slovenia), Arpaid
Treiber: he actually managed to collect more than 1000 signatures.

Arpaid Treiber is now planning to open a peace centre in Maribor.

To be follovved.

Social defence project

One of the important part of the political processes
in Slovenia was becoming the question of the
national security systerm According to the trend in
Yugoslavia -enormous militarization and arma-
ment of ali nations(with the exception of the
albanian nation in Kosovo, which stili persists
non-violently), the sloven govemment brought the
decision to ensure its security with the military
forces. The militarization of the sloven
nationlestablishing of the military facilities,
purchasing of vveapons, military laws...) vvas made
in the silence, and vve have to admit this, profes-
sionally. With tKis act, Slovenia interrupted its
tradition of the non-violent and peaceful struggle
for the democratization and lost its leading role in
the cultural and social changes in the Balkans.
More than our deep convictions, Slovenia with
this act, also lost a lot of its povver in the Yugoslav
crisis and started to communicate with the others,
when they were stronger.

Despite that, the fmal decision about the integral national
security system of Slovenia was formerly not brought A
lot of doubts exist in Slovenia, regarding the military
security system. Therefore we decided to establish an
intemational working group for the new security system of
Slovenia. The results of this working group should also
serve the other Yugoslav republics. We invited some of the
leading vvold experts for the non-violent defence to
participate in this group. It rather brought a lot of interest
but because of the lack of money, the first meeting
planned for the 29th of April was cancelled. The member
of the “Movement for peace”, alone, elaborated for the
presidency of Slovenia the draft “Active Global Peace
Security System”.(read below the terminology). This draft
now represents the ideological concept for the further work
on the non-military security concept The idea of an
intemational working group is stili. We believc that tlie
interest of the people and the govemment will increase in
the near future and that we would be able to continue our
worlc

Active Global Peace Security System:
terminology

Here follows an extract of the AGPSS draft, vvritten by
Marko Hren and Nace Kalin(Center for the culture of
peace and non-violence)

elimination of the grounds for the conflicts and to the early
phase of the conflicL while the old military concept is the
reactive onefit is preparing the reaction in the war), the
AGPSS is the active onefil prevents the aggression to
happen).

Global

The means in the AGPSS goes far beyond the repressive
apparatus and include also: individuals, civil population,
city, national, State, regional, intemational and global
level. GLOBAL also means the interdisciplinary and the
extend of the idea of the security, which in the first plan
put the ecological, social, political, mental, ideological and
other threats.

Peace

AGPSS is based on the holiness of the life of the beings on
earth, on the holiness of man, even if it is the man, with
whom vve are in the conflicL From there on, ali attention is
directed to the non-violent techniques of the conflict
Solutions, vvhich tend to the peaceful coexistence of beings
on earth.

Securitv

the concept reacts on the sources of the dangers and restore
the mechanisms for the protection of the people and other
natural beings from these sources of danger. Definition of
the national security is:

The national security is the democratically expressed vvill
of the people for planning and making the measures, vvhich
prevent, ensure and develop their values in the present
time and for the future.

System

The AGPSS is not based on the blind faith, but on a vvell
planned politic. We could say that the military concept is
today the one, vvhich is based on the blind faith that the
army can ensure the securitv, even if the vvhole history
shows, that the armies are self-destmctive and long-term
unsuccessful. It is necessarv to develop the non-violent
techniques vvith the researehes, analyses and training of the
civilian population. Therefore vve need additional institu-
tions and mechanisms. vvhich are the part of the vvhole
system.

Active

The AGPSS is based on the nevv approach to the Solutions
of conflicts. The great part of the attention is devoted to
the prevention, cooperation before the conflict can occur,

The complete article on AGPSS is available from the
Center for the culture of peace and non-violence

By Nace Kalin

May 1991

A proposal for operational orientation of pacifistic allies

The basis for the Pacifistic alliance in the
sanctuart/ of life not only human life, but ant/
other being, This constitute the main differ-
ence betzueen the usual pacifistic programms
and the present one. Although the rules(34
points) are not flexible at ali, they don't intend
to produce ideological, psychological, or any
other kind of repression.

If these aims for ivhich Pacifistic Alliance
strives for, are the right ones, they can be
achieved in freedom, tolerance, and under-
sta nding.

A pacifistic ally can be anyone who is at least 20

years old, who accepts operational orientation of the
PaciFist Association and who applies to the conditions,
defined in the follovving paragraphs of this text.

The basic puipose of the Pacifistic association is to

bring about and enhance those processes which reduce
and eliminate violence towards people and other
sensitive beings; republic, State, bloc and Continental
borders do not represent any boundaries to the realm of
the activities of Pacifistic Allies.

The basic method of work of Pacifistic Allies is
represented by the rule that one cannot consent to any
killing, injury or infliction of physical pain, and to the
constriction of freedom of movement of any human
being, mammal, bird, reptile or amphibian, be it in the
name of a group of people or an individual. Pacifistic
Allies also strive to minimize destruction among other
living beings.

The Pacifistic Association also declines support to ali
political standpoints and decisions which are opposed to
this rule.

Pacifistic Allies unconditional!y abstain from any

killing of people, any infliction of physical injuries and
pain and any physical harassmcnt of people. They also
deny any support to the above mentioned activities. In
conflict situations, they apply instead different non-
violent methods of the neutralization of the violence of
the opposing party. In extreme situation when non-
violent neutralization is not possible, they use some
method of non-violent resistance, in the name of which
someone rather withdraws from trying to prevent Tom
being killed than to cooperate with the perpetrator in
any violent, betraying of oppressing act.

Pacifistic Allies do not use any objects, purportedly
made as weapons, and unconditionaIly decline any
cooperation in their trading.

6 ) Pacifistic Allies unconditionally renounce from
eating meat of mammals, birds, reptiles and amphib-
ians, from wearing fur of killed animals, and from
hunting the zoo.

Pacifistic Allies renounce from ali sexual activity

that could eventually end vvith abortion. Tliey also
strive for the elimination of ali social, indoctrinating
and other circumstances, conducive for women to
abortion.

8 ) Past violations of 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th and 7th para-

graph of this text do not represent any hindrance for the
membership in the Pacifistic Association; however, the
members of the Pacifistic Association renounce to any
breaking of the above defined rules in the future.

Pacifistic Allies strive for an immediate and

complete abolition of death penalty in ali State units
where they live, and at the same time, strive to do their
best for the abolition of death penalty in ali other
country.

The Pacifistic Association strive for immediate

legalization and affirmaiion of objection of conscience
against any act which someone would be coerced to
perform against his conscience, and for immediate
release of ali who are imprisoned for such reasons.

The Pacifistic Association strives for the immedi¬
ate ban on the export and import of weapons and
trading with weapons.

Pacifistic Allies strive for a complete

reorientation of weapon industry in their countrv to the
production of products with no killing purpose (at least
as far as the process of production is concerned, if ali
the possibilities for a later murderous abuse of peaceful
products can not be eliminated in advance). In the
process, the Pacifistic Association will take up
fondamental standpoint excluding any support in the

production or selling of any singular gun or riffie.

Pacifistic Allies strive for complete demilitariza-

tion of State units where they live, and for the substitu-
tion of armed exercises with the leaming about and
affirmation of the non-violent methods of the neutrali-
zation of the opposing party’s violence. In extremely
critical circumstances where one is being coerced by
the oppressor to cooperate in acts of violence, betrayal
or oppression and no other form of non-violent neutrali-
zation is possible, among these methods also the
withdrawal from trying to prevent hrom being killed is
used rather than submitting to coercion and subduing to
the oppressor.

The Pacifistic Association endeavors in the name
of the protection of the right to live, which should apply
also to animals, for the spreading of vegetarianism and
for the reorientation of food production from cattle-
breeding to agriculture. In it, the Pacifistic Association
will stand on the stand-point which excludes any
support to the activities causing death to any mammal,
bird, reptile or amphibians.

15) Pacifistic Allies strive for immediate prohibition of
hunting on ali mammals, birds, reptiles and amphibians
living on the territories of their States units or passing
them.

16 )  Pacifistic Allies strive for a complete abolition of

ali the zoos. Furthermore, they strive for the prohibition
of the closing-up of wild animals for circus perform-
ances, scientific or other purposes.

17 )  Pacifistic Allies strive fOr the prohibition of ali
scientific experiments on animals.

18 )  Pacifistic Allies strive for the cnactment of the

law protecting every mammal, bird, reptile or amphib¬
ians against intentional killing, deprivation of freedom
of movement and loosing of their biological environ-
ment.

Pacifistic Allies will cooperate with home and

intemational organizations in those work projects which
are definitely oriented tovvards the protection of biologi¬
cal environment and life or living beings which are part
of the nature, i.e. the protection of ozone layer, the
protection of plants, animals, waters and air against
pollution, protection of endangered animal and plant
species against extinction, ban on “dirty technclogy”.

Pacifistic Allies strive for the cancellation of ali
trading and production projects which, outside their

State units, support unacceptable levels of social,
ecological and political oppression and violence,
especially in the third-world countries; for example,
tearing down of tropical forests for coffee plantation or
lumber; buying of raw materials, ore and products,
produced in socially unacceptable working conditions,
etc..

Pacifistic Allies support the introduction,
development and mutual connections of those produc¬
tion processes, vvhich are opposed to any exploitation of
the kiUing of vertebrates and the use of those part
products and raw materials which are produced at cost
of unacceptable level of social and political oppression.
For this area of its activities, the Pacifistic Association
will need numerous experts for most different produc¬
tion fields from agronomy and food industry to metal-
lurgy and Chemical industry.

The Pacifistic Association will encourage the

setting-up of complex production chains which in the
whole process -from the acquisition of every composing
raw material to final products- will be opposed to
violence against people and animals as defined in
paragraph 21 of this text. Pacifistic Allies will set up a
committee vvhich will issue certificates to products, the
vvhole process of production of vvhich vvill comply vvith
the requirements of non-violence against people and
animals, claiming that thev vvere produced vvithout
cruelty. In it, Pacifistic Allies vvill closely cooperate
vvith some organizations vvith important intemational
experience, like Animal Liberation, Lega per i dritti
degli animali, some “green” parties etc. Undoubtedly,
the Pacifistic Association vvill also nccd the cooperation
of several joumalists and lawyers.

Pacifistic Allies renounce from any profit from

shares of organizations, supporting unacceptable levels
of social, ecological, political oppression and oppres¬
sion betvveen species, and violence, as defined in the
paragraphs of the present Proposal for Operational
Orientation. Pacifistic Allies vvill set up a committee
vvhich vvill assess the acceptability of shares in the
frames of the above specifications.

Pacifistic Allies strive for the abolition of
compulsory psychiatric institutions and treatment, as
psychiatry has often been abused for political purposes
and for the persecution of people vvith different opin-
ions. Besides confinement and isolation, some other
proceedings in these Listitutions, like compulsory
phannacological treatment and electroconvulsive
therapy, represent a straightforvvard crime for man’s

mind and body.

Pacifistic Allies will cooperate in civil contro! of
the work of police organs and in revealing of inhuman
proceedings of police organizations. They will strive for
the abolition of military intelligence Services.

Pacifistic Allies strive for the setting-up of
socially financed asylums forbattered vvomen and
children who cannot escape violent behavior of their
close or distant relatives, neighbors and other perpetra-
tors. Furthermore, they strive for the setting-up of
socia!ly financed refugees for socially endangered
classes of population where not only food and shelter
will be available , but also some resocialization therapy.

Pacifistic Allies strive for the rights of prisoners
and juvenile offenders to be protected against cruelty on
the part of the prison itself and prison personal, the
prohibition of contacts with the people and wortd
outside the prison walls and against other forms of
physical and mental torture. They vvill not cooperate in
the process of humanization of the laws conceming the
prison system, because they in principle deny the
consensus to the institution of prison; hov/ever, they
will endeavor for radical broadening of precisely
legalized unconditional human rights which should
never be violated, not even in cases of the most strict
penalization.

Pacifistic Allies never equal violence carried out

by members of some nation, religion or race with their
national, religious or race membership. Therefore, with
ali their strength they are opposed to denigration or
criminalization of any nation, religion or race, regard-
less of the violence, perpetuated by members of these
communities. In cases of intemational or religious
disputes, Pacifistic Allies apply this rule to ali con-
cemed parties and therefore deny support to any
political measure which would discriminate members of
any nation or religion and deny their equality with
members of other nations or religions. Pacifistic Allies
strive with ali their strength for the greatest possible

solidarity with ali the vicdms of national, religious and
race chauvinism. Allies who belong to enemy national,
religious or race groups, sign peace contracts among
Ihem.

Pacifistic Allies renounce from telling any

chauvinistic jokes and way of talking with discriminates
or denigrates any man or group of people on the basis
of national, religious or race membership.

Pacifistic Allies endeavor for the most effective
protection of ali national minorities, for legislation
which would prevent their disappearance, and for
greater support of school. pedagogical, artistic, cultural
and political activities in their languages.

In order to enable the children of migrants from
different language territories to attend most of the
classes in their mother tongue, Pacifistic Allies strives
for the introduction of elementary and secondary
schooling in these languages, wherever interest is
present.

Pacifistic Allies renounce from ali measures of

psychological or any other violence against those who
used to be members of the Pacifistic Association but
broke its rules and from one or other reason resigned.

Pacifistic Allies are strongly opposed to penaliz-

ing with jail or even stricter punishment the trespassers
of the association’s rules.

Pacifistic Allies are strongly opposed to any
deprecating or insulting aaitude tov/ards people who act
in contradiction with the Pacifistic Association. They
wiU try hard in the sense that social changes brought
about by the activities of the Pacifistic Association will
be as little painful as possible for the people who
depend on the activities which are in contradiction with
its rules.

By Nace Kalin

Foundation of the Yugoslav branch of Helsinki Citizens Assembiy

In May, there has been the first meeting in Sarajevo to found the Yugoslav branch of HCA. which will coordinate projects

in the different republics, such as:

- Peace politics

• Social, cultural minorities

- nationallsm™

Their first task is nov/ to galher ali skilled people in Yugoslavia to work on these subjects.

A representative at the european level should be chosen among the people constitutiag the Yugoslav branch.

Education in the light of modem scientific hypotheses

Introduction

Various interpretations of general laws of
nature and universe have resulted in the
following two principal concepts: a) mecha-
nistic concept, vvhich regards evolution as a
fortuitous process, and b) non-mechanistic
view according to which the process of self
organization of the matter, fforn the appear-
ance of galaxies, šolar systems and Fošt living
forms, to the beginning of mankind, is a
cosmic process conditioned by some “specific
physical properties” of the universe. The
leading representative of this non-mechanistic
theory is the English physicist David Bohm,
who denotes “specific physical properties” of
the universe there are different levels of highly
organized energies vvith the smallest radi us
shorter than Planch’s distance (10-35m). For
Bohm the highest level of energy implies
sunjata of Buddhists, which can be translated
as God. Thus, evolution on the Earth repre-
sents an integral part of a uniform process in
progress ali over the universe, a process
during which living forms come into existence
whose increasing complexity is converging in
“implicate order”, sunyata, or God. The non-
mechanistic concept is gradually gaining
ground; Computer stimulation of a living celi
proved that its high degree of development
and its complexity cannot be accidental. On
the other hand no defmitive evidence of
“specific physical properties” of the universe
has yet been provided, which means that the
non-mechanistic theory has not been verified
in the empirical sense. Yet, considering the
results of our research and observations of
non-mechanistic scientists in general, we
believe that evidence of “specific physical
properties”of the universe and of the existcnce
of “implicate order” will be made knovvn in
three years’ time at the latest.
therefore, it is time to begin to look at educa¬
tion in the light of this non-mechanistic
scientific paradigm.

Mechanistic concept and its
impact on education

The doctrine of mechanism liberated man from
medievai superstitions and magic and irrational
interpretation of the universe. Mechanics claim
they can understand e /erything and they label
as “unscientific” and unworthy of critical
analysis anything they cannot understand

Favorable effects of mechanistic concept on education include the
“scientific approach to life”, which enables man to plan one’s
spiritual and material development according to some generally
accepted social norms. “Mechanistic” education forms young
people in the špirit of “production”, both intellectual and material.
The goal it pursues is to produce people capable to work and make
their living as well as to ensure survival of the society they belong
to. A child whose developing personality tends to diverge from this
standard direction, is labelled as “deviant”. Negative sides of
mechanistic education thus include over-emphasizing the role of
intellect and of the left side of the brain on the one hand, and
neglecting ali lalent qualities of the right brain, such as intuition,
emotions and wish for ecstasy, on the other. In the realm of mecha¬
nistic education there is no plače for a “nonproduclive” type of a
young person, who rather than being interested in specific and
concrete things, takes interesi in everything in general, the one who
is intrigued by the sense of life, God and non-European experience
of the universe. Thus, mechanistic education does not show favour
to children with a great “mental potential”, which, as a rule, implies
also a great intellectual power. Generally speaking, the product of
education based on mechanistic prindples is an “intellectuaF’ vvith a
developed left hemisphere, who knovvs nothing about “immediate”
experience and perception of the vvorid, and is, in a way, neurotic,
like the vvhole Western Civilization is.

Education in the light of non-mechanistic
theory

A non-mechanistic scientific paradigm regards the vvhole cosmic
evolution as one continuous process of self-organization of matter,
vvhich started vvith the appearance of galaxies and continued vvith
the development of šolar systems and planets, vvith the appearance
of life on planets and the development of primitive social organ-
isms, vvhich through the process of evolution evolved in a highly
developed being called homo-sapiens. The non-mechanistic scien¬
tific paradigm thus introdueed a cosmological approach interpreting
ali processes on the Earth on cosmic processes. So, the development
of social organism is regarded as one of the cosmic processes, as
vvell. Hence, the human society is an organized subsystem A, vvhich
developed in the course of a cosmic evolutionary process in system
X (universe).

A question can be raised as to vvhat regulations should be adopted
for the society to develop in the direction of maximal negantropy,
vvhich converges in constant order of svstem X, or, in other vvords,
in God. Before attempting to ansvver this fundamcntal sociological
question, vvhich in a simplified form runs somevvhat like: hovv to
create a paradise on Earth, how to create a just human society, vvith
each of its members being given fuli seope for spiritual and
material grovvth?, let me outline the kev ideas of the non-mechanis¬
tic vievv.

. 1 - Universe and nature are in a State of constant dynamic equilib-
rium. Order is an immanent feature of the universe and nature, and
evolution on the Earth is a process converging in immanent order.
This immanent order implies higher levels of energies constituting

David Bohm’s “implicate universe” (“enfolding uni¬
verse”), which are superior to the energy level of human
mental process. These higher levels include “Energy of
love” and “energy of cosmic consciousness”.

From the point of view of evolution, civilization on the
Earth has reached a certain point of transition from the
“intellectual” to higher levels of Bohm’s “implicate
universe”. “I think therefore I am” is being changed into
“I experience therefore I am”, or as Aurobindo would
say: civilization of the Earth is passing over from the
intellectual collectivism into existential individualism.

2 -  Universe is “biologicaIly homogeneous”, and _

evolution which is in progress on the Earth is an integral
element of the uniform cosmic process. The above
mentioned cosmological theory of evolution goes far
beyond the limits of the anthropocentric concept: man is
no longer the crown of nature, but only its component
part, its subsystem. Nature constitute a subsystem of the
universe (system X). Thus, man is no longer measure for
ali things, on the contrary, the world is measure for man.
He must finally realize that evolution is not a fortuitous
process, and that his intellect is not the supreme achieve-
ment of this accidental evolution, but only a develop-
mental stage in a much longer cosmic process.

3 -  Man is a subsystem of nature and universe and they

are closely connected by ali levels constituting Bohm’s
“implicate universe”. The concept according to which
the “subject”(the observer) is separated from the
object(the one that is observed), and man is separated
from the world and nature, is a result of purely inteOec-
tual approach to his own self and the vvorld, ignoring
that man and universe form a single whole. In the lights
of this concepts, our question about how to regulate the
society to accelerate its development in a negantropic
direction, could be answered in the follovving way:
ethical potential of a social organism is a sum of ethical
potentials of its members; therefore, it is necessary to
adopt such regulations that would enable each individual
to reach higher levels of “implicate universe” within the
shortest time as possible and within the range of one’s
psychophysical makeup. In other words, legislative
bodies of the social organism should give full support to
education promoting spiritual growth of our children.
There is another question that needs to be ansvvered:
v/hat kind of educational system would foster free
spiritual development of the child?

The non-mechanistic scientific paradigm regards man as
a biologic, social and cosmic being, and stresses the
foUovving three aspects of education:

Ecological aspect

Education must emphasize the dynamic equilibrium as the

basic lav/ of cosmos and nature, illustrating it by the
example of biological cquilibrium (biocenoses and
biotopes), physical equilibrium (the third Newton’s law),
and equilibrium in astronomy (the motion of the planets
around the sun, the motion of the sun around Pleiades).
Every high school graduate should know that order is an
immanent feature of the universe, and that man, instead
of trying to create order in nature, should contribute to
the maintenance of the existing cosmic order by taking
utmost čare not to disturb its dynamic equilibrium by his
interventions.

Planetary aspect

Education should put a special emphasis on the scientific
fact that evolution of mankind is an Earth-wide process,
and that ali inhabitants of this planet are biologically
related to each other. This planetary notion is essential to
the neutralization of outbursts of national, ethnic and
religious tensions and conflicts in the world. From the
scientific viewpoint, we are ali inhabitants of the same
planet. Education is stili "national” instead of being
planetary: we must not forget that nations developed as a
result of a common market required by liberal capitalism.
Regional identity (a Styrian, a Bavarian, a Slavonian)
precedes the national one. National and religious identi-
ties are liable to political manipulation and there is
historical evidence (fascism, islamism) tirat it invariably
leads to entropy of social organisms and of the whole
civilization on Earth.

The fast technological progress characteristic of the past
fifty years requires an individual who would plače this
ethical principles above its commitments to the society
and religion- an individual immune to social and
religious manipulations. The aim of education based on
this planetary principles is to form a cosmopolitan,
responsible on!y to this ethical code. Although this goal
is not regarded with favour by the stale apparatus, it is
clear that it means the only way leading to abetter
human society.

Individual aspect

This aspect is an essential part of integral education,
which aims at developing both the left and the right
brain, the faetual and the emotional hemisphere, and thus
create a man as a social as well as cosmic being. In order
to promote both the intellectual and the emotional
development of children, education should give them
opportunity to learn some relaxation and meditation
techniques and the basic principles of psychologic self-
help, thus helping them to become more psychicaliy
more flexible, more relaxed and less inhibited, and able
to express their feelings more freely. Special training

courses in teaching relaxation and meditation techniques
should be given to teachers of sociology, psychology
and gym. The basic principle of “planetary education”,
which involves ali the above mentioned aspects, is, in
the First plače, to bring up a child able to love himself,
and only then an intelligent child. According to the
hypothesis of “implicate universe”, the energy level of
love is superior to that of mind: love implies intellect,
but intellect does not imply love. A child capable of
loving will be intelligent too, while a child possessing
only intellectual capacities can be an unhappy child.

Bibiiography

David Bohm, Wholeness and the implicate order ,
Routledge, London, 1980

Renee Weber, Dialogues with Scientists and Sages ,
Routledge, London, 1986

Osho Rqjneesh, The New Man: the only hope for the
future,  the Rebel Publishing House, Kocin, 1987

By Srečko Šorli *

* NESBIM Institute for Non-ionizing Radiation and Biometrics
Kvedrova 10 61000 LJUBLJANA, YLI

SEMINAR

INTERNATIONAL PEACE SEMINAR OF TEACHERS
IN ALPE-ADRIA REGION

TOLMIN 17-21 AUGUST

Program m

- Main problems of the peace education (reports from Italy, Austria and Slovenia)
- non-violent conflict resolution: ideas, games, exercises...

- intercultural education
- exchange of the materials
- ecology
- children garden

The main aim of the seminar is to establish good personal
relations bctween the teachers in the Alpe-Adria region
for further work on peace education. Therefore the semi¬
nar is combined with everyday's excursions into the niče
surroundings of Tolmin(the valley of river Soča), one of
the nicest valley in the world.

We warmly invite everyone to come and to participate in
this seminar. The complete pricefaccomodation, food,
turist tax) for the 5 days seminar is 155 DM, and 30DM/
day for other members of the family. A children-garden
will be organized.

Predsednik Saveta
Prof. dr. Miladin Životič
(icl. 011/764-090)

GRAOANSKA AKCIJA ZA MIR
• CITIZENS' ACTiON FOR PEACE •
GAMA

Koordinator Izvršnog odbora
Dejan Durkovič
(tel: 011/752-244)

Inicijativni odbor
Dejan Durkovič
Branislav Tapuškovič
Miladin Živodč
Ivan Ivanovič
Branislav Jojič
Mil osa v Jovanovič
Vladimir Lazič
Miladin Sevarlič
Rasiko Zakič
Dorde Lebovič
Mihailo Radojičič
Zoraan Pavlovič
Milan Smiljanič
Velimir Mitrovič
Vuk Siambolovič
Zdravko Gre bo
Slavica Kmeta

Zdenka Višnjič
Vladimir Cizelj
Slavka Lučič
Zagorka Aleksič
Miljana Stefanovič
Jovan Cirilov
Mirjana Todorovič
Dušan Todorovič
Božidar Zečevič
Gajo Petrovič
Rudi Supck
Duro Raonič
Radmila Hemman
V era Petrovič
Jasminka Hasanbegovič
Olga Ilič
Ilija Moljk ovič
Miroljub Jevtovič
Isidora Jovanovič
Dušanka Jovanovič
Mičo Bošnjak
Neda Marič
Mirjana Kostič
Dula llasambegovič
Zlatko Petovič
Branimir Dimitrijevič
Dušan Stošič
Nadeida Četkovič
Nina Vlahovič
Lidija Posavcc-Basta
Andreja Bajič
Miladin Isailovič
Miloš Petrovič
Pavle Bubanja
Milič Dejan
Ljubida Didič
Branko Baletič
Biljana Jurič
Predrag Vranicki

Kolektivni članovi
Socialdemokratska radnička
Partija Jugoslavije
Stranka Jugoslovena

APPEAL TO THE CITIZENS
OF YUGOSLAVIA

We have decided to take citizens action for peace which should be carried on as long as we
live in war and psychosis of war.

Citizens action for Peace is an action aim ing at a democratic and peaceful resolution of Yugoslav
crisis.We deem indispensable that ali Initiatives , ali movements, organizations and
individuals striving against the war unite for such a resolution to be democratic and
peaceful.

Only a vigorous citizens action for peace could prevent further armament and creation of party
militias, the tuming of present armed conflicts into a mass bloodshed and create conditions
for sensible talks about new forms and relations betvveenour peoples.

Although we do not deem the existing govemments and parliaments, dominated by single-party
monopolies, capable of deciding abvout our destinies, we are prepared to give support
to anyone striving against war. We wish to live as civilized people do, regardless of the
outeome of the talks on the further relations though we want to influence them.

Today bellicose nationals leaders, false messiahs predomiate in the public life, and we must
not let ourselves be their hostages, passive accomplices, prisoners in the spreading of
evil, dissemination of hatred, spreading of fear and of threats to ali those striving for
peace as traitors to their nations.

Those who offer salavation to their peoples bu military vietories over other peoples are taking
us into a future that would mean reinforcement of their autocracy. Chauvinism aand
revachism spread by them leads to a total eelipse of a policy established on reason, into
disappearance of possibilities to live in a society of guaranteed civil rights and liberties.
"Salvation" from actual crisis and from armed forces can only lead us into collective
suicide and to new formsd of totalitarian societies in which we would become slavishly
obedient subjects of new war vietors.

The actual conflicts between republies have arisen as conflicts institutionalized and sanctiones
by the present Constitution. We are left with the legacy of the results of the polities of
autocracy, the policy of setting peoples against each other for the sake of aspirations
of dictatorial arbitration by \vhich a power that has thrown into these abysses of poverty
hun ger, fear, and hatred has supported itself for over half a century.

Many present leaders continue pursuing that policy. It can be opposed by democratic forces
of citizens action for peace, and action in which no person regardless of its religion,
nationality and political beliefs should remain passive becausc its basic civil rights are
endangered, because its very survival is threatend.

Ali democratic media of public opinion should be used to bring to light, to brand and to thwart
the terror perpetraded by State authorities, by militant political organizations, groups
and individuals in order to preserve peace and with it a possibility of living in a rationallyv
organized society.

The citizens action for peace is organizing itself to demand a peaceful and democratic resolution
of Yugoslav crisis from the present authoroties. Should such a demand not be met the
action will demand that the principal protagonsits of the crisis resign from their stale
andpolitical positions. Should even that fail the action would do its best to ensure that
they are relieved from office and to answer for their insane and criminal policy to the
citizens of their country.

Kontakt: Hotel METROPOL (za GAMA), 11000 Beograd, Bulevar revolucije 69, tel. 011 330 911, fax: 332 991

An insiding in a LaDyrinth

Step into the unknotvn since you desire it as
well as you dread it. Enter the labyrinth, as
the greek hero trying to kili the monster, as a
detective looking for the key of the enigma,
as a player lead by chance and destiny. WiU
you find the way out, whoeveryou decided to
be?

May 1991, arrival in Ljubljana.

(Defenitely impossible to pronounce for your
french-educated voice’s organ).

Even though, in an introverted and vain
attempt to discover yourself, you wondcr
WHY you came for a one-year voluntccring -
pathological symptom? Very heallhy and
never fulfilled curiosity? Corto MaJtese’s
syndrom?- you, nevertheless, never thought
of preparing yourself to face the permanent
quiz of your new slovenian social environ-
ment. Explaining to them that the reasons of
your choice were various and mixed with
chance, you can easily read disappointment
on your interlocutors faces.

Are they expecting you to draw the french
conception of Slovenia, are they believing
you are doing a bad deal, or, are they simply
concemed about the unsafe situation in \vhich
your decision projected you?

Soon forgotten your unability to explain your
presence as expected, you are little by little
discovering the Peace Movement from the
inside.

Your first impressions, likely emphasized by
your blind enthousiasm of the new’ness, are
those of a totally open free space, enabling ali
kinds of ideas to be bom, ali kinds of projects
to take plače, possessing a real possibility to
be heard by both society and govemment. The
opposition with your previous experiences
either in France or in England strikes you.

You are maybe discovering a new world of
possibilities. In this context, you find it a
complete logical consequence that any
accomplishment of woik is based on emo-
tional and spontaneous reactions. For a while,
your wish to get rid of the westem conception
of efficiency is flattered. (By the way,
couldn’t it be a part of the answer to the lst
paragraph’s question). But, stili strongly
rooted, your cartesian mind is visited by
annoying wonderings: isn’t the lack of
organized intemal Communications, and
precise attributions of tasks erosing, or even
disrupting the creativity generated by the
people’s enthusiasm? Should you conclude

that both aspects cannot co-exist, that the existence of an organ¬
ized structure would kili the joy?

Caught by your duty of “intemational coordinator”, you leave
aside the intemal issues to focus on re-instauring regular Commu¬
nications with foreign countries by the mean of the present
newspaper.

At this very moment, the predictable though unexpected (please
tičk the box of your choice)Q war^ eventsD battle □ armed
conflict E] bloodsheds D surgical intervcntion crash into your
rcality. Then you begin to work in permanent emcrgcncy, while

living in obsessional contemplation of the.(put the

word you ticked above). As you have no distance from the
situation, no real analysis is possible. Besides, the lack of time,
informations, knovriedge... makes it difficult to communicatc
properly with the outside, or to find the appropriate action at the
right moment.

You are simply confused.

You know you should not look backvvards, but the temptation is
big to wonder if it was the right method to put much effort in
trying to influence the authorities decisions. What about raising
more avvareness among people. When observing today’s
slovenians reactions, you recognize the traditional ideology,
according to which suffering is not only necessary and pre-
condition to any improvement, but also represents a value.
Slovenians transcend their suffering into pride, by their existence
being acknowledged(even through pitv); the attack having been
directed against Slovenia as such justify the idea of belonging to
the same community and make appear the common assurance to
be on the right side against "the bad":the partisans of the federa-
tion, then the serbs, and quickly anvone who is not slovenian.
These common beliefs are undoubtfully building a principle of
exclusion in the slovenian society and bringing up the idea that
becoming slovenian should be deserved. You are just afraid you
recognize too well this discrimination pattcm, already so present
in the french society.

Looking fonvard, you are trying to convert your scnsations into
more rational considerations. The recent cxpcricnce should
enlighten your activities with new perspectivcs; you have to
redefine tlic lines of your actions consequently to the changes in
the population’s mind in one hand, in the authorities
positionsfstrengthened, legitimated) in another hand. The depar-
ture of the federal troops from Slovenia, as a positive conse-
qucnce, might wcll transform Melelkova’s dream into reality.
Finally you face an incredible need to redefine vvords commonly
accepted as obvious such as "peace" or “war”, reconstruct strate-
gies of acuons, and cooperate with people working abroad.

Don'tknow ifyou found the way out in the laby inth
By Dominique Cochard

f

METELKOVA N E T W O R K

Hov/ to Introduce METELKOVA NETVVORK?

First it was only the idea, today it is the real project.

Metelkova is an association, vvhich indudes about seventy known and unknovvn
groups and over two hundred fifty individuals. Our members are painters, musicians,
designers, the people who are working in different socialization/ education groups,

photographers, dancers, actors...

The main aim of Metelkova network is to acquire the army building on Metelkova
Street in Ljubljana for our intentions, vvhich are:

□

that many artists, social movements, alternative groups, that have not places
for their work now at last get them

to connect, organize and represent culture in Ljubljana

to contribute by a larger demilitarisation activities in Slovenia

□

change a black and dull building such as barracks on Metelkova Street in a
colourful centre of culture. This centre will be a reflection of Slovene culture

and subculture today and
tomorrow.

We are working from September 1990, formally formed at 22.12.1990. At that time we
organized ourselves in eleven sections:

social-education section, New age section, musical section, paint sections, photo sec¬
tions, section for dance, film, theatre, section of gainfully activity....

Each section has its own representative in vvorking groups. vvhich are occupied vvith
different problems on many fields (public relation, economy, intemal organization,

political lobby;..)

On the way to get that barracks we vvant that people in Ljubljana, Slovenija and other
countries knovv vvhat we are struggling for, vvho we are and what we are doing. So, we
perform the members and our project.vvith happenings, the catalogue pictures of our
artists, video-project and also vvith publishing our ovvn magazine - M-ZIN.

Nobody knovvs, hovv long the way to our culture centre vvill takes, because the
circumstances in Yugoslavia are very complicated, but anyvvay our country vvill
be richer vvith METELKOVA NETVVORK then vvithout iL

So vvish us lučk!

Thank you!

Contact:Mreža za Metelkovo, Mestni trg 13, Ljubljanadel 06122466.

TT It  e Declarati o x\  o f P e a c e

.Armament does not brtng about securlty. The most recent events in the vvorld and in Yugoslavia only afflrm thls.
Investments In the mllitary complex is a blind alley which decreases the posslbllity of non-vloient Solutions of polltical
dlsputes, Withln the indlvidual States, thls slgnlfies a permanent thrcat to democracy. Armament is a bottomless pit vvhich,
for less developed States States in a development crlsis, poses an intolerabie burden to their economy. We are convinced
that a State with its inhabitants and ali lts neighbors can secure safety only on the basis of safety policies founded on
human rights, polltical freedom and sodal and environmental safety. In respect to the neighboring States and people, thls
includes intensive social and diplomatic measures for a non-violent solution and settlement of dlsputes vvlth those States
with which the dlsputes or tenslons odst

The Republic of Slovenia has a special opportunity for deciding in favour of such concepL

As  a State stili in the process of formation, it must newly defme its system and politics, and the military is one of the
basic dilemmas of its development

EJven if the Republic of Slovenia finds a strong army, it stili cannot be a match for its neighboring States. Besides this,
military conflicts on Slovene territory would mean a disaster for Slovenia.

The establishment of Slovenia’s ovvn armed forces would dramatically threaten the already modest accumulation of the
Slovene economy and its inhabitants, while the release of the funds aimed for the armed forces before, would signify a
strong incenlive for development during the most crilical moment of restructuring the economy. The Republic of Slovenia
spends more for military purposes than it does for education, more than it gives for health čare, and ten times as much as it
gives for culture, social čare and empIoymčnt, Slovenia is situated in a region vvhere the possibility of copflict is a constant
reality, or at least on its perimeters, thus through the abolishment of the armed force and the development of institutiohs
for the peaceful solution of disputes as also through the implementation of peace policies, Slovenia could substantially
contribute to a peaceful outcome of the situalion in Yugoslavia and elsewhere. Prcsenting itself to the world in the
framevvork of its efforts for intemational recognition as a State of good will, Slovenia strives for the achievement of global
peace, peace vvhich cannot be achieved through national military and dcfence concepts.

The Republic of Slovenia has a professional and well organized units of civil defence.

Last but not least, Slovenia has a strong historical tradition in striving to achieve the peaceful establishment of political
democracy and State sovereignty.

THE DECLARATION OF PEACE:

We stand fon

* A sovereign Slovenia, a peaceful State vvhich actively contribules to global peace; a Slovenia vvithout armed forces or
military industry.

* An article on peace in the nevv Slovene constitution vvhich is to be vvorked as follovvs: “ The Republic of Slovenia is a
demilitarized State. The transitory period required for demilitarization is to be regulated by constitutional lavvs”

* A transitory period until the achievement of total demilitarization, during vvhich the police force and the existing units
of territorial defence vvill čare for the security of the borders of the Republic of Slovenia.

* A cessation of the sending of Service men from Slovenia to compulsory military Service in the Yugoslav People's Army
as a composite part of the realization of the Plebiscite(referendum).

* The termination of further armament in Slovenia and in Yugoslavia. ■

* The beginning of negotiations vvith the federation conccming the vvithdravval of the forces and institutions of the YPA
from Slovenia.

* The elaboration of a peace means of resolving the Yugoslav crisis.

* The introduction of a culture of peaceful and non-violent values into the system of education and upbringing and the
establishment of institutions for peace, vvhich shall study and creatc a nevv system of securiry on the foundations of good
intemational relations.

In Slovenia, independence, demilitarization and the implementation of peaceful policies for safety are to procecd simulta-
neously.

Name and Surname

Addrcss

Signature

Ali slgnatures to be sent to the Center for the culture of Peace and non-violence, Mestni trg 13,61000 Ljubljana, Yugos!avia.